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ENGLISH

NONCONFORMITY.

BY

ROBERT VAUGHAN,

D.D.

LONDON:

JACKSON, WALFORD, AND

HODDER,

ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD.

MDCCCLXII.
London : Benjamin Pardon, Printer, Paternoner Ro-

PREFACE.

Thji Exodus of nearly two thousand ministers from their
cures in the Church of England, as an act of fidelity to
conscience in 1662, 'was an event fraught with -weighty
lessons to the Christian, and which should not be with
out interest to the Philosopher and the Statesman.
In the autumn of last year the Committee of the
Congregational Union of England and Wales resolved
to convene an assembly of pastors and delegates from
the different parts of the kingdom, to deliberate on
what should be done in commemoration of that event.
One decision of that assembly was, that a volume
should be issued on that chapter in our national history,
considered in its relation to our earlier ecclesiastical
annals, and to our modern Nonconformity. The
present publication owes its origin to that decision.
But it is proper to state that the responsibility of the
Committee appointed to carry that resolution into effect
is restricted to their having entrusted this service to my
hands. No one besides myself is in the slightest
degree accountable for any statement or expression

iv Preface.
that will be found in these pages. The volume, I
believe, expresses opinions and feelings -which are com
mon among English Congregationalists, but no individual
is bound by anything I have written.
Our spiritual forefathers may not have been perfect
men, but my impression is, that, take them for all in all,
neither the world nor the church has seen such men else
where in modern times. No small effort has been made
of late to detract from their just claim on our gratitude
and admiration. If I have written somewhat largely in
their defence, the reason -will be obvious.
It is -with a full foresight of the hostile criticism to
which the results of my labour may be exposed that I
commit them to the press. But in the battle of opinion,
the place of a book is generally determined according
to its merit. The man -who is not prepared calmly
to abide that issue should not challenge it. It must
suffice for me to say, that I have endeavoured to acquit
myself- honestly towards the dead, and usefully towards
the living.
Robert Vaughan.
St. John's Terrace, Regent's Park,
Oct. 4, i86z.

CONTENTS.

BOOK I.
^Elttigtouj! ULifc tii CnglaiiU bdou 1660.
CHAPTER I.
Religious Life in the Early Church.
Christianity and the individual conscience — The old pagan faiths came from public
authority — Specialty of the Hebrew government — Spirituality of the Christian
Dispensation — Church and State — Eflect of secular pretensions in regard to reli
gion — ^The two forces face to face — Sources of spiritual power in the early
church — The assemblies of primitive believers — iVIanifestation of spiritual life in
the early Church — Simplicity of usage in the early Church — Early British Chris
tianity — Early religious life among the Anglo-Saxons — Purpose of this chapter. Page 1
CHAPTER II.
Religious Life in the Middle Age.
The institute ofthe Christian ministry is unique — Priests and philosophers in heathen
dom — Religious teaching among the Hebrews; the priest; the prophet; the
synagogue — Historical position of the Christian ministry — Impress of its intelli
gence on the Middle Age — Restoration of State-religion and its eft'ect — Disputes
concerning patronage and power — Growth of sacerdotal theories — Track of light
through the darkness — Spiritual hfe in the Religious Orders — Mediaeval volun
taryism — The voluntary controversy in the fifteenth century — ^Wycliffe and the
Lollards — Free opinions anfong the clergy — Summary. Page 19

vi Contents.

CHAPTER III.
Religious Life under the Tudors.
N«w relations ofthe State to the Church from the time of the Reformation — Sum of
the Reformation effected by Henry VIII.— Growth among the people of a Pro
testant party — The Reformation under Edward VI. — The first Book of Common
Prayer — The doctrine of the Eucharist — Second revision of Book of Common
Prayer — Acts of Uniformity a Protestant innovation — Character of Edward's
Second Book— Accession of Elizabeth — Her Book of Common Prayer — Penalties
attached to the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity — Court of High Commission
— Rise ofthe Nonconformist controversy— Strength of Puritanism - Policy of
the Queen— Points at issue between the Court, the Clergy, and the Puritans-
Progress of the Controversy — The Mar-Prelate tracts— Origin and growth of
Separatism — Principle of the controversy — The divine right of conscience and
the divine right of kings ... . P^g^ 37

CHAPTER IV.
Religious Life in England from the Death of Elizabeth to the Death
of Croinwell.
James I. loses his love of Presbytery — The Puritan petition — Action of the Universi
ties — Conference at Hampton Court — Effect of the king's policy on the Pu
ritans — Persecution — Puritan opinion during James's reign — The king obtains an
unconstitutional opinion from the council and judges — New translation of the
Bible — 'The Book of Sports' — State of society — Rise ofthe High Anglican school
of churchmen — The Court party — Puritans and patriots — The Puritan and his
Bible — Social position of the Puritans — Uses of this retrospect — Charles's im
policy — Language of his friends — What may be said for the Commons from 1625
to 1629 — Parliaments in abeyance: arbitrary rule — Laud's theory of Church and
State — State of public feeling at this time — War inevitable, and why — Religious
feeling in the Long Parliament — Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton released — Po
pular ovation — Committee of inquiry concerning oppressed ministers — Petition
from the Londoners against Episcopacy, December, 1640 — The Commons deny
legislative power to the clergy — Laud charged with high treason — Opposition to
secular functions of the clergy — Bill to abolish the hierarchy — Impeachment of
the bishops — The Commons begin their reforms in public worship — The Assem
bly of Divines — Scotch Alliance : the League and Covenant — The Covenant
modified at Westminster — The Directory for Worship, August, 1645 — Fall of
the hierarchy — Proceedings against the Episcopal clergy — Committees and the
clergy — Persecution of the Puritan ministers — The Anglo-CathoIic clergy ne
glect and disparage preaching — Social position of parochial clergy in seventeenth cen
tury — Cases of immorality before Sir £. Dering's committee — Sum ofthe evidence
adduced — ' White's Century of Scandalous Ministers ' — Charles's injunctions
to the clergy — Position assumed towards the country by the king and by the par-

Contents. vii

liament — Conformity of EpiscopaUan clergymen — conscientious Nonconformists —
General character of the disaffected clergy — Number of the sequestered clergy —
Parliament becomes more Presbyterian and intolerant — Act against heresy and
blasphemy — Migration of English Separatists to Holland, to America— Character
of the latter — Their grand motive — Their ideal state — New union of Church and
State — The New England churches all Congregational — Charge of persecution —
Cases of Roger Williams, Mrs. Hutchinson, and the Quakers— Progress ofthe prin
ciple of toleration among the English Separatists — Henry Jacob's petition for liberty
of worship, 1 609 — The Baptists and religious liberty — Combination against the
Independents — Lords Brooke and Say — The non-resistance controversy — Bridge's
Reply to Feme — ^The Independents and the Westminster Assembly — The Apo
logetical Narration — Contests between Independents, Presbyterians, and Erastians —
Dispute concerning disciphne — Presbyterians will not tolerate Independency —
Neal on the conduct of the Presbyterians — How the Independents grew strong in
the army — Source of the political importance of the Independents — Jealousy ofthe
Covenanters — Circumstances and conduct of Cromwell — He is assailed in Parlia
ment — Proposes the self-denying Ordinance — Position of the Independents after
the battle of Naseby — Insincerity of the king — Intolerant schemes of the Pres
byterians — ImpoUcy of the Parliament — Disorders from the Covenanters —
England becomes .¦ Commonwealth — Disaffection of the Presbyterians — Com
missioners for examination of ministers — Conference about 'Fundamentals' —
Cromwell's views on religious Uberty — Religion between 1640 and 1660 —
England's new social position — Relation of this change to the Independents —
England degraded before Europe by James and Charies — The change under the
Commonwealth — Outburst of miUtary greatness — Our maritime power —
National industry — Intellectual life .... Page 65

BOOK II.
%\)t ConftS^ors of 1662,

CHAPTER I.
Causes ofthe Restoration.
Causes of the Restoration— Death of Cromwell— Conduct ofthe army— Long unsettled-
ness of the country — Alarm of the Presbyterians— Strength of the Royalists —
Royalist promises — Declaration from Breda . . . Page 209

viii Contents.

CHAPTER II.
Tlje Concessions ofthe Nonconformists in 1660. .
Agitation preceding the return of the King — Policy of Clarendon — Promises to the
Presbyterians — Meeting of the King and the Presbyterians — Proposal for a
Conference — Proposals of ministers in 1660 — .The Nonconformists and Epis
copacy — Usher's 'Reduction of Episcopacy' — The Liturgy — On ceremonies —
Presbyterian Concessions ...... Page 223

CHAPTER III.
Ground taken iy the Bishops in 1 660.
Unfair and discourteous proceeding of the bishops — Their Answer to the terms of
conformity named by the ministers, and Baxter's Rejoinder — ^The prelates and
Usher's ' Reduction' — Baxter's remonstrance — The Liturgy and ceremonies Page 234

CHAPTER IV.
Concessions from the King — Declaration from Worcester House.
The King becomes a church reformer — New Declaration — How received by the
ministers — The Meeting at Worcester House — Difficulty as to the word
'consent,' and as to toleration — The Revised Declaration — The offer of the
bishoprics — The London Ministers thank the King for the Declaration — The
Declaration a failure — Popular feeling — Scandals among the clergy . Page 245

CHAPTER V.
Case of the Nonconformists in the Conference at the Savoy in 1 661.
PreUminaries to the conference— The Commission — The prelates take the same
course as in 1660 — Baxter dissents from his brethren — His exceptions to the
Book of Common Prayer— The joint 'Exceptions' from the ministers— The
Nonconformists on ancient liturgies — Exceptions to vestments, to the intoning
of the Lessons, as to pastoral discipUne, preaching, kneeling at communion,
baptism, the catechism, confirmation, visitation of the sick, the burial service 
Summary — Baxter's liturgy — ' The Petition for Peace ' . . Page 259

Contents. ix

CHAPTER VI.
Policy of the Bishops in the Conference at the Savoy in 1661 ; and
its Exposure by the Nonconformists,
Reply of the prelates to the Exceptions of the ministers — The ministers' Rejoinder —
Their view as to the asserted past utility of the liturgy — The bishops will rescind
only what is proved unlawful — Their further objections against liturgical reform —
Uses of this summary — The ministers press for a personal conference — Discussion
to be by written papers — Personal altercations— Bishop Cosins's paper — Con
clusion of the Conference — Address to the king , . . Page 279

CHAPTER vn.
Convocation and the Prayer Book.
The Episcopalians in the Savoy Conference — The Parliament of 1661 — Hesitation as
to summoning Convocation — Policy of Charles and Clarendon — Convocation
¦ summoned — Parliament orders the public burning ofthe League and Covenant —
A Convocation summoned by the Archbishop of York — The revision of the
Prayer Book in 1662 — Summary ..... Page 303

CHAPTER VIII.
Parliament and the Act of Uniformity.
The ecclesiastical question in the Convention Parliament.p-The Convention ParUament
and the King's Declaration — Venner's insurrection, and its uses to the Govern
ment — The election for the City of London ; defeat of the Government —
Meeting of the pensionary parliament — The bishops restored to their seats in
parUament — Action of parliament in respect ofthe Liturgy — The session of 1662
— The King's new policy — The Act of Uniformity — Summary . Page 316

CHAPTER IX.
The Independents in relation to the Act of Uniformity.
The 'moderate' Independents — 'Humble petition and advice' from the parlia
ment to Cromwell, 1657 — Meeting of the Independents at the Savoy, 1658 —
Their opinion on the duty of the magistrate with respect to religion — Their
liberaUty — Milton and the Independents — The consistent Independents — Milton
on the civil power in ecclesiastical causes — The Independents and Presbyterians
— Odium on the former under the Restoration, and why — Ejected Independents Pags 33S

Contents.

CHAPTER X.
Church and State before the Exodus.
Misgiving of the Government not without reason — Pacific conduct of the Independents
after the Restoration — Are watched by Government spies — The Government
affects great alarm — The Corporation Act — Restraint on the press — Fate of the
regicides — Case of Sir Harry Vane — Sanguinary policy of the restored dynasty —
Character of Charles — The Protector's court and Charles's — The Commonwealth
not to blame for the excesses of the Restoration — Influence of court manners on
the country — Known habits ofthe king before the ejectment of 1662 — Conduct
of the clergy and of the new House of Commons — Relation of this retrospect to
the great event of 1662 ...... Page 357

CHAPTER XI.
August, 1662.
Publication of the revised liturgy — The main terms of conformity were known before
— Provision against hasty ejectment — Interval after the passing of the Act — ¦
The mental struggle — The sequestered and the ejected — Conscience in past and
present — The 17th of August — Farewell sermons — Baxter — Dr. Jacomb — Dr.
Bates — Calamy — Lye — Sclater — Collins — Evening of the 17th of August — Cir
cumstances ofthe ejected — Divided judgment among the Nonconformists — Con
formists — Nonconformists — RituaUsm in histoiy . . . Page 377

BOOK III.
©nglfe]^ ^oitcoitfonnit^ Stnce 1662.

CHAPTER I.
Bad Treatment and a Good Confession.
Charles is not satisfied — Another Declaration, how a failure  Repudiated by Par
Uament — Spies and informers still— The Conventicle Act — The Five-mile Act
— The Nonconformists and the sufferers from the plague  Sufferings of the
Nonconformists— Instances from the persecution — Nonconformists' testimony. Page 401

Contents. xi

CHAPTER II.
Progress of Religious Liberty.
The Parliament becomes free-spoken — Effect of the free spirit in the Commons — Fall
of Clarendon — Buckingham affects the Uberal — The Commons will be intolerant
— Romanists the great impediment to toleration — Comparative Uberty of the
Nonconformists — Comprehension and toleration scheme attempted — The great
storm raised by it — Sheldon and Parker — Owen — Andrew Marvel — Revival of all
the Conventicle Act — Trial of Penn and Mead — Charles issues his Declaration
of Indulgence — Nonconformists avail themselves of it — Three thousand places
licensed for worship — Parliament condemns the Indulgence, but will favour
the dissenters — The Commons deceive the Nonconformists — Defrauded of their
Relief Bill — Grand Debate on the non-resisting test — The Popish Plot and the
CathoUc Exclusion Act — The Succession and the Exclusion Bill — Revolution in
pubUc feeling since 1660 — James II. — Persecution ofthe Nonconformists — The
new parUament — Monmouth's RebelUon — The king suspends the Test Laws —
The king, resisted by the church, courts the Nonconformists — His Declaration
for liberty of conscience — -Conduct ofthe Nonconformists. — Second Declaration of
Indulgence — William and Mary — Act of Toleration . . Page 420

CHAPTER III.
The Progress of Religious Life.
Ejectment supposed impossible, and why — ReUgion left in the EstabUshed Church
after 1662 — What was to have been expected — What really came — How
spiritual life was nurtured — The Comprehension Bill, why a failure — Retrocession
under Anne — New relations of Church and State — The age of light without life —
Nonconformity suffers from declension in the Established church — A Methodist
controversy — Trouble from Antinomianism — The Arian controversy — DecUne of
the Presbyterians — Nonconformity before the rise of Methodism — Special mission
of Methodism — Retrospect ..... Page 455

APPENDIX.

BOOK I.
Religious Life in England before 1660.
-^-
CHAPTER L
Ecltgious Hife in tlje lEarlg Cfjurrij.
HE religion of Christ is eminently a religion of book i.
conviction. It addressed itself at first, not to chriltiTnity
the men by whom multitudes are governed, i'^j^i^iduai
but to the individuals of whom multitudes are '^""science.
composed. It isolated the conscience of each man,
and said to the man thus placed apart, ' Receive our
' message, and thou shalt live ; to reject it will be to
' perish.' It ever pointed toward things to be done
from conviction ; to nothing as to be done by proxy
or by constraint. If it affected multitudes or com
munities, it was by reaching them through the con
sciences of persons, not through the laws of princes.
Its starting point was from the base upwards, not from
the summit downwards. Nations are great only as
they are intelligent and virtuous. So churches were to
be great only as they should be made to consist of
instructed, convinced, and regenerated men.

Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

From this circumstance the religious life of the early
pagan fiiiths church bccamc a life of its own order. The nations
puuic^""" had seen nothing like it before. All religions, indeed,
authority. ^gj.g supposed to be grounded in faith, and the people
were all supposed to act from conviction. But priests
and magistrates had not been wont to wait, after the
Christian manner, until faith should be voluntarily
embraced, and conviction should come as the natural
outgrowth of instruction. Over the great domain of
heathendom, princes accounted it a most important part
of their function to suppress all religions supposed to
be false, and to uphold the religion supposed to be true.
In the discharge of this supposed duty, their great
instrument was the sword. Every religious act, accord- ;
ingly, was an act of obedience, not only to a divinity,
but to a priest and to a magistrate. The inward con
viction might be present or absent, but the outward
obedience was imperative.
Speciality of Hcbrcw kings, also, were to uphold the true relieion,
the Hebrew , \ r\ -^ t^ . . . ^ . '
govern- and to supprcss the raise. But their mission was special.
We find no credentials like theirs either in the past or
the present. When modern princes can trace their
office to a special revelation, attested by miracles, men
may safely bow to their authority after the old Hebrew
manner. It is clear that the first preachers of the Gospel
regarded their message as a message which they were
bound to promulgate, without waiting for the authority
of law from the prince, or for synodical action in their
favour from the priest. 'And they called them, and
' commanded them not to speak at all, nor teach in the
' name of Jesus. But Peter and John answered and said
' unto them. Whether it be right in the sight of God
' to hearjcen unto you more than unto God, judge ye.

ment.

Religious Life in the Early Church.

CHAP. I.

' For we cannot but speak the things which we have
' seen and heard.'*
So clear was it that the kingdom of Christ was not a SpirituaUty
kingdom of this world. It was a kingdom founded christijn
wholly on moral forces. It claimed no alliance with tim^"^^"
secular law. It simply prayed to be let alone. Its
empire was in the mind. It meddled not with body or
goods. It left care on such matters to Cassar, to whom
it rightly pertains.
But that one expression, " empire in the mind," Church and
reveals the secret of much that was to follow. Religion
was the great influence by which sovereigns brought
mind, as well as body, into subjection to their sway.
The magistrate might destroy the body, but after that
there was no more that he could do. But by means of
religion and of the priest he might destroy both body
and soul in hell. The sword gave him rule over the
material and the present ; but superstition was made to
extend his dominion over the spiritual and the future.
It was no small matter to be able to move this world by
the terrors of the next. Hence the man who was the
great ruler of the Roman Empire in that day was its
great priest — its Pontifex Maximus. Hence, also, to
affirm that the authority of Cassar might be good in
such matters as buying and selling, but that it could
not be good as extended to religion, was construed as an
attempt to deprive that potentate of half his empire,
and of much the most important half. To make light
of his laws in secular matters was declared to be sedition,
or it may be treason. To make light of his laws in
religious matters was declared to be both treason and
impiety. It was natural that a proscribed rehgion
* Acts iv. 18-20. B 2

ReUgious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK 1. should be denounced as the greatest of crimes, in
asmuch as the authority to which it was opposed was
assumed to be the most momentous and the most sacred.
Conflict Looking at these positions of Church and State,
secular and positions SO clcarly before us in the early Christian
^ J spin - ^gj^^yj-jgg^ j(. jg g^gy ^-q ggg ^j^^t from thls sourcc con
tentions of the gravest description would come. Con
viction in Christian souls is sure to show itself more or
less self-reliant and independent ; and the love of power
elsewhere is sure to be such as to spare no pains to
discountenance such self-reliance, and to crush such
independence. In looking at the ecclesiastical proceed
ings of 1662, in our history. In their relation to these
causes, we shall meet with many sad illustrations of the
antagonism which has never ceased to spring from this
source.
The two Within the walls of ancient Rome, and in that part
face to face, of the vast Inclosurc where the ruins of the ancient city
stand apart, and crumble into deeper ruin in com
parative solitude, there is one structure which rises
higher than the rest, and is more gigantic than the rest.
Several of the hills, so memorable from the Incidents
connected with them In Roman history, slope down
towards the level on which that edifice rests. The form
of the building is circular, the outward surface rising In
one upward line from the base to the summit. There
are many ways of entrance. Passing through one of
those arched passages, you reach an even floor In the
interior, forming a vast circle. Walls rise to the height
of some twenty feet around the edge of that circle, and
from that elevation benches range off, each higher,
wider, and more distant than the former, until the vast
basin marks its outline on the open sky, and presents

Religious Life in the Early Church. 5
sitting room in the nearer, or standing room on the chap. i.
further circles, for some seventy or eighty thousand
persons. There were occasions when around on those
front seats might be seen the emperor and his family,
the patrician nobles, constituting the senate of Rome,
and the ambassadors of foreign countries. Beyond
were men and women splendidly attired. In the next
gradation of rank and opulence ; and beyond those you
might see a mass of heads from the busy life of Rome,
terminating with the lowest class, who press upon each
other on the standing room upon the highest and outer
curve of the edifice. Such was the appearance of the
interior of the Colosseum on a Roman holiday.
But for what were all these persons brought together
— brought together day after day, and sometimes week
after week ? The answer to this question is not to the
honour of Roman civilization. That multitude has
come into that place in search of pleasure, and the
pleasure they seek is to see the strongest and most
ferocious animals let loose upon each other down upon
that central floor, or to see men wrestle to death there
with men, or with infuriated beasts. Between the suc
cessive exhibitions of this nature, the spectators eat and
drink, and joke and laugh. Should the excitement
flag, from the repetition of these scenes, you may hear
the cry raised — " The Christians to the lions ! " And if
that cry becomes sufficiently general, officers are sent to
the prisons, and a supply of Christians is furnished.
The modern Christian can hardly stand for the first
time on that floor, at the base of that huge structure,
and look up at those now mouldering benches, and not
picture to lumself his brother Christian who was made
to stand there, long centuries ago, that he might furnish

6

Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Sources of
spiritual power in
the early
Church.

amusement to that pitiless multitude by doing batde
with the hungry lion before him. Was it a marvel
that the ancestors of such a people should have been
described as suckled by a wolf ? Or that the mildest
of the apostles should have spoken of that Roman
" world" as " lying in wickedness ?"
But If the Colosseum multitude was representative of
the people and power of Rome, so that Christian man
thrust before them was also a representative — a repre
sentative of Christianity and of Christ. He might be
the Image of weakness to the outward sense, but he
was the reality of power from the spiritual Influences
which were embodied in him. The two great forces
which were to try their strength against each other in
the world of the future, were there face to face. We
know that in this struggle, the force which was ap
parently so much the weakest, was to prove the
strongest. The great religious and social system,
shadowed forth in that Colosseum multitude, is to
be unwoven and displaced, almost to its last shred, and
the man on that blood-stained floor is the presence of
the power by which that work is to be done. Even
the Roman eagles are to submit to the might of the
Cross. But whence came this strength beneath so much
apparent weakness ? Partly from a Divine power which
we can comprehend but imperfectly, and partly from
moral causes which It is not difficult to understand.
The old religions of the world had lost much of their
influence, and man is not made to live without a
religious faith of some kind. Christianity proclaimed
itself as adapted to this sense of want — as the new,
the higher, the nobler manifestation of which the world

Religious Life in the Early Church. 7
was so much in need. There was much also In the
credentials of the new faith to secure attention.
There was the evidence in its favour derived from
history. The first preachers of the Gospel were careful
to show that Christianity was no mere accident in the
story of the world. It was, in their apprehension, the
fulfilment of a purpose as old as the beginning. With
the entrance of sin came the proclamation of redemp
tion. Nay, more : what was done in the fulness of
time was done in accordance with doctrines older than
the foundation of the world. Ifthey preached to Jews,
a great part of their argument was that they taught
no other things than Moses and the prophets did say
should come. If they preached to Gentiles, they were
careful to affirm that the God who had sent his Son
into the world to teach and save it, was the God who
had made all nations of one blood, who had never ceased
to rule over them, and had filled their hearts from age
to age with food and gladness. They felt the advantage
of being able to look to Christianity as thus rooted in
the past. An antique grandeur was thrown about it as
it was thus made to hold its place as a part, and in
reality as the most significant part, in the great scheme
of the world's creation, government, and history. The
Hebrew Scriptures, from which these conceptions were
derived, had been watched over and preserved, as sacred
writings, with a singular care. There were no writings
of that age claiming such antiquity, and none so well
attested. Not to believe in the history of the Hebrews
was not to beheve in remote history at all. If the past
of the world, as reported In those writings, was not to
be credited, then the world could scarcely be said to
have a past that could be known to the present.

chap. I.

Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. Throughout those writings, coming from so many
different men, and through so many centuries, there
was one special note of prophecy, declaring that the
time would come when a greater than the prophets—
a greater even than Moses himself, would appear, to
become a light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory
of his people Israel. It is said of our Lord, that
' beginning at Moses and all the prophets, he ex-
' pounded in all the scriptures the things concerning
' himself. '* The apostles made appeals of this nature
constantly, in the hearing both of Jews and Gentiles.
Next came the evidence from miracles. In the Old
Testament the supernatural was seen to be interwoven
with the natural, showing that the voice which spoke
from those oracles was the voice of God. The mira
cles of the New Testament are distinguished, for the
most part, by some strong characteristics, from those of
the Old Testament. They are not like those recorded
by Moses, Joshua, or Danlel-^great physical miracles,
wrought in the sight of whole communities and nations.
They are nearly all miracles of healing and of mercy.
They are signs, not more of power than of pity. They
come upon us without noise and without observation,
like the dew, and like it, they are everywhere beauti
ful and refreshing. The circumstances under which
they present themselves are most natural. The effects
described as resulting from them are no less natural. The
world in that day was full of pretension to the super
natural. But of all impostors the pretenders to such
power are the most easily detected. It is not given to
them to know where to stop. We see this strikingly in the
legends of the Romanists. Everything in the Christian
* Luke xxiv. 27.

Religious Life in the Early Church.

miracles seemed to say that the Divine power had come chap. i.
to the earth, not to destroy men's lives, but to save
them. In this manner, history, prophecy, and miracle
were made to dispose men to hearken to His voice who
had often said in vain — " Hear, and your souls shall
live." These were among the materials of thought, and
the means of conviction, which prompted the early believers
in Christ to avow themselves Christians.
But to discern clearly the modes of thinking, and the
spiritual experiences, in the Christian mind of that age,
we must look beyond the attestations ofthe Gospel to
the Gospel itself. This was the grand source of the
new life by which such minds were distinguished.
Heathen men in that day, when assured that the
Divine Being had spoken supernaturally to mankind,
would expect to find many of the probable con
clusions of reason confirmed by such utterances, and
to find much revealed to them which they could
not otherwise have known. All the doctrines of the
Gospel are truths of this latter kind. They consist
of disclosures concerning what God has resolved to do
for men. They consist, accordingly, oi facts, and of
facts which become such by Divine action, and which
must be placed before us by Divine communication,
if we are to have any knowledge of them. We may
reason ourselves into the belief that God is just, and
good, and merciful ; but the manifestation of those
perfections through an Incarnation, an Atonement, and
the gift of the Holy Spirit, is not an enunciation of
principles discoverable by reason, but an announcement
of facts, which can be known only as matters of history.
Again, these facts implied others. The Incarnation
implied some deep need in man, and it manifested
B 3

IO Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

The assem
blies of
primitive believers.

what God was prepared to do to become his helper.
The Atonement implied human guilt, and disclosed
the way of forgiveness. The gift of the Holy Spirit
implied a bondage to sin, and showed how the bonds
men were to be made free. Gentiles had long con
fessed, in a thousand ways, their need of teaching and
help, and here was a ministration meeting that need.
Many, accordingly, on hearing the Gospel, cast them
selves upon It. Believing themselves forgiven, they
found peace of conscience. Confiding In this pro
mised spiritual aid, their struggles against the base
tendencies of their appetites and passions was no longer
a struggle in vain. The Gospel seemed to be all this
when first announced to them. Their growing trust
In It made it to be all this increasingly in their own
consciousness. Let the reader imagine himself in an assembly of
primitive believers — say. In the great assembly at Antioch.
The doors are open. Men of the city enter to look on,
and pass away. Presently some of the strangers are
heard to ask why It Is that the persons present have thus
manifestly forsaken the religion of their country ? One
of the pastors occupies the desk. He requests the
brethren to be silent, and says — The question which
the strangers have proposed is a very reasonable one,
and one which he is prepared to answer in their behalf
He then sets forth this evidence from history, from
prophecy, from miracle, from the nature of the Gospel,
and from its effect upon the hearts and lives of Christians,
and turning from the strangers to the Christians before
him, he inquires — ' Is it, or is it not, for such reasons,
' that you have abandoned the religion of the past, and
' professed yourselves Christians ?' And you may easily

Religious Life in the Early Church. 1 1 chap. I.
conceive of them as rising from their seats, while they —
answer, ' Yes, verily, it is for such reasons that we avow
' ourselves disciples of Christ, and hope to live and die
' so doing. '
Such, In substance, was the rehgious life of the early Manifesta-
church. The fruit of the character thus realized was spiritual life
such as might be expected to spring from It. Part of church.
this fruit is seen in their zeal to diffuse the faith which
they had embraced. A strong tendency towards a mul
tiplication of itself is one of the characteristic laws of all
life. Every church was then a mission church. Almost
every man and woman was a missionary. The merchant
who became a Christian talked of Christianity as he
travelled with his fellow merchants. The soldier, when
he became converted, felt bound to speak concerning the
Gospel to his fellow soldiers. On this theme the Christian
master could speak to his slave, and even the slave some
times ventured to name the name of Christ to his master.
In this manner all were preachers. Hence the multi
tudes of Christians in Rome in the time of Nero. Hence
the greater number still in Bithynia, some thirty years
later, where, as Pliny assures us, nearly the whole country
had relinquished their old faith.*
Another fruit of the earnest spiritual life in the
early church is seen in the manner in which they sub
ordinated everything institutional and ceremonial, to
what was inward and spiritual. In a part of the world
where everything religious had hitherto been so thickly
overlaid with ritualism, as to seem to be concealed and
smothered by it, a people make their appearance in
whose estimation such merely bodily exercise is of no
value. Even in this respect, nothing short of an in-
* Lardner's Jewish and Heathen Testimonies.

12 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. gpii-ation from heaven could have created such a people
in such /circumstances.
oHsa-'e' fn Supposc yoursclf in communion with a church in that
the early ^ You wlsh to travcl to some distant province. The
Church. o *¦
officers furnish you with your letters of " commendation,"
¦which will suffice to ensure you a Christian welcome
wherever Christians are found. Many were the great
cities in those times. You enter one of these. On
either hand are stately mansions, with terraced gardens
and marble statuary, bespeaking the patrician wealth
and taste of their owners. You pass through magnifi
cent squares, where temples, theatres, and other public,
structures rise like miracles of art. But to discover the
residence of the Christian pastor you must turn away
from those opulent quarters towards the homes of a less
wealthy class of citizens. At length you reach the
dwelling you have sought. You obtain admission. The
good man presents himself to you. He reads your letter.
He is satisfied, and gives you his warm right hand of
Christian greeting, and perhaps impresses the kiss of
brotherhood upon your forehead. He Inquires how it
has fared with you by the way, and with the churches in
the cities through which you have passed. He tells you
somewhat of the recent experiences of the church of
which he is a minister, of its joys and sorrows, of its
successes and its injuries, and perhaps of the special
happiness of the brethren on the last Lord's-day, when
an epistle from Paul or Peter was read for the first time
in their hearing. You go with him on the approaching
first day of the week to the place of meeting. It is no
magnificent structure reared to public worship. The
Christians of those days dared not raise such edifices
if they could. The great attraction of the spot probably

Religious Life in the Early Church. 13
is its promise of comparative quiet and safety. What chap, i,
is a sacred day to them is a common day to the great
heathen world about them. The pastors read portions
of the Greek version of the Old Testament, and deliver
the word of exposition and exhortation. Prayer is
offered for all men. And if it may be safely done
they sing hymns of praise to Christ, as their God and
Redeemer. Before they separate they break the sacra
mental bread, and drink together of the sacramental cup.
The busy or the gay multitude without rush on with their
wonted noise and heedlessness. But it is the privilege
of those devout hearts to hear a voice saying to them —
' Fear not, little flock, for it is your Father's good
' pleasure to give you the kingdom.' With them, such
is their simplicity and freedom of worship, the act of
worship consecrates all times and all places. The few
rites with which they were familiar may be observed any
where, and their personal piety may be strong in the
absence of all such outward things. Hierarchical pomp,
and the arrogant sacerdotalism, so obtruded upon us
and so mischievous In later times, were then unknown.
Associated with this religious zeal, and this strong
spiritual element, were great courage and great power of
endurance. Not to bow to the laws of the empire con
cerning religion was, as we have seen, to become liable
to the charge of sedition and treason. But the Gospel
made the refusal of obedience to those laws an imperative
obligation. To obey Cassar in such matters was to be
unfaithful to Him who had spoken to them from God.
Hence Christians were regarded as pronouncing them
selves traitors by their very profession. When it was
deemed expedient to persecute them, this was the ground
taken against them.

14 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Early Bri
tish Chris
tianity.

We do not, of course, mean to say that all persons who
assumed the Christian name in those times were emi
nently pious, or even pious at all ; nor do we say that all
believers in the early church were endowed with the
spirit of martyrdom. We speak of what was common,
not of what was invariable. The spirit of self-sacrifice
evinced by Christians in their lives, and often In their
deaths— sometimes by the sword, sometimes by fire,
sometimes by the lions, and not unfrequently in the
dungeon and the mines — was a potent influence in
attracting others to the cross. It will be seen, then,
that the faith of believers in the early ages of the church
was a faith rooted in conviction, and nurtured by intelli
gence ; and that it created deep spiritual feeling, such as
made men zealous for the propagation of their creed,
little concerned about the symbols of religion when
compared with the reality ; and brave, even to mar
tyrdom, when the hour of trial came upon them. It is
something to know that the earlier disciples of Christ
were men and women of this type. The evidence which
made them all this must have been great. The teaching
which trained them to all this must have been teaching
which had produced deep personal conviction. The
power which sustained them through all this must have
been Divine. For it must be remembered that the pro
mise of the Gospel was not the promise of a sensuous or
a communistic paradise. To the believer In that day,
the present was dark — a region subject to the powers of
darkness. The brightness on his path came from a
distance — from above.
To the spontaneous impulse of minds brought under
such influences we must attribute the introduction of
Christianity Into Britain. The notion that St. Paul

ReUgious Life in the Early Church. 15 CHAP I
preached to our rude ancestors is a fond imagination, — '
and nothing more. The legend concerning King Lucius
and the Popes Evaristus and Eleutherlus, is a manifest
invention from a later time.* During some three cen
turies, the Roman army in Britain was rarely less than
50,000 men.f The civil government must have been
proportionably great, and the settlers In the island under
the Roman protection must have been greatly more
numerous. These strangers came from nearly every
part of the empire, and many of them beyond a doubt
brought Christianity along with them. In the early part
of the fourth century, the council of Aries, assembled
by the Emperor Constantine, consisted of thirty-three
bishops, summoned from Africa and from parts of the
Western Empire, and three of that number were from
Britain. J In the following century, when the Britons
withdrew to the fastnesses of Wales, they did so, not as
pagans, but as Christians. At the close of the sixth
century, Augustine and his monks found them in pos
session of a Christian hierarchy, a Christian hterature,
and a Christian civilization sufficiently strong to eradi
cate any remains of their old faith or usage that might
have been left among them. All these acquisitions they
must have made while under the Romans. There was
no channel through which they could have received them
afterwards. The conversion of the Anglo-Saxons is commonly Early reU

glOU:

s Ufe

attributed to the missionaries sent by Pope Gregory. It among the
is a fact, however, and a fact not sufficiently remem- saxons.
bered by Englishmen, that the conversion of our Saxon

gia. xxxiii. 208 et seq.
f Horsley's Britannia Romana. Book i. c. 6. Book ii. c. I.
J Labbe, Concil. Ed. Harduin. i. 259-270.

1 6 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. ancestors to Christianity is not so much due to Roman
missionaries as to missionaries from another quarter.
We learn from authentic history, that St. Coiumba, and
a humble brotherhood consisting of twelve disciples,
settled in lona, on the coast of Argyleshire, in 654.
The history of this fraternity is the history of men
honestly separated to the pursuit and communication of
religious knowledge. They dwelt in structures formed
of rough hewn wood, and covered with reeds. Every
thing pertaining to their condition was in keeping with
such appearances. Nevertheless, they sent off pious
men to settle In different parts of Scotland and Ireland,
and every such settlement was a centre from which
missionaries went abroad to strengthen the faith of Chris
tians, and to attempt the conversion of the heathen still
left in the land. They possessed many books, laboured
hard to multiply them by transcription, and great was
the value they set on them. What learning the age
possessed was In their keeping, and the authority which
they assigned to the Scriptures, and the devout spirit in
which they studied them, were most exemplary. The
northern half of Anglo-Saxon Britain was brought to
the profession of Christianity by the direct or Indirect
influence of the disciples of St. Coiumba. Through
Bernicia and Deira, the successful labours of the Scottish
missionaries were extended to East Anglia, to Mereia,
and even to Wessex. Anglo-Saxon Britain would have
become Christian through their means had the sen^ice
been left wholly in their hands.*
Purpose of But It must sufficc to Say, that so far Britain had
thischapter. * Bede's Eccles. Hist. Book iii. c. 1-4. Cumin, Fita Columh.
Adaman. t^ita Columb. Pinkerton's Fita- Antiqua Sanctorum. Chron.
Sax. A.D. 565. Malms. De Reg. Book iii. c. 3.

Religious Life in the Early Church. 17
become Christian, first under the Romans, and then chap. i.
under the Saxons, by means of that free and spontaneous
action which we see to have been so characteristic of
Christianity in its earher and purer times. This glance
at religious life in those days must not be thought
irrelevant to our present purpose, inasmuch as the whole
subsequent history of Christianity consists of two great
phases, bearing an intimate relation to what Christianity
then was. The first of these consists in a gradual departure
from that more scriptural standard of faith and feeling,
as seen in the subsequent history of Romanism ; and the
second consists in an effort to return to that standard, as
seen more or less In the history of Protestantism, and
eminently in the history of English Nonconformity.
To use the words of one of the greatest of men, ' Truth
' Indeed came once into the world with her Divine Master,
' and was in perfect shape most glorious to look on : but
' when he ascended, and his apostles after him were laid
' asleep, then straight arose a wicked race of deceivers,
' who — as that story goes of the Egyptian Typhon with
' his conspirators, how they dealt with the good Osiris —
' took the Virgin, Truth, hewed her lovely form into a
' thousand pieces, and scattered them to the four winds.
' From that time, ever since, the sad friends of Truth,
' such as durst appear, imitating the careful search that
' Isis made for the mangled body of Osiris, went up and
* down gathering up limb by limb still as they could find
' them. We have not yet found them all. Lords and
' Commons, nor ever shall do, till her Master's second
' coming : he shall bring together every joint and member,
' and shall mould them into one immortal feature of love-
' liness and perfection.'*
* Milton's Works, Mitford's edition, vol. ii. Areofagitica, 435.

CHAPTER II.

Ecltgious ^iU in tije Jliitil^ ^cje.

HE ministry of the Christian Church Is unique, book i.
It is a teaching and educating ministry. All The insti-
rellglons have had their priesthoods, but none christian^
of them can be said to have been teaching "„'"u^7''
priesthoods. Certainly none of them have been such
at all after the Christian manner. The priesthoods
of Egypt and of the Asiatic empires, though the
depositories of the learning and science of their time,
hoarded those treasures as the wealth distinctive of their
caste. They believed in the maxim that knowledge is
power, and they monopolized the knowledge that they
might monopolize the power. Their knowledge was
made to manifest Itself in architecture, and decoration,.
and ceremonial pomp. But in all that, the Intention
was not so much to teach the ignorant, as to awe them
into subjection. The m.ass of the people were slaves,
and their religion, in common with their diet and their
outward garb, was adapted to their condition. Even the
people who were free, but who were occupied in the
labour and common traffic of the world, were left to

20 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Priests and
philoso phers in
Heathendom.

Religious teaching
among the

the low routine habit of thought In regard to religion
which was supposed to be natural to them.
If we pass from East to West, the aspect of matters
in this respect, though considerably different, can hardly
be deemed an improvement. Among the Greeks and
Romans priests were always an insignificant order of
men. Not a name from that class comes into any
prominence in their history. The Italians, like the
Athenians, were prone enough to superstition. But
this feeling never led them to vest any great power
in a priesthood. If their priests were teachers at all,
it was as holding out the terrors of their religious system
in favour of some of the political or common duties
of life. To uphold temples, to conduct ceremonies
and processions, and to regulate holidays, seem to have
been their great business. The philosophers. Indeed,
who taught everything, taught something about reli
gion. But their teachings on this subject, as on the
rest, were restricted to the upper and well-to-do classes.
To become teachers of the crowds to be seen in the
theatres and market-places was not their mission. Most
of those men, we have reason to suppose, had little faith
in the popular mythology. But they left the people to
their belief in it, evidently concluding that to attempt
to raise them to a higher theism would be worse
than useless. So in the old world, man as man was
left almost untouched by instruction concerning religion,
either from priests or from philosophers. The wisest
seemed to have despaired of raising the common mind
about them Into sympathy with any of the higher forms
of truth, purity, and nobleness.
Of course in the Hebrew nation we see some exception
to this course of things. But even there the teaching

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 21
power in action was of a much more limited description chap, il
than is commonly Imagined. It is observable that in a Hebrews—
. , , , . r • J ¦ • '^^ priest.
system characterized by the minuteness of its directions
concerning everything to be done In connection with
religion, we find no rules laid down to settle when, or
where, or how the priest should acquit himself as a
teacher of the people. The reason of this omission
is not difficult to discover. Men who came to the
office of priesthood among the Hebrews came to it as
a kind of birthright. Being of a particiflar family,
unless some very special reason interposed, a man
passed to the function of a priest, as a matter of
course. But from this circumstance it would follow
that the number of priests gifted with an ' aptness to
teach' would be few. Hence, to lay down rules con
cerning the duties of priests as teachers would be
useless, or something worse. There were, we can
suppose, priests who did teach. But all service of
that nature seems to have been left to be prompted by
individual feeling, and by a consciousness of fitness
for it.
In the office of the prophet we find the teacher. But The pro-
even here the function of the teacher was occasional,
rather than permanent. The prophet was moved to
deliver his message, and having done that, his work
for the time was done. The prophets were not men
taking their position as teachers in given places at given
times. With them, as well as with the priests, the
degree in which they should become instructors of the
people, was left to be determined by the impulses of
their own mind. Through the long interval which pre
ceded the Babylonish captivity, the work of religious
instruction seems to have devolved mainly on the Hebrew

22 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK L
— parent.* One of the happy effects of the chastening
gogue. influence which came with the captivity appears to have
been, that it awakened in the mind of the people a
feeling of want in regard to something more settled
and recurrent in the form of religious service than they
had hitherto possessed. From this time the synagogue
becomes a conspicuous institution in their history. We
do not learn that the synagogue owed its origin to any
command from the magistrate, or to any exhortation
from the priest. Oriental history had never seen any
institution of this nature. Where everything else was
governmental, we here find a very remarkable growth
which Is, in the strictest sense, spontaneous, voluntary,
and independent. The people give it existence, and
they retain possession of it — a self-governing and an
independent possession of it. The elders and rulers
in the synagogue were laymen, and their teaching was,
no doubt, for the most part, very elementary. But it
was teaching widely diffused, and it recurred with the
constancy ofthe Sabbath-day. It Is the nearest approach,
in the times preceding the Advent, to the institution
originated by our Lord, when he said — " Go, preach
the Gospel to every creature — go, teach all nations."
The apostles so entered into the spirit of these in
junctions, that everything seemed to drop into insig
nificance In their history in comparison with teaching.
Nor was it enough that they should teach ; they were
to deposit their lessons with faithful men, who should
be able to teach others. f So the great mission of the
Christian ministry is, to set the world right In its reli
gious thought, its religious ways, and Its religious life.
The power among men which the Christian ministry
* Deut. vi. t 2 Tim. ii. 2.

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 23 chap, il
was thus destined to become, it became, and has con- , . — ,
Historical
tinued to be. The early fathers vanquished the religion position
and philosophy of the old world. In the middle age, christian
the great depositories of knowledge were the Christian '"'"'"'^•
clergy. During the Reformation era, princes were
strong, but preachers were stronger. Since the middle
of the seventeenth century diplomatists have not had so
much to do with religion ; and in the public affairs of
Europe the statesman has taken a precedence of the
divine which he is not likely to lose. But the Christian
minister is still potent. He is so, in some connections, as
allied with the State ; in others simply from acting as an
educating influence on the mind of the people. In this
last sphere the office retains the power proper to it.
With the fall of the Roman empire came the ascend- impress ot
1 • Irt' r 1 i^i • • ¦ • '^' intelU-
ency or men bearing the office or the Christian ministry, gence on
From amidst the ruin brought upon the old civilization ^g^ '"'
those men build up a hierarchy, a scheme of doctrine,
and a form of power, which is to retain its place
unshaken by the changes of a thousand years. It was
a new thing in European history to see the ministers of
religion potent for anything. It was eminently a novelty
to see them thus potent. Dynasties come, and pass
away ; states are divided or consolidated ; whole peoples
are vanquished or displaced ; but amidst all these revo
lutions this creation of ecclesiastical intelligence continues
stable, expands, grows, and seems to make all change
tributory to its own identity and authority. The mind
visible In this achievement may be, in our estimation, to
a large extent misguided. But who will question its
genius for organization, its sagacity in adapting means
to ends, its concentration, its power ? It was not thus,
indeed, that He who ordained his ministers to become

24 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK L the teachers of the nations intended they should execute
their mission. But it was in consequence of their being
made a teaching ministry that these men became thus
strong, whether for evil or for good. It Is true, in the
polity of the Church there was little originality. It was
conformed in its great outline to the secular polity of
the Roman Empire. Many of its doctrines, too, may be
traced to the superstitions prevalent among the people
whom the clergy aspired to govern. But in dealing
with these matters there was room enough left for the
action of that profound policy, and especially for the
display of that combination of tenacity and flexibility,
which was to be so conspicuous through the whole
history of the Papal church.
Restoration Ouc cffcct from thIs progrcss of clerical ascendency
?eiigbn and is sccu In the formation of that sort of union between
Its effect. ^]^g power of the priesthood and the civil power which
had existed everywhere before the promulgation of
Christianity, but which had been wholly unknown to
the Church during the first three centuries of her
history. It is not until Christianity has vanquished
the forces of the Roman empire, that her ministers
begin to account the secular appliances of that empire
as their great strength. The Church is to be potent
in the future by becoming a servant to the power it
has subdued ! The terms of this compact between the
spiritual and the secular varied in different countries
and at different times ; and the contentions between
the parties on this ground were often bitter. But
the clergy never failed to secure one great advantage
from this policy. The State, while taking precedence
of the Church, became so far her servant as to be ever
ready to punish alleged ecclesiastical offences with

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 25
civil penalties. Apart from such assistance the clerical chap. 11.
thunder would have spent itself to little purpose. All
the horrors in the history of religious persecution which
have done so much to make the history of religion itself
appear at times more like a piece of history from the
Infernal regions than like anything human, must be
traced to this renewed confederacy between the priest and
the magistrate. Without that, not a fact in the long story
of those evil deeds would have cast its disgrace upon
our faith. Our fathers suffered less from this cause
than some other nations. But when the labours of
Wycliffe gave movement to public thought, the here
sies of the Lollards were met by the statute which
doomed all heretics to the stake.
The clergy of every national church in the middle Disputes
, ... i- 111 concerning
age were in the condition or men who had to serve two patronage
masters. They owed allegiance to the king, and they "" ?"""¦
were often reminded that they were under the same
obligation to the papacy. To-day we find them in
high debate on some question at issue between them and
the crown ; to-morrow their controversy has respect to
some pretension of the papal court which is said to be
undue and uncanonical. The pontiffs, moreover, are
intent upon enriching their dependents by bestowing on
them vacant bishoprics or livings, now in one nation,
now In another. But the sovereigns of those nations
are commonly not less Intent on protecting their do
mains from spoliation in that form. The wrangling
about this distribution of pelf and power runs through
the whole history of the hierarchy during those, centuries.
Through long intervals, this is the material which comes
to the surface, to the exclusion of almost everything
.beside.

26 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. But amidst all these contentions the clergy are
Grpwth of careful that the foundations of their spiritual power
sacerdotal inii-ii i 11 t C ' 1
theories. shall be laid broad and deep. In process or time, the
sacramental scheme was made to be so definite and
comprehensive, as to place the soul of the worshipper
completely in the hands of the priest. The seven
sacraments, beginning with baptism, and ending with
extreme unction, left every spiritual privilege, from the
beginning of life to its close, at the disposal of that
functionary. Through his services, and through those
services alone, could spiritual safety be realized. In
the case of persons who gave credence to this theory,
the sense of subjection must have been absolute.
Track of But It should be confessed, that with all their prone-
tiirough ness towards error in so many directions, the clergy who
flourished towards the decline of the Roman empire,
and those even of the middle age, never wholly lost
sight of the great lines of revealed truth in relation
either to man or to his Maker. The Influence of such
writers as Augustine, Ambrose, and Bernard, was great,
and It was an influence, in the main, on the side of just
views concerning man, as guilty and as incapable of
removing his guilt ; as depraved and as incapable of
vanquishing his depravity. Nor was it less just in
relation to God, as taking away human guilt by the
sacrifice of Christ, and as subduing human depravity by
the gift of the Holy Spirit. Light to this effect shines
out more or less from age to age amidst the darkness,
so that the Reformers of the sixteenth century often
insisted. In their confessions and in their discussions,
that the theology which they were concerned to incul
cate was the theology which the most famous among
the Christian Fathers had never failed to teach. It

the dark
ness.

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 27
would be easy, they were wont to say, to ' underprop ' chap. u.
all their utterances with authorities from that source.
From the tendency so generally riianlfest to substitute
the worship of the Virgin, and of Saints, in the place of
the worship. of God, and even of Christ, we might be
led to suppose that anything deserving the narne of
Christian devotion must have almost ceased to exist.
But the writings of such men as are above mentioned,
and the fact that those writings were considerably read,
seem to warrant a more favourable conclusion.
The origin of the religious orders, whatever their Spiritual
subsequent declensions may have been, is everywhere a religious
sign, more or less, of a religious feeling. Those orders °''''^'^'^'
may be regarded in the early stages of their history as
embodying the Puritan element of the middle age.
The object avowed by all of them, in their beginning,
was a stricter and purer religious life than was recog
nised in the Church system of those days. In the
language of the times, the parochial clergy were the
secular clergy. They stood in a special relation to the
secular power, and owed their wealth and Influence
largely to secular law. They were an order, but they
were not Included in what were called the religious
: orders. Monasteries were voluntary establishments,
resting on voluntary contributions and endowments ; and
monks, according to the monastic theory, were men
separated to the purest forms of spiritual servicci And
many of them, like the venerable Bede, were faithful to
the institute to which they had bound themselves by the
most sacred vows, praying much for the living and the
dead, labouring much as the teachers of youth, as
transcribers of books, and even as preachers of the
word. c 2

voluntary'ism

28 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. But In the scheme of the Mendicant Orders — the
MediEvai Preaching Friars, as they are sometimes called — who
make their appearance early in the thirteenth century,
we find a still stronger impeachment of the existing
hierarchy. In the estimation of those orders, monas-
ticism had become a failure, because, while it professed
to be a voluntary system, it accepted endowments, the
consequence of which was, that beginning In poverty, it
had ended in riches, which, according to the Mendicants,
was necessarily to begin in purity and to end in
corruption. The friars, accordingly, carried their volun
taryism so far that they altogether eschewed endowments.
They would depend on the voluntary offerings of the
people, and on those offerings as coming to them from
day to day, and as to be expended from day to day.
Among these orders, the Franciscans, in their earher
times, were the great preachers — the great city mission
aries. Their object was not to supersede the hierarchy,
nor even to reform it, but to supplement it with new
agencies. Everything about the Franciscan — his dress,
his diet, his home, all were to bespeak him a poor man,
and to proclaim him as the poor man's minister. To
know where plague or leprosy raged was to know where
to find the Franciscans, who, from their skill in medi
cine, were ministers alike to the body and the soul.
In their preaching, the friars discarded the learned and
logical style then so common. In their view, the clergy
had become disqualified for their work by their learning,
hardly less than by their wealth. They were themselves
not only poor men preaching to the poor, but laymen
preaching to the laity. Their language was studiously
simple. Their illustrations were studiously popular.
They found material for discourse in the well-known

Religious Life in the Middle Age.

legend, in dramatic dialogue, in every-day life, and in chap. ii.
their own thought and experience. Meditation and
feeling, more than books, made them what they were as
preachers. Men and women to whom sermons had
long been most unintelligible and dull, now hung upon
the lips of the preacher, and would travel far to enjoy
that privilege. Great was the success of the new Insti
tute. In little more than thirty years the Minorite
preachers in England exceeded 1,200 in number, and
they had fixed centres of operation for their missionary
work In nearly fifty English towns. We have hardly
an ancient town where the name of the friars does not
survive as designating some spot where they had found
their home. As we read the accounts of their progress,
of the effects produced by their preaching, and of the
number of conversions which took place, we may almost
imagine that we are perusing some journal of our early
Methodism. Religious and humane persons supplied
them with funds. Their good works made them many
friends. But the monk had rarely a good word for
them, and the parochial clergy shared in the same feeling
of jealousy.* Nor did this voluntary controversy die out when the The voiun-
friars had long ceased to be the men they had once been, versy in the
In 1425, one Wilham Russell, at the head of a Francis
can convent In London, denied the divine right of tithes,
and insisted that they ought not to be paid to the
parochial clergy. They might rest on human law, or
on long custom, but, according to the Scriptures, the
contributions of the laity should be applied to pious or
charitable uses, according to the will of the donors.
* Monumenta Franciscana. Sir James Steplien's Essays on Eccle
siastical Biography. Butler's Lives — St. Francis.

fifteenthcentury.

30 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Great excitement was produced by this teaching. Forty
years later, a Carmelite friar, named Parker, preached in
St. Paul's, that the only revenue of the clergy should
consist in the voluntary offerings of the faithful, that
Christ and his apostles sought no other. On the follow
ing Sunday, a doctor of reputation assailed these positions
in a discourse from the same pulpit. Subsequently,
another Carmelite, the master of a convent, undertook
the defence of the impugned doctrine, insisting that his
brother Carmelite who had preceded him had simply
delivered the doctrine of Scripture. The preacher con
cluded by announcing that the subject would be further
discussed in his school on the following Friday. The
discussion of Friday was resumed on the next Sunday.
Those who had learnt doctrine of this nature from
Wycliffe or from his disciples, looked on, as we may
suppose, with no little interest. Many among the
people professed themselves believers in the Carmelite
tenets. An eloquent preacher was engaged to show that
if our Lord accepted the willing offerings of the people,
he did not solicit them in the manner of the Mendicants.
This reasoning produced some impression. But an able
Dominican now entered the lists, and having delivered
himself with much effect In the cathedral, he urged the
people to go to the Carmelite chapel in the afternoon,
where a venerable doctor would discourse of them on
the question. Notices were posted on the church
doors. Crowds made their way to the chapel. John
Mylverton, provincial of the order of the Carmelites,
ascended the pulpit. He said he had heard that one of
his brethren had been much defamed, charged with error
and blasphemy. But he stood there prepared to show
that the doctrine so described was the doctrine of Scrip-

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 3 1
ture, and of the Fathers. His manner was grave, and chap. ii.
most earnest. The auditory, especially the common
people, were greatly moved.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, who made report of
these proceedings to the Pope, soliciting his advice and
help, says, ' We know that some thought, and others
' were heard to say. If Christ were so poor, why should
' his followers, the Pope, the cardinals, the archbishops,
' bishops, and abbots, hold such large possessions ? It is
' clear that priests should live on offerings freely made to
' them ; that the Church became apostate from the day on
' which she was endowed ; and that good service would be
' done to religion and to the nation If Churchmen were
' stripped of their wealth, and left In this matter to follow
' their Lord and his apostles.' So strong, and so general
was this feeling, that it was with difficulty, we are told,
that the people were restrained from breaking out into
open insurrection. As will be expected, the primate did
not solicit the assistance of the pontiff in vain. Mylver
ton was summoned to Rome, and passed two years In
one of the dungeons of St. Angelo. But so did opinion
In the direction of ecclesiastical change seethe in the
English mind, even within the existing system, during
more than two centuries before Henry VIII. put his hand
to the work of reformation.*
Every friar who broached the above doctrine was
immediately charged with reiterating one of the cardinal
errors of that great antagonist of his order — John
Wycliffe. But such was the hold which speculations of
this nature had taken on the mind of many, that even
this reproach could not deter such men from proclaim-
* Wilkins's 'Concil. iii. 433-439. Cotton MS. Titus, D. 10.
p. 183. Turner's Hist. Eng.

Lollards.

32 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Ing their convictions. As we find English monasteries
with scarcely a trace of anything distinctively Christian
in their maxims or temper, while others, of the same
age, are of a widely different description ; so among the
different orders of friars, while many fall sadly below
the rules of their founders, others continue faithful to
their vows, and resolve to give utterance to the truth
that is in them, whatever the penalty of so doing
may be.
Wycliffe Concerning the labours of Wycliffe and the history
of the Lollards, we need not say anything. Those events
are great facts on the surface of the past. Lollardism
was checked, partially suppressed, but it did not die.
During the Wars of the Roses the reform party among
the people was known to be so formidable, that
politicians reckoned upon it in their attempts to balance
parties against each other. It is manifest, from the
language of the ruling churchmen at that time, that
they regarded the townspeople, and the commonalty at
large, as inclined to the new learning, and as ready to
favour it in secret, if not prepared to avow their attach
ment to It openly. So many works were written setting
forth the views of the reformers in the language of the
people, that it became one of the pressing questions put
to suspected and accused persons — ' Have you in your
' possession any books written in English .'' Have you
' read such books .? Have you any knowledge of such
' books— or of persons having any acquaintance with
' them ?'
We select an instance. One of the works thus
prohibited bore the name of the Lantern of Light. It
described the Pope as Antichrist. Papal decrees it
declared to be of no sort of authority. Indulgences

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 33
were a delusion. Pilgrimages were a demoralizing chap. ii.
superstition. Spiritual obedience to clergymen who
failed in their spiritual duties was a sin. The attempts
made by the bishops to restrict the office of preaching
to their own licensed priests marked them as the tools of
Antichrist. It was the duty of the clergy to live in
modest houses, and after a modest fashion, and to leave
the decorating of their holy things with silver and gold,
and their endless chantings, for the study of the Scrip
tures, and the preaching of the Gospel. ' The reason,'
says the book, ' why men who entertained such views are
' so bitterly persecuted, is simply that the secular clergy
' may retain their possessions, and that the friars may have
' the mind of the people wholly at their disposal.' This
book was found in the possession of a fellmonger named
Claydon, living in St. Martin's-lane, near Aldersgate.
Claydon had already suffered six years' imprisonment on
account of his opinions, two in Conway Castle, and four
in- the Fleet. His servants were summoned to give
evidence against him. One of these deposed that the
Lantern of Light was often read on festival days in the
family ; the other said that he was present when the
author of the book, a man named John Greene, brought
it to his master, and he heard them converse about it.
Claydon, In full memory of what he had suffered at
Conway and in the Fleet, when questioned concerning
this treatise, answered that It contained things which he
believed to be good for his soul. He perished at the
stake in Smithfield. Claydon was one of a class.*
The third volume of Wilkins's Councils furnishes Free opi -
many instances of persons among the endowed clergy ^^"01™""^
embracing the doctrine of the Mendicants concerning the
* Wilkins's Concil. iii. 372-374, 396-399. c 3

34 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. revenues of their order, and as holding and inculcating
opinions widely at variance with the common faith and
usage of their church. They said much to discourage
the adoration of the cross, the worship of images, and
prayers to saints. These usages they described as
savouring of idolatry. They denied that the bread in
the Eucharist ever ceased to be bread. While not
unwilling to relinquish their church endowments, they
condemned the begging customs of the friars. In the
spirit of Wycliffe, they denounced the religious orders as
of purely human origin, as a reflection on the Institutions
of Christ as if wanting in adaptation to the needs of the
Church. They spoke of the Bible as the only pure and
infallible authority in regard to religion, and urged the
people to trust in the promise of God, as there made to
them, to the exclusion of all other dependence. Pil
grimages tended to dissoluteness more than to religion.
The only true pilgrimage was to do the commandments
of God. The most conspicuous amongst the clergy
who suffered during this interval, as holding opinions
more or less of this complexion, was the devout and
conscientious Reginald Peacocke, successively Bishop of
St. Asaph and of Chichester. Among his patrons were
men In the first rank. But after much effort, his
enemies prevailed against him, and the Influence of his
friends could do no more than soften the execution of the
sentence which sent him from his episcopal residence to a
prison.*
Summary. It wIll bc sccn, thcu, that rellglous life In the middle age
was exceptional, so much so, that It is sometimes difficult
to know where to find it. Everywhere it comes, not so
* Lewis's Life of Peacocke. Collier's Eccles. Hist. 1. 674-676.
Wilkins's Concil.

Religious Life in the Middle Age. 35-
much from the action of authority, as from spontaneous chap. n.
influences — from light struggling through the darkness,
from free impulses casting off the abounding restraints.
Error Is mixed with its truth, the not good Is mixed
with Its good, but the true and the good are there. To
the men who must think, and must be honest — honest
in the sense of being faithful to their Inward light — those
long dark days were full of evil. Sovereigns and priests
divided the dominion of body and soul between them,
and in either department of rule were ready to visit
divergence from the prescribed course of action or
thought with the provided penalty. But the power of
endurance was to be on the side of right, and the time In
which the right should successfully claim its own was to
come. We are now to follow the track of the great
struggle in our history which has so far displaced these
mediaeval forms of intolerance and superstition, and has
so far brought back to the Church of God among us its
primitive light, and liberty, and life.

CHAPTER III.
Ecltgtous 5Ltfe unUcr tfje Eutrors.
HE Reformation, which severed our clergy chap.iii.
from all dependence on the papacy, placed New le-
them in a new subjection to the State. Ihe^state^ to
Much of the authority which had been ceded fr^f^hT'''
to the pontiffs now passed into the hands of our kings, "meoftiie
The ecclesiasticism of the Vatican was succeeded by mation.
the Erastianism of St. Stephen's. Our sovereigns no
longer exercised a divided power in relation to the
Church. Its headship was wholly vested In themselves.
Not only the temporalities, but the spiritualities of the
ecclesiastical establishment, came under their absolute
control. There could be no ecclesiastical law without
their sanction. In past time, they had connected civil
penalties with what the clergy accounted religious error.
They now take upon them to distinguish for themselves
between truth and error, and to determine everything
concerning law and penalty in regard to religion. They
might consult the clergy, but they knew nothing of
them In any higher capacity than as advisers. It was a
new thing to be freed from the old aggressive power of

38 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. the court of Rome, but It was a new thing also to be
subject to this augmented power on the part of the
crown. Protestantism did well In asserting its inde
pendence of the papacy. It would have done better if
it had abstained from raising the chief magistrate into
the place of the supreme bishop. The mind of our
country experienced a change of masters, and the change
was for the better, but it was far from being for the
best. The distinction between the tolerated and the
not-tolerated continued, and to those who were hanged,
burnt, or beheaded for their religious opinions, it was no
great solace to be told that they suffered according to
the law of the State, and not according to the law of
the pope.
Sum of the The parliament by whose means Henry VIII. accom-
mation by pllshcd hls reformation, was assembled In 1529, and it
Viii7 ^^^ ^°t dissolved till 1536. History has shown how
the spiritual courts were then reformed ; how the juris
diction of the prelates was restrained and narrowed ; how
the legislative authority of the houses of convocation was
brought to an end ; how the clergy were made subject
to the court of the magistrate, in common with the laity ;
how the magistrate was made to act as a check on all
spiritual persons in their dealing with charges of heresy ;
how the act against appeals to Rome, under any plea
whatsoever, was followed by acts forbidding money con
tributions, in any form, to the papal treasury ; and how,
being thus shut out from all authority on English
ground, the Bishop of Rome was at length declared to
be no more than an ordinary bishop, and all persons
were required to submit to the crown of England, as
supreme over aU persons and causes, civil or ecclesiastical,
on pain of incurring the penalties of treason. The

Religious Life under the Tudors. 39
weight of ecclesiastical oppression thus removed was chap, ni.
great, and the people no doubt began to breathe anew,
though many of the more thoughtful felt that It became
them to rejoice with trembling. For this famous parlia
ment, after all that It had done, remained in its own
estimation Catholic. The king, too, boasted of being
still a Catholic ; and the nation was to remain Catholic,
in regard at least to religious doctrine, even when thus
wholly separated from the great centre of the Catholic
system. In 1529, the year in which this parliament was
convened, Henry issued a proclamation, in which
eighty-five works, the productions of English or Con
tinental reformers, from Wycliffe downwards, were
condemned under their respective titles. In the follow
ing year, a Protestant named Bayfield was burnt in
Smithfield, because he had been bravely zealous in
importing and distributing such books.*
But the fact that there were so many publications of S"' ^ p™-
¦^ ^ _ testant party
a reforming tendency to suppress, and that It was deemed grows up
.. 1 , , among the
expedient to adopt such measures to suppress them, people.
suggest that the religious thought of the nation must
have been greatly moved. The degree in which the
king had himself favoured the new learning, especially
by the encouragement given to the labours of Erasmus ;
the translation of the Scriptures Into English, and the
placing of copies of the entire Bible in all churches, to
be read by all people ; the free use ot many admirable
prayers in the mother tongue ; the distribution of a vast
number of books, licensed and unlicensed, full of Pro
testant ideas — ideas which could not fail to awaken
* Petition ofthe Commons, MS. Rolls Office. Parliamentary Hist. i.
501, et seq. Herbert's Henry VIII. Revolutions in English History, ii.
150-174.

40 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. impulses which would find their vent in much utterance
and action — all had so influenced the nation, as to have
made it certain that the half-way reformation of the king
could never satisfy it.
On the accession of Edward VI. came one of those
transitions from a time of persecution to comparative
rest, which remind us of similar fluctuations in the
experience of the early Church. The reign of the Six
Articles, which disgraced the later years of Henry VIII.,
sent Protestants to the stake as heretics one day, and
Romish priests to the gallows as traitors the next. But
under the alternations of stimulus and restraint on the
part of the Government, pious youth grew up with a
martyr temper in them at Oxford. The devout Bilney,
fragile in body, timid in soul, but possessed with a con
scientiousness which made the fragile strong, and the
timid brave, became a spiritual power in Cambridge. In
Latimer, one of his many converts, we see the great
preacher of the age — a man who gains the attention of
all ears by his racy Saxon speech ; charms all imagina-
¦ tions by his homebred and pictorial illustrations; and
reaches nearly all consciences by his honest presentation
of the realities of things, and his bold exposure of all
shams. During many years Bilney and Latimer were
Protestants without knowing it ; and through the in
fluence of such men a large portion of the nation became
possessed with religious feeling, the ultimate tendencies
of which few could see, and fewer still dared to avow.
Tyndale had said, that he would cause the English
mechanic to be better skilled in the knowledge of the
New Testament than the modern priest ; and by giving
that book In English to his countrymen he fulfilled his
pledge. In that act he saw the fruit of his life of

Religious Life under the Tudors. 41
poverty and homelessness, of toil and danger ; and that chap. hi.
work done, he surrendered himself to his martyr death.
So under Henry the seed of the kingdom was to be
widely sown, either secretly or openly, and the harvest
time was to follow.
Established Protestantism, as denoting a scheme of The Re-
j . 11 , ^ ,. J - , formation
doctrine as weJI as a scheme or polity, dates trom the under id-
accession of Edward VI. Cranmer, sustained by the ""*"* ^^'
protector, and by the Protestant party in the council,
arranged that an ecclesiastical visitation should take place
through ¦ the whole kingdom. The visitors for each
. circuit consisted of two gentlemen, together with a
civilian, a divine, and a registrar. The articles of
instruction given them required that the wholesome
proclamations of the late king against the pretensions
of the Bishop of Rome, and in discouragement of
superstition, should be republished ; that all images to
which pilgrimages were made, or offerings presented,
should be removed ; that the epistles and gospels read
at high mass should be in English ; that the litany used
In processions should also be in English, as commanded •
by his Majesty's royal father ; that on every Sunday
and holiday a chapter should be read in English out of
the New Testament at matins, and out of the Old
Testament at evening song ; that holidays, which were
designed to promote devotion, but had become the
occasion of all kinds of dissoluteness, should be made
seasons for reading the Scriptures, for attending prayer
and the communion, and for offices of charity ; that the
people should be taught to respect all ceremonies not
abrogated by authority, and to reverence priests for their
works' sake ; and that prayer should still be offered for
departed souls. But the great innovation in this stage

42 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. of proceedings consisted in the publication of Cranmer's
Book of Homilies, and in the place assigned in the
means of popular instruction to the paraphrase on the
New Testament by Erasmus. The Homilies were to be
read by all preachers. An English translation of the
work by Erasmus was to be placed in all churches, that
it might be read by all persons disposed to read it.
These publications were charged with the seeds of
Protestant theology greatly beyond anything found in
the standards of doctrine hitherto sanctioned by the
English government. Parliament, when assembled, con
firmed all that had been done. It provided further, that
the cup should be restored to the laity in the com
munion, and that an end should be put to private
masses.*
Thefirst The great event, however, in ecclesiastical affairs at
Comra°on thls juncturc was still to come. This consisted in the
"^^"^^ instructions given to a commission of learned men to
revise the forms of public worship generally. To these
commissioners we owe the first Book of Common Prayer
designed to be in harmony with the tenets of Pro
testantism and published in English. Parliament and
the two houses of convocation gave their sanction to the
new Liturgy. An act was also passed which allowed the
clergy to marry. But the bill on that point did not
become law without considerable opposition. j-
The doc- One of the great difficulties in respect to the Book ot
Eucha°risf ^ Commou Prayer, related to what should be its teaching
concerning the Eucharist. Peter Martyr in Oxford, and
Bucer In Cambridge, were parties to public discussions
* Burnet's Hist. Ref. iii. 16, et seq. Strype's Eccles. Mem. ii., and
Life of Cranmer. Statutes 1 Ed. VI. cc. i, 2, 12.
t Burnet, iii. 131. Statutes i Ed. VI. I, 2, 12.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 43
on that subject. The doctrine of the Church of Eng- chap.iii.
land, as then settled, and as It is at present, is in some
degree peculiar. Three conceptions in regard to the
Lord's Supper were at that time prevalent. Opposed
to the Transubstantiation doctrine was Luther's Con-
substantiation, and the more intelligible doctrine of
Zwinglius, which accounted the bread and wine as the
signs of a spiritual presence, and nothing more. The
doctrine of Peter Martyr is not distinguishable from that
of Zwinglius. Bucer discoursed somewhat more mys
tically on the subject, leaving by the obscurity — and
apparently the designed obscurity — of his language,
roorn for some notion as to a kind of presence called a
real presence, though In what that reality consists his
words do not at all enable us to determine. His in
fluence on this question was not a purely good influence.
However, in the Articles of Religion, published by
authority during this reign, and in the Prayer Book Itself
as left by Edward, nothing like the doctrine of Tran
substantiation was allowed to have place. The Prayer
Book, as sanctioned by convocation in the second year
of Edward VI. , differed in arrangement more than in
substance from that now In use. The difference, how
ever, was not inconsiderable. The address to the Virgin
Mary, and similar invocations to the angels and the
patriarchs, which Henry had allowed to remain, were
omitted. But, on the other hand, water was mixed with
the wine. The sign of the cross was retained in the
Eucharist, In Confirmation, and In the Visitation of the
Sick. Baptism was by triple Immersion, and was accom
panied by exorcising and anointing. In the Burial
Service, prayer was offered for the deceased person.*
* Strj^s'z Eccles. Mem. li. Cranmer, cc. 13, 14. Collier, ii. 309, 310.

44 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Jn the following year the book was again submitted
Second re- j-Q rcvisIon, aud Bucer was again consulted. His sug-
vision of ' 1111
the Book of gestions have been preserved, and show that much
Pm"eT" remained to be done. He urged that the old clerical
habits should be laid aside, since by many they were
used superstitiously, and pious men were anxious to dis
card them ; that the priest should place the sacramental
bread in the hands of the people, not in their mouths ;
that all prayer for the dead should cease ; that the
rubric should not supplicate that the bread and
wine might become the body and blood of Christ to
the recipient, as such language might seem to savour too
much of the doctrine of transubstantiation ; thaf the
hallowing of the water, and the sign of the cross in bap
tism should be dispensed with ; and that in the exorcising
the language of adjuration should be converted into
prayer. In the book, as now revised, the name of the
Virgin, the thanksgiving for the patriarchs and prophets,
the invocation of the Holy Ghost and of the Word at
the Consecration Service, the mixing of water with the
wine, and the directions concerning the sign of the cross,
were all omitted. In baptism the triple immersion, the
cross, the exorcism, and the anointing were all discarded.
In the visitation of the sick, the directions for private
confession, the anointing, the mention of Tobias and
Sarah, and the Instructions requiring that the remnants
of the consecrated elements should be preserved, were
all cancelled. In the Burial Service, prayer for the
deceased was rescinded. More simple instructions were
given concerning the vestments of the clergy. But the
greatest advance in this revision was in its more explicit
language concerning the Eucharist. It was now dis
tinctly affirmed that Christ is present with the bread and

Religious Life under the Tudors. 45

wine, only as he is present anywhere in answer to prayer, chap. hi.
In reference to kneeling at the communion, it was
stated that it was not meant hereby that any adoration
is done, or ought to be done, either to the sacramental
bread and wine there bodily received, or to any real
or essential presence there being of Christ's natural
flesh and blood. All these changes in the direction
of a more decided Protestantism were confirmed by
Parliament. The new book came into use in the
autumn of 1552.*
Such was the origin of our Book of Common Prayer. Acts or
It will be seen that it was the production of unsettled a ProTeTtlnt
times, and of minds too much exposed to opposite '""°™"°"-
influences to allow that it should be remarkable for
consistency. Nor did It come, as seems to be com
monly supposed, from one source. During the middle
age, the offices In use in one province often differed
considerably from those in use in another. Not only
might one metropolitan differ from another. In his
usage In this respect, but diocese often differed from
diocese, and even priest from priest. With a certain
measure of identity there was a large measure of diver
sity. In the preamble to the Act of Uniformity passed
1 549, we find an allusion to these facts. We are there
Informed that — ' of long time there hath been had in
' this realm divers forms of common prayer, commonly
' called the Service of the Church ; that is to say, the
' Use of Sarum, of York, of Bangor, and of Lincoln ;
' and besides the same, now of late, much more divers
' and sundry forms and fashions have been used in the
' cathedral and parish churches — with divers and sundry
* Burnet's Hist. Ref. iii. 286, et seq. Clay's Prayer-Book Illus
trated, 126. Strype's Cranmer. Statutes 5 Ed. VI. c. i.

46 Religious Life in England before 1660.
^00^ I- ' rites and ceremonies concerning matins and evening
' song, and in the administration of the sacraments of
' the church ; ' and that the king, having observed this,
has "¦ divers times assayed to stay innovations or new
' rites. Yet the same hath not had such good success
' as his highness required — therefore he hath been
' pleased with the intent to secure a uniform, quiet,
' and godly order, to appoint commissioners, to make
' one convenient and meet order of common prayer, the
' which, by the aid of the Holy Ghost, Is of them con-
' eluded. ' Of this order It is said that it is to be used
after such ' form as is contained in the said book, and
' none other, or otherwise.'*
It will be seen from this language, that the sources
from which our Book of Common Prayer was derived,
while they were all sufficiently charged with mediasval-
ism, were not all In strict agreement with each other.
It will be seen, too, that the rigid uniformity In
worship, which the Church of England was to main
tain, was a new thing in our history, a Protestant
novelty, and one of the special mischiefs which were
to result from those new relations between the Church
and the State which were brought about by the Re
formation.
Character Somc of the commlssIoners under Edward were dis-
se^cfnr"'*' posed to retain as much of the mediaeval element as
book. possible. Others looked not to fathers or schoolmen,
so much as to the more advanced men among the
continental reformers. Hence the volume was found
to resemble a piece of mosaic, rather than a developed
unity. Hoary fragments from the past had their place
side by side with startling novelties from the present.
* Statutes Henry VIII.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 47
The teaching of the original ' Uses ' was teaching chap. hi.
wholly from bygone times ; and this was to be only
partially displaced by contributions which could be
traced to such modem thinkers as Luther, Melancthon,
Zwinglius, Peter Martyr, and Bucer. The doctrine
of the book concerning the sacraments is not from
Rome, nor Is It wholly from Germany or Switzerland.
It retains a midway complexion of its own. Its theology,
including the Forty-two, afterwards the Thirty-nine
Articles, was largely taken from Augustine, but It
gave a Lutheran prominence to the doctrine of justi
fication by faith, and was otherwise so guarded and
explained that it seemed to avoid the extremes of
the Calvinistic doctrine, and of the doctrines opposed
to it. Such as it was. It must be admitted that the
book came very much from the mind of the time,
and was, to a large extent, adapted to it. The error
in doing what was then done was small, compared with
the error of later generations in accepting the possible
or expedient in 1552 as the measure of the possible or
expedient in their own time. Already there were signs
of that great difference of judgment and feeling on
such matters which was to lead to such signal results
In our history. But the progress made in this respect
under Edward presents a landmark in the advancing
thought of our country which was not to be obhterated
or forgotten. Under Mary all seemed to be reaction,
but It soon became manifest that it was a change in the
relation of parties among the great men, consequent on
the change of sovereigns, and not a change in the real
feeling of the nation.
One of the first acts of Elizabeth was to issue in- Accession
junctions to the magistrates to discountenance the spies beth.

48 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. and informers, who had been so much encouraged by ,
her sister in searching out persons suspected of heresy.
Some instructions were also given concerning the public
worship, which indicated the Protestant tendency of the
Queen's policy. Mary's bishops were observant of
these signs. One of their number only consented to
be present at the coronation of Elizabeth. In the
upper house considerable opposition was made to the
proposal to restore the ecclesiastical supremacy of the
crown. But the majority took the Protestant side, and
in the commons the preponderance of such men was
much greater.*
Elizabeth's Thc Book of Commou Prayer, as presented to
Comm°on parliament soon after the queen's accession, had been
ray". revised by a committee consisting of divines and mem
bers of the council. It had been prepared from a com
parison of the first and second books set forth under
Edward. Guest, afterwards bishop of Rochester,
appears to have been the person most responsible for
the changes introduced. But both Cecil and the queen
made their suggestions. Not to give unnecessary um
brage to the catholic, two offensive references to the
bishop of Rome were omitted. To gratify the Pro
testant, the committee of divines proposed that the
bread and wine might be taken from the hands of the
priest either kneeling or standing. But this was too
great a stretch of liberality. In the book as approved
by the queen and the parliament, this concession had no
place. The kneeling posture was made imperative. In
consonance with this proceeding, the words in Edward's
second book which defined the Lord's Supper as being
* Pari. Hist. 1. 643-660. Strype's Annals, i. 37, et seq.; ii.
392-398. Paper No. 3. Ellis's Letters, Second Series, ii. 262.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 49

simply a commemorative rite, were omitted.* This, we chap.iii.
are told, was done, ' Because it appears to have been
' the persuasion of the queen and her council, that in
' the important question ofthe Eucharist too much- had
' been done in the reign of Edward VI. In the way of
' innovation ; that the mysteries had been impugned,
' by excluding words which might suggest, though
' they did not necessarily involve, the doctrine of the
' Real Presence.' f What this Presence means it is for
Anglicans to explain. The language of the Communion
rubric from this time will hardly be interpreted as em
bracing transubstantiation or consubstantiation, and any
conception of the service between those dogmas and the
doctrine of Zwinglius it is not easy to comprehend.
In the Prayer Book as finally revised under Edward,
there was a clause which defined the influence of the
sacraments In a manner more consistent with Protestant
thought. Elizabeth cancelled that clause, and space
was thus left for the retention of ideas not wholly
foreign to the papal teaching on that subject. :[; In
* The words excluded were : ' We do declare tliat it is not meant
' tliereby that any adoration is done or ought to be done, either unto
' the sacramental bread and wine there bodily received, as unto any
' real and essential presence there being of Christ's natural flesli and
' blood. For as concerning the sacramental bread and wine, they
' remain still in their very natural substances, and therefore may not be
' adored, for that were idolatry, to be abhorred of all faithful Christians;
' and as concerning tlie natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ,
' they are in heaven, and not here ; for it is against the truth of Christ's
' true natural body to be in more places than in one at one time.'
f Cardwell's Revision of the Liturgie, 33, 34.
X In Edward's service the words of the minister on giving the bread
to the communicant were, ' Take and eat this in remembrance that
' Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with
' thanksgiving.' On delivering the cup the minister was to say,
'Drink this in remembrance that Christ's blood was shed for thee,
D

50 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. regard to vestments also, Elizabeth followed her
brother's first book, which Imposed them all, in pre
ference to the second, which enjoined the use of the
surplice only.
Nine bishops, and the same number of temporal
peers, voted against this book. But when issued, of
the 9,400 clergymen then in England, 189 only, of all
ranks, became Nonconformists, relinquishing their pre
ferments. Some change was made in the Articles. It
was not considerable. But, as in the case of the
Liturgy, it showed a tendency to recede from the
advanced ground taken under Edward, rather than to
go beyond it.*
Penalties The penalties by wliich the act vesting Ecclesiastical
attached to^-, .. ,. ^__._.
the Acts of oupremacy in the crown, and the act ot U nitormity were
anru™^^ enforced, were of a formidable description. All eccle-
formity. slastlcal pcrsous, from the highest to the lowest, and all
persons taking degrees In the universities, or holding
any civil office, were to bind themselves to obedience
according to the tenor of the act of supremacy. And
all persons who should, by word or deed, ' advisedly,
maliciously, and directly affirm ' anything contrary to
this act, were liable, for the first offence, to the forfeiture
of lands and goods ; for a second, to the penalty of the
premunire statute, which added excommunication and
' and be thankful.' The first of these forms was enlarged thus under
Elizabeth : ' The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given fit
' thee, preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life, and take and
' eat this,' &c. &c. The second form was enlarged thus : ' The hhd
' of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve th]
' body and soul unto everlasting life, and drink this in remembrance,'
&c. &c. Liturgies of Edward FI. 279. Liturgical Services, 195.
Parker Society's Publications.
* Strype's Annals, 104-124. Burnet's Hist. Ref. iv. No. 55.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 5 1
outlawry to forfeiture ; and the third offence became chap.iii.
high treason. Concerning the Book of Common Prayer,
the clergyman not duly using It, or chargeable with doing
or uttering anything in depreciation of it, was to be
fined to the value of his living for one year, and to be
imprisoned six months. By a second offence, his pre
ferment was wholly forfeited ; and a third subjected him
to imprisonment for life. The punishment of a layman
offending against this act was, in the first instance,
imprisonment during one year ; imprisonment during
life in the second instance ; and the third subjected him
to the loss of lands and goods. It was further enacted,
that all persons failing to attend their parish church, or
some recognised place of worship, on the Lord's day,
should pay the fine of one shilling for each absence,
unless reasonable cause for such absence could be
shown.* The enforcement of these rigid provisions concerning Court of
ecclesiastical matters pertained mainly to the Court of mission.
High Commission. This court consisted of certain
commissioners, appointed under the Great Seal of Eng
land, who were empowered to determine what should be
accounted ' error, heresy, or schism,' and in fact to
correct every kind of ecclesiastical irregularity. But
It was provided that these commissioners should not
judge anything to be heresy which had not been so de
termined ' by the authority of the canonical scriptures,
' or by the first four general councils, or any of them, or
' by any other general council, wherein the same was
' declared heresy by the express and plain words of
' scripture, or such as shall be hereafter judged, ordered,
'or determined to be heresy by the High Court of
* Statutes 1 Eliz. cc. i, 2, 3.
D 2

52 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Rise of the
Noncon
formist con
troversy.

' Parliament, with the assent of the clergy in convoca-
' tion.'* It will be seen from this language, that while
the function of this court was purely administrative, the
latitude of interpretation left open to it was of the most
dangerous description. It is no marvel that its place in
our history should have become so memorable. It fell
with the monarchy, and it contributed, in an eminent
degree, to bring about that fall.
From this point commences the great Nonconformist
controversy. The seeds of Puritanism among us are
no doubt as old as the time of Wycliffe. But its
development in our history as the characteristic of a
party, dates from the time of Edward VI. It should
be remembered also, that what was then Puritanism in
England, was simply Protestantism on the continent.
This difference may be traced to the fact, that while in
the other countries of Europe the Reformation came
from the will of the people, and was greatly moulded by
that will, in England, the movement was much more
dependent on the will of the state. From this cause,
the change In the English church, even at the death of
Edward VI. , left her in a nearer relation to the church
of the middle age than any other church in Christendom
avowing itself Protestant.
During the dispensation of the Six Articles under
Henry, many good men became exiles. Rogers, the
first martyr under Mary, and Bishop Hooper, the type
of English Puritanism under Edward, were among the
number of those exiles. By their residence abroad, these
devout persons became familiar with continental Pro
testantism, and changes which had commended them
selves to the learning and piety of their personal friends
* 1 Eliz. c. I.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 53
in those distant countries, they regarded as not unsuited chap.iii.
to a reformed church at home. The ministers In those
churches wore a ministerial dress In their public services,
but they had cast off the surplice and the other popish
garments. In the judgment of Hooper they had done
well in so doing. When chosen to be a bishop, he
claimed that he might be left at liberty to follow their
example. But the age which allowed diversity of use in
such things had passed. Even Cranmer and Ridley were
resolute in insisting on his conformity. Strange to say,
to bring their good brother to obedience In this matter,
they sent him to the discipline of the Fleet Prison.*
The reign of Mary, and the temper of Elizabeth's
administration, precipitated discussion on subjects of this
nature. During the dark days before Elizabeth's acces
sion, the popish habits had been everywhere flaunted in
the face of the suffering Protestants. The monk's hood
and the priest's robe had become more than ever the
emblems of an execrated tyranny, and they were exe
crated accordingly.
Elizabeth could not conceal from herself that this strength of
1 * 1 • Puritanism
feeling in relation to the papal worship generally, was —pohcy of
not confined to a few, but common to nearly all persons
who could be accounted Protestants. The best educated
men, and the most earnest men, among the parochial
clergy, and nearly the whole of the new bishops, were
strongly in favour of a further reformation.-f- Such was
the resistance to her majesty's policy, that six years after
her accession uniformity was far from being established.
Some ministers fixed the communion table in the chancel ;
* Strype's Eccles. Mem. ii. Bk. ii. c. 28. Fox. Burnet.
f ' In the earlier years of Elizabeth,' says Mr. Hallam, ' the
' advocates of a simpler ritual numbered the most learned and dis-
' tinguished portion of the hierarchy.' Const. Hist. i. 193.

54 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. some removed It to other parts of the church ; some
dressed the table in one manner, some in another ; some
administered baptism from a font, some from a basin ;
'' some used the sign of the cross, others not ; some
' officiated In a surplice, some without ; some with a
' square cap, some with a round cap, some with a
' button cap, some with a hat, some in scholar's clothes,
' some in others.'* The queen was not a little dis
pleased as reports of these things came to her. And
the time had now come in which her policy was to be no
longer doubtful. The bishops who had been disposed to
a more liberal course were made to see that the probable
consequences of further resistance were of a very serious
description. But the effect was to widen differences,
not to remove them. Very soon the Puritan contro
versy extended Itself to questions of much more signifi
cance than the form of a priest's cap, or the colour of
his pulpit dress.
Points at The Purltaus of the later years of Elizabeth, while
tween the stcmly rejecting the supremacy of the pope, were far
ckrgy and ^om Ceding to the crown all the authority which had
the Puritans jjeen vcstcd In it in relation to the church. The in
junction, ' Let all things be done decently and in order,'
must, they said, have been addressed to the people or to
their ministers. It could not have been addressed to
princes or magistrates. They did not deny that there
might be pious Romanists ; but the church of Rome, In
their estimation, was not a true church, nor was Its bishop
a true bishop. The scriptures alone, and not ecclesi
astical precedents, however venerable, or the deductions of
reason, however plausible, were their standard in regard
* Strype's Annals, i. c. 29; ii. c. 41. Neal, 193-196. Sparrow's
•Collections.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 55

to doctrine or pohty, and nothing was to be accepted as chap.iii.
Christian which could not be deduced from that source "~
of instruction, or be shown to be in harmony with It.
The authority to interpret Scripture, moreover, implied
in this maxim, was vested, as they maintained. In the
church, and not in the state, and in the Individual
conscience more than in external authority of any kind.
Matters which the example or teaching of the inspired
writers had left indifferent, no authority could have a
right to make necessary. Religion, in the view of the
Puritan, was the action of each man's moral and spiritual
consciousness towards God. What Is more — in the
judgment of those grave Calvinistic men, It was an action
in all cases of a divine origin — beginning with God, and
not with man. To sin against such personal convictions,
accordingly. In deference to any external power what
soever, was to sin against God, and to be conformed to
them was to be followers of God. It was assumed, that
the function of the magistrate, if he would acquit him
self as God's minister, was to give effect to the will of
such men. The church was a theocracy, but a theocracy
in which the inspiration was to ascend upwards from the
people, not downwards from the state, nor even from
a priesthood.* It will be seen that these were large questions, present- Progress of
ing a wide field for discussion. Hooker, with that high versv^
and solemn sweep of thought which characterized him,
had insisted that law is eternal and immutable ; that
everything of the nature of law In the Bible must be
in accordance with the antecedent law existing in the
nature of things, and in the Divine nature itself; and
that men do not honour God when they Insist that he is
* Siry-^c's Annals. Life of Parker, passim. Neal, i. 123.

Hooker.

c^G Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. to be heard only through the oracles of revelation, and
not through those other oracles which are much older
and equally his own. But the Puritan, without reject
ing what is called the light of nature, replied, that the
fact of a special revelation supposed an insufficiency in
that prior light, either from its having become faint and
obscure, or from an inability in man to follow It wisely
induced by sin. Our security, accordingly, must be
supposed to consist in our following, with a scrupulous
fidelity, the new guidance which has been specially
adapted to our weakness. If the Puritans often made
too little of the revelations supplied by reason and
nature, it is no less clear that Hooker sometimes made
too much of the illumination to be derived from these
sources. Every city and town, and almost every parish and
family, became agitated by this controversy — one party
holding to the sufficiency of Scripture and the right of
private judgment ; and the other pleading for a wider
authority, and for deference as due to a more general
judgment both In church and state. Cambridge, especi
ally, became a great battle-field between these two parties,
who were represented there, through nearly the whole of
this reign, by Cartwright on the one side, and Whitgift
on the other. But down to 1575, seventeen years after
the queen's accession, the great majority of the Puritan
ministers remained within the pale of the established
church, though before that time some of their leaders
had not scrupled to publish their dissent from the whole
framework of the hierarchy, and to urge that a Presby
terian polity should be established in its stead. They
formed local organizations for the multiplication of
religious services in particular towns and districts : and

Religious Life under the Tudors. 57
associations for 'prophesying,' which consisted of meet- chap.iii.
ings among ministers for the mutual exposition of Scrip
ture, and the cultivation of their gifts as public teachers.
The more learned among the clergy, and the most
popular preachers, were generally the leading men in
these exercises. But Elizabeth became jealous of these
proceedings. She saw In them a form of power not
sufficiently subject to her own power. Sending for
Archbishop Grindal, she ' declared herself offended at
' the number of preachers, as well as at the exercises,
' urging that it was good for the church to have few
' preachers, that three or four in a county might suffice,
' and that the reading of homilies to the people was
' enough.' The archbishop wrote to her majesty on
these topics, showing, at great length, the reasons which
satisfied him that faithfulness to his office demanded
that he should not attempt to conform himself In the
exercise of it to what seemed to be her majesty's desire.
The letter Is a noble one. But Elizabeth not only
suppressed the prophesyings, she sequestered the arch
bishop, and allowed him to remain in disgrace from 1576
to 1582, when he died.*
Whitgift, who succeeded Grindal, threw a special The Mar-
bitterness Into this controversy during the last twenty Tracts.
years of Elizabeth's reign. It was during this interval
that the notorious Marprelate tracts made their appear
ance. If those productions were not all from the same
hand, they were all marked by the same severity and
levity of style. Their grand assault is on Whitgift, and
on the court of High Commission. They are freely
charged with wit, humour, sarcasm, and invective. The
* Strype's Annals, ii. passim. Life of Parker. Grindal, 329.
Ap. No. 9.

58 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. public were startled by them. They found readers, not
only among the crowd, but among the gay gentlemen at
court. They were printed at a secret press, which was
removed from place to place with singular adroitness
and rapidity. Much pains were taken to implicate the
Puritans in this libellous onslaught, as it was deemed, on
the rule of the bishops ; but Martin declared that \ no
man was responsible for his deeds. He appears to have
stood alone, or to have, been one of a small number of
men who preferred conducting their warfare after this
Independent and guerilla fashion. Grave replies to these
attacks produced no effect. After a while, several of
the low play-writers about town were engaged to answer
Martin in the scurrilous style familiar to them. We
think it probable that Bancroft, bishop of London, had
something to do with bringing these respectable auxi
liaries into the field. Happily for the credit of religion,
this form of the controversy was of short duration.*
Origin and The reader has seen that the complaint of the Puritans
seprrlrion. ^as uot agalust the union of Church and State, but
against an alleged encroachment of the state on the
liberty of the church. But early in this reign men
make their appearance who claim the right, not only to
remonstrate with the magistrate when his authority In
regard to religion is supposed to be unwisely exercised,
but the right to act in Independence of his authority In
such cases. The Puritan, on finding the state not so
enlightened in its action in this respect, according to
his judgment, as It should be, might petition and ex
postulate, but those means failing, he had no further
* Bacon, Touching the Controversies ofthe Church. Fuller's Church
Hist. V. 130. IVTaskel's Martin Marprelate. Bell's Life of Marlowe.
Colhcr's Annals ofthe Stage, i. 273-275.

Religious Life under the Tudors. 59
remedy. His principles were not such as to free him chap.iii.
from this inconvenient control by prompting him to
reject it altogether. State authority may become to him
an almost intolerable burden, but still he must be a state
churchman. But the question naturally came — If the
state may err, and if petition and expostulation against
its errors shall be fruitless, does not separate and in
dependent action then become both a right and a duty ?
Conscientious men soon began to answer this question In
the affirmative. The origin of such ideas in our history
is commonly attributed to a clergyman named Robert
Brown, who was kinsman to the great Cecil, her
majesty's secretary of state. But it is certain, that
before Brown entered upon his apostleship, there was
a church in London which owed its origin to such think
ing. To Brown, however, belongs the honour of being
the first man in English history to avow the great prin
ciple of religious liberty in the form in which we now
hold it. Personally, Brown was not a man to bring much
credit to any principle or to any party. His sufferings
on account of his opinions, and of the freedom with
which he acted upon them, were such, during a great part
of his life, as to oblige us to regard him as conscientious.
But he was a man of a restless and violent temper ; and
though he left many followers, the leaders among the
Separatists who succeeded him would not acknowledge
themselves his disciples. Nor does It appear that those
later Separatists retained Brown's principle concern
ing the severance of churches from all relation to the
state In the explicit and absolute form in which he had
announced it.
But Thacker, Copping, Barrow, Greenwood, and
Penry are the names of men who said — When the magis-

6o Religious Life in England before 1660.
i^ooK I. trate commands what is unchristian, it becomes Christian
men not to obey, but to follow the law of their con
science, wholly irrespective of the law of the state.
Even these men often lament that state authority is
not exercised in the support of faith and order, accord
ing to their view of such matters, and seem to imply
that submission to such rule would be a duty. But
to no such rule as was then prevalent would they
submit. They all became practically, and to a great
extent theoretically, Congregationalists or Independents,
and would acknowledge no external authority incom
patible with the measure of self-government inseparable
from churches of that order.
It was in vain that these men avowed their loyalty,
and their readiness to submit in all civil matters to the
civil power. They did not submit to that power as an
authority in religion. They would not be bound by it.
In common with the Puritan, they accepted the doctrine
of the English church, but they claimed the liberty to
reject aU things in its polity and worship which in their
judgment were not accordant with Scripture. They were
reminded that to resist the ecclesiastical supremacy of
the crown was as truly sedition as to resist its civil
supremacy ; that the authority of the sovereign in both
relations came from the same source, and rested on the
same foundations. But whatever name might be given to
such disobedience, it was a part of the religion of these
persons to affirm, that in regard to religious matters the
magistrate was not the ultimate judge. On such
questions the final authority was the individual con
science and the Creator. The sentence passed on these
men, as proper to persons holding and avowing such
opinions, was, that they should die— be hanged ! To

Religious Life under the Tudors. 6i
lay claim to the liberty which our laws have long since chap.iii.
ceded to our whole people, was to incur that heavy
forfeiture — to die as the highwayman or the midnight
murderer dies !
Barrow was a gentleman of Gray's Inn. Thacker,
Copping, and Greenwood were ministers. Penry was a
native of Wales, had studied in Cambridge, graduated
in Oxford, and is admitted by his enemies to have been
a young man of sound mental culture, and of deep
religious feeling. It is quite true that Barrow and
Penry showed themselves to be men of a warm temper,
and that they sometimes expressed themselves, in print
and otherwise, in strong and Irreverent language towards
the ruling clergy. But strong protest is often all that Is
left to the weak when opposed to the strong. The
ideas enunciated by these men did not die. Sectaries
multiplied rapidly in the face of all this terror. Sir
Walter Raleigh declared In Parliament, towards the close
of Elizabeth's reign, that the religionists of this order In
Norfolk and in parts about London, were not less than
twenty thousand. Such, the reader will mark, were the
early experiences of Congregationalism in English his
tory.* It is not difficult to understand how rulers in Church principles
and State have come to attach so much importance 'this°contro-
to religious conformity. Obedience in that form Is "¦'"'¦^^
interpreted as a confession that not merely the outward,
but the inward— the will, should be subject to the sway
of those authorities. This was evidently the light in
which such submission was viewed both by Henry VIII.
and Elizabeth. Hence no form of their power was reaUy
* Strype's Amials, iv. 246-251. Whitgift, ii. 42-50, 175-193.
Waddington's Congregational Martyrs and Life of Penry.

6i Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

The divine
right of
conscienceand the di
vine right
of kings.

SO precious to them as the supremacy with which they
were Invested in respect to conscience. To resist them
in their proceedings with regard to religion was to wound
them in the most sensitive part of their nature. Eliza
beth, moreover, though no doubt bound to Protestantism
by conviction as well as by circumstances, was a lady
with some dangerous tastes. The crucifix and the altar
lights retained In her chapel, betrayed a sympathy with
the pomp and symbolism of the Roman worship which
her brother Edward, and the reformers generally in his
time, would have looked upon with surprise and appre
hension. But steady as was her determination to assert
her supremacy in this department of rule, the very
circumstances which had given her so much power had
subjected that supremacy to some strong and special limi
tations. She possessed the freedom of a Protestant sove
reign, but she was never allowed to forget that she could
be strong only through the loyalty of a Protestant people.
She might flatter herself that she spoke and acted by a
divine right ; but she was to feel that the opponents of
her policy could take the same ground.
According to the conscience of the Romanist, it was
the command of God that the pope, and not the queen,
should be the head of the church. According to the
conscience of the Puritan, if it was the will of Christ that
there should be a union between the state and the
church, it was no less clearly His will that the state
should show all reverence toward the liberties of the
church. According to the conscience of the Inde
pendent also, it became him to assert, that his faith and
worship were to be determined by his own judgment as
to the will of God In relation to such matters, and not
by injunctions coming to him from any earthly poten-

Religious Life under the Tudors. 6^
tate. In all these cases there was a principle of divided chap. hi.
allegiance. In all. If there were things which were to
be given to Cassar, there were also things which were to
be given only to God. There were seasons in which the
queen would gladly have coerced all these parties, so as
to have rendered them powerless ; but together, they
made up nearly her whole people. To have crushed
them would have been to have left herself without sub
jects. Among all these delinquents, the Independents
must have been, according to the feeling of Elizabeth,
the most delinquent. The Catholic who resisted her
will In favour of his ancient church ; and the Puritan who
did so in favour of his hmited scheme of freedom, must
have been. In her view, modest men, compared with the
man who presumed to oppose his private judgment to
the sovereign wisdom of the state, and of her majesty as
its head. Apart from this doctrine concerning the
divine right of conscience, the doctrine concerning the
divine right of kings in our history would have had the
field very largely to Itself. The Puritan, both in the
pulpit and in the senate, was to place the curb that was
needed on the power of Elizabeth, and was to have his
mission in that form when the sceptre passed from the
Tudors to the Stuarts.
The religion of the Romanist in that age was the
religion of secrecy. The priest moved abroad in every
sort of disguise. His rites were administered in concealed
apartments, and under the cover of the night, where no
eye could see, no ear could listen. The loss of all things,
even of life itself, was the hazard incurred by the practice
of the most sacred observances of that church. Religion
in such circumstances often became a religion of Intense
passion, of endless intrigue, of bitter disloyalty, and of

64 Religious Life in England before 1660.
ROOK I. deadly resolves. The Puritan gloried in a Protestant
queen and in a Protestant government, and never ceased
striving to bring both Into a nearer conformity to his
own pure Protestant convictions. His loyalty was
impassioned, his repugnance to Romanism was deeply
rooted, and his consciousness of spiritual security, hope,
and happiness, as derived from his firm beliefs, was such
as his opponents could rarely understand. Religious ser
vices, religious books, and rehgious companionships, -all
of the Puritan type, were the atmosphere In which the
spiritual life of men and women, of age and youth, grew
and expanded into a nameless sense of rightness and of
rest. What the drama, and the common sports of the
time, were to others, religious services were to such
persons — and more. They often travelled far In search
of such pleasures, and braved the utmost rather than
suffer the loss of them. All this was true of the Pro
testant Separatists — true of these in a still stronger sense.
With them the good was realised at a greater peril, and
was prized accordingly as a richer good. There are
spirits whose hunger in this form is as for bread to the
perishing — whose thirst is as that of David for water
from the well of Bethlehem.

CHAPTER IV.
Eeltgtous 3Life in (fPnglanti from tf)C IBcatlj of
ISUjaijEtlj to tte 3^cstoratton.
AMES of Scotland, subsequently king of Eng- chap.iv.
land. In addressing the General Assembly In >mes loses
T-. T 1 1 • 1 -111 . - his love of
Edinburgh in 1590, described the service of Presbytery.
'our neighbour kirk of England' as an 'evil
said mass in English.' Even the service of Geneva did
not fully accord with his majesty's standard of purity.
So late as 1598 the royal orator could discourse about
' Papistical and Anglican bishops,' as functionaries who
were not likely to find favour in his eyes, pledging him
self to 'stand by the church' and the 'ministry' of
Scotland. But in the next year the King penned certain
councils to his son, in a work entitled Basilicon Doron,
which were characterized by another tone of expression
concerning the Puritans of the north. ' Take heed,
' therefore, my son,' said the writer, ' to such Puritans,
' very pests in the church and commonwealth, whom
' no deserts can oblige, nor oaths nor promises bind,
' breathing nothing but seditions and calumnies, aspiring
' without measure, railing without reason, and making

66 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. f their own imaginations, without any warrant from
' the Word, the square of their conscience. I protest
' before the great God, and as I am here upon my
' testament it is no place for me to lie in, that ye
' shall never find with any highland or border thieves
' greater ingratitude, and more lies and vile perjuries,
' than with these fanatic spirits. And suffer not the
' principal of them to brook your land, if you like to
'rest in It.' This book was printed in 1603, and
copies of It were In the hands of persons in England
before his majesty crossed the border.* Parsons, the
Jesuit, writing to a friend, says the pope has seen the
book, has been much delighted with It, and hopes the
king may become a good Catholic. f Another Jesuit
writes about the same time, expressing his surprise at
the favourable tone of the publication towards the
professors of his faith.J His majesty's language, as
above cited, will be Interpreted by candid men as the lan
guage of passion more than of truth. But the English
Puritans might well look with apprehension toward the
accession of a monarch who had betrayed such feeling.
The Puri- Soon after James came Into England a petition was
presented to him of a large body of the Puritan clergy. '
The document had been circulated through about half
the counties of England, and had received more than
800 clerical signatures. James received it with apparent
* ' I know not whether you have seen the king's book before, but I
send it you at all ventures, for it is new here.' Chamberlain's Letter,
March 30, 1603. State Paper Office. Domestic Series, vol. i. Calder-
wood's Church of Scotland, z^6-,\.i8. Spotswood's History, 456-468.
t MS. State Paper Office. Domestic Series, vol. i. No. 84.
J Ibid. vol. i. No. 118. It appears also that in 1603 extracts from
the king's book were translated and printed in French. Ibid. vol. v.
No. 67.

tan petition.

Religious Life from 1622 to the Restoration. 67
respect, and promised that a day should be fixed when chap.iv.
deputations from the parties at Issue on the points to
which the petition referred, should be convened, and the
whole subject should be considered.
In this memorable paper the petitioners protest against
being accounted disorderly or disloyal in what they do,
and they pray that certain things connected with the
worship and discipline of the church, the manner of
appointing its ministers to their livings, and the qualifi
cations of such persons, may be reformed. With regard
to baptism, it was urged that It should no longer be
administered in any case by women, and that the sign of
the cross, and the questions usually put to the infant,
should be dispensed with. It was further sought that
the ring might not be used in the ceremony of marriage ;
that confirmation might be abolished ; that the lessons
from the Apocrypha in the public service might be
omitted ; that no ministers should be obliged to wear the
cap and surplice, or to encourage the people in an
observance of holidays, or In bowing at the name of
Jesus ; that the sanctity of the Lord's-day might be
more strictly enforced, the church service abridged, and
certain improvements attempted in Its psalmody. It
was, moreover, prayed, that all clergymen should be
obliged to be resident on their cures, be capable of
preaching, and be so employed at least once on the
Sabbath. Finally, it was urged that subscription in
future should be restricted to the doctrines of religion,
and to the article of his majesty's supremacy ; that It
should not have respect to the offices of the church
generally ; and that certain laws, and forms of proceeding,
pertaining to the ecclesiastical courts should be reformed.*
* Phcenix Britannicus. Neal's History ofthe Puiitatts, ii. 5, 6.

68 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. Oxford and Cambridge rose against the petitioners.
Action of The Oxford divines declared that the proposed changes
tended to anarchy, and that they were especially adverse to

sitles.

that ' supereminent authority always pertaining to the
regal person of a king.' Cambridge resolved to disown
any man impugning the doctrine or discipline of the'
church, and would deprive him of any degree he might
have taken from her hands.*
Hampton Somcwhat morc than six months had intervened since
ference'i""' ^ the Purltans had presented their petition, when James
issued a proclamation which prohibited all writing and
petitioning on the subject of reforms in religious matters,
on pain of his displeasure. When the time for holding
this long-expected conference arrived, the first day was
occupied by the king and the prelates in discussions
preliminary to their meeting with the Puritan ministers.
James was scarcely more vain of being thought an
absolute king than of being esteemed a profound divine.
It is said, accordingly, that on this day ' his majesty
was pleased to play the Puritan ;' and Indulged so far in
that humour, that the bishops, on their knees, entreated
him ' that nothing might be altered, lest Papists and
' Puritans should have occasion to insult upon them, as
' men who had travelled to bind them to that which, by
' their own mouths, was now confessed to be erroneous.'!
Reasoning of this sort, whether avowed or not, is always
potent in such cases. With the opponents of innova
tion, to confess error in the past, must be to lose power
in the future. The king, having sufficiently alarmed
the prelates, soon made them aware that nothing was
further from his thoughts than to take part against them.
* Strype's Annals, iv. 522, 523. Neal, ii. 6-8.
t Calderwood, 474.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 6cf
On the following day, four Puritan ministers, chosen chap.iv.
by James himself, were opposed to nearly twenty prelates
or other dignitaries, in the presence of the members of
the council and of a crowd of courtiers, his majesty
seated as moderator. The account of this conference,
published by Dean Barlow, from which nearly all sub
sequent narratives have been taken, has evidently, to
use the language of Fuller, ' a sharp edge on one side.'
Either the published report Is not trustworthy, or the
Puritans, so outnumbered and so browbeaten, must have
been so far abashed as to have failed to do justice to
their cause. Something was said, it seems, in favour of
the clerical meetings called prophesyings, which Elizabeth
had suppressed ; upon which his majesty, interrupting
the discussion, exclaimed, ' If you aim at a Scotch
' presbytery. It agrees as well with monarchy as God
' with the devil.' Having In this manner betrayed the
real source of his ecclesiastical preferences, the king pro
ceeded. In the same vein of incautious self-disclosure, to
expatiate on his spiritual supremacy, concluding his
discourse by turning to the bishops, touching his hat,
and saying, ' My lords, I may thank you that these
' men plead for my supremacy. They think they cannot
' make their party good against you, but by appealing to
' it. But If once you are out, and they are jn, I know
' what will become of my supremacy — for no bishop, no
' king.' * It was not without reason that Sir John
Harrington, himself no Puritan, described James as
using ' upbraiding,' rather than argument. ' He told
' them,' says Sir John, ' that they wanted to strip Christ
' again, and bid them away with their snivelling. The
'bishops seemed much pleased, and said his majesty
* Phcenix Britannicus.

Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. ' spoke by the power of Inspiration. I wist not what
' they mean  but the spirit was rather foul-mouthed.'*
In conclusion, the king, addressing himself to Dr.
Reynolds, the most considerable of the Puritan clergy
present, said, ' If this be all your party has to say, I
' will make them conform themselves, or else harry them
' out ofthe land, or do worse.' Bishop Bancroft declared
that the world had not seen such a king since the time
of Christ. Whitgift was sure that his majesty had
spoken by the Spirit of God. Chancellor Egerton was
amazed to see the king and the priest so wonderfully
united In the same person !
Effect of This whole scene might pass as a pleasant comedy,
the King's (jj^ .^g know nothlug of the seeds of tragedy which lay
policy on *-' ...
the Puri- under it. It will be seen, that In comparison with the
high Presbyterian demands of many among the Puritans
in the last reign, the petition now presented was remark
able for its moderation. It asked nothing that might
not reasonably have been granted. On such easy terms
the party might have been bound in honour to silence
and submission, at least for the space of another genera
tion. The primacy of Whitgift had brought so much
trouble upon the Puritans, that they were content, it
seems, so far to limit their claims as to allow their
opponents an opportunity of seeming to be compliant,
without the suspicion of being vanquished.
The ministers at Hampton Court were left to make
their communication to their brethren, consisting of
many more than the men whose names were attached to
the petition ; and by those persons the report would be
extended to a much larger number still, who were more
* Nuga Antiqua, i. 1 8 1 .

Religious Life frora 1622 to the Restoration. 7 1

or less of the same judgment. Every ministerial chap.iv.
gathering would be full of talk concerning what had
happened. What the king had said, how he had mocked
the ministers, and how his courtiers had derided them,
would be told at every Puritan fireside in city and
county, and would there call forth free comment. The
feeling of wounded loyalty, and the sense of wrong and
insult thus awakened, would become common In a few
weeks to the most thoughtful, virtuous, and religious
portion of the English people. What had taken place
would be sure to influence the tone of Puritan teaching
from the pulpit, and from house to house. Puritan
laymen, as they trod the accustomed walk toward their
parish church, would be heard to say, ' The king has
' told our ministers that to be a Puritan is to be a covert
' traitor. If we would have favour from his majesty, we
' must. It seems, surrender our conscience, and become
' disloyal to God. It Is clear that the smiles of royalty
' are to be reserved for a sleek court priesthood, and that
' frowns only are to fall to the lot of ourselves and of
' our preachers. Truly, we have come to serious times.
' Whatever can be done towards limiting a power exer-
' cised so ill should assuredly be done. If thus driven
' from court, we must look more than ever to our
' footing in parliament. The elections are at hand — we
¦ must see what may be done then.'
This was manifestly the tendency given to the better
portion of the mind of England by the conduct of the
king. In every parliament of this reign the Puritan
element will be found to be dominant. Even the stern
will of Elizabeth had given way before antagonism in
this form. The mirth of the king when opposed to
Puritanism at Hampton Court, was changed into a sober

72 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. sadness as he found himself obliged to face that enemy in
the halls of legislation.
Persecution But hls majcsty was little suspicious of the experiences
Puritins. which awaited him. His threat of severe dealing with
the ecclesiastical malcontents became a reality. The
bishops were forthwith enjoined to cleanse the church
of the disaffected. ' The poor Puritan ministers,' says
a contemporary, ' have been ferreted out of all corners,
' and some of them suspended — others deprived of their
' livings. Certain lecturers are silenced ; and a crew of
' gentlemen, of Northamptonshire, who put up a peti-
' tion to the king on their behalf, told roundly of their
' boldness, both at the Council table and Star chamber ;
' and Sir Francis Hastings for drawing the petition, and
' standing to it when he had so done, is put from his
' lieutenancy and justiceship of the peace in his shire.
' Sir Edward Montague, and Sir Valentine Knightly, for
' refusing to subscribe to a submission, have the like
' sentence.'* What the Puritans, and the friends of the Puritans,
were in Northamptonshire, they were over the greater
part of England. Indeed, the number of the clergy
who would not become in all things Conformists was
found to be so great, that the government deemed
it wise to exercise more forbearance than had been
at first contemplated. But this halt was not made until
some three hundred clergymen had been deprived or
suspended, f
* Winwood's Me?norials, ii. 48.
t Some of the Puritans, as in the last reign, resigned their clerical
office rather than submit to the terms imposed on them. Dr. Burgess, '
an eminent person of that class, and a powerfal preacher, took to the
practice of medicine. The doctor was called in this capacity to attend
the great court lady, the Duchess of Bedford, and so coupled spiritual

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 73
To the end of this reign the Puritans were divided chap, iv.
Into two classes, those who limited their objections to Puri^n
¦' opinion
certain ceremonies, and those who would have vested during this
more of the discipline and government of the church
in the hands of ministers and people. Both acknow
ledged the ecclesiastical supremacy of the crown, but
both would have restricted the action of that supremacy
to things regarded as sanctioned by Holy Scripture. All
were agreed In holding the maxim, that nothing could
be law in England, except as made to be such by an
act of the Legislature. The court of High Commis
sion, and even the houses of Convocation, possessed
no legislative power. The decisions of the former
instruction with liis medical skill, that the lady became a convert to
Puritanism, to the great amazement of her gay connexions. A French
gentleman, who had lieard the doctor pray with the duchess, was so
much interested, that in his simplicity he commended the reverend
practitioner very earnestly to the king. James was so excited on
finding that the Nonconformist had dared to ' dogmatize ' in his court,,
that he commanded the archbishop to look to it. Bancroft sent for the
culprit, used liim somewhat roughly, and forbade his practising, in his
profession anywhere within ten miles of London !- Carleton's Letter,
August I, 1603. MSS., S. P. O. Domestic Series. We further learn,
that the next year Mr. Secretary Winwood and his lady chose to reside
in an indifferent house at Isleworth, a little beyond the reach of the
archbishop's Ten-mile Act, that they might avail themselves of the
services of the banished man. Ibid. Letter, March 3, 1604. What
marvel if the affection of Puritans for Stuart rule was not very ardent i!
It was in the following terms that the Archbishop of York wrote
concerning these men when summoned to join in this crusade against
them : ' I have received letters from your lordship, and others of his
' majesty's most honourable Privy Council, containing two points — first,
' that the Puritans be proceeded against according to law, except they
' conform themselves * * * * The Puritans, whose fanatical zeal I
• dislike, though they differ in ceremonies and accidents, yet they agree
• with us in the substance of religion, and I tliink all, or mast part of
¦ them, love his majesty, and the present State.' Ibid. ii. 40. E

74 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. were to be simply administrative, and the canons of
the latter were deemed a nullity without the sanction
of the state. Hence, according to the Puritans, the
very formidable book of canons adopted by the Con
vocation of 1604, was wanting in authority, inasmuch as,
though approved by the crown, they had not been con
firmed by parliament. Prosecutions founded on such
a basis, they described as illegal, and they protested
against them as such,*
The King Jamcs was by no means pleased on finding talk of
unconstim- ^^Is kind abroad, To put an end to uncertainty on this
opintn question, his majesty summoned the judges and law
from the officers of the crown Into the Star Chamber, where
council and
the judges. Inquiries bearing on this point were submitted to them.
The lords of the council, it appears, felt no scruple in
raising the prerogative to almost any height in such
matters. The judges, and especially Coke, the attorney-
general, pleaded for the supremacy of parliament; but,
in the end, the majority were pleased to affirm that the
king might give the authority of law to regulations
for the government of the church, and that the royal
commissioners might be required to see them enforced.
It was also declared, that persons framing petitions to
the king, procuring signatures to them, and stating
* Lord Burleigh could show very cleverly how matters stood in this
respect under Elizabeth when occasion arose for doing so. Writing to
his son. Sir Robert Cecil, he says : • The allegation of the popish
* ministers in Paris, noting that her majesty did promise favour and
' afterwards did show extremities to the Catholics, is felse. For her
' majesty at her entry prohibited all change in the form of religion as she
' found it by law, and when by law it was otherwise ordered by
'parliament, she did command the observation of the law newly
' established, punishing the offenders only according to law. So her
' majesty's actions are justifiable at all times, having never punished any
' evil subject but by warrant of law.' Murdin's State Papers, 666;

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration.. j^
therein that many thousands of his majesty's subjects chap, iv.
would be discontented if the suit should be denied, will
be guilty of an ofFence approaching very near to felony
and treason. So his majesty was empowered to legis
late, to oppress, and to compel his victims to be silent
under their suffering.*
In 1603, Whitgift was succeeded in the see of
Canterbury by Bancroft, a passionate and intolerant
man, who. In temper and principles, was much more a
Papist than a Protestant. During the next seven years
the new primate allowed the Puritans no rest. For the
most part, the sufferers continued to conform. But
they ceased not to discuss their differences with their
opponents ; and the grounds of debate, as may be
supposed, were rather widened than narrowed. In 16 10,
Bancroft was succeeded by Abbot, a man of another
order, under whom the Puritans had an Interval of
comparative quiet.
One good result followed from the conference at Kew trans-
T 1 1 1 -n • ¦ ¦ lation of
Hampton Court. It was urged by the Puritan ministers the Bible.
* The canons of 16,04 declared that any man who should question
the authority of that assembly as representing the church of England ;
should affirm clergy or laity to be exempt from its control ; should
describe the church as not being an '•apostolical' church, or the Book
of Common Prayer as containing ' anything repugnant to Scripture,'
should be excommunicated. And the excommunicated person, it
should be remembered, was not only excluded from the communion of
the church, but was made incapable of sueing for his lands or debts, of
serving on a jury, or of giving evidence as a witness. But the courts
at Westminster would not own any authority in the canons of 1604 as
touching body or goods, and often issued their prohibitions to protect
the subject against the civil consequences of the spiritual censures pro
nounced by the clergy on the basis of those decisions. Coke under
stood these things, and, with all his faults, was commonly on the side of
English law and English right. Winwood, i. 22-25 ; Neal, ii. 35-37.
E 2

of Sports.

76 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. that there should be a new or revised translation of the
Bible, and to that suggestion we owe our present version.
This work was completed in 1 6 1 1 .*
The Book But aloug wlth thls mcasurc came another of a very
different description. The great majority of the gentie
men and of the magistrates through the provinces, were
more or less the friends of the Puritan clergy, and were
disposed, through influence from that quarter, to enforce
a somewhat strict observance of the Lord's-day. The
king, and certain of the clergy who were much about
him, were by no means pleased with these proceedings.
On the plea that upon this ground Romanists were wont
to describe Protestantism as gloomy and unsocial, his
majesty issued a proclamation, requiring that when
divine service had closed, persons should not ' be dis-
' couraged from any lawful recreations, such as dancing,
' either of men or women, archery for men, leaping,
' vaulting, or any such harmless recreation, nor having of
' May games, Whitsun ales or morris dances, or setting-
' up of May-poles, or other sports therewith used, so as
' the same may be had in due and convenient time, without
' Impediment or let of divine service.' The sports pro
nounced unlawful on the Lord's-day were bear-baiting
and bull-balting.f The Puritans, ministers and laity,
everywhere regarded this proclamation as a hcense from
Collier's Eccles. Hist. ii. 692-694. Lewis's History of Trans
lations; Anderson's Annals of the English Bible. The conduct of
James in this matter was highly commendable. He wrote to the
Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and to the universities, urging
that the services of the most competent men might be secured, and
that the patronage of the church should be exercised so as to ensure to
them an adequate compensation for their labour. MSS., S. P.O.
Domestic Series, Vol. viii. No. 117; xii. No. 73 ,
t Collier's Eccles. Hist. ii. 711, 712. 1

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 77

strance ot
the Co:
mons.

the throne to desecrate a day which the Scriptures had chap, iv
declared should be sacred ; and many who were not
Puritans censured the proceeding. Among the causes
of the troubles In the next reign, a conspicuous place
must be assigned to the king's ' dancing book,' as this
Ill-judged proclamation came to be designated.
How the feeling stood between the monarch and the Remon-
parllament on such questions may be seen In the address, the Com-
or rather complaint, presented to his majesty by his
first house of commons at the close of their first
session. ' For matter of religion,' say these grave
commoners, ' It will appear, by examination of truth
' and right, that your majesty should be misinformed
' if any man should deliver that the kings of England
' have any absolute power In themselves either to alter
' religion (which God defend should be In the power of
' any mortal man whatsoever), or to make any laws con-
' cerning the same, otherwise than in temporal causes,
' by consent of parliament. We have not come in any
' Puritan or Brownist spirit to introduce their parity, or
' to work the subversion of the state ecclesiastical as
' now It standeth — things so far and so clearly from
' our meaning, that with uniform consent in the begin-
' ning of this parliament, we committed a member to
' the Tower who, out of that humour, in a petition
¦ presented to this house, slandered the bishops. We
' disputed not of matters of faith and doctrine ; our
' desire was peace only, and our device of unity, how
' this lamentable and long-lurking dissension among the
' ministers, from which atheism, and sects, and all ill
'hfe have received such encouragement, and such
' dangerous increase, might at length, before help come
' too late, be extinguished. Our desire hath also been

78 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. . 'to reform certain abuses, crept into the ecclesiastical state
' even as into the temporal ; and lastly, that the land
' might be furnished with a learned and religious and
' godly ministry, for the maintenance of whom we would
'' have granted no small contributions, had we found that
' correspondency from others.' * The king was deeply
displeased before. These calm but resolute words only
added to his excitement. ' As God shall judge me,' said
his majesty, ' I had rather live hke a hermit than be a
' king over such a people as the pack of Puritans that
' overrules the lower house.' f But James was to find
that the command of the house would be in the hands of
that pack of Puritans to the end of his days.
It must not be supposed that the king was alone in
* The paper from which these citations are made was presented to
the house by Sir Thomas Ridge way. Hume, who describes it as the
work of Sir Francis Bacon and Sir Edwin Sandys, says that its spirit of
freedom was ^much beyond the principles of the age,' and that it
failed on that account to be adopted, no trace of it appearing in the
journals. But the first paragraph of it is in the journals ; and from a
debate in the Commons in 1621, I find that it was not only read but
adopted, its non-appearance in the journals being at that time a matter
of astonishment to the senior members, who had been parties to the
adoption of it. Beaumont, the French ambassador, speaks of the king
at the time as having addressed the house in a speech ' fiill of anger,'
which, he says, was heard in silence, but followed by ' a justification
of themselves in writing against all his imputations.' This reference
is clearly to Bacori's paper. There is also a reference to it in the
preface to Truth brought to Li^ht. The paper may be seen in the
Parliamentary History, i. 1030-1042. There is a copy also in the
State Paper Office, Domestic Series, Vol. viii. 'No. rjo. It will be seen
that in this document the house condemns the new ,pow.er just given to
the crown in relation to ecclesiastical questions by the ¦council and the
judges ; and it might be shown that the commons had expressed
themselves with the same freedom on the same points in previous
sittings. t Hallam's Const. Hist. i. 331, 332.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 79
his hatred of the Puritans. There were dissolute men chap, iv.
who shared that feeling with him, but they were with state of
. . society — re-
hlm In scarcely anything beside, and were not men to proach of
,. . ,. ,• rr- ^ • .".1 Puritanism.
serve him in his difficulties. Osberne, a contemporary,
and no precisionist in any sense, complains of ' the
notorious debauchery of the Episcopal clergy ; ' and
informs us, that the term Puritan had become a name of
reproach which the profligate were pleased to cast on
every man pretending to any sort of conscientiousness.
' Under that term,' says our author, ' were compre-
' hended not only those brain-sick fools who oppose
' the discipline^ and ceremonies of the Church, and
' make religion an umbrella to impiety, but such as out
' of mere honesty restrained the vices of the times were
' branded with that title. Neither was any being charged
' with It, though of the best relation, thought compe-
' tent to preferment in church or commonwealth —
' which made the bad glory in their impiety, and such
' as had not an extraordinary measure of grace, ashamed
' of any outward profession of sanctity. Court sermons
'were fraught with bitter invectives against these
' people, whom they seated nearer the confines of hell
' than Papists. To avoid the imputation of Puritanism
' — a greater sin than vice In the way of preferment- —
' our chvlnes, for the generality, did sacrifice more time
' to Bacchus than to Minerva, and being excellent
' company, drew the most ingenious laity into a like
' excess.'* In fact, the morals of the country, which had dete
riorated considerably under Ehzabeth, had become
greatly more corrupt under her successor. The king's
known feeling towards the Puritans, and his profusion,
* Memoirs, 440-443.

8o Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. levity, and sensuous habits, had much affected court and
country ; so that not only the stricter sort of religious
people, but, as Osberne has said, any man who from a
sense of decency would ' restrain the vices of the times,'
had to reckon on being denounced, both In high places
and low places, as a precisionist and a hypocrite. One
effect of this course of affairs was, that the earnest men
of those days often became intensely earnest. To hold
their own in such circumstances, it became them to be
circumspect, to be armed at all points, and to be men
possessing not a little of the martyr spirit. Happily,
among the .gentry, and still more among the intelligent
middle class through town and country, the men of this
temperament were not few.
Rise ofthe With the accession of the House of Stuart came a
High An
glican marked change in the feeling and pretensions of the
Church- English clergy. We have seen that in the later years of
Elizabeth, the Puritans became more Presbyterian than
Episcopal in their views with regard to church polity;
and as they professed to derive those views simply from
the sacred writings, it was only natural that they should
learn to speak of them as resting on authority, not
simply human, but divine. The bishops were greatly
disturbed by this jus divinum claim on the part of their
opponents. Nor were they well satisfied, on other
grounds, with the position which had been assigned to
their order by the state since the Reformation. In the
judgment of Henry VIII. and of Elizabeth, bishops
were a class of men whose function had proved useful-
nothing more. Henry found them in the church, and
from expediency, and not as ceding any exclusive sacer
dotal power to their office, he was content to retain
them. So it was with Elizabeth. When the sceptre

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 81
was about to pass from the last of the Tudors to the chap.iv.
first of the Stuarts, Bancroft, the bishop of London,
ventured to affirm that the function of the bishop was of
divine institution. The object of this movement was
twofold — to meet the Puritan on his own ground, by
opposing one jus divinum claim to another ; and at the
same time to improve the general position of prelacy In
its relation to the civil power, by placing the divine right
of bishops side by side with the divine right of kings.
Henry VIII. recognized no divine right beside his own,
and no such dogma was likely to find favour with Eliza
beth, who was evidently resolved to be mistress over
both church and churchmen. But the scene changed
when her successor came to the throne. The maxim of
James, ' No bishop no king,' of course disposed him to
cede almost any authority to the mitre, from a mistaken
notion that all such power would be only another form
of his own. The policy of James In this respect was
that of Charles.
To Charles, no less than to James, the free principles
of the Puritans in relation both to ecclesiastical and to
political questions, were especially offensive, and this
new league between prelacy and the crown was the
consequence. Hence the clergy especially opposed to
the Puritans under Charles, were a widely different order
of men from those who had been about Elizabeth In her
early days. The ecclesiastical matters to which the
Puritans of that time preferred objection were no longer
acknowledged to be really exceptionable. On some
ground, real or Imaginary, everything of that order was
now affirmed to be seemly, beautiful, and even sacred.
The medieval church, in place of being, as in the
language of the old bishops, 'the church of the
^3

82 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Amalekite,' was described as a church rich in spi
ritual excellence, from which we had separated ourselves
too far, and to which it would be wise in many things to
return. Andrews, and Donne, and the school they
represented, discoursed often after this manner. Laud,
and Montague, and Cosins carried these tastes and
maxims from the closet and the court Into the business
of the church and of the nation. Without being
Romanists, the sympathies of these persons were largely
with that church, and repugnant to the Protestant cause
In Europe. Hence, in the judgment of the Puritans, if
these men were not concealed Papists, they were men
acting upon a policy the manifest tendencies of which
were towards a restoration of that faith. By these high
churchmen, the revolt of the reformers against the
church of the past was described as fierce, irreverent,
excessive, menacing principles which should have been
venerated as lying at the foundation of all ecclesiastical
and social order. That the Tudors should have regarded
the office of the bishop as a merely human institution,
was accounted, whenever it became necessary to seem
cognizant of the fact, as little less than monstrous. So of
much beside. The better men of this school influenced
a considerable portion of the laity.* Educated women
often received their lessons with the greatest docility.
In the manners and visible tastes of this whole party,
there was so much which seemed to bespeak a nearer
affinity with Romanism than with Protestantism, that
the feeling with which the Puritans denounced this
apparent disposition to abandon the reformed faith was
* Rushworth, ii. 324, 380, 410. Among these Protestant revilers
of the Reformation, an early and conspicuous place must be assigned to
Bancroft.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 83
certainly not the sheer bigotry, or baseless panic. It is chap.iv.
often said to have been, but was rather a feeling which
could not fail to be awakened by such appearances.
Charles was much in the hands of this party when he The Court
party.
became king, partly from preference, and partly from
the paucity of able men at his disposal. Buckingham
had been so much intent upon monopolizing all court
influence, that the court party, which might otherwise
have given its aid to the sovereign, was much broken
and enfeebled. In parliament, this party consisted of
persons disposed to support the pretensions of the Crown,
and who, in most cases, were content to follow the advice
of its ministers. But many of those pretensions had
come to be so much questioned, and to be questioned
with so much earnestness and ability, that the men who
were concerned to sustain them were obliged to prosecute
their object with some caution. Attempts, Indeed, were
made by men who had passed much time at foreign
courts, to reconcile their countrymen to the growth of
arbitrary government at home, by discoursing about the
hard fare and wooden shoes which fell to the lot of its
victims abroad. But the reception given to such ora
torical displays was of a nature to discourage the exercise
of genius after that manner.* The leaders of this party
generally pursued a wiser course. They would not be
described as the abettors of tyranny in the state, or of
superstition in the church. The differences between
them and their opponents, they said, were by no means
so considerable as seemed to be supposed. In fact, it
was a difference more about means than about ends. In
all ordinary cases they hoped to see the government
conform to the law, and to see all Independent action of
* Pari. Hist. i. 205.

84 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. the crown restricted to those novel and extreme circum
stances for which the law may not have made an adequate
provision. On the subject of religion, they were as
sound Protestants as any portion of the community,
though they were certainly disposed to look with some
favour on certain ancient usages retained in the national
church. The country party listened to all statements
of this description with misgiving. They knew that,
under the cover of such language, evils which they were
intent on bringing to an end were likely to be perpetuated.
They knew, moreover, that they were themselves the
majority, and they were not slow in attributing this
moderated language on the part of their opponents to a
remembrance of that unwelcome fact.
Puritans Jt is to be obscrvcd, however, that while the court
and Patriots ,.,.,,.,
party exhibited little perceptible difference of opinion,
the country party consisted of two classes, who have
become known in our history by the name of Puritans
and Patriots. The former class was much the more
numerous, but the latter included some of the most
distinguished men of the age. The names of Coke and
Seldon are sufficient to indicate the order of ability
brought by the patriot party to the public cause. Still,
It must not be supposed that this party was little
concerned about the religion of the country. On that
subject, every man was more or less a zealot In those
days. The patriot party regarded the safety of the
nation as inseparable from the safety of its Protestantism.
Concerning some of the obnoxious services in the
church they were hardly less decided in their opposition
than the Puritans themselves ; and they were especially
jealous of any encroachment by the clergy on the
province of the magistrate. From the age of Charles V.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 85
to the treaty of Westphalia, religion was everywhere the chap.iv.
mainspring of politics ; and the horror of Popery, which
some writers describe as the ridiculous attribute of
English Puritanism, was then the feeling of English
patriotism, and, in fact, of true Protestantism throughout
Christendom. Some men were especially opposed to
Romanism as being hostile to civil freedom and to
social Improvement. But with this class there was
another, much more numerous and more energetic, who
would have crushed the papal system as a power which
Invaded the conscience, and destroyed the soul.
In our secular and conventional times, it Is not easy to The Puritan
Imagine the influences which made the Puritan forms of Bible.
thought so potent in minds of eminent sagacity. We
have the explanation in part. In the fact, that the Bible
in the sixteenth century, and through the first half of the
seventeenth, was, even to thoughtful men, comparatively
a novel book, — a treasure which had been lost and was
found. It was to them, moreover, a book, the full
inspiration, the unerring truth of which was above
suspicion. It was, in the most emphatic sense, the
word of God ; and its facts and doctrines were taken
in their most simple and natural significance. The age
was In this respect, and to them especially, an age of
faith, — we may say, of child-like and loving faith.
Such men as Eliot and Hampden, Cromwell and Vane,
believed in God and Christ, In Sin and the Evil One, in
Heaven and Hell, as the Bible presents them, and very
much as Milton has depicted them. To them, this
world was full of spiritual influences, both good and
bad— full eminently of God. Where duty called, men
of this order could brave all things, and still feel that
nothing was hazarded. To them there was no such

86 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. thing as accident. Small things and great were all In the
hands of the Highest. As the leaders felt in these
respects, so their followers felt; the feeling, indeed,
becoming only the more deep as It descended to the
humblest.
Relation of It is casy to sce how men living In such relations to a
Bible to higher world would be Inclined to question the preten-
Patriotlsm. slons of earthly authorities when regarded as opposing
themselves to that Higher Power. Every man who
supposes that right is on his side supposes that God is
on his side. But the Puritan was satisfied that he had a
special warrant to that effect, and he was too much
disposed to concern himself with questions affecting the
law and government of the Almighty, to be deterred by
any superstitious scruple from a free scrutiny of the
bases of law and government when merely human.
Hence his speculations often darted onward, so as to
anticipate some of the most advanced positions of
modern thought. ' Treason,' said a preacher of this
order, when addressing a London congregation — 'trea-
' son is not limited to the royal blood, as if he only
' could be a traitor who plotteth or attempteth the
'dishonour, or the shedding thereof; but may be, and
' is too often, committed against the whole church and
¦ nation : which last Is so much the worse of these two,
' by so much as the end is better than the means, and
'the whole of greater consequence than any one part.'*
Such was the clear and , strong grasp of political prin
ciple possible to the mind of a Calvinistic lecturer in the
early days of Charles I. So spoke Milton and Locke
in their season, and so many great men have spoken
since. Bound by conscience to resist the pretensions of
* Rushworth, iii. 32, 140-142,

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 87
the civil power in regard to religion. It was natural, as chap.iv.
this controversy grew upon their hands, that the Puri
tans should thus extend their inquiries to points affecting
the ground of all government.
The reader must not forget that the Puritans, under Social posi-
James and Charles, were not in the position or the puritans.
modern Nonconformists. They were of the national
church, both ministers and laity. There was much in
the existing ecclesiastical system which they would have
reformed ; but their parish churches were their religious
home. They had been baptized within those walls.
There they had been married. There, or among the
tombs adjacent to it, they had buried their dead. There,
too, they expected, in their turn, to sleep their own long
sleep. Their ministers were all university men. Their
laity embraced persons of all ranks. In our memory,
the Dissenter has been sometimes described as not more
than half an Englishman. In the eyes of some men
it has been a presumption in him to seem to regard this
great England as his country. But the bitter hate
generated, and very naturally generated, by such social
disparagement, belongs to comparatively recent times.
Of course, the fact that English Puritanism embraced,
not only the strong feeling of the middle class, but much
of the intelligence and culture of the higher grades ot
society, contributed largely to make it the power it
became In our history.
If this glance at the character and position of parties Uses of this
on the accession of Charles I. be remembered, the course '"™'P"'-
of events which followed will be readily understood.
The reader has seen that the Puritans at Hampton
Court made no assault on the hierarchy. Whatever
might be the natural issue of some of their principles.

88 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. they merely prayed that a few ceremonies which were a
burden to their consciences might be dispensed with, and
that a few measures tending to the greater usefulness of
the church might be adopted. Nor did the Puritans
now seek anything more. The country party in Parlia
ment complain heavily of grievances. But their griev
ances in relation to the church have respect almost
wholly to matters of ritual ; and In relation to the state,
to the alleged violation of laws designed to secure the
subject against arbitrary arrests and arbitrary taxation.
Charles's How Charlcs persisted in the war with Spain, whilst
impolicy — . ,.. . . , r •
language of obstiuatcly cvadiug his promise of a redress of grievances
as the condition of obtaining the requisite supplies;
how, through the Influence of Buckingham, he added to
the war with Spain a war with France, and thus Incurred
new disgraces abroad and new difficulties at home ; and
how, at last, he dismissed his third parliament, four
years after his accession, and set himself resolutely to
govern without parliaments, — all this is recorded, more
or less fully, by our historians. When affairs had come
to this Issue, there were men, not reckoned with the
court party, to whom some of the speeches and some
of the proceedings In the lower house seemed to be
in a measure wanting In considerateness and moderation.,
According to these persons. It should have been enough
that the king had acknowledged the duties at the ports.
to be dependent, like all other imposts, on the consent of
parliament ; and that he had ceded so much in favour
of the liberty of the subject as was clearly recognized in,
the Petition of Right. To attempt to extend their
action, as they did, to the punishment of the officers
who had done the king's bidding, and to pass beyond
this redress of grievances to the impeachment of minis-

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 89
ters, was to make a larger demand on the forbearance of chap. iv.
the king than could be accounted reasonable.
The reader, however, must bear In mind the language what may
. " "-^ be said for
In which Charles spoke, once and again, concerning the the Com-
divine right — the irresponsible power inherent in his 1625 to
kingly office ; the distinct and emphatic terms in which ' ^''
he had declared all the privileges of parliament to be
matter of royal sufferance ; the extent to which he had
betrayed these arbitrary tendencies, by attempting to
control the discussions of the house, and the conduct
of the speaker ; the vacillation and weakness of judg
ment which he had manifested on so many occasions ;
the ease with which he could descend to any measure
of duplicity in the most solemn transactions ; and his
lamentable want of the manly Independence and sagacity
necessary to ensure an efficient administration of the
weighty affairs which devolved on his government. It
is true, the commons had been more conformable to the
royal pleasure under Elizabeth ; but even then they
often evinced a will of their own. Elizabeth, moreover,
had never made such demands on the resources of the
state as were now made ; and had never committed the
Interests and honour of the country to a man so Incom
petent and worthless as the duke of Buckingham. Her
subjects were confident that her high-souled nature was
English to the core. When she knew that she had
knaves to deal with, she sometimes paid them in their
, own coin. But her English people could always rest
upon her word. Her sound Protestantism was above
suspicion. To waste her treasure was like wasting her
blood. To bring any signal disgrace on the English
flag would have been to break her heart. Charles was
not a man cast in a mould of that high order.

90 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. The commons of 1629 could not forget the evident
reluctance with which the least concession had been made
by the king. They remembered the vengeance with
which he had visited the men whose popular policy had
displeased him ; and the pardon and promotions which
he had been no less eager to bestow on those divines
who by their servile teaching had incurred the dis
pleasure of his subjects. They were too wise also not
to see that, having to do, unhappily, with a king who
had been found so greatly wanting In sincerity, it became
them to insist upon securities which it might not have
been reasonable in other circumstances to have demanded.
Such is the Nemesis which is sure to follow upon the
track of falsehood ! And when the king had once
declared that the tools used In his oppressions were not
to be responsible to the nation, but to himself only, it
would have been to betray the national cause not to
have insisted on having that question put for ever at
rest. It was a grave thing to tell the people of Eng
land, that they could have no remedy against oppression
except by visiting It with its fitting penalties in the^
person of the sovereign ! But that was the issue of the
maxims avowed by the king.
The commons felt the danger of this course. If the
monarch did not. It is observable in their discussions in
1629, that with all their excitement, they are especially
careful that there should be no want of reverence in
their proceedings with regard to the office and character
of the king. Their language concerning him Is always
constitutional. They will not seem to see his personal
faults. They fix those faults on other men. The sort
of divinity that should be about him as a king they
leave untouched. But sparing the king, they dared not

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 91
spare his instruments. Clarendon states, that he was well chap.iv.
acquainted with the proceedings of the three parliaments
assembled in the early days of this monarch, and
expresses his wonder at the course taken by the govern
ment. ' It is not to be denied,' he writes, ' that there
' were In all those parliaments, especially in that of the
' fourth year, several passages and distempered speeches,
' of particular persons, not fit for the dignity and
' honour of those places, and unsuitable to the reverence
' due to his majesty and his councils. But I do not
' know any formed act of either house (for neither tbe
' remonstrance nor votes of the last day were such) that
' was not agreeable to the wisdom and justice of great
' courts upon those extraordinary occasions. And
' whoever considers the acts of power and Injustice In
' the intervals of parliaments, will not be much scan-
' dallzed at the warmth and vivacity of those meet-
'ings.'* These admissions In favour of the popular
party are admissions from one of their greatest enemies.
In short, to know that this house of commons repre-
1 sented some three-fourths of the wealth of the country,
. is to feel assured that no great national interest could
have been lightly dealt with in that quarter. Had those
• zealous commoners prayed for the abolition of the
jcourt of Star Chamber, as their predecessors In the last
>-reign had prayed for the abolition of the court of High
Commission; and had they insisted that the regular
ijPonvening of parliament should be settled by law, and
lot left to the pleasure of the government, it would not
jiave been difficult to assign good and consistent reasons
.'or such a policy. But they were not to advance so far
.mtil a longer space of misrule had done its office.
;; * Hist. i. 8, 9.

rule.

92 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Through eleven years from this time Charles con-
Pariiameits formed hlmsclf to law, or dispensed with it, according to
—arbitrary hls humour. The great instruments of his rule were the
court of High Commission and the court of the Star
Chamber. The one gave him control over the church:
the other was so far arbitrary and formidable, that it
sufficed to awe the highest subjects of the state Ihto
submission. The king continued to levy ship-money
In defiance of the decision of the judges, together with
a similar tax for the army, under the name of ' coat
and conduct money.' Merchandize was made sub
ject to new imposts ; chartered monopolies were mul
tiplied almost without end ; and loans and other expe
dients were resorted to, that supplies might be obtained
without seeking them from a parliament. To resist,
was to be overpowered by the force which the crown
could readily exercise. Hence, while men in general
accounted themselves grievously oppressed, few dared
to be other than passive. The revenue during this
interval, from all sources, amounted to about a million
a year. The fines imposed in the Star Chamber were
sometimes assigned to individuals, but generally passed
to the hands of the treasurer, and by their fre
quency and their weight seemed to warrant the sus
picion, that one of the objects of the government in
attracting so many causes to that court, which, like
the rod of Moses, threatened to swaUow up all the
rest, was to make it subservient to the necessities of
his majesty's exchequer. The great object, however,
in giving such prominence to the action of that loose
tribunal, was to make the nation familiar with such
irregular exercises of authority, until, by the force of
usage, the provisions made for the security of liberty

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 93
and property by the laws should be overshadowed and chap.iv.
superseded. In the system of Church and State present to the Laud's
imagination of Laud, it seemed to be assumed that the church and
possessors of priestly or monarchical power were vested
with a sort of official infallibility. To oppose either of
those authorities was to add impiety to rebellion. It
was a natural consequence of such principles, that laws
which were known to have originated from society should
be lightly regarded. What could their weight be, in
comparison with the decisions of the privileged men to
whom society should always be In subjection ? The law
of the land might have its uses, but when opposed to the
will of the king or of the priest it was to give place as to
a power whose pretensions were not so much human as
divine. Such was the region of Illusion in this respect
in which the primate lived, that while inflicting the most
barbarous penalties on the men who resisted his policy,
we find him In his diary imploring the Divine Being to
have compassion on the wickedness of the sufferers, and
to bestow patience upon himself! His grace had no
doubt succeeded in bringing his conscience to the side of
his temper. But are we to be for ever censuring a great
nation because it would not submit to be governed in its
gravest concerns by a man so manifestly incompetent to
the sober government of himself ?
Thomas May, the thoughtful historian of the Long state of
Parliament, was a close observer of the feeling and ing during
language of men in those days concerning the tendencies of^^ie^ty'
of public affairs. He relates that the serious and just '^^.^'fi^^
men of England, who derived no emolument from the
oppressions then so common, could not look to the
future without foreboding. Affairs having gone so far

94 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. in a wrong track, either a free nation, it was said, was
about to become enslaved In person and property for
ever, or a struggle to prevent that calamity would be
found to be at hand, the effects of which would be such
that all ranks were likely to groan under them.
But there was another sort of men, says the historian
especially lords and gentlemen, enjoying their large
fortunes with little detriment, who were content not to
look beyond the present. It was common with such
men to congratulate each other on the undisturbed quief
of the nation, while the states of the Continent, and
especially Germany, were so much embroiled In war; '
and to speak of persons who complained of ' the breach
of laws and liberties ' as ' ungrateful and factious spirits.'
The kingdom, they said, abounds in wealth and luxury
such as had never been seen In it before. It was said
to be to the honour of the nation that its sovereign
should live in splendour, should be little curbed in his
prerogative, and be allowed to rise by that means in the
esteem of other princes, and to become potent in his
negotiations with them. True, there were monopolies,
and there was taxation by the will of the king ; but how
light were our Inconveniences from that source, compared
with what pressed on the people in Tuscany, Austria,
and Spain ! The French king, as was well known, had
made an end of parliaments, which were once as powerflll
In that kingdom as among ourselves, and France never
theless flourished, and her gentry lived at their ease,
' Courtiers,' continues our old English senator, ' began
'to dispute against parliaments in their ordinary dis-
' course, and hoped the king would never need any
' more of them. Some of the gravest statesmen and
' privy councillors would ordinarily laugh at the ancient

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. ^^

' language of England, when the words liberty of the chap. iv.
' subject was named.'*
Yes ; England, in common with all other countries,
has never been without men thus devoid of the capacity,
or of the inclination, to look beyond their own httle
interest to those of the commonwealth — beyond the
present to Its probable effect on the future. Charles, by
so far limiting the exercise of the power he had assumed,
and proceeding towards his object, according to the
politic advice of Wentworth, by little and little, had
secured to himself the benefit of such speeches, and
something more, from that class of persons. It is to be
remembered, that it was only by exposing themselves to
every calumny which such speech-makers could devise,
and to all the more active hostility of which their luxu
rious and short-sighted selfishness was capable, that the
men sent to the Long Parliament, in 1641, succeeded in
putting an end to the labours of those state artists who
would have seen our English government remodelled
after the pattern supplied to them by Tuscany and
France, by Austria and Spain !
How May's 'serious and just men of England'
discoursed on these matters, we may judge from the
terms in which Lord Falkland expressed himself con
cerning the bishops, when the time had come in which
it was safe to say in public what had been often said at
the fire-side. ' He Is a great stranger in Israel who
' knows not that this kingdom hath long laboured under
' many and great oppressions, both in religion and
' liberty ; and his acquaintance here is not great, and
' his ingenuousness less, who does not both know and
' acknowledge that a great, if not a principal cause of
* History ofthe Parliament, Book i. c. 2.

96 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. ' both these have been some bishops and their adherents.
' A little search will find them to have been the des-
' truction of unity under the pretence of uniformity,—
' to have brought in superstition and scandal under
'the name of reverence and decency, — to have defiled
'our church by adorning our churches, — to have
' slackened the strictness of that union which was
' formerly between us and those of our religion beyond
' sea, — an action as impolitic as ungodly. It has been
' more dangerous for men to go to some neighbouring
' parish church, there being no service in their own,
' than to be obstinate and perpetual recusants. While
' masses have been said in security, a conventicle has
' been a crime ; and, what is more, the conforming to
' ceremonies has been more exacted than the conforming
' to Christianity.'*
Confessed It will be sccu, that in the talk of the partizans of the
illegality of . ^
the course court, as givcu by May, It is not pretended that die
pursued by 1 1 ¦ i r 1
King. Jaw was on the side of the government. In the lan
guage of such men, and In that of the king himself, it
was confessed, for the most part, that the course taken
was ' extraordinary,' and not the ordinary course, as
prescribed by* our ancient usages and statutes. The
straining of isolated, obsolete, and irrelevant precedents,
as in the case of ship-money, only served to demonstrate,
more clearly than before, that the case of the govern
ment on the ground of law was utterly untenable. The
arbitrary imposts and the arbitrary arrests were mani
festly iUegal. The only means of defence left to the
royalist was in the plea, that the temper of the lower
house, after adequate experiment, had proved to be so
perverse and undutiful, as to have forced the king from
* Rushworth, iii. 1342, 1343.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 97
the old paths of the constitution, into those irregular chap.iv.
courses which had occasioned so much complaint. The
subject had pressed unduly on the action of the preroga
tive, and the prerogative in Its turn had pressed on the
liberty of the subject. But the answer made by the
friends of those accused parliaments was, that the king
had convened them simply because he wanted money ;
and that making his wants a plea for haste, he would
have restricted their functions to little more than the
making of such grants.
Early in 1639 Scotland has drawn the sword, that
the matters at Issue between herself and her sovereign
may be brought to some settlement by that means.
Charles looks to England, on whose good offices he had
so little claim, to assist him in subduing this revolt.
England answers — We are prepared to assist your
majesty, but it must be on condition that you consent
to govern these nations according to the national will, as
embodied in our laws.,*
His majesty now promised largely in that direction ; War inevit-
but he did so by degrees, with manifest reluctance, and why.
in connexion with circumstances which made it only
more difficult than ever to confide in his sincerity. The
Army plot ; the conduct of the king In relation to the
massacre In Ireland; the "Incident" in Scotland; and
the attempt to seize the five members, — all had com
bined to foreshadow in the return of power to the
monarch, a return of vengeance to the men who had
opposed themselves to his policy. Hence, on the prin
ciple of self-preservation, the popular leaders were con-
* Rushworth, ii. 518, et seq. Hardwicke Papers, ii. 128-130.
Clarendon Papers, ii. 16-29, 50. Spalding's Troubles, 74. Baillie's
Letters. Vol. I.

98

Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Religious
feeling in
the Long
Parliament.

Prynne,
Bastwick,and Burton
released,
March 22,
^4-

Strained to demand concessions which men who had less
at issue in the struggle might be led to regard as
excessive ; and the minds are not few in which sympathy
with royalty in distress, and under supposed wrong,
is a potent instinct. So It happened, that from the
material matters ceded by the king on the one side, and
from some intemperate manifestations of popular feeling
on the other, the adherents to the royal cause came to
be so considerable, as to satisfy Charles that it would be
wise to place the entire issue upon the sword. The
progress and termination of this conflict will be famihar
to the reader. My object will be to trace the course of
legislation In regard to religion from 1640 to 1660:
first, as proceeding from the Long Parliament, and while
mainly under Presbyterian Influence ; and next, as it was
modified or determined by the rise and power of the
Independents. The Long Parliament assembled on the third of
November, in 1640. On the seventh, Pym and sir
Benjamin Rudyard addressed the commons on griev
ances,- and denounced in strong terms the Romanizing
tendencies observable In the court, and especially
among the clergy. Popish ceremonies, it was said, were
sure to find favour, while everything which bespoke a
sound Protestantism was sure to be discountenanced
and suppressed under the name of Puritanism.
The house passed a resolution which required, that
Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton should be set at liberty
under Its own warrant, and that inquiry should be
made concerning the authority on which they had been
imprisoned.* * Rushworth, iv. 43, et seq. May's Hist. Book I. c. 7. Purl'
Hist. ii. 729, 762.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 99
It will be seen, that in this proceeding, the parliament chap.iv.
assumed to Itself the function of a law court. The judicial
. , , , . -,.,.,. function as-
commons had asserted an authority ot this kind in sumed by
the last reign, and in the early years of the present, ^ons.'"""
Floyd, Montague, and Mainwaring had all been arraigned
as culprits at Its bar. With us, happily, parliament has
no such power in relation to private persons. But in
those days, and especially when parliament was not
sitting, the sovereign could so rule, partly through the
Star Chamber and the court of High Commission, and
partly by controlling the press and the judges, as to
neutralize all law ; and it was to counteract these irregu
larities In the absence of a parliament, that the two
houses, when in session, became so often aggressive in
this manner. One undue stretch of authority had thus
generated another. The power of the crown was not
then restricted by law as at present ; and from that cause
the jurisdiction of parliament was not limited then as it
is now. Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, had been con
spicuous among the victims of the late misrule by priest
and king ; and now they were not only liberated, but March 22,
some months later they were compensated for their ' '"'''
sufferings, and graced with a popular ovation, which
brought aU London out in holiday.*
Three weeks after the meeting of parliament we find committee
the commons in committee on religion. Sir Edward conTcmilfg
Dering denounces the bishops as having long employed X'isSre.
* Nothing can be said to justify the language with which these
offenders assailed the ruling clergy. According to Burton, who was a
man of a more intelligent and tolerant spirit than either of the others,
the prelates were ' dumb dogs, antichristian mushrooms, ravening
wolves, robbers of souls, factors of antichrist, and limbs of the beast.'
Rushworth, iii. App. 122-132. May, 53-55. Baillie, i. 218-227.
Pari. Hist. ii. 729, 762.
F 2

IOO Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Petition
from the
Londoneis againstEpiscopacy,Dec. II,

themselves In harassing and expelling conscientious and
worthy ministers, and in bestowing their patronage on
men who, however scandalous in their lives, were found
willing to conform to superstitious novelties. His pro
posal is, that the house shall appoint a sub-committee
of a few persons, and empower them to enquire con
cerning the number of ministers who have suffered from
this policy of the prelates during the last ten years.
We shall have more to say about this committee in
another place.
Within a fortnight from this time, we find a petition
addressed to parliament from the city of London, which
prays, that the government by archbishops and lord-
bishops, deans and archdeacons, may be abolished.
This petition was presented by Alderman Pennington,
• accompanied by some hundreds of people, and 15,000
signatures were attached to it. In former times, say the
petitioners, the bishops and their coadjutors were content
to rule by authority from the state. They now claim
to rule by authority from Jesus Christ — an assumption
which is not only inconsistent with the state-royal of the
sovereign, but has brought upon the subject a multitude
of grievances too heavy to be borne. In the petition,
these grievances are set forth under nearly thirty distinct
sections. The tone and contents of this document were
the natural fruit of Episcopal government as It had
been influenced by Laud during this reign.*
Commons Four days later, the commons pronounced their cen-
lative power surc OU thc reccut proceedings of the two houses of
dergy. couvocatlou. The independent and legislative authority
assumed by the clergy in those assemblies, was declared,
Baillie's Letters,!. iiS>

* Rushworth, iii. 1343-1345, 1346-1363.
216; see also pp. 225, 228, 236, 239, 242.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. loi
without a dissentient voice, to be contrary to law. No chap.iv.
part of those proceedings, it was said, should be ac
counted as binding on either clergy or laity without
consent of parliament. The lords concurred to the
letter In this decision of the commons. Enquiries were
also to be made in respect to the persons who had been
most concerned In promoting measures so unwarranted
and so dangerous.*
Laud must have seen that this commission of enquiry Laud
would press very inconveniently upon himself. But his with high
grace was not allowed space to use much precaution.
Only two days more had intervened, when 'Wilham
Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury,' found himself charged
with high treason. This Impeachment was taken from
the commons to the lords by Mr. HoUis. The pri
mate rose from his seat, and would have spoken, but the
house obliged hiTn to be silent, and to recall a rash
expression he had uttered In censure of his accusers. So
Laud became a prisoner in the Tower. The charges
preferred against him were many and various ; and they
were all urged as evidence of an Intention to assimilate
the English church, as far as possible, to the church of
Rome ; and to assimilate the English government, as far
as possible, to the governments of France and Spain.
Similar proceedings were commenced, and on similar
grounds, against Dr. Cosin ; against Piers, bishop of
Bath and WeUs ; and against Wren, bishop of Ely.f
But the first measure tending to affect the position of Opposition
, . 1 ' 1 J 1 J to the secu-
the prelates as an order, was a resolution which declared lar func-
' That for bishops, or for any other clergymen, to be in 'iergy° May
14, Oct. 23,
* Collier's Eccles. Hist. ii. 795, 796. Pari. Hist. ii. 678. '^4i-
t Rushworth, iv. 98, 123, 133, 139, 152, 158. May's Hist. 55,
56. Collier's Eccles. Hist. ii. 789-799.

I02 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Bill to
abolish the
hierarchy.

Impeach ment of the
bishops.

' the commission of the peace, or to have judicial power
' In any law court, is a hindrance to their spiritual func-
' tion.' An enactment to this effect, however, was not
to be readily obtained. The lords were slow to act
upon a policy which would have excluded the prelates
from their seats in parliament.*
But the next step of the popular leaders In this direc
tion in the commons was still more bold. It consisted
in Sir Edward Dering's bill * for the utter abolishing
' and taking away of all archbishops, bishops, and of the
*^ whole sc'heme of government depending on them.'
This bill, It seems, owed its origin, in great part, if not
entirely, to ' Sir Arthur Haslerig, Sir Harry Vane, and
Mr. Oliver CromweU.' The second reading was carried
by a division of 139 against 108. But this revolution
In the ecclesiastical constitution was not to be realized
until the course of the war had Introduced other changes.
The last debate on this question before the commence
ment of hostilities, is said to have extended to nearly
twenty days. Hyde, Falkland, and vothers who seceded
with them soon afterwards to the king, contrived to
protract the discussion, and to make it fruitless.f
Foiled in this object, the reformers In the commons
took other ground. They maintained that the bishops
in convocation had usurped authority pertaining to the
crown and the legislature; that they were liable to
Impeachment on that ground ; and they impeached them
accordingly. But the issue thus raised was not to be
brought to a speedy conclusion. Six months later, the
bishops complained that the disorders of the populace
made their access to parliament dangerous ; and their
* Collier's Eccles. Hist. 792, 916.
t Pari. Hist. ii. 814, 822. Clarendon, Hist. i. 483, 484.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 103
lordships protested against any business being done until chap.iv.
measures should be taken to allow of their returning to
their place In the house without fear. This attempt to
stay the course of legislation was construed by the com
mons as amounting to high treason. Men who had
pleaded In favour of the bishops hitherto, had no word
to offer in extenuation of their folly In this proceeding.
Twelve prelates remained under the charge of treason on
this account, while the more stirring events which
brought on the war absorbed the attention of both
houses. Two months before the battle of Edge Hill,
the English parliament Informed their brethren in Scot
land that they had resolved, that the prelatical govern
ment, which had hitherto obtained in this country. Inas
much as 'it has been found by long experience to be a June n.
' great impediment to the perfect reformation and growth
' of religion, and very prejudicial to the state and go-
' vernment ofthis kingdom,' shall be taken away.*
Two months after its first meeting, the parliament had The Com-
issued an injunction, requiring that the order of Divine theh ret^'"
service should continue to be such as had been enjoined p°™c wor-
by parliament. Ten months subsequently, the commons ^'''P'
would not join the lords in issuing that injunction
anew, but sent forth its first instructions for a reform in
the established worship. It was required that the com
munion table should be removed from the east end of
the church, and used elsewhere, not ' altarwise,' but as
a table ; that all crucifixes, representations of the Trinity,
or of the Virgin, should be removed, and all scandalous
pictures ; that tapers and cancUestlcks should be no more
seen onthe communion table; that Sabbath sports should
be suppressed ; that afternoon preaching should not be
* Pari. Hist. ii. 822.

I04 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. discountenanced, but the contrary; and that parishes
through England and Wales should be encouraged to
choose, and to sustain by their voluntary contributions, a
lecturer who should preach on the Lord's-day, and
once In the week where there is no weekly lecture. But
there were limits to this spirit of innovation. A ques
tion whether some change should not be made in respect
to the use of the Book of Common Prayer, was decided in
the negative But it was In a thin House. The numbers
were fifty-five against thirty-seven. We find also, that
about London, many laymen had begun, to preach, to
the great scandal of the lower house, who summoned
an exciseman, a stocking-seller, a horse-courser, and
some others, to its bar, as offenders in this matter, and
admonished them to abstain from such exercises, if they
did not mean to expose themselves to serious penalties.
The As- So far the work of reformation had extended, when a
DWinL! bill was sent up to the lords, intitled 'An Act for
' calling an Assembly of godly and learned Divines,
' to be consulted with by the Parliament, for setding
' the Government and Liturgy of the church of
' England ; and for vindicating and clearing the doc-
¦ trine thereof from false aspersions and interpreta-
' tions.' This assembly Included ten delegates from
the upper house, and twenty from the lower. The
divines, all nominated and chosen by the two houses,
were selected from different parts of England, and from
both universities ; and while the great majority were
known to be Presbyterian In their preferences, it was the
Intention of the parliament, that the Episcopahans on the
one hand, and the Independents on the other, should not
be without their representatives. Usher, Hall, and
London were the men chosen from among the bishops,

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 105
and some five or six were Congregationalists — a section chap. iv.
which rose ultimately to about double that number.
Among the statesmen in the assembly, there was a
considerable variety of opinion, but the prevailing ele
ment was a strong Erastianism. The Episcopalians
took little part in the proceedings. It was otherwise
with the Independents. The function of the assembly
was carefully defined. Its province was simply to
deliberate and advise, and Its opinion or advice was to
be tendered on such subjects only as should be submitted
to its judgment by the parliament. All legislative
power, which had been so emphatically denied to the
clergy and convocation, was denied with no less emphasis
to this more favoured body.*
The assembly met on the ist of July, 1643, ^^^
all ministers in their public prayers were required to
supplicate, that ' the special assistance and blessing of
God' might be extended to it. One of the first acts
of the divines was to petition the two houses, deploring
the reverses which had attended the arms of the parlia
ment ; the superstition and licentiousness so common
among the people ; and the number of scandalous
ministers. The divines pray that a fast-day may be
appointed to implore that the Divine anger might be
turned from the nation, and that such reforms might be
devised and carried out as should tend to suppress the
abounding immorality, and to revive true religion.
* Dr. Heylin, Clarendon, and writers of their class, say disparaging
and slanderous things of this assembly. Baxter says, 'Being not
' worthy to be one of them myself, I may the more freely speak the
' truth, even in the face of malice and envy — that, as far as I am able
' to judge from all history of that kind, the Christian world since the
' days of the apostles had never a synod of more excellent divines than
' this and the synod of Dort.' Life and Times, Part i. 73.
r 3

io6 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. The parliament appointed the fast-day ; and three
The hier- mouths later, the lords and commons order ' that the
abolished— ' assembly of divines, and others, do forthwith confer
dh^ecto^y. ' and treat among themselves of such a discipline and
' government as may be most agreeable to God's holy
' word, and most apt to procure and preserve the peace
' of the church at home, and nearer agreement with the
' church of Scotland, and other reformed churches
' abroad ; to be settled in this church. Instead of the
' present government by archbishops, bishops, their
' chancellors, commissaries, deans, chapters, archdeacons,
' and other ecclesiastical officers, depending upon the
' hierarchy, which it Is resolved shall be taken away ;
' and touching a directory of worship or liturgy here-
' after to be in the church, and to deliver their opinion
' and advices touching the same to parliament, with all
' convenient speed.' *
Scotch ai- This purpose to bring the church of England Into
i.eagu7and ' nearer agreement with the church of Scotland and
Covenant, c other reformed churches,' was sure to be formed, but it
had become more fixed at this juncture from circum
stances and necessity. The prospects of the war had
excited apprehension. Assistance from Scotland seemed
to be Indispensable. But the adoption of a policy of
this nature was an unavoidable condition of securing aid
from that quarter. The action at Brentford had led
to a conference on this subject with the Scottish com
missioners in London. As the difficulties of the par
liament increased, more definite overtures were made;
and a deputation, consisting of four members of the
commons, and two divines — a Presbyterian andean
Independent — was sent to the estates and kirk of
* Husband's Collection, 208-210.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 107
Scotland to negotiate on this subject. In the com- chap. iv.
mencement, the pretensions of the Scots were such as the
deputation was by no means prepared to admit. ' The
' English,' says BaiUie, ' were for a civil league ; we for
' a religious covenant. When they were brought to in
' this, and Mr. Henderson had given them a draft of a
' covenant, we were not likely to agree on the frame ;
' they were, more than we could assent to, for keeping a
' door open in England to Independency. Against this
' we were peremptory.' * Sir Harry Vane and Philip
Nye, the Independent deputies, exercised their ingenuity
and perseverance on this point, and, after much
manoeuvring, succeeded in introducing such expressions
into the document as might seem to grant what the
covenanters demanded, but which, at the convenient
season, might be interpreted with considerable latitude.
It was provided that the church of England should be
reformed ' according to the word of God, and accord
ing to the example of the best reformed churches.'
The Presbyterians would appeal with confidence to what
must have been intended by the expression, the ' best
reformed churches.' The Independents, on the other
hand, would appeal no less confidently to the rule recog
nized in the expression, ' according to the word of
God.' t
* Letters, i. 381.
f Echard's History of England, ii. 450. Burnet's Hamiltons,
239. Forster's Life of Vane, 62. ' When all are agreed,' said Vane,
' about the polity which is " according to the word of God," we may
' take in the Scotch Presbytery.' Dr. Owen speaks in very strong
terms on this point, and we must suppose him to express what was the
understanding of many at the time. ' Now truly, that our covenant did
' tie us up absolutely to any one formerly known way of church disci-
'pline— the words of it formally engaging us to a disquisition, out ofthe
' word, of that which is agreeable to the mind and will of God — is to

io8 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.
The Cove
nant mo
dified by
the West
minster As
sembly.

When this memorable instrument came into the hands
of the Westminster Assembly, ' the Synod,' says
Baxter, ' stumbled at some things in It, and especially at
' the word prelacy. Dr. Burgess, the prolocutor, Mr.
' Gataker, and abundance more, declared their judgment
' to be for Episcopacy, for the ancient moderate Epis-
' copacy, in which the one stated precedent with his
' presbytery governed every church, though not for the
' English diocesan frame, in which one bishop, without
' his presbytery, did, by a lay chancellor's court, govern
' all the presbyters and churches of a diocese, being
' many hundreds. Thereupon grew great debates in
' the assembly, some being against every degree of
' bishops — especially the Scottish divines — and others
' being for a moderate Episcopacy. But these English
' divines would not subscribe the government till there
' was an alteration suited to their judgement, and so a
' parenthesis was yielded to as describing that sort of
' prelacy which they opposed : viz., church government
' by archbishops, bishops, deans, chapters, archdeacons,
' and all other ecclesiastical officers depending on that
' hierarchy, all which conjoined are mentioned as the
' description of the form of church government which
' they meant by prelacy, as not extending to the ancient
' Episcopacy. When the covenant was agreed on, the
' lords and commons first took it themselves ; and Mr.
' Thomas Coleman preached to the house of lords, and
' gave it to them with this public explication — That hj
' me such a childish, ridiculous, selfish conceit, as I believe no knowing
• men will once entertain, unless prejudice, begotten by their peculiar
' self-interest, hath disturbed their intellectuals.' Short Defensative ahnt
Toleration, Sec, Works, viii. 46. It is to be observed that Owen
speaks of ' our covenant,' clearly distinguishing it from some other,
viz., the Scotch.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 109
' prelacy we mean not all Episcopacy, but only the form chap. iv.
' which is here described.' * In this manner the anta
gonism of the covenant to Episcopacy was in some
degree neutralized, and we shall presently see how it
became modified in Its relation to Independency, and
was at length superseded by it.
The act which required that the Book of Common The Direc-
Prayer should be no more used In public worship, and Worship,
that the minister should conduct such service In future ''^' ' '*'''
according to the Directory provided by the Assembly of
Divines, did not pass until some two years after the
commencement of the war. This Directory consists of
judicious and scriptural counsels relating to the manner
and order In which the minister should acquit himself in
his offices. It does not In any case prescribe the exact
words he should employ. But it gives directions as to
congregational psalmody, reading the canonical scrip
tures, extempore prayer, preaching, the administration of
the sacraments, visiting the sick, the burial of the dead,
and the ceremony of marriage. It leaves all these
services to be discharged very much in the manner
now common among English Nonconformists. Water
baptism Is Interpreted as the sign of regeneration, but
It does not ensure it, and salvation does not de
pend on it. In the Lord's supper, the elements ^re
simply the signs of a spiritual presence. In the
* Life and Times, 48. It was agreed in the assembly, after a long
discussion, that each man, in accepting the covenant, should do so in
these words : ' As far as in my conscience I shall conceive it to be
according to the word of God.' Lightfoot, who reports this {Works,
xiii. 10), also mentions the discussion on the word 'prelacy,' and the
introduction of the explanatory clause, as stated by Baxter, adding,
that the advice of the assembly to the parliament was, that ' in point of
' conscience the covenant may lawfully be taken, with these explana-
• tions.' Ibid. 11.

I IO Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. visitation of the sick there Is no priestly absolution. In
the burial of the dead, all ceremony at the grave, or in
passing to It, Is dispensed with — the prevalent customs
on such occasions being accounted useless to the dead,
and misleading to the living. The marriage relation is
viewed as a civil contract, but it is held fitting that the
ceremony connected with it should be performed by a
minister. In short, the book consists of such sugges
tions as age and piety might be expected to place befbre
the inexperienced in any sound Protestant community.
Compared with the ritual which It was to supersede, it
was eminently scriptural, and considerate of religious
scruples. To the conscience of the earnest Protestant it
should have been singularly harmless.*
But the act did not fix the day when the Directory
should come into use, nor the penalty for neglecting to
use it. Hence, more than six months passed away, and
the worship in many parishes continued unchanged. But
It was then determined, that the copies of the Book of
Common Prayer in the churches should be surrendered
to the officers of the government, and that not to use
the Directory in public worship should subject the
offender. In the first instance, to a fine of five pounds,
in the second instance, to a fine of ten pounds, and for a
third fault of this nature, the punishment was made to
be a year's Imprisonment, f
uHh' ¦^^ ^^^ following year the parliament formally abolished
""'¦' ^- the hierarchy, and consigned the property belonging to
the several bishoprics to the hands of trustees for national
purposes, excepting such portions of it as had been left
to educational or charitable objects, or to a particular
* Scobel's Acts, 7^-92.
t Husband's Collection, 71^,716. This aet was generally enforced,
but not without some exception.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration, 1 1 1
class of pious uses. A few months later, the Presby- chap. iv.
terian party In the lower house succeeded In giving to
their ecclesiastical system a legal and full establishment.*
The fall of a church which had survived the revolutions
of a thousand years was a great event — some will say a
sad event. But the Impartial man will not forget the
temper and tendencies by which that Imposing system
had been long characterized, and will feel, that if the cost
of perpetuating so seemly a fabric was to perpetuate so
much error and misrule, the sooner it came to an end the
better. The purest form of taste is not that which
terminates in the artificial and external. It finds the
highest grandeur in the spiritually true, and the richest
form of the beautiful In the spiritually good. The day of
adversity had now come on the courtier priest, and on
those who had chosen their place in his following ; and as
the sequestered clergy were many, we can easily suppose
that some among them had a right to complain of harsh
ness and wrong.
But It is important to distinguish between the real and Proceedings
the fictitious In relation to the experiences of the episcopal Episcopal
clergy between 1640 and 1660. Much has been written '^"^^'
of this subject which is not true ; much has been dis
figured by exaggeration ; and some of the things pro
nounced as so much grievous wrong should hardly have
been so described.^ It Is a great mistake, for example,
* Scobel's Acts, 88, 99, ill, 114, I39' j6+-
t The great authority with our friends of the church of England
on this subject, is the work of Dr. Walker, intitled — An Attempt
towards Recovering an Account of the Numbers and Sufferings of the
Clergy, Sec. The doctor writes in the time of Queen Anne ; and
the following portraiture ofthe liberal party of that time, may be taken
as a specimen of his moderation and good taste : ' But this is not to
' be wondered at [designs against the person and government of the

112

Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. to imagine that Injury was done to the sequestered clergy
in their not being allowed to meet their accusers face to
face. Questions concerning clerical character and church
livings belong to the court of Arches, where the course
of proceeding was, and stUl Is, by what is technically
called libel and affidavit — that Is, by a written statement
of the charge, and written depositions In support of it.
The charge, which has been presented in writing, and the
written affidavits annexed to it, are placed In the hands
of the defendant ; and it rests with him to present his
own statement, and his own affidavits, in reply, and then
to leave the court to judge on the points at issue. It is
true, the case of the royalist clergy was not taken before
an ecclesiastical court, but before a parliamentary com
mittee. But this happened because the old ecclesiastical
courts had ceased to exist, virtually if not formally, and
it was only natural that the authority which had come
into the place of those courts should conform itself in the
' queen] because of the near affinity betwixt blaspheming God and
' the king, for it is well known that the sacred Majesty of Heaven has
' not escaped them, and that they have taken into their assistance the
' most exploded heretics, and lewdest and most profligate libertines, and
' the vilest and most open atheists and blasphemers ; not only making use
' of their attempts on the established hierarchy, and clergy of it, and
' even Christianity itself, in order to shake the pillars of the church,
' but licking up their venomous froth, and spitting it out at second-hand
' against her, and defending the purity of religion forsooth, with
' principles borrowed Irom libertines and infidels. In a word, applaud-
' ing, encouraging, hiring them to tear up the very foundations, not of
' Christianity only, but of all religion and government, that the estab-
' Iished church and monarchy may fall with them ; and in many years
' last past, entrusting the conduct of their affairs to such leaders as are
' the avowed and professed enemies of the blessed Jesus.' Preface, Jt.
The reader may judge from this passage, as to the dispassionate and safe
guidance which Dr. Walker is likely to furnish on so difficult and delicate
a question as the ' number and sufferings ' of the sequestered clergy.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 113
main to their established mode of proceeding. It is only chap. iv.
very recently that oral depositions have been admissible
even in the Court of Chancery. Some of the accused
clergy did reply to their opponents in the manner open
to them, and with more or less success. But the great
majority seem to have allowed judgment to go by
default. We repeat, there may have been instances of
hardship, but that the cases were decided after this man
ner was no hardship.
The proceedings of the commons in relation to the Committees
• r - and the
clergy, began In a committee of the whole house, a few dergy.
days after the meeting of parliament. But the great
work of excluding immoral and obnoxious incumbents
from their cures, and of appointing men deemed more
eligible in their place, was devolved on a central com
mittee in London, and on sub-committees In different
counties. The committee in London consisted of some
what more than sixty members of the lower house.
What the business was which passed Into the hands of
the county committees may be learned In part from what
we know concerning the early proceedings of the com
mittee for the county of Kent.*
The papers sent to that committee in 1640 show that P^"^]^"^""p'|^™
the book enjoining Sunday sports was used by Laud, and tan minis-
by his instruments, for the purpose of sifting the
Puritans, as far as possible, out of the church. The
lawfulness of the Book of Sports ; the right of the pre-
* Proceedings, principally in the County of Kent, in connexion with
the Parliaments called in 1640, and especially with the Committee of
Religion appointed in that Year. Edited by the Rev. Labert B. Barking,
M.A., from the collections of Sir Edward Dering, Bart., 1627-1644;
with a Preface by Edward Bruce, Esq., Camden Society. Sir Edward
was member for the County of Kent, and chairman of the committee
for that county.

114 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. lates to Impose the new ceremonies ; and the propriety
especially of bowing towards the altar, were among the
things to which the assent of the man who would be
presented to a bishop for ordination was demanded.* In
1634, the chancellor of the diocese of Winchester sus
pended the vicar of Ebbesham, in Surrey, from office
and benefice, for not reading the Book of Sports in the
church. When questioned concerning his authority for
so doing, the chancellor rested the proceeding on the
command of his bishop, and on the civil and canon law.f
The bishop's command affected other victims, who were
subjected to the same penalty for the same cause.
Laud, addressing himself to a clergyman named Snel
ling, said, ' Are you conformable V Snelling answered,
' Yes, as far as it is established by law.' The primate
rejoined, ' Are you conformable to the new conformity ?'
and turning to the company, his grace remarked, ' There
is no believing this kind of men.' ' No,' added bishop
Wren, ' you may know him by his band, that he has a
wonderfully tender conscience.' Soon afterwards, Basil
Wood, doctor of laws, and chancellor of Rochester, con
fesses he did, as alleged, suspend Mr. Snelling ab officio
et beneficio, for not reading the Book of Sports. Being
required to state his authority for such a proceeding, the
chancellor of Rochester also named the command of a
bishop and the canon law — -that law being still law
where not positively repealed by our statute law. It
was enquired, ' Do you mean the papal canon law ?'
' Yes,' was the answer, ' the papal canon law.'J In all
similar cases this was the answer. One of the sufferers
from this policy writes : ' I have had very ungracious
' dealing from the Lambeth patriarch, by whom I have
* Proceedings in Kent, 87, 88. f Ibid. 90. % Ibid. 93.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 115
' been deprived of my ministry, and all the profits of chap. iv.
' my living, three years and seven months, having
' myself, my wife, and seven children to provide for.
' Such is a prelate's tyranny for not consenting to morrice
'dancing on the Lord's day!'* The vicar of Tun
bridge was a person not troubled with such scruples.
' So far was he from restraining others from using sports
' on the Lord's day, he himself. It is said, will stand at
' his door, and see their sports, and laugh at them.' But
the vicar, unhappily, like too many of his class, was
' a man of profane life, and a common frequenter of
'taverns and alehouses.' f Another clergyman informs
us, that he went to evening prayers with a high church
doctor, ' behaved himself reverently, but was suspended
for not bowing at the name of Jesus.' ij:
Complaints in reference to this zeal in favour of new The Angio-
. . catholic
ceremonies, especially as shown in removing the com- dergy neg-
munlon table to the chancel, and using it In altar fashion, disparage
are coupled In almost every case with complaints as to a p''^^'^'''"^-
neglect of preaching. A superstitious estimate of cer
tain ritual forms borrowed from Romanism, and a con
tempt of preaching, went manifestly together. The
cases are shown to have been many, in which a short
discourse on Sunday morning was all the people could
obtain. Often a sermon once in several weeks, once a
month, or even less frequently, was made to suffice.
Our incumbents, say the people, take their Income, but
leave their duty to be discharged by men who undertake
it for a miserable stipend, and are often grossly incom
petent and worthless. We have good reason to think,
that in a large proportion of cases these complaints were
well founded.
* Proceedings in Kent, 120. f Ibid. 193. J Ibid, 82.

ii6 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. In fact, no comparison can be made between the
Social posi- parochial clergy of England in the middle of the
tion of our ^ , , , ^ r ¦
parochial Seventeenth century and the same class of men in the
xhlljSi middle of the nineteenth. Among the dignitaries of
century. ^j^^ Eugllsh church there were men, as there have
always been, who were scholars and gentlemen. But
such men were exceptions. In the ranks below these,
constituting the bulk of their order, poverty was allied
with coarseness, sensuousness, and vice, in a degree
hardly credible in our time.* The severe self-dis
cipline, and the pride of consistency, which charac
terized the Puritan minister, tended to secure. In his
case, a freedom from debt, and something more than
the ordinary regard to appearances. But men who
took orders in that age with little sense of religion, often
lived with a very limited sense of decency. When not
a living in a score would enable a man to appear as a
gentleman, even while single, or could suffice to save his
home from exhibiting all the signs of a low poverty .
when married, it was inevitable that the manners and
morals of a large portion of the order should be of no
very refined description. In our time, a clergyman who
is poor may marry into a famdy of reputation and
means. But nothing of that sort could be reckoned
* Wren, bishop of Norwich, in defending himself against the
charge of having suspended some sixty clergymen in little more than
two years, alleged that many had not been so dealt with on account of
Nonconformity, but for other reasons. One, his lordship describes
as having been a tailor, another a weaver, another a broken-down
tradesman, another a country apothecary, &c. One vicar had not been
seen on his cure for seventeen years ; and one incumbent had received
the income from his charge the last twenty years, and had never taken
orders ; and the names oi fourteen clergymen are given as those of men
who were expelled on the ground of ' their debauched and scandalous
courses.' Penetralia ; or Memoirs of the Family of the Wrens, 48.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 117
upon In the days of Charles I. Such marriages took chap. iv.
place occasionally half a century later, and were then
wondered at. It should not occasion surprise, there
fore. If we find clerical delinquency two hundred years
since to have been very different from anything with
which we are ourselves generally familiar.*
* Macaulay's History of England, i. 326-329. In Dr. Williams's
Library in Redcross-street, there is a paper intitled ' Lamentable Estate
of the Ministers in Staffordshire.' It is without date, but may be as
signed to some time witliin the latter half of the reign of Elizabeth. It
presents a complete list of the parishes in Staffordshire, with the names
and characters of the clergymen occupying them. The summary of
the document is, that ' there be 118 congregations which have no
' preacher, neither have had (for the most) now more than forty years ;
' there be eighteen congregations served by laymen ; by scandalous,
' forty.' The description of the scandalous class is quite to the effect of
the account in the Kent register. So it was, no doubt, over England.
In the same collection there is another paper with the title. View of
the State of the Churches in Cornwall. In this account, which has all
the appearance of a report prepared under official direction, a favourable
account of a clergyman's character is the exception : as a rule, they
are described as debauched, drunken, profane, gamesters, and the like.
With this manuscript is another, consisting of a petition from the
people of Cornwall to the parliament ' gathered together by the queen's
' majesty's appointment,' &c., in which the petitioners say, ' We have
' about eight score churches, the greatest part of which is supplied by
' men who, through their ignorance and negligence, are guilty of the
' sin of sins — soul murder.' Then follows the mention of the same
string of vices. Some are ' drunkards, some quarrellers, some spotted
' with whoredom, and some with more loathsome and abominable
• crimes than those.' Documents of this nature were sent to the privy
council from various counties in England; in 1584, and in 1586.
According to Neal (cc. vii. viii.), the effect of these representations was
to show, that nearly thirty years after the accession of Ehzabeth, there
were not more than about 2,000 preachers to nearly 10,000 parishes.
We have no reason to suppose that the state of things in this respect
was at all improved under James, and little, if at all, under Charles.
The truth is, these princes all looked on popular preaching with appre
hension, and discountenanced it. Two or three preachers for a county.

1 1 8 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. The majority of the clergy against whom complaints
Cases of were made before Sir Edward Dering's committee, were
before uot accuscd of Immorality. Full half of the cases have
Dering's^"^ rcspcct to falsc doctrlnc, to the use of novel ceremonies,
Committee, j.^ ^j^^ ncglcct of duty, or to a manifest disposition to
serve the cause of the king, and to injure the cause of
the parliament. But the alleged cases of Immorality are
only too numerous, and some of them were of a revolt
ing description. In two instances only do they appear
to have been disproved.
One in the series of offenders pleads thus — ' Humanum
' est err ore ; pardon human frailties and personal infir-
¦ mities, and where proofs against me are not certain, I
' pray judge charitably. I can excuse myself in tanto,
' though non in toto.'* The rector of Little Chart has
not performed service In that parish six times in three
years, ' In which time the cure has been divers times
'unserved, and sometimes discharged by drunken
' ministers. 'f This is attested by the churchwardens
and others. John Terry, curate of Smarden, 'hath
' been negligent in his calling, so that when the congre-
' gation has come together on the Lord's day, he has
' been absent, no one knowing where. When a corpse
' has been to be buried he has been so distempered with
' beer, that he could not read the service. He dodi
' often frequent blind and unlicensed alehouses, wherein
' he hath been so overtaken in the said vice, that he hath
' been found lying in the street and dirt, not able to
' help himself; but two men have led him to his house.
said Elizabeth, is enough ; let the rest read the homilies. The effect
is seen, not only in the spiritual destitution among the people, but in
the character of the clergy.
*' Proceedings in Kent, iii. .j- Ibid. 113.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 119
' The said Mr. Terry is a fighter, and that not only in chap.iv.
' his own house {nocens plus exemplo quam peccato), but a
' breaker of the king's peace in striking others, both
' men and women, and that even at the church door.
' All which we can prove by oath, by witnesses of credit
' In our parish.' This statement is attested by more
than fifty names. Redress, it Is said, had been sought
more than once from the court of Canterbury, but
without effect.* One clergyman Is described as so ill
paid by the lay Impropriator of his cure, that ' choosing
' rather to steal meat for himself and his, than to beg or
' starve, he had been arraigned and condemned of
' felony.' -)-
Edward Barbet, vicar of Chlstlet, is reported by five-
and-thlrty persons, including the parish officers, as a
man who, ' having by riotous living consumed the greater
' part of his estate, lay in prison by the space of half a
' year and more ; and having made composition with his
' creditors betook himself to the ministry, and was pre-
' sented by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury to the
' vicarage of Chisdet aforesaid, being In his gift.'
Barbet's manner of performing the offices of the
church is described as intolerable — ' And touching his
' life and conversation, it is well known that he is a
' common liar, a notorious swearer, a foul, obscene, and
' bawdy speaker of ribaldry, uttering sometimes such
' words as are not to be spoken by any modest man, nor
' to be heard by any Christian ears. And he is also of
' an incontinent life, and hath affirmed that marriage is a
' superficial ceremony — that it is but the mumbling of a
' priest. ' All this these persons say they are prepared
to prove against his grace's protege, by sufficient wit-
* Proceedings in Kent, 115, 116. t Il>'d- IS^-

120 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. nesses.* Twenty persons from the parish of Stour-
mouth allege that Robert Carter, their rector, ' is a
' common haunter of taverns and alehouses, and a
' great gamester, staying there drinking and gaming,
' sometimes three and sometimes four whole days and
' nights together.'! Robert Barrell, perpetual curate of
Maidstone, is also described by more than fifty of his
congregation, all of whom can write their names, as ' a
' common tavern haunter. He hath had,' say his dis
contented flock, ' many curates under him, most of them
' being pot companions, of a very scandalous and evil
' life, one of them leaving a bastard child behind him in
' our town, and others of them gamesters ; many of
' them cousining and defrauding poor tradesmen, by
' getting goods into their hands, and then running away.'
Barrell himself, it is added, had been indicted for per
jury. :|: Thomas Higginson, vicar of Rolvenden, is
declared by various witnesses to be habitually profane,
drunken, and debauched. §
Sum of the In glancing at the contents of these documents it must
from"s" be remembered that they relate to the county of Kent,
Edward the jnost clvIlIzed county in England ; and that the
Uenng s J b ^
Committee, state of thlugs described must have existed while Laud,
our ' English Cyprian,' was in the see of Canterbury,
Nor Is it to be supposed that these revelations included
all of the kind that might have been made. They
consist of cases which came up in less than a year from
the first sitting of the committee. In many parishes,
where there may have been abundant reason for com-
* Proceedings in Kent, 176, 178. f Ibid. 196. | Ibid. 202-204,
§ Ibid. 236-239. No one denies that many frivolous charges
were preferred against obnoxious clergymen ; but the question is, were
any deprived on the ground of such charges ? Accusers, too, may
have been influenced, but the influence was not all on one side.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 121
plaint the royalist influence would suffice for a while to chap, iv
ensure quiet. Sir Edward Dering, too, though he
entered on his career as a church reformer with a
great appearance of zeal, soon began to Indulge second
thoughts, and to retrace his steps. On the whole, when
we look from the signs of clerical infirmity which existed
in Kent in 1640, to the fifty-two counties in England
and Wales, we feel assured that the number of eccle
siastical persons who deserved to be sequestered on
purely moral grounds must have been great. We may
safely conclude that more than half the entire number
displaced by the Long Parliament were displaced for such
reasons, leaving the remainder to consist of the incom
petent, ofthe disaffected, and of those who fled from their
cures without waiting for any process of expulsion.*
The publication known by the name of The First white's
. , ,. , - Century of
Century of Scandalous Ministers contained disclosures of Scand
so foul a nature, that the most unscrupulous efforts were
made, and are still made, to heap infamy upon Its
author. White was a barrister, and had he been the
man his enemies would make him, the most wealthy and
influential House of Commons England had ever seen,
would hardly have placed him in the chair, when going
* Baxter, referring to the proceedings of these committees, says,
• I know that there are men in the world that would make us believe
' that almost none but worthy and learned men were turned out, and
' that for their fidelity to the king and the bishops. But this age has
' taught the world how little the report of such men is to be believed.
' I must needs say, that in all the countries where I was acquainted, six
' to one at least (if not many more) that were sequestered by the com-
' mittee were by the oaths of witnesses proved insufficient, or scan-
'dalous, or both; especially guilty of drunkenness and swearing; and
' those that, being able, godly preachers, were cast out for the war
' alone, or for their opinions' sake, were comparatively very few. This
• I know will displease the party, but it is true.' Life, 72-74- G

a!ous
Ministers.

122 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. into committee on the grave subject of religion. It
may be that in some instances the charges preferred
were exaggerations, or even falsehoods, but the impeach
ment, in its great substance, has never been disturbed
by any counter evidence. A great cry was raised against
what was done. The account published by White
was a form of self-defence, which was natural in such
circumstances.*
How Charles took much pains to stimulate the conscience
fluenced the of hls adherents in the course which he must have known
ofthecfe'^rgy would be vcry costly to them. According to the usage
of that age, the ordinances of the government were not
only to be placed on the church doors, but were to be
read by the clergyman from the pulpit on the Lord's
day. The king enjoined that the papers issued by
himself should be so read, but expressly forbade the
On both sides, where the military were ascendant, the clergy were
great sufferers from the license of the times. Many of the royalist
clergy fied to the king's quarters ; and so many of the Puritan clergy,
after being pillaged and maltreated by the cavaliers and their followers,
fled to London, that a committee was formed, called ' the Committee
for Plundered Ministers,' to see that some restitution should be made
to that class of persons, and many received some compensation in being
appointed to the livings which had become vacant in other places. In
the State Paper Office there are two folio volumes, containing a record
of what was done by this committee from November, 1645, to April,
'653. The entries consist of resolutions assigning sums of money from
10/. a year to 50/., never more, from a number of sequestered livings,
in aid of poor livings elsewhere, most of which, from being so poor,
were ill-served. What was done in this way appears to have been
wisely done. The name of the chairman for the day is affixed to each
resolution. The name occurring much the most frequently is the well-
known and honourable name of Sir Harbottle Grimstone. MSS. State
Paper Office. — Interregnum. Domestic Series. Nos. 286, 287. I '
find, on March 3, 1646, the sums of 81. and 20/. voted from certain ,
tithes to the ex-bishop of Carlisle. '

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 123
reading of those issued by his opponents. As those chap.iv
papers were generally of the nature of attack and
rejoinder, to obey the sovereign In this particular became
an open proclamation of hostility to the parliament.
When the League and Covenant was adopted, Charles
made resistance to it a test of loyalty. So when the
Directory was issued, the same course was pursued.
The use of it was prohibited with all the weight of the
royal authority.
But inasmuch as his majesty and the parliament had Position as-
placed their differences on the issue of the sword, it was wards the
natural that each party should claim to be the state the"Kmg^
whenever its power happened to be ascendant, and that pg^uament
it should demand obedience In such quarters from clergy
and laity. Hence, while to ignore the Ordinances of the
parliament, to reject the League and Covenant, and to
persist in using the Prayer Book after the appearance of
the Directory, might be applauded as loyalty in Oxford,
it was not less natural that such conduct should be con
strued as little short of treason at Westminster. Every
where, the ministers of religion had to choose their side
on these questions, and to take the consequences. Both
parties knew that sequestration, plunder, and outrage,
were among the probable consequences of fidelity to
conscience, and for a whUe those penalties fell alike on
: both. If the Puritan clergy suffered least, it was simply
from the fact that Puritanism became the winning cause.
The condition of protection from any government, con-
^ sists In obedience on the part of the governed. The
parliament said. In effect, to the royalist clergy, ' Promise
!' us that you wIU not use the influence of your position
¦-¦ ' to subvert our power, and we promise to secure you in
'' possession of your office and emolument. Reject this
G 2

124 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I.

Conformity
of Episcopa
lian clergy
men.

Men who
became
conscientious Non
conformists.

' demand, and the law of self-preservation will dictate
' that we should adopt our own means to render your
' dissaffection harmless.'*
Many of the royalist clergy fled voluntarUy to the
king's quarters. But the great majority complied with
the terms proposed to them, being aware, we may sup
pose, that in adopting the Covenant they were not
required absolutely to renounce Episcopacy ; and that in
consenting to use the Directory, they were not obliged
to avow any altered feeling in regard to the book of
Common Prayer. The grand test, however, was the
Covenant. Persons who had adopted that might accept
the Directory with little difficulty. The sequestrations,
accordingly, between 1640 and 1660, belong for much
the greater part to the years 1 643 and 1 644, when the
Covenant was generally enforced.
But here it must be remembered, that while many
Episcopalians could readily give the loose and general
assent to the Covenant, and to the use of the Directory,
which was demanded of them, there were men possessed
with a more refined or scrupulous sense of truthfulness
and honour, to whom such a course was not possible.
Such men became deliberately Nonconformists, and
* The following is one of the articles of impeachment preferred
against a clergyman in Kent by sixteen of his parishioners:— 'He hath
' long continued, in the pulpit, to utter his bitter execrations against
' the Scottish nation, and hath often done it since the high court of
' parliament assembled, viz., calling them daring rebels, whose faith is
' faction, whose truth is treason, whose religion is nothing but rebellion,
'that seek to invade this kingdom.' Praying — 'Let them be as a
' wheel, oh God, and as the stubble before the wind, and let the angel
' of the Lord scatter them ; let them be as Oreb and Seb, like Zeba
' and Zalumnna ; let them be scattered in Jacob, and dispersed in
' Israel ; put a hook in their nostrils, and turn them back the way they
' came.' Proceedings in Kent, 227.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 125
shared in that heritage of wrong, disparagement, and chap.iv.
loss, which has always awaited men whose feeling of
self-respect has obliged them to take that position.
With these persons It was not a slight matter to allow
the authority of the parliament to supersede the authority
of the king ; or to conform, even after the general man
ner permitted by the law, with Injunctions which they
did not wholly approve. Every just and cultivated
mind must sympathize with such men, and must regret
that some milder course was not devised in their favour.
The pain to which such spirits must have been exposed
from the coarse fanaticism which too often came to the
surface in those troubled times, must have been inex
pressible. The men, indeed, who simply stated their
objection to the new order of things and retired, were
comparatively few. But there were such men : Jeremy
Taylor, Bryan Walton, Fuller, and the memorable John
Hales, of Eton, to the dishonour of their persecutors,
were among the sufferers of this class.*
* Dr. Prideaux, bishop of Worcester, and bishop Hall, are often
mentioned along with the above names, as furnishing illustration of
clerical hardship and wrong. But it should be remembered that Pri
deaux was not content to be loyal himself — he chose to excommunicate
every man in his diocese who sided with the popular cause. Hall, too,
though known to us chiefly by his devotional writings, was known to
his contemporaries as a restless and severe polemic, and as a special
enemy to all sectaries. In his known works, the poor Brownists found
small charity or tolerance ; and such was the general impression con
cerning him, that a publication of the time which in its style was as
sarcastic and bitter as anything in the Marprelate tracts, was believed
to have come from his pen. Hanbury's Hist, of Independency, c. xxxix.
We know that, pitiless as was the persecution of Laud, Hall could
descend to act as spy and informer to that prelate, urging him on in his
career of intolerance. Here is a letter written by him to Laud in
1 63 1, when that prelate was bishop of London:— ' Right rev. and
' honourable, with best services : I was bold the last week to give your

126 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. The sequestered clergy generally, however, were not
General mcn of that ordcr. Their orthodoxy was not a quiet
tiie^d'isaffec- orthodoxy. In many it consisted In an obtrusive zeal in
ted clergy, fg^yg^jj. q^ g^j^ Armlulan creed, and of a popish ritual — in
a state of feeling, the general tendency of which was to
change the English church, so as to leave her little dis
tinguishable from the church of Rome, and to change
the English government, so as to leave it little distinguish
able from the most arbitrary monarchies. It was the re
solve of the Long Parliament and of the Commonwealth
to free the pulpits of our English parishes, as far as pos
sible, of such men. Remembering, too, how these men
had expelled their brethren from their cures during many
'lordship information of a busy and ignorant schismatic lurking in
' London ; since which time I hear, to my grief, there are eleven
" several congregations (as they call them) of Separatists about the city,
¦' furnished with their idly-pretended pastors, who meet together in
' brewhouses, and such other meet places of resort, every Sunday. I
* do well know your lordship's zealoas and careful vigilance over that
* populous world of men, so as I am assured your lordship finds enough
'' to move both your sorrow and holy fervency in the cause of God's
'church; neither do I write this as to inform yonr lordship of what
' you know not, but to condole the misery of the time.' This docu
ment is in the State Paper Office, and has been printed in Professor
Masson's Life of Milton, i. 632. Chillingworth was another of these
illustrious sufferers. But Chillingworth proclaimed himself to the
country as a passive-obedience royalist, fled in disgust to the king, and
learnt to put his clerical hands to very carnal weapons at the siege of
Gloucester. Chillingworth, too, could do a little ofthe kind of service
which we have seen .to have been done by Hall, reporting in the same
quarter private conversations taking place at Oxford, to the heavy
trouble of the persons whose indiscreet utterances he betrayed. Ihid,
178-180. Fuller was an honest and noble soul. But the worthy man
was not sequestered until he had refused the usual oath of fidelity to
the parliament, had fled to Oxford, and had become a zealous arm)'
chaplain. In 1647 he returned to London, and, proscribed as he was,
he was allowed to conduct a regular weekly lecture. In the following
year, Cromwell's triers sanctioned his appointment to the rectorship of

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 127
years past, for no greater sin than refusing to read the chap. iv.
Book of Sports from the pulpit, or to bow after a pre
scribed manner, it was assumed that they could have
little right to complain of such a policy as unreasonable.
The number of the sequestered clergy Is a somewhat Number of
rr-ii r 1 1- sequestered
vexed question. The names of the clergy displaced by clergy.
the suppression of the cathedral system, occur to a large
extent in the list of the parochial clergy, most of them
being possessed of livings, very many of them being
pluralists. It must be borne in mind also, that with the
fall of the hierarchy came an end to the old system of
chocesan registration, and that the country never became
so far settled as to allow of the establishment of any
regular system in its room. Thus, in the case of so
distinguished a person as Jeremy Taylor, who at the
Waltham Abbey. The loss of his books on his sequestration was his
great hardship. If Bryan Walton suffered from the Presbyterians, he
obtained help from the Independents. The Biblia Polyglotta Waltoni
was published in 1657; and Cromwell had not only allowed 5000
reams of paper for it to be imported duty free, but otherwise assisted
in the undertaking. Grateful mention is made of his liberality in the
preface to that great work. Concerning the experiences of John Hales
we have little definite information ; but we shall allow an Independent
to say what such men felt in regard to him : ' I reckon it not the least
' ignominies of that age, that so eminent a person should have been, by
' the iniquity of the times, reduced to those necessities under which he
' lived, as I account it no small honour to have grown up into some
' sort of his acquaintance, and conversed awhile with the living remains
'of one of the clearest heads and best prepared breasts in Christendom.'
Andrew Marvel's Rehearsal Transposed, 178. We are sorry also to
read, that some of the more obnoxious of the royalist clergy were not
only sequestered, but sent under a guard to bishops' palaces, and that
some twenty of them are said to have been confined in ships in the
Thames. But if the case was really so, it might have been worse.
The sufferers might have been sent, as many a Nonconformist had been,
to meet a lingering death in the felon cells, and amidst the felon com
panionships, of the common jails.

128 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. beginning of the war was rector of Upingham, we have
not the slightest record, either as to when he was
deprived, or who was his successor.* An examinadon
of all our diocesan and parochial registers for informa
tion on this matter could only be undertaken by govern
ment, and even then the result would be to a large extent
imperfect and unsatisfactory. But there are some general
grounds from which a conclusion may be formed with a
near approximation to certainty.
The parishes of England in the seventeenth century
were somewhat above 9,000. If we suppose, with Dr.
Walker and others, that the sequestered parochial clergy
were not less than 6,000, we must suppose that three-
fourths of that number, at least, were sequestered some
time before the close of 1 644 ; that Is, we must suppose
that In little more than two years, half the pulpits of
England were declared vacant. How was this void to
be supplied ? f The ministers who came home from
exile were able men, but their numbers would hardly
have sufficed to fill up the vacancies in any large town.
Oxford in those years sent her students to the battle
ments, instead of sending them into the church. Cam
bridge, too, which civil war had made to be more
military than academic, was not likely to send forth
candidates for holy orders even In the ordinary rario,
much less on an accelerated scale. The clergy who
had been deprived of their cures by Laud and his
friends were at hand, and were no doubt provided for ;
but it will hardly be pretended that their numbers were
such as to supply the four or five thousand needed.
In truth, if we suppose between four and five thousand
* Heber's Life of Taylor, 20. t White said there were 8,000
of the clergy who deserved to be expeUed. .Some would make him
say he had expelled that number. White died in 1 644 !

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 129

pulpits to have been declared vacant in those two years, chap. iv.
we must suppose some four-fifths of those parishes, at
least, to have remained vacant for some years to come :
and had the parliament spread spiritual destitution
through the land to that extent, we may be sure that
fact would have come forth as a grand article of im
peachment on all occasions against It. The accusation.
In such case, would have reached us In tones not to
be forgotten. But we know that what must have hap
pened If sequestration on any such scale as is affirmed
had taken place, did not happen.*
But there is a shorter and more certain method by
which this question may be settled. If we suppose
6,000 clergymen to have been sequestered in 1664, and
that 6,000 to have consisted of men from twenty-four
years of age and upwards — then, according to the laws
of mortality, as determined by some of our first actuaries,
there should have been 3,600 of those men living in
1660. If we suppose, which was perhaps the case,
that a fourth of these 6,000 were not sequestered until
Cromwell's triers came into action, that circumstance
* In Baxter's account of the conference at the Savoy in 1661 is the
following passage : — ' When I told them that if they cast out all the
'Nonconformists there would not be tolerable ministers enough to
' supply the congregations, bishop Morley answered, that so it was in
' the late times, and that some places had no ministers at all through all
' those times of usurpation, and named Aylesbury, which he knew to
' have had none upon his own knowledge. I told him that / never
' knew ANT such, and therefore I knew there were not MANT such in
' England. Since, I have enquired of the inhabitants about Aylesbury,
' and they unanimously professed that it was notoriously false, and
' named me the ministers which had been there successively, and usually
' two at once.' Life and Times, 340. Bishop Morley's language may
be taken as a fair sample of the random assertions on this subject, in
which the more prejudiced royalists were disposed to indulge.
G 3

130 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. would raise the 3,600 to some hundreds more. But
passing over that point, it is to be remembered, that in
1 660, all persons in possession of cures, the former holders
of which were still living, were required, in a very sum
mary manner, to relinquish them into the hands of the
men who had been excluded from them. The question
now is — what was the number of sequestered clergy thus
restored? Baxter speaks of them as ' many hundreds,'
and in a connexion where he would .be naturally disposed
not to underrate them. The Presbyterian ministers at
the Savoy conference in 1661, when all the expulsions
of this class had taken place, speak of the ejected as
' several hundreds,' and as ' some hundreds/* We have
no reason, accordingly, to suppose that there were more
than some five or six hundred displaced at that time.
But If so, this number seems to prove that there never
could have been more than about a thousand sequestered
clergymen, between 1640 and 1660, over all England.
It is not to be doubted, however, that something like
double that number were so dealt with ; and the only
conclusion open to us is, that of the two thousand, or
thereabout, who were sequestered in those twenty years,
one half, in the course of that interval, were allowed to
return to office in the church whose service they had
relinquished, or from which they had been expelled, f
The above conclusion is corroborated by the fact, that
* Petition for Peace. Rejoinder of the Ministers.
t The instruments appointing the triers and commissioners to pro
secute enquiries of this sort under Cromwell, found the intended proceed
ings on the fact, that many of the sequestered clergy, and ' many weak,
'' scandalous, popish, and ill-affected persons had intruded themselves, or
' been brought into livings at that time.' Hence, the function of these triers
was not so much, in the first instance, to exclude the obnoxious, as to
preclude the admission of such. Scobell's Acts, 279, 365, 366, 335-347'

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 131
under the Commonwealth, It was weU known that the chap.iv.
parochial clergy In the different counties of England
consisted of three parties, — viz., the Episcopal, the
Presbyterian, and the Independent parties. Baxter
shows, that In all measures for joint action it was neces
sary to bear In mind that there was an ' Episcopal party '
to be consulted, just as certainly as that there was a
' Congregational party.' AU these parties were Con
formists ; but neither the Episcopalians nor the Indepen
dents were observant of the Presbyterian platform, and
no man was concerned to make a secret of his personal
preferences. On the whole, we think the above estimate as to the
number of the parochial clergy sequestered between
1640 and 1660 is the estimate warranted by facts. To
make the sequestered parochial clergy some 6,000, Is to
make It necessary that the ejected ministers between the
spring of 1660 and August, 1662, should have been
between five and six thousand! We are satisfied that
the clergy permanently sequestered from the parishes of
England were not more than about one thousand.*
* A writer in the Quarterly Review for July last (pp. 244, 245) has
looked at this mode of settling the question of numbers, and finds no
way of escaping from my conclusion, except by the monstrous as
sumption, that the proportion of deaths among the sequestered clergy in
those twenty years rose so high from their dying of starvation! This
is in fact to say, that six out of seven of the deprived clergy, who died
between 1640 and 1660, died of want ! We are constrained to ask,
what was that overwhelming majority of rich nobles and rich gentry
who come into such prominence in the parliament of 1661, about, to
allow the ministers of their venerated and immaculate church to
perish around them after this manner ? Further, what a race of
imbeciles must those 3,000 perishing clergymen have been, to have been
utterly incapable of doing anything to save themselves from such an
end ! What reproach could be greater than the reproach which is thus
cast both upon the clergy and the laity of the English church ? The

132 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. We are far, however, from meaning to justify aU that

Parliament becomes

was done by the parliamentary chiefs in support of this
more Pres- polIcy. lu what WC havc sald, our object has been
byterianand . , , . -
intolerant. Simply to guard their conduct against unjust and un
generous Imputations ; in brief, to present the real truth
ejected Nonconformists suffered much, but not at all after that manner.
The government killed off many of them by imprisonment, but we
doubt if a man among them died from want. The good Philip Henry,
we are told, ' knew, within a few miles round him, so manv ministers
' turned out to the wide world, stripped of all their maintenance, and
' exposed to continual hardships, as, with their wives and children,
'most of them having numerous families, made up above a hundred,
' and, though oft reduced to wants and stV3.m, yet were not forsaken, but
' were enabled to rejoice in the Lord, to whom the promise was fulfilled,
' — So shalt thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed.' — 'One
' observation Mr. Henry made, not long before he died, when he had
' been young, and now was old, that though many of the ejected
' ministers were brought Tery low, had many children, were greatly
' harassed by persecution, and their friends generally poor and unable
' to support them ; yet in all his acquaintance he never knew, nor could
' remember to have heard, of any Nonconformist minister in prison
' (for debt) or in debt.' Life of Philip Henry, 6 1, 62. Mr. Serjeant
Charlton, in presenting the Act of Uniformity to the king in 1662,
said, in opposition to the proposed allowance of a fifth part of the
living to the ejected minister, that such a grant, 'joined mth the piety
of the party, would amount to more than the value of the whole living!
This was no doubt an exaggeration ; but the inferences from it are
obvious. There was another reason of the commons' dissent, said the
Serjeant, ' that divers wives and children of orthodox ministers were mak
miserable by some of these men' Lords' Journals, May ,7. The
Serjeant knew nothing of multitudes — thousands, dying of starvation.
On the whole, if what the reviewer in the Quarterly has asserted is
the best that can be said, this question may be taken as settled, and we
have a right to say that the royalist clergy permanently excluded from
the parishes of England were not more than one thousand. Dr.
Gauden, and the author of that inflammatory pamphlet, intitled
Persecutio Undecima, knew that many had been sequestered, and their
prejudices taught them to trust to their imaginations for the
and an imaginary affair they made .of it.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 133
in relation to some of the matters at issue between them chap.iv.
and their opponents. It must be confessed, however,
that as many of the more moderate royalists withdrew to
the king, and as the influence of the Scots came Into the
place of such men, giving new strength to the rigid
Presbyterian element In the two houses, those broader
and higher objects for which the war had been waged,
were by degrees largely superseded in favour of a policy
too purely theological and ecclesiastical, and, as a natural
consequence, too little tolerant of differences.
It will be sufficient to mention in this place the act Acts against
passed in 1648, to prevent ' the growth and spreading of blasphemy.
heresy and blasphemy.' That act declared, that all
persons who should deny the existence, or traduce the
perfections of the Supreme Being ; who should reject
the divine authority of the canonical scriptures, the
doctrine of the Trinity, of the Atonement, or of the
Resurrection, should be accounted gudty of felony, and
refusing to abjure his errors should suffer death. An
offender recanting was to find bail against any repetition
of his crime, and on a second conviction was to die as a
felon. The same act provides, that all persons avowing
the doctrine of universal restoration, of freewUl, or of a
middle state after death ; all persons who say that God
may be worshipped by means of Images and pictures ;
that the light in man is to be followed even when con
trary to the written word ; that the ordinances of baptism
and the Lord's Supper are not Christian ordinances ; or
who shall broach the errors of the anabaptists concerning
baptism ; and all persons who shall declare that the
moral law Is not a rule of life to the believer ; that man
need not repent, nor pray for the pardon of his sins ;
that children should not be taught to pray ; that the

134 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Lord's day is not what the laws of the land affirm it to
be ; or that ' church government by presbytery is anti
christian or unlawful,' shall recant his errors, and find
bail for his future conduct, or suffer Indefinite Imprison
ment.* It will be seen that this act supposes the
existence, and open avowal, of Atheism and Deism, of
Unitarianism and Arminianism, and couples the licence of
the Antlnomian with the mysticism of the Quakers. In
1648, the great remedy of the parliament. It seems,
against these errors ofthe times, consisted in the stafi^of
the constable, the miseries of a prison cell, and the use of
the hangman. It is manifest that the Long Parliamentis
not improving In wisdom or temper, and its days are not
likely to be many. The desperate junto who passed
this act hoped by this means to scare and crush the
Independents in the army, and the sects who were in a
measure sheltered by them. But there were Presby
terians who did not concur in this policy, and the Inde
pendents were little moved by it.
The Presbyterian clergy never ceased to be diligent
students, zealous preachers and pastors, and they suc
ceeded through many years in giving — to use their own
language — a face of godliness to the parishes of England.
Too much praise can hardly be given them on this
ground. But the time came In which both the divines
and the statesmen of this party were to show themselves
unequal to the great political crisis which they had done
so much to evoke. In the meanwhile, another party,
not less old in our history, but of slower growth, was
making its existence felt both In England and America,
and was about to come in as a more advanced wave in
the history of English thought, and of English action^
* Scobel's Acts, 149, 150.

ReUgious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 135
The rise of Independency, and of the larger and freer chap.iv.
thinking to which Independency gave comparative pro
tection and encouragement, constitutes the second, and
the more developed phase of the great revolution which
dates from the meeting of the Long Parliament.
Towards the close of the reign of Elizabeth, and in Migration
the time of her successor. Nonconformists who had sepa °

paratists

separated from the established church began their "'"°"^"''-
migration to Holland. Humble men and women, In
London, In Gainsborough, and In a village named
Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, had heard that the Dutch
were a sober and Industrious nation, and granted liberty
of worship to strangers who chose to settle among them.
So precious to the heart of those people was the thought
of such liberty, that to gain it, families who had never
seen the sea, and many who had never travelled far
beyond their own homestead, covenanted together to go
to that land, and to cast themselves on Providence In
that strange and far-off country. * The Rev. Richard
* One of tbe sufferers thus writes of the lot which had befallen them
at home : ' Some were taken and clapped up in prison ; others had
'their houses beset and watched night and day, and hardly escaped
' their hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave their habitations,
• and the means of their livelihood.' What they felt in prospect of
seeking a new home is thus indicated : ' To go into a country they
' knew not but by hearsay, where they must learn a new language, and
'get their livings they knew not how, it being a dear place, and sub-
'ject to the miseries of war, it was by many thought an adventure
' almost desperate, a case intolerable, and a misery worse than death ;
' especially seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic, (by
' which the country doth subsist,) but had only been used to a plain
' country life, and the innocent trade of husbandry. But these things
' did not dismay them, (although they did sometimes trouble them,) for
' their desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his ordinances.
'They rested on his providence, and knew in whom they had believed.'

136 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Clifton, formerly rector of Babworth, near Scrooby, ac
companied the people who were the fruit of his spiritual
labour in their exile. The church under his oversight at
Amsterdam is said to have numbered three hundred
members. The church of the same character, under the
Rev. Jolin Robinson, at Leyden, was hardly less nume
rous. Much had those people endured In their attempts
to escape from the country which had given them birth,
but which would not give them a religious home ; and
much were they to endure from the want of suitable
employment among a people of foreign ways and foreign
speech. But after a while, their industry and moral
worth procured them friends, and they found a fair
supply of their simple wants.
Migration -phc rcadcr will remember that from the church at
to America. Leyden went those memorable adventurers who were the
founders of New Plymouth, known In history as the
Pilgrim Fathers. Other voluntary exiles followed In
the wake of the pUgrlms. So constant. Indeed, and so
widening was the stream which flowed In that direction
from this country, that when the Long Parliament
assembled. New Plymouth and Boston had become
mother settlements to a fair progeny. Not less than
fifty thousand persons, it was supposed, had left our
shores in search of a freedom in New England which
they had despaired of realizing in the old. Of so
much importance had those colonies become, that when
the assembly of divines was about to meet at West
minster, the churches of New England were Invited to
send some of their learned men to assist in its delibera-
Bradford's Hiitory of Plymouth Plantation, 10, 11. Hunter's Collec
tions concertiing ihe Church and Congregation of Protestant Separatists
formed at Scrooby.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 12J
tions. In fact, during the oppressions of the last ten chap.iv.
years, many of the bravest and wisest gentlemen In
England, persons of large wealth, and even peers of the
realm, were prompted to look towards that western
world as a promised land to all men capable of feeling
that to cease to live would be a less evil than to cease to
be religiously free.* Nor were all the early settlers in characterof
those regions persons from humble life. Without a in America.
considerable admixture of the kind of thoughtfulness
which comes from religion aided by education, the
history of those colonies would not have become such
as we find It. Among the men of some mark and
position who sailed in the Mayflower, were Bradford,
and Brewster, and Winslow, and Standish — men who
left an impress on the settlement at New Plymouth
which was not to be effaced. It was so In the colony
of Massachusetts. The colonists were mostly persons
to be influenced by intelligence, and there were intelli
gent men to influence them. Winthrop, more than once
governor of Massachusetts, was a man to lead men ; and
for a while, Harry Vane, afterwards so prominent in our
Enghsh history, filled that office.
Colonists have generally become such from purely
* In 1641 Milton thus wrote: 'What numbers of faithful and
' freeborn Englishmen and good Christians have been constrained to
'forsake their dearest home, their friends and kindred, whom nothing
' but the wide ocean and the savage deserts of America could hide and
' shelter from the fury of the bishops. Let the astrologer be dismayed
' at the portentous blaze of comets, and impressions in the air, as fore-
' telling troubles and changes to states ; I shall believe there cannot be
; ' a more ill-boding sign to a nation— God turn the omen from us —
' than when the inhabitants, to avoid insufferable grievances at home,
' are enforced by heaps to forsake their native country.' Reformation
-in England, Book ii.

138 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. commercial or secular considerations. Our special
Grand mo- Interest in the early American colonies arises from the
tive with . , .
the Ameri- fact that their object was not so much secular as reli
gious. They consisted of persons who believed them
selves to be possessed with the idea of Christianity which
is set forth in its own records, in distinction from the
conventional and corrupt forms of it everywhere about
them. They feared, and not without reason, that it
might be their lot to see their views of the Christian
religion die out in Holland from the fewness of their
numbers ; and to see them crushed out In England by the
hostility ofthe government. Believing, as they did, that
their creed, their polity, and their worship were the same
which had been so precious among the people who first
bore the Christian name, it was natural they should
wish to give place and establishment to principles so
regarded, in some region where they might take root,
grow, and expand. In their great enterprise their spiritual
liberty was their first object, and In relation to that they
aimed to provide, not simply for themselves, nor for
their children, but for the unborn and remote genera
tions of men.
Their ideal Jn the Christendom familiar to this new race of
colonists, the state was everywhere more or less hostile
to the spiritual freedom of the church. To their
imagination an order of things was present, in whicli
the magistrate and the minister, the state and the
church, should be at one, and at one in their endeavour j
to realize this scriptural idea of the Christian life.
They coveted a settled home of that character for them
selves, for their children, and for all who shared in their
faith and feeling. In this ' New England way,' as it
was afterwards called, we see a sequence from the circum-

state.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 139

stances of the people with whom it originated. It was chap.iv.
a manner of social and religious life very unlike that
which had been familiar to them in the England of the
past. But It had been suggested to them by the law of
contrast. And when the Long Parliament had checked the
tide of western emigration, by taking away the motive
that had led to it, the new polity of the new world often
came to the surface in the discussions arising in this
country. The New England settlers migrated as churches. But New union
r ¦ • ir • of Church
each settlement, on forming itself into a church, was and state.
obliged to form itself Into a state ; and the great
difficulty In giving existence to a state was to ensure
that the state should not be stronger than the church, or
at least not hostile to it. Such relations of the state
to the church had been the old world grievance. How
was it to be provided against in the new ^ Down to
1640, the rule in all the existing settlements was, that
the church should In fact be the state, church member
ship, and not property, being the condition of the
franchise. So the idea embodied in the polity of those
infant states was to a great extent theocratic. In effect
the Bible became the statute law, both for church and
state. It pertained to the enfranchised to interpret that
law, and to administer it. The magistrate. In common
with the minister, must be a church member, and the
elections In either case were virtually church acts.
But the churches of which this may be said, were. The New
nevertheless, all of them Congregational or Inde- churches aU
pendent. Attempts were made in favour of Episcopacy Jlonfr^^"
md of Presbyterianism ; but they had not been any
where successful. In this country, and in Holland, the
prayer of these Congregationalists had been for toleration,

140 Religious Life in England before 1660.

BOOK I. and for nothing more. But their new circumstances as
colonists brought with them new ideas and necessities,
and their special form of polity, both civil and eccle
siastical, was the natural result. To be spiritually
independent had been the great purpose of their migra
tion ; and the law of self-preservation in relation to that
independency disposed them to the course which gave
so marked a character to their legislation. The impres
sion of the settlers was, that their little state was not
only their church, but their house and home. It was to
them an inclosure as sacred as their fireside. They had
braved much and suffered much to make it their own,
and they concluded that they had a right to determine
the conditions on which others should be admitted to its
advantages. In their view, it was an acquisition made,
not for themselves merely, but for posterity ; and they
thought it became them to guard it most religiously
against injury, and against the danger of injury. To all
who concurred In the bases on which their humble com
monwealth was founded, they gave a cordial welcome.
But persons who sought to disturb those bases, and to
substitute others for them, were admonished to be silent ;
and were reminded, that if disposed to found a state after
some fancy pattern of their own, the broad land was before
them In which to make the experiment ; but that for
themselves, their order of proceeding was determined
and established, and the person or persons who should
persist In endeavouring to disturb it would not be
tolerated in so doing.
Charge of There were parties, however, who did not admit the
persecution, j-easonablcness of this policy, and who branded the action
founded upon It as persecution. Beyond a doubt, this
theory of the colonists, pure and elevated as It may

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 141
have been In its conception, was one that could not be chap.iv.
sustained In a large community without entaUing the
consequence alleged. And as those communities became
larger, their maxims of this nature were gradually
relaxed, the distinction between the two swords, the
civil and the ecclesiastical, being by degrees more
definitely and distinctly recognized.
But In the small and feeble colony of Massachusetts, Case of
it was natural that such onslaughts as were made upon iiams, Mrs.
its order by Roger Williams, by Mrs. Hutchinson, and a„d'the"^°"
by the Quakers, should be met with a determined Qa^''"«-
resistance. By the conduct of those parties, the claimed
and established rights of the colonists were invaded, and
their most vital interests imperilled. Mrs. Hutchinson's
antlnomian virulence and activity were such as no
church having any pretension to discipline could tole
rate ; and in Massachusetts, not to be tolerated by the
church, was not to be tolerated by the state. The
agitation conducted by Roger Williams tended to the
destruction of nearly everything that had been done by
the men who had founded the state and who still
governed It.* The teaching of the Quakers was even
* Roger Williams was a native of Carmarthenshire, studied for a
short time at Oxford, and is believed to have been admitted to orders
in the Church of England. By his skill in shorthand, and his general
ability, he obtained the favourable notice of Sir Edward Coke, but be
coming by the force of his convictions a Separatist, he left England,
and sought an asylum in the colony at Boston. He was a large-hearted,
high-souled man, but his self-assertion was enormous. His tempera
ment, mentally and physically, never allowed him to be at rest. His
conscientiousness was acute, but it lacked discrimination and breadth,
and made him exceedingly difficult to please. The troubles which had
beset him in England soon came about him in Boston. He would not
commune with the church there, because the members refused to make
an open confession of their great sin in having ever been in communion

142 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK ]. more hostile to everything which the colonists had
resolved should be accounted as concluded and settied.
The men of Massachusetts gave special warning to this
last class of religionists, declaring. In effect, that their
poor settlement was their home and hearth, and should
not be obtruded upon without permission. The virtual,
if not the formal, answer of the Quakers was, — 'Such
' may be thy notions, friend, but we have a divine com-
' mission to claim the right of place, of hearing, and of
' action in that house, and by that hearth of thine, and
' we shall act upon this commission whether thou likest
' it or not, and mean to leave scarcely a stone of the
' religious edifice thou hast reared there upon another
with the Church of England. We scarcely need say that it required
something more than the rebuke of a young man of five-and-twenty
to dispose the grave persons who ruled in Massachusetts to put on sad-
cloth for such a reason. Williams further alleged that the magistrate
had no authority to punish men for any breach ofthe first table of the
decalogue, which includes its first four precepts. There was a great
truth involved in that assertion ; but as made by Williams it was an
assertion that idolatry, perjury, blasphemy, and sabbath-breaking were
not to be in any way restrained or corrected by the civil power.
Another doctrine of this bold innovator was, that an oath ought not
to be administered to an unregenerate man, inasmuch as an oath is an
act of worship, and an unregenerate man cannot be a worshipper,
On this ground Williams opposed and denounced the oath which the
government tendered to the freemen of Massachusetts. Another ofthe
notions which exposed him to inconvenience, was that which led him
to assert, that the colonists had none of thera any right to the soil of
which they had taken possession. The king's patent, he maintained,
could not give any valid title; that could only come from a compact
with the natives. So the Massachusetts men were to undo all they had
done, to begin ab initio, and to pursue wholly new paths of policy
— and at such a bidding ! According to Williams's own characteristic
confession, the venerable leaders of that little commonwealth were
very patient and affectionate towards him even while visiting him with
penalty. But they saw that they could not live in peace with him I

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 143
'before we have done with thee.' Hence came the chap.iv.
deadly struggle between the Massachusetts colonists and
the English Quakers.
In England, the Puritans had vanquished the cavaher
chivalry, and the Quakers were now bent on vanquishing
the Puritans. But it was to be by weapons of another
order. The Puritans had braved suffering and death by
the sword. The Quakers were prepared to brave the
same things by another sort of endurance. It was an
age of extraordinary excitement. The old English
blood wanted a new vent, and found it. Prynne was
not more Intent on humbling the pride of Laud, than
the Quakers were intent on humbling the greatness of the
Presbyterians and Independents. The war feeling was
and as it was much more natural that he should seek a new home than
that they should do so, they made him understand that he must take
that course. So extreme was Williams's Independency, that he took
exception to the sort of association among ministers which had ex
isted in England under the name of' prophesyings,' lest it should bring
in Presbyterianism : and when the church of Boston displeased him,
he called upon his own church at Salem to separate from it, and upon
the Salemites refusing to do so, he dissolved his connexion with them,
and stood alone, and would not pray or say grace at table with his
own wife, because she would not follow his example. In Rhode
Island he became a Baptist, but soon began to doubt the validity even
of his adult baptism, from some idea that it wanted a clear apostolic
descent. His abstract assertions concerning liberty of conscience were
large and noble, but they were so far wanting in clear definition and
adjustment, that in practice he often infringed upon his own maxims.
His name would not have been so honourably associated with Rhode
Island, if he had not been careful to exact there the submission which
he had himself refused to render in Massachusetts. Before his death,
he began to see that there are many things which men may say and
do ' pretending conscience,' the ' restraining and punishing' of which
is ' so far from being persecution properly so called, that it is a duty
and command of God unto all mankind.' George Fox digged out
of his Burrows, igg, 200. Palfrey's New England, i. c. x. See App. I.

144 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. not really stronger in Cromwell and his Ironsides than in
George Fox and the men and women who imbibed his
spirit. This temper made them zealous missionaries
abroad as well as at home. The old royalists encouraged
the extravagance they despised. It was doing their
work. The great and avowed mission of this sect was
to protest against the ' steeple-houses ; ' to put an end to
a paid ministry ; to abolish oaths ; to proscribe the use of
arms ; and so to interpret their doctrine of an inner light
as to claim for their fancies the authority of a virtual
Inspiration. Filled with the mystical notion that their
impulses were not so much human as divine, there
seemed to be no end to their eccentricities, their Invasions
of the rights of their neighbours, or even to their
Indecencies. Every ministry beyond that of their own
sect was the ministry of ' Baal ' and of ' Antichrist'
They assailed ministers as such in the public streets,
even such men as Baxter, flinging the most offensive
language at them as a testimony from heaven. They
entered churches to interrupt the public worship with the
air of so many prophets. Women made their appear
ance there in white sheets or in sackcloth, and stood
before the preacher for a sign to an obdurate and
benighted generation. Fox himself records even more
offensive conduct than this with admiration.*
* ' Robert Huntingdon was moved of the Lord to go into Carlisk
' steeple-houses with a white sheet about him, among the great Presby-
' terians and Independents there, to show them that the surplice was
'coming up again; and he put a halter about his neck, to show that
'the halter was coming upon them.' Fox's Journal, 323. 'Rich-
' ard Sale was moved to go to the steeple-house in the time of their
' worship, and to carry a lanthorn and candle as a figure of their dark- '
' ness.' Ibid. ' Many ways were these professors warned ; by word,
' by writing, and by signs. William Sympson was moved of the Lord 1
' to go at several times, for three years, naked and barefooted before j

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 145
When menaced with irruptions from this quarter, the chap. iv.
colonists of New England consulted on the course that
should be taken ; and resolved, that their homes should
not be exposed to the utterly disorganizing influence of
quakerism. It was agreed, that all such persons should
be arrested on their arrival, and that the ships which
brought them should be compelled, under a heavy fine,
to take them away. But this, unhappily, did not
prove to be enough. Men and women came on this
mission, and were reshipped. But they would return,
denouncing the ministers of the colony as ' hirelings,' —
' Baals,' — ' seed of the serpent,' and the hke. It was now
made to be law, that men or women revUing ministers
or magistrates in this manner, should be whipped, or
otherwise punished, according to the old English custom
in such cases. It was also enacted, that In flagrant
instances, the offender should be liable to lose his ears,
and to have his tongue bored. In one instance the loss
of the ear was inflicted. The punishment took place
In prison. This barbarous proceeding, too, had come
from the mother country. But, after that sad day,
America saw no repetition of it.
It was an old law in Massachusetts, that a banished
' person returning without permission should be executed
as a felon. No banished man, in consequence, had ever
been known to return. This law was now made to
' them, as a sign to them, in markets, courts, towns, cities, to priests'
' houses, and to great men's houses, telling them, " so should they be
' stripped naked as he was stripped naked 1" And sometimes he was
' moved to put on a hair sackcloth, and to besmear his face, and to tell
' them, " So would the Lord God besmear all their religion as he was
' besmeared." ' Ibid. See an instance of the horror with which these
people were regarded, even by rigid Baptists, in the Broadmead Records.
The common belief was, that many of them were disguised Romanists,
)r the tools of such. 44-56.
>• H

146 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. embrace the banished Quaker. To the amazement of
the Massachusetts authorities, two men, Robertson and
Stevenson, returned after banishment, with the avowed
intention of trying 'the bloody law unto death.' Mary
Dyer, a married woman, who had long since made
herself very obnoxious to the people of Boston on other
grounds, returned with them. The conduct of the
woman was a second offence of the kind. If the
Boston magistrates had expected such an exigency to
arise. It is probable they would never have exposed
themselves to it : but it had come. The trial now was
a trial of strength — strength of purpose. Robertson,
Stevenson, and the woman, would not promise to quit
the colony. The magistrates would not give way. The
execution followed. It was a sad spectacle. In the
court, the sentence had been pronounced by a majority
of one only. One more enforcement of this law was
the last. Much is sometimes made of this alleged
Puritan persecution in America. Such is the worst
phase of it. We may respect the conscientiousness, and
the indomitable will, evinced by the apostles of quakerism,
but who can respect the covert egotism, and idiotic folly,
by which those quahties were sustained? The fault
was not all on one side. The monstrous arrogance with
which those men and women insisted on the right of
being allowed to infringe on the social rights of their
neighbours, under the plea of conscience, and to heap
insults upon them, was itself an insufferable intolerance.
It belongs to the magistrate to coerce such people, and
to make the coercion strong according to the exigency, i
No doubt many a Quaker was unjustly, coarsely, and '
crueUy dealt with, both by magistrates and mobs, in
New England and in this country. But the sober and

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 147

pious of the sect would never have suffered as they chap.iv.
did, if the madness of the mad men and women among
them had not been such as it was. Were quakerism to
become now what it was then, the feeling against it
would be bitter and overwhelming. Sober men in
Westminster and in Boston, saw in such excesses, the
abuse, and not the legitimate exercise, of Christian
liberty. It is only to be regretted, that their efforts
to curb such extravagance were not so regulated as to
secure them against the charge of harshness or cruelty.
The sum of the whole is, these people had wrought out a
state of freedom for themselves, and they were resolved
that It should not be wrested from them by others.*
But by the New England ' way ' in ecclesiastical
affairs, the reader must understand the novel kind of
government which has been described. Separatists in
the towns and cities of England, and in the armies of
the parliament, had friends in those regions, who wrote
freely to them concerning what was doing in their new
country. Tracts and pamphlets on the subject multi
plied rapidly ; and many saw,, or thought they saw, in the
haze of that distant region, a foreshadowing of that rule
of the just, — of that ' reign of the saints,' which the Bible
was supposed to have foretold. The special relation of
the Congregational churches of those budding states to
the civil power, was seen by the more reflecting as an
effect of certain novel conditions in social life ; but in the
, case of not a few, we can trace a colouring of personal
, ideas which was evidently derived from that distant and
' half-fabulous land on the other side the great Atlantic, f
* Palfrey's New England. See Appendix, I.
t ' In 1637, a number of Puritan ministers in England became
'' somewhat distressed by reports which reached them concerning some
;; " novel opinions and proceedings in the churches of New England, and
H 2

148 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Xwo conclusions became settled In the mind of the
Progress of Separatists under Elizabeth. The first was, that true
the princi- ..... - , .
pie of reli- rcligiou has its origin, not rrom state enactments, but m
don'among' Individual conviction. The second was, that a church,
paratisa^'' i"- ^ scriptural and Christian sense, must be the result of
a joint and free consent on the part of the individuals
who are to constitute It. In thinking after this manner,
those early dissenters were distinguished from the Chris
tians of their own age, and became one with the Chris
tians of the first age. In this thinking also, the doctrine
of religious toleration was Involved by logical sequence,
if not directly avowed. The language of Robert Browne
was, ' To compel religion, to plant churches by power,
they sent over to their brethren a friendly letter of enquiry relating
to nine points of church order. It was said that the New England
churches repudiated the use of a liturgy ; the baptism of infants ex
cept one of the parents should be a believer ; and the reception of
any persons to the Lord's table who had not become members of the
church ; that ministers, as they receive their appointment from the
congregation may be removed by the same authority; that no minister
can have right to exercise his function in a church of which he is
not an officer without permission ; and that the members of one
church were not to commune with another. The New England
brethren said, in reply, that the use ofa liturgy had never been allowed
to prevent their worshipping with good men ; and though they did
not use the Book of Common Prayer, many of their ministers used a
form of their own composition before preaching. They confessed
that their practice concerning baptism was such as had been stated.
On all the other points they gave answers which show that their prac
tice was such as is still common among Congregational churches. This
correspondence, which was of considerable length, was published
under the following title in 1643 : 'A Letter of Many Ministers in Oii
' England, requesting the judgment of their Reverend Brethren in Neiti
' England, concerning Nine Positions. Written A.D. 1637. Together
'with their Answer thereto, returned anno 1639, and the Reply nak
'unto tbe said Answer. Now published, upon the desire of many
' Godly and Faithful Ministers in and about the City of London. By
' Simeon Ash, and William Rathband.'

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 149
' and to force a submission to ecclesiastical government chap. iv.
' by law and penalties, belongeth not to magistrates,
' neither yet to the church.'* Browne and his followers
were charged by their opponents with holding this prin
ciple, and were branded as heretics on that account, f
But it must be confessed, that Barrow, Greenwood, and
the Independent exiles In Holland, supposed the magis
trate to have some province even in regard to religion.
With an established church existing, and likely to exist,
it was natural that they should regard the state as
responsible for such a regulation of the affairs of the
church as might be favourable to the diffusion of reli
gion. Much of their language concerning the duty of
the magistrate In this respect probably means no more
than this. But there are passages in which they speak
explicitly as to the right and duty of the state to
suppress false doctrine and to uphold the true ; though
the mode and extent In which this may be done they
nowhere clearly state. Robinson says, ' That godly
' magistrates are by compulsion to repress public and
' notable idolatry, as also to provide that the truth of
' God, in his ordinances, be taught and published in
' their dominions, I make no doubt ; it may be also. It
' is not unlawful for them, by some penalty or other, to
' provoke their subjects universally unto hearing, for
' their instruction . and conversion ; yea, to grant they
* Reformation without Tarrying, 12. Middleburgh, 1582.
t 'He maketh many arguments to prove that princes are not to be
'stayed for, nor yet to have to do, by public power, to establish re-
' ligion. Which opinion of his, is such abridging the sacred power of
' princes, and such horrible injury to the church, contrary to the mani-
' festi word of God, that if there were nothing else, it is enough to
'make him an odious heretic, until he show repentance.' Giffard's
Answer to the Brownists, 1 04.

150 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. « may Inflict the same upon them, if, after due teaching,
' they offer not themselves unto the church.'* This is
not language we should have expected from an Inde
pendent. But most of the Independents of that time
spoke more or less after this manner. It was always
assumed, however, that the province of the magistrate
was not to legislate on such matters, but simply to
execute the will of Christ, and that will was supposed to
be embodied in the doctrine and polity of Congregational
churches. It could never be the duty of the magistrate,
accordingly, to show himself otherwise than friendly to
such organisations. On the other hand. It became him
to discountenance Romanism ; partly because It was
Idolatrous, but mainly because it was not so much a
religion, as a formidable political organization, menacing
the rights and interests of society from all points. Pro
testantism, it seems, embraced no diversity which, in
the judgment of these good men, should not be tolerated.
Their views on this vital point, if not perfect, were
greatly in advance of their times. Even such men were
not at once to perceive, that authority In religion, if
ceded to the state at all, must be ceded for good or evil,
with the certainty, in fact, that the bias of its patronage
will always be, not so much in favor of the spiritual,
as of the not spiritual.f
* Justif cation of Separation, 242, 243.
t Even Milton, large as were his views both of civil and religious
liberty, could not see his way to a toleration of Romanism. ' But as
' for popery and idolatry, why they also may not have plea to be
' tolerated, I have much less to say. Their religion, the more con-
' sidered, the less can be acknowledged a religion, but a Roman prin-
' cipality rather, endeavouring to keep up her old universal dominion
' under a new name and under shadow of a catholic religion ; being
' indeed more rightly named a catholic heresy against the scripture,

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 151
In 1609, the Rev. Henry Jacob rose to the distinc- chap.iv.
tion of being the first Nonconformist In our history who Petition for
ventured to address the dread authority of the state, woTship°by
praying that ' Toleration and liberty' might be granted ^^"Teoq"
to all loyal subjects, ' to enjoy and observe the ordi-
' nances of Jesus Christ in the administration of his
' churches, in lieu of human constitutions.' Jacob was a
clergyman who had now become the pastor of a Congre
gational church assembling under secrecy In Southwark.
In his own behalf, and in behalf of others, he thus
writes : ' That whereas our Lord Jesus Christ hath
' given to . each particular church, or ordinary congrega-
' tion, this right and privilege, viz., to elect, ordain,
' and deprive her own ministers, and to exercise all the
' other parts of lawful ecclesiastical jurisdiction under
' him, your majesty would be pleased to order, as well,
' that each particular church that shall be allowed to
' partake In the benefit of the said toleration, may have,
' enjoy, and put in execution and practice this her said
' right and privilege ; and that some of your subaltern
' civil officers may be appointed to demand and receive
' of each church a due and just account of their proceed-
' ings.' His majesty is assured that Independent churches
do not despise synods, so long as their function is deli
berative and persuasive, not authoritative ; and that in
the order of such churches there is no dangerous parity,
but all the real variety found in nature, and In the ordi
nary polity of nations. Romanists are not included in
this suit, because that ' profession is directly contrary to
'supported mainly by a civil, and, except in Rome, by a foreign
'power: justly therefore to be suspected, and not tolerated by the
"magistrate of another country.' Works, Vol. III. A Treatise of
Civil Power in Ecclesiastical Causes, 317.

152 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. the lawful state and government of free countries.'*
But on the other hand, say the petitioners, ' We do not
' disdain communion with such churches as in point of
' ecclesiastical regimen differ from us, but are ready to
¦¦ communicate with them in the Lord's worship, when
' we may do the same without personal and voluntary
' participation in sin.' The language of this ' Supplica
tion' expresses the opinion and feeling which were
general among the English Independents, both in Hol
land and in this country, at that time. It was opinion
which embraced a large, if not an unlimited, toleration, f
* ' No opinions contrary to human socie(:y, or to those moral rules
' which are necessary to the preservation of civil society, are to be
' tolerated by the magistrate. Those have no right to be tolerated by
' the magistrate, who will not own and teach the duty of tolerating all
'men in matters of mere religion.' Locke's Works, ii. 261.
t To the Right High and Mighty Prince James, by the Grace of
God, Ki?ig of Great Brittanie, France, and Ireland, Defender of the
Faith, Sec. The Humble Supplication, Sec. In quarto. 1609. Inthe
same year Jacob published a treatise, intitled ' The beginning -of Christ's
Visible Church' &c., in which he thus writes concerning Independency:
' It has been shown that such a popular government as this is, being
¦' limited within the bounds of one particular congregation, neither is,
• nor ever hath been, nor can be in the least sort, dangerous to any civil
' state whatsoever, but may easily, yea with violence be resisted, and
' punished by any the nearest next dwelling ofEcer of justice, if any
' person or persons in the church become seditious or refractory. Beside,
' this government is to be informed and directed by the pastor chiefly,
' and also by the grave assistant elders, and, therefore, this government
' is not simply and plainly democratical, but partly aristocratical and
' partly monarchical : and so it is that mixed government which the
' learned do judge to be the best government of all.'
The use of the name ' Independent,' as applied to Congregational
churches, has been commonly attributed to Robinson's use of the word
' Independenter,' in his Apology, published in 16 19. But the word
occurs more emphatically in the above treatise, by Jacob, which had
appeared eight years before. ' Each congregation,' he writes, ' is an
" eniire and independent body politic, and indued with power imme-

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 153
The Baptists embraced this liberal doctrine in com- chap.iv.
mon with the Independents, and some years later avowed The Bap-
it more fully. In 1 6 1 1 , what is called the Baptist Con- religious
fession of Faith was published. In that document it is ' "^'''
said, ' The magistrate is not to meddle with religion, nor
' matters of conscience, nor to compel men to this or that
' form of religion, because Christ is the king and law-
' giver of the church and conscience.' The author of
the treatise named ' Religion's Peace,' published in 16 14,
and the authors of the trialogue, Intitled ' Persecution for
Rehgion Judged and Condemned,' pubhshed in 161 5,
plead explicitly that toleration should be extended to
religious opinions of all kinds. The ' London Citizen,'
to whom we are Indebted for the first of these publica
tions, prays — ' That the king and parliament may please
' to permit all sorts of Christians, yea, Jews, Turks, and
' Pagans, so long as they are peaceable, and no male-
' factors.'* If the Baptists generaUy were prepared to
endorse this opinion, certainly that is more than could
be said of the Independents. How far the somewhat
more limited concessions of the Independents were the
result of a more considerate estimate of the circum
stances of the times, and of a wiser precaution, we shall
not attempt to determine.
It would not, however, be easy to strike the balance
of liberality between the two bodies. If the Baptists
grew to be the most liberal in respect to toleration
according to law, it will, we suppose, be admitted, that
the Independents were the most liberal in respect to the
toleration which depends on personal feeling and opinion.
' diately under and from Christ, as every proper church is, and ought
'to be.' P. 13.
* Tracts on Liberty of Conscience. Edited by Underbill.
H 3

154 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Complete liberty embraces the political and the social •
and social liberty supposes the presence of enlightened
principles of action, and of enlightened feeling, as
between man and man. The disposition of the Inde
pendents generally to recognize piety in the church 6f
England, and even in the church of Rome, was deemed
highly reprehensible by their Baptist brethren. The
authors of 'Persecution Judged' labour hard to show
that to commune with the Church of England was ' to
worship the beast,' and to share in the final curse
awaiting such offenders. Even private religious fellow
ship with Conformists was, in consequence, condemned.
Henry Jacob, and Robinson still more, were far from
holding such opinions.*
* J. 'It is affirmed by some, that in respect of personal graces, some
' of the professors (as they are called) are the children of God, and
' may be communicated with privately, though in respect of their
' church actions they are members of antichrist's body, to whom the
'judgments of God appertaineth.'
C. ' This opinion proceedeth not from God's word, but from man's
'vain heart, by the suggestion ofthe devil.' Persecution Judged.
Liberality in this form, on the part of the Independents, was long cen
sured by their stricter brethren as inconsistent with Christian fidelity,
The following is the language in which the author of 'Religion's
Peace' writes concerning Robinson, of Leyden : ' Yea, I know by ex-
' perience among the people called Brownists, that a man shall not
' draw them to write, though they be desired : for one of their preachers,
' called Master Robinson, has had a writing of mine in his hands above
' six months, and as yet I can get no answer. It seems he knoweth
' not how better to hide his errors than by silence. And this zpill he
' the case of all false bishops and ministers, who had rather be mute ad
' dumb, than to be drawn into the light with their errors' P. 52.
Another writer of authority, adverting to Robinson, says : ' Do we
' not know the beginnings of his church ? — that there was first one
' stood up and made a covenant, and then another, and these two
'joined together, and so a third, and these became a church, say they;
' which we deny, except a synagogue of Satan. For was ever church

Religious Life from 1622 to the Restoration. 155
We scarcely need say, that toleration Is a duty to the chap.iv.
utmost extent in which It can be seen to be compatible
with social safety, and that it becomes suicide if allowed
to pass beyond those limits. This maxim supposes
that there may be circumstances in which to cede
an unlimited religious liberty may not be a duty, but
the contrary. It is quite true, that religious liberty,
in its strictest sense, is a right Inherent in man. But
it is a right that may become allied with so much
wrong as to be forfeited. Romanism in those days
was not simply a religion. It was a great political
organization. His holiness not only assumed the right
of deposing princes, and of absolving their subjects
from their allegiance, — he exercised it. Under Elizabeth,
duty to him made his spiritual children traitors to their
sovereign. Hence, to the Englishmen of that time, to
suppress Romanism, was not to suppress a religion,
but an organized, avowed, and active form of treason.
Modern Catholics profess not to be bound by the decrees
of popes In political matters, and they have obtained
their relief bill on the ground of that profession.
Perhaps, the large liberty which men like Barrow and
Robinson claimed, not only for themselves, but for
others, was as large as could be deemed just by thought
ful men in the condition of opinion and parties In their
day. We happily live in times in which the larger
maxims of the early Brownists and of the early Baptists
may be safely acted upon ; in which. Indeed, It would
be a crime not to act upon them.*
' of the New Testament made by a covenant without baptism .? ' Sec.
A Description of what God hath predestinated concerning Man, 169.
Printed 1620. The light had come, but the process of dividing it
from the darkness was still a process.
* Mr. Carlyle has filled the heads of some of our literary men with

I5'6 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Baptists and psedobaptlsts were separated from each
Baptists and othcr by an outward shadow only, which should never
tists alike have divided them. They were alike Independents —
dents''.'^"' really one. From Charles I. and his great ecclesiastical
adviser, Laud, neither body could expect anything, and
they did not solicit anything. With the meeting of the
Long Parliament they came into comparative prominence
together, having common principles and common objects,
and they have their place side by side, in the camp and
in the senate, to the time of the Restoration. In what
we say, accordingly, concerning the Independents during
this interval, we must be understood as including the
two denominations.
Progress As thc troublcs lu Scotkud which were to evoke our
thought— Long Parliament began to move towards England, the
Lilburne,
Burton. |-]^g jjgg^ (},at vvhere there is certainty in religious opinion, as a natural
sequence there will be, and ought to be, persecution — that is, the use
of force by the strong to save the weak from the consequences of their
errors. But it happens that the man of high intelligence and culture
can hardly be so sure about his supposed truth, as the senseless bigot
generally is ; and if strong conviction must be supposed to give licence
to persecute, we fear the peace of the world will be in very sorry
keeping. The maxim intended to be elicited by this reasoning is—
that to make men tolerant you must make them sceptical. Would not
the wiser course be to send them to school where the great basis of
the teaching will be — let every man be persuaded in his own mind ?
When it is said that an infallible church ought to persecute, it is to be
remembered that the only infallible founders of a church the world
has ever seen did not exemplify or teach that maxim. We say this
without meaning to .say that coercion cannot touch opinion. History
shows that it may, in the process of time, influence, change, and fix
the opinion of communities. In many regions it has sufficed to crush
or exile truth, and to establish error. The great thing needed is, that
mankind should come to see that all opinions should be left free so
long as they do not come forth into such action as may trench upon social
right ; and in English history this principle owes its origin and develop
ment to the joint influence ofthe Independents and the Baptists.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 157
more zealous reformers in this country sent forth many chap.iv.
pubhcations in which the sins of the government, both
In church and state, were exposed in strong language.
John Lilburne distinguished himself in this way. Lil
burne was a young man of good family, of considerable
literary abihty, and of that ardent religious temperament
which often seems to court suffering for conscience' sake.
He had assailed the hierarchy some time since, and had
been subjected in consequence to degrading punishments.
He now renewed his onslaught upon his old persecu
tors. The church of England, exclaimed LUburne, Is
the creature of the bishops, the bishops derive their
authority from the pope, and the authority of the pope
has come from the devil. Every man, accordingly,
who would be a consistent Christian should separate him
self from the English church. These positions the
reformer avowed himself ready to sustain, at the peril of
his life, before king, councU, or parhament.* Now it
was also, that Burton, the clergyman who was well
known as having offended and suffered after the same
manner, renewed his censures on the bishops, and de
manded, in the most earnest terms, that the state should
leave religion to the voluntary action of the people, f
Edwards, the notorious Presbyterian zealot, bishop
Hall, and Dr. Heylin, wrote in reply to Burton.
Many of the people, said Edwards, who do not practi
cally conform to this ' Independent way, are much
looking towards it, as being the only way of God.'|
Great, in consequence, was the effort made both by
* Come out of her, my People, Sec. Printed 1639. A Work ofthe
Beast. 1638.
t The Protestation Protested; or, a Short Remonstrance, Sec. 1641.
t Reasons against the Independent Government of Particular Con
gregations, Sec. 1 641. P. 24.

pendents.

158 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Presbyterians and Episcopalians to prevent the diffusion
of opinions regarded as so disorganizing. Against the
religious toleration demanded by this obnoxious sect,
Edwards reasons and declaims at great length, and in
the most passionate style. Burton was not a man of
measured phrase ; but his opponents surpass him in the
coarseness of their invective, and in the bitterness of their
personalities.*
Combina- WhUc Individuals were manifesting their zeal in this
the Inde- form, WC find some of the Presbyterian clergy in the
English church combining their strength against the men
who were pleading for this self-government of ' particular
congregations,' and addressing themselves to the general
assembly of the church of Scotland, In the hope of
obtaining assistance from that quarter in their endeavours
to discountenance and suppress such novelties. The
* Vindication of the True Sense of the National Covenant, Sec. Sec.
By John Geree, M.A. 1 641. A Survey of that Foolish, Seditious,
Scandalous, Profane Libel, ' The Protestation Protested.' 1641. 'They
' [the Independents] may draw away many good people, especially if
• the ceremonies and the liturgy stand in full force, and their churches
' tolerated; they will then make brave work in a short time. But let
' there be no toleration granted, and they well stript, and a reformation
' amongst us in government and ministers, and that fear is over with
'me.' Edwards's Vindication, Sec, 48. The most noisy and tur
bulent men on this intolerant side, next to Edwards, were Prynne and
Bastwick ; men whom Laud, by his barbarities, raised from their true
level as libellers and bigots, to the rank of patriots and martyrs. It is
in the following style that Bastwick raves on this subject : — ' The
' magistrates should remember that they are called pastors : now no
'godly and faithful pastors will suffer wolves to come into their folds,
' and worry and destroy their sheep. How diligent ought they to be
' to keep out these ravenous wolves, though they come in sheep's
¦ clothing ! But if they should wilfully suffer the corruption of true
' religion, and allow of a toleration of all religions, how would this pro-
' voke the Lord to anger against the nations!' Utter Routing of the
Independents and Sectaries, 596.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 159
assembly expressed its cordial sympathy with their chap.iv.
brethren in the south, and their resolve to uphold the
polity which required that neither the people nor the
officers In any separate congregation should exercise a
governing power ' independently,' but always ' with sub-
' ordination to greater presbyteries and synods, pro-
' vincial and national.'*
In the meanwhile, such noblemen as Lord Brooke and Lord Brooke and
Lord Say do not hesitate to declare that they go far Lord Say.
along with the much-abused Independents In their judg
ment. Lord Brooke, in his ' discourse opening the
' nature of that episcopacy which is exercised in Eng-
' land,' describes the primitive bishop as ' a true,
' faithful " overseer," that over one congregation hath a
'joint care with the elders, deacons, and the rest of the
' assembly, who are aU feUow-helpers, yea servants,
'each to other's faith.' The change deemed necessary
to the restoration of such an episcopacy was of course of
the most radical description.! In the judgment of Lord
Say, the guilt of separation rested, not with men sepa
rating themselves from what is clearly unchristian, but
on those who, by their unchristian innovations, make
separation necessary. The fault of the most extreme
Separatists, in his lordship's view, consisted in their not
* A True Copy ofthe whole Printed Acts ofthe General Assemblies,
Sec. Printed in 1682.
t Discourse, Sec. Printed 1641. 'If a man,' says his lordship,
'has tasted and experimentally found the sweetness of peace of con-
• science, and knows how impossible it is to keep it but by close walk-
' ing with God, so that he is content to leave friends, living, liberty,
' all, rather than to break his peace, wound his conscience, sin against
' God— oh, this man is beyond all rule of reason !— he hath a tang
' of frenzy ; one puft up into a sort of self-conceit— a rank Separatist !'
So opinion was seething, and opposites were preparing for the struggle
natural to them.

i6o Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. distinguishing as they should between a true church and
a perfect church — often rashly declaring a church to be
no church at all, because It did not happen to be in all
respects such as they think a church should be. And
certainly there were many who were justly chargeable
with that grave oversight.*
Controversy As the matters at issue between the king and the
no"n-r'e"sfst- natlou camc to be submitted to the arbitrament of the
^""' sword, it was natural that the right of resistance should
come into discussion. In 1 642, a treatise was published
at York by Dr. Feme, a royalist divine, in which the
patriarchal origin of the monarchy, and the doctrine of
non-resistance, were zealously asserted. William Bridge,
a clergyman who had just returned from exile In Hol
land, and had become the pastor of a Congregational
church In Yarmouth, replied to Dr. Feme's book. The
doctor rejoined; and in the next year Bridge published a
second reply.
Bridge's These writings from the pen of Bridge are interesting,
Feme. as dlsclosIng the large and philosophical views concern
ing the nature of government entertained at that junc
ture by men of his class. The author cites largely from
the free and erudite pages of Chancellor Fortescue,
showing that the English monarchy, as a matter of law
and history, is a limited monarchy ; demonstrating, at
the same time, from Scripture and reason, that magis
tracy is an ordinance of God, simply as magistracy, —
the form which the office shall assume, and the restric
tions that shall be laid upon Its action, being left wholly
* Two Speeches of the Right Hon. William, Lord Viscount Say ani
Seale, Sec. Printed 1641. Brooke and Say were among the men of
mark in England who had meditated parting with their estates, and
seeking a new home in America.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 161
with society. In the measure in which civil govemment chap. iv.
is a terror to evil doers and a praise to those who do
well. It Is of God, and no further. ' The kingdom,'
says Bridge, ' Is greater than the king, the governed are
' greater than the government, and the salvation of the
' greater Is the supreme law to which the less every-
' where must be subordinate. Jesuits suppose all eccle-
* slastlcal power to be lodged in St. Peter, and to pass
' from him, not to the church, but to the pope and the
' bishops ; and it Is only consistent In such reasoners to
' suppose, that all civil power descends Immediately to
' the king, and to the commonwealth only through him.
' But enlightened Protestantism and sound reason know
' nothing of such servile dogmas. God at the first,'
continues our sturdy Independent, ' by all we can learn
' from Scripture, was pleased to appoint magistracy
' itself, and left men free to set up that form of govern-
' ment which might best correspond with their condition,
' making the people the first subject and receptacle of
' civil power. Therefore the prince, or supreme magis-
' trate, hath no more power than is communicated to
' him by the community, because the effect cannot
' exceed the virtue of its cause. No community can
' give away from themselves the power of self-preserva-
' tion. In case a prince shall neglect his trust so as not
' to preserve them, but to expose them to violence. It is
' no usurpation in them to look to themselves, but an
' exercise of that power which was always their own.'*
* The Wounded Conscience Cured, Sec. And The Truth of the
• Times Vindicated. By William Bridge, Preacher of God's Word. Mr.
; Herle published An Answer to Misled Dr. Hen. Feme in 1642 ; and
; Jeremiah Burroughes entered the lists with him in 1643 : The Glorious
Name of God, Sec. Two Sermons.

1 62 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. Bridge was one of the ' dissenting brethren' in the
Westminster Assembly, and from this sample of his
reasoning, we may judge in a measure as to the manner
in which those brethren acquitted themselves in the
discussions which arose there.*
The Inde- BaUlIc's lettcis show, that from the beginning, the
and the great fcar of the Scots, and of their Presbyterian allies
ster Assem- lu England, had respect to the Independents. The
^' representatives of that party in the Westminster As
sembly are admitted to be ' most able men, and of great
credit,' especially Thomas Goodwin, Nye, Burroughes,
Bridge, Carter, Caryl, Phillips, and Sterry. ' But con-
' cerning the difficulty expected from that quarter,' says
Baillie, It is agreed, not to meddle with it in haste, ' till
' it please God to advance our army, which we expect
'will much assist our arguments' ^ In the meanwhile,
letters were written to Holland, Zealand, France, and
Switzerland, urging, that the reformed churches in those
countries should declare themselves against this departure
from customs common to them all. To succeed in this
object it was thought would be ' a great dash' to the
* On the matter of regal power, the canons passed by the two Houses
of Convocation, under the influence of Laud, in 1640, read thus:—
• The most high and sacred order of kings is of divine right, being
' the ordinance of God himself, founded in the prime laws of nature,
* and clearly established by express texts both of the Old and New
'Testaments. For subjects to bear arms against the king, offensive
' or defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever, is at the least to resist
' the powers that are ordained of God ; and though they do not in-
' vade, but only resist, St. Paul tells them plainly, they shall receive to
' themselves damnation.' The clergy were to read this canon from the
pulpit on the Lord's day once a quarter, and to admonish the people
that they were ' not to speak of his majesty's power in any other way
than is expressed in this canon.'
t Letters, i. 401, 407-410.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 163
' Independent faction.' But this covert policy was no chap.iv.
secret to that faction. Hence, their memorable ' Apo
logetical Narration,' addressed to the two houses of
parliament, and bearing the names of Thomas Goodwin,
Philip Nye, Sidrach Simpson, Jeremiah Burroughes,
and WUliam Bridge.
The design of this narrative was to remove miscon- The Apoio-
ceptlon, and to correct misrepresentation in regard to the Narration.
principles and practices of Congregational churches. It
Is a singularly grave and calm production, seeming
scarcely to belong to an age In which the passions of
men were so little under control. The writers describe
their ecclesiastical position as presenting a middle course
between the tendencies towards endless division, as seen
In many Separatists, and the rigid policy which found so
much favour with the Presbyterians. ' We have, nearly
' all of us,' they say, ' been in the ministry of the English
' church, and becoming voluntarily exiles, that we might
' possess full liberty of worship, we have been In a con-
' dition to look impartially at the whole question of
' church order. We reverence the reformed churches,
' and have not regarded It as any reflection on them to
' suppose, that their first step in the direction of reforma-
' tion has not been such as to leave no place for amend-
' ment or further progress. Good men have learnt
' something since the days of Luther and Calvin ; and we
'have presumed to think that it might be given to us
' to learn something more. We foUow no party Impll-
' citly ; we are wUling to learn from all or any, however
' widely differing from us. It never entered into our
' hearts to deny that the parochial congregations of Eng-
' land may be true churches, and their ministry a true
' ministry, nor to decline communion with churches,,

164 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. <¦ whether at home or abroad, which are not according to
' our judgment wholly pure. This charity, in which we
' have always lived, was extended to us in the land of our
' exile, where aU magistrates allowed us, at certain hours
' on the Lord's-day, the use of their churches, our con-
' gregations being convened by the church bell ; and not
' only the wine for our communion, but a liberal mainte-
' nance for our ministers, being secured to us by public
' order. In our worship, we offered free prayer only,
' not, as in England, free prayer joined with a Hturgy,
' Our ministers, in common with all the reformed
' churches, are simply presbyters. Our discipline is
' purely spiritual ; and while resting wholly with the con-
' gregation and its officers, it does not render the congre-
' gation independent in any such sense as to preclude
" responsibility to the magistrate In our civil relations, or
¦^ to exempt us from brotherly admonition, and it may be
"¦ censure and disownment on the part of other churches.'*
* The Rev. Mr. Herle, a Presbyterian licenser of the press, and
afterwards Prolocutor of the Assembly, wrote against the Apologetical
Narration, but nevertheless described it as 'full of peaceableness, modesty,
and candour ;' and speaking of the party says : ' The difference between
' us and our brethren who are for Independency, is nothing so great as
' some may conceive. It is so far from being a fundamental, that it is
• scarcely a material difference.' But the document was assailed with
great virulence by others, especially by Dr. Bastwick and Gangrene
Edwards. The Puritan clergyman, John Goodwin, deserves honourable men
tion among those who pleaded for toleration at this juncture, and at
some cost. He had now become an Independent, and even in that
age he dared to avow himself an Arminian. His reasoning against
the angry declamation of Edwards and Prynne is admirable. 'If by
' toleration,' he writes, ' the argument means a non-suppression of
' such religious sects and schisms, by fiining, imprisoning, disfranchising,
' banishment, death, or the like, — my answer is, that they ought to be
' tolerated : only upon this supposition — that the professors of them be

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 165
Of course, ministers receiving ' maintenance ' from chap. iv.
the magistrate, even while themselves and their charge Hold a
were left thus spiritually free, could not be said wholly the state-
to have renounced the state-church principle. The prindpie.
doctrinal faith of the pastors and churches. In this case,
was substantially that of Protestant Christendom, and
their peculiarities In polity and form were not accounted
material. So long as this state of things continued, it
was possible that the church should remain free and
independent, even while aided by the state. But in case
of any serious doctrinal or ecclesiastical divergence
between the congregation and the civil power, the
decision of such congregations would have been to
retain their proper liberty, at the cost of surrendering
all relation to the magistrate. The magistrate had been
thus at issue with them in England, and this was the
course they had taken ; and this course they would
have taken in the same circumstances in Holland. It
does not appear to have been seen, that maintenance of
religion from the public funds, to be socially equitable,
should have been open to all the differences of belief
which the public might choose to avow — Socinianism, if
not to Romanism, in common with Congregational Pro
testantism, or Puritan orthodoxy. It Is not given to
individuals, or to society, to see truth In all its sequences
at once. It is a beneficent law which provides, that for
a while, men shaU see only in part. Revelation comes
by little and little, as we are able to bear It.
' otherwise peaceable in the state.' Reply of Two Brethren to A. S.
55. Like most of the Independents at that time, he was willing there
should be an established church, but he wished to see it a church of
wide latitude, and that there should be a toleration for those who,
notwithstanding its latitude, might still prefer not to be of it.

tians.

1 66 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. During the next two years the debates In the West-
Contest minster Assembly were many, and sometimes angry.
thePresby- The Prcsbyterlans Insisted on the establishment of their
dependent, systcm, polut by polut, and nearly point by point it was
h"1.^"* more or less resisted — to-day by the Erastians, to-morrow
by the Independents, and often by both together. The
debate concerning ordination extended over ten days. It
was settled on the ground of a slight concession made by
the Presbyterian majority, to a powerful minority known
to be sustained by a stUl more powerful influence in
parliament. The demand that Presbyterianism [should
be established as resting on divine right, brought on a
discussion which lasted thirty days. During fifteen days
the Independents prosecuted their Impeachment of that
pretension, and during fifteen days they stood upon the
defensive. The Erastians denied the divine right plea
to any system. The magistrate, it was maintained, was
at full liberty to determine all ecclesiastical arrangements
according to his discretion. The Independents affirmed,
that if a system was to be proclaimed as of divine right
because supposed to be deducible from Scripture, then
they must be allowed to claim that distinction in behalf
of Congregationalism. But they simply prayed that they
might be tolerated side by side with Presbyterianism — they
did not aim to supplant it. The parliament consented
to speak of the Presbyterian polity as according to the
word of God, and as proper to be established, but would
know nothing concerning Its divine right doctrine. Loud
was the cry called forth by this decision. *
* The reader has no doubt seen the engraving, from a painting by
Mr. Herbert, representing the Independents in the Assembly of Divines
as they made their stand there in the cause of religious liberty. Much
has been said in some quarters in censure of that representation as not
historically truthful, The Independents who spoke there, it is said,

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 167
But it was on the tender question of church discipline chap.iv.
— or what is technically called ' the power of the keys ' — Grand
that the gravest difference arose between the assembly co^ncer^ning
and the parliament. The Presbyterians claimed that the ''""p''"'-
eldership or presbytery should have power to question
the disorderly, and to interdict from the communion, or
to excommunicate persons deemed liable to such exercises
of authority. But the parliament insisted that persons
judging themselves aggrieved by any such proceechng
should have a' right of appeal from the ecclesiastical to
the civil power, and an ordinance was passed appointing
commissioners in every province to receive such appeals.
Great was the offence given by this Erastian policy.
According to the language common in Presbyterian pub
lications, and from Presbyterian pulpits, the liberties
of the church were gone. The magistrate had thrust
himself into the place of the minister, and had bound
him hand and foot. The protest which came from the
General Assembly in Scotland, condemned everything of
this nature that had been done, in strong terms. This
document had scarcely been presented to the English
parliament, when It was found to be abroad in print,
with an anonymous preface. The house so far resented
this proceeding, that the papers as thus published were
burnt by the hangman. The assembly now presented a
did not plead for ^ full liberty of conscience. The most enlightened
of them had something to learn on that subject. True — nevertheless,
there they were, a noble advanced guard in relation to the progress of
that principle, compelling their Puritan brethren to listen to utterances
which were far too free in their spirit to be borne with patience. The
majority of the Presbyterians were intent on becoming as inquisitorial
and oppressive in their rule as the prelates had been ; the Independents
in that hall of debate frustrated that policy ; and all free-hearted men
have been willing to do them honour on that ground.

1 68 Religious Life in England before 1660.
chap.iv. petition to the parliament, in which they complained of
the recent measures as an invasion of the freedom essential
to all church order. But the petitioners were reminded,
that they had been convened by the authority of par
liament to give their advice on such questions as should
be submitted to them, and on such matters only. In
this petition they had passed the limits of their com
mission, and had exposed themselves to the penalties of
a premunire. The alarm of the divines was great. The
civilians, with a show of moderation, made good use of
their advantages. The jus divinum dogma was not to
be recognized, and the civil power was not to relinquish
its control over the ecclesiastical.
The Pres- But dlsastrous as was the quarrel between the
will not Presbyterians and the Erastians, their quarrel with the
indlpen- Independents was attended by still more serious results.
dency. Among the latter, church discipline rested with the con
gregation, not with the eldership, and was simply a
spiritual affair, liaving no relation to civU penalties. To
a large extent, accordingly, the Independents acted with
the Erastians on this question. But the grand point at
issue between this party and the Presbyterians concerned
liberty of conscience. In the autumn of 1 644, a com
mittee was appointed to see if a settlement could not
be realized that should comprehend the Independents.
Nothing could well be more moderate or reasonable
than the course now taken by the Independent party;
and nothing more partial, unbrotherly, and unwise,
than the conduct of their opponents. After conferences,
extending over six months, in which the strong had
availed themselves of every advantage against the weak,
the Presbyterian divines brought the whole to an end, by
declaring, that to grant the liberty claimed by the In-

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 169
dependents would be of necessity to grant all sorts of chap.iv.
license to other men under the same plea. Independency,
accordingly, with its ' great Diana' — liberty of conscience,,
was denounced from both sides the Tweed as the patron
of all heresies and schisms. When matters had come to
this pass,, the Rev. Jeremiah Burroughes, one of the most
moderate and candid men in England, said, in behalf
of himself and his brethren : — ' If we may not have
' liberty to govern ourselves in our own way, so long as
' we behave ourselves peaceably towards the civil magis-
' trate, we are resolved to, suffer, or to go to some other
' part of the world where we may enjoy our liberty.
' While men think there is no, way of peace but by
' forcing all men to be of the same mind, while they
' think the civil sword a fit ordinance of God to deter-
' mine all controversies of divinity, and that it must
' needs be attended by fines and imprisonment to the dis-
' obedient, while they apprehend there is no medium
' between a strict uniformity and a general confusion of
' aU things^ — -while these sentiments prevail, there must be
' a base subjection of men's consciences to slavery, a
' suppression of much truth, and great disturbance In
' the Christian world. '
We shall leave Neal, a Presbyterian historian, to say Neai on the
what is fitting to be said concerning these proceedings : the Presby-
' Thus ended the last committee of lords and commons, ""''^"''
' and of the assembly of divines,, for accommodation.
' Little did the Presbyterian divines, imagine, that in less
' than twenty years all their artillery would be turned
' against themselves ; that they should be precluded the
' establishment by an act of prelatical uniformity ; that
' they should be reduced to the necessity of pleading for
' that Indulgence which they now denied their brethren j

lyo Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK 1. ' and esteem it their duty to gather churches for separate
' worship, out of others, which they allowed to be true
' ones. If the leading Presbyterians in the assembly and
' city had carried it with temper towards the Indepen-
' dents, on the footing of a limited toleration, they had, in
' all likelihood, prevented the disputes between the army
' and parliament, which were the ruin of both ; they
' might then have saved the constitution, and made their
' own terms with the king, who was now their prisoner ;
' but they were enamoured with the charms of covenant-
' uniformity, and the divine right of their presbytery,
' which, after all, the parliament would not admit in its
' full extent. '* Baxter, no friend to the Independents,
speaks to much the same effect concerning the proceed
ings of his brethren at this juncture. f
How the We shall now retrace our steps a little, to mark how
entlbecame the Independents, a minority in parliament, outnumbered
the army" ^'^'^ *^^^ ungcucrously dealt with In the Westrainster
assembly, became so strong in the army as to rise to the
possession of supreme power in the state. As men who
had suffered most under the late misrule, theywere among
the first to seize their weapons, and among the most
resolute in wielding them. The oppressions of the last
twenty years had greatly increased their numbers.
In the army they made converts rapidly. Every
man among them was more or less a polemic. In the
intervals between military duty came theological discus
sions, and often high debate on the comparative merits
of Presbyterianism and Independency. In the com
mencement of the war, Cromwell's regiment of Ironsides
* See Papers *'or Accommodation, Grand Debate, and Neal, iii.
231-265. t Life, 103.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 171
would gladly have received Richard Baxter, a Presby- chap.iv.
terian, as their chaplain. But not long afterwards, the
pastor of Kidderminster found speculations common
among those same men, which had disposed them to
look, both as politicians and Christians, much beyond
his own more conventional and prudent notions. It
was so throughout the army.
Two circumstances contributed specially to this result.
' Drunkards and the rabble,' says Baxter, ' who formerly
' hated the Puritans, when they saw the war beginning,.
' grew enraged ; for if a man did but pray or sing a
' psalm In his house, they would cry, " Down with the
' roundheads ! " and put them in fear of sudden violence.'*
The effect of which we are told was, that thousands of
religious men, who might otherwise have remained
quietly at home, fled to the garrisons of the parliamen
tarians, and became soldiers.f Such men presented just
the kind of material on which the Independents were
likely to make their impression. Their work in this
respect was greatly facilitated by the circumstance, that
after the battle of Edgehill, where the Presbyterian
chaplains first saw war, very few such persons followed
the army. Preaching thus fell into the hands of the
Independents, who were distinguished from the Presbyte
rians in regarding that function as pertaining to the laity,
if supposed to be possessed of the natural qualifications,
quite as legitimately as to the clergy. Charles assured
his followers at Shrewsbury, that ' they would meet with
' no enemies but traitors : most of them Brownists, Ana-
' baptists, and Atheists.' If some of these elements were

#

History of Councils, 92, 93.
t Life and Times. Parti. 30. Mrs. Hutchinson gives a similar
account, i. 1 30-219. I 2

172 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. not strong in the army at the beginning, it Is certain
that they were soon to become potent In that quarter.
Source of Evcu In that religious age, the number of persons
importance who might be dcscrlbcd as outsiders — as persons having
pendent"!'^" ^lo clcarly-dcfined religious principles, was not inconsi
derable. But the circumstances of the times obliged
even such men to ally themselves, more or less, with
some religious party ; and the Independents, from their
more tolerant maxims, were the natural object of prefer
ence both with the thoughtful and the thoughtless who
were in that position. It was largely from this cause
that the party comprehended under the name of Inde
pendents became suddenly so considerable, not only in
the army, but through the kingdom.
Jealousy Hcncc also the settled jealousy and resentment with
theTco'tch which the Independents were regarded by the Scotch
'^°rr"'"^ Presbyterians. That the ' new heresy,' called ' liberty
Indepen- of cousclence,' might be checked ; and that the con
duct of Cromwell, ' the darling of the sectaries,' and no
friend, as it was thought, to the Scottish army, might
be under due oversight, the commissioners from the
north contrived that one of their countrymen. Major-
general Crawford, should be always near that dangerous
person. As Cromwell was not ignorant on these
matters, the rivalry and dissension between him and
Crawford had been manifest, and had been shared consi
derably by their respective partisans, before the memor
able battle of Marston Moor. It was said, and with
some truth, that the Scots under Crawford had been
more easily routed on that day than brave men should
have been ; and the Independents not only ventured to
remind their brethren of the Covenant of that fact, but
attributed the victory which nevertheless followed to

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 173
some qualities in their own leader which certain other chap.iv.
leaders would do well to emulate.* Crawford and Crom
well brought their accusations against each other before a
councU of war. Cromwell insisted that Crawford should
be dismissed. But the Presbyterian party, especially the
chaplains, raised the cry of persecution. The earl of
Manchester was disposed to side with that sect ; and the
result was, a coolness between the earl, who was first in
command, and Cromwell, who was next in authority.
In fact, the position of Cromwell at this juncture circum-
was one of considerable danger. He had become conductor
obnoxious to the Scots, not only from his opinions con- "'""^'^
cerning religious liberty, but on account of language he
was said to have used concerning them as a people.
The earl of Essex regarded him with suspicion. Man
chester admired his genius, but was disquieted when
obliged to look him in the face as an opponent. The
manner in which the war had been for some while con
ducted, seemed to baffle all calculation in regard to the
time of its continuance, or the terms on which it might
be brought to a conclusion. Advantages, when gained,
in place of being assiduously Improved, had been allowed
to pass away, as though something short of necessity
would suffice to bring the king to the conditions in
sisted on by the parliament. His majesty was not to
* BaiUie is indignant at the doubt cast on the courage of his country
men ; but in his private communications something of this nature is
clearly admitted. He congratulates Lord Eglinton on having acquitted
himself at Marston Moor ' with so great honour, when so many in
' cowardice fell in disgrace worse than death. Shame hath fallen on
• particular men, when they turned their backs who were most obliged
' and most expected to have stood still.' The first hundred pages in
Baillie's second volume are full of allusions to this disagreement in the
army, consequent on the growing power of the Independents.

174 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. be vanquished ; he was only to be beaten a little more,
and then all would be right. Cromwell saw this policy
in its true light. His sagacious and ardent nature was
not a little irritated by it. There were, accordingly,
two points, about which he became much concerned.
He wished to see the war pressed to Its Issue by more
vigorous measures. He wished also to see the ecclesi
astical intolerance, still so rife in many quarters, brought
to an end. The first of these objects was not to be
expected from the present commanders. To the second,
the Presbyterians, especially those of Scotland, were the
grand impediment. The scheme of Cromwell involved
an abandonment of the Covenant.*
Cromwell CromwcU's opponcnts were now busy in plotting
Parliament, agalnst him. Secret conferences opposed to him were fol
lowed by an open denunciation in parliament. He was
described as an enemy to the peerage, and as a man wont
to utter very seditious language. But these charges
could not be sustained. Moreover, the Scotch com
missioner, Baillie, a leader In this conspiracy, is obliged
to confess, that the Independents in the army under
Manchester and Cromwell, and, according to report, in
that under Waller, were as two to one, both among
Strength of officcrs and men, as compared with the Presbyterians ;
pendens' ^"^ ^^^7 '^^'"^ kuowu to couslst, It is Said, of 'the far more
resolute and confident men for the pariiament party.'f
Proposes the Assallcd In hls placc in parliament, Cromwell rose
fn'^^ord?' ^""^ proposed what has since become so weU known
nance. under the name of the Self-denying Ordinance. This
ordinance, the necessity of which was strenuously urged
by Sir Harry Vane, required that no member of either
house of parliament should hold any military ofiice after
* Whitelocke, passim. -f- Letters, ii. 5.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 175
a certain day, without a new appointment. The effect chap.iv.
of this measure would be to remove Essex and Man
chester, who were Presbyterians, but it would not touch
Sir Thomas Fairfax, or General Sklppon, who were of
that persuasion. The upper house did not look with
favour on this bill, but it ultimately passed.
On the appointed day, the members of both houses Cromweiiexec D ted —
who held commissions resigned them. But Cromwell and why.
did not follow their example. Many writers have dwelt
on this circumstance as evidence of the craft with which
Cromwell removed impediments from the path of his
ambition. It Is clear, however, that this exception In his
own favour was not of Cromwell's seeking. It resulted
from incidents which he could not have foreseen, and
from influences which were not under his control.
The ordinance passed the upper house on the 3rd of
April. It was to take effect at the end of forty days.
When those days were coming to a close, Cromwell,
who had been skirmishing In the neighbourhood of
Salisbury, joined the army under Fairfax at Windsor.
On the day foUowing, Fairfax received a command
from the committee of both kingdoms, requiring that
Cromwell should be sent into Oxfordshire, to prevent
a junction between a body of cavalry, under the com
mand of Prince Rupert, and the king's army. Crom
well feU upon the prince and his four regiments, near
Islip Bridge, and putting them to flight, he slew many,
possessed himself of the queen's standard, and returned
with about two hundred prisoners. He was then sent
to protect the associated counties, the royalists having
assembled in considerable force in their neighbourhood.
This movement became the more necessary, as the
Scots, dissatisfied with recent proceedings, refused to

176 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK r. advance southward. Fairfax was now called from
Taunton to watch the motions of the grand army under
the king, which had marched in the direction of the
midland counties. In prospect of an engagement which
might decide this great controversy, the commander
was anxious his cavalry should be placed under the
command of Cromwell. He wrote to the parliament to
that effect. Cromwell was immediately required, by
a vote of the two houses, to join the grand army near
Northampton. He did so on the 13 th of June, and on
his arrival was greeted with loud acclamations from the
soldiers. On the day following the battle of Naseby was
fought. The victory of that day was mainly attributable
to his capacity and courage. Subsequently, the ordinance
was suspended from time to time in his favour.*
Position of After ' Naseby Fight,' the jealousy with which the
pendents Prcsbyterlans regarded the Indeipendents formed the
Bartle of Only sourcc of hope to the king. The Oxford parlia-
'^^^''''^' ment had come to an end. About this time, a hundred
and fifty new members were added to the lower house
at Westminster, In place of those who had withdrawn,
or had been declared incapable. By means of these new
elections, the Independent members became more nearly
equal to the Presbyterians in number. Questions which
divided these two parties were often carried by very
small majorities. But the Scotch army was still present,
and zealous to uphold the Covenant. The majority of
the citizens of London continued to be Presbyterians.
Such, too, was the feeling with which these parties
regarded the growing power of the Independents, that
* Rushworth, vi. 16, 23-25, 30, 34, 37, 39. Whitelocke, 144.
The ordinance was dispensed with for a time in favour of several other
persons. Ibid. 140-146.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 177
they were disposed to enter Into almost any compact chap, iv.
with the king, rather than accept the generous policy
which the once despised, and now hated sectaries were
prepared to submit to them.
Charles now sent several messages to the parliament insincerity
In favour of peace, full of appeals to humanity and
religion. During the negotiations which followed, the
king was detected In conducting an intrigue with the
Irish Catholics. This disclosure left him more than ever
powerless.* His majesty made still larger concessions,
and three days after making them wrote In the following
terms to Lord Digby : — ' Now, for my own particular
' resolution. I am endeavouring to get to London, so
' that the condition may be such that a gentleman may
' own ; and that the rebels may acknowledge me king,
' being not without hope that I shall be able to draw
' either the Presbyterians or Independents to side with
' me for extirpating one another, so that I shall really be
' king again.' f Everything In the conduct of Charles
towards the parties who had been opposed to him con-
* The reference in the text is to the commission given to the Earl
of Glamorgan. Carte's Ormond, iii. 436-440; Rushworth, vi. 239,
240; Lingard, x. 319-325. Clarendon, writing to Secretary Nicolas,
expresses himself on this subject in the following terms : ' I must tell
' you I care not how little I say in that business of Ireland, since those
' strange powers and instructions given to your favourite, Glamorgan,
• which appears to me so inexcusable to justice, piety, and prudence.
' And I fear there is very much in that transaction of Ireland, both
' before and since, that you and I were never thought wise enough to
' be advised with. Oh ! Mr. Secretary, those stratagems have given
' me more sad hours than all the misfortunes in war which have
' befallen the king, and look like the effect of God's anger towards us.'
Papers, ii. 337. According to Glamorgan, all was done so that ' the
' king might have a starting hole to deny the commission, if excepted
' against by his subjects.' Ibid. 201, zoz, 346.
t Carte's Ormond, iii. 452.
I 3

S78 Religious Life in England before 1660.

aooK I.

Intolerant schemes of
the Presby
terians.

tinned to be of the character thus indicated — utterly
selfish and insincere. The Covenanters of Scotland,
their Presbyterian friends in England, and the Inde
pendents, all were to be duped in their turn, and, if
possible, to be so used as to be made to bring upon them
selves a common ruin. If the real cause of the end
awaiting this misguided king be sought after It will 'be
found in these facts. No man could trust him. Even
this grave sin may not have justified sending him to the
scaffold, but in the absence of that sin the front of White
hall would not have witnessed its great tragedy.
Down to May, ,1648, the Presbyterians In parliament
were strong enough, as we have seen, to carry their
memorable bill against blasphemy.* With that party,
certainly with their clergy, the great end of the war was
to establish their ecclesiastical system after their own
fashiom Other ends were manifestly subordinate to that
end. With the Independents, the great design of the
conflict had been to secure the general hberties of
Englishmen, and a special liberty of conscience In the
matter of religiom In their zeal for the latter object they
never lost sight of the former. Becoming possessed of
the person of the king, the Presbyterians flattered them
selves it would be easy to disband the army, and to
settle all questions in the manner most satisfactory to
themselves. The army had given signs of not being
likely to submit to such a policy. But the enemies of
the sectaries were far from seeing their weakness. The
Presbyterian divines had decided that there should be no
toleration — not even in the limited measure that would
have sufficed to include the Independents. Their
brethren in London, emulating their zeal, presented
* Seep. 133.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 179
a petition to the two houses, in which they prayed that chap. iv.
no person disaffected to the Covenant should be allowed May 26,
to hold any public trust ; that persons not duly ordained
should be no longer suffered to preach; that all con
gregations of Separatists should be suppressed ; and that
an ordinance should be passed to put down all heresies
and schisms, by visiting their abettors with exemplary
punishment. The petition further stated, that not to
disband the army would be to justify the imputation that
those who were In arms had taken to them as a trade,
and not from a regard to the public cause. It was urged
also that means should be used to bring those persons to
merited punishment, who, to serve their own ends, had
been acting as firebrands between England and Scotland.
This petition, largely signed, was presented by the com
mon council, who accompanied it by another from them
selves, in which they pray that all persons In the army,
whether officers or privates, who were known to be
opposed to the Covenant, should be dismissed, nothing
being more easy than to supply the place of such men by
others more trustworthy. *
Of course, in the estimation of these ' covenant-engaged
citizens,' the greatest among the ' firebrands' alluded to
was Oliver Cromwell. It was well known, too, that the
men whose heresies and schisms were to be so fittingly
punished, were eminently the men who had volunteered
to serve their country under the standard of that grand
delinquent, many of whom, to the great scandal of their
persecutors, had presumed to add the office of preaching
to the vocation of the soldier. In not a few of the towns
of England there were free congregations, which, by such
* Tracts of George III. British Museum. Vol. ccxc. Neal, iv.
276, 308. Pari. Hist. iv. 474.

i8o Religious Life in England before 1660.
-BOOK I. a course of proceeding, would be brought to a summary
dissolution. And by expelling from the army. In the
manner proposed, at one swoop, every man, officer or
private, who could not pledge himself to the Covenant,
the very men by whom they had been themselves
delivered from the tender mercies of a government im
bued with the spirit of Laud and Strafford would
have been dismissed as mere mercenaries. So men
who had hazarded the loss of all things In the public
interest, were to look on, while folly and bigotry threw
away everything which had been realized by sagacity
and self-sacrifice.*
Impolicy of Evcry Step taken by the Presbyterians in parhament,
ment— dis- at thls crlsIs, tended to send discontent deeper into the
the Cove- rauks of the army. First, the ofiicers were prohibited
nanters. ffotn petitioning on state questions. Next, the non
commissioned officers and privates, speaking through
their newly-formed council of adjutators, were subjected
to the same prohibition, in still stronger terms. Opposed
to the ' engagement,' by which the army bound itself
not to separate until the real objects ofthe war should be
secured, was an instrument signed by the Covenant party
* The officers of the army say, in answer to these reflections:
' We hope that by becoming soldiers we have not lost the capacity of
' subjects, nor divested ourselves thereby of our interest in the common-
' wealth ; purchasing the freedom of our brethren we have not lost our
' own.' Vindication of the Officers of the Army under Sir Thomas
Fairfax. Rushworth, vi. 469, 470. ' Many complaints and cavils
' were made against the officers and soldiers in the army, as, holding
' erroneous and schismatical opinions, contrary to true doctrine ; and
' that thej took upon them to preach and expound Scripture, not
' being learned or ordained ; those who were lately in the highest
' esteem and respect, as freers of their country from servitude and op-
' pression, are now, by the same people, looked upon as sectaries — thus
¦-' we see the inconstancy ofthe giddy multitude.' Whitelocke's Mem. 240.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 181
in the metropolis. From that party a petition, hostile to chap.iv.
the Independents, was presented to the house. The
petitioners were told that their wishes should be taken
into consideration on the following morning. But their
impatience could not brook even so short a delay.
Crowds, including military men, boys, and appren
tices, gathered round the edifice, thronged its avenues,
and, while some held open the doors, others rushed in,
and, with their hats on, continued to shout 'Vote ! vote !'
To satisfy the insurgents, a vote which had been recorded
against the ' city engagement,' and another concerning
the city militia, were rescinded. The common council,
to whose secret or indirect influence these excesses were
mainly attributable, succeeded in restoring order. But
they had no sooner retired, than another body of rioters
forced their way into the house, and compelling the
speaker to resume the chair after an adjournment,
obliged the members present to declare that measures
should be forthwith taken to bring the king to London.*
That the army should come to London, and that the England as
- , . . 11 * '11 a Common-
government should pass virtually into its hands, were wealth.
only the natural sequences to such a course of events.
What follows from this point exhibits a new phase in
this memorable drama. We have seen something of
what England was under the rule of Charles, — assisted
by Strafford and Laud ; we have seen also what it
became when a new ecclesiastical element rose into pro
minence, known as Covenanted-Presbyterianism ; and
we have now traced the growth of a third power,
which never loses sight of the great principles of civil
liberty, and is intent, beyond any other that has preceded
* Rushworth, vi. 557-644. Commons' Journals, June 6 to July 26.
Whitelocke, 251-263. Ludlow, 1 71-178.

1 82 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. it, on protecting the religious conscience against civil
penalties. To this last power — the power of the In
dependents — rising, as we have seen, from small begin
nings, the parliament has been indebted for its success
in the field ; and during the next ten years It Is this
power which will be ascendant both in the field and in
the government. Many influences contributed to bring
about the changes we have described; but every intelli
gent man will be aware that the victories of Marston
Moor and Naseby, of Dunbar and Worcester, were
victories of the Independents, and that without the
Independents England would not have seen her Com
monwealth. It is cognate, accordingly, to the purpose
of this volume, that we should endeavour to realize a
just conception of the condition of England, when
Cromwell, and the men faithful to Cromwell, were in
possession of the supreme authority.
Disaffection The English Commonwealth came from the utter
byterians dIstrust of the king OU the part of the men who had
Conimon- rcsIstcd hls wIU, and from the consequent state of
opinion and feeling In the army. It is not probable
that the Presbyterians would have made good repub
licans under any circumstances ; but It was not possible
that a republic which owed Its origin so largely to the
Independents, and their kindred sectaries, should have
commended Itself to their approval. Hence the history
of the Presbyterians under the Commonwealth and the
Protectorate is, for the most part, the history of dis
affection — often of the most bitter disaffection. They
commonly refused to take any oath of fidelity to the
existing government. Contrary to the custom of the
age, the ordinances of the parliament were not read
from their pulpits. They would not observe the days

wealth.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 183
of fasting or thanksgiving appointed by authority, chap.iv.
They were known to be in frequent communication
with the Scots and with Charles II. Even Baxter
denounced the Invasion of Scotland, and employed his
eloquence to dissuade the soldiers from engaging in it.
Had the battle of Worcester been in favour of the
invaders, the Presbyterian clergy would have hailed
the event as a merciful providence.
The parliament condescended to reason with these
infallible theologians, promising them security In their
parishes and emoluments, and everything which reasonable
men could expect. But they did so to small purpose. *
They could not promise that the civil power should
cease to be superior to the ecclesiastical. Nor could they
promise that such hberty of conscience as had been
demanded by the Independents should be condemned as
fraught with error and evil ; and in the absence of such
concessions it avaUed little what else was conceded.
In a document issued by the officers of the army,
intitled ' The Agreement of the People,' promises to
the above effect were made. But it was added by the
authors of that instrument, that ' all who profess faith in
' God, by Jesus Christ, however differing in judgment
' from the doctrine, discipline, and worship publicly
' held forth, shall be protected in the profession of
' their faith and exercise of their religion, according
' to their consciences, so as they abuse not this liberty,
' to the injury of others, or the disturbance of the public
' peace. ' We need not say that these were noble words.
But a synod of fifty-nine Presbyterian ministers refused
to sign this paper, partly because they disapproved
the political change which it contemplated, and partly
* Pari. Hist. iii. 1324.

184 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. because its scheme of toleration would entail great
mischiefs. *
One effect of this policy on the part of the Presby
terians was, that the Independents were placed In greater
prominence by the government than they would other
wise have been, not only as possessors of livings in the
church, but as holding places of chief trust and honour
in the universities.
Commis- CromweU, on becoming Protector, deemed it im-
sioners for . .
the exami- prudcut to Icavc the examination and introduction] of
nation of . . i n • i i i /-
ministers— ministers to cures wholly in the hands of the Presby-
te Triers, (-gj-iatis. In March, 1653, a body of commissioners
were appointed by the Protector and his council to be
a permanent committee for such purposes. This com
mission consisted of thirty-nine persons. Nine were
laymen. The remainder were ministers, including
Presbyterians and Independents, and two or three Bap
tists. Before a person nominated to a benefice could
be admitted. It was necessary that he should be 'judged
' and approved' by this commission, as being ' able and
' fit to preach the gospel, for the grace of God in him,
* for his holy and unblameable conversation ; as also for
' his knowledge and utterance. ' No candidate was to
be rejected, unless nine at least of the commissioners
should be present. This body sat In London. Three
years later a second commission was issued, which
gave existence to a similar authority in every county of
England and Wales, the committees consisting in this
case, as in the former, partly of laymen and partiy of
ministers. But the province of these county com
mittees was not simply to examine persons seeking
* Toleration was distributed poison — ' soul murder.' Neal, iii.
276, 328 ; iv. 8. Nonconformist's Plea, 4.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 185
admission to cures, but to hear complaints against such chap.iv.
as were already in possession of them, and to eject all
incumbents found to be ' scandalous. Ignorant, or in
sufficient.' In cases of scandal, any five of a committee
might pronounce judgment, the proof being given on
oath ' by two credible witnesses, or by one witness, with
other concurrent evidence.' In deciding on cases of
alleged ' ignorance or insufficiency, ' ten commissioners
were to be present, five of whom were to consist of
ministers in the commission ; and the evidence In such
cases also was to be on oath. Cromwell's ' Triers,' so
notorious in the history of those times, comprehended
both these commissions.*
The council, in naming the persons to be entrusted
with this responsibility, appear to have acquitted them
selves with judgment and fairness. The names of
noblemen and gentlemen, and of well-known ministers
in the different counties, were generally such as to show
that the intentions of the government were intelligent
and just. Complaint against the authority on which
these things were done is futile. The times were such^
that almost everywhere the regular had given place to
the irregular ; old law to new necessity. If anything
valuable In the social state of England is to be saved. It
must be by special means adapted to such special cir-
* Scobel's Acts, 279, 280, 335-347- ^t should be remembered,
that in the year in which these county committees were formed, a
special order was issued, which stated that many of the clergy who
had been sequestered on the ground of disaffection, pleading the Act
of Indemnity in 1 651, had contrived to possess themselves of cures
without giving satisfaction as to their ' conformity and submission to
the government.' The council enjoin, accordingly, that inquiry shall
be made concerning such persons, and the promise and evidence of
fidelity demanded from them. Ibid. 365, 366.

1 86 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. cumstances. The vices, defects, and irregularities which
were to be censured by these commissioners, are largely
enumerated ; and if some of the faults named were small
compared with others, we have no reason to suppose
that the lighter matters, when existing alone, were often
regarded as a sufficient ground for sequestration.*
Many who sought induction to livings sought in vain ;
but it does not appear that the number of ministers
ejected by the Triers was considerable. It is In respect
to these commissioners under Cromwell, that Baxter
speaks when he says, that if some of them ' were too
¦ severe against all that were Armlnians, and too par-
' ticular In inquiring after evidence of sanctification in
' those whom they examined, and somewhat too lax in
' their admission of unlearned and erroneous men that
' favoured Antinomianism or Anabaptism ; yet, to give
' them their due, they did abundance of good to the
' church. They saved many a congregation from igno-
' rant, ungodly, and drunken teachers ; that sort of men
' who intended no more in the ministry than to say a
' sermon, as leaders say their common prayers, and so
* The commission mention gross immorality and errors which
were to be censured, and some lesser offences. Among the latter we
find the using of the Book of Common Prayer. Great complaint has
been made that such an act should have been placed in such company.
One of the intolerant measures which brought discredit on the Long
Parliament in its later years, was the ordinance which prohibited the use
of the Prayer Book even in private houses. Lord Macaulay's picture
of the effect of that law might have been a reality if the English
Puritans had been Spanish Inquisitors. It was an odious law, difficult
to enforce, and little heeded. But Cromwell's prohibition had respect
to such clergymen as ' have publicly and frequently read or used the
' Common Prayer Book since the 1st of January last.' In other words,
it had respect to men who had used the desk of the state church as
the place in which to violate the law, and to defy the government.
Scobell's Acts, g7, 98, 340.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 187
' patch up a few good words together to talk the people chap.iv.
' asleep with on Sunday, and all the rest of the week go
' with them to the ale-house.'*
That the decisions of these authorities should fill
many a circle with bitter complaints was inevitable, and
some of those complaints were not without foundation.
But there were instances in which cases of great hard
ship and injustice seemed to be clearly made out, which
were shown to consist of representations far from trust
worthy. And in other cases, we need to hear both sides
before we can judge safely in relation to them.-]- Mr.
John Goodwin complained of the office of the Triers as
an invasion of the rights of the people, who should be
allowed to choose their own ministers. But when
Congregationalists, after the manner of Mr. Goodwin,
become so inconsistent as to accept office in a state
church, it is folly to expect that the authority which
guarantees the stipend will be content to do that, and
nothing more. In such relations, state assistance must
always mean state dependence ; and if the state was to
concern itself at all about the sort of religion to be
* Life, 72.
f In Berkshire, the Triers seem to have consisted wholly of laymen,
and do not appear to have included a single person of any position.
They are said to have cast out some very worthy men on slight pre
tences, and were about to eject Dr. Pococke, Professor of Arabic in
Oxford, on the ground of insufficiency 1 Dr. Owen wrote to Secretary
Thurlow, urging that these proceedings should be stayed ; and went
from Oxford, with several of his friends, to the next meeting of the
commissioners. The doctor rebuked the men who were making such
use of their authority, and saved the professor. As this, however, was
a case in which the lay judges must, as we have seen, have called in at
least five clerical commissioners, it is not very probable that they could
have succeeded in perpetrating their intended folly. Similar to the
conduct of Owen in belialf of Pococke was that of John Howe in behall
ofFuUer. Orme's Zj/^ ij/'Owi'z?, 154, 155. Kogm's Life of Howe, 107.

1 88 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. sustained by its means, we do not see what better course
the Protector could have taken In his circumstances.*
We have read the language in which the army an
nounced its doctrine of religious toleration In ' The
Agreement of the People.' Cromwell and his friends
expressed themselves afterwards in the same terms on
that subject, in the ' Instrument of Government.' But
the parliament, in its deliberations on that document
insisted that the free exercise of religion promised to all
classes who ' profess faith in God by Jesus Christ '
should be understood as having respect to such persons
only as were agreed concerning the fundamental doc
trines of the Christian faith. CromweU did not mean
* The Triers, or Tormentors, Tried and Cast. Printed i6c7.
Among the Presbyterians, men were ordained by ministers to the work
of the ministry irrespective of any relation to a particular cure. But
with the Independents, ordination was always ordination to some
accepted charge. In the former case, the act was the joint act of the
district presbytery. In the latter, it was commonly left to such
ministers from the neighbourhood, or from a distance, as were invited
by the church and the minister to take part in it. In all cases regard
was paid to th wishes of the people, especially among the Indepen
dents. In the case of the great town and city parishes, and in most
instances, a call from the people was the main preliminary to a settle
ment, l^cvfcome^ Autobiography, \7,\8. Scobell's ^^/.r, 172. Mr.
Oliver Heywood's settlement at Coley in 1650 was purely a transac
tion between himself and the congregation, without any reference to
patron or minister. Hunter's Life of Heywood, 69, 70. But such
cases were exceptional. Through all those times the possessors of
advowsons continued, in ordinary circumstances, to nominate persons
to the vacant livings in their gift. During the civil war, indeed, many
patrons were in arms, and the power to make any such nominadon
effectual had passed from them. But in general/down to 1660, the
right of presentation went along with the other rights of property.
Presentation, however, did not ensure admission. The local presby
tery, where it existed, more commonly committees of examination
appointed by the government, came into the place of the bishop and

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 189
that his language should be so interpreted. He wished to chap.iv.
see toleration extended to those making that profession,
' though differing in judgment from the doctrine, worship,
or discipline publicly set forth.' But in this manner the
delicate question was raised — what are fundamentals i*
A committee of fourteen divines was appointed to Theconfer-
confer and to report on that matter. The committee fundamen-
Included some of the leading Independents, and quite an
equal number of Presbyterians. Baxter informs us, that
when he met the committee he was ' under great weak-
' ness and soporous, or scotomatical from illness In his
' head.' Whether from that cause, or some other, it Is
clear from his own account that he was hard to please,
his assistants. It rested with them to judge, not concerning the legal
title, but concerning the official qualifications of the person presented.
If rejected by the examining body, or on reasonable grounds by the
people, the patron was expected to present some one more eligible.
The minister being once inducted, the tithes or other means of income
belonging to the cure were to be paid to him, and they were so paid,
except in the case of some Independents who were content to receive
the voluntary contributions of their parishioners. Had the government
shown a disposition to control the teaching or discipline of the Con
gregationalists, there would soon have been signs of revolt. But so long
as their independence was respected, they were so far Conformists.
Some of them appear to have seen that this was a course hardly consis
tent with their principles, and were reconciled to it only by looking
on the existing state of things as special and transitional. Others were
Congregationalists of the New England type, believing that government
may have something to do with religious matters if you can only ensure
that it shall be itself Christian. Like many moderns, they did not
seem to see, that to admit the principle of government action in respect
to religion at all, is, according to equity and sound reasoning, to admit
it universally, and to become parties to the frightful evils which history
presents as the fruit inseparable from it. Scobell's Acts, Part i. 74,
75,129,139,142,146; Part ii. 180, 335-347. JJightioot's Journal
of the Assembly of Divines, a record of historical value, but from a pen
not favourable to the Independents,

190 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. especially when opposed to Dr. Owen. Before the
committee could agree upon its conclusions the parlia
ment was dissolved ; and the labours of the divines were
without effect. The articles adopted by them were
sixteen in number. They embraced little more than
will be found in the Apostles' creed : but while they
passed over the points at issue between Calvinists and
Armlnians, they were explicit in exhibiting the Trinity,
and the tenets usually connected with It, as among the
essential doctrines. Still, what the essential doctrines of
Christianity were, was one thing, and what the religious
opinions were which should be in any way tolerated, was
another. When the first of these points should be
settled, the second would remain to be considered. But
the decision of the parliament. In common with the
majority of the committee, would no doubt have been,
that toleration should not be extended to the open pro
fession of Romanism or of Socinianism.*
Large views Cromwell's vIcws wcrc much larger. When dis
missing this parliament he complained of the want of

well con-

reUgious Ubcrallty on this subject. ' How proper is it,' he says,
liberty. i (-q labour for liberty, that men should not be
' trampled on for their consciences. Have we not
' lately laboured under the weight of persecution, and Is
' it fitting, then, to sit heavy upon others ? Is it
' ingenuous to ask liberty, and not give it .'' What
' greater hypocrisy than for those who were oppressed
' by the bishops to become the greatest oppressors them-
¦ selves so soon as their yoke is removed ? I could
' wish that they who call for liberty now also, had not
' too much of that spirit if the power were in their
' hands. As for profane persons, blasphemers, such as
* Baxter's Life, 197-205.

Religious Life from 1622 to the Restoration. 1 9 1
' preach sedition, contentious raUers, evil speakers, who chap.iv.
' seek by evil words to corrupt good manners, and per-
' sons of loose conversation, punishraent from the civil
' magistrate ought to meet with them. Because if these
' pretend conscience, yet walk disorderly, and contrary to
' natural light, they are judged of all, and their sins being
' open make them the subjects of the magistrate's sword.'*
So far as possible, the administration of Cromwell
was regulated by such maxims. He ruled freely and
generously, to the utmost extent consistent with the
temper of the age, and with the security of the great
interests represented In his person. His own safety, and
the safety of the measure of freedom which he was
desirous of preserving to the nation at large, were
dependent on his retaining a firm hold on the supreme
power. To have allowed that power to pass into the
hands of any one of the parties opposed to him, would
have been to surrender himself, and all beside, to a rule
which must have been a change immeasurably for the
worse. Cavalier royalists, Presbyterian royalists, and
the stern and fanatical Republican party, were all alike
bent on the possession of exclusive power. The course
of the Protector towards his parliaments, and towards
the religionists of his time, was intended to prevent the
coming In of any such power. To his clear perception,
' and large heart, nothing was more obvious than that the
dternative before the country was, either that all parties
must cede something for the sake of a common interest
and a general settlement, or that some one party, to use
his own expression, would be sure to get into the saddle,
and to ride the rest at pleasure. All his efforts were
directed towards bringing about a wise and equitable
* Pari. Hist. iii. 1469.

192 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. compromise, and so to preclude the base servitude
Inseparable from the other alternative. But the nation
was not to coraprehend hira. Faction was to prove
stronger than patriotism. The natural consequences
were to follow.*
* The following extracts are not all cited for the first time, but itis
proper to give them a place here : ' It is certain,' says Bishop Kennet,
' that the Protector was for liberty, and the utmost latitude to all
' parties, so far as consisted with the peace and safety of his person
•and government; and even the prejudice he had against the Episcopal
' party was more for their being royalists than for their being of the
' good old church. Dr. Gunning, afterwards Bishop of Ely, kept a
' conventicle in London, in as open a manner as the Dissenters did
• after the toleration, and so did several other Episcopalian divines.'
Complete History of England, iii. 223. A clergyman after the Res
toration writes : ' I can reckon up many clergy who had livings in
' Cromwell's day in the city, and preached without any let. There
'were Dr. Hall, Dr. Ball, Dr. Wilde, Dr. Harding, Dr. Griffith,
' Dr. Pierson, Dr. Mossome, and many more, beside abundance in the
' country.' Conformists' Plea for the Nonconformists. Dr. Bates, the
physician, a zealous royalist, writes : ' The Protector indulged the use
' of the Common Prayer in families and in private conventicles ; and
'though the condicion ofthe Church of England was but melancholy,
' yet it will not be denied that they had a great deal more favour and
' indulgence than under the parliament; which would never have been
' interrupted had they not insulted the Protector, and forfeited their,
' liberty by their seditious practices and plottings against his person and
'government.' See also Baxter's Life, 86, 87. Evelyn's Diary, ii.
6, 62, 66, 68, 99. Neal, iv. 72, 92, 124, 125. Prynne makes it
a charge against Cromwell, that he lodged Sir Kenelm Digby, a
Catholic, in Whitehall, and that ' he suspended penal laws against
'Romish priests, and protected several of them under his hand and
'seal.' True and Perfect Narrative, Sec. Printed 1659. On John
Biddle, the persecuted father of English Unitarianism, Cromwell settled
a pension of a hundred crowns a year. Cromwell issued a severe
declaration against the Episcopal clergy in 1655, forbidding such of
them as had been sequestered from administering any of the rites of
their church in private, and from officiating as schoolmasters or private i
tutors. This measure came immediately after the rising in the west
under Penruddock, Wagstaff, and Grove. In that event the Protector

ReUgious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 193
But the effect of the great struggle, which,, after a chap.iv.
while, passed into the hands of Cromwell, and' which Religion
... , , . . , . between
rose to Its height under his guidance, was to give 1640-1660.
existence to a chapter in English history never to be
forgotten. So far as his will was concerned, men acquit
ting themselves peaceably knew themselves to be safe.
And if the severe Puritan theology of that day finds but
a partial acceptance in our time, the religious and social
elevation which resulted from it was of a high order.
The pious Philip Henry may be taken as an impartial
and a safe witness on this subject. Of him we find it
written, that ' He would sometimes say, that during
saw neither a grateful nor a hopeful return for the comparative lenity
of his administration. Usher waited upon him, and urged that the
proclamation should be recalled. Such a course was not likely to be
taken ; but it appears, to have been understood, that the obnoxious in
strument would not be often, if at all, acted upon, and such was the
result. It had been a bad usage in our history down to that time, to.
make laws so severe on some matters, that the legislators themselves
did not expect to see them more than partially enforced. That this
law was pretty much a dead letter from the beginningi and that the
clergy exercised the sort of liberty as teachers which it prohibited
without molestation between 1640 and 1660, is manifest from the lan
guage of Mr. Sergeant Charlton when addressing Charles II., on behalf
of the coramons, in support of a clause in the Act of Uniformity
which really did what the Protector only threatened to do. By
that act, any person acting as schoolmaster or tutor without licence
from a bishop was made liable to fine, imprisonment,, &c. 'The reason
of this provision,' said the sergeant, 'is, that the commons observed
' the force of education was great ;. for so many of the nobility and
'gentry found in the Long Parliament differing from the Church of
' England did (as was conceived) arise from that root.' He then says,
' It was an oversight in the usurped- powers that they took no care in tbis
'particular, whereby many young persons were well seasoned in their
' judgments as to the king.' Lprds' Journals, M-ij 7, 1662. Evelyn's
Diary shows, that royalists were little influenced by the order of the
parliament forbidding the private use of the church service. Harkan
Miscellany, v. 249. Mercurius Politicus, No. 2.55, p. 5774. K

194 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. ' those years, between forty and sixty, though on civil
' accounts there were great disorders, and the foundations
' were out of course, yet In the matters of God's worship
' things went well ; there was freedom and reformation,
' and a face of gocUiness upon the nation, though there
' were those that made but a mask of It. Ordinances
' were administered in power and purity ; and though
' there was much amiss, yet religion, at least in the
' profession of it, did prevail. This, saith he, we know
' very well, let men say what they wUl of those times.'*
No doubt there were many things ' amiss,' but the
religious faith of the English Puritans was that of the
men who had given existence to the Protestantism of
Christendom. In the main, they embraced the same
creed, and to the sarae ends. They believed in a
Trinity ; in an Atonement as the medium of forgiveness ;
and in a spiritual life as to be realized by a Divine
Influence. These were the root conceptions of their
faith, however variously they might express themselves,
and whatever follies they might cluster about them.
They all believed In the presence and agency of a divine
power around thera ; and not less in the reality of a
divine action within them, giving them religious thought
and religious feeling which they could not otherwise
have possessed. To account the Presbyterians at West
rainster, or the Independents at Naseby or Dunbar, as
fanatics, because they believed in a God as the great
ruler in the affairs of the world and in the hearts of men,
is to betray strange ignorance, or soraething worse. In
such faith. Catholics and Anglo-catholics, Presbyte
rians and Independents, were alike agreed. We find
such raen as Jeremy Taylor, Evelyn, and Clarendpn^
* Life of Philip Henry. Edited by Sir Bickerton Williams, 54.

ReUgious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 195
constantly recognizing the hand of the Deity In their chap.iv.
private affairs, and In the public events which interested
them. Nevertheless, our literature relating to the
twenty years which preceded 1660, Is flooded with
representations which seem to assume that faith in such
convictions belongs only to the visionary or the hypocrite.
Nor do we find these shaUow assumptions anywhere so
prominent as in the writings of men who affect to be the
most philosophical In their speculations. According to
Evelyn, It was the Ruler of the universe who allowed
him to fall into the hands of highwaymen when travelling
through Kent, a,nd to suffer so rauch, and no raore,,
from their lawlessness. His life, he tells us, had been
fuU of such merciful deliverances-* His friends, Jeremy
Taylor and Clarendon, would have commended his piety
in giving such expression to his gratitude. According
to Clarendon, it was the interposition of Heaven which
prevented Cromwell assuming the title of king, and
which opened the way so wonderfully for the return of
the Stuarts. Need we wonder, then, at the faith in
providence, and in spiritual influences, which lived in
the hearts of religious people through this land in the
middle of the seventeenth century ?
No one denies that there were occasional follies and
excesses among religious people in those days. The
; movements which had called the existing tendencies into
; prominence, had all been reactions, and it is In the
: nature of reactions that they should be more or less
5 exaggerations. The early Puritans were a reaction
^against Romanism. The later Puritans were a reaction
'against an Anglo-catholic scheme of doctrine and wor-
'ishlp. The Independents were a reaction against tlie
* Diary, ii. 56-58.
^ K 2

196 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. more rigid Presbyterians. What followed was what
might have been expected to follow. An extreme
sacerdotalism had produced another extreme. So in
regard to preaching. Elizabeth did all she could to
depress the power of the pulpit. Her policy in this
respect was approved by her successors. But the time
came in which the office of preaching was to be restrained
no longer, and in which it comes into a great, and
perhaps an undue, prominence. So with regard to
spiritual influences. Since the early times of the Refor
mation, the letter, with many Protestants, had come into
the place of the spirit ; the outward form into the place
of the inward life. And now the true doctrine is not
only revived, but we may discover in It tendencies
towards a dreamy and mystical extravagance. But what
is the chaff to the wheat ?
New social In Its socIal posltlou, England became another country
England whcu her sons resolved that subraission to the weak and
an°M to"he' degrading policy of the house of Stuart should come to
Stuarts. ^^ gj^^^ 'pj^g great change then initiated had respect to
the civil liberties of the nation, in common with the
ecclesiastical. But It began with religious men, and it
continued to be in the hands of such men until it reached
its advanced stage under Cromwell. It was a grand
protest against priestly and kingly dictation, and It came
mainly frora the religious conscience in the people.
Relation of It should be obscrvcd, too, that the party in which the
to'theMe'i demand for liberty of conscience was the most en-
pendents. hghtcncd and earnest became the most powerful, and
was eminently the party to show the elevation to which
a depressed people may be raised when intelligence and
feeling in that form come to be strong within them.
From the religious conscience in the Independents, came

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 197
the victories of Marston Moor and Naseby, of Dunbar chap.iv.
and Worcester, together with the high and successful
foreign policy of Cromwell. The majority of the
Presbyterians were sincere and devout men ; but from
the beginning, their religious zeal was not adequately
allied with civil discretion, and It became much less so as
their exclusive pretensions in ecclesiastical affairs began
to be questioned by the sectaries. The Independents
had always been men of a freer order of thought than
the Puritans ; and as they rose in power, and their
responsibilities widened by their coraing into the place of
the Presbyterians, their attention to questions of civil
policy became characterized In a high degree by a broad
intelligence and a manly self-reliance. Ignorance and
fanaticism might be found araong thera, both in the
army and elsewhere. But compared with their con
temporaries, they were men of large and bold thinking ;
and they were ready to brave anything, at any moment,
in defence of their convictions.* The fact that they had
* We have all heard of the man in Cromwell's first parliament,
who, after a quaint tendency not unknown in those days, was named
' Praise-God,' Barebon, his surname, to make the ridiculous name
complete, has been read Barebone, and the parliament has been called
Barebone's Parliament. The intention has been, by means of these
terms, to convey the impression that this ' Little Parliament' was made
up of fanatics with such names. It is a pity to spoil so much success
ful fooling. But if the reader will be at the trouble to look down the
list of names borne by the men ofthat parliament, he will see that they
are as free from any oddity of that kind, as the same number from a
modern house of peers would be found to be on co.mparison. Of
a piece with the truthfulness of such history is the story ofa whole
jury characterized by such names. It was natural that Hume should
make his use of such inventions. Lord Macaulay should have known
better; and when his lordship attempted to write poetry on such a
; topic it was only fitting that his genius should break down.

198 ReUgious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. to a large extent outgrown the small conventionalities of
Puritanism, and had learnt to subordinate trivial things
to greater, was evinced In the case of many among them,
even in their dress. One Presbyterian authority, the
most scurrilous writer of his age, says of them : ' They
' go in such fine fashionable apparel, and wear such long
' hair, as 'tis a shame. They feast, ride journeys, and
' do servHe business on the fast days.'* Another scribe
of the same order writes, ' You shall find them the only
'gallants In the world, so that one who should meet
' them would take thera for roarers and ruffians, rather
' than saints. You shaU find them with cuffs, and those
' great ones, at their heels, and more silver and gold on
' their clothes than many great persons have In their
' purses. 'j-
The truth is, the leaders of the Independents were
most of them men of ;good famUy, and of good educa
tion, and the rational interpretation of the above language
is, that, to the credit of their good sense, they were
accustomed to dress as such men might have been ex
pected to dress. But it must not be concluded from
these descriptions that the Independents were really a
less xellglous people than the straiter sect among the
Presbyterians. Baxter's complaint against them, once
and again, is, not that they were lax in their disci
pline, or indifferent about the evidence of spiritual hfe
in their communicants, but -the reverse. Propriety in
' externals,' which satisfied the Presbyterians, did not
satisfy the Independents. Philip Henry commends
them on this g-round. After the manner of CrbmWell
and Milton, they succeeded in combining a grave
• Edwards's Gangnena, Part ii. 62.
f Bastwick's Utter Routing of the Independents.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 199
and earnest religious life, with a large and high-minded chap. iv.
patriotism. With the rise of this new power, came a revival of England
^ ' degraded m
that railitary reputation which Englishmen had sus- the eyes of
tained so memorably from the Conquest to the death of james and
Elizabeth. During the reign of James I., the nation
which had shown itself strong on the side of Protes
tantism and freedom over Europe, and which had pre
sented so bold a front to the Armada, seemed suddenly
to have lost all Its capacity for enterprise, and even Its
herechtary courage. In the early years of Charles I.,
the foreign policy of this country again became warlike ;
but the result was only to confirm the most un
favourable impressions existing among our neighbours.
Our old sagacity and spirit were supposed to have passed
from us. Our part In the affairs of Christendom for
the time to corae, it was said, would be of a very
humble and harmless description.
But the foreign war to which Charles and his favourite
committed themselves was selfish and Insincere. It was
known to be of that character by those employed in
prosecuting it, and by the nation at large. Hence the
force raised consisted of men drawn from the lowest
class, without the least feeling of interest in the service.
Those who should have supplied the means were slow
to furnish them. Money 111 obtained was IU spent.
England became a broken reed to her friends,, and a
derision to her enemies. The returned soldiers of the
great duke were thrown abroad over the country in
homelessness, nakedness, and want. In the face of such
signs of dishonour raen might well blush to bear the
name of Englishmen.*
* There are many Letters in the State Paper Office relating to

200 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. But a change was not distant. The English were
Outburst of about to bccome a braver and a more potent people in
greatness, the estimation of Europe than they had been since the
days of the Plantagenets. The interests involved in
the civil war were such as to move the thought and
passions of the highest and the lowest, and especially of
the wisest and the best. The arraies of the civil war
consisted, for the most part, of men called Immediately
from their peaceful occupations in city or country life.
But these men are no sooner assembled than they
become disciplined, and capable, in an extraordinary
degree, of cool and steady action, either In the open
field or in the breach. The royalists, who were proud
of their blood and breeding, soon became aware that it
would not be safe to assume that men accounted their
inferiors In these respects, must be their inferiors in
military skill or courage. ' Our ranks,' said Cromwell,
must not be filled up with serving men and tapsters,'
but with men whose religion and principle shall ensure a
discipline and daring not inferior to the qualities of that
nature among 'the sons of gentlemen who are opposed
to them.' His own regiment of horse consisted of such
men, and became the raodel to which the army was
gradually conformed. Clarendon expresses his admira
tion of the parliamentarian infantry In the first battle of
Newbury, who, though raw from the streets of the
capital, were seen to stand together like a wall of ada
mant in the face of the raost resolute onsets from the
royalist cavalry. In 1:656, Cromwell sent six thousand
of his veterans to be engaged with the army of the
king of France in the siege of Dunkirk. The Spanish
this subject, which more than justify all that is said above, and of which
il hope. to make a fuller use on .another occasion.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 201
army, under Don John of Austria, and the Prince of chap. iv.
Conde, advanced to the relief of the place. Turenne,
the greatest general of the age, began to think of
raising the siege. The English urged a different course.
In the battle which ensued, the immortal six thousand,
as they were called, drove one wing of the enemy from
the field, and then, after their manner at Marston Moor
and Naseby, wheeled round, fell upon the rear of the
main body, and made the victory complete. In the
regiraent under Lockhart, the English commander, there
was scarcely an officer without a wound. But so the
military dishonour which had been brought upon us by
Stuart weakness was wiped away.*
With this revival of railitary greatness, came a!n out- Our mari-
growth, hardly less signal, of naval power. The Dutch, u'^er''°he'^
from a relationship by marriage to the royal family, we™th°""
and, in part, perhaps, frora commercial jealousy, were
disposed to look coolly on the new republic. But some
leading men in the English parliaraent had given rauch
attention of late to maritime affairs, and were willing to
try their strength with the Hollanders, and to do some
thing towards checking the pretensions of that power to
the. sovereignty of the seas. The States began to look
on these appearances with some apprehension. To pro
pitiate the men whom they had done so rauch to offend,
* Ludlow says the English suffered most from a party of cavaliers
under the Duke of York, who ' galled them from a sandhill ;' and adds,
that when dislodged from that position their bravery was not equal
to that of the Spaniards. Mem. ii. io8, 109. Thurloe, vii. 151.
Clarendon, vii. 280-284. Sir William Temple's Mem. Part iii.
154. During the engagement, the Duke of York betrayed that sym
pathy with English blood which, amidst all his faults, was never to
forsake him, by applauding the brave and masterly conduce of his
countrymen.
K 3

202 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. they now descended to urge that certain negotiations
which they had abruptly terminated at the Hague rnight
be renewed in London. But they were too late. Eng
lish vessels swept a hundred Dutch traders into English
ports, as a compensation against alleged losses. What
was much more serious, the memorable navigation act
was passed, which Inflicted a blow on the great carrying
trade of the United Provinces from which they never
recovered. One grand naval engagement now foUowed
another, with what result may be inferred from the fact,
that the concessions made by the Dutch for the sake of
peace were such as filled Europe with astonishment.*
Jamaica now became an English settleriient. The
Londoners saw the silver taken in a rich Spanish fleet
conveyed in a streara of waggons to the Tower. Blake
appeared before Leghorn, and exacted 60,006/. from the
Grand Duke of Tuscany, as the penalty of having
aUowed Prince Rupert to sell his prizes in that port,
and of having obliged certain EngUsh vessels to leave
it, which were in consequence taken by the Dutch.
From Leghorn the English admiral sailed to Algiers^
and extorted a pledge from the dey, that no violence
should be done to the property or persons of the English.
Blake next appeared before Tunis. The Moslem
governor bid him look at the guns of Galetta and
Ferino, and be gone. Blake opened his fire on those
fortresses, laid them in ruin, and destroyed nine ships of
war in the harbour. News of this achievement soon
fled to Tripoli, and disposed the authorities of that
place to comply at once with the terms which Blake had
been instructed to submit to them. No marvel, if
* Dumont, Corps Diplomatique Universel, Tom. vi. p. ii. 7\,etsei{,
Thurloe, i. ^70, .et seq. ; ii. g-\g7 , passim.

Religious Life from 1623 /d the Restoration. 203
France and Spain bid high against each other to win the chap. iv.
alliance of a power which could acquit itself after this
manner. No marvel If the power of Cromwell sufficed
to stay the butcher-hand of the subjects of the Duke of
Savoy in their work of persecution. England is in her
right place again — souncUy Protestant, and known
everywhere as the potent friend of the Protestant.
The Industry of the country rose with its general The
.f . . . .. national
temper. JLawless taxation and government monopolies, industry.
so much to the mind of James and Charles, were
not favourable to commerce. With the civil war dis
turbance came into everything. But on the settlement
of the Commonwealth, the national energy manifested
itself in this direction. The adventures of private
merchants became more common. The English woollen
trade revived greatly, both In the Netherlands and in
Germany. In France, manufactures and trade were
mostly in the hands of Protestants. In England they
were mostly in the hands of Puritans, and of other
religious men in towns and cities. Hence the com
mercial industry of the country was with the popular
cause. It is mentioned as remarkable, that an offer of
900,000/. per annum was made to farm the excise, and
was not accepted. The expenditure of the country was
much larger than It had ever been, but its resources were
equal to its necessities.
Nor was the intellectual state of the country, em- intellectual
bracing literature, science, and art, so unsatisfactory as
the action of civil war, and the continuance of so much
political restlessness, might lead us to suppose. The
age in which Crorawell and Blake raade history, and in
which Milton and Lucy Hutchinson committed it to
writing, could not have been an age of low mental cui-

2Q4 Religious Life in England before 1660.
^^oK I. ture. Nor could the times which produced Savile's
edition of ' Chrysostom,' ' Walton's Polyglot,' and the
writings of Howe, and Baxter, and Owen, have been
times without learning. Nothing could be worse than
the condition of Oxford when the fallen fortunes of the
king obliged hira to fly from It. It may then be said
to have passed into the hands of the Independents, and
the change for the better which immediately followed is
confessed by raen little disposed- to make such admis
sions. Colleges which had been converted into bar
racks, were now filled with students. Cromwell became
chancellor, and promised all suitable encouragement to
the studies of the place. The eneraies of himself and of
his followers might represent him as unfriendly to
leaming, but he would show such representations to be
unjust.* Concerning Oxford under Cromwell, even
Clarendon thus writes : ' It yielded a harvest of extra-
' ordinary good and sound knowledge in all parts of
' learning : and many who were wickecUy introduced,
' applied theraselves to the study of learning, and the
' practice of virtue. So that when it pleased God to
' bring king Charles II. back to his throne, he found
' that university abounding in excellent learning, and
* Within a year after becoming Protector, Cromwell made a present
of twenty-five volumes of MSS. to the University of Oxford, all in
Greek, except two or three. Mercurius Politicus, No. 233, p. 3773. '
He also settled 100/. a year on a divinity reader ; and interposed to
prevent the valuable library of Archbishop Usher from going by sale
into a foreign country. This library included many valuable MSS.,
and the whole were presented to Trinity College, Dublin. In 1657,
he founded a college at Durham, and made liberal provision for the
support of fourteen fellows. Peck's Memoirs of Oliver Cromwell, 60.
We have elsewhere mentioned the encouragement given by him to
Walton in the publication of his Polyglot, and the grateful acknow
ledgment in the preface to that great work.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 205
' little inferior to what It was before its desolation.'* chap.iv.
Much praise on this account was due to its vice-chan
cellor, Dr. Owen. The Royal Society owes its origin
to the scientific men then found there.
But what ofthe arts ? In 164 c, some Vandal resolu- The Arts
•' . . and Taste.
tions were passed in parliament concerning the pictures
at Whitehall, by men who had their own notions about
superstition In such matters. But there were raen in
that assembly who execrated the proceeding, and were
powerful enough to neutralize it. Colonel Lambert was
himself an artist. Cromwell purchased the cartoons, and
when he came into power gave them back to the nation.
He also compelled some other men to relinquish the
purchases of that kind which they had made. The
taste of the king had disposed the wealthy to become
patrons of art, and their culture in this respect was so
far appreciated through the years of the Commonwealth,
that at the Restoration their homes were found to be
singularly rich in works by the best masters, and in all
kinds of virtu.-f That the sway of a republic which
* History ofthe Reb. v. 483.
f Some men denounce in strong terms the Vandal devastation which
is said to have been perpetrated by the parliamentarian army. All such
descriptions are to be received with caution. The ofiicers in the army
of the parliament were less likely, for the most part, to sanction any
such proceedings, especially in the early stages of the war, than f\\e
same class of persons among the royalists. Only a few months after
the commencement of hostilities. Prince Rupert, the nephew of the
king, set an example in this respect, which was too readily followed
by others. Fawley Court, in Oxfordshire, was the seat of Whitelocke,
the eminent lawyer, and had been the residence of his father the judge.
Rupert's men were quartered there, and added every sort of waste to
every sort of insolence. They consumed one hundred loads of corn
and hay, and littered their horses with sheaves of good wheat. They
broke down the park paling, killed most of the deer, and let loose the
remainder. The prince gave away the pack of hounds he found there.

2o6 Religious Life in England before 1 660.

BOOK I. commended itself to the many-sided intelligence of
Cromwell, and to the high classical culture of Milton
was really unfavourable to art, may be the notion of
shallow people, but well-informed and impartial men
will have other thoughts concerning it. The frown cast
by the religious men of that age on much which passed
under the name of art and poetry, was to their honour,
as the heads of families, and as persons of a manly culture.
And it has been very justly said, that in the riper forms
of public taste among ourselves, the sesthetlc standard of
those Puritan times Is everywhere receiving an un
conscious homage from our own. ' After all, the great
' fact stands, that the only lasting poet of that genera-
' tion was a Puritan ; and one who. If he did not write
' dramas in sport, at least acted dramas in earnest. For
' drama means, etymologically, action and doing ; and of
' the drama there are, and always will be, two kinds :
' one the representative, the other the actual ; and for a
' world In which there is no superabundance of good
which were said to have been the pride of the county. In the library
were many books and writings of great value. It was in fact one of
the first libraries in England. Some of the manuscripts were torn up,
and used by the destroyers to light their pipes. Others were taken
away, including the title deeds of the estate, and some learned papers
from Whitelocke's own pen, and from the pen of his father. After
eating and drinking whatever they could find, the soldiers began to
break open the chests and cofiers. The linens and household stuff
they took, and even the ticks of the beds, after having given the feathers
to the winds. They seized four carriages, and all the saddle-horses.
Into the coaches they stowed articles of antiquity, ancient plate and
gems, collected through many years by Whitelocke and his father.
All these things were lost for ever to the owner, and so greatly was
the house injured, that it could never be used as a comfortable residence
again. When these things were done, nothing of the kind, so far as
we know, had disgraced the conduct of the parliamentarians. Memoir
of Bulstrode Whitelocke, 170, 171.

Religious Life from 1623 to the Restoration. 207
' deeds, the latter wUl be always the better kind. It Is chap. iv.
' good to represent historical actions in verse, and on the
' stage : it Is good to " pu'rify," as old Aristotle has
' it, " the affections by pity and terror." There is an
' ideal tragedy and an ideal comedy also, which one can
' imagine as an integral part of the highest Christian
' civilization. But when Christian tragedy sinks below
' the standard of heathen Greek tragedy ; when instead
' of setting forth heroical deeds, it teaches the audience
' new possibilities of crime, and new excuses for those
' criraes ; when instead of purifying the affections by
' pity and terror, it confounds the moral sense by exciting
' pity and terror merely for the sake of excitement, care-
' less whether they be well or 111 directed, then it is of
' the devU, and the sooner it returns to its father the
' better for mankind. When, again, comedy, instead of
' stirring a divine scorn of baseness, or even a kindly
' and indulgent smUe at the weakness and oddities of
' humanity, learns to make a mock at sin — to find ex-
' cuses for the popular frailties it pretends to expose —
' then it also is of the devil, and to the devil let it go ;
' while honest and earnest men, who have no such
' exceeding love of " art " that they must needs have
' bad art rather than none at all, do the duty which lies
' nearest them amidst clean whitewash and honest prose.'
The representative art of those times was nearly all of
the devil-bred description here supposed. 'God grant
' that our race,' says the same writer, ' ever remembering
' that the golden age of the English drama was one of
' private immorality, public hypocrisy, ecclesiastical pe-
' dantry, and regal tyranny, and ended in the temporary
' downfall of church and crown, may be more ready to
' do fine things than to write fine books ; and act in their

2o8 Religious Life in England before 1660.
BOOK I. ' lives, as those old Puritans did, a drama which their
' descendants may be glad to put on paper for them,
' long after they are dead.' Most true also is it, that
Puritanism in the past has given law in matters of
taste, to a large extent, in the present. We are all
roundheads now, leaving lovelocks to the women, where
they are always graceful. We are all simple and
Puritan-like in our tailoring now, leaving the millinery
of the old cavalier school where It ought to be left.
Play-going, and play-writing too, may not be extinct,
but how have they fallen ? Not that all the world
has become Puritan, but that the sound sense and
sound feeling of Puritanism have sufficed to bring the
world to its side without the world's knowing it.
So England need not be ashamed of her Common
wealth. Certainly, the religious party whose principles
and energy contributed so largely to create it, and to
make it what it was, are not likely so to feel. True,
the concern of Cromwell was not for a republic, but for
freedom. Whatever form or combination In civil polity
might best secure that end was best in his estimation.
But in this respect the Protector simply embodied the
feeling which has been hereditary with the English
Independents. It was only as the hope of finding
liberty under a monarchy waned, that the hope of
finding it under a republic prevailed. The good was
sought in that quarter, not from choice, but from
necessity. How the action of religious parties tended
to bring affairs to this issue has been shown — and
shown, it is hoped, so as to correct some common
misconceptions in relation to this portion of English
history.

BOOK II.

The Confessors of 1662.
-^-
CHAPTER L
Causes of t!)E ^Restoration,
ROMWELL left no successor. The nation chap, l
had drifted into parties which no policy could Causes of
reconcile, and which his genius only could so ration-
balance against each other as to control those cromweU,
reactionary tendencies which were to end in the Restora
tion. No raan saw raore clearly than the Protector the
probable course of events when the helra should pass
from his hands, Richard Cromwell was not a man to
have won his way to power anywhere, and by no means
the man to retain possession of the suprerae power of
,the state in such circumstances. Had sovereignty corae
to him as it came to Charles I., he might have reigned
^ong and happily, and England might have realized her
progress without a civil war, and without passing through
he years of disorganization which were to follow. Such"
onsequences from the accidents of personal character in
he sovereign, are incidents from which nations governed

2IO The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. by kings can never be secure, except as the national cha
racter shall become such as to ensure that even the king
shall be a subject In the presence of the law. It was not
to the credit of England that the death of a single man
should have made the approaching revolution inevitable.
The conduct of the army In resisting the Intolerance
Conduct of of the Presbyterian faction In the Long Parliament, and
the army. .... . ,
in resisting its supporters elsewhere, was conduct which
became men holding such a relation to their country.
They had suffered much, and hazarded more, to put
down priestly arrogance and arbitrary rule, and what
they had aimed to do they had done. That they should
refuse to cede a power to the presbyter which they had
denied to the priest was only natural ; and it was no less
natural that they should regard the men as not likely
to prove wise guardians of civil liberty, who so litde
understood the nature of religious liberty.
But, unhappily, faction in the army was to become aS
mischievous as faction in some other connexions. FeudS
soon grew up, aS we have seen, between the Independents |
and the Presbyterians — especially betweeh the former
and the Scots. Differences on theological and eccle
siastical grounds followed, sect rivalling sect. Next came
a new freedom in political speculation, dividing officers
from men, and then the men among themselvfe. It
may be doubted If there was a single man among thos6
who took up arms at the commencement of the war, who
did so with the remotest thought of becoming a repub
lican. But the War was protracted; the continuahetoi
war was the continuance of privation, inquietude, aBd
'danger. Every new rising among the royalists added to
the old exasperation. In the train of these events came
the many procrastinations, and the mafty duplicities, oil

Causes of the Restoration. 2 1 1
the part of the king. So the talk In camp and guard- chap. i.
room came to be, that no terms with Charles Stuart
would be safe ; and that the bloodguiltihess resting on
the land rested eminently on him. Cromwell was the
last man to abandon the hope of saving the king. He
prosecuted that policy until he dared not pursue It
further. He knew that his efforts In that direction had
impaired his Influence and endangered his life. So deep
and fixed did the democratic feeling in the army become,
that the idea of kingship was not to be tolerated, even
with Cromwell as king. It is probable that Colonel
Lambert was more possessed with the notion of some
day becoming protector, than with any real care about
upholding republican Institutions. But Harrison, Fleet
wood, Desborough, LucUow, and Hutchinson were all
representative raen, and sincere beyond doubt in their
professed convictions. Nevertheless, they sealed the fate
of themselves and of their followers when they succeeded
in deterring their great leader from assuraing the title of
Oliver I. Crorawell saw what they had done, and con
formed to their narrow and stubborn ways with a heavy
heart. He knew England better than any other Eng
lishman, and he knew the country would not long
consent to be governed according to the fancies of those
misguided men. Nine-tenths of the nation were in
favour of a monarchy ; and no small portion of the
country would have given their allegiance to the hero of
i*faseby and Dunbar, If he had been allowed to take his
place in history as the restorer of the ancient constitu
tion. Clarendon saw clearly that the course taken by
the army magnates had saved the nation for the king.*
* ' It was confidently believed, that upon some addresses he had
j * formerly made to some principal noblemen of the kingdom, and

212

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.
Long dis-
settlementofthe country.

On the death of Cromwell, nearly twenty years had
passed since the peaceful avocations of England had been
disturbed by the first rumours of civil war. Since that
time the land had not known rest. In that interval the
first great war had been followed by a second, and the
country had never ceased to be a network of insurrection
and conspiracy. As the nation had never sustained such
armaments, it had never felt the need of so large an
expenditure, and had never been subject to such heavy
taxation. There was rigid economy, but there was of
necessity a vast outlay. The exactions which feU spe
cially upon the royalists strengthened the exchequer of
the government, but tended to perpetuate and deepen
inquietude among its opponents. Even the adherents to
the popular cause often began to cool in their ardour, as
the costs of their policy were found to be so serious, and
as the prospect of realizing Its object seemed to be con
stantly receding from them. Many thousand families
seemed to have worn their mourning in vain. The
industrious over all England had taxed their industry as
their fathers had not, and the promise of a sufficient
return was still only a promise, and a promise in which
it became only more difficult than ever to confide. With
the few, at such times, personal considerations may be a
• some friendly expostulation he had by himself, or through some
'friends with them, why they would have no acquaintance with hitn,
' the answer from them severally was, that if he would make himself
' king, they should easily know what they had to do, bat they knew
' nothing of the obedience they were to pay to a protector, and that
' these returns first disposed him to that ambition. They who at that
' time exercised their thoughts with most sagacity, looked upon that
•refusal of his as an immediate act of Almighty God towards the king's
' restoration, and many of the soberest men in the nation confessed,
' after the king's return, that their dejected spirits were wonderfully
'raised by that infatuation of his.' Clarendon, Hist. vii. 201-204.

Causes of the Restoration. 213
small matter compared with a great public interest ; chap. i.
but with the many, constancy under privation, and
patience under delay, raust not be expected to be so
elastic. It was hardly surprising that a people, after
so raany years of unrest, should give signs of desiring
rest. As the new powers had not given thera quiet,
raany began to doubt whether that boon was not destined
to come after all from the old.
We have seen something of the schism which had ^'^™ ^"''
° . hostile
grown up between the Presbyterians and Independents, policy ofthe
It is clear from the writings of many of the Presbyterians, ans.
that the capacity, energy, and successes of the Indepen
dents had filled the rainds of many in that party with a
degree of awe and apprehension amounting to a super
stition. The skill with which these new religionists,
not long since so feeble and despised, had marred the
ecclesiastical policy of the Presbyterians from the begin
ning of these changes ; the daring with which they had
swept one impediraent after another from their path In
the field ; the success with which they had counteracted
the most subtle forms of conspiracy ; the splendour they
had thrown about the English name by sea and land ;
and the boldness with which they avowed their innovating
speculations concerning church raatters, all combined to
present to the sight of ordinary and timid men a spec
tacle so amazing as to seem to be supernatural. So
great was the dread of this new power ; so annoying and
irritating was the arrogance which sorae of its adherents
assuraed — soldiers becoraing dogmatists in theology, and
sectaries forming their ' gathered churches ' in parishes
where the law had instituted a regular ministry — that the
prospect of almost any change became welcome com
pared with subjection to such a state of things. The

214 "^he Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. existing rule was often described as ' atheistical,' — the
measure In which the action of the state In • regard to
religion was allowed being so limited as to threaten tg
exempt the civil powers from all interference on that
subject, which, in their estimation, would be to make
the state atheistical.
Henry Newcome, of Manchester, may be taken as a
sample ofthis class of men. In 1651, he thus writes in
his autobiography : ' In the beginning of this month of
' May there were some soldiers quartered about us, some
' of them very zealous, good men. Captain Merriman lay
' at Sutton, and several of the soldiers being at the church
' on the Lord's-day, the captain on the Monday came to
' see me, and after I went to see him. The truth is,
' they were so spiritual and inward, and were such taking
' company to me, that it is a mercy I was not ensnared
* by them, for they were high Independents, and were,
' I remeraber, talking of erabodying the saints, &c. I
' have thought of the merciful providence of God,
' that the Thursday after Mr. HoUinworth and Mr.
' Meek preached the exercise at Macclesfield, and Mr.
' HoUinworth did notably balance ray conceit of the
' army, speaking freely of their desperate designs, and
' how such devices could not be carried on but by such
' pretences, and he instanced in the rebellion of Corah,
' &c. This was exceeding seasonable, and stopped me
' betimes, that I never came nearer to them. But by
' their zeal I might easily have been drawn aside. And
' another mercy I have often thought about and acknow-
' ledged. Major-general Harrison was once on his way
' frora Newcastle, on purpose to have seen me. This
' might have puffed me up, he being then in his great-
' ness, and he was a most insinuating man, and a furious

Causes of the Restoration. 215
' Separatist. But the Lord would not suffer me to be chap. i.
' tempted, for he was some way hindered, and I never
' was acquainted with him.'*
Had this good man known the army of the Com
monwealth he would have known that 'very zealous,
good men,' and men possessing a ' spiritual and inward'
religion, were not difficult to find there. His gratitude
in reviewing the danger he had escaped is very charac
teristic : and not less so was brother Holhnworth's dis
coursing about the Independents as men whose religion
was a pretence, and who, after the manner of Corah and
his company, were opposers of the true ministry, and
must share the doom of such offenders !
This feeling among the Presbyterians, which had Royaiism
done so much to weaken the Coramonwealth, was to be Presby-
a leading cause of the Restoration. Amidst the confu
sions which ensued on the death of Cromwell, the old
royalists spared no pains to raake this disaffection tribu
tary to their policy. The coramunication on this topic,
between Sir Ralph Clare, of Kidderminster, and Richard
Baxter, was the communication In substance which was
taking place everywhere between the two parties. How
Baxter felt in relation to the Independents, and those
adhering to them, may be known from the fact, that Sir
Ralph had deemed it safe to make him acquainted with
the intended rising of the royalists in Salisbury, and
under Sir George Booth, in Cheshire. Speaking of the
Presbyterians as a body, Baxter says, ' Our resolution
' was — we are bound by the Covenant to the king that
' last was, and by the oath of allegiance to his heirs. All
' the changes since have been made unlawfuUy by
' rebellious sectaries. Therefore, we ought, as loyal
* Published by the Cheetham Society, 26, 27.

21 6 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. ' subjects, to restore the king, and for the Issue, let God
' do what he will.'* We may admire the conscientious
ness of this decision, we need not say anything con
cerning the narrowness of the political thinking which
It betrays. But such language, addressed to General
Monk from different parts, and especially from the
capital, emboldened that dark-minded man in his ulti
mate purpose. He abandoned his Republicanism, and
declared for the king. In this manner the Independents
were left to the experience awaiting them at the Resto
ration. It must be confessed, however, that the party
which surrendered the interests of the Independents,
after this manner, were not very careful of their own.
If the intolerance of the Presbyterians could only have
been converted into so much political sagacity, the
nation might still have been safe.
Strength of gyf ^j^g great causc of the Restoration must be traced
the Royal- °
ists. to the number and influence of the royalist party, and
to the largeness of the royalist promises. Before the
war, that party had included the majority in the upper
and in the lower ranks. It retained that raajority to the
end ; and there had been rauch In the last twenty years
that could not fail to swell its number, and to add
greatly to its antagonist feeling. To abolish the house
of lords, was not to abolish lordship, but to wound the
sensibUity of a powerful order of men, and to ensure
their hostility. Many a noble clung only the more
tenaciously to his rank when thus denied to him ; and
in the eyes of dependents, such men became the object
of a deeper reverence and attachraent, as thus shorn of
their hereditary splendour. The pride of the gentry,
also, was not a little Irritated, as they found themselves
* Life, Part ii. 216.

Causes of the Restoration. 2 1 7
thrust aside, and treated as a vanquished class, by a chap. i.
comparatively rude military aristocracy.
The civil changes which took place carried these
consequences along with them, and the ecclesiastical
changes were In some respects even more obnoxious. It
would be a mistake to suppose that the authorities who
admitted men to the pulpits of the established church
under the Long Parliament and the Coramonwealth,
were content with a low grade of mental culture in the
persons who came before thera. It raay be safely
affirmed that the average intelligence of the men so
admitted, was higher than in the case of the raen who
had been generally approved under the administration of
the bishops. But their theology was, for the most part,
of a fixed type ; their political bias was often strongly
marked ; and there was a portion of them,, no doubt, who
gave more offence by sorae faults in manner, than sorae
of their predecessors had given by faults of a much
graver kind. It is a fact, that the men constituting the
two houses on the meeting of the Long Parliament
were, with scarcely an exception, raoderate churchmen.
It is also a fact, that from 1660, far on towards 1688,
the same men, or the descendants of the same, are
found to be very zealous, and most of them very high
churchmen. This marked change of feeling through the
whole of the upper stratum of society is a raaterial
fact, and one which raodern Nonconforraists would do
well to look at In relation to its cause. Something there
must have been grievously wrong in the temper and
tendencies of ecclesiastical affairs before 1660 to have
produced such a result. The strong democratic element
which was then thrown to the surface in the church, as
well as in the state, was^ no doubt, the main cause.
L

21 8 The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. What the men were, who were the subjects of this
change, their influence would be. It was easy to foresee
that If a time should come for a reconstruction of the
English church, the new machinery would be carefully
adjusted to curb and extrude evils of this nature. Under
Laud, the church was too much the church of the court.
Under the Long Parliament and the Commonwealth, it
was too much the church of the Westminster Assembly
and of the army. In neither case had it the breadth
necessary to be in harmony with the nation, and In both
cases its narrowness brought its penalty. It would have
been well if the party which came into power in 1660
had remembered this fact. But they did not. The
church was then to become the church of the bishops
and of the squirearchy. The sarae sin was committed,
and the same penalty has followed. The church would
not be national, and half the nation has left it.
So the hold of Puritanism on the nobUity and gentry
which in past tiraes had been so considerable, came
alraost to an end. Even in the raiddle class, where it
had always been strong, It became, from the causes
mentioned, much less potent than formerly. Among
the lowest class it had little to lose. Nothing religious
in our history had ever reached that level more than very
partially. Under the surface covered by Puritanism,
there ran an old streara of feculence, which had flowed
on alraost unchecked, from the time of Henry VIII. to
the time of Cromwell. The comparative freedom of
the press under the Commonwealth allowed much of
this low, sensuous depravity to find expression in that
form. The Puritan clergy always mourned over it:
and the later Presbyterians would have subjected it to a
rigorous restraint. But it had perpetuated itself from

Causes of the Restoration. 2 1 9
times long past, and with the Restoration it was to burst chap. i.
forth as through a loosened embankment. To that
class, the return of the king was indeed the return of
liberty. But the royalists did not trust to their nurabers and Royalist
Influence. Their prcmiises were such that their very i""™'^"-
largeness might have justified suspicion. When the
risings In the west and in Cheshire had failed, Baxter
said to Sir Ralph Clare, — the cause of so much disaster
is to be found in the high hand with which your
party are disposed to carry everything. The Episco
palians, if Dr. Hammond " and other divines may be
taken as expressing their feeling, in place of becoming
more moderate in adversity, have become only more
extravagant than ever in their pretensions. They have
learnt to speak of our reformed churches as no
churches, and of our rainistry as no ministry. Their
only terms of concord are such as Protestants
might expect from Papists — absolute submission.
The Presbyterians care for little raore than that the
ministry of the church shall consist of religious and
competent men ; not, as too often heretofore, of the
scandalous and Incompetent ; and that a reasonable
liberty of preaching, and of a voluntary gathering
together of Christian people for Christian exercises,
should be conceded. Had anything been done to
secure these objects, Presbyterians and Episcopalians
might have been one, and together would have been
strong enough to have placed the needed restraint on
' the turbulent sectaries and soldiers.' But as matters
stand, persecution, and the ruin of the ministry and
churches, are expected by raost, if prelacy should
become ascendant again. L 2

220 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. In reply. Sir Ralph ' confidently affirmed that he,
' being most thoroughly acquainted with Dr. Hammond,
' who received letters from Dr. Morley, then with the
' king, could assure rae, that all raoderation was
' intended, and that any episcopacy, how low soever,
' would be accepted. A bare presidency in synods, such
' as Bishop Usher In his " Reduction" did require, was
' all that was intended. Yea, Bishop Hall's way of
' moderation would suffice. There should be no lord
' bishops, nor large dioceses, or great revenues, much less
' any persecuting power. The essentials of episcopacy
' were all that was expected. No godly minister should
' be displaced, much less silenced, nor unworthy ones
' any more set up. There should be no thought of
' revenge for anything past. All should be equal.'*
Such were the kindly assurances of Sir Ralph, and such
were the assurances of men of his class oh all hands.
' All the noblemen and gentlemen that had been seques-
' tered for the king's cause against the old parliament,
' did in several counties publish Invitations to all men
' to promote the king's return, protesting against
' thoughts of revenge or uncharitableness, and professing
' their resolution to put up all injuries, and to live in
' peace.' t So common, so reiterated, and so compre
hensive were these promises, that not only the Presby-
* Life. Part ii. 207, 208.
t Ibid. Z17. 'Dr. Morley, and other of the divines of that side, did
'privately meet with several persons of honour, and some ministers,
' and professed resolutions for great moderation and lenity.' Ihii.
Hyde, writing to Dr. Barwick, says, in April: 'The king very well
' approves and desires that he (Dr. Morley) and you, and other discreet
' men of the clergy, should enter into conversation with those of the
' Presbyterian party, that if it be possible you may reduce them w
'such a temper,' &c. Kennet, Reg. 1 16.

Causes of the Restoration. 221
terians, but the Independents, and even the army, were chap. i.
warranted In supposing themselves included in them.
With the restoration of the king, there was to be social
order, a liberal church, and the general freedom which
had been sought by the sword, but not obtained.
In the wake of all these events, came his majesty's Declaration
raemorable Declaration from Breda. ' And because ApHi 4'^ ^'
' the passion and uncharitableness of the times,' said the
king, ' have produced several opinions In religion, by
' which men are engaged in parties and animosities
' against each other, which, when they shall hereafter
' unite in a freedom of conversation, will be compared,
' or better understood, we do declare a liberty to tender
' consciences ; and that no man shall be disquieted, or
' called in question, for differences of opinion in matters of
' religion which do not disturb the peace of the kingdom ;
' and that we shall be ready to consent to such an act
' of parliament as, upon mature deliberation, shall be
' offered to us, for the full granting that indulgence.'*
With this important docuraent came a letter from
his majesty to the general, the council of state, and
the army, and separate letters to the two houses of
parliament, to the coraraanders of the fleet, and to the
citizens of London, all full of promises adapted to q'uiet
apprehension, and to awaken the brightest hopes. f
In his conferences with the Presbyterian divines, before
embarking for England, his raajesty spoke still more
* Kennet's Register, 109, no.
f Ibid. 105-110. It was contrived that many letters should come
from persons of reputation abroad to influential parties in this country,
in which the strongest assurances were given as to the sound protesta
tions, sincere piety, and great personal worth of the king. Some con
tinued distrustful, but more were willing to suppose themselves mistaken
and uncharitable in doubting on that subject.

222 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. definitely concerning ecclesiastical affairs. Clarendon,
indeed, knowing, when he wrote his history, how all
those promises had been falsified, and mainly through
his influence, has not given a faithful account of what
passed In those interviews. But even from him we
learn, that when the king claimed the liberty to use the
Book of Comraon Prayer, he rerainded the ministers
that he had ceded to them the liberty of chspensing with
the use of it. So also in regard to the use of the
surplice, and such things generally.*
Such, In brief, were the causes of the Restoration.
The divisions In the. army may be said to have left the
country without a government. Monk, aided by the
weakness of Fleetwood, and by the mistakes of Lambert,
had contrived to place his division of the army largely
under the coramand of concealed royalists. The way
was thus prepared for the combination of parties which
was to issue in the success of his policy. Many, even
among the Presbyterians, looked towards the coming
change with misgiving ; some to so great an extent, that
they would not be parties to the proceedings of their
more credulous brethren at this juncture. The Inde
pendents might well be even less hopeful. But such
was the confluence of tendencies in this direction, that
even the most distrustful were obliged to be passive,
and were constrained to hope the best, though with little
apparent reason. * Hist. vi. 501-503.

CHAPTER II.
Wifz Concessions of tfjt Nonconformists in 1660.
HE day carae on which Charles was to land at chap. n.
Dover. The three or four preceding raonths Agitation
had been months of strange and ceaseless the return
agitation. To-day, the king and his friends °" '^'"^'
had looked across the sea towards England in most
jubUant expectation. To-morrow, clouds had come
over the prospelct, and hope was followed by despair.
So the scene changed once and again. Parties and
interests among us rose and fell in their rivalries like waves
in the world of waters by which our island is encircled.
Large space might be occupied in relating how the men
— given to all varieties of speculation — talked, and wrote,
and acted. Both the press and the pulpit gave forth
sounds widely dissonant. But the cry which rose above
the rest was that which proclairaed the wonderful change
for the better which was to come with the return of the
king. His majesty was to be so good a king. The
old royalists were to show theraselves so magnanimous.
Even the bishops were to be so lenient and liberal ; and
the whole country was to become so united, so pros-

2 24

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.

Policy of
Clarendon.

perous, and so great. Men who could not be pleased
with such an advent, were raen to be pleased with
nothing.* So the stream flowed on, and many thoughtful
minds — the Marvels and Miltons of that day — looked
on it as a destiny to which, for a while, it became them
to submit.
Some of the early proceedings of the king and his
friends, seemed to proraise that their pledges to pursue
a liberal policy would not be wholly forgotten. Hyde,
Orraond, Culpepper, and Nicholas, had been exiles with
their sovereign. The first became chancellor, the second
lord steward, the third master of the rolls, and the last
secretary of state. But with these confidential ministers,
others were united who had been more or less opposed
to the late monarch ; some, indeed, as in the case of the
earl of Manchester, having been in arms against him.
It was contrived, however, by Clarendon, that the real
power of the government should be in a junta of his
own choosing, formed ostensibly to take the oversight
of foreign affairs. The king was a party to this under
play, and his majesty and the junta managed everything
pretty much at their pleasure. f
Promise of So, In ecclcsIastlcal affairs, there were appearances
t"rp'res°by- whlch sccmcd to reassure the anxious Presbyterians, and
tenans. .(-q ^hrow somc light OU thc futurc In the estimation of
men who were less hopeful. The earl of Manchester
had become lord chamberlain, and was authorized to
raise some ten or twelve of the leading Presbyterian
divines to the rank of chaplains in ordinary to the king.
* The reader -who will turn to the pages of Kennet's Register, the
Diary of Pepys, and similar works, will find abundant illustrations of
what is above stated.
i^ Clarendon's Life, by himself, 2-27. Burnet's Own Times, i. 270.

Concessions of the Nonconformists in 1660. 225
Calamy, Baxter, Dr. Reynolds, and Dr. Spurstowe, chap. h.
were of the number so distinguished, and were further June.
honoured in being chosen to preach before the king.
Baxter, in conversation with the earl of Manchester,
and with lord Broghill, afterwards earl of Orrery,
apprized those noblemen of conferences between himself
and many Episcopalians, concerning the possible terms
of a settlement, — mentioning, especially, the unity of
judgment on that point which had subsisted between
himself and the late archbishop Usher. Lord Broghill
communicated the substance of these statements to the
king, and the result was an interview between his
majesty and certain of the Presbyterian rainisters, with
a view to some adjustment in relation to the proposed
conference between the two parties. The place of meet
ing was the residence of the lord chamberlain. The
king was attended by lord Clarendon and the earl of
St. Alban's. The chief speaker among the ministers
was Baxter.*
After some general remarks on the advantages of Meeting
union, Baxter assured his majesty, that though there Kmg and
were fanatical and turbulent people In England, those ^riam!'' '''
for whom the ministers present were concerned to plead
were not such, but were truly loyal in their feeling,
simply desirous to live a godly life, and to be at peace
with all good men. Some differences there were about
ceremonies and discipline, but the great solicitude of
their congregations was, that they might not be deprived
of their faithful pastors, nor be obliged to accept the
ignorant, the scandalous, or the unworthy, in their
place. To them, such a change would be a deeper
affliction than any earthly calamity that could befaU
* Baxter's Life, 229-232.
L 3

226

The Confessors of 1662.

"BOOK II.

what the
King will
do.

thera, and it must be the wish of his majesty to reign
over a contented and grateful, and not over a dis
satisfied and unhappy people. ' And I presumed to
tell him,' says Baxter, ' that the late usurpers that
' were over us, so well understood their own interest,
' that to promote it they had found the way of doing
' good to be the most effectual means, and had placed
' and encouraged many thousand faithful ministers in the
' church, even such as detested their usurpation ; and so
' far had they attained their ends thereby, that it was
' the principal means of their interest in the people, and
' of the good opinion that had been conceived of them.'
Hence, it was confidently hoped, that his majesty's
adrainistration would not be such as to make a less
favourable Impression on his subjects than had been thus
made upon them. And this object, it was submitted,
might be secured by a careful observance of three rules,
— not to make any unnecessary thing a term of com
munion ; not to allow the discipline of the church
to becorae so lax as to connive at sin ; and not to
suffer the faithful pastors who must exercise such
discipline, if it be exercised, to be reraoved, and un
worthy men to be obtruded in their place.*
The king listened patiently, expressed himself much
pleased with what had been said, and was not only
favourable to an amicable settlement on the basis of
mutual concession, but was ' resolved to see it brought
to pass.' So much to that effect was said, that 'old
' Mr. Ash burst out into tears with joy, and could not
' forbear expressing what gladness this promise of his
' majesty had put into his heart.' The king observed, j
that the great difficulty would be about church govern-
'* Baxter's Life, 230, 231.

Concessions of the Nonconformists in 1660. 227
ment. If that could be agreed upon, the rest would chap.ii.
be easy.*
The ministers were required to state In writing the Proposal of
most they could assent to on that point. It was said, ence.
In reply, that the persons present had no authority to
determine such matters for their brethren. But his
raajesty rejoined, that any atterapt to consult their
friends through the kingdora would consume much time,
and cause great noise ; they might confer with rainisters
near them In London ; and, let it be understood, that
what was done should bind no one except those who
were parties to it. The king, in the meanwhile, would
take a sirailar course with persons on the other side.
The rainisters now had only to request, that if they
brought in a statement, showing how rauch they were
prepared to concede, their brethren who differed frora
them should be required to bring in at the same
tirae a similar document, showing how much they
were Inclined to relinquish, for the sake of concord, — ¦
' and the king said it should be so.'f
The ministers now assembled from day to day In
Sion CoUege, to deliberate on the terms of union that
should be proposed. Their brethren in the metropolis
were invited, and ' divers frora the country' who hap
pened to be in town, were from time to time present.
But sorae of the London ministers who were expected
to attend did not raake their appearance.
The paper prepared was the work, raainly, of Mr. proposals of
Calaray and Dr. Reynolds. 'The section relating to "gg^'*
cereraonies was drawn up by Dr. Reynolds and Dr.
Worth, both of whora became conformists and bishops.ljl
* Baxter's Life, 231. t Ibid. 231, 232.
J Ibid. 232-237. Cardwell's History of Conferences connected

ministers in.

2 2? The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. The points in comraon between the two parties were
material. Concerning the lawfulness and expediency
of a state church — concerning the duty, in fact, of the
state to sustain such an institution, the ministers were
as well persuaded as the government. They ceded
to the full the ecclesiastical supremacy of the crown as
settled by law. They were satisfied, too, in common
with the reformed churches, as to the lawfulness and ex
pediency of a liturgy ; and they stated, moreover, that
they were not opposed to episcopacy, that they never
had been opposed to it ; that, on the contrary, they had
always regarded the principle of that form of polity as
primitive and scriptural. But the differences between
the Sion College divines and the old church of England
clergy were, nevertheless, considerable. These differences
had respect to government, discipline, and worship.
The Non- The epIscopacy which the ministers were concerned
conformists i i j f • ...
and Episco- to uphold was that ' true, ancient, primitive episcopacy,
' or presidency, as it was balanced and managed by a due
' commixture of presbyters therewith, as a fit means to
' avoid corruptions, partiality, tyranny, and other evils,
' which may be incident to the adrainistration of one
' single person.' To such an episcopate they could
give a cordial adhesion. But the English hierarchy, as
It existed before 1640, was deemed exceptionable on
many grounds. The diocese of the bishop was too
large, so that the spiritual oversight belonging to the
primitive bishop could not possibly be exercised. The
consequence was, that the bishop delegated his duties to
a number of subordinates, some of whom were not
with the Revision of the Book of ^Common Prayer, 277-285. DnH'
ments relating to the Settlement of the -Church of England by the Ait nj
Uniformity, lz-21..

pacy.

Concessions of the Nonconformists in 1660. 229
even ministers. Having learnt, moreover, to claim a book ir.
distinction from presbyters by divine right, the prelates
were wont to assume ' the sole power of ordination and
jurisdiction;' and often subjected ministers and people
to inquisitions, innovations, and cereraonies, without
sanction of law, and deprived ministers of their cures
according to their pleasure.
The remedy of such evils. It was said, would be Usher'sRc-
^ ^ ^ , duction or
found In taking archbishop Usher's ' Reduction of Epis- Episcopacy.
' copacy to the forra of synodical governraent received
' in the ancient church,' as a groundwork towards ' an
' accoraraodation.'* The great change proposed in this
' Reduction ' was, that the governraent of the church
should not be in any case by the bishop alone, but by
the bishop conjoined with his presbytery. This is the
form of government said to be indicated in the scrip
tural account of proceedings in the church at Ephesus.
It is supposed to be clear from the Acts that there was
In that church a ruling presbytery ; and clear from the
epistle in the Revelations, that there was also an ' angel,'
or chief presbyter, who had presidency over the rest.
And according to Ignatius, TertuUian, and Cyprian, this
was the form of government common to the early
church. The concurrence of the presbytery was thought
to be so requisite to the acts of the bishop, ' that In the
' fourth councU of Carthage, it was concluded that the
' bishop raight hear no man's cause without the presence
' of the clergy, which we find also inserted In the canons
' of Egbert, who was archbishop of York in the Saxon
' times, and afterwards into the body of the canon law
' itself True It Is, that in our church this kind of
' Presbyterian government hath been long disused, yet,
• Baxter's Life, 238-241.

230 The Confessors of 1 66 2.
book II. ' seeing it still professes that every pastor has a right to
' rule the church (from whence the name of rector was
' at first given to him), and to administer the discipline
' of Christ, as well as to dispense the doctrine and sacra-
' ments, and the restraint of the exercise of that right
' proceeds only from the custom now received in this
' realm, no man can doubt but that by another law of
' the land this hindrance may well be removed.'
Then follows a series of statements intended to show
how easily this much-needed restoration of the ancient
custora of the church might be accomplished. Let the
incumbents and churchwardens in each parish, it is said,
have the charge of discipline in the several parishes
assigned to thera ; let there be a monthly synod of
incumbents within a given district, to which aU cases not
settled by the parish authorities may be submitted, every
such synod possessing the power of ordination as well as
of jurisdiction under a suffragan bishop or president,
who raight take the place of the rural dean ; let there
also be a diocesan synod raeeting once or twice a year,
where the pastors of the diocese, or deputations from the
monthly synods, may join with the bishop in some ofthe
higher acts of discipline, and in revising the lower ; and
let there be provincial synods separately for the provinces
of Canterbury and York, consisting of all the bishops of
those provinces respectively, and of clergy chosen to
represent each diocese, the priraate In either case being
moderator, or sorae one of the bishops by his appoint
ment, these provincial asserablies being convened trien-
nially, and being the final ecclesiastical authority on all
church questions.*
* Documents relating to the Settlement of the Church of
22-26. Baxter's Life and Times, 238-242.

monies.

Concessions of the Nonconformists in 1660. 231
In regard to a liturgy, it was urged that it should not chap. ii.
be so enjoined as to exclude free prayer ; that it should Concerning
, , • 1 1 11 • • 1 theLiturgy.
not be too long, not include neecUess repetitions, and
should be in its language and substance as scriptural and
unexceptionable as possible. The Book of Common
Prayer contained much that had raised conscientious
difiiculty in many pious and well-disposed minds. It
had been long out of use ; and if imposed as it stood
would tend to create new discontents in place of healing
old differences. ' Some learned, godly, and moderate
divines of both persuasions, Indifferently chosen,' might
be wisely employed, either in preparing a new volume,
or In revising the old.
Concerning ceremonies, it was observed, that the On cere-
teaching of Scripture on that subject, consisting mainly
as it does in general rules, had no doubt left much to be
determined by the light of nature and Christian pru
dence. But it was argued, that all matters supposed to
have been so left should be of a description to accord
with such rules ; and that all observances of a purely
human origin, in place of being made to partake, as
almost seems to be the case, of the significancy and
moral efficacy of sacraments, should be wholly dispensed
with, or left indifferent. The church of England having
retained so many forms frora the tiraes of popery, the
Roraan ists had never ceased to cherish the hope of
seeing her return to that coraraunion ; and the con
sciences of many good men had, from the beginning of
the Reforraation, been greatly distressed from this cause,
not a few becoraing Separatists from her fellowship.
That the ceremonies taking these grave consequences
along with thera are not in the Scripture is clear; and it
may be assumed, that had they been necessary to the

232 The Confessors of 1662.
BooKir. orderly and acceptable worship of God, they would
certainly have been there. The divines then become
somewhat more specific in their allusions, and say, ' May
' it therefore please your majesty, out of your princely
' care of healing our sad breaches, graciously to grant,
' that kneeling at the sacrament of the Lord's Supper,
' and such holy days as are but of human institution,
' may not be iraposed on such as conscientiously scruple
' to observe them ; and that the use of the surplice, and
' the cross in baptism, and bowing at the name of Jesus
' rather than at the name of Christ or Emmanuel, or
' other names whereby that divine person, or either of the
' other persons so nominated, may be abolished ; these
' things being in the judgraent of the iraposers themselves
' but indifferent and mutable ; in the judgment of others
' a rock of offence ; and in the judgment of aU not to
' be valued with the peace of the church. We likewise
' hurably present unto your most excellent majesty, that
' divers ceremonies which we conceive have no foun-
' dation in the law of the land, as erecting altars, bowing
' towards them, and such like, have been not only
' introduced, but in some places iraposed ; whereby an
¦ arbitrary power has been usurped, divers ministers of
' the gospel, though conformable to the established cere-
' monies, troubled, some reverend and learned bishops
' offended, the Protestants grieved, and the Papists
' pleased, as hoping that those innovations might make
' way for greater changes.' So did the Presbyterian
divines state their case In the summer of 1660.
Presby- jj- yf\\\ ^g sccn, that in respect to church government
terian con- ^ ^ ^ °
cession— its nothing was required by the authors of these 'proposals'
for which the narae of archbishop Usher could not be
adduced — the name which had stood higher than any

Concessions of the Nonconformists in 1660. 233
other in that age as an authority on all such questions, chap. ii.
The Presbyterian polity embraced a lay eldership. But
the petitioners, though zealous Presbyterians, do not
venture a word in favour of that class of office-bearers.
They did not believe in diocesan bishops, still less in
archbishops ; but, for the sake of peace, they consented
to recognize both, and along with them the deans, the
archdeacons, the prebends, the canons, and all the rest
pertaining to the old hierarchy. Their only suit was,
that the arbitrarmess of the prelates might be somewhat
moderated by their being obliged to rule conjointly with
a clerical presbytery. This scheme might have been
adopted to the letter, with iraraense advantage to the
English church, and to the episcopacy of which that
church has been so desirous of showing herself the con
servator among Protestants. In this statement, more
over, nothing more was intended than to present what
might prove * a ground-work towards an accommoda
tion.' In regard to the liturgy and ceremonies, no
man could expect that less would be proposed. So that,
bearing in mind the flood of evUs which the old order of
things had so recently brought upon the country, these
suggestions, as precautions for the future, raight well be
viewed as evincing much considerateness and moderation.*
* Baxter's Life and Times, 233-237. Documents, 71-74.

CHAPTER IIL

ffirountJ taften ig tfje BSisJjops in 1660.

BOOK II.
Unfair and
discourteous proceedingoftheBishops,
July 8.

HE conference in the summer of 1660 was
decisive. When the ministers sought an
audience frora the king, that they might
subrait their proposals to him, the prelates
did not raake their appearance, nor was the slightest
coramunication received from thera. The discourtesy
and unfairness of this proceeding were significant of what
was to follow. The king still spoke graciously and
hopefully. But the prelates, becoming possessed of the
address which the divines had presented, drew up an
elaborate reply to it, the spirit and substance of whicli
sufficed to show, that in place of being ready to cede
rauch to ensure concord, they were resolved on finding
excuses against ceding anything. By a most subde
piece of artifice, they had drawn the ministers into a
statement of the terms on which they were wilHng to
becorae conformists, and it becarae their policy to take
care that no such terms should be granted. It wasj

Ground taken by the Bishops in 1660. 235
deemed prudent to continue the semblance of negotia- chap. iii.
tion. Time would bring its advantages. But there
was to be no uncertainty as to the conclusion.* The
meraorable declaration by the king frora Worcester
House was still to corae. The coraraission originat
ing the Savoy conference between the bishops and the
Presbyterian divines, was still to be issued. But from
this time, Baxter and his friends saw what the end
would be, and became simply concerned so to acquit
theraselves, in the evil times on which they were
thrown, as to satisfy their brethren, and to satisfy pos
terity, that nothing had been left undone which could
be accounted as likely to conduce to an amicable
settlement. As the answer from the prelates to these first pro- The answer
posals of the ministers was so marked in its influence Kshops—
on this discussion, it will be proper that the reader ^^"."^''^
-' s: r rejoinder,
should be able to judge for himself concerning the drift
and temper of that document, f It should also be
stated, that on the appearance of this professed answer,
Baxter was urged by his brethren to write a reply to
it. When produced, though strictly truthful, this second
paper evinced something of the wounded feeling natural
¦ to a raan writing in such circumstances ; and there
was room to fear that the effect of such a document
would be to provoke, rather than to conciliate, and to
;' furnish an occasion for resentment to those who were
; seekingtsuch occasion. Baxter accordingly had laboured
;¦ to no purpose. This paper remained a private matter.
;But in this place, along with the account we give
;!of the 'Answer' by the bishops, sorae reference will
'-" * Baxter's Life, 241-247.
ii t Documents, 27-39. Baxter's Life, 242-247.

236 The Confessors of 1662.
book h. be made to what is said In the suppressed rejoinder
~ to It.*
Schism The ministers had remarked, in their address, that
sition. the bishops and theraselves were happily agreed about
' the doctrinal truths of the reforraed religion, and in
' the substantial parts of divine worship.' The answer
of the prelates was, the case being so, raakes ' all that
' follows the less considerable, and the less reasonable to
' be stood upon, to the hazard of disturbing the peace
' of the church.' So the first sentence from their lord
ships was to betray the temper with which they had
entered on this business. Well might Baxter say, that
he had yet to learn that questions concerning church
government, the soundness of a liturgy, and the scrip
tural character of cereraonies, were questions about which
only a diseased conscience could be troubled. Were
they Indeed light matters, why should those who feel
difficulty In respect to them be accounted disturbers of
the church, and not those rather who persist in imposing
them in defiance of such feeling ? Which was the
greater offender, Nebuchadnezzar who enjoined obedi
ence, or Daniel who refused It ? But you assume that
you are right. On what ground have you so done, said
the sturdy presbyter, that is not our ground as much as
yours ? We should be as competent to judge concerning
such questions as yourselves, and we think we are so.
Care about j^ compliance with the earnest solicitude of Baxter,
Christian ^ ^ ^
liberty, and the ministers had urged that pious congregations,, should
ministry, not be Subjected as such to reproachful or hard usage,
and should be allowed to hold their private meetings
araong theraselves for their edification, so long as they
* Baxter's Life, 248-259. Documents, 39-63. Collier's Euh
Hist. ii. 873.

Ground taken by the Bishops in 1660. 237
should be only supplementary to the ordinary ' church chap. hi.
assemblies,' and be subject to the approval of their
pastors.* The bishops say that they also wish to see
an end to the use of all scornful words araong Christians,
and would have private farailies left to perform their
devotions in their own way, but so as not to ' leave a
gap open to sectaries, and private conventicles.' By
this language, said Baxter, we are clearly to under
stand, that all religious exercises in private houses,
except between raerabers of the sarae faraily, are for
bidden. To restrict our liberty to such an extent, is
to restrict it to the utmost extent possible, and to deny
that freedom to people who meet to worship God,
which is ceded to people who meet 'in ale-houses, or
' taverns, or fields, or under pretence of horse-racing,
- hunting, bowls, and other occasions.'
The ministers further urged, ' that each congregation
' might have a learned, orthodox, and godly pastor
' residing araongst them,' to discharge his duties con
scientiously in their midst. Here the bishops professed
not to know the sense in which the word ' residing ' had
been used ; and concerning the rest, their lordships saw
not what could be done which had not been already
done by the law. What we mean by non-residence, said
Baxter, every man must know ; and what we mean by
each congregation having a godly minister wiU be mani-
; fest enough, if the men of that character In the church be
removed by imposing new subscriptions upon thera, and
I If ' ignorant and ungodly men are set up in their places.'
" * 'This was put in, because the serious practice of religion had been
"'made the common scorn; and a fesv Christians praying or repeating
¦ a sermon together had been persecuted by some prelates as a heinous
" crime.' Baxter, 231.

238

The Confessors of 1662.

book II.
Purity of
communion.

The Lord's
day.

Church go
vernment.

The ministers also prayed, that no person should be
admitted to the Lord's Supper until duly catechized and
instructed, nor any person whose ' scandalous life con
tradicted his profession.' Confirmation, said the bishops,
is sufficient for the first object, and the words of the
rubric before the communion are sufficient for the second.
Whatever confirmation might be, said Baxter, it is noto
rious that the young commonly go to it as to May-
games, more than as to a religious duty ; and every one
knows that the words in the rubric do not give the
minister the power in relation to the scandalous com
municant which is necessary to ensure the exclusion of
such persons from that service.
Let the sacredness of the Sabbath, said the ministers,
be more strictly enforced. The law in England on that
subject, said the bishops, is stricter than in any foreign
reformed church. Yet our law, rejoins Baxter, is so
wide as to have left roora for the Book of Sports, and
for the expulsion of rainisters from their livings for
refusing to read that book from the pulpit ! You know
how the Sabbath is profaned by the dissolute, or you do
not ; not to know it can be little to your credit ; and to
know it, and still to write as you have written, must be
still more reprehensible.*
Concerning governraent, the prelates declare that, in
their judgraent, the English hierarchy as formerly exist
ing is, ' for the raain, the true and ancient episcopacy.'
Nor is this episcopal authority exercised without 'tlie
assistance and council of presbyters,' though not after
such a manner as is proposed — a raanner which, in the 1
'This was added, because abundance of ministers had been cast |
' out in the prelates' days, for not reading publicly a book which a
' dancing and such sports on the Lord's day.' Baxter, 233.

Ground taken by the Bishops in 1660. 239
view of their lordships, has no sanction from authority chap.iii.
or reason. Then follows an insinuation which betrays
the feeling underlying all their objections. This jealousy
of power in single persons In the church. It is said,
savours too much of that jealousy of power in a single
person in the State from which so many evils have come.
Of all governments, it is added, ' the government of
raany ' is the most hable to abuse. The loyalty of these
simple-minded ministers had brought them into their
present trouble, and this was their reward — to be told
that they were too deraocratic to be good subjects !
Every instructed divine should know, said Baxter, that
the power we claira for presbyters has been clairaed for
thera by scholars of the first eminence. It is ceded to
them, raoreover, and in the words we have used, in the
Icon Basilike, a book coramonly ascribed to the late
king. The bishop known to primitive times was one
bishop in one church, not a diocesan bishop with rule
over a thousand churches. And ' no knowing English-
' man can be ignorant that our bishops have the sole
' government of our pastors and people, having taken all
'jurisdiction or proper government (or next all) from
' the particular pastors of the parishes to theraselves
' alone.' Frora this source, says Baxter, our greatest
controversies have come. Still, even here, the raaxim
of the bishops is — no change, no concession.*
* The power given to the bishop by law was great, but, according
to Baxter, the power which he could assume without law was much
greater. Here are some of the strong words which the pastor of
Kidderminster would fain have addressed to their lordships : ' What
'act of parliament ratified your canons? What law imposed altars,
• rails, and the forcing of ministers to read the book for dancing on the
'Lord's days? Or what law did ratify many articles of your, visita-
[ ' tion books ? And did the laws sufficiently provide for all those poor

240

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.

duction.

Usher's ' Reduction ' was very unacceptable to the
The pre- prclatcs, and they were disposed to question the authen-
lates and . . 1^ '¦
Usher's Re- ticity of that documcnt. Baxter has settled that point
by stating, that Usher confessed to hira, not long before
his death, that he regarded the scheme as adapted to
satisfy moderate raen, and that he had ' offered it to the
late king.'* It is in the following terrhs that Baxter
concludes his rejoinder to the answer of their lordships,
touching church government — terms which show that
he foresaw what was to follow, and was disposed to
make the prelates aware that he did so : —
' ministers that were silenced or suspended for not reading the dancing
' book, or any such things ? What the better for the laws were all
' those who were silenced or driven into foreign lands ?' Defence.
* Recording elsewhere what took place on this point, Baxter says :
' In this time I opened to Bishop Usher the motions of concord which
' I had made with the Episcopal divines, and desired his judgment of
' my terms, which were these. First, that every pastor be the go-'
' vernor as well as the teacher of his flock. Secondly. That in those
' parishes which have more presbyters than one, one be a stated presi-
• dent. Thirdly. That in every market town, or in some such meet
• divisions, there be frequent assemblies of parochial pastors associated
' for concord and mutual assistance in their work, and that in those
' meetings one be a stated, not a temporary president. Fourthly. That in
' every county or diocese there be every year, or half year, or quarter, an
•assembly of all the ministers of every county or diocese, and that they
' also have their fixed president, and that in ordination nothing be done
' without the president, nor in matters of common and public concern-
' ment. Fifthly. That the coercive power or sword be meddled with
' by none but magistrates. To this sense were my proposals, which
' he told me might satisfy for peace and unity among moderate men,
' But when he had offered the like to the king, intemperate men were
' displeased with him. I asked him also his judgraent about the
' validity of Presbyterian ordination, which he asserted ; and told me
' thac the king asked him at the Isle of Wight where he found in an-
' tiquity that presbyters alone ordained, and that he answered, I can
' show your majesty more, even where presbyters alone successively
' ordained bishops.' Baxter's Life, 206. j

Ground taken by the Bishops in 1660. 241
' Here we leave it to the notice and observation of chap.iii.
' posterity, upon the perusal of your exceptions, how Baxtl^ re-
' little the English bishops had to say against the form of "°"^"^"'^^"
' primitive episcopacy contained in Archbishop Usher's
' " Reduction," in the day when they rather chose the
' increase of our divisions, the silencing of many hundred
' faithful ministers, the scattering of the flocks, the
' affilcting of so many thousand godly Christians, than
' the accepting of this primitive episcopacy, which was
' the expedient which those caUed Presbyterians offered,
' never once speaking for the cause of presbytery ; and
' what kind of peacemakers and conciliators we met
' with, when both parties were to meet at one time and
' place, with their several concessions for peace and con-
' cord ready drawn up, and the Presbyterians in their
' concessions laid by all their cause, and proposed an arch-
' bishop's frame of episcopacy ; and the other side brought
' not in any of their concessions at aU, but only unpeace-
¦ ably rejected all the moderation that was desired.'
The language of the prelates concerning the liturgy The liturgy
and ceremonies was in strict accordance with their ceremonies.
language on the matter of church government. Their
lordships profess that they are ' not against a revision of
'the liturgy by such discreet persons as his raajesty shall
' think fit to eraploy therein ; ' but, at the sarae time, they
frankly declare, that In no one of the respects in which
change is sought do they see the need of change. The
service provided in the Prayer Book is neither too long
nor too short. There is nothing in it at variance with
the word of God, nothing really exceptionable in its
frequent repetitions. It may not be in harmony in all
_ respects with the liturgies of the reformed churches, but
we hold It to be much more reasonable, say the prelates,
M

242 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. ' that their forms should be brought into a nearer
' conformity with ours, than ours with theirs.' Should
his majesty concede the demands now made, the effect
it is said, would be to feed discontent rather than to
allay it ; and to gratify a minority of his subjects by
giving offence to the majority. The sum of the state
ment furnished by their lordships accordingly was — ' We
' heartily desire that no innovations should be brought
' into the church, or ceremonies which have no founda-
' tions in the laws of the land imposed.' And nothing,
it was alleged, could be ' too rigorously imposed which
' Is imposed by law, and with no more rigour than is
' necessary to raake the law effectual.'
Baxter, pondering this language, said — You never
spoke words more agreeable to your hearts, more
expressive of your purpose and policy. So saying, you
must mean, either to change the consciences of men,
or to compel them to act contrary to their conscience.
The first you cannot do, the second you can do only in
the case of hypocrites. Have you, then, resolved to
send all the honest men among us out of the country, if
not out of the world ? When the law happens to be in
your favour you make it the measure of right. You
willingly forget that the blood of the martyrs was shed
in the name of law, and that the Inquisition itself takes
that pretext along with it. Be it known to you, how
ever, come what raay, 'the man who is true to his
' God and his conscience, will not do that which he
' taketh to be sin.'
All this, and more, Baxter would have said to the
bishops, face to face, had his brethren permitted. We
have cited his language, though not uttered at the time, j
because it reveals the impression made on the minds of j

Ground taken by the Bishops in 1660. 243
the ministers by the ' Answer' of the prelates. That CHAP.ni.
document left them scarcely a vestige of hope, even in
this early stage of these proceedings. In the church,
the raatters which had contributed so largely to convulse
the land with civil war, were all to be retained. Nothing
was to be learnt from the experiences of the last twenty
years. Everything seeraed to say, that the wrongs
Inflicted on so many conscientious men under Laud,
were to be renewed under Sheldon. In explanation of
this course of proceeding, it has been said, ' Demands of
' a Republican tendency having been made by a party,
' not considerable in number, but acquiring importance
' from its clamour and turbulence, the public feeling
' took the alarm, and became insensible to all considera-
' tions, except the desire for a strong and permanent
' government. It was this exclusive desire, pardonable
' under existing circumstances, and perhaps necessary for
' the restoration of good order, that inspired the subse-
' quent deliberations both in church and state, and was
'finally erabodied in the Act of Uniformity.'* In
refutation of this statement, it is to be remembered that
the proceedings related in this chapter belong to the
months of July and August, in 1660, and that nothing
can be more clear than that the bishops were resolved,
even then, on their ultimate policy. What demands of
.' a Republican tendency' had been made at that time, it
would be difficult to show. To describe the 'proposals'
rof the Presbyterian divines in such terms would be an
abuse of language. The outbreak of the small band of
j;fanatics under Venner, did not take place until some
- oix months later ; and that mad proceeding was no
..sooner known than protested against, not only by Pres-
./, * Cardwell's Conferences, 245.
M 2

244 '^he Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. byterians, but quite as strongly by Independents and
Baptists. The truth is, we have evidence enough to
show, that Clarendon, and the raen most in his confi
dence, were Intent, at this juncture, upon stimulating the
unwary into disorder by means of spies, that so the
needed pretext, in support of the intended severities,
might not be wanting. The only signs of a tendency
towards disturbance before the passing of the Act of
Uniformity, if we except the Venner affair, were such as
had been fabricated by this sinister policy on the part of
the government. It is important to bear these state
ments concerning dates in raind, if our praise or blame
in relation to these proceedings is to be justly distributed.

CHAPTER IV.
(!i;cincesst0ns 62 tlje '^in^—Wi}t declaration from
TOorcester Ilouse.

HE king was not satisfied with the course taken chap, iv.
by the prelates. At this stage of the pro- The King
, , . , becomes a
ceedings his majesty interposed, and took upon church re-
himself the responsibility of bringing about a
settleraent on a more liberal basis. The motives of this
policy we know only in part. Charles, no doubt, had
some remembrance of his promise from Breda ; and his
love of ease made him desirous of seeing an end of these
wearisome discussions. But it is supposed also, that
little as the monarch cared about churches of any kind,
his preference was with the church of Rome, and that
he hoped to find a plea in the liberty granted to the
Protestant Nonconformist, that might be used with
success in favour of a similar liberty to the Catholic.
The motives of Clarendon, and of his party, were
also of a mixed description. Nothing could have been
less acceptable to him than the king's intended conces
sions. But if the Presbyterian leaders raight be seduced
into conformity by such means, the defection of the

246 The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. chiefs would detract seriously from the influence of their
followers. That party being weakened, and the Conven
tion parliament, in which the Presbyterian element was
formidable, being dissolved, a new house of commons,
more devoted to the church, might supersede all that
had been done by prerogative, by passing measures of a
different complexion, which should take with them the
higher authority of law. The future was to lay bare this
stratagem. It was not easy to detect it at the time.
The new In the Declaration which the king submitted to the
consideration of the Presbyterian ministers, with a view
to publication, it is easy to trace the influence of the
friends of that party in the court and the cabinet.*
Manchester, Broghill, HoUis, and Anglesey were among
the lords in comraunipation with the sovereign whose
good offices were thus exercised. But the chanceUor
stood as a powerful Impediment in the way of aU such
tendencies. The tone of the document, however, in
which his majesty had resolved to speak to the nation,
was much more conciliatory and hopeful than the answer
frora the bishops.
All history shows, said the king, that the peace of
the church is necessary to the peace of the state. In his
letter from Breda to the Speaker of the House of Com
mons, his majesty had declared his steady attachment to
the Protestant religion, and his hope to do much that
might serve to strengthen and diffuse it. His acquaint
ance with the churches on the continent should enable
him to judge wisely concerning the interests of the
church within his own dominions. In Holland, he had
held many conferences with divines from this country
who were leaders of opinion among the Presbyterians,
* Baxter's Life, 259-264. Documents, 63-78.

Concessions by the King — the New Declaration. 247
and he had found them loyal, religious, and moderate chap.iv.
persons. His intention accordingly had been, to as
serable a synod of learned men soon after his return,
who should so adjust matters of difference, that a law
might be passed which should be in accordance with his
promised liberty to tender consciences. The state of
opinion, however, had not become so settled as to be
favourable to the intended meeting of a synod, and it
now appeared to his majesty to be expedient that, by
the exercise of his best thought for the purpose, certain
terms should be laid down, on which the much-desired
agreement might be realized. Certain preliminaries
being thus understood, action of a more formal, and of
a legislative kind, might follow with safety and advan
tage. The king repeated his expressions of sincere
adhesion to the English church, and hoped that the
changes which he was prepared to sanction. In com
pliance with the wishes of those who were desirous of
change, would only tend to strengthen the clairas of that
church on the affections of all his subjects. When the
state was verging towards democracy, it was natural
that the church should tend in the same direction ; but
' since, by the wonderful blessing of God, the hearts of
' the whole natic«i were turned towards a monarchical
' government in the state, it must be very reasonable to
' support that government in the church.' But his
majesty spoke of being confident that the bishops would
deem the concessions which, for the sake of peace, he
was about to propose, as very just and reasonable.
Let the men invested with the episcopal ofiice, said
the king, be always able and pious men, who shall not
only be capable of ruling well, but shall often teach ;
let any diocese accounted too large for a single bishop

248 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. have its suffragan bishops ; let the censures of the church
be pronounced by the bishop in conjunction with the
advice of the presbyters — lay chancellors being no
more concerned in such proceedings ; let the deans and
chapters be the special assistants of the bishops in
ordinations, and in the other exercises of their office;
let confirmation be so regulated as to ensure Christian
instruction to the young ; and let the rubric before
the coraraunion be so enforced as to ensure, as far as
may be, that scandalous persons shall not approach
the Lord's table ; let every bishop be apprized that he
is not to exercise any arbitrary power, nor to impose
anything on either clergy or people, which is not ac
cording to law ; let there be a meeting of divines of
different persuasions to make such alterations as may be
thought most necessary in the Book of Coramon Prayer ;
and In the meanwhile let the cross in baptism, bowing
at the narae of Jesus, the use of the surplice, and the
subscription required on entering upon a benefice, be left
optional to those who have scruples concerning them.
' In a word,' said his raajesty, ' we do again renew what
' we have formerly said in our Declaration from Breda,
' for the liberty of tender consciences ; ' and if any man
has been molested on account of opinions which do not
disturb the peace of the kingdom, it has not proceeded
frora any command of ours.
How the When this document passed into the hands of the
Declaration j^Inlsters, it was fclt that gratitude was due to the king
ceived by f-Qj. ^j^g couccssions made in regard to some obnoxious
the minis- o
'"3. ceremonies, and for the promise of a representative
synod, which should be empowered to deliberate on
further revision in that respect. But one of the most
exceptionable forms — kneeling at the Lord's table—

Concessions by the King — the New Declaration. 249
remained in force ; the whole, moreover, was so far only chap, iv.
a royal grant, and could not be relied upon as permanent
until it should be made law by parliament ; and in
regard to the important matter of discipline and govern
ment, nearly everything remained, in reahty, in a con
dition little satisfactory. The words before the rubric
of the communion were not sufficient to enable the min
ister to guard the Lord's table against the presence of
the scandalous ; and the provision, that the bishops
should exercise their functions in confirmation, and in
respect to discipline in particular congregations, with
the advice of the presbyters, would do little towards
placing the government of the flock in the hands of the
pastor, unless the word ' advice ' in relation to his acts
should be substituted by the word ' consent.' It must be
left to him to say, in the first instance, who is in a fit
state to be confirmed, or to come to the coraraunion, if
he is not to be utterly powerless in respect to discipline.
In truth, Baxter still despaired of a settlement ; and
persuaded himself, that as the worst would surely come,
it would be wise in the Nonconformists to state their
case fully and boldly, and to abide the issue, leaving
their conduct to the judgment of their friends and of
posterity. It was under this impression, that, at the
request of his brethren, he drew up a paper, showing in
what respects the Declaration was defective, and must be
altered, if it was to become a basis of harmony. But
this paper was so free in its tone, that the author was
assured, by his raost Influential friends, that it could not
be presented. Some of its passages, accordingly, were
erased, and others were modified.*
* Baxter's Life, 'Our Petition to the King,' Sec, 265-273. 'This
'petition being delivered to the lord chancellor, was so ungrateful,
M 3

2 r o The Confessors of 1662.

22.

BOOK II. The king now appointed a day on which he would
TheTeet- mcct representatives of both sides, and would consider
Worcester Impartially the statements they might be prepared to
House, Oct. gy^j^it to him. The place of meeting was Worcester
House, the residence of the chancellor. Among the
persons present were Sheldon, bishop of London ; Mor
ley, bishop of Worcester ; Hinchman, bishop of Salis
bury ; Cosins, bishop of Durham ; Gauden, afterwards
bishop of Exeter ; Hacket, bishop of Coventry ; Dr.
Barwick, dean of St. Paul's ; Dr. Gunning, and many
other notables. The noblemen present included Albe
marle, Ormond, Manchester, Anglesey, and HoUis.
The ministers bring up the old names : Reynolds,
Calamy, Ash, Manton, Spurstowe, Wallis, and Baxter.
' The business of the day was not to dispute, but as
' the chancellor read over the Declaration, each party was
' that we were never called to present it to the king. But instead of
' that it was offered us, that we should make such alterations in the
' Declaration as were necessary to attain its end ; but with this
' caution, that we put in nothing but what we judged of flat necessity.'
On this, the ministers drew up a brief statement of ' Alterations of the
Declaration,' containing, not all they desired, but the things which
they conceived might be reasonably expected as concessions. The
substance was, that care should be taken to ensure that the ministers of
the church should be competent and religious men; that the Lord's
day should be religiously observed ; that the bishops should exercise
their functions in connexion with the advice and consent of the
presbyters; that there should be suffragan bishops in every diocese;
that the confirmation of the young should be only with the consent of
the pastor ; that the pastor should have power to exclude the scandalous
from the Lord's table; that all impositions by the bishops shall be
restricted to things which may be legally imposed ; that the use of the
Book of Common Prayer be, for the present, left optional — especially
the use of the cross in baptism, kneeling at the sacrament, the obser
vance of holidays, bowing at the name of Jesus, and wearing tk
surplice. Ibid. 275-276.

Concessions by the King — the New Declaration. 25 1
' to speak to what they disliked, and the king was to chap.iv.
' determine how it should be.'*
The great hindrance at this meeting came from one Difficulty
word. The ministers claimed that the bishop should word 'con-
not confirm the young, ordain priests, or pronounce
spiritual censures, without the consent of the presbyters.
The king, knowing the feeling of the prelates on that
point, would retain the word 'advice,' and would not
substitute the word 'consent.' Consent, said Baxter,
is a small word, but in this connexion it is not a word
of small meaning. We know the feeling of our
brethren and of our flocks on this point, and if our
divisions are to be healed, and not to be made wider,
that word must, in our judgment, be ceded. The
pastor must be the rector over his own flock in reality,
and not in narae only ; and the higher government of
the church must be by the joint action of bishops and
presbyters, and not by bishops alone. If this principle
is not to be admitted, then all the old evils may be
expected to return. Something was said also concerning
the jus divinum pretensions of the prelates, and their re
pudiating Presbyterian ordination, but the most signifi
cant incident came from another source.
The chancellor, having read through the Declaration, The toicra-
' drew out another paper, and told us that the king had cuity.
' been petitioned by the Independents and Baptists, and,
' though he knew not what to think of it himself, and
' did not very well like it, yet soraething he had drawn
' up, which he would read to us, and desire our advice
' about it. Thereupon he read, as an addition to the
' Declaration, that others also be permitted to meet for
' religious worship, so be it they do it not to the disturb-
* Baxter's Life, 276.

252 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. c ance of the peace.'* The reading of these words was
followed by a long silence. ' Don't speak,' said a
cautious friend in the ear of Baxter ; ' leave It to the
bishops.' But the bishops spoke not. They watched
the snare, and gave no sign. The pen of Baxter was
that of a ready writer, and his tongue was often like it.
He mused ; said to himself, to be silent will be to give
consent, and that will never do. He thought he saw
that it would be possible to make the bishops parties
with the Presbyterians in taking exception to this pro
posal. Dr. Gunning had just before spoken of Papists
and Socinians, as sects to be discountenanced ; and Baxter
now broke the silence by reminding the meeting of what
' that reverend brother ' had said, and then added, ' For
' our parts we desire not favour to ourselves alone,
' and rigorous severity we desire against none. As we
' humbly thanked his majesty for his indulgence to
' ourselves, so we distinguish the tolerable parties from
' the intolerable. For the former, we humbly crave just
' lenity and favour ; but for the latter, such as the two sorts
' naraed by that reverend brother, we cannot make their
' toleration our request.' Charles said, ' There are laws
' enough against the Papists.' Yes, said Baxter ; but the
question, I presume, is whether those laws shall be enforced
or not. It was now seen, that for the present nothing
could be done. The business ended at this point.
Baxter left this gathering of magnates at the chan
cellor's much depressed. His conclusion was, that hence
forth he must be a Nonconformist, and be content to
suffer with the many who would soon be reduced to that
condition. His chief solace was, that if the Presby
terians were to be expeUed, it could not be said to have
* Baxter's Life, 277.

Concessions by the King — the New Declaration. 253
been because they had insisted that the church of Eng- chap.iv.
land should be made Presbyterian. They had not
made any such demand. They had simply prayed that
its episcopacy might not remain popish and arbitrary ;
that it might become priraitive, legal, and limited.
But the interval of two or three days brought sun- The revised
shine after the cloud. Passing one of the streets of oct. 25.
London, Baxter heard the king's Declaration cried about
for sale. He eagerly purchased a copy, and stepped
into a house to read It. To his great surprise and
delight, he found that, in relation to the pastoral
authority, the word ' consent ' had been inserted. In the
place of ' advice ; ' and saw that many other alterations
which the ministers had urged, and apparently in vain,
had been adopted. So great, indeed, was the restraint
laid on the episcopal authority in this revised document,
that, in the view of Baxter, no man who had taken the
Covenant needed to hesitate about accepting it. The
concessions made did not embrace all the Noncon
formists desired, but it came to thera at a moment when
the experience of some months past had forbid their
expecting anything at all so good. Baxter was on his
way to the lord chancellor when he purchased this
paper in the street ; and, on seeing his lordship, he
thanked him most cordially for what had been done.
Let the revision of the Prayer Book be such as was
promised, and let that revision become law, and he
should feel bound to use his utmost influence to induce
his brethren to remain in the church, and to give it all
the spiritual efficiency possible.*
During some weeks past, the rumour had been pre- The offer of
valent, that certain leaders among the Presbyterians Hcs.
* Baxter's Life, 278, 279.

254 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. might expect bishoprics if they would conform. Before
the first draft of the king's Declaration had been drawn
up, a meeting took place, in which Morley, Hinchman,
and Cosins on the one side, and Reynolds, Baxter, and
Calamy on the other, had indulged in much rambling
discourse together, with a view to some terms of agree
ment, but with no definite result. In that conference,
though the bishops present were bishops elect only,
none of them being consecrated, the Presbyterians ad
dressed them as ' my lords;' on which Morley observed
that he supposed their lordships might use that language
in return ; ' from which,' said Baxter, ' I perceived they
had sorae purpose to try that way with us.'*
The bishops, no doubt, knew the ' purpose ' of the
government on that matter. Some days later, Baxter
was made aware that the bishopric of Hereford was in
reserve for him. Reynolds was offered the see of Nor
wich. Calamy, that of Coventry and Lichfield. It
was easy to see, that such had been the antecedents of
these raen, that their conformity, even on these terms,
would be at some cost of character, and that a loss of
character to the Presbyterian leaders would be a loss •
of power to the whole party. No one of the three was
likely to have accepted this overture on the basis of his
majesty's Declaration as it originally stood. But the case
became much altered when the revised instrument was
made public. Even then, the rumour that their friends
were likely to become bishops, called forth loud protests
from the more zealous Presbyterians In London. Many
deprecated the rumoured compliance in the case of any
one of the three. It was true, Reynolds had often said
that he regarded all forms of church government as
* Baxter's Life, 274.

Concessions by the King — the New Declaration. 255
matters of expediency, and Baxter was known to have CHAP.rv.
been always in favour of a moderate episcopacy. Con
formity on their part, accordingly, would be less mis
chievous. But Mr. Calamy had been so far committed
to the other side, that such a course In his case. It was
said, would be so great a scandal, that no raan could be
expected to place the slightest confidence in the pro
fessions of a Presbyterian again if it should take < place.
' Whatever is done by us,' said Calamy, ' let it be done
together.' Baxter advised Reynolds to accept the offer, but
suggested that it might be prudent to wait until the
Declaration should become law, or at least to state that
his consent was given in full expectation of that event.
To Calamy he could give no counsel. His own con
clusion was to decline the proffered dignity. The epis
copacy of the Declaration, though greatly moderated,
was still diocesan, which he utterly disapproved. It
was stUl probable that many good men would be silenced
and expelled, and it would be an ungrateful office to
carry such measures into effect, and to rule over the
sort of men who were likely to corae into their place.
The Declaration, too, was siraply a royal announcement,
and might not become law. The duties of a diocesan,
moreover, if faithfully discharged, would leave but little
time to be given to authorship or study. On these
grounds Baxter decided not to be a bishop. Had he
decided otherwise, his place in English history would
have been something widely different from that which
he now holds. To the chancellor he deemed it enough
to say, that he judged it would be in his power to do
more service to the church by continuing a parochial
minister than by accepting a bishopric. Reynolds came

256

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.

The Lon
don minis
ters thank
the King
for his De
claration.

promptly to a different conclusion, but assured Baxter
that it should be with an avowal of the sort of condition
which he had suggested. If any such declaration was
made, it was forgotten when the crisis carae in which It
should have been acted upon. Reynolds continued
bishop of Norwich through the many evil days which
followed. He was a devout and estimable man. He
chedih 1676. Calamy suspended his answer untU the
future character of the established church was deter
mined. He then made the better choice.*
At a raeeting of the Presbyterian rainisters of London,
it was proposed that an address of thanks should be
presented to his majesty for his gracious Declaration.
Some men of reputation hesitated concerning the pro
priety of such a proceeding, the episcopacy recognized
even in that instrument being. In their judgment, incon
sistent with the oath they had taken in relation to the
Covenant. Baxter reasoned earnestly with those who
avowed such scruples. It was to be remembered that,
according to the Declaration, the prelates could no longer
irapose anything on clergy or people without the sanction
of the law of the land ; that they could no longer
exercise their higher jurisdiction without the counsel and
assistance of a presbytery ; and that no person could be
presented for confirmation, or be present at the com
munion, without the consent of the pastor. From these
changes, taken along with some others, the episcopacy of
the church of England in the time to come would be an
institute cUfferent in its nature frora the old prelacy
which obtained before the late troubles. In addition to,
which, not only the use of the surplice, but kneeling at
the sacrament, and other exceptionable observances,
* Baxter's Life, 281-283.

Concessions by the King — the New Declaration. 257
were now left optional ; and the promise concerning the chap.iv.
entire revision of the liturgy was as fair and hopeful as
could be expected. In the end the ministers addressed
his majesty, making mention of these gracious concessions,
expressing their earnest gratitude, and their hope that the
future of the church may be tranquU and prosperous.*
What was the effect of this Declaration ? No part of The De
it ever became in any perceptible degree either 1^ or feiiure.
usage. Nevertheless, says Baxter, three things came
from it. So much of concession went forth to the
nation with the narae of the king attached to it, which
sufficed to show sober men that our wishes could not be
so unreasonable as some other men were disposed to
insinuate. Further, the persecuting laws pending over
all Nonconformists were restrained during another year.
Finally, we had a conference with a view to an araicable
settlement, which, though it ended in the falsification of
every promise that had been raade to us, gave us occa
sion to state our case fully and freely to the men who
were to become our oppressors, and to satisfy our people
that we had acquitted ourselves faithfully on their behalf.
The men who were parties to the promises from Breda,
had concluded that a liberal course of proceeding to
that extent would be a necessary condition of their
restoration to power. But they soon discovered that a
less equitable policy might be safe ; and they had not the
virtue to resist the temptation, but became as sectarian,
as treacherous, and as revengeful as circumstances would
permit. Such is the sum of Baxter's judgment on affairs
at this juncture.f We shall see that this policy of the
bishops, which was indicated with so much decision in
* Baxter's Life, 284-285. Documents, 101-104.
t Baxter's Life, 287, 288.

258 . The Confessors of \662.

BOOK II, the suramer of 1660, was to continue to the crisis of
1662.
Popular While these discussions were taking place between
leading men, the people at large shared in the excite
raent. By this tirae, it seems, the word ' Presbyterian '
had come to be very much what the word ' Puritan ' had
been long before — a term of reproach cast on every one
who made the least pretension to seriousness or principle.
Noblemen and others in parliament, who pleaded for a
lenient treatraent of Nonconformists, were all branded as
Presbyterians, though, in fact, they were most of them
advocates of episcopacy, only wishing to see it somewhat
restricted and reformed.*
Scandals The cavallcrs had done much to make licentiousness
clergy. thc mark of the sound royalist and of the true church
man ; and the Restoration did much more in the same
direction. Many of the clergy, especially of the old
sequestered clergy now restored, became almost incredibly
scandalous in their conduct. Reports of their profane
ness, drunkenness, and debauchery were heard every
where. Baxter laments that he should have lived to
see the time in which scarcely any vice was accounted
so crirainal as the possession of a scrupulous conscience
touching religious conforraity.f
* Baxter's Life, 278. f Ibid. 288, 289.

CHAPTER V.
Elje Case of tfje Nonconformists in tlje Conference at
tlje ^a&os in X66X.
T will be remembered that the concessions raade chap. v.
in the king's Declaration had respect mainly to Preiimina-
° -^ ' ries to the

church government. Certain ceremonies were meeting at
left optional ; and while it was the wish — not ^ ^™^'
the coramand — of his majesty, that the Book of Common
Prayer should not in any case be wholly laid aside, the
minister was left to make his selections from it according
to his discretion. All this, however, was for the present,
and only preliminary to the proraised raeeting of learned
men to revise that volume, omitting sorae parts, or
supplying others, so as to adapt the whole, as far as
possible, to the existing state of feeling. Many Non
conformists were earnest in pressing that this meeting
should be promptly convened. One thing only, they
said, is now needed to ensure peace and aralty. Let
there be a satisfactory revision of the liturgy, and let
that revision become law, and our troubles wUl be at an
end. The commission issued for this purpose appointed

26o The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. twelve prelates on the one side, and twelve divines, to
The com- represent the Presbyterians, on the other. The Non-
mission. - . . -IIT-.
conformist representatives were nominated by Dr.
Reynolds, now bishop Reynolds, and by Mr. Calamy.
To ensure a full attendance at each meeting, nine
assistants, on either side, were also named to supply the
place of any nuraber of the twelve who should be absent.
March 25. The scrvIcc required from this commission was, ' To
' review the Book of Comraon Prayer, comparing the
' same with the most ancient liturgies which have been
' used in the church In the primitive and purest times ;
' and to that end to assemble and meet together, from
' time to time, within the space of four calendar months
' next ensuing. In the master's lodgings in the Savoy, in
' the Strand, in the county of Middlesex, or In such
' other place or places as shall be thought fit or con-
' venient, to take into your serious and grave considera-
' tion the several directions, rules, and forms of prayer,
' and things contained in the said Book of Common
' Prayer, and to advise and consult about the same, and
' the several objections and exceptions that shall now be
' raised against the same. And, If occasion be, to make
' such reasonable and necessary alterations, corrections,
' and araendments therein, as by and between you and
' the said archbishop, bishops, doctors, and persons
' hereby required and authorized to meet and advise as
' aforesaid, shall be agreed upon to be needful or expe-
' dient for the giving satisfaction to tender consciences,
' and the restoring and continuance of peace and unity
' In the churches under our protection and government.' *
When the commissioners assembled, the archbishop
* Wilkins's CoK«7w, iv. 570-572. Baxter's Life, 303-305. Card
well's Conferences, 298-302.

Conference at the Savoy in i66i. 261
of York, being the highest dignitary present, was the chap. v.
first to speak. But it was simply to say that he knew The pre-
little of the matter ; that the bishop of London, Dr. the course
Sheldon, was much better acquainted with the mind of l^^^^. ^^^'
his majesty than himself, and could best explain the
exact object before them. Sheldon at once said, the pre
lates had not sought this conference. It had been con
vened In deference to those who desired alterations in
the liturgy ; and as neither hiraself nor his brethren had
any changes to propose, they could have nothing to say
until the nature and extent of the changes required by
others should be subraitted to them. In brief, as at the
meeting of the last year, the demand of their lordships
was, that the ministers should present the whole of their
exceptions to the liturgy, and their proposed amend
ments, at once, and in writing. The divines had a
painful reraerabrance of what had resulted from that
course of proceeding on a former occasion. They
reminded his lordship that the royal commission required
thera to raeet together for the purpose of advice and
consultation, and that by a free interchange of thought,
after that raanner, they might come to understand each
other, and reach sorae conclusion, but that nothing
could be less promising than the substitution of a cor
respondence in the place of a conference. It would be,
in fact, a violation of the spirit and letter of the instruc
tions. But these reraonstrances availed nothing. Sheldon
insisted that the ' exceptions, alterations, and additions '
should all be given in at once, and in the form required.
Baxter, to the surprise of his brethren, concurred Baxter dif-
wlth Sheldon on this point; but for very different judgment
reasons. Our opponents, he said, hope to find that b™diren.
we are of widely different judgments on the points at

262 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK. II. issue. By communicating with them in the way pro
posed, we can best show how largely we are agreed.
The amendments on the existing forms, moreover, and
the additions we wish to make to them, cannot be pre
sented otherwise than by writing. In oral discussion,
too, there would probably be sorae unadvised and rash
speaking; and, above all, every dispute conducted in
that form is sure to be more or less misreported, and it
became them to be able to show to their congregations,
and to the coming time, how they had acquitted them
selves In a service of so much difficulty. In the end,
the ministers assented, but not without fear that the old
policy would be acted upon, and that the reply of the
bishops, on thus becoming acquainted with the exact
nature and extent of their wishes, would consist as
before, of a series of reasons against complying in any
of the instances mentioned. To ensure the Intended
ejectment, two things were needed — to know the con
cessions deemed indispensable, and to take care that no
such concessions should be made.*
Baxter's On retiring from this meeting, certain divines under-
trtifcBook took to prepare a paper setting forth the exceptions
p%°Z"'°" coraraonly taken to the Book of Coramon Prayer by
Nonconformists. Baxter engaged to supply such addi
tional or new services as should seem to him desirable.
His complaints in relation to the disposition of the
material, and to portions of the material itself, in the
Prayer Book, were many, few of them being without an
appearance of reason, though some might well have been
passed over. In its method, or rather no method, its
repetitions, and in other particulars, the book was shown
to have come from the accidents, more than from any
* Baxter's Life, 305, 306.

ministers.

Conference at the Savoy in 1661. 263
natural growth, of the past. Baxter's composition, in chap. v.
consequence, grew into a new liturgy, though he never
spoke of it as such, and was far from expecting to see it
adopted in place of the old. But it would suffice to
show the kind of service with which Presbyterians might
be expected to be satisfied ; and he was not without hope
that portions of it might be so far accepted as to be left
optional to those who should prefer them to the older
forms. Special exception was taken to the regeneration
doctrine in the baptismal service.*
In the document under the title of ' Exceptions,' The joint
which was finally agreed upon, and given in on the 4th from thT^
of May, the ministers commence by expressing their
gratitude to his majesty, who had shown himself so
much disposed to respect their convictions ; and their
earnest hope that the prelates would be found to be no
less ' tender of the church's peace,' and no less willing
' to bear with the infirmities of the weak.'f The com
pilers of the English liturgy were men of eminent worth
and sanctity, but it was hardly to be supposed that the
first step in reformation had been taken so perfectly as
to be properly the last. By many that work was
deeraed Imperfect frora the beginning, and the sense of
that imperfection had become rauch wider and deeper
through the nation In more recent times. We hold,
they say, that the ' liraiting of church coraraunion to
' things of doubtful disputation has been in all ages a
' ground of schism and separation ; ' and that the desire
* Baxter's Life, 306, 307-316.
t Ibid. 316-336. Baxter says, that in these meetings of his
brethren, whatever ' seemed to make the Prayer Book odious,' or to
savour of ' spleen or passion,' was rejected from whatever quarter it
came. P. 307;

264 The Confessors of i662.
BOOK II. to avoid all unnecessary offence to the conscience of
Papists, which led the reformers to retain many things
they would otherwise have discarded, has made it to be
simply reasonable that a regard to unity and strength
among Protestants in these later times, should lead to a
reconsideration of such doubtful usages. The general
exceptions taken relate to the translation of the Scriptures
followed in the Book of Comraon Prayer ; to the reading
of lessons from the Apocrypha ; to the instruction con
cerning the observance of Lent and holidays ; to the
limitation on free prayer ; to the parts of the service
which suppose all the worshippers to be regenerated ; to
the disorderly manner in which the collects are Intro
duced; to the ra.any defects in the volume in respect
both to confession and petition ; and reference Is made,
araong sorae less weighty raatters, to the presumption
and impolicy of precluding all persons from the worship
of God who are not reconcUed to the use of the surplice,
to the cross in baptism, or to the custom of kneeling at
the Lord's Supper. They seek change in these respects
and others —
' Because these ceremonies have, for above a hundred
' years, been the fountain of manifold evils in this
' church and nation, occasioning sad divisions between
' ministers and ministers, as also between ministers and
' people ; exposing many orthodox, pious, and peaceable
' ministers to the displeasure of their rulers, casting them
' on the edge of penal statutes, to the loss, not only of
' their livings and liberties, but also of their oppor-
' tunities for the service of Christ and his church ; and
' forcing people either to worship God in such a manner
' as their own consciences condemn, or doubt of, or else
' to forsake our assembhes, as thousands • have done.

Conference at the Savoy in 1661. 265
' And no better fruit than these can be looked for from chap v.
' retaining and Iraposing of these cereraonies, unless we
' could presume that all his majesty's subjects should
' have the same subtlety of judgment to discern even to
' a ceremony how far the power of man extends in the
' things of God, which is not to be expected ; or should
' yield obedience to all the impositions of men coii-
' cerning them, without enquiring into the will of God,
' which is not to be desired.
' We do therefore most earnestly entreat the right
' reverend fathers and brethren, to whom these papers
' are delivered, as they tender the glory of God, the
' honour of religion, the peace of the church, the service
' of his majesty in the accomplishment of that happy
' union which his majesty has so abundantly testified his
' desire of, to join with us in importuning his most
' excellent majesty, that his most gracious indulgence as
' to these ceremonies, granted in his royal Declaration^
' may be confirmed and continued to us and our poste-
' rities, and extend to such as do not yet enjoy the
' benefit thereof.'
On the passage in the commission which required wiwtthe
them to compare the English liturgy 'with the most formats sail
' ancient liturgies used In the church in the purest and cLn^'mur-
' most primitive times,' the ministers say, ' We cannot s'^s-
' find any records of known credit, concerning any
' entire forms of liturgy, within the first three hundred
' years, which are confessed to be the most primitive
' and purest ages of the church ; nor any impositions of
' liturgies, upon any national church for some hundreds
' of years after. We find, indeed, some liturgical forms
' fathered upon St. Basil, St.. Chrysostom, and St.
* Ambrose, but we have not seen any copies of them,
N

266

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.

The Excep
tions em
brace small
things and
great.

Exceptionsto vest
ments.

The inton
ing of the
Lessons.

' but such as give us sufficient evidence to conclude
' them wholly spurious, or so interpolated, that we
' cannot judge what there is in them of any primitive
' authority.' Passing from these ' generally expressed desires,' to
the more definite statement of their ' exceptions,' the
divines are careful to reraark, that some of the proposed
changes are more verbal than material ; and that some
others would not have been named had it not been felt
that they were blemishes which should be removed
from the services of an establishment of so much
dignity and authority as the church of England. But
the remaining matters are said to be of a more grave
description, consisting of things deeraed corrupt, and
contrary to the word of God — things, moreover, which
have been often censured as such, not only by private
persons, but by some of the raost learned men both of
the English and reformed churches. It cannot be said
that these things belong to ' the essentials of public
worship,' and if not, on what ground of reason can the
enforcement of them in such circumstances be wise or
charitable ?
The rubric required that the rainister should use
such ornaraents in the church as were in use In the
second year of Edward VI. The exception taken here
was, that this language seemed to bring back the cope,
the albe, and other popish vestments, condemned in the
service book published by authority of parliament in
the sixth year of that prince. It was said that, where
there is singing, the Lessons, the Epistles, and the Gos
pels should be sung to a plain tune. The exception
here was, that the Lessons, Epistles, and Gospels
are neither psalms nor hymns, and that the distinct

Conference at the Savoy in \66\. 267
reading of them would conduce much better to edifica- chap.v.
tion. The rubric on the communion said, let those who Pastoral dis-
' intend to be partakers signify the same to the curate
' over night.' The change required here was, that longer
notice should be given to the minister, and that he
should have power to exclude the ' notorious evil liver,'
until he shall repent, and make a credible profession
of his faith. After the creed, it was said, ' if there be Preaching.
no sermon, one of the homilies shall follow.' We de
sire, said the ministers, that preaching here shall not be
left so indifferent. In the communion, the communi- Kneeling at
cant was required to kneel ; and the old objection to munion.
that usage was again urged. It was also enjoined that
every parishioner should communicate at least three
times a year. Let it rather be enjoined, it was said,, Periodical
..... • communion
that the service shall be administered three times a
year, if there be communicants, but let there not be any
necessity of communion laid upon the people, as that
would often be to impose a religious service on the
irreligious. Concerning baptism, it was urged that the minister On baptism.
should not be compelled to baptize indiscriminately, but
be left to restrict that service to the children of parents
who at least are not scandalous m their lives. To the
usage concerning godfathers and godmothers it was ob
jected, that the natural sponsors in such cases were the
parents, and the weighty proraises raade by others on
such occasions were known to be a mockery. The bap
tismal regeneration doctrine was rejected, because, say
the Nonconformists, ' We cannot in faith say, that every
' child that is baptized is " regenerated by God's Holy
' Spirit ; " at least it is a disputable point, and, there-
' fore, we desire it may be otherwise expressed.' The
N 2

268

The Confessors 0/1662.

BOOK II.
Thc Cate
chism.

Confirma tion.

sign of the cross was, of course, a matter of exception.
On the catechism it was urged that the reading should
not be, ' Wherein I was raade a raeraber of Christ, the
'child of God, and an inheritor of the kingdom of
' heaven.' But rather as follows : — ' Wherein I was
' visibly adraitted into the nuraber of the raerabers of
' Christ, the children of God, and the heirs of the king-
' dom of heaven.'
In respect to confirmation, the rubric enjoined that
the pre-requisites to that service on the part of the
young should be ability to repeat the Articles of the
Belief, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments,
and to answer questions on the catechism. The ministers
were not satisfied with such memoritor qualifications, but
required that the pastor should see to the more adequate
instruction of the candidates, and that, according to his
majesty's declaration, 'confirmation be rightly and
' soleranly perforraed, by the information, and with the
' consent of the minister of the place.' The prayer be
fore the imposition of hands reads, ' Thou hast vouch-
' safed to regenerate these thy servants by water and the
' Holy Ghost, and hast given unto thera the forgiveness
' of all their sins.' The divines here say, ' This sup-
' poses that all the children who are brought to be con-
' firraed have the Spirit of Christ, and the forgiveness of
' all their sins, whereas a great number at that age have
' committed many sins since their baptism, and do show
' no evidence of serious repentance, or of any special
' saving grace ; and, therefore, this confirmation, if ad-
' ministered to such, would be a perilous and gross abuse.'*
* The prayer after Imposition of Hands reads thus : — ' We make
' our humble supplication to thee for these children ; upon whom,
' after the example of thy holy apostles, we have laid our hands, to

Conference at the Savoy in x66\. 269
Exceptions no less grave were taken to the language chap.v.
of the rubric in the Visitation of the Sick. In this ser- visitation
vice, the Prayer Book says, ' Here shall the sick person
' make a special confession ; after which confession the
' priest shall absolve him after this sort : Our Lord Jesus
' Christ, etc., and by his authority committed to me, I
' absolve thee.' Here it was pleaded, that the absolution
should be left to be pronounced or not, as the minister
should see occasion ; and that the forra of absolution
should be declarative and conditional only — ' I pro-
' nounce thee absolved, if thou dost truly repent and be-
' lieve,' instead of ' I absolve thee.' In regard to the
Coraraunion of the Sick, it was prayed that the rainister
should not be obliged to administer the sacrament to
such, except as he may judge it to be expedient and
fitting so to do.
In the Burial Service were these words : ' Forasmuch The Burial
' as it hath pleased Alraighty God of his great mercy to
' take unto himself the soul of our dear brother here de-
' parted ; we therefore commit his body to the ground in
' sure and certain hope of resurrection to eternal life ; '
words, say the Nonconformists, ' which cannot in truth
' be said of persons living and dying In open and
' certify them, by this sign, of thy favour and gracious goodness towards
' them.' Concerning which the ministers say, ' We desire that the
' practice of the apostles may not be alleged as a ground of this impo-
' sition of hands for the confirmation of children, both because the
' apostles did never use it in that case, as also because the Articles of
' the Church of England declare it to be a corrupt imitation of the
' apostles' practice. We desire that imposition of hands may not be
' made, as here it is a sign to certify to children God's grace and
' favour towards them, because this seems to bespeak it a sacrament,
' and is contrary to that forementioned XXVth Article, which saith
' that "confirmation hath no visible sign appointed by God."'

270

The Confessors of j 662.

BOOK II.

Summary
— Baxter's
liturgy.

' notorious sins.' Here is what Is called the first prayer
in this service : ' We give thee hearty thanks, for that It
'hath pleased thee to deliver this our brother out of
' the miseries of this sinful world ; that we, with this
' our brother, and all other departed in the true faith of
' thy holy Name, may have our perfect consummation and
' bliss.' Well might the ministers say, ' These words
' raay harden the wicked, and are inconsistent with the
' largest rational charity.' So in the last prayer : ' That,
' when we depart this life, we may rest in him, as our
' hope is this our brother doth.' The comment here Is :
' These words cannot be used with respect to those per-
' sons who have not, by their actual repentance, given
' any ground for the hope of their blessed estate.'
Such was the case of the Nonconformists at the Savoy,
in 1 66 1. On church governraent, they accepted the
concessions Which had been made by the king, though
falling much below their desire on that point ; and If the
more material of the changes now proposed In the
liturgy should be granted, they were prepared to con
tinue rainisters of the English church. In the liturgy
drawn up by Baxter, we see one of the many signs of
weakness In the history of that eminent and estimable
man. Such, however, was his influence with his
brethren, that they were induced to give in that
docuraent, with a brief preface to it by themselves. But
this was not done until after they had presented their
exceptions.* And in the preface they were careful to
* •'When the exceptions against the liturgy were finished, the
' brethren often read over the reformed liturgy which I offered them.
' At first they would have had no rubric or directory, but bare prayers,
' because they thought our commission allowed it not. At last, they
' yielded to the reasons I gave them, and resolved to take them in.
' But, first, to offer the bishops their exceptions,' Baxter's Life, 333.

Conference at the Savoy in i66i. 271
remind the bishops, that the royal commission had re- chap.v.
quired them to exercise their discretion, not only In
revising or omitting matters contained in the Book of
Comraon Prayer, but in supplementing it, so far as
might seem to be expedient, with new forms. In sub
mitting these new forms, the ministers say, ' We have
' here accordingly added sorae rules or directions as
' requisite to give light to the whole, showing when and
' how these several parts shall be used. But if any of
' these rules or directions, upon debate, shall be judged
' by the coraraissioners unnecessary, or over long, we
' shall be very ready to submit either to the alteration or
' omission of them. And since we, for our parts, do so
' freely profess not to insist on anything now or formerly
' proposed, which shall be manifested to be unmeet ; so
' we humbly crave and hope for your consent to all the
'rest; and that these alterations and additions now
' offered raay find your favourable interpretation and
' acceptance, and raay, by our joint consent, be pre-
' sented to his majesty, to the end they raay obtain his
' gracious approbation ; and the several particulars
'thereof may be inserted into the several respective
' places of the liturgy to which they belong, and left to
'the minister's choice to use the one or the other,
'according to his majesty's gracious Declaration con-
' cerning ecclesiastical affairs.'*
In the preface from which this extract is taken, the
ministers of course speak conjointly, and nothing, on
the whole, could be more cautious, moderate, or reason
able than their language. Their highest hope concern-
* The History of Nonconformity, as it was Argued and Stated by
Commissioners on both Sides, appointed by His Majesty King Charles I I.,
in the year 1661. 1708. Pp. 52, 53.

272 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. ing these new forms evidently was, that some portions
of them might be inserted along with the old, and that
both raight ' be left to the rainlster's choice, to use the
one or the other.' But, in fact, tbe new liturgy — these
' additional forms and alterations,' as they were called by
the ministers — appears to have been regarded, on both
sides, as being more a private than a public document.
So much so, that in the elaborate reply from the bishops
to the ' exceptions,' there is not a word of allusion even
to the existence of this offspring from the too active
brain of Mr. Baxter. The ' exceptions ' embraced the
main points at issue, and the discussion was restricted to
them,*
The Peti- lu anothcr paper, intitled ' The Petition for Peace,'
Peace!"^ the pen of Baxter was raore wisely employed.f In this
address, presented to their ' most reverend fathers,'
the bishops, along with the proposed reformation of the
Hturgy, the rainisters say, .' We speak to you as humble
' petitioners, as well as coraraissioners, on the behalf of
' these yet troubled and unhealed churches, and of many
' thousand souls that are dear to Christ ; on whose
* Baxter compiled his liturgy in a fortnight, and then found his
brethren only on the threshold of their labour about the ' exceptions.'
The exceptions, as stated above, were given in on the fourth of May.
It is some time after the twentieth, that Baxter says, 'When the
' brethren came to examine the reformed liturgy, and had often read
' it over, they passed it, at last, in the words in which I had written it,
" save only that they put out a few lines in the administration of the
' Lord's Supper, where the vi ord. offering was issued; and they put out
' a page of reasons for infant baptism, thinking it unnecessary ; and
' they put the larger litany into an appendix, as thinking it too long ;
' and Dr. Wallis was desired to draw up the prayer for the king, which
' is his work, but after, somewhat altered by us.' Baxter's Life, 334.
,f Baxter's -Z/j/^, 334. The History of Nonconformity, 27-^1. Docu
ments relating to the Settlement of the Church of England, 1 76-200.

Conference at the Savoy in \66\. 273
' behalf we are pressed in spirit, in the sense of our chap. v.
' duty, raost earnestly to beseech you, as you tender the
' peace and prosperity of these churches, the corafort of
' his majesty in the union of his subjects, and the peace
' of your souls In the great day of your accounts, that,
' laying by all forraer and present exasperating and
' alienating differences, you will not now deny us your
' consent and assistance to those means that shall be
' proved honest, and cheap, and needful to those great,
' desirable ends, for which we all profess to have our
' ofiices and lives.'
They begin by expressing emphatically their hopes
that the use of some of the forms which they have
submitted raay be left to ' the rainlster's choice, to
use at his discretion.' They do not venture to ask for
more. But as ' sorae hundreds of able, holy, faithful
ministers are of late cast out,' and great spiritual desti
tution has corae by that raeans on multitudes of people ;
they plead earnestly, that the men who have been
ordained by parochial pastors may not be required to
submit to reordination ; that the amended polity, and
the reformed liturgy, promised In his majesty's Declara
tion, may be granted ; and that the negligent and
scandalous in the ministry may be substituted by others
better qualified for their office. Let these things be
settled,, and their hearts would be filled with thank
fulness, and the land would be enriched ' by the increase
of holiness and peace.' We shall take the boldness,
they say, ' to second these requests with many of our
' reasons, which we think should prevail for your con-
' sent ; choosing rather to incur whatsoever offence may
' be taken against our freedom of expression, than to be
' sUent at such a time as this, when thousands of the

274 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. ' servants of the Lord, who are either deprived of their
' faithful teachers, or in fear of losing them, together
' with the freedom of their consciences in God's worship,
' do cry day and night to heaven for help, and would
' cry also in your ears with raore importunate requests
' had they but the opportunity we now have.'
Then follows a series of reasons, intended to show the
justice and expediency of this liberal policy. The
province of the pastors of the church, it is said. Is to
feed the flock ; condescending, if needs be, to its
weakness, and bearing with it. The Lord of the
harvest commanded the apostles to pray that more
labourers might be sent Into his harvest; and can It
become their successors to doom raany thousand souls
to a want of the bread of hfe, by driving able and pious
raen from their cures, because they have scruples In
respect to certain ' forras or ceremonies, or to reordina
tion ^ ' It is alleged that the things to which this con
formity is exacted are things indifferent But to the
Nonconformist they are not indifferent ; and on which
side must the greater fault be — with those who say they
cannot conform to such things, because they believe
them to be sinful, or with those who Insist upon
enforcing them, while describing them as indifferent.?
The penalties incurred by Nonconformity demonstrate
the sincerity of the Nonconformists ; and the pretence,
that to bear with scruples at all, must be to bear with
them without end, is not language to be expected from
the lips of wise men — ' use necessary things as neces-
' sary, and unnecessary as unnecessary, and charitably
' bear with the infirmities of the weak, and tolerate the
' tolerable, while they live peaceably, and then you will
' know when you have done.'

Conference at the Savoy in 1661. 275
Further, — Is there any comparison to be made between chap.v.
the value of such ceremonies, and the worth of the many
souls which will probably be lost, as the consequence of
such rigorous proceedings ? ' If it be said, that other
' men who will conform to the things In question may
' convert and save souls better than those that are
' factious and disobedient, we first humbly crave that
' reproach may not be added to affliction, and that none
' may be called factious that are not proved such ; and
'that laws imposing things Indifferent in your judgment,
' and sinful in theirs, may not be made the rule to judge
' of faction.' This would be to raake men offenders,
' by the making of laws and canons that must force
' them to be such ; consequently, Daniel was an offender
' — the law which he must break was made to make
' him a breaker of the law. Take away the law, and
' take away his fault. We accuse none of like inten-
' tions ; but we must say, that it is easy to raake any
' man an offender, by making laws which his conscience
'wIU not aUow him to observe.' With regard to the
competent men who are said to be ready to come into
the place of the ejected, the fact that they are men for
whom nearly everything is to be done, scarcely any
thing being left to their discretion, does not bespeak a
very high confidence In their wisdom or abUity. To say
that a man shall conform to these ceremonies or not be
allowed to preach, is to make such observances of more
importance than preaching, and is that to leave them
among things indifferent? Order there must be, but
small things should not be iraposed with disproportionate
penalties ; and the vital functions of the church should
not be made to give place to things which are of no
necessity. So did these good men reason ; and they go

276 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. on to say, ' We humbly crave that we may not In this
' be more rigorously dealt with, than the pastors and
' people of the ancient churches were. If we raay not have
¦ the liberty of the priraitive times, when, for aught
' that can be proved, no liturgical forms were imposed
' on any church ; yet, at least, let us have the liberty of
' the following ages, when, under the same prince, there
' were diversity of liturgies, and particular pastors had
' the power of making and altering them for their par-
' ticular churches' The fact thus adverted to was sig
nificant. In this manner, the prelates were reminded,
that in respect to ritual. Protestantism, in their hands,
was about to become a greater bondage, and not a
greater liberty, as compared with Romanism !
Much was said to show that the demand of reordi
nation was a novelty in the history of the church, and
to expose the unreasonableness of assuming that nothing
but perversity of temper could preclude men from
seeing alike in raatters connected with religious worship.
Much also to show, that error In this respect was at
least as likely to belong to those who were zealous in
the imposition of such things, as In those who were
firm in resisting them. The widely different course
taken by an inspired apostle In relation to such diver
sities of judgment some sixteen centuries ago was laid
open with much Intelligence. * The expulsion of large
numbers of conscientious and holy men for such a cause
would be a triumph to the irreligious and profane;
woidd convert the joy which came with the return of
his majesty into bitter mourning in the experience of
myriads of his subjects ; would perpetuate all the old
feuds ; and could hardly be expected to bring honour
"* Romans xiv.

Conference at the Savoy in i66i. 277
to their lordships in the estimation of the reformed chap.v.
churches or of after ages, or to find favour at the last in
the presence of their Divine Lord. In conclusion, they
say, ' We are petitioners for those who are faithful to
' God and the king ; who fear offending ; who agree
' with you In all things necessary to salvation and to the
' common union of believers ; and whom you are likely
' to see at Christ's right hand, who will finally justify
' them and take them to glory. We have now faith-
' fully, and not unnecessarUy or unreasonably, spread
' before you the case of thousands of the upright of the
' land. We have proposed honest and safe remedies
' for our present distractions, and the preventing of the
' feared increase. We humbly beg your favourable
' interpretation of our plain and earnest language, which
' the urgency of the cause commands, and your consent
' to these our necessary requests ; which. If you grant
' us, you will engage us to thankfulness to God and
' you, and to employ our faculties and interests with
' alacrity to assist you for the coraraon peace.'*
Bearing In raind the antecedents of these raen — their
long-avowed convictions, their practices and habits
during raany years past, we see not what concession
* 'I was desired, if it were possible, to get audience for the
' " Petition," before all the company. Some were against it, and so
' they would have been generally, if they had known what was in it.
' But, at last, they yielded to it. But their patience was never so put
' to it by us, as in hearing so long and ungrateful a petition.' Baxter's
Life, 334. Baxter says, 'The generality of the bishops and doctors'
never knew what the papers were which had been submitted by the
Nonconformists, except, as in the instance of this petition, where the
document had been ' read openly to them.' ' So that it seems, before
' they knew what was in our papers, they resolved to reject them,
' whether right or wrong, and to deliver them up to their contradictors.'
liitl. 335.

278 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. they could be expected to make which they had not
made. Men whose loyalty had been so well attested,
and who had taken so conspicuous a part In restoring
the king, might reasonably have claimed that much
more should have been ceded to them. They were com
missioners In comraon with the prelates ; they were in
no way inferior to their lordships in ability, in learning,
or in weight of character. But they place themselves
in the attitude of petitioners to their colleagues and
equals, and in that attitude they urge their suit by every
consideration adapted to Influence the judgment, the
humanity, or the conscience of intelligent and Christian
men. With what effect this was done we shall see in
the next chapter.

CHAPTER VL

Reply of
the prelates
to the Ex
ceptions of
the minis
ters.

^oUcg of t!je Btsfjops tu t\}z Conference at tfje Sabog
in X66X ; antJ its lExposure ig tlje Nonconformists.
HE Savoy conference was restricted to four chap.vi,
months. Three of those months had passed
before the prelates returned their Answer to the
Exceptions which the ministers had subraitted
to them. The High Church party knew the juncture
to be such, that in their case, to gain time was to gain
power. On the whole, the answer which came from
the prelates now was a faithful repetition of the answer
which had come from them , the year before. The
bishops alleged, that according to their instructions, they
were to admit such changes only as should be proved to
be ' necessary,' and as should, in consequence, be ' agreed
upon.' Their answer was, that none of the changes
proposed had been shown to be of that nature, and that
none of them accordingly could be allowed. Their paper
was described. Indeed, as raaking concessions, but it was
seen at a glance that these were few and trivial, verbal
rather than material. To many this issue was simply-
such as had been expected. To many It was the occa-

28o The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. sion of disappointraent and sorrow. But while this was
the drift and substance of their reply, their lordships
raade some attempt, in this document, to exhibit reasons
for their decision, and returned a sort of answer to the
' exceptions ' seriatim.
Rejoinder Thc mlnlstcrs resolved that the discussion should not
from the . i * • ti j
ministers, terminate at this point. Baxter was requested, to prepare
a rejoinder. He hastened at once to the house of his
good brother. Dr. Spurstowe, in the village of Hackney,
and shut himself up to his labour during the next eight
days. He then appeared before his brethren with a
document, which, printed in ordinary pica type, would
extend to some hundred and fifty octavo pages. The
sections of the ' Answer ' are transcribed, fully and fairly,
in their order, and the ' Rejoinder' deals with them one by
one. Walls, bastions, gates — whatever the bishops have
reared In their defence, all are levelled to the ground,
or shattered into fragments, by the artillery directed
against them. We do not say the shot are never beside
the mark, or that there is no waste of araraunition, but
the execution done is, upon the whole, masterly and
complete. We shall not be expected to attempt even
an epitome of this elaborate production. But the sub
stance of portions of it should be given, as serving to
show the sort of argument with which the bishops were
content to defend their cause ; and to show, moreover,
the nature of the reasoning which raade Nonconformists
in that day, and which has sufiiced to make men such
from that day to the present. With this view we shall
pass over the matter which has a personal tinge upon It,
' and does not bear directly on the great principles which
separated the two parties from each other.
The divines ventured to remind the prelates that it

mitivechurch.

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 281
became them, as the professed successors of the apostles, chap. vi.
to imitate those holy raen by showing themselves tender How to
of the peace of the church, and careful to heal her to the
differences. The answer to this appeal was in four lines :
' For preserving the church's peace, we know no better
' nor raore efficacious way than our set liturgy, there
' being no such way to keep us from schism as to speak
' all the same thing, according to the apostle.'
We submit, say the ministers, that the liturgy would Liturgies
not be less conducive to concord If the parts of it which J'o"di"e°pr'i-
are the cause of our present divisions were revised or
removed. Our complaint is, that in its present state It
is not adapted to your proposed end. Further, by speak
ing ' the same thing,' do you suppose the apostle intended
the speaking of your liturgy, or of a liturgy of any
kind ? If you mean to say the apostles used a liturgy,
we deraand the proof of that stateraent. If so precious
a relic as an apostolic liturgy really existed, we desire to
know by what strange means it fell into disuse, became
lost, so that no portion of it can be recovered .'' The
fact that we know nothing of such a composition Is proof
that the apostolic age knew nothing of it. Had it
existed, the apostles. In their endeavours to heal the
dissensions in the early churches, would surely have
appealed to it. But they make no such appeal. To
say, as Is sometimes said, that those were the tiraes of
miraculous gifts, and that rubrical aids were little needed,
is to grant our conclusion, viz., that liturgies were
unknown in the primitive church. We must add, that
If the time was to corae in which an exact liturgy would
be Indispensable to the security of faith and order, can
we suppose that the apostles, in their inspired foresight
of the needs of the church, would have failed to supply

282 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. such assistance? And if they had done so, is it not
clear that the church would have had one liturgy, as
certainly as one Bible ? If it be said that our liturgy ' is
' ancient, because the Sursum Cor da, the Gloria Patri,
' etc., are ancient,' we answer, if our modern liturgies
shall be restricted to the few sentences of that sort which
can be traced to a true antiquity, we are Nonconformists
no longer : we consent to use thera.
Past fruit of The next answer of the bishops is an appeal to ex-
liturgy. perience. ' When the liturgy was duly observed,' say
their lordships, ' we lived in peace ; since that was laid
' aside, there have been as many modes and fashions of
'worship as fancies.'
The Non- Pardou US, say the divines, if we interpret such
conformist . . - , . . .
view on language as betraying a want or charity — an insensi-
t^^a^t ques- j^jj- Jy. jQ jj^g suffering of your brethren. ' You say you
' lived in peace. But so did not the many thousands
' who were fain to seek peaceable habitations in Holland,
' and In the deserts of America, nor the many thousands
' who lived in danger of the high commission, or bishops'
' courts at home, and who were so In danger of every
' malicious neighbour that would accuse them of hearing
' sermons abroad, when they had none at home, or of
' meeting in a neighbour's house to pray, or of not
' kneeling in the receiving of the sacrament.' We
should not have reminded you of these things had you
not compelled us so to do. Scotland might also say to
you, that before your liturgy came among them they
had peace, but that afterwards they had no peace. Who
does not know that our own inquietude came largely from
the determination of our rulers in those days to enforce
such observances ? And is this the use which is to be
made of all our experiences ? Have we all suffered so

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 283
rauch, only that you should return to the old course of chap.vi.
violence towards men who should be allowed to live in
peace ? The past has shown how little influence penal
ties and prisons can exercise over the judgments and
consciences of men ; and in the face of such a past, can
you resolve to return to that policy ? Of some you
may make hypocrites. Of sorae you may make exiles.
Some raay perish under your hand. And what will be
the effect of all this upon yourselves ? Will this be to
show that you are the friends of the people — fathers to
the flock ? But you say the liberty to dispense with the
use of the liturgy bred great divisions In the late times.
We say, on the contrary, that ' it is to us matter of
'admiration to observe how little discord there was in
' prayer, and other parts of worship, araong all the
' churches throughout the three nations, which were
'agreed in doctrine, and forbore the liturgy. It is
' wonderful to us, in the review, to consider with what
' love and peace and concord they all spoke the sarae
' things, who were tied to no form of words ; even
'those who differed In some points of discipline, even
' to a withdrawing from local communion with us, yet
' strangely agreed with us In worship.'
The fourth answer from the bishops Is highly charac- The people
teristic. It Is well, say their lordships, to pray for unity, humble, say
and not less well ' to labour to get true huraility, which ' ^ '^ °^^'
'would make us think our guides wiser and fitter to
' order us than we ourselves, and Christian charity, which
' would teach us to think no evil of our superiors, but
' to judge them rather careful guides and fathers to us.'
But you must hear the other side, say the ministers. Would
We humbly conceive that it would tend greatly towards out of place
the peace of the church if our pastors should be content sup'eriors.

284 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. to be examples to the flock, not as lords over them — not
thinking so highly of themselves, nor so meanly of their
brethren, as to judge no words proper to be addressed to
God in public worship, except such as they have pre
scribed. Apostles did not so, and humility should pre
vent their successors from so doing. Some ministers
may be weak men, but can it be well that the laws of
the church should be framed on the assumption that the
weak are the rule, while assuredly they should be the
exception ? It is easy to say the people should not take
upon them to judge concerning the lawfulness of things
commanded ? But humble men raay innocently suppose
that their superiors are not infallible ; that it is possible
they should command what God has forbidden ; and
they know that in such cases they are bound to obey
God, and ' not to obey man against the Lord.' The
conduct of Daniel shows that ' absolute obechence must
' be given to God only, the absolute sovereign.' We
must say, that if the prelates wish to be regarded as
the careful guides and fathers of the church, ' It Is not
" for thera to seera wiser than the apostles, and to make
' those things of standing necessity, which the aposties
' never so raade, nor to forbid those to preach the gospel
' or to hold communion with the church, who dare not
' conform to things unnecessary. Love and tenderness are
' not used to express themselves by hurting and destroy^
' ing for nothing.'
The bishops The bishops next say — Prove the things to which
the u'niaw- 7°^ take exception to be unlawful. If we hearken to
ful only. scruples on any lighter ground, ' order is gone.'
We have said enough, was the reply, to show that
the Imposition of those things must be unlawful. But
your rule here is not reasonable — not charitable. You

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 285
could not prove sitting at the Lord's Supper to be un- chap. vi.
lawful. But would you deem it a light matter to have
that form imposed upon you ? This Is one instance
from raany hke it. Remember the law — ' Whatsoever ye
' would that others should do unto you, do ye so unto
' them.' Their lordships further say — Were we to grant what To revise
you require, we should offend ' the soberest and most ^v,la\i If
loyal children of the Church of England,' Inasrauch as (^^""hTm-
we should concede. In so doing, that those who have p'°"' '" ''¦^
. . . wrong.
opposed the liturgy in past times were in the right, and
that those who have written in its defence were in the
wrong. The ministers must have known how forcibly this
reasoning had operated through the whole Puritan con
troversy. But their reply to it was not difficult. ' We
' seek not,' they say, 'to Impose what we offer on others,
' but can thankfully accept a liberty to use what is to our
' own conscience unquestionable and safe, while other
' men use what they like better.' Among those who
doubt the lawfulness of an observance, there raay be raany
who would not at once affirm the observance to be unlaw
ful, but who, so long as they are in doubt, dare not be
conformists. We use no harsh words concerning those
who have defended the liturgy as It is. We grant that
their reasoning raay have been satisfactory to theraselves,
though it is not so to us, and It is not necessary that any
authority should decide on the difference between us.
We siraply ask you not to deny to us the hberty you
claim for yourselves. If you reject this reasonable pro
posal, and tell us we must conform, our suffering will
soon demonstrate whether we account such conformity
sinful or not.

286 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOKH. The church, say the prelates, 'has been careful to
The liturgy < put nothing lu the liturgy but that which is either
founded on ' evidently the word of God, or what hath been gene-
anTcatho- ' Tally rccelvcd in the catholic church.'
he tradition 'j'j^g mlnlstcrs answer — Mr. Hales, whom we pre
sumed to be a great authority with your lordships, was
evidently of a very different opinion. The expression,
' generally received in the catholic church,' is hard to
understand. Taken in any sense, this language is
strangely at variance with the facts of history. In an
appeal to authority in that form, we raust Insist that
the judgraent of the priraitive church should take
precedence of ecclesiastical usage when the church had
degenerated from her simplicity and had become cor
rupt. If you require us to subscribe to the nineteenth
Article, we are there made to say, that ' as the church
' of Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Antioch have erred, so
' also the church of Rome hath erred, not only in their
' living and raanner of cereraonies, but also in matters
' of faith :' and saith Rogers, on Article twenty — ' They
' are out of the way who think that either one man, or
' the pope, or any certain calling of men, as the clergy,
' hath power to decree and appoint rites or ceremonies,
' though of themselves good, to the whole church of
' God. Indeed, if you would have all that corruption
' brought into our liturgy, and discipline, and doctrine
' which the Papists, Greeks, and others, do use, who
' undoubtedly make up the far greater number of the
' now universal church, you would deserve no more
' thanks of God or man than he who would have all
' kings, and nobles, and gentry levelled with the poor
' comraons, because the latter are the greater number.'
In fact, ceremonies have varied everywhere. Wise men

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 287
will use them with that large liberty with which the past chap. vi.
has used them.
Concerning public prayer their lordships say, 'We The bishops
' heartily desire that care may be taken to suppress those counte-
;. , r , r nance free
' private conceptions of prayers before and after sermon, prayer.
' lest private opinions be made the matter of prayer in
" pubhc, as hath, and wUl be. If private persons take
' liberty to make public prayers.'
The rainisters were greatly raoved by this declaration.
They appear to have looked in wonder on each other as
they said — No free prayer ! It has been predicted, they
say, that it would come to this, but we have always
rebuked the suspicion as unwarranted and uncharitable.
But It Is even so. All prayer coming from the mind of
the preacher is treated as coming from a private person.
But if the ministers of religion are not public persons,
who are such ? Your reasoning, moreover, if con
sistently acted upon, would require, not only that there
should be no free prayer, but that there should be no
free preaching. For every one knows, that the venting
of private opinions in the sermon is greatly more prob
able than that they should find expression In the prayer.
If men may not be trusted to pray, accordingly, stiU
less should they be trusted to preach. Beside which. In
prayer, the rainister expresses the mind of the people to
God ; in preaching he does much more — he professes
to deliver the mind of God to the people. If your
ministers, therefore, are to be men so little competent to
their office that you dare not allow them to pray, in the
name of everything consistent do not allow them to
preach. We must be permitted to remind you also,
that if the existing clergy be nbt men so feeble as really
to need that everything should in this raanner be done

288

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.

The pre
lates hold
to catholic
consent.

Win not
allow that
the liturgy
is excep
tionable.

for them, such a course of proceeding will surely create
an order of raen who will be of that low and mechanical
description. ' We do, therefore, for the sake of the
' poor, threatened church, beseech you that you will be
' pleased to repent of these desires, and not to prosecute
' them, considering that to avoid a lesser evil — avoidable
' by safer means — you will bring a far greater evil on
' the churches, and such as is like to strip these nations
' of the glory in which they have excelled the rest of the
' world, even a learned, able, and holy ministry, and a
' people sincere and serious, and of understanding in the
' matters of their salvation.'
You propose, say the prelates, that ' the prayers may
' consist of nothing doubtful, or questioned by pious,
' learned, and orthodox persons. If, by such persons,
' you mean those who adhere to Scripture and the
' catholic consent of antiquity, we do not know that any
' part of our liturgy hath been questioned by such ; '
and no prayers could be devised that would be unex
ceptionable to persons not of that description.
It required no little patience to deal calmly with such
a style of address. The rainisters were content to say,
we think we are ourselves orthodox ; we have questioned
raany things in your liturgy ; and we have shown that
we have warrant frora Scripture, antiquity, and reason
for so doing.
The bishops next say, to describe the liturgy of the
church of England as ' loading public forms with
' church porap, garments, imagery, and many superflui-
' ties, is gross and foul slander.'
The ministers reply — The words which give you so
much offence are, as you 'know, the words of Mr. Hales,
and intended to set forth a great fact, viz., that In

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 289

church history, the great schismatics have been, not the chap.vi.
Separatists, but the men who have caused separations.
Can you show this statement to be untrue ? If true,
have you nothing to learn frora it ?
Our reforraers, say the prelates, ' drew up such a The history
' liturgy as neither Romanist nor Protestant would justly "ordships is
' except against ; and, therefore, as the first never *'^ '^""^¦
' charged it with any positive errors, so it was never
' found fault with by those to whom the name of Pro-
' testant most properly belongs, , those who profess, the
' Augustan confession.'
The gross historical ignorance, or something worse,
betrayed in these statements, was amply exposed. Then
follow some lengthened discussions concerning the
hymns to be sung in public worship ; the responses in the
liturgy ; the version from which the lessons should be
read;, and the injunction as to the observation of Lent,
and of saints' days ; matters in which we feel but little
interest. But, under a later proposition, the bishops
say, that to allow every minister to put in or leave out
at his discretion in reading the liturgy, would be to make
it void. Upon which the divines answer, 'You mis-
' take us : we speak not of putting in or leaving out of
' the liturgy, but of having leave to interraix some exhor-
' tations or prayers besides, to take off the deadness
' which wiU follow, if there be nothing but the stinted
' forms. We would avoid the extreme which would
' have no forms, and the contrary extreme which would
"' have nothing but forms.'
The eighteenth proposition laid down by the divines Seat of
relates to the seat of church authority, and the right of thorky, and
iraposition. It was on this point that the two parties posWol™'
especiaUy tried their strength. The Nonconformists

290 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. interpret the well-known text : ' Let all things be done
decently and in order,' as referring to such a settle
ment concerning ' time, place, or utensils, as is common
to things civil and sacred,' and not as relating to the
imposition of ceremonies. But they lay down the
following rules as to the seat of power in regard to the
church. Coercive power belongs only to the magistrate ;
the coercive power of the magistrate is over the minister
of religion as it is over the physician or philosopher';
the power to regulate the circumstantials of a congrega
tion in respect to time, fitness, and the like, belongs by
Divine appointment to the presbyters, or pastors ofthe con
gregation ; power to determine who shall come to the com
munion belongs also to the pastors, as the proper judges
in t\it first instance ; power to regulate the communion of
churches belongs to the associated pastors or bishops of
those churches asserabled in synod ; and if the question
be, whether the laws of the raagistrate, or the canons of
the clergy, be agreeable to the word of God or not, that
is a point on which the individual conscience raust judge.
To deny the conscience that right, raust be to say, that
the obedience of every private person to his superiors
should be implicit and absolute ; in other words, that
man should not be governed as a rational creature, and
that the magistrate should be raised, after the manner of
Hobbes, into the place of the Deity ! Hence, if men
will so meddle, under the plea of decency and order, ' with
' things that belong not to their office, as to institute a
' new worship for God, new sacraments, or anything
' forbidden, this is a usurpation, and not an act of
' authority, and we are bound in obedience to God to
' disobey thera.'
Such is the drift of the reasoning which is spread

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 291
over many pages. The bishops, on the other hand, chap.vi.
aware that the law was likely to be on their side, insist
on the duty of submission to law, and discard every plea
of conscience as opposed to law as a forra of schisra or
rebellion.* But if law must be so Inflexible, has charity no office why the
in this matter ? ' Charity,' say the bishops, ' will move cannTbe
' to pity, and relieve those that are truly perplexed or <^'>"''^'='^'
'¦ scrupulous ; yet we must not break God's command in
' charity to them ; and, therefore, we raust not perform
' public services indecently, or disorderly, for the ease of
' tender consciences.' So every statement from' their
lordships comes round to the same conclusion — no con
cession. Kneeling at the Lord's Supper, the cross in
baptism, the surplice in reading, the doctrinal utterances
in the baptismal service, in the confirmation service, in
the communion service, in the absolution service, and in
the burial service, all must remain strictly as they are ;
inasmuch, as to dispense with thera, or to change thera,
would be, we are told, to ' break God's command,' and
to sink into disorder and indecency ! Charity might
prompt to such a course, but duty will not allow it !
Well might the ministers exclaim, ' Oh that you would
* ' Pretence of conscience is no exemption from obedience, for the
'law, as long as it is law, certainly binds to obedience. (Rom. xiii.)
' Ye must needs be subject. And this pretence of a tender or gain-
• saying conscience cannot abrogate the law, since it can neither take
' away the authority of the law-maker, nor make the matter of the
' law itself unlawful. Besides, if pretence of conscience did exempt
' from obedience, laws were useless ; whosoever did not list to obey,
' might pretend tenderness of conscience, and be thereby set at liberty,
' which, if once granted, anarchy and confusion must needs follow.'
Prop. 1 8, § 6. Ans. Rule 4. The reasoning of their lordships all
runs in this narrow groove.
O 2

292 The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. ' but do all that God allows you, yea, commands you.
Liberality ' for thcsc cuds ! How happy would you make your-
of the Non- „ . -^ -^ , , , ^^^ ^
conformists. ' sclvcs and thesc poor, afflicted churches. We are here
' more conformable and peaceable than you. For
' example, there is much disorder in the Common Prayer
' Book, yet we would obey it as far as the ends of our
' calling require. It would be indecent to come without
' a band, or other handsome raiment, into the assembly ;
' yet, rather than not worship God at all. We would
' obey if that were commanded. We are as confident
' that surplices and copes are indecent, and that kneeling
' at the Lord's table Is disorderly, as you are of the
' contrary. Yet, if the magistrate would be advised by
' us (supposing him against you), we would advise him
' to be more charitable to you, than you here advise
' him to be to us. We would have hira. If your con-
' science require it, to bear with you in this indecent and
' disorderly way. But to speak more distinctly, — when
' things decent are commanded, whose opposites would
' not be at all indecent, there charity, and peace, and
' edification raay command a relaxation. And it is not
' Indecent, disorderly worshipping of God, to worship
' him without our cross, surplice, and kneeling in the
' reception of the sacrament. If it were, then Christ and
' his apostles worshipped indecently and disorderly ; and
' the primitive church, which used not the surplice, nor
' the transient image of the cross in baptism (but as an
' unguent), yea, the church for many hundred years which
' received the sacrament without kneeling.' The parlia
ment established these ceremonies, the parliaraent may
change them, and are your lordships prepared to become
schismatics and rebels if it should do so ?
Concerning baptism, the bishops reiterate their state-

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 293
ment, 'that all children are, at their baptism, regenerated chap.vi.
by water and by the Holy Ghost ; ' and the ministers Baptismal
renew their exceptions to that dogma. The doctrine, uonTiid
both of the Prayer Book and of the Catechism, on this °'''""""-
subject. Is affirmed to be scriptural. So with confirma
tion, the visitation of the sick, and the burial service.
It is well, say the bishops, that the language of the
Prayer Book should be such as It is on these subjects.
But the ministers dissent. They do not believe the
effect of confirmation to be such as Is attributed to It ;
they do not regard the minister of Christ as authorized
to say absolutely, ' I absolve thee ; ' nor can they see
either consistency or truthfulness in the form which
requires the clergyraan to commit the bodies of those
who are known to have died In dissoluteness to the
grave, in ' sure and certain hope of resurrection to
eternal life.' The few things ceded by the bishops,
at the close of their paper, are sraall matters, and must
have been read with a smile by the Nonconformists.
They are a mockery of concession.
Such is the substance of the document in which the Uses ofthe
Presbyterian rainisters vindicated their 'Exceptions' to summary.
the English liturgy. The summary we have given will
enable the reader to estimate the mental and spiritual
characteristics of the men, and to look at the questions
in debate in the light In which they were viewed by the
disputants on the Nonconformist side in this controversy.
Of the time to which the coramission had been The minis-
¦ hmited, less than a fortnight remained, when this paper iorT^Tr-
was read and adopted. The divines, accordingly, pressed ^™^„'^^^°"'
their episcopal brethren to grant them a meeting for the
purpose of a personal conference, and that their final
intention, as to concession, might be known. In the

294 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. meeting which took place some days later, Baxter pre
sented the Rejoinder, as from himself and his brethren,
of which an account has been given In this chapter. He
saw their lordships were displeased with the largeness of
the document, and that feeling was no doubt deepened as
the nature of its contents became better known to them.
Artifice of Xhc ministers ventured to urge, that the few days at
the prelates. ,., '...
their disposal might not be consuraed in fruitless debate,
but rather in such a pacific dealing with the matter
before thera as raight lead to a conclusion In accordance
with his raajesty's Declaration. Entreaty of that sort,
however, was to be to small purpose. Enough trans
pired at this meeting to satisfy Baxter that the majority
of the men so addressed knew next to nothing concern
ing the papers which had been placed before them, with
the exception of the ' Petition for Peace,' which he had
succeeded in obliging them to listen to from his own lips.
The understanding between the churchmen evidently
was, from the beginning, that there was not to be any
material Innovation in the old rubric, and that the reading
of papers, except In the case of those who were to
answer thera, would be a waste of time. Their lord
ships were now Invited to a friendly conference on the
matters contained in the Nonconformist documents. But
they had no word to utter concerning them. They
were there to agree to such alterations in the Book of
Comraon Prayer as should be shown to be ' necessary,'
and it must suffice for them to say that no such proof in
support of the exceptions taken to the liturgy had come
before thera.
The ministers listened with some astonishment to this
language. Baxter, and others in their turn, including
bishop Reynolds, entreated the men who so expressed

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 295
themselves to pursue a more considerate course. His chap.vi.
majesty's Declaration clearly supposed that there were
many things In the rubric which might be wisely omitted,
augmented, or revised. If that had not been understood,
what end was to be accomplished by giving existence to
the commission ? The bishops demurred to this represen
tation, and insisted that the question before thera was not
what should be altered, but rather, was there anything to
be altered ? The ministers replied, are we not here that
something might be done to ease tender consciences ; and
if your foregone conclusion has been that nothing should
be done towards that object, is it not a mockery to have
come together at all ? But the answer was the same —
Prove the necessity. We are here to admit the necessity
if proved. ' I told them over and over,' says Baxter,
' that they could not choose but know, that before
' we could end one argument in a dispute, our time
' would be expired ; and that to keep off from personal
' conference until within a few days of the expiration of
' the commission, and then to resolve to do nothing but
' wrangle out the time in disputing, as if we were
' between jest and earnest in the schools, was, in the
' sight of all the world, to defeat the king's commission,
' and the expectations of many thousands who longed
' for unity and peace. But we spoke to the deaf.'
The ministers knew that they could add nothing
material to the evidence which they had furnished, and
that, if proof had been desired, enough had been given.
Hence the majority were indisposed to enter upon any
new statement of their case. But Baxter prudently
reminded thera that they were invited to do so, and pro
mised a hearing, and though this invitation might be as
hollow as insincerity could make it, should they resolve

296 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. to be silent, the report would be, that they had been
challenged to a discussion, and had declined the challenge.
For this reason, his colleagues consented to enter anew
upon their argument. So far, Baxter had foUed the
policy of the churchmen. They would not be allowed
to say they had sought discussion, and It was refused.
But the prelates now fell back upon another artifice.
The bishops Baxter, in his simplicity, began to stipulate that the
win listen, til/ *
but will not disputants should speak alternately, and that each should
"'''" ^' be limited to a given time. But he now found that
nothing of that nature was intended. You are the
accusers, said the bishops ; it belongs to you to argue.
It belongs to us siraply to say yes or no to your conclu
sions. Baxter replied, with subraission, it Is we who are
defendants, against your impositions. You command us
to do such and such things, on pain of being excom
municated, silenced, imprisoned, and undone. We are
here to defend ourselves against that cruelty, by calling
upon you to show on what authority you perpetrate it.
If you refuse this, you give up your cause. We are
ready to prove the unlawfulness of your impositions. It
devolves on you to prove their lawfulness. ' On these
' terms we stood with them about two days, and they
' would not yield to prove anything at all. At last, I
' declared to them that we would do our part, whether
' they would do their part or not.'
The discus- -^t length it was granted that there should be discus-
t'°" '^. '" ''^ sion. But now a third device came into requisition.
by wntten i
.papers. Xhc dlscussIon, It was said, should be with written
papers. It was not difficult to see what would be the
end of such a course. Doctors Pearson, Gunning,
and Sparrow were delegated as disputants on behalf of
the bishops ; and Dr. Bates, Dr. Jacomb, and Mr.

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 297
Baxter, 'were deputed by the Nonconformists. But chap.vi.
when affairs had reached this point, nearly all the Pres
byterians retired. The bishops and their friends, on
the contrary, endeavoured to give an aspect of import
ance to the meetings which followed by being generally
present. It should be mentioned, also, that more was to come personal
out in these conferences than made its appearance In
the written papers. Some of this by-play was not a
little characteristic. Baxter described the impositions
which the prelates would lay upon the church as sinful.
Bishop Cosins took great offence at that word. All
churches imposed sorae services of that nature, could It
be charitable to describe all churches as sinful on that
account ? Baxter answered, that the church in heaven
was the only church without sin. Whereupon one right
reverend person, bishop Lany, must proclaim his good
sense and theological sagacity by exclaiming, ' Justified
' persons have no sin, because justification taketh it
' away.' ' But when I answered hira (says Baxter) by
' opening the nature of justification, showing that it
' took not away the sin, but the guilt, he was con-
' founded, and unsaid all again, and knew not what he
' said. ... I granted that a man for a certain space
'might be without any act of sin. As I was pro-
' ceeding, bishop Morley interrupted me, according to
' his manner, crying out with vehemence, " What ! can
'any man be for any time without sin?" And he
' sounded out his aggravation of this doctrine, and then
' called to Dr. Bates, "What say you. Dr. Bates, Is that
¦ your opinion ? " "I believe (said Dr. Bates) that we
' are all sinners ; but I pray you, ray lord, give him leave
' to speak." I began to go on to the rest of my
o 3

298 Th^ Confessors of 1662.
BooKiL 'sentence, to show the sense and truth of my words;
' and the bishop — whether from passion or design I
' know not — interrupted me again, and mouthed out
' the odiousness of my doctrine again and again. I
' attempted to speak, and still he Interrupted rae in the
' same manner. Upon that I sat down, and told him
' that this was neither agreeable to our commission, the
' common laws of disputation, nor to civil usage, and
' that if he prohibited me to speak, I desired him to do
' it plainly, and I would desist, and not by that way of
' interruption. He told me that I had spoken enough,
' for I spake more than any one in the company. And
' thus he kept rae so long from uttering the rest of my
' sentence, that I sat down and gave over.'
Baxter gives this description as an ' instance of the
odious talk ' which disgraced these proceedings ; and
that the reader raay see, he writes, ' the kind of men we
talked with, and the task we had.' * Truly the church
raen who seem to have spoken most on these occasions
did not furnish such an example In respect to intelli
gence, dignity, or courtesy, as might have been expected
from men in such positions.
.Bishop When much tirae had been thus consuraed, bishop
Cosms s _ ^ ¦*
paper. Coslus produccd a paper frora sorae person of authority,
which was expected to bring the parties out of their
present labyrinth. This paper assumed that the matters
* ' And a little further touch of it I will give you. When I begged
' their compassion on the souls of their brethren, and that they would not
' unnecessarily cast so many out of the ministry, and their communion,
' bishop Cosins told me that we threatened them with numbers ; and,
' for his part, he thought the king would do well to make us name them
' all. A charitable and wise motion ! To name all the thousands of
' England who dissent from them, and whom they would after perse-
' cute!' Baxter's Life, 337, 338.

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 299
to which exception was taken were deemed exceptionable chap, vi.
on two grounds — as being contrary to the word of God,
or as being inexpedient. The latter class were disposed
of on the plea, that nothing could be so manifestly inex
pedient as a disturbance of the peace of the church on the
pretence of mere Inexpediency as pertaining to things in
her ritual. The discussion was thus narrowed to things
deemed contrary to the word of God. Baxter, with his
two brethren. Dr. Manton and Dr. Jacomb, supphed a
brief answer to this paper, showing that the authority of
convocation. In existing circumstances, could not be such
as the paper supposed, and stating sorae of the things
which. In the judgment of Nonconforraists, were opposed
to the law of Holy Scripture. It is contrary to that
law, they said, that a rainister should not be allowed to
baptize without using the sign of the cross ; that no one
should be permitted to read or pray, or exercise other
parts of his office as a rainister, who dares not wear a
surplice ; that pastors should be required to withhold the
elements of the communion from all persons who dare
not receive thera kneeling ; that they should be forced
to pronounce all baptized persons regenerate ; that they
should be required to absolve the un-spiritual, and that in
absolute expressions ; that they should be compelled to
return thanks for all whora they bury, as ' brethren
' whom God in mercy hath delivered and taken to him-
' self ; ' and that no man should be a preacher who dares
not say, in subscription, that there is nothing in the
Comraon Prayer Book, the Book of Ordination, or In
the Thirty-nine Articles, that is contrary to the word of
God. In all these respects and more, the old rubric
was declared to be unscriptural ; and to insist on such
regulations, it was said, would be to necessitate a wide

JOO

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK n.

The scho
lastic and
paper war
fare.

nonconformity. But it was granted, that no man
should becorae a Nonconformist on the ground of mere
expediency. Obedience was to be withheld only when
to obey raan would be to sin against God.
Now came the discussion, as it was called, by written
papers. This was restricted to the alleged sinfulness of
the liturgy, in exacting, as a condition of coraraunion,
that the elements should be received kneeling. The
Nonconformists maintained that this was to lay down
terms of communion with a particular church on earth,
which are more strict than the terms of salvation ; that
is, more strict than the conditions of fellowship with the
church in heaven. This, it was asserted. Is contrary to
the teaching of Scripture, and a wrong to tender con
sciences, and therefore sinful. All the advantage, says
Baxter, that our opponents could hope to gain was to
keep up a show of discussion, and to consume time by
' trifling pedanticaUy about the form of arguments.'
Baxter deemed it prudent to answer them after their own
manner. But anything less satisfactory than the verbal
and scholastic wrangling Into which both parties now
descended cannot be imagined. Of course, the disput
ants ended where they began, only perhaps with some
further loss of temper.
Conclusion So the Savoy conference came to its close. Nothing,
to the King, or ncxt to nothing, was to be ceded to the Noncon^
formists. The bishops and their brethren having the
ear of the king and of the government. It was resolved,
as far as possible, to counteract their misrepresentations in
that quarter. The ministers, accordingly, addressed a
' petition ' to his majesty, in which they give a true
accoufit of what had been done, or rather not done ; and
pray that they may be judged by their papers only, or by

Rejoinder to the Bishops. 301
such a report of their proceedings as should be attested chap.vi.
by themselves. We regret, they say, that ' the issue of
' our consultations is, that no agreements are subscribed
' by us to be offered to your majesty, according to our
' expectation ; and though It be none of our intent to
' cast the least unmeet reflection upon the right reverend
' bishops and learned brethren who think not meet to
' yield to any considerable alterations, to the ends
' expressed in your majesty's coraraission, yet we must
' say, that it is some quiet to our minds, that we have
' not been guUty of your majesty's and your subjects'
' chsappointments, and that we account not your raaj esty's
' gracious coramission nor our labours lost, having peace
' of conscience in the discharge of our duties to God and
' you.' Then follows a cautious, but explicit enuncia
tion of the principles by which their conduct had been
regulated. ' It is granted us by all, that nothing should be cora-
' manded us by man, which Is contrary to the word of
' God ; that if it be, and we know it, we are bound not
' to perform it, God being the absolute, universal sove-
' reign ; that we raust use all just means to discern the
' will of God, and to see whether the commands of raan
' be contrary to it ; that if the command be sinful, and
' any one, through the neglect of sufficient search, shall
'judge It lawful, his culpable error excuseth not his
' doing of It from being sin ; and, therefore, as a reason-
' able creature must needs have a judgment of discerning,
' that he may rationally obey, so are we with diligence
' and care to exercise it in the greatest things, even the
' obeying of God and the saving of their souls ; and that
' where a strong probability of sin and danger lieth
' before us, we raust not rashly run on without search ;

3'02 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK n. c gj^jj ^j^gj ^Q gQ against conscience, even where it is mis-
' taken, is sin and danger to him that erreth. And on
' the other side, we are agreed, that in things no way
' against the laws of God, the comraandraents of our
' governors must be obeyed ; and if they command
' what God forbids, we must patiently submit to suffer-
' ing ; and every soul be subject to the higher powers,
' for conscience' sake, and not resist ; that public judg-
' ment, civil or ecclesiastical, belongeth only to public
' persons, and not to any private man ; that no man must
' be causelessly and pragmatically inquisitive into the
' reasons of his superiors' commands ; nor by pride and
' self-conceitedness exalt his own understanding above Its
' worth and office, but all to be modestly and humbly
' self-suspicious ; and that he who Indeed discovereth any
' commandment to be sin, though he must not do it,
' must manage his opinion with very great tenderness
' and care of the public peace, and the honour of his
' governors. These are our principles.'

CHAPTER vn.

Conbocation anti t!)e ^rager aSoolt.

HE parts taken by the prelates and their
coadjutors In the Savoy conference differed
considerably. We have seen that Baxter's
Impression was, that their lordships were
agreed from the beginning as to what the result should
be ; and that, in consequence of that understanding, the
papers which had been prepared with so rauch caution
and sohcitude by the rainisters, were never seen by the
majority of the persons who were expected to pronounce
a judgraent upon them. Sheldon, bishop of London,
soon afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, was not
present at the meetings more than twice, and took no
part in the discussion. But his lordship was generally
regarded as choosing to be absent or silent, siraply
because he had succeeded in settling privately what
should be done, or rather not done. Morley, bishop of
Worcester, was fully of Sheldon's judgraent, and was,
moreover, a chief speaker ; and the reader has seen
something of his manner In that capacity. Hinchman,
bishop of Salisbury, was always ready to aid his brother.

CHAP. VII.
The Episco
palians in
the Savoy
Conference.

304 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. the bishop of Worcester, avowing the sarae high church
principles, and evincing the same resolution in support
of them. But he spoke more calraly, slowly, and less
often. Dr. Cosins, bishop of Durham, brought his
ecclesiastical and patristic lore into the dispute, but his
reasoning and his sagacity fell so far below his learning,
that his influence on the proceedings was not great. Of
all the commissioners, Dr. Gunning was the most
frequent and the most effectual speaker, and no man
took higher ground against the Nonconformists. His
passionate attachment to some medlseval ideas, and to
a ritual syrabolism in worship, led him into many rash
expressions. The reader will be pleased to learn, that
Dr. Pearson is adraitted by his opponents to have ' dis
puted accurately, soberly, and calmly,' so as to have
seemed to warrant the Impression, that, could he have
taken his brethren along with him, ' all would have gone
well.' It is just also to add, that Dr. Gauden, little
scrupulous as he could sometiraes be in the use of his
pen, was really a moderator In these debates. He did
not, we are told, bring much either of logic or learning
to the matters under consideration, but he had ' a calra,
fluent, and rhetorical tongue,' and if all had been of his
raind, says Baxter, ' we should have been reconcUed.'
Bishop Sanderson, too, was desirous of a comprehension,
but he was ' outwitted ' by men who desired nothing of
the kind. , The Nonconformists found that to make a
favourable impression on two or three minds avaUed
them nothing ; the less liberal party were sure to ' come
in at the end,' and to frustrate everything. So foregone
was the conclusion of these raeetings supposed to be,
that such zealous partisans as Dr. Heylin, Dr. Hacket,
Dr. Barwick, and Dr. Sparrow, did not attend at all, or

Convocation and the Prayer Book. 2°5.
scarcely at all. King, bishop of Chichester, was never chap.

vn.

moningconvocation.

seen ; Warner, bishop of Rochester, was present once or
twice, but said nothing ; and Walton, bishop of Chester,.
uttered a few irrelevant words only. Bishop Reynolds
spoke rauch on the first day In favour of concession, and
afterwards uttered a word occasionally in that strain.
' He was,' says Baxter, ' a solid, honest man, but through
' mildness, and an excess of timid reverence towards great
' men, was altogether unfit to contend with such oppo-
' nents.' The cause of the Presbyterians rested raainly
with Baxter and Dr. Bates.*
The writs convening the parliament of 1661 were Hesitation
sent forth on the 9th of March. The coramission " ^'^'"'
which originated the Savoy conference was issued on
the 25th of that raonth. The loth of April arrives,
•and the question Is still asked — Is there not to be any
meeting of the houses of convocation ? The old consti
tution required that the writs convening the two houses
of parliament should be accorapanied by a raandate from
the archbishop of Canterbury convening the two houses
of convocation. The convention parliaraent, assembled
in the spring of the preceding year, was strongly Pres
byterian, and an ecclesiastical asserably brought together
at that time must have been of the same character.
Even now, the difficulty in that respect was not wholly
at an end. Several hundred incumbents had been dis
placed to make roora for the sequestered clergy still
living. But In raany districts the suffrage of the majo
rity would not have been in favour of men prepared to
re-establish the old episcopacy. How was this impedi
ment to the pohcy of the bishops, and of their friends in
the government, to be removed ? For this purpose, it
* Baxter's Life, 363, 364.

3o6 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK IL appears to have been determined, that whenever such a
course might be quietly and safely taken, all ministers
who had not been episcopally ordained should be ex
cluded from voting in the election of members to con
vocation. It was presumed that by this means the
election of persons of a safe description would be gene
rally secured. With a convocation thus packed, and a
house of commons elected at such a juncture, the most
reactionary churchman might hope to see his largest
wishes realized.*
Policy of Nevertheless, here was the Savoy conference engaged
Charles and . j, • • • r i i- ¦ ¦ • r
Clarendon, protcsscdly lU a rcvision or the liturgy — in a revision of
it to be submitted to a convocation and a parliament
thus suraraoned. Had it been the expectation of the
king and of Clarendon that a revision satisfactory to the
Nonconformists would find favour in those assemblies ?
We are disposed to think that his majesty had once
entertained thoughts of that nature. But we are satisfied
that Clarendon neither intended nor expected any such
result. He had concurred so far in the more lenient
policy of the king, partly in the hope of destroying
Presbyterianism by seducing its leaders from fidelity to
their avowed principles, and partly in the expectation of
realizing a power in a new house of commons, and in a
convocation constituted like the present, to which even
the king would see it, expedient to submit.
Convoca- While many incumbents were interdicted from voting,
moned. othcrs abstained voluntarily frora the exercise of that
right. In the judgraent of the latter class, to do any
thing towards giving existence to a convocation on the
ancient platform was to stand committed to the old
prelacy, and to the old order of things in church and
* Baxter's Life, 333.

Convocation and the Prayer Book. 307
state. In London, it seems, the ordination of the Pres- chap.
. . vn.
byterian divines was not challenged. The greater —
number, too, appear to have exercised their franchise,
and they proved strong enough to return Baxter and
Calamy as their representatives. But the bishop of
London, according to an old usage, could choose two
out of four, or four out of six, from araong those
elected in a certain circuit, and In the exercise of this
privilege his lordship descended to pass over the names
of Baxter and Calamy, selecting two other names in
their place. Well raight Baxter be reconciled to this
piece of partiality and injustice. ' How,' he remarked,
' should I have been baited there ! What a place I
' should have had in such a convocation ! ' No good,
however, could have followed from his being allowed
to take his seat. The fencing between himself and his
opponents would have had its place in history, but the
course of events would not have been disturbed by it.
A month had passed since the writs summoning a Meeting of
new parliaraent were issued, when the aged priraate, 110"™!'
Dr. Juxon, was Instructed to send his raandate to the ?="''»""="'•
clergy to meet in convocation. Still, nearly a raonth
remained before the raen of the new house of comraons
could look each other in the face In St. Stephen's. The
clergy, accordingly, had ample time for attending to all
the preliminaries necessary to their meeting in due form.
Sincere and fervent, no doubt, were the congratulations
which passed between peers and commoners as they met
once more In the lobbies, and took their places once
more on the benches, of the upper and lower house ;
and not less jubilant was the greeting between the eccle
siastics who assembled at the same time under the roof
of the St. Paul's of that day. None of the old pomp

3o8 The Confessors of \662.
BOOK II. vvas omitted by the triumphant churchmen, as they
passed in procession towards that edifice ; and their
hearts, we raay be sure, were filled with eraotions, none
of thera of a feeble sort, as the peal of the organ, and
the loud Te Deum, reminded them of what had passed
away, and of what had returned.
League and Within a fortnight after its meeting, the parliament
Covenant j j i i t j /-•
burnt— ordered that the League and Covenant should be
c™v"c"ion publicly burnt by the hangman, a proceeding in which
all grades of Nonconformists raust have seen a prophecy
of the future. The motion on this subject in the com
mons was carried by a majority of two to one. The
numbers were 228 against 103. MeanwhUe, the Savoy
conference, which had commenced some six weeks be
fore, was to be protracted through its allotted period of
four raonths. So long as these deliberations were in
process the houses of convocation could do little. The
pretence, that the divines at the Savoy were to prepare a
raaterially revised liturgy to be approved by convocation
and parliament, was a mere pretence ; but as that insin
cere policy had been entered upon, it was expedient that
the forms of carrying It through should be observed.
One of the first acts of convocation was to draw up a
form of prayer for the 29th of May, the anniversary of
the birth of the king, and of the restoration of the
monarchy. From the increase of ' Anabaptism ' of late
years, a forra for adult baptism was introduced. In the
innocent expectation that heresy of that nature was about
to disappear under the sway of the ancient church.
Something was done also towards revising sorae of the
canons. But these were sraaU matters.
When the convocation reassembled in the following
November, the Savoy conference had corae to an end,

Convocation and the Prayer Book. 309
and the two houses felt themselves free to enter upon chap.
. VII.
their iraportant labours. After the rising of convocation —
1 ,. . , , ,j Convoca-
and parliament in the sumraer, the bishops, we are told, tion in the
applied their rainds vigorously to a revision of the
hturgy.* A coramission frora the king to the arch
bishop of York, authorizing the convocation of that
province to consider and agree upon the subjects pre
sented to them, had been granted in the previous
July; and on the 22nd of Noveraber, royal letters were
issued to the sarae archbishop, requiring the synod to
review the Book of Common Prayer and the Ordinal.
' But his majesty requiring all possible expedition, and
' this northern synod considering they were too far dis-
' tant for consulting with the Canterbury convocation,
' and that the sending dispatches to London, and recelv-
' ing them from thence, would take up too much time ;
' for this reason the upper and lower house agreed to
' make proxies, to transact in their names, with the
' province of Canterbury ; obliging theraselves to abide
' by their vote, under the forfeiture of all their goods
' and chattels.! The archbishop of York, and three
northern bishops, wrote to the convocation of that
province to name their proxies without delay. In a
private letter, his grace says, ' If we have not all from
you by the end of next week we are lost.':];
This arrangement being corapleted, eight bishops were
appointed as a comraittee to revise the liturgy, and to
send — amended or altered — portions of it from time to
time to the two houses, to be considered by thera. Each
of the houses possessed the right of proposing araend
ments, and several alterations were sent up to the
* Collier, ii. 887. t Joyce's Sacred Synods, 708.
X Kennet's Register, 564.

3 1 o The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK II. bishops from the lower house. So anxious were the
prelates to bring this service to a speedy conclusion, and
so assiduous had their lordships been in this work
during the recess, that by the 23rd of November a
moiety of the Book of Common Prayer, with their
corrections, was delivered to the prolocutor of the lower
house, ' with an injunction that they should proceed to
' examine it with all possible expedition. The lower
' clergy were not surpassed in zeal and proraptitude by
' their superiors. Three days afterwards, when the
' bishops had finished their labours, and placed the
' second moiety in the hands of the prolocutor, the
' clergy of the lower house delivered back the first
' portion, together with their schedule of araendments.
' With labourers so earnest and so friencUy, the whole
' work was speedily completed. A new preface was
' adopted, the calendar was reconstructed, a form of
¦prayer provided for use at sea; and on the 13th
' of Deceraber a coramittee, consisting of raembers of
* both houses, was instructed to make a diligent exami-
' nation and last revision of the whole book, Incorpo-
' rating sorae new collects which had been, read and
* approved in the same session. Little now reraained to
' be done. A form of words for subscribing the book
' was drawn up in committee, and approved by the
'house; and finally, on the 20th of December, 1661,
' the Book of Comraon Prayer was adopted and sub-
' scribed by the clergy of both houses of convocation,
' and of both provinces.'*
* Cardwell's Conferences, 371, 372. The lower house had not
been in the secret of the revisions going on during the recess, and
the delay of some weeks was occasioned chiefly by the amendments
sent up to the bishops from that quarter.

Convocation and the Prayer Book. 311
The reader has seen what the exceptions against the chap.
liturgy were to which the Nonconformist divines attached —
, .,_,,. , • 1 Therevi-
the greatest weight. The alterations now made in the sion ofthe
Prayer Book, considerable and inconsiderable, are said to ;„ TIL.
have araounted to about six hundred. It would have
been strange, and, we raay add, very Impolitic, to have
made so many changes, and all of a character to show that
the one rule guiding the innovators was a determination
to cede absolutely nothing to the scruples of their oppo
nents. In sorae of the sraaller modifications we certainly
seem to trace the Influence of the recent discussions.
But on all the main points, the difficulties of the Noncon
formists were not only Ignored, but the general effect of
the revision of 1662 was to raake the book more than
ever exceptional to the consciences of such men. The
sacramental and sacerdotal elements, beginning with
Baptism, and ending with the Visitation of the Sick and
absolution to the dying, became only more medieval and
popish than before. Five of the eight bishops on whom
this revision chiefly devolved had been commissioners
in the late conference ; and the prelates and leading
divines at the Restoration were nearly all raen who had
come into public life under the rule of Laud, and had
Imbibed more or less of the sentiments of his school.
In Gunning, Cosins, Wren, and some others, tendencies
of that nature were notorious.* ' The distress of the
* In the prayer for the 30th of January sent forth by these bishops
in 1 66 1, was the following passage: — 'We beseech thee to give us all
' grace to remember and provide for our latter end, by a careful and
' studious imitation of this thy blessed saint and martyr, and all other
' thy saints and martyrs that have gone before us, that vje tnay be made
' worthy to receive benefit by their prayers, which they in communion
' with thy church catholic offer up unto thee for that part of it here
' militant, and yet in fight with and danger from the flesh.' The con-

312 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK n. ' episcopal church during the usurpation,' says a high
church authority, ' had more than ever endeared her to
' her genuine children, and the hand which inflicted the
' discipline served to abate all undue Protestant zeal.
' A revision, therefore, of the liturgy being called for, the
' revisors seized the opportunity (contrary to what the
' public was reckoning upon) to make our formularies
' not more puritanical, but more catholic. They effected
' this, without doubt, stealthily ; and, to appearance, by
' the minutest alterations : but to compare the com-
' munion service as it now stands, especially its rubrics,
' with the forra in which we find It previously to that
* transaction, will be to discover that, without any
' change of features which could cause alarra, a new
' spirit was then breathed Into our coraraunion service.'*
What was thus true in relation to the coraraunion
service, was true in relation to nearly every other,
except where the bad was so bad that It could hardly
have been made worse.
After describing what was now done, another high
church authority has said — ' It will be observed that in
' this long communication there is no mention of any of
' those characteristic points which had been the subjects
' of strife and division in the church from the earliest
' days of Puritanism ; that the use of the Apocrypha,
' the expressions complained of in the litany, and in the
' services for baptism, marriage, and burial ; the rubric
' with regard to vestments, the kneeling at the com-
' munion, the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage, the
' declaration as to infants dying iraraediately after bap-
yocation was prudent enough to erase this language. Cardwell's Co?i-
fer ences, 388.
* Knox's Remains, i. 54.

Convocation and the Prayer Book. 313
' tisra, the absolution for the sick, though some of them, chap.
. . VIL
' slightly modified, continued in principle the same. All — '
' these, and several others, had been virtually withdrawn
' by the royal Declaration of October, 1660 ; and some
' of thera had been abandoned by the bishops in the
' Savoy conference.' * Such was the effect of the flush
of confidence which had come with the meeting of the
houses of convocation and of the new parliaraent ! The
assertion, that the Nonconforraists had been unreasonable
in their demands, and had lost ground in consequence in
public estimation, is without warrant. It had been
known from the beginning that the Presbyterians could
not consistently claim less than they had claimed, and
that concessions far below such as they had been led to
expect would have satisfied thera. But so faithless and
bitter was the course now taken, both in convocation
and in parliament, that many changes were raade which
it was well known ' could not fail to be galling to them.
' The substitution of " church " for " congregation," the
* Cardwell's Conferences, 386. 'Those matters about which the
' Puritans scrupled were now made more prominent, and a coherence
¦ and a systematic consistency were now for the first time given to those
' sacerdotal and sacramental theories which had previously existed in the
' Prayer Book only in an embryotic condition ; and certain dogmas,
' which, by the moderation of the reformers, had been couched in
' vague and general terms, were now expressed in ample and emphatic
' phraseology.' ' The names of the Romish, or black-letter saints had been omitted
'from the reformed calendar in the reign of Edward. From 1549 to
' 1603 the Prayer Book contained no mention of any post- apostolical
' persons or events, with the exceptions of St. George and St. Lawrence.
'In 1604 and i66z,' however, the legendary store-houses of Rome
• were ransacked, and the feelings of the Puritan party were wantonly
' outraged by the insertion of more than sixty of the mythical and semi-
' historical heroes of monkish legend.' The Liturgy and the Dissenters,
by the Rev. Isaac Taylor, M.A.

JH

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. ' specific mention of bishops, priests, and deacons, instead
' of a more general designation, the reintroduction of
' Bel and the Dragon into the calendar, and other simUar
' alterations, though none of thera new in principle,
' seemed designed to convince the Nonconformists that,
' instead of any wish to admit them to further power or
'privilege within the church, there was a distinct and
' settled desire to restrain and exclude them. So strongly
' did they themselves feel this conviction, that it was
' proposed on their behalf, in the house of lords, that
' the existing liturgy should be continued, and all the
' corrections made in convocation should be abandoned.'*
Summary. It is simply natural that the ministers of religion
should be zealous religionists. The ark Is entrusted
specially to their hands. It becomes them to guard it
with solicitude and firmness. The episcopal clergy,
raoreover, had passed through some bitter experiences
of late, such as no class of men in the sarae circumstances
could be expected wholly to forget. Hence we are pre
pared to make a large allowance in their favour, should
their conduct betray feelings tinged considerably with
resentraent. It is evident there were church of England
divines at the Restoration who were not disposed to
raake a harsh use of their returning power, but would
have assented to soraewhat liberal concessions, in the
hope of burying the painful raemories of the past. But
this better class were a minority. The strength of their
party was not with them. Such men must have seen,
that while rauch had happened to excuse sorae signs of
partiality, and even of injustice, on the part of their
brethren, nothing had happened to warrant them in
descending to the artifice and insincerity which had
* Cardwell's Conferences, 387, 388.

Convocation and the Prayer Book. 315
characterized their proceedings. In resolving to learn chap,

absolutely nothing frora all the bitter fruits of our reli
gious controversies during the last hundred years ; and,
least of all, In deciding to grant nothing to the men to
whom they had promised not long since to grant almost
anything. The leaders In the Savoy conference, and in
the convocation, were deep In this treachery. It was
bad enough that resentment should become cruelty.
It was worse that cruelty should becorae fraud. ' Now
' we know their rainds, we will make them all knaves if
' they conform.' ' Pity you have raade the door so
' strait,' was a later observation. ' Not at all,' was the
reply ; ' had we supposed so raany would have con
formed, we would have made it straiter.' Such are the
words attributed to Sheldon, the master spirit in these
proceedings. But we do not need these words to reveal
the teraper of that evil hour. The language of the
deeds then done is fully to that effect. More honourable
men would have resisted the stream ; but they were
appalled by it, and it was allowed to flow on.*
* In a volume, consisting partly of printed papers, and partly of
MSS., preserved in the Library of the Congregational Church, George
Street, Plymouth, is a manuscript letter from a person who was present
at the Savoy Conference towards its close, in which is this sentence: —
' The prelates would yield nothing, but the whole quorum of them
entertained Mr. Baxter's reasonings with hisses.' As this is from an
eye witness, it is entitled to some credit, but I know of no other
authority on the point.

VIL

P 2

CHAPTER VIIL

parliament antr t|)e ^ct of eaniformtts*

BOOK II.
The ecclesi
astical ques
tion in the
Conventionparliament.

T will now be proper to retrace our steps,
and to see what was doing in parliament
while the divines and the government were
occupied in bringing raatters to the Issue
stated In the last chapter. We learn from a private
source, that on the 9th of July, 1660, the house of
commons resolved itself Into a comraittee on religion.
This was somewhat raore than two raonths after the
raeeting of parliament. The future of the established
church was the question thus raised. But the notices
which have reached us in regard to what was done are
so fragmentary and obscure, as to give us but little
definite inforraation. It is clear, however, that a great
difference of opinion was manifested. Sir Heneage
Finch, the attorney-general, said the religion of the
church of England was not a something to seek;
and it was clear that his object was simply to restore
the establishment of the past. But others were not
exactly of his mind. The majority seemed desirous

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 317
that nothing should be hastily done, and that the first chap

step should be to convene a synod of divines to
deliberate on the question. Be it so, said Prynne ; but
let it be remembered that a synod can determine
nothing ; the ultimate authority on such questions rests
with the king and parliament. Darkness came on that
long summer day, and these earnest commoners were
still In high debate. So Intent were the Presbyterian
merabers on giving utterance to their thoughts, that they
called for lights. The Episcopalians, whose policy for
the present was to keep such discussions In abeyance,
resisted this innovation. Candles, however, were brought
in. Twice they were extinguished. The third time,
their dim light was effectually guarded. Great, we are
told, was the disorder. At ten o'clock it was voted,
' That the king should be desired to convene a select
' number of divines, to treat concerning that affair, and
'the comraittee not to sit again until the 23rd of
' October next.'*
But the subject was not to be thus laid at rest. A
week later, the Presbyterian raerabers brought up the
question anew. Nearly all who now spoke declared
themselves favourable to an episcopacy, but were at the
same time careful to state that it should be a moderate,
and not the old, episcopacy. The Episcopalians pleaded
that his majesty was in commumcation with divines of
both persuasions, and that it was accordingly expedient,
and only respectful to the king, to wait the result of
those efforts. In the end, after a debate of seven hours,
and again at ten o'clock at night, the old resolution,
recommending the assembling of a synod, and a suspen-
* Pari. Hist. iv. 79, 80.

vm.

3 1 8 The Confessors of 1662.
EOOKIL sion of further discussion to the 23rd of October, was
carried a second time.* »
The Con- Q^ ^j^g 2 f th of Octobcr, Charlcs issued his Decla-
vention par- -* ^
liament and fatlon on ccclesIastlcal affairs. The proceedings which
the King's -^ °
Declaration. foUowcd the reader has seen. The house of commons
returned thanks to his majesty for this evidence of his
care in behalf of the church. Many of the members
would have proceeded at once to the introduction of a
bill which should convert the royal Declaration Into law.
But it was urged by the Episcopalians, that as the docu
ment spoke of a synod of divines who were to consider
the proposed changes, such a measure would be pre
mature. A month later, however, the question was
again raised ; and a bill was brought into the lower
house designed to embody his majesty's concession in
a law. But again there was earnest debating. Some
ventured to speak of the toleration ceded by the king as
too great. Others were content to urge that the subject
should be left to the new parliament, and to the houses
of convocation which would be assembled with It. On
the motion for a second reading of the bill being put,
it was lost by a majority of 183 against 157. That
decision brought the ecclesiastical labours of the con
vention parliaraent to a close. The royalists were
persuaded, that in the new parliament, which was to be
convened in the spring, their numbers would be much
greater, and the case of the church would be corapletely
in their hands, f
Parliament was dissolved on the 24th of December.
The new parlianient was not to assemble before the Sth
of May. Events during this interval did not promise
* Pari. Hist. 82-85. Ralph's History of England, i. 15, 16.
t Pari. Hist. iv. 131- 1 5 2. Commons' Journals, Nov. 28.

insurrection

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 3 1 9
well for the future. The Christmas-keeping at the chap.
close of 1660, In many a noble mansion, and many an —
old hall, was no doubt such as few of the young in that
generation had seen. But those national revelries were
scarcely over, when news spread concerning an alarming
outbreak In the capital. Arraed men were said to have
taken possession of St. Paul's, to have defeated the files
of musketeers sent against them by the city authorities,
and to have forced the city gates. All this was true,
and rumour no doubt magnified this truth into wild and
extravagant fictions.
During some years past, a man named Venner, a Venner's
wine-cooper, had distinguished himself by his fanatical
scheming and violence as a fifth-monarchy man — a sect
consisting of persons who were intent on setting up a
monarchy which should supersede every other, and of
which Jesus Christ should be king. The mere mention
of their object is enough to show them to have been
madmen. Cromwell had sent Venner, and a number of
his confederates, to prison, in 1657, as detected conspi
rators. The frenzy of the insurgents, in this instance,
had been wrought to its highest at their place of meeting
in Coleman-street, in the afternoon of the first Sunday
in January. Having possessed themselves of St. Paul's,
and scattered the trained bands, they paraded the streets,
brandishing their swords, and uttering the raost extraor
dinary exclamations. Towards evening they passed
through Aldersgate into the country, and sought shelter
in a wood near Highgate. But their commissariat failed
them. By five o'clock on Wednesday morning they
returned to the city. Here they encountered four city
regiments and the king's life-guard, and, though not
more than from thirty to forty men in number, the

3 20 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK n. advantage during a full half hour was with the fanatics.
At length, twenty were slain, Venner himself, having
received three shot wounds, was taken prisoner, and six,
who had taken possession of a house, and refused
quarter, died in self-defence. Nine only remained, it
seems, to be made prisoners. *
The use of To thc govcmment this maniac proceeding was a
plots and ° r t>
conspiracies godscud. It should be coufesscd, that the change at
the Restoration was so great, and had taken place with
so little resistance, that men who were merely looking
on, might well suspect that the end would hardly be
attained without some disturbance. Clarendon expected,
and no doubt hoped, that something of that nature
would happen. Men who meditate hard measures, are
naturally desirous of such pretexts as may serve to give
to them a semblance of necessity and justice.
But to the time of Venner's outbreak no tendency to
wards disorder had shown itself. The alleged conspiracy
of some disbanded officers, reported by Clarendon to the
convention parliament at its dissolution, would not have
been left in obscurity had it been of a nature to bear the
light, f The questions raooted ceaselessly, and in all
places, were, — are the bishops to be restored in their old
pomp and power or not ? Is the Prayer Book to be
* Our fullest account of this outbreak is given by Echard. Hist. E?ig.
f ' And this brings us back to the consideratioA of those plots which
' the chancellor had so eloquently enlarged upon at the close of the last
' parliament. Not only Rapin and Oldmixon, but Echard himself,
' treat all the stories of plots which were propagated at this time as no
' better than rumours. We have various accounts of the seizing of several
' obnoxious persons, but no one circumstance is mentioned to prove that
' they were guilty. Venner's madness, however, served to counte-
' nance all the fine things the chancellor had said, and all the violent
' things which had been done.' — Ralph, i. 34.

I' ar liament and the Act of Uniformity. 321
again imposed or not ? Are the new powers about to chap.
forfeit the pledges on which they have been restored or —
not ? The leaders among the more influential parties,
the Presbyterians and the Independents, were too wise
to meddle with such questions in the pulpit at such a
juncture. But all parties have their indiscreet men.
The worst, however, that could be said was, that the
people would follow popular preachers, and raeet in
great crowds, in churches or conventicles, wherever the
service was likely to be to their mind. Hence four days
before Venner and his brotherhood perpetrated their out
rage, the council-board at Whitehall issued the following
proclamation : — ' Whereas divers factious persons, under
' pretence of the liberty indulged by his majesty's late
' gracious Declaration, in reference to tender consciences,
' do meet in great numbers and at unusual times,
'whereby it may be justly apprehended that raany of
' them enter into plots and conspiracies to disturb the
' peace of the kingdom : it is thereupon ordered by his
' majesty In council, that Mr. Solicitor-General should
' forthwith prepare a proclamation, commanding all
' such persons going under the notion of Anabaptists,
' Quakers, and other sectaries, henceforth not to meet —
* under pretence of serving God — at unusual hours, nor
' in great numbers ; and particularly, that none of them
¦ go out of the precincts of their own habitations to any
' spiritual exercise, or serving of God after their own
' way, but that they do the same in their own parish.
' And if any shall be found to offend herein, the next
'justices of the peace are to cause them to be proceeded
' against according to the laws provided against riotous
' and unlawful assemblies.'* * Kennet's Register, 352. P 3

322 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK IL It will be observed that this proclamation was issued,
^not because there had been ' plots and conspiracies,' but
because such things ' may be justly apprehended.' To
tell the sermon-hearing multitude of that great city, and
in fact of all great cities, that they must be content with
the spiritual provision which their own parish should
afford thera, whatever the qualities of that provision
might be, would be to subject them to a restraint and
.bondage which they would denounce as insupportable.
To violate such a law might be to incur the penalties
' provided against riotous and unlawful assemblies,' but
violated the law nevertheless would be. That no
pretext in support of such a measure might be derived
from the conduct of Venner and his followers, all parties
— Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, Quakers — were
forward In declaring, in the most formal and public
raanner, their abhorrence of that lawless and senseless
proceeding.
The Non- gut xKi^ obnoxIous proclamation, and the fact that a
conformists ^
distrust the sccrctary of State, and the attorney-general, had been
ment. conspicuous In opposing the bill intended to pass the
Royal Declaration into a law, led raany Nonconformists
to look with deep distrust on the policy of the court.
It was deemed important, in consequence, to make it
evident that the feeling opposed to the old polity
and ritual of the established church was wide and deep.
This posture of affairs disposed many Nonconformist
ministers to abstain from the use even of those portions
of the Book of Common Prayer which they could have
used without scruple ; and Its influence became espe
cially manifest as the time approached for electing
members to the new parliaraent.
The candidates who aspired to represent the city were

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 323
nearly thirty. The court party, judging from the chap.
enthusiasm with which the citizens had received the —
king, were confident of success. But the feeling parliament
evinced by the dense crowd assembled in Guildhall on "J„^ '^'
the 1 9th of March, soon undeceived them. Loud were
the cries of approval or disapproval, of men and
measures, which rose frora all quarters. The bishops
seemed to be especially out of favour with that
boisterous raultitude. For a while, the royalists stood
their ground bravely, meeting the wit and invective
directed against them with the same coin. But, ere
long, it became evident enough, that the citizens were
resolved on rejecting all the men named by the court ;
on rejecting the four whora they had theraselves sent to
the last parliament ; and on being represented by men
who could be pronounced good and true, both as Non
conformists and as the friends of popular liberty. The
royalist leaders at length withdrew, heaping raany an
oath upon their opponents, but without even calling for
a poll. The differences between Presbyterians and
Independents, and between both and the sects below
them, seemed to be forgotten on that day. The
demonstration made was the result of their union.*
The defeated courtiers hastened to the chancellor and Apprehen-
his friends with their bad tidings. But what had been government

* ' The great talk of the town is the strange election that the city of
' London made yesterday for parliament-men, viz., Fowke, Love, Jones,
' and (Thompson) ; men who, so far from being episcopal, are thought
' to be Anabaptists, and chosen with a great deal of zeal, in spite of the
' other party who thought themselves so strong, calling out in the hall,
' " No bishops I No lord bishops ! " It do make the people fear it may
• come to worse, by being an example to the country to do the same.
' And, indeed, the bishops are so high that very few do love them.'—
Pepys' Diary, i. 184.

-seizure of
letters.

3^4

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. done could not be undone. The next step was to
restrict the mischief of such an exaraple to the narrowest
limits possible. The hall raeeting had taken place at
an early hour in the day. Before post tirae, the
government had laid its hands on all letters directed for
the provinces, exarained them, and such as made any
report concerning the election were detained. A large
portion of those hastily-written epistles have been pre
served, and are now made readily accessible to the
student of history.* On the afternoon of that exciting
day, not a few patriotic citizens sat down and wrote to
their friends in the boroughs and cities of the kingdom,
calling upon them to remeraber what London had done,
and to do likewise. But the influence of their example,
and of their patriotic exhortations, was not such as
they had desired. For the present, counties and
boroughs were for the greater part lost to the liberal
cause. The royalists had never been so completely
ascendant as on the meeting of this parliament, and their
opponents were to be made sensible of their low estate.
With the exception of about fifty raembers, who might
sometimes express a doubt concerning the infalllbUity of
the court, the new house of commons was to be, through
this great crisis, at the ready disposal of the chancellor.
The scene in the Guildhall on the 1 9th of March was
remembered, but remembered only to be avenged.
One of the first acts of the commons, was to resolve
that the house should take the sacrament in St.
Margaret's according to the service of the church of
England, and any member refusing comphance with this
order was to forfeit his seat. One meraber, we are told,
took the bread standing, and Mr. Prynne, refusing to
* Papers in the State Paper Oifice. Domestic Series.

Meeting of
the Pen
sionary par
liament.

ParUament and the Act of Uniformity. 325
kneel, was passed by. Many were questioned on chap.
account of their absence, and made excuses. In one —
instance the excuse was not admitted, and the delinquent
was suspended.* Next, the two houses joined in doom
ing the League and Covenant to be burnt by the hang
man in the most public places of London and West
minster. This measure passed the commons by a
majority of 228 to 103. By the sarae functionary. In
obedience to the same authority, a bonfire was kindled
in the midst of Westminster Hall, while the courts were
sitting, the fuel to the fiarae consisting of sorae of the
most obnoxious acts passed by the late powers.
When this parliament assembled, the Savoy conference The parHa-
... ... . ment will
had been sitting six weeks, and was to continue its sit- not wait-
ting some ten weeks longer. The purport of his are restored
majesty's Declaration, and the avowed object ofthe con- l^n^paH-a!^"
ference as founded upon It, might have been expected "'™'^-
to suggest the propriety of postponing all action on
ecclesiastical questions until the result of the pending
deliberations should be known. But it was not more
true, that the prelates had resolved, from the moment of
their return to power, that the claims of the Noncon
formists should not be ceded, than that this new
parliament had determined, from the first day of its
meeting, that no such compromise should be made,
even though prince and prelate should combine to
recommend it. It raight have been supposed that
nothing material could be done on any church raatter
untU the conference should raake its report to the con
vocation, and the two houses of convocation should make
their report to the two houses of parhament. But so
* Pari. Hist. iv. 208. Lathbury's Hist. Convocation. Stoughton's
Church and State.

326

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK IL

Parliament and the
liturgy.

impatient were the commons, that while the bishops
were standing on the defensive at the Savoy, and Baxter
and his friends were elaborating their case there, a bill
was passed, and sent up to the lords, which restored
the prelates to their seats in parliament, and to their
ancient jurisdiction. The only resistance to this
measure, it seems, came from the catholic party in the
upper house.*
With this virtual restoration of the former govern
ment of the church, came a series of attempts towards
a re-establishment of the old ritual.
Richard Baxter and his brethren were of course
observant of these proceedings. On the 25th of June,
a month before the close of the space allotted to the
conference, the commons agreed to the following order :
' That a committee be appointed to view the several
' laws for confirming the liturgy of the church of Eng-
' land ; and to make search whether the original book of
' the liturgy, annexed to the act passed in the fifth and
" sixth years of the reign of king Edward the Sixth, be
' yet extant ; and to bring in a compendious bill to
' supply any defect in the former laws ; and to provide
'for an effectual conformity to the liturgy of the church for
' the time to come.'-f The book desired, it seems, was
some ' original' and special copy of Edward's second
book of Common Prayer. Why the commons should
have wished to see a volurae which they were by no
raeans prepared to adopt, is a question we cannot answer.
A comraittee was now appointed, consisting of all the
raembers of the long robe in the house, and the prepara
tion of the proposed bill was ' specially recommended
* Pari. Hist. iv. 215, Clarendon's Lfe.
f Commons' Journals, 279.

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 327
to the care of Mr. Sergeant Keeling,' a keen, active, and chap.
time-serving lawyer. Four days later, the bill was pro- — '
duced, was read the first time, and appointed to be read a
second time on the following Wednesday. This was on
the 29th of June ; and on the 3rd of July the bill was
placed In the hands ofa comraittee, consisting of more than
one hundred and fifty members, who are required to raeet
' this afternoon, at four of the clock, in the Star Chara-
' ber. And if the original Book of Common Prayer can-
' not be found, then to report the said printed book, and
' their opinion touching the same ; and to send for
' persons, papers, and records.'* The next day, it was
resolved that all the members of the house of both robes
should be added to this comraittee. But now the
adjournment was felt to be at hand. It was decided,
however, that whatever might be dropped, the bill of
uniformity should be proceeded with ; and certain
amendments being considered, on the 9th of July the
bUl was read a third tirae, under the title of — ' An Act
' for the Uniforraity of Public Prayers, and Adrainistra-
' tion of the Sacraments.' On the following day, the bill
was presented to the upper house, by Sir Thomas
Fanshawe and others, desiring ' their lordships' concur
rence.' But the adjournment came, and their lordships
did nothing on this grave subject before the following
January.f The proceedings of this brief session are important. Course
Inasmuch as they show that the severe measures of this parliament
parliament, which were carried out in August, 1662,
were measures matured and settled in the suraraer of
1 66 1. Nothing, accordingly, can be more unwarranted
* The book sent up with the bill was that revised in 1 604. Com
mons' Journals, 288, 289. f Ibid, zgi, 294-296.

328 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOKiL than the pretence, that the episcopalian policy would
have been raore lenient if the Presbyterians had not
come to be so unreasonable and so disaffected. The
truth is, that party never became unreasonable, never
became disaffected. Their error was on the side of
a passive and confiding loyalty, and they would have
been content with much less than the king himself had
always taught them to expect.
Ssesion of On the 17th of January, 1662, the lords passed
the bill ' for the Uniformity of Public Prayers '
into the hands of a committee, consisting of eight
bishops and eleven peers. On the 28th the commons
sent a message to their lordships, urging dispatch in
this matter. On the 13 th of February, the earl of
Dorset reported to the house, ' That the comraittee had
' raet often, and expected a book of uniformity to be
' brought in ; but that not being done, their lordships
' had raade no progress, and the coramittee therefore
' desired to know the pleasure of the house, whether they
' should proceed upon the book brought from the house
' of commons, or stay until the other book be brought
' in.'* The bishop of London signified to the house that
the ' other book,' meaning the Book of Comraon Prayer
, as revised by convocation, should soon be presented.
Message Twclvc days later the chancellor informed the house
Ki"g. that he had been commanded by the king to deliver a
message to their lordships. In a letter then read, his
majesty reminded the house of the Declaration which he
had issued in October, 1660, and of what had been
done since to bring the Book of Comraon Prayer Into
the state in which it had been presented to hira by the
houses of convocation, and concluded by saying, ' All
* Lords' Journals, 364, 366, 372, 383.

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 329
' which his majesty, having duly considered, doth, with chap.
' the advice of his council, fully approve and allow the — '
' same ; and doth recoraraend it to the house of peers,
' that the said books of Coraraon Prayer, and of the forms
' of Ordination and Consecration of bishops, priests, and
' deacons, with those alterations and additions, be the
' book which, in and by the intended act of Uniformity,
' shall be appointed to be used ' in all cathedrals, colleges,
and churches, under such penalties as the parliaraent
should deera expedient.*
Whatever ideas of comprehension Charles may once ^he King's
have entertained, he now seems to have surrendered n«w policy.
himself to the stream, and to have begun to Iraagine
that the raore rigid the established church should
become, the greater would be the necessity of a tolera
tion for those beyond Its pale, and that a toleration of
Protestants might, as a matter of equity, be made to
embrace a relaxation of the laws against Catholics. On
the 1st of March his majesty summoned the house of
commons to raeet him in the banqueting house In
Whitehall, and, to give them satisfaction concerning his
ecclesiastical policy, he addressed them in the following
terms : — ' Gentlemen, I hear you are very zealous for
' the church, and very solicitous, and even jealous that
' there is not expedition enough made in that affair. I
' thank you for it, since I presume it proceeds from a
' good root of piety and devotion ; but I must tell
' you I have the worst luck in the world, if, after all the
' reproaches of being a Papist while I was abroad, I am
' suspected of being a Presbyterian now I am come
' home. I know you wUl not take it unkindly if I tell
' you, that I am as zealous for the church of England as
* Lords' Journals, 392, 393.

330

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II. ' any of you can be ; and am enough acquainted with
' the enemies of it on all sides ; that I ara as much in
' love with the Book of Comraon Prayer as you can
' wish, and have prejudice enough against those who do
' not love it ; who, I hope, in time, will be better In-
' formed, and change their rainds ; and you may be
' confident I do as much desire to see a uniformity
' settled as any amongst you ; I pray you trust me In
' that affair. I promise you to hasten the despatch of
' it.' In pursuance of this pohcy, his raajesty had
transmitted the Book of Common Prayer as revised by
convocation to the house of lords, expressing his full
approbation of it, and his wish that the intended Act of
Uniformity might be founded upon it.
During several sittings the house was engaged in
reading and considering the revised portions of this
volume. On the motion, ' Whether this book that has
' been transraitted to this house from the king, shall be
' the book to which the Act of Uniforraity shall relate,'
the affirmative was pronounced without a division. In the
same manner the bill itself was passed, and a conference
was at once sought with the comraons.*
The conference took place with all the usual for
malities. When the commons also had read and con
sidered the revisions made in liturgy and ordinal by
convocation, the question was put — Shall these revisions
be discussed, and was lost by a majority of 96 to 90.
A resolution, however, was passed unanimously, which
said, that those revisions 'might' have been discussed,
had the house been so disposed. So the right of the
state to supervise and limit the action of the church was
to be guarded. * Commons' Journals, 377.

The Bill
made more
oppressive by the
Lords.

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 33 1
The araendments by the lords, on the Act of Unlfor- chap.
mity as sent up by the commons, were considerable. —
From the form ofthe references to them In the journals,
it is not easy in all cases to ascertain what were the exact
points of difference ; but it is evident the changes were
raostly of a kind to make the act still more oppressive.
Episcopal ordination was raade to be Iraperative. The
forni of subscription to the Book of Comraon Prayer
was no longer a consent raerely to use it, but an
assent to all that it contained. The non-resistance and
covenant clauses, which had been introduced into the
Corporation Act, were inserted ; and the change of St.
Bartholomew's day for Michaelmas day was a fraudulent
and cruel innovation, inasrauch as it would rob the
ejected who had done the service of their cures through
the current year, of the incorae for that year. The
commons adopted all these amendments, and coupled
them with sorae other provisions not less exceptionable.
How the raeasure as thus raaterially changed by the
upper house was regarded by the lower, we learn in part
from the speech of Mr. Sergeant Charleton, who raanaged
the last conference of the commons with the lords on
this question.* The orator not only mentions some
points in which the commons did not concur with their
lordships, but states the reasons on which their difference
of judgment was founded.
The comraons clairaed that all tutors and school- The rigour
masters should be required to subscribe to the passive Lceederby
obedience clause, and to the clause declaring the nullity '''^ '^°"'
of the League and Covenant. The reasons assigned in
support of this provision were, that much of the dis
affection in the Long Parliament had come from the want
* Lords' Journals, 446-450.

mons.

33'^ The Confessors 0/1662.

BOOK II. of such precaution ; and that much of the loyalty found
in the youth of the best families since his majesty's
return might be traced to the oversight of the late
powers, ' who took no care in this particular.' Offenders
in this form, if possessed of livings, might be deprived
of them ; and the commons insisted that such as had no
livings to lose, should be subject to not less than three
months' iraprisonraent, without bail or raainprlze. In
the case of a second offence, fine was added to imprison
ment. The lords. In conformity with a suggestion from
the king, would have left his raajesty a power to dis
pense with strict conformity in some cases, especially as
to the use of the cross and surplice. But the commons
were resolute in resisting the proposal. It was alleged,
by Mr. Sergeant Charleton, that to enact a law, and to
cede a liberty to suspend it, would be an inconsistency
unknown to ecclesiastical legislation. ' The gentleman
' added, that he thought it better to impose no ceremo-
' nies, than to dispense with any ; and he thought It
' very incongruous, at the same time when you are
' settling uniformity, to establish schism.' Nor would
it, he raaintained, satisfy the raalcontents, Inasmuch as
their objection was to any law which made things in
their own nature indifferent to be necessary, and so the
many things thus established would all reraain to be a
ground of quarrel. These were the objections, he said,
arising from the nature of the thing ; and as to the
reasons given by their lordships to the commons, the
answer was, that his raajesty. In his engagement at Breda,
concerning tender consciences, must be understood as
having had respect, not to the misleaders of the people,
but to the misled. ' It would be very strange to call a
' schismatical conscience a tender conscience. He said

Parliament and the Act of Uniformity. 222
' a tender conscience denoted an impression from without, chap.
' received from another.' But supposing the case to be — '
as their lordships seemed to have put it, ' There could
' be no inference of any breach of promise in his
' raajesty, because that " Declaration" had these two
' limitations — a reference to parliament, and "to liberties
' that might be granted consistently with the peace of
' the kingdom.' The speaker knew full well, that the
Nonconformists of 1660 had a right to Interpret the
language of their sovereign after another raanner. But
this sort of reasoning sufficed for its purpose. It only
remained to take care, that the ejected ministers should
not only lose their last year's income, but that they
should be deprived of all assistance from their forraer
cures. The lords, after the exaraple of the Long Parlia
ment, would have assigned a fifth of the revenue of the
ejected incumbents towards the support of the sufferers
and their families. But the spirit of revenge had taken
possession of the comraons. Charleton, expressing their
feeling, said nothing could be more inconsistent than to
enact uniformity, and at the same time to assign bounty
to men refusing to conform. Such an allowance, and
' the pity of their party,' would make their new circum
stances preferable to the old. They had caused suffering
to others, let them suffer in return.
The lords saw their evU counsel adopted, and their The Bin
better counsel rejected, and they assented to what was "p^"^''-
done. So his raajesty, on the day appointed for the'
prorogation, gave his royal assent to this memorable
bill, along with raany others which were not meraorable.
Judging from the speech of the king on that occasion,
the ecclesiastical proceedings of the session included
nothing to call for allusion. The speaker, indeed, con-

334 The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK IL gratulated the sovereign on his having seen the disputing
age, in which every unclean beast defiled the teraple, pass
away ; on his having restored the governraent and patri
raony of the church ; and on his being about to pass an
act for order and uniformity in worship, to which he
hoped the God of order would dispose the nation to
conform itself. Clarendon, as usual, cited learned
authors, and indulged in old similitudes, and could not
but hope, that the return of the bishops, with their
wonted hospitality, to their several horaes in the pro
vinces, would tend to neutralize the teaching of men
who were raore disposed to respect their old errors than
to repent of their evil deeds, and to dispose the laity who
had strayed ' to return to the bosom of their dear mother
the church.' Of aU people, according to his lordship, the
English people would be the most Insensible to benefits,
if blessings of all kinds, in such extraordinary multitude,
should fail to produce ' a universal contentedness and
' satisfaction, visible in the looks, and thoughts, and
' words, and action of the whole nation.' His majesty
sat enthroned and robed in the upper house as these
words were uttered. The bishops were present in their
lawn ; the peers in suits of their ancient bravery ; and
the commons stood uncovered below the bar, as the
sovereign received, in its turn, the great Act of Uni
formity, and by pronouncing the words, ' Le Roy le
veult,' gave origin to a future in English history, in the
-midst of which we are at this day, and the fruit of
which is still largely to come.

CHAPTER IX.
E\\t IntiepenKents in relation to tlje ^ct of SEniformtt^.
HE attempts towards a compromise related In chap.ix.
the preceding chapters were made by the
Presbyterians. In those proceedings, extend
ing as they do over nearly two years, there is
scarcely an allusion to the Independents, or to the other
sects. What was the position of the Congregationalists
at this juncture ? What were their expectations ?
The reader has seen the grounds of difference between The state-
the Presbyterians and the Independents, and how the dependel"s.
latter rose to power in place of the former. It will be
remerabered that the Independents In the Asserably of
Divines were not the advocates of an unrestricted reli
gious liberty. This party, the moderate Independents
as they may be called, continued to the tirae of the
Restoration, and continued to be strong. Its repre
sentatives in the assembly were its representatives stUl,
and with those persons we must class such men as
Owen, and Gale, and Howe. In the judgment of this
party, it becarae the magistrates, not only to protect the
peaceable in their religious exercises, but, within certain

226 The Confessors of 1662,
BOOK IL limits, to encourage and diffuse the profession of the
Protestant religion, as It was then generally recognised
and defined. A state church should be broad and
liberal, but the Idea of such a church was by no means
repugnant to their thoughts. The authority of the
magistrate was not to be pleaded against the authority of
Christ — in other words, the conscience of the state was
not to give law to the conscience of the individual. But
there was much, it was concluded, which the magistrate
might do, without violating that great principle ; and
what might be thus done, they were willing to see done.
One of these raen, reasoning with his Presbyterian
brethren, says, ' It is a great question araong our brethren,
' whether this traditio Satano was not peculiar to the
' apostles. And if it prove so, then non-communion
' will prove to be the utmost censure the church now
' hath. What if they will not regard your deliver-
' Ing them up to Satan ? You say you will then com-
' plain to the magistrate. This power must come In to
¦ make thera regard what the church doth. As for sub-
'jectlon to the magistrate, there we are upon equal
' ground. If he will interpose, he may second the sen-
' tence of judging men subverters of the faith, if with-
' drawing coraraunion from them, and we must still be
' subject here to suffer what is inflicted, if we cannot do
' what is required. Only we do not go so far as some
' do in this thing ; whereas they lay a law upon the con-
' science of magistrates, that they are bound to assist the
' decrees of the church, taking cognizance only of the
' fact, that the church hath decreed, not inquiring into
¦ the nature of the things ; we dare not lay any such
' bond on the conscience of the raagistrate, but say that
' he is to assist the church, both in the knowledge of

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 237
'what the church has done, and the knowledge of the chap.ix.
" nature of the thing. Seeing every private man hath
" power to be judge of his own act, it were a great misery
' upon those who have power over them to be denied
' this power.' *
Dr. Owen, iraraediately after the death of Charles L,
taught that the magistrate should take care that the
people have places of worship, and a faithful ministry :¦(¦
Greenhill, another Independent, delivered his judgment
on this topic, about the same time. In the following
terms : ' It is one thing to restrain raen's practices which
' are Idolatrous, blaspheraous, against pure worship, the
* power of gocUIness, and the peace of the state — another
* to force men to that which their judgment and con-
' science are against. I pleaded not even for a tole-
' ration of all, but only that those whose lives are holy,
' peaceable, and differ in judgment from others in some
* things, raay not be forced to conform or depart.' J
In 1657, the parhament then sitting presented its Toleration
' Humble Petition and Advice ' to the Protector, in which the Humble
they urged that a confession of faith should be agreed Ad'vkT ^
upon by his highness and the parliament, to be published
as the faith ' of these nations.' This faith was to be
substantially the faith known as that of the reformed
churches ; and the men holding it, though differing from
each other ' In matters of worship and discipline,' were
to be deemed alike eligible to any office in the state,
either civil or ecclesiastical. Popery and prelacy were
excepted from this scheme — on grounds both political
and ecclesiastical in both cases. But this project was
frustrated by the dissolution of the parliament. . As a
* Irenicum. By Jeremiah Burroughs, 47.
t Works, XV. 20. J Greenhill's Ezekiel, Preface.
Q.

22^ The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. scheme of religious liberty it would have been imperfect ;
but it was large and generous compared with anything of
that nature which had hitherto come from a parliament.
Meeting of In the foUowIug year, Mr. Griffith, preacher at the
pendents in Charter Housc, was Instructed by the government to
16^58."°^' convene an assembly of representatives frora the Congre
gational churches of England. The intention in this
proceeding was, that a declaration of the faith and order
of the Independent churches might be drawn up and
made public. The delegates met on the 29th of
September. But the Protector had died on the third of
that month. What this assembly might have been if
the Protector had lived we can only conjecture. Many
seem to have concluded that in his absence little could
be done, and there were cautious men among the Con
gregationalists who had learnt to distrust aU such cen
tralized forms of power. The two hundred delegates
who assembled, gave a fair expression to the opinion and
feeling of the Independents, but in respect to nurabers
they were by no means an adequate representation.
The meet- Dr. Owcu, Dr. Thomas Goodwin, Nye, Bridge,
the present Caryl, and Greenhill, and Tomes, Jessey, and Dyke, who
were Baptists, were the committee appointed to prepare
the Intended Declaration. On the theological articles it
will be enough to say that they were such as would be
accounted in that age moderately Calvinistic. The
portions of the paper chiefly interesting to us are those
which relate to the supposed duty of the raagistrate
towards religion. The delegates are raanifestly agrfeed
in recognising what they call ' the present settlement,' as
an adjustment of the relations between religion and the
state to which no scriptural or reasonable exception could
be taken. This settlement, it will be remembered, gave

settlement.

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 239
the revenue of the parishes of England to the incum- chap.ix.
bents, according to ancient law. It also respected the
rights of patrons ; but it reserved some right to the
people, left church discipline simply ' persuasive,' and
while insisting on substantial orthodoxy, tolerated much
diversity in forms of worship, and in church proceedings
generally. Concerning the magistrate, the representatives of the On the
Congregational churches in England in 1658 speak of and religion
him as ' bound to encourage, proraote, and protect the
' professors and profession of the Gospel, and to manage
' and order civil adrainistrations In a due subserviency to
' the Interest of Christ in the world ; and to that end, to
' take care that men of corrupt minds and conversations
' do not licentiously publish and divulge blasphemy and
' errors In their own nature subverting the faith, and
' inevitably destroying the souls of them that receive
'them.'* On presenting this Declaration, not to
Ohver, but to his son Richard, Dr. Thomas Goodwin
says, on behalf of his brethren, ' And now we present to
' your highness what we have done, and commit to your
' trust the common faith once delivered to the saints.
' The Gospel, and the saving truths of it, being a
' national endowment bequeathed by Christ hiraself at
' his ascension, and coraraitted to the trust of sorae in
'the nation's behalf; "committed to my trust," saith
' Paul, " in the name of the ministers ; " and we look at
' the magistrates as custos utriusque tabulae (keepers of
' both tables), and so commit to your trust, as our chief
' magistrate, to countenance and propagate. 'f
These passages, with others to the same purport, and
of an earlier date, will suffice to Indicate that there
* Hanbury, iii. 542. t Orme's Life of Owen,
0^2

340 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK IL were causes in operation In those tiraes to prevent the
full development of the principles of religious liberty,
even among the leaders of the Independents. The church,
in seeking freedom from the power of the state, was
seeking emancipation from a jealous master. For a time,
it was not unnatural that what could be left to the
authority of the raagistrate, consistently with guarding
the liberty of the individual conscience, should be
openly ceded. Great had been the care of our separatists,
from the time of Elizabeth downwards, to assure the
sovereign that church freedom raight be made com
patible with everything legitimate in state power. It
should be remembered, too, that our parochial system
had been rooted in the land by the strength of law and
usage during nearly a thousand years. The wrench which
had come upon the old order of things already was great.
It would have been extraordinary if a few years had
sufiiced to extend it much further. The Congregational
ministers invited by Cromwell to the Savoy meeting" in
1658, were all, so far, state churchraen. They came
together from the parish pulpits, or from the colleges of
the land, at his call. They had learnt rauch, but their
antecedents and circumstances forbid our expecting them
to have learnt everything.
Liberality of The language in which these moderate raen express
Ittiman^sr' themselves concerning the forbearance and charity which
Confession. Christians should exercise one towards another, in
respect to a large field of difference, both in opinion and
usage, will be felt to be new, free, and beautiful, if
compared with the language of prelates and courtiers on
the same matters frora the accession of Elizabeth to the
death of Laud. The Independents under CromweU
speak as follows on this subject, in the preface to the

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 341
' Savoy Confession.' The world, they say, has scarcely chap. ix.
known an opinion which has not corae up anew in
England during the last twenty years ; but ' we have all
' along this season held forth, though quarrelled with for
' It by our brethren, this great principle of these tiraes,
' — that araongst all Christian states and churches there
' ought to be a forbearance and mutual indulgence unto
' saints of all persuasions, in all extra-fundamental
' matters, whether of faith or order, so they hold fast the
' necessary foundations of faith and holiness. That this
' has been our constant principle we are not ashamed to
' confess to the whole world. Wherein we desire to be
' understood, not as If Indifferent to falsehood or truth,
' so we had our liberty in our petty and smaller dif-
' ferences. No, we profess, that the whole and every
' particle of that " faith delivered unto the saints," the
' substance of which we have here professed, is as pre-
' cious to us as our lives. But yet withal, we contend
' for this, — that. In the concrete, the persons of all such
' gracious saints, they and their errors as they are in
' them, when they are such errors as may stand with
' coraraunion with Christ, though they should not
' repent of thera to the end of their days, as not being
' convinced of them, that those, with their errors, being
' purely spiritual, and such as do not entrench and
' overthrow civil societies, should, for Christ's sake, be
' borne with by all Christians, and be permitted to enjoy
' all ordinances and spiritual privileges as freely as any
' other of their brethren, who pretend to the greatest
' orthodoxy.' Our differences about church government, say the Erastianism
delegates, have led some men to conclude that there is tolerant.
no prescribed polity in the New Testament, and that the

342 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. clause in that matter is left to the magistrate. But it
would be only consistent in such a magistrate to be
tolerant. 'And thereupon, exercising a forbearance
' and encouragement to the people of God, differing
' frora hira and from themselves, he doth therein dis-
' charge as great a faithfulness to Christ and love to his
' people as can any way be supposed and expected from
' any Christian magistrate of what persuasion soever he
' may be. And where this clemency frora governors is
' shown to any sort of persons or churches, on such a
' principle, it will in equity produce this effect, that all
' that so differ from him and amongst themselves,
' standing in equal difference frora the principle of such
' a magistrate, he is equally free to give a like liberty to
' them. This faithfulness in our governors, which
' appeared much in our late reformation, we do with
' thankfulness to God acknowledge, and to their ever-
' lasting honour. The Hierarchy, Common Prayer Book,
' and all other grievous things to God's people being
' removed, they made choice of an asserably of learned
' raen, to advise what government and order would be
' meet to be established in the roora of these things.
' And because it was known there were different opinions,
' as always hath been among godly men, about forms of
' church governraent, there was by Ordinance, not only a
' choice raade of persons of several persuasions to sit as
' merabers there, but liberty given to a lesser number of
' Dissenting raerabers to report their judgments and
' reasons as well, and as freely, as the major part.
' Hereupon, the honourable house of comraons — ^an
' Indulgence never to be forgotten — finding, by papers
' received frora them, that the raembers of the assembly
' were not likely to compose differences amongst them-

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 343
' selves so as to join in the same rule for church govern- chap. ix.
'ment, did order further, as followeth: — "That a
' committee of lords and coraraons do take into con-
' sideration the differences of opinions In the assembly
' of divines on the point of church government,
' and to endeavour a union If it be possible ; and,
' in case that cannot be done, to endeavour the find-
' Ing out of some way how far tender consciences,
' which cannot in all things subrait to the sarae
'rule which shaU be established, shaU be borne with
' according to the Word, and as raay stand with the •
' public peace." " By all which It is evident, the parlia-
* ment purposed not to establish the rule of church
' government with such rigour as might not bear with
' a practice different from what they had established, in
' persons and churches of different principles, if occasion
' were. And this Christian clemency and indulgence in
' our governors hath been the foundation of the freedom
* in the managing of church affairs which our brethren,
' as well as we that differ from them, do now and have
' many years enjoyed.'
Such was the course approved and acted upon by the Miiton and
Independents when in power. Their faith was an earnest pende"nts'
faith ; but they ceded a large liberty in things indifferent,
and evinced a charity designed to embrace all good
men. The maxims of ecclesiastical policy under Laud
and Sheldon were not exactly of this description. But
the position of the pious raen who made these liberal
professions, and who braved rauch as the consequence of
making them, was not the high position to which their
distinctive principles as Independents should have led
them. Milton, In his riper judgraent as a Congrega-
tionalist, carae, to see this, and poured forth his lofty

344

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK. IL

eloquence against It. He complains heavily that those
who had preached out prelates and casuists should be
found clinging to the old ' legal and popish arguments
for tithes ; ' and especially, ' that Independents should
' take that name, as they may justly, frora the true free-
' dom of Christian doctrine and church discipline, subject
' to no superior judge but God only, and still seek to be
' dependents on the magistrate for maintenance, which
' two things, independence and state hire in religion, can
' never consist .long or certainly together. For raagistrates,
' at one time or other, not like those at present, the
' patrons of our Christian liberty, will pay none but such
' as, by their committees of exaraination, they find con-
' formable to their interest and opinions. And hirelings
' will soon frarae themselves to that interest and those
' opinions which they see best pleasing to their pay-
' raasters, and to seera right theraselves will force others
' as to the truth.' *
Less gifted men in our history than John Milton had
dependents, raadc their way to this conclusion long before, some by
the aid of learning and much thought, others by some
of the simplest processes of the understanding and the
heart. Harmony between ihdependent churches and
state enactments on the subject of religion, must always
be the result of accident. There are no principles existing
to ensure that it shall be other than an exception ; it
cannot be the rule. The opinions concerning the pro
vince of the raagistrate in regard to religion which
Baxter found to be so comraon in the array, and which
he knew to be embraced by Cromwell, and by the men
most in his confidence, were the consistent development

The con
sistent In

* Hirelings out of the Church, 385.

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 345
ofthe principle of Independency.* In 1664, while the chap.ix.
Congregationalists in the Assembly of Divines were
constrained to irapose sorae limit on their doctrine of
toleration, their brethren out of doors carried their great
maxira to its legitimate issues. ' By the command of
' God,' they said, ' the magistrate is discharged to put
' the least discourtesy on any man, Turk, Jew, Papist, or
' Socinian, or of any religion whatever, for his religious
' belief.' We learn from Baillie, that one of the men
who so spoke was Mr. John Goodwin, the minister of
Coleman-street ; and the same writer assures us, that at
that time ' this way was very pleasant to raany.' f
Roger Williams, then an Independent ; and Sir Harry
Vane, then passing frora his New England speculations
to his more consistent and matured views ; and the
honest and brave Henry Burton, were among the leaders
on the side of this raore advanced opinion. By this
time the Independents had set up ' a number of private
congregations in the city.' j: One Intelligent convert to
Congregationalism takes upon him to answer the ques
tion. What will satisfy the Independents .? ' To be
' accountable to the magistrate,' Is his reply, ' for what
' they may do amiss, but otherwise to be as free to
' choose their own company, place, and time, with
' whom, where, and when to worship God, as they] are
' to choose their wives — for a forced marriage will not
' hold. This, I say, wiU satisfy all that go under the
' name of Independents.' §
* ' One among a thousand proofs of Cromwell's attachment to the
' best interests of human nature.' Coleridge's Notes on English Divines,
ii. 13.
t Letters, May lo, 1644. J Ibid. Let. 63.
§ What the Independents would Have. By John Cook, of Gray's,
Inn, Barrister. 1647. Q-3

346 The Confessors of 1662.
•BOOK II. Milton knew that such ideas had been widely vitalized
Milton on among the Independents when he gave his treatise on
Civil power _. .? . „ , . °
in Ecciesias- ' Civil Powcr IU Ecclcsiastlcal Causes ' to the world,
and brought his argument to a close with the following
weighty words — ' As to those magistrates who think it
' their work to settle religion, and those ministers or
' others who often call upon them to do so, I trust that,
' having well considered what has been here argued,
' neither they will continue in that Intention, nor these in
' that expectation from them ; when they shall see that
' the settleraent of religion belongs only to each parti-
' cular church, by persuasive and spiritual means within
' itself, and that the defence only of the church belongs
' to the raagistrate. Had he once learned not farther to
' concern hiraself with church affairs, half his labour
' might be spared, and the commonwealth better tended.
' To which end, that which I premised in the beginning,
' and In due place treated of more at large, I desire now,
' concluding, that they would consider seriously what
¦ religion is, and they will find it to be In sum, both our
' belief and our practice, depending on God only. That
' there can be no place then left for the magistrate, or
' his force in the settleraent of religion, by appointing
' what we shall believe in divine things, or practise in
' religious, I persuade rae in the Christian ingenuity of
' aU religious men, the raore they exaraine seriously,
' the raore they will find clearly to be true ; and find
' how false and deceivable that coramon saying Is, which
' is so much relied upon, that the Christian magistrate is
' custos utriusque tabula, keeper of both tables, unless is
¦ meant by keeper the defender only.'
Retrospect, Thls brief retrospect raay enable the reader to appre
hend the exact position of the Independents In 1662.

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 347
Many of them had taken religion wholly out of the chap, ix
hands of the magistrate ; and the least advanced among
them had reduced the action of the state in such matters
to very narrow limits. Some of them may have so far
believed in the proraises of the king and of his friends as
to have thought It possible that the new settlement would
be so liberally devised as to Include them. But the
number of such persons must have been small. All that
was expected or desired by raost was a simple liberty of
worship, and those who might have been pleased with
some scherae of comprehension so large as to have
embraced them, saw so little probability of any such
adjustment that they made no effort in that direction.*
Baxter, indeed, tells us, that ' the chief of the Congre- indepen-
. . 1 -r, 1 ¦ dents and
gational party took it ill ' that the Presbyterians had not Presby-
taken them with them into the conference with the
bishops in i66o.f And this feehng on the part of
the Independents was not unreasonable. They had
made concessions to the Presbyterians, in the hope of
conciliating them, which the leaders of that party would
never have thought of making for the same purpose, had
the power of the state passed into their hands. But
they found that the liberal maxims which characterized
* Dr. Owen, writing in 1 68 1, professes his willingness to cede a
large power to the magistrate in regard to religion, but limits that
power by the following material provisions: — • i. That no supreme
' magistrate hath power to deprive or abridge the churches of Christ
' of any right, authority, or liberty granted unto them by Jesus Christ ;
' 2. Nor hath any to coerse, punish, or kill any persons — being civilly
' peaceable and morally honest — because they are otherwise minded in
' things concerning Gospel faith and worship than he is.' Enquiry into
the Nature of Evangelical Churches. The cases are few in which
magistracy would care to accept of any church relationship on such
terms.
' t Life,'i7g.

348 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK IJ, their policy had become the occasion of a deadly schism
between thera and their Presbyterian brethren ; and to
speak the plain truth, so far as sorae men of that party
were concerned, the Restoration looked too much like
an Intentional abandonment of the Independents to the
tender mercies of the royalists. In all their negotiations,
whether with the king, the bishops, or the government,
not an effort was made, not a word was spoken, in rela
tion to any interest beyond their own. We would gladly
attribute this reticence to some creditable raotive. Some
raay have honestly supposed that to atterapt to take the
Independents along with thera would have been simply
to damage their own cause. But we have reason to know
that the policy of some leading raen was not such as to
raise thera In our estimation. In August, 1660, Mr.
Edmund Calamy, Mr. Simeon Ash, and Mr. Manton
addressed a letter to a body of Scottish clergy In Edin
burgh, in which they say, ' We do with you heartily
' rejoice In the return of our sovereign to the exercise of
' his government over these his kingdoms, and as we
' cannot but own much of God in the way of bringing it
' about, so we look upon the thing itself as the fruit of
' prayers, and a mercy not to be forgotten. Hitherto
' our God hath helped us In breaking the formidable
^ power of sectaries, causing them to fall by the violence
' of their own attempts, and in restoring us to our
* ancient governraent after so many shakings — the only
' proper basis to support the happiness and just liberties
' of these nations — and freeing us from the many snares
' and dangers to which we were exposed by the former
' confusions and usurpations.' But the ' formidable
power of sectaries' being thus brought to an end — what
next? 'We have to do," say these sorry politicians,

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 349
' with men of different humours and principles. The chap.ix.
' general stream and current is for the old prelacy in all
' its pomp and height, and therefore it cannot be hoped
' that the Presbyterial governraent should be owned as
' the public establishment of this nation, while the tide
' runneth so strongly that way ; and the bare toleration
' of it will certainly produce a mischief, whilst Papists and
' sectaries of all sorts will wind themselves in under the
' covert of such a favour. Therefore no course seemeth
' likely to secure religion and the interest of Christ Jesus
' our Lord but by making presbytery a part of the
' public estabhshment.' * In other words, the aim of
Calamy and his friends was to secure an estabhshment
broad enough to include themselves, and no raore.
With regard to toleration. Inasmuch as to tolerate any
thing beyond the pale of the established church would
be made a plea for tolerating everything, toleration in
any form could not be desirable — it would ' produce a
mischief This Is not a pleasant disclosure. It reveals
the weak point In the Presbyterian sufferers of 1662 —
so little had these pious men learned in the school where
the least teachable generally learn something. We can
suppose that many in that party were more justly and
generously disposed, but such was the feeling of the
persons named, and such was the course taken by them.f
* Woodrow's Introduction, App. No. 10. Kennet's Register, 227,
228. t It is due to Baxter to say that, certainly, it would not have been
in accordance with his principles to deny toleration to any sect, with
the exception of Papists and Socinians, so long as their conduct should
be consistent with morality and civil order. He, no doubt, spoke the
language of the better men of his sect when he laid down the following
principles : — ' l. That all Christian princes and governors take all the
' coercive power about religion into their own hands, and that they

350 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK IL To turn frora the language of such persons to that of
Milton, and of the Independents generally. Is to turn as
from the utterance of children to those of full-grown men.
There was nothing, indeed, in this conduct on the part
of the Presbyterians to justify the course taken towards
them by the parliament and the goverhment in 1662.
But there was enough in It to have justified a stern indig
nation on the part of the Independents and the other
' sectaries,' whose fallen state It had been, it seems, so
pleasant a matter to bring about.
Independents and Baptists pleaded with the govern
ment for toleration, and the reader has seen the per
plexity and dismay which were scattered among the
commissioners at the Savoy, when the question as to
what should be done with this suit was broached by the
chancellor, in presence of the king. The bishops were
silent — prudently silent. The Presbyterians, too, held
their peace. One of them, it will be remerabered, a
' make a difference between the approved and the tolerated churches ;
' and that they keep the peace between these churches, and settle their
' several privileges by a law. 2. That the churches be accounted
' tolerable which profess all that is in the Creed, Lord's Prayer, and
'Decalogue, &c. &c. 3. And that those that are further orthodox in
' those particulars which rulers think fit to impose upon their subjects,
' have their public maintenance and greater encouragement.' Life,
'132. But in 1662, even Baxter contented himself with making suit
that his own sect should be approved ; the tolerated, if there was to be
such, were left to plead their own cause.
The following, however, is Baxter's account of the impression
made on the mind of the Independents and others when the report of
the manner in which the Presbyterians had acquitted themselves in the
Savoy conference was published : — ' The Independents confessed that
' we had dealt faithfully and satisfactorily : and indifferent men said that
' reason had overwhelmed the cause of the Diocesans, and that we had
• offered them so much as left them without excuse. And the mode-
' rate Episcopal men said the same.' Ibid. 380.

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 3 5 1
man who knew the weak side of their good brother, chap, ix.
Richard Baxter, ventured to whisper in his ear — don't
speak. And the pause was long. But the pastor of
Kidderminster, as was his wont, presently found a reason
for doing as he was inclined to do. Silence, he said,
will be construed as consent, and to consent to a tolera
tion at all must be to consent, to a toleration of Papists,
and that must not be. So Baxter spoke on this delicate
question, and spoke too much after the manner of his
brethren, Calamy, Ash, and Manton. The king saw
that the Presbyterians would never plead for toleration,
if the basis of conformity should be made wide enough
to include themselves, and his majesty appears to have
become willing to see them shut up to nonconformity,
that, deprived of liberty themselves, they raight be con
strained to plead for it on behalf of others. Had they
cast in their lot with Independents, Baptists, and
Quakers, taking exception to Romanism on its own
special grounds, the result of their conferences might
have been different. But they chose to stand alone, and
standing alone, were the raore easily conquered.
The part which the fingllsh Congregationalists were Theinde-
said to have taken in bringing the late king to the pecianV^'"
scaffold could not fail to operate rauch against them at "p°^*='^ '°
10 resentment
the Restoration. ' The Independents, as they are ^^ "''^ ^'=^'
¦*¦ •' toration.
' caUed,' says Milton, ' were the only men who frora
' first to last kept to their point, and knew what use to
' make of their victory. They refused, and wisely in
' my opinion, to raake hira king again, being then an
' enemy, who, when he was their king, had made himself
' their enemy ; nor were they ever less averse from a
' peace, but they very prudently dreaded a new war, or
' a perpetual slavery under the name of peace.' Such

3S^

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOKIL was, no doubt, the general impression concerning this
party on the return of the king. All that can be said,
however, concerning the real authors of the proceedings
against Charles I. is, that there were Independents among
them. There were Congregationalists who protested
against what was done, and there were men who were
not of that sect who assented to the deed, and hastened
its consummation. Charles had outlived his popularity.
His best friends had become weary of his endless dupli
cities. Every man who had been committed against
him felt that to trust him would be suicide. Had he
been left to die In prison he would have died almost
unlamented. The death allotted to hira raade him a
martyr, and gave a power to his name which nothing
else could have given.
But the belief was general that the blood of the late
king rested raainly on the Independents. Cromwell
was regarded as an embodiraent of the principle and
feeling of that sect, and Crorawell had killed the king.
Frora this popular Irapression the Congregationalists
could not augur favourably in regard to their future.
A vague idea also in respect to' the numbers of this sect
appears to have added to the distrust and suspicion with
which it was regarded. During the last ten years the
influence of the Independents had been great in relation
to all the departments of government, and it was only
natural that there should be a great increase of ministers
more or less of that persuasion in the parishes of
England. The fact that raany Congregational ministers
declined the honour of officiating in the parish churches,
and chose rather to form churches for themselves, made
the question of numbers one of still greater difficulty.*
* ' The Christian church is universal ; not tied to nation, diocese.

Congregationalists
among the
ejected.

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 2 S3
Of the twenty-five Congregational ministers in London chap.ix.
who signed the protest against Venner's insurrection,
thirteen only were Incumbents, the reraaining twelve, or
most of thera, were pastors of ' gathered ' or voluntary
churches beyond the pale of the establishraent. Dissent,
In this forra, existed raore or less throughout the country, ^
especially in the large towns. Frora Evelyn's diary and
letters, and from other sources, it appears that to go to
a parish church under the Commonwealth, was, in the
common language, to go to hear an Independent, not, as
formerly, a Presbyterian. The Presbyterians, either
strongly Scotch, or moderately English, were still the
majority ; but this change In the language of the time
had come from the prominence acquired by the Inde
pendents after the death of the king. In the state paper
ofiice there is a report made to the government by a spy
in 1 66 1, giving the names of Congregational ministers
who ' preach publicly in and about London.' The
names are thirty-six in number, including the leading
Independents, such as Greenhill, Nye, and John Good
win, with some Baptists. Some officiated in the parish
churches, but the majority appear to have had their own
places of meeting ; and the edifices In Petty France, by
St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, and at the Old Artillery, are
described as 'large assembling places built of late.'
The Calamys were men with strong preferences as Pres
byterians. The case of the Independents is not to be
' or parish, but consisting of many particular churches complete in
' themselves, gathered not of compulsion, or the accident of dwelling
' nigh together, but by free consent choosing both their particular
' church and their church officers ; whereas if tythes be set up, all their
' Christian privileges will be disturbed and soon lost, and with them
'Christian liberty.' Milton's Hirelings, 1659.

354 '^he Confessors of 1662,
BOOK II. adequately learnt from the ' Account of the Ejected.'
Many who should have been described as Congrega
tionalists, or as ' of the Congregational way,' are not so
reported. Among the ejected ministers in London,
somewhat more than a third are known Presbyterians, a
little less than a third are Congregationalists, and the
remainder raay probably be divided In nearly equal
proportions between the two parties. In Wales, church
polity took the Congregational forra in a remarkable
degree. In the principality the number of the ejected
clergy was one hundred and six, and of these more than
ninety are known in Welsh history as Independents.*
What proportion of the ejected in England in 1662
were Congregationalists, or raen so rauch of that ' way '
as not to adrait of their being fairly classed with Presby
terians, is not to be ascertained with exactness. Our
irapression is, that the proportion was a large one, rauch
larger than Is comraonly imagined. The effect of the
Act of Uniformity on Congregationahsts, was to eject
some ministers, to silence all, and In the latter respect
at least it was a deep wrong to rainisters and people.
* See History of Protestant Nonconformity in Wales. By Thomas
Rees. 1 66 1. A carefully-compiled and highly instructive volume.
Reaching the year 1660, the author says: — 'Hitherto we find the
' Welsh Nonconformists distinguished by no other names than Con-
' gregationalists or Independents, Anti-Paedobaptists, and Friends or
'Quakers; but after 1662 some of the ejected ministers were desig-
' nated Presbyterians, and they were such, at least in sentiment, though
' they never set up a distinct denomination, but always associated with
' Congregationalists, under the general name of Protestant Dissenters.
' The Presbyterian element thus introduced led to some practices which
' strict Congregationalists could not have approved ; such as the ordaining
' of a number of ministers in one place, who were intended to preside
' over different churches in other places ; but no attempt was ever made
' to enforce Presbyterian discipline except at Henllan, Carmarthenshire,

The Independents and the Act of Uniformity. 355
We have seen that much had happened before 1660, chap.ix.
tending to separate the Independents from the state
church principle. The Restoration was to complete the
lesson. It is to their honour that no attempt was then
made by them to retain any place within the pale of the
new establishment. Accept our allegiance as subjects,
but leave us to ourselves as religionists, was their lan
guage. Milton himself could not have taken a position
more becoming — of more dignity. The ecclesiastical
controversies In our history during the last two cen
turies, in so far as they had been conducted by free and
enlightened men, had all pointed to this Issue. Men
were thus to learn how to give to Csesar his own, and
no more — how to render to the Divine Being his own,
and no less. In the opinions of good men in the past,
Milton saw this ' knowledge in the making.' Here are
his words : ' I doubt not if some great and worthy
' stranger should come among us — ^wise to discern the
' mould and temper of a people, and how to govern it,
' observing the high hopes and aims, the dUigent alacrity
' of our extended thoughts and reasonings in the pursu-
' about the year 1 707, and it was then most resolutely opposed. The
' reader will therefore understand, when he meets with the word Pres-
' byterian in the ensuing pages, that it only refers to individuals who
' entertained Presbyterian sentiments, and not to a distinct denomina-
' tion, for such a denomination never existed in Wales. The fact is,
' that the words Independent and Presbyterian were for ages used in the
• principality as synonymous terms. The discipline of the churches has
' invariably been exercised on the Congregational or Independent prin-
' ciple, while several of them were Presbyterian in name.' P. 175.
In England, as Baxter has told us, the word Presbyterian was very
commonly applied to all thoughtful and devout people, whether in
the established church or out of it. The word Presbyterian came
into use as the first substitute for Puritan, and it was often used in a
wider latitude afterwards.

356 The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK il ' ance of truth and freedom, — but that he would cry
' out as Pyrrhus did, admiring the Roman docility and
' courage ; " If such were ray Epirots I would not despair
' the greatest design that could be atterapted to make a
' church or kingdom happy." Yet these are the men
' cried out against for schismatics and sectaries, as if,
'while the temple of the Lord was building — some
' cutting, some squaring the marble, others hewing the
' cedars — there should be a sort of irrational men, who
' could not consider there must be many schisms and
' many dissections raade in the quarry and in the timber
' ere the house of God can be built. And when every
' stone is laid artfully together, it cannot be united Into
' a continuity, it can be but contiguous In this world ;
' neither can every piece of the building be of one form ;
¦ nay, rather, the perfection consists in this, that out of
' many raoderate varieties, and brotherly dissimilitudes,
' that are not vastly disproportional, arises the goodly
' and the graceful syrametry that commends the whole
' pUe and structure. Let us therefore be more con-
' siderate buUders, raore wise in spiritual architecture,
' where great reformation is expected.' So the germs of
the present were to our great bard the prophecy of the
future.

CHAPTER X.
Cfjurclj ani Statf Irefore tfjc lExotius.

T Is not difficult to suppose that the govern- Misgivingof the go
vernment

not without
reason.

ment were really apprehensive concerning the
peace of the kingdora during some while
after the Restoration. The army had been
peaceably disbanded, but the brave and thoughtful
men who composed it had not ceased to exist. That
large portion of the people, too, whose Puritan
tendencies had been so long and so widely raanifested,
still formed a part of the body politic. The men In
power, moreover, knew well that the successive steps in
their pohcy could not faU to force on all such persons a
suspicion of treachery in high places, and, in fact, an
expectation of the worst. Conscience does not become
extinct even where its monitions seem to be little
regarded. Rulers who deserve that an avenger should
be upon their path, cannot always resist the impression
that such a visitant may be at hand.
The course usuaUy taken in such cases is to magnify Pacific con-
every sign of discontent, and then to appeal to it as a No"colfor-
justification of strong measures. The policy secretly '"'^'^'

358 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOKH. approved, can then be safely acted upon, and under
seemly expressions of regret that it should have become
a necessity. But reasonable as It was that Clarendon
should expect indications of active disaffection, it seems
they did not come. It is certain that the victims of his
lordship's devices were provokingly subraissive. The
secret was, that while there was much In the conduct of
the chancellor and of the prelates to justify suspicion and
complaint, the conduct of the king was more hopeful.
His majesty's ' Declaration ' frora Worcester House
tended to raoderate the feeling of the suffering parties
during the greater part of the two years between the
return of the king and the passing of the Act of Uni
formity. The Quakers were disqualified from becom
ing politically formidable by their peace principles. The
Independents and Baptists, who had inspired so much
terror in past years, were now prepared to avow them
selves loyal subjects, and were content to petition simply
for toleration : whUe the Presbyterians, great as were
their wrongs, had so corapletely lost the feeling which
had aniraated thera at the coraraenceraent of the civil
war, that to them even the passive obedience test of the
Act of Uniforraity was by no means the hardest part of
that hard measure.*
* Within two months after the return of the king the Humble
Petition of the messengers of the ' good and humble people in Lincoln
shire ' was presented to his majesty by the Baptists in those parts. It
fully recognised the authority of the crown in all civil cases, but
pleaded earnestly that the petitioners might be left to their own con
science in their religious affairs. Speaking of what had befallen them
since his majesty's restoration, they say, ' We have been much abused
' as we pass in the streets, and as we sit in our houses, being threatened
' to be hanged if but heard praying to the Lord in our families, and
• disturbed in our so waiting upon God, by uncivil beating at our doors,
' and sounding of horns ; yea, we have been stoned when going to our

Church and State before the Exodus. 2S9
Baxter was resident In London during the greater chap.x.
part of the two years preceding the enforceraent of the covem-
Act of Uniformity ; and we learn from him that he Md"infor-
rarely preached a sermon without the presence of spies,
who never failed to raake hira a preacher of sedition.
He once discoursed from the words, ' and he was
speechless ; ' and very naturally said, that however the
' meetings, the windows of the place where we have met struck down
' with stones ; yea, taken as evil doers, and imprisoned, when peace-
'ably met together to worship the Most High.' About the same
time the London Baptists presented their Humble Apology, in which
there are the same professions of loyalty, with the same prayer for
religious Uberty. In August, three months after the restoration, the
congregations in North Wales, collected and taught by Mr. Vavasor
Powell, were ordered to be broken up. In September the lords issued
an order to suppress the voluntary churches in Northamptonshire, and
to prevent the meeting of such assemblies in any part of the kingdom.
In conformity with this direction, a month later, John Bunyan was
sent to Bedford gaol, where he found two ministers and sixty brethren
prisoners before him. These things happened in the interval between
the landing of the king at Dover, and the declaration from Worcester
House in the following October ; and such things were common
through the country. On the loth of January, 1661, a royal procla
mation was issued, which threatened punishment in the case of any
seizure and imprisonment of persons without a lawful warrant, which
appears to have encouraged the 'innocent subjects, called by the name
of Anabaptists, prisoners in the gaol of Maidstone,' to present their
Humble Petition to the king. It was followed in the same year by
the Plea for Toleration, by John Sturgeon, and by Sion's Groans for
the Distressed. Sturgeon was one of the class of Baptists whose strict
republicanism made them enemies to Cromwell, and who, if they were
to submit to the rule of a single person, were disposed to look, on
certain conditions, to the exiled king. StB-'geoB,. indeed, had been in
communication with the king on rhis matter before the restoration, and
appears to have presented his Plea to the monarch with the more
confidence on that account. But so harassed were the sects at this
juncture, and so moderate were the aspirations of those deemed the
most restless. Tracts on Liberty of Conscience, 390, et seq.

360 The Confessors of x 66 2.
BOOK II. refusers of grace may excuse theraselves and triumph
now, they would be speechless at last. But so to
speak was to teach disaffection ; and the charge passed
from the bishop of London to the preacher's diocesan,
the bishop of Worcester. ' A multitude of such expe-
' riences,' said the good man, ' made me perceive, when
' I was silenced, that there was some mercy In it, in the
' midst of judgment. For I could scarce have preached
' a sermon, or put up a prayer to God, which one or
' other, through malice, or hope of favour, would not
' have attempted to convert Into a heinous crime.' So,
as Seneca hath it, says Baxter, the raan who has a wound
will cry out upon the raere thought of your touching
him.* We even read of ' Baxter's Plot ; ' a letter being
forged to implicate him in a conspiracy ! The case of
Kiffin, the Baptist merchant, will be farailiar to most of
ray readers. In both instances, the blunders in respect to
facts and dates, were such as to demonstrate that there
were inforraers abroad who were prepared to invent
treason, and to swear to it without limit.f The in
tended iraplication of Baxter could not be shaped into
an accusation. But the proceedings against Kiffin took
a serious forra. The result, however, was only a more
signal disclosure of the secret villany which was then at
* Life, 374. In 1661, Baxter made an arrangement with Dr.
Bates, of St. Dunstan's, to preach once a week in his church. 'Before
this time I scarce ever preached a sermon in the city but I had news
from Westminster that I had preached seditiously.' And the same
imputation followed him. His books, entitled The Hypocrite Detected,
Self-Ignorance, and Now or Never, all consist of sermons preached
between 1660 and 1662, and which were published in self-defence as
they were delivered. Life, 301, 302.
t Life of Kiffin.

Church and State before the Exodus. 361
work, not only with the knowledge, but through the chap.x.
encourageraent of the chancellor and his friends. The
forgery of letters which should be intercepted, and,
intercepted, should place obnoxious persons in the hands
of the government as state offenders, was a comraon
artifice. Nuraerous letters are extant which show that the
men whose agency as spies was accepted by the govern
ment were many ; that they were very busy, or, at least,
affected to be so ; and that the raost unprincipled
means were not only resorted to, but freely men
tioned to their employers. They are always hearing
something which seems to promise more. They are
constantly detecting movements which, with the aid of a
little patience, a little more money, and a little stimulus
from themselves, will lead to grave disclosures. But,
unfortunately for the chancellor, the hearsays which
reach him do not readily take a more definite shape ;
and though many things are doing, nothing is done so as
to become tangible.
Secretary Nicholas, too, was indefatigable In his en
deavours to find out plots. In one of his letters, dated
November i6th, 1 661, he writes to Sir John Packington,
deputy lieutenant of Worcestershire, ' thanking him, and
' some informer named Simonds, for their services, and
' urging the utraost diligence to get to the bottom of
' designs mentioned in intercepted letters. In another
' letter, addressed to the mayor of Bristol, he inforras
'him of a messenger to be sent from the councU with
' directions about one " John Casebeard," and deplores
' " that ungrateful fellows bred in rebellion do not know
' how to behave themselves ; that the king's mercy,
' instead of making them penitent, only hardens them,
' whUe the devil suggests to them the idea that they are
R

362 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. ' penitent." The most frivolous rumours, the vaguest
' charges, the most contemptible accusations, were en-
' couraged at Whitehall. The silliness of sorae of the
' coraraunications frora retained and paid informers is
' almost incredible.' It would be well if weakness were
the worst. But Edward Potter, a forward instrument
of this class, ' had gone about among the disaffected in
' Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk, and had gained " much
' love among them in a little time," but did not dare to
' be too bold at first, but would " help them forward to
' any plot, and then reveal it." This wretched creature
' had afterwards to acknowledge that he did not succeed ;
' that he could not get them to work so that they might be
' dealt with ; that they would be quiet so long as they
' were let alone ; ' and along with a petition for more
agents and raore raoney, his advice was, that they should
be provoked to mischief by breaking up their congre
gations.*
The Go- On the raeeting of parliaraent towards the close of
vernment ...
affects great 1 66 1, much was Said concerning the rumours which
the government had done so much to encourage. Sir
John Packington carae up from Worcestershire full of
discourse about intercepted letters, and the iniquitous
Presbyterian plot. This was the plot which made
Baxter a conspirator. The pastor of Kidderminster, it
was said, had proraised to send a large body of armed
men to the place of raeeting. The coraraons sent a
message to the upper house, stating that intelligence
had been received of designs against the peace of the
kingdom, in which many disbanded officers and fanatics
* Church and State Two Hundred Tears Ago, 237-239. The
above are merely samples of the material that might be largely
furnished both from printed and manuscript sources.

I II

Church and State before the Exodus. 2^3
were engaged, and inviting their lordships to join with chap.x.
them In urging the king to issue a proclamation which
should banish ' all suspicious and loose persons ' beyond
the hberties of London and Westminster. A month Dec. 19.
later the chancellor brought the subject before parlia
ment, and with a formal gravity which almost any other
man would have found it difiicult to sustain. His lord
ship stated that a suspicious list of one hundred and
sixty officers of the late army had been found on the
person of a raan named Salmon ; that a raeeting was to
have taken place in London on the i oth of Deceraber ;
that Shrewsbury, Coventry, and Bristol were to be
taken about the end of January ; that the conspirators
' bragged ' much of their allies abroad, and of their
arms and numbers at home ; and that their action was to
commence with assassination. But measures, his lord
ship said, had been taken to secure the cities threatened
with seizure, and in Coventry the soldiers had ' broken
up a knot of thieves, and taken twenty.' This alarming
communication was made a few days before Christmas,
and a committee of both houses was appointed to make
further inquiries, and to watch for the safety of the
kingdom during the recess usual at that season. It
seemed to be overlooked, that while the plot was attri
buted to the Presbyterians, the chief conspirators named
were ardent republicans, men whose contempt of that
class of religionists was such that they could not have
been brought to trust thera for a raoraent in any such
matter. Of the two principal witnesses, one confessed
himself bribed, and the other was convicted of having
passed under different names. The court, however,
StiU affected alarm, and the rumours which had been so
freely circulated by its instruments were made to sub-
R 2

364 The Confessors of 1662,
BOOK II. serve its policy.* In a few raonths the Savoy con
ference was to reach Its close, and the Act of Uniformity
was to become law.
The Corpo- If the rcadlncss of the new parliament to entertain
such malignant and Iraprobable tales was no good omen
to the Presbyterians, the passing of the Corporation
Act, which took place at this juncture, was a still
stronger foreshadowing of the evil to corae. This act
required that every raayor, alderman, coraraon council-
raan, and every servant of a corporation, besides taking
the common oath of allegiance and supremacy, should
make the known declarations against the League and
Covenant, and in favour of passive obedience. The
reason assigned in support of this raeasure, was the
alleged disaffection of raany persons holding such offices,
notwithstanding the great clemency shown to all parties
by his raajesty. It was known that the Presbyterians
were still strong in the corporations. By this means they
were effectually excluded from them. Baxter relates,
that in Kidderminster, of thirteen aldermen and twenty-
five burgesses, one man only consented to retain his
office on such terms, though not more than two or three
In the corporation had ever taken the Covenant. Baxter
was accused of having stiraulated that portion of his
flock to this decision ; but not a word had he ever
communicated to thera on the question. f
Restrainton WhUc thc govemment and the parliament were
the Press. . , . .
engaged in reducing the corporations of the kingdom to
this passive condition, and were bent on imposing so
rigorous a restraint on the pulpit, it will not be supposed
* Pari. Hist. iv. 224-233. Ralph's Hist. Eng. i. 51-55.
f Pari. Hist. iv. 227, 228. Baxter's Lfe, 376, 377.

Church and State before the Exodus. 2^S
that the press was allowed to go free. A law was chap. x.
passed which placed ' the reins in the hands of a
' licenser, who was generally so careful to seal the lips of
' falsehood and abuse, that even truth and justice could
' rarely obtain a hearing.'*
The blood shed at the Restoration to avenge the F^te ofthe
" Regicides.
death of the late king presents another feature of the
interval preceding the enforcement of the Act of Uni
formity which should not be overlooked. His majesty's
promise of inderanity embraced all offenders who should
surrender themselves within forty days, ' excepting such
persons as should hereafter be excepted by parliament.'
The comraons would have restricted their exceptions to
seven of the raen who had sat in judgment on the king,
and to three others officiaUy engaged in those pro
ceedings. But the lords would have extended the same
penalty to nineteen persons who had surrendered thera
selves confichng in the royal proraise. That promise,
their lordships descended to plead, was merely the pro
mise of a fair trial. The commons, however, continued
to evince more humanity, and a wiser sense of justice.
They saved the regicides who had obeyed the royal
proclamation, and thus rescued the king frora the breach
of faith in which the peers, with Clarendon at their
head, would have involved him. The corapromise
agreed upon, after three months' deliberation, left fifty-
one persons concerned in the death of the king to receive
trial. Sentence of death was passed on all the regicides.
Of the ten who were selected to suffer, six only had
signed the warrant which brought the king to the block.
These were Scot, Harrison, Scroop, Carew, Clements,
and Jones. With these were Hugh Peters, the army
* Ralph, i. 62.

266 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. chaplain ; Cooke, who had acted as solicitor-general at
the trial ; and, strange to say, Haxtel and Hacket, the
officers who had been appointed to comraand the guard
placed over the king in his last hours. The sentence of
the law against these persons, barbarous in itself, was
carried into effect with a studied cruelty, which It would
be only revolting to the reader to describe. The suf
ferers all met their fate without dismay. In place of
confessing themselves the greatest of criminals, they
boasted of the deed which had brought them to such an
end as the most honourable in their lives. The bodies
of Bradshaw, Crorawell, and Ireton, were taken from
their tombs in Westrainster Abbey, drawn upon hurdles
to Tyburn, hung there from raorning untU evening, and
then cast into a pit prepared on the spot to receive
them. The new parliaraent would have added to these'
victims ; but the king discouraged the further prose
cution of this doubtful policy. The only additional
blood shed was that of Sir Harry Vane. *
Case of sir Vanc had protested against the trial, and still more
Harry Vane . .
against the execution of Charles I. But he was now
charged with high treason, and its overt act was said to
have been, his taking part with the government which
had expelled the present king, and had usurped his
authority. Vane pleaded the statute of Henry VIL,
which justified obedience to a government existing,
though holding the place of a government which might-
be regarded as having a better title to existence. But
his opponents insisted that the government supposed in
that statute was government in the hands of a king, not'
in the hands of a pretended parliament or of a common-
* Pari. Hist. iv. 65, 71, 73, 80, 88, 9r, 96. Clarendon's Life,
ii. 129-134. Howell's State Trials, v. 1231, etseq.

Church and State before the Exodus. 367
wealth, and that his present majesty had been Charles II. chap. x.
from the decease of his royal father. According to Sir
Edward Coke, however, and other great law authorities,
such pleading was altogether invalid. Such a construc
tion of the statute would have sufficed to send every
parliamentarian In England to the block. Justice coraes
from law; law comes frora the state; and the parliament,
by the chosen arbitrament of the sword, had become the
state. If submission to a king, as the exclusive possessor
of the supreme power, would be duty; submission to a
parliament, as the possessor of such power, should be to
an Englishman only raore obviously a duty.
But the course pursued towards Vane had been dic
tated, partly by revenge, and partly by fear. Vane had
contributed raore than any raan now living to the death
of Strafford. To his capacity and energy the parliament
was largely indebted for the name it acquired soon after
the decease of the late king. At the bar, in place of
adopting the submissive tone of Larabert, who was tried
with him, and who crouched before a court of justice
as he had never done in the field, he dared to vindicate
his conduct, and to argue that It did not become him to
sue for raercy from any power on earth. Charles was
deeply offended by this language. Writing immediately
to Clarendon, his majesty said, ' He is too dangerous a
' man to let live, if he can honestly be put out of the
' way.' Lambert was left to end his days as a state
prisoner in Guernsey. Vane was sent to Tower-hill.
At the place of execution, the able statesman exhibited
the strong religious feeling, and the unshaken integrity
and courage, which had been so conspicuous through his
public life. He would have addressed the people ; but
the sheriff interposed more than once to silence him, and

368 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOKIL before he had concluded, the trumpets beneath the
scaffold were ordered to sound, that his voice might
become inaudible. He submitted to his sentence ' with
' so rauch coraposedness, that it was generally thought
' the government had lost more than it had gained by
' his deatii.' *
Sanguinary Thc rctum of thc housc of Stuart was to have been
this reign, thc rctum of law, order, and humanity. By this tirae,
such expectations were considerably moderated. Many
suffered penalties short of death. The cruelties perpe
trated upon the living, the indignities heaped upon the
dead, the sending of Haxtel and Hacket to the scaffold
as the punishraent of obedience to railitary orders, and
the condemnation of Vane, In violation both of the spirit
and letter of the law, had combined to force many a
gloomy anticipation upon thoughtful men. Nearly a
hundred persons were to die as state offenders during
this reign — a greater nuraber than were to suffer under
that charge during the next hundred years. Not a
little of the best blood in England was to be thus shed ;
and that a policy, at once harsh and despicable, raight
be pursued successfully, lawyers who had been a disgrace
to the bar were to be raised to the bench, and the courts
of judicature were to become a terror to all honest men.
* Burnet, i. 163, 164. YiovicV^s, State Trials. Blackstone, Book iv.
c. 6. Phillips' State Trials Reviewed, ii. 185, 186. Pepys' Diary, i.
275-280. Among the religious sects of the seventeenth century was
one under the name of the Vaneists, or Seekers, their profession being,
not that they had found truth, but were seeking it. No one can read
two pages of Vane's Mystery of Godliness without perceiving that the
writer, if he has sought truth with any measure of success, had still to
learn how to communicate his light satisfactorily to others. But with
all his mysticism. Vane was evidently a devout man, and he is not the
only man who has reasoned on the speculative aspects of religion with
a weakness foreign to his general intelligence.

Church and State before the Exodus. 2^9
Mention has been made of the brUliant manner in chap. x.
which Cromwell's veterans acquitted themselves before
Dunkirk, and of the fiattering terms in which the keys
of that Important seaport were passed by Louis XIV. to
the hands of the Protector. The national pride had
been deeply interested in that event, and the value of
the acquisition had been highly extolled by the govern
ment in the spring of 1662. But a few weeks later,
such were the pecuniary difficulties which the king had
brought upon hiraself, and so imperative was his call
upon Clarendon for money, that the latter, in an evil
hour for his reputation, ventured to suggest the sale of
Dunkirk. Charles consented. The ministers opposed
to it found resistance vain. Louis caught with eager
ness at the proposal, and, after a considerable play of
artifice, succeeded in obtaining possession of the place
for the sum of five raillions of livres. So the meanness
of the royal administration came into humiliating con
trast with the lofty policy of Crorawell. And this was
only the first event in a long series of the sarae nature
which were to follow.*
' Charles was a raan who lived to his inclinations. His character
good or evil carae not frora principle of any kind, so
much as from his passions, teraperaraent, and habit.
Though not cruel by nature, he could be cruel rather
than be at rauch trouble to avoid it ; and though a lover
of kingly power, there were times in which he could be
content to govern constitutionally, rather than subject
himself to the effort necessary to govern otherwise. His
fixed opinion was, that a sovereign whose ministers may
be controlled and impeached by a parliaraent, must be a
sovereign only in name. The governraent, accordingly,
* Clarendon Papers, xxi.-xxv. Combe's Sale of Dunkirk. R 3

370 The Confessors of 1662.
s COK II. to which he would have had aU others conformed, was
the splendid and luxurious monarchy of France. With
regard to religion, his preference was, no doubt, with the
church of Rome. It was the system deeraed raost
favourable to his wishes as a king, and to his habits as a
man. The viciousness of his career in this country
began with the night which followed his entrance Into
London. From that time, Mrs. Palmer, the wife of
colonel Palmer, became his raistress ; and long before
August, 1662, his raaj esty's relation to that woraan had
becorae notorious. For centuries past, no king of
England had been known to keep a raistress. We
scarcely need say, that Charles soon had such persons
about hira, not only in succession, but several together.
Nearly all writers agree with bishop Burnet, in censuring
' the mad range of pleasure' to which the king aban
doned himself immediately after his accession, and in
tracing the embarrassments and disgraces which attended
him to the close of his reign to that source.
Court ofthe The court of the Protector was, no doubt, wanting in
Protectorand of some of thc external and lighter attractions which had
long graced the court of Paris, and which were now to
becorae no less conspicuous in St. James's. But of the
court under Crorawell, this, at least, could be said,
every woman there lived a virtuous, and generally, a
devout hfe ; and every man lived to some great prin
ciple, or to some high public interest. But, under
Charles, the court was a region to itself, and cared only
for itself. The raan who should there avow himself
concerned about the public welfare, or as desiring to live
to some useful or honourable purpose, would have
been gazed upon with amazement, and classed at once
with the fool or the knave. Buckingham, Rochester,

Charles II.

Church and State before the Exodus. 371
and KiUigrew were the model men in that circle — men cwap. x.
who lived amidst gallantries, and despised all who did
not follow their example. It was a place in which few
women could be said to be safe before marriage, and
where all seera to have been busy In laying snares for
new lovers afterwards. Even the duke of York, with
aU his supposed conscientiousness on sorae points, was •
hardly more mindful of his raarriage vow than his
brother. Every woraan in that gay world knew that
taste in dress, grace in raanner, and skill in conversation
were essential to success. But of anything deserving
the name of mental culture, the court beauties of that
age were nearly as destitute as the inraates of a Turkish
harem. They all lived amidst rivals and admirers ; and
their talk by day and by night consisted of little else
than flinging scandal at each other. Books which pre
sented a reflection of their own manner of life, they
might read, but no other. Such were the women who
had come into the place of the Parrs and Greys, —
the Elizabeths and Hutchinsons of past days. It
should be added, that with the men, the love of
intrigue, of deep play, and of hard drinking, generally
went together.
The blame of such excesses is often laid upon the TheCom-
T-. . ... . • ._ ' • i J 1 monwealth
Puritans; their gloomy rigour, it is said, ensured such not to blame
a rebound. But it should be remembered, that the
men who wielded the power of the English comraon-
wealth can hardly be said to have been Puritans. The
small scruples which had so much influence on that
party, were little heeded by men capable of entering into
the policy of CromweU. Moreover, a rebound, pro
duced by accidental and artificial causes, should not
have been of long continuance. But after the space of

for the Res
toration ex-

3 7 2. The Confessors of 1662,
BOOK II. a generation we see the streara of court raanners only
deepened in irapurity.
influence of Frora that centre, an influence passed which became

th

e man

ners ofthe perceptible in the homes of the wealthy over the whole
cottntr". ^ kingdom, and especially among the prosperous classes
in London. The theatre soon became the great public
amusement, and was of course adapted to the public
taste. For the first time In our history, females now
make their appearance as actresses. As the moral feel
ing of the auditory deteriorates, the tone of the drama
sinks lower and lower. It wiU be sufficient to say, that
ladies went to such performances masked ; the scenes
they sometimes witnessed, and the language they some
times heard, being thought to require that concealment
of their blushes. Indeed, on the appearance of a new
play, women generally abstained from being present,
until it became known that they might do so consistently
with modesty.*
Known In September^ 1661, the king was present, with Mrs.
King before Palmcr, at the performance of ' Bartholoraew Fair,' a
Lent''o" piece so satirical on the Puritans that it had not been
'^^^- played the last forty years. 'It Is strange,' said Pepys,
' they should already dare to do it, and the king to
'countenance it.'f Before the close of 1661, Mrs.
Palraer became lady Castlemaine. In a diary of the
following spring we read : ' My lady duchess of Rich-
' mond and Castlemaine had a falling-out the other day ;
' and she calls the latter Jane Shore, and did hope to see
'her come to the same end.':]: In May, 1662, Kathe
rine of Portugal arrived, and became the wife of the
king, and the following may be taken as a sample of
the observation and talk of the time : — ' The king dined
^ Apology for the Life of Cibber. f Diary, Sep. 7. J Ibid.

Church and State before the Exodus. 273
' at my lady Castlemaine's, and supped every day and chap. x.
' night the last week ; and the night the bonfires were
' made for joy of the queen's arrival, the king was
' there ; but there was no fire at her door, though at
' all the rest of the doors almost in the street, which
' was much .observed.'* Charles was married without
delay ; but in July we read, that he carae to see lady Cas
tlemaine as often as ' ever he did.' In that same month
this man gave the name of his concubine, the wife of
another man, in a list of persons who were to be pub
licly presented to the queen. Katherine erased the
name, and in doing so brought upon herself the dis
pleasure of her husband. Charles insisted that his
pleasure on this point should be complied with ; and the
queen at length submitted, but at a cost of feeling which
imperilled her life. What marvel if the man who
reports such proceedings is heard to say : ' At court
' things are in a very ill condition, there being so much
' emulation, poverty, and the vices of drinking, swear-
' ing, and loose amours, that I know not what will
' be the end of it : ' or that he should have friends
who complain to him of the ' lewdness and beggary ' in
that quarter.f
In the meantime, many of the clergy were forward to Conduct of
the ClcrEv
proclaim their hatred of Puritanism by raaking light, not and ofthe
only of the reverence of sacred things which it became "f com°-"^^
them to inculcate and observe, but of the lessons of '"°"*-
sobriety and decency. Many who were restored to
the livings from which they had been sequestered, and
* Diary, Sep. 7.
t Aug. 17-31, 1 661. Poor Castlemaine was sent after a while
by the king's order, ' close prisoner ' to the Tower, the word ' close '
being underlined in the royal warrant. So the guilty lovers were to
be secured against further trouble from that quarter.

374 I'he Confessors of 1662.
BOOK IL some young men newly ordained, occasioned great
scandal. Baxter assures us that the most disreputable
tales concerning their intemperance and other vices were
common in aU directions.* Nor was there anything in
the character of the new house of commons to discoun
tenance such manners. A contemporary, writing in
August, 1 66 1, says : ' Roger Pepys told me how basely
' things had been carried in parliament by the young raen,
' who did labour to oppose all things that were proposed
' by serious raen, that they are the most profane, swear-
' ing fellows he ever heard, which makes hira think they
' will spoil all, and bring things into a war again. 'f
Relation of ]y[y readers will not be in a condition to determine
this retro- ^
spect to tbe the value that should be attached to the settlement of
great event . , ^
of i66z. 1662, Without an effort to reahze the social degradation
of their country at that juncture. The design of this
chapter is to present the state of society as it then was.
The business of that hour was to give the freest scope
to the levity and malevolence of party passions. It was
a time of license, at once savage and frivolous, alien
alike from wise thought and virtuous feeling. Men
hoped to succeed with the party then in power, not
so much by professing any regard to principle, as by
sneering at those who did; and not by attending to
the graver proprieties of life, so rauch as by affect
ing to despise them. It is by organizations in church
and state, charged to the full with elements of this
order, that the nicer shades of theological truth, and
the exact and the spiritual in religious worship, are to
be considered and settled for this English nation, and
for this English nation during at least two centuries to
come ! If the maxim be just, that the tree must be
* Life, 288, 289. f Pepys' Diary, i. 212.

Church and State before the Exodus. 375
made good if the fruit is to be good, what was the fruit chap.x.
to have been expected from such a tree ?
Good men there were, no doubt, in the party then
triumphant. Southarapton, Manchester, and Broghill
were men of high character, and contributed to give
some reputation to the governraent. Dr. Pearson, Dr.
Gauden, and even Dr. Cosin could show that a com
parative moderation was not wholly wanting to their
order. But the passionate and intolerant men were the
majority, and carried everything their own way. In
the governraent. Clarendon was the evil genius. Among
the prelates, Sheldon and Morley were the shameless and
bad men, and the raen who ruled the rest. It is mani
fest from Clarendon's own language, that nothing was
further from his intention than the adoption of a gene
rous policy towards the Presbyterians, or towards any
party beside his own. ' It is an unhappy pohcy,' says
his lordship, ' and unhappily applied, to imagine that
' that class of men can be recovered, and reconciled by
' partial concessions, or granting less than they demand.
' And if all were granted they would have more to ask,
' somewhat as a security for the enjoyment of what is
' granted, and shall preserve their power, and shake the
' whole frame of the government. Their faction is their
' religion. Nor are those corabinations ever entered into
' upon real or substantial motives of conscience, how
' erroneous soever, but consist of many glutinous mate-
' rials of will and humour, folly and knavery, and arabi-
' tion and malice, which make men cling Inseparably
' together, tUl they have satisfaction in all their pre-
' tences, or till they are absolutely broken and subdued,
' which may always be raore easily done than the other.'
Such was the charity, the tolerance, and the statesraan-

376 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOKH. ship of lord Clarendon. Bishop Morley's conduct
towards the Presbyterians, and especially towards Baxter,
was treacherous, coarse, and unfeeling frora beginning to
end. No raan had promised raore — no man was more
unraindful of his proraises. Concerning Sheldon we
shaU allow another to speak. ' This was the incendiary !
' this Sheldon, the most virulent enemy and poisoner of
' the English church. Alas ! she still feels the taint in
' her very bones. I look on Gardiner as canonlzable
' compared with Sheldon. Much as I love the church
' of England, I have no hesitation in asserting, as my
' belief, that nothing in the history of the Inquisition was
' equally wicked, as the conduct of Sheldon and the
' court after the Restoration.'* Truly, the retributions
of a righteous Providence were on the track of the
oppressor. It was not given to the bad men of that day
to repent of their evil deeds ; but the church they were
so intent on perpetuating by such means, was to enter
upon a large heritage of disaster as the fruit of their
policy. * Coleridge's Notes on English Divines, ii. 22-45.

CHAPTER XL

^HQUSt, X662.

'N the 19th of May the royal assent was chap, xi,
given to the Act of Uniformity. On the Publication
° . ^ of the revi-
24th of the following August the clergy sed Liturgy.
who could not become conformists were to
resign their cures to other raen. The revised Prayer

Book was not published before the 6th of that raonth.
It was by the 17th, only eleven days later, that the
men who hesitated to conform were required to attain
to their decision, if they wished to take a public fare
well of their people. During those eleven days sorae
became possessed of copies of the revised liturgy ;
great numbers in the reraote parishes of England had
not seen it even on the 24th ; and we scarcely need
say, that few raen in that interval could have ade
quately considered its various parts. Sorae of the
ejected pastors coraplained of being called upon to give
their assent ex animo to the contents of a volume which
they had not read, and could not procure. Many gave
their assent without seeing it — assenting in fact to they
knew not what.

378

The Confessors of 1662.

BOOK II.
The main
terms of
Conformity were
known be
fore.

Provisionagainsthasty ejectment.

But it should be remembered, that the main facts on
which the question of conformity and nonconformity
rested, were broad, notorious, and well understood.
The Act of Uniformity was published between two and
three months before it was enforced. It was clear from
that document, that episcopal ordination, a renunciation
of the League and Covenant, the declaration of passive
obedience, and subscription In the form of unfeigned
assent and consent, were indispensable conditions to the
raan who would retain his living ; and that the Prayer
Book to be thus approved Included nearly all the old
objectionable raatter, with much beside of the same
description. These were the matters on which the
ministers were to exercise their conscientious thoughtful
ness during the three months which preceded the 17 th
of August.
It should also be borne in mind, that it was provided
in the act, that its penalty should not be enforced where
conformity by the prescribed day had been prevented
by lawful impediment, the decision on any plea of that
nature being left ' to the ordinary of the place.' It is
probable that any clergyraan pleading for delay on the
p-round that he had not seen the book at all, or had not
been a reasonable time in possession of it, would have
been heard ; but frora the known teraper of the govern
raent, it is no less probable that raany a man assumed
that no such lenity would be shown if solicited, and
took his place with the ejected accordingly, feeling as he
so did that hard measure had been dealt out to him.
We now know, that instances of the latter kind were not
only probable, but that there were raany of them.*
* Mercurius Publicus,]\x\Y, Awgmt, 1662. 'K.ermet's Register, 8'^7.
Documents relating to the Settlement of the Church of England, t^^g, 460.

August, 1662. 379

During the ten or twelve weeks between the passing chap, xl
of the act and its enforceraent, the talk everywhere on ^"^"ai
_ ' ¦' after passing
this question, and the discussions frora the press con- the Act.
cerning it, were Incessant, and often bitter. Pleas for
toleration, confined to a small sect under Elizabeth, and
some while afterwards, now became as household words,
and seemed to be finding utterance from half the nation.
But the majority continued to iterate the old perse
cuting maxims, and in impassioned language. The
Presbyterians and the Independents obtained repeated
audiences of the king and his ministers, and urged their
claims to a more considerate treatment so effectually,
that his majesty said the act should not be enforced on
the appointed day. There should be more time. In
this particular, however, as in so many beside, the
word of the king was to prove a broken reed.* We
know that when the 17 th of August came, nearly two
thousand clergymen addressed their flocks for the last
time. In London, and In other large cities, the ministers
* Kennet, 747, 850. Clarendon, 156-160. In these communica
tions with the government, says Lingard, ' both Independents and
' Presbyterians were true to their principles. The Independents sought
' to obtain indulgence for all. Catholics as well as others : the Presby-
' terians could not in conscience concur in favour of the Catholics,
' though they would not oppose them. The king might do as he
' pleased, but they would not advise him, or encourage him to do it.'
History of England, xii. loi. Baxter's Life, 429. Bishop Parker
relates, that at the coimcil where the king was induced to abandon his
promise to the Nonconformists, Sheldon, though not then belonging to
the privy council, presented himself, and opposed his majesty's purpose
' with such sharpness of wit, copious eloquence, and weight of reason,'
that all present agreed to the immediate execution of the law. So,
says our authority, 'the bishop freed the Church of England from
those plagues for many years.' Own Times, 31, 32. i

380 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. who did not feel at liberty to conform might confer
The mental together, and resolve conjointly on the course to be
struggle. D J J J
taken. But the great majority, scattered through the
distant parishes of England, knew little of the encourage
ment derived frora such deliberations. The decision,
which we must suppose was ultimately in all Instances a
decision of the individual conscience, was left to be
especially of that nature in such cases. We can
imagine, though not adequately, the struggle between
so many influences which seeraed to plead on the side
of conforraity, and the convictions which forbade it.
How much they must forego ? How much they must
consent to bear ? Social influence, the venerable church,
the village home, the rural path, so full of pleasant
raeraories, and, above all, the flock, consisting of rainds
whose thought the pastor had educated, whose raoral
and spiritual susceptibUities he had quickened and
nurtured — from all these there must now be separation.
And in the place of all this came the prospect of silent
Sabbaths, of years of homelessness, of strange scenes and
strange faces, of domestic poverty, of public reproach,
and of life passing away with little of the fruit which, in
the estimation of such men, can alone give to life a
sweetness and value.
The se- It may be said that in all this they were only reaping
questered ^ J J r a
and the as they had sown. But the case was not so. The
sequestered clergy in the late tiraes were displaced as
being Iraraoral, incompetent, or as state-church ministers
who would give no pledge of allegiance to the state.
But no charge of this nature was brought against the
men ejected In 1662. No man whose opinion Is entitled
to the least consideration will question the general piety
of these men. In regard to competency, it was their

August, 1662. 381

strength in that respect, and not their weakness, which chap, xl
had made them so obnoxious ; and there was not a man
among them who was not prepared to bind hiraself by
oath to all the duties of a good subject. The conformity
which had been imposed by means of the Directory was
light as air compared with that imposed by the ' un
feigned assent and consent' of 1662, and by the clauses
which embraced reordination and passive obedience.
Compared with these provisions, even the League and
Covenant, as it was adopted in England, becomes com
paratively liberal. No fifth, moreover, from his former
cure was to pass to the hands of the ejected, under
Charles II. , and no office of tutor or schoolmaster was
to be open to him. Had the vengeance inflicted been
merely an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, that
would have been bad enough, remembering by whom
that law of retaliation has been conderaned. But the
vengeance of 1662 was carried much further.
This was not the first time the clergy of the Enghsh Conscience
church had seen the government pass into new hands, present.''"
and had found theraselves required to accept new terras
of subscription. But In all previous instances the nura
ber who allowed their conscience to subject them to any
worldly inconvenience had been very small. It was
natural that raen, little influenced by grave principles
themselves, should presume, that hurailiating as the pre
sent terms of conformity might be, subraission would be
so far general that no great difficulty would follow.
But the natural raan often errs when attempting to
judge the spiritual man. The conscientiousness of the
Nonconformist ministers was to supply a much needed
lesson to the men of that generation. It was to be pro
claimed as on the housetop, that amidst that reign of

382 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. selfishness and falsehood there were men — a large number
of public and influential men — who would not lie.*
The 17th The morning of the Lord's-day before the day of St.
1662. ' Bartholomew, the streets of raany a city, and the village
roads and meadow paths leading to many a parish
church, are trodden by men and women, and by youth
and age, on whose features a stranger raight observe a
strange cast of thoughtfulness and sorrow. Those
Puritan people have been always distinguishable from
other people by their simpler costume and their graver
aspect, but to-day they seera to be more than ever a
people moving apart, and living to ideas and feelings of
their own. In fact, the long-dreaded day has corae, in
which these pious men and woraen are to see their pastors
where they have been long wont to see them for the
last time. The voice which In prayer has so often led
their spirit upwards from the earthly sanctuary to the
gate of heaven, is to be heard in that sacred place once
more, and only once. The lips from which instruction,
and a living influence, had so often come to the perplexed
and seeking spirit, are to speak once raore where they
have so often spoken, and only once. The mind which
has long been as a shield in danger, a strength in weak
ness, and a comfort in sorrow to so many minds, is
about to be severed frora that benign relationship. The
shepherd is smitten, and whether the sheep are to be
scattered, or to be gathered anew by sorae stranger
hand, no one knows. The preachers, too, on that day
— raen whose principle and passion it has been to impart
and nourish that divine life in other spirits which has been
breathed by a divine power into their own — have to look
* 'One thousand eight hundred, or two thousand, were here
silenced and cast out.' Baxter's Life, 385.

August, 1662. 383

once raore from the pulpit on their flock, and only once. chap. xi.
Unfriendly eyes are upon them ; unfriendly ears are open
to their words. All that raay be construed uncharitably
will be so construed. To be self-possessed at such a
time is difficult, and not to be self-possessed must be to
faU in the things becoming such men at such a crisis.
Men who expected the Nonconformist pulpits to be Farewell
charged with invective and bitterness on that day were
disappointed. More than one volume of the sermons
then preached is extant, and the general tone of the
discourses is such as an apostolic spirit only could have
dictated.* The great aim of the preachers is to incul
cate devout feeling, religious stedfastness, and con
scientious integrity, with the special seriousness to have
been expected from such raen dealing with such themes,
and in such circumstances. A few passages from these
farewell addresses will best illustrate the nature of the
exodus from the established church which dates from
that 17th of August, 1662, and which has continued to
flow on, and to become raore and more formidable from
that day to the present.
Baxter had suffered so much from misrepresentation, Baxter.
that his farewell sermon has scarcely a farewell note in it.
Two lessons are urged with much emphasis, — unne
cessary divisions are to be avoided, and no law of man
can make it to be a duty to subrait the soul to the
direction of blind guides.
* ' A Complete Collection of Farewell Sermons, etc. Revised and
' corrected from many faults of the former editions, and now collected
.'into one entire volume, more perfect than any other extant.' London :
printed in the year 1663. I have also before me a volume intitled
' England's Remembrancer,' consisting of farewell sermons, preached
by 'Nonconformists in the country.' But the names of the preachers
are not given in this volume.

384 The Confessors 0/1662.
BOOK IL ' But if our guides be taken away,' say the people,
' what shall we do ^. It is not the denial of public
' liberty,' says Baxter, ' that puts an end to the relation
' between a pastor and his flock, nor any word from
' raan that should cause a poor soul to trust itself for
' guidance of salvation to one that Is not able. A man's
' soul is not to be hazarded by being deprived of the
' ofiices and ordinances of Christ, and cast upon the
' conduct of a blind guide, for the pleasuring of a mere
' man.' The germ of rauch in our old English non
conformity is in those sentences.
Dr. Jacomb. Comfort, says another, to his weeping flock, will not
be wanting to ' those who conscientiously endeavour to
' please God. The comfort hes in this, — you may
' suffer, but the Father will not leave you alone. Pleas-
' ing God does not secure a man against suffering from
' man. Sometimes, it rather exposes a man to suffer
' frora raen. But though it does not prevent suffering,
' it takes away the sting and venom. It makes it to be
' like Samson's lion when It was slain, in which he
' found nothing but honey  Pass a charitable
' interpretation upon our laying down the exercise of
' our rainistry. There is a greater judge than you, who
¦ wUl judge us aU at the great day; and to this judge
' we can appeal before angels and men, that it is not
' this thing, or that thing, which puts us upon this
' dissent. It is conscience towards God, and fear of
' offending hira. I censure none who differ from me, as
' though they displeased God. But yet, as to myself,
' should I do thus and thus, I should certainly violate
' the peace of my own conscience, and offend God,
' which I must not do ; no, not to secure my ministry,
' though that is, or ought to be, dearer to me than my

August, 1662. 385

•very life. How dear It is, God only knoweth. Do chap.xi.
' not add affliction to affliction. Be not uncharitable In
'judging of us, as if through pride, faction, obstinacy,
' or devotedness to a party, or, which is worse than all,
• an opposition to authority, we do dissent. The Judge
' of all hearts knows it is not so.'* Such was the drift
of the last words from the lips of many a preacher on
that memorable day.
The farewell words of Dr. Bates, the preacher who Dr. b t ?.
brought more general culture to his pulpit services than
any man of his time, do not extend to more than a
dozen lines. The crowd waited for them, and they
were as follows : — ' I know you expect I should say
' something as to my Nonconformity. I shall only say
'this much. It is neither fancy, faction, nor humour,
' that makes me not to comply, but raerely for fear of
' offending God. And If after the best means used for
'my illumination — as prayer to God, discourse, study
* — I am not able to be satisfied concerning the lawful-
' ness of what is required if it be my imhappiness to
' be In error, surely men will have no reason to be angry
' with me in this world, and I hope God will pardon
' me in the next.' So, the man who might have been a
dean, and, probably, something more, consented to
become an ejected and a silenced minister.
Calamy said httle bearing on the times. But there caiamy.
are straits, he remarked, which are ' suffered for God
' and a good conscience. Those martyrs (Heb. xi.
' 26, 37) were driven to great straits. But those were
' straits for God and a good conscience, and those straits
' were the saints' greatest enlargements, so were they
' sweetened to them by the consolations and supports of
* Dr. Jacomb.

386 The Confessors of 1662.
book II. ' God's Spirit. To thera, a prison was a paradise. They
' took joyfully of the spoiling of their goods. They
' departed frora the presence of the council, rejoicing
' that they were counted worthy to suffer for his name.
' (Acts V. 41 .) Straits, for a good conscience, are greatest
' enlargements. Paul, therefore, glories in this strait, —
' Paul a prisoner.' So the most popular preacher in
England, at whose church door some sixty carriages
were coraraonly seen upon a week-day, subralts to be
silenced, and chooses obscurity rather than a bishopric.
Mr. Lye. Mr. Lyc, of AUhallows, among his last advices, said
eraphatically — raind your faraUies. ' Mind your fami-
' lies raore than ever. You have your children and
' servants calling loudly upon you. Let the Amorite,
' Peresite, and Jebusite do what they will, but for you,
' and your children, and your servants, do you serve the
' Lord. When we cannot hear a sermon, then read a
' serraon. If we cannot hear a sermon well preached,
' godly parents should read serraons well penned. If
' nothing new, let the word repeated and raeditated call
' to raind what you have heard. Let the debauched
' Atheists know they have soraething among you to be
' feared — that is, your prayers. Let them know that, if
' you have not the opportunities you have had, you will
' improve those you have.' Councils to this effect came
from the lips of raany a pastor ; and the Nonconformist
famUies of England, in being obedient to them, con
served their piety through many a dark day to come.
The preacher supposes his flock to ask what pious
people are to do when ordinances and a faithful ministry
shall fail them. His answer Is, ' Wherever Christ finds
' a tongue to speak I am bound to find an ear to hear.
' I would not be mistaken. I bless God I am not

August, 1662. 387

'turned out of my ministry for being a schismatic, chap.xi.
' Nor know I any of my brethren that are so. But this
' I would advise — I speak as though I were dying — do
' whatsoever lies In your power to hear such men as you
'think to be godly. Whall shall you do ? What did
'jyou twenty or thirty years ago ? What did the good
' old Puritans do ? They were not schismatics. As
' much as lies In you, hear them whom in your conscience
' you judge God doth hear.'
Mr. Sclater, incumbent of St. Katherine's in the Mr. sciater
Tower, concludes his last sermon with these words : ' I ^^^"e" "
" suppose you all know there is an act corae forth by ^''^"{^'^/'J,
' supreme authority, and It is not for us to quarrel at it, House.
' but to submit to It, and to hold correspondency with
' it as, far as we can with a good conscience — and there
'being many injunctions In It, with which many beside
' myself Cannot comply, we are wUling to submit to the
' penalty. You have for many years had the benefit of
' my poor labours. I have fulfilled near towards forty
' years, and performed my service to God, Christ, and
' his people, and, I bless His name, not without accept-
' ance and success. My work, so far as I know, is now
' at an end. My desire is that you, whose hearts have
' been inclinable to wait upon God in the way of ray
' ministry, may walk in love to God, love to Christ, and
' love to one another ; that you may labour to raanifest
' a noble, generous spirit In overcoming the world's
' errors, corruptions, false doctrines, and unwarrantable
'worship. Little children, keep yourselves from idols.
' Amen.' In the case of some, the experiences which had come Coiiins.
upon them appear to have awakened a freedom of
thought which foreshadowed things to come. ' The
s 2

388 The Confessors of i 662.
cooKiL 'Church's power,' says one of the preachers, 'is not
' authoritative. It is only ministerial. It is not to
' give laws against the laws of Christ. Hence, when
' the name of a church is set up, let us see whether that
' church walks in the ways of Christ, whether she be his
' spouse or not. For it is not what a church practises,
' but what they are warranted to practise ; not what
' they hold as truth, but what they are warranted to
' hold as truth. WJien matters of antiquity are pre-
' tended, say with Ignatius, Jesus Christus est mea
' Antiquitas — Jesus Christ is my antiquity. So say —
' truth is my antiquity. For though an opinion has
' been practised a thousand years, men raay have the
' word of truth in their hearts which Is raore ancient
' than all.'
Evening of Thc evening of the day on which nearly two thou-
August. sand ministers addressed themselves as above to their
several congregations, must have been raeraorable In the
homes of many a Nonconformist pastor, and of many a
Nonconformist family. The shadows of that summer
night fell upon those homes as they had often fallen,
but never before to bring upon them so general a
sadness. The evening psalm, we think, raust have been
set to notes of more than usual pathos ; and the evening
prayer, as It passed frora the lips which offered it, must
have been followed by tears and sobs frora raany a wife
and mother, as the little ones clung about her, won
dering what this new trouble could raean. It was a
night of weeping, 'be sure of it.
Baxter regrets that many Nonconformists, In place of
submitting patiently to this treatment, taking it as a
chastisement for their past negligence and sin, became
indignant, and began to predict that a government which

August, 1662. ' 389

had become so perfidious and oppressive could not be of chap. xi.
long continuance. Most of our readers, we suspect,
wiU be much more inclined to sympathize with the feel
ing of such persons, than with that of their censor.
Many hundreds of able ministers were now thrown circum-
¦' _ ^ stances of
upon the world without homes, and without the means the ejected.
of subsistence. In the case of the great raajority of
them, it was not possible that they should have saved
anything with which to meet such tiraes. Their in
comes were often not more than thirty or forty pounds
a-year, rarely exceeding seventy or eighty, and those
above a hundred were very few. The time of their
expulsion, too, added much to their suffering. It had
been fixed at first to take place at Michaelraas ; and
being afterwards fixed for the earlier day, the 24th of
August, it left the yearly tithe, then on the eve of be
coming due, to be received by their successors, who
were thus aUowed to reap where they had not sown.
The friends of the ejected ministers, raoreover, were not
among the wealthy so much as among the middle class
and the poor ; and raany who were disposed to assist
them, feared to do so openly, lest they should be accused
of encouraging schism, or, it may be, conspiracy.*
* 'There were many citizens of London who had then a great
' compassion on the ministers, whose families were utterly destitute of
•maintenance, and they woidd have relieved them, and had such a
• method that the citizens of each county should help the ministers of
' that county. But they durst not do it, lest it should be judged a
' conspiracy. Wherefore I went for them to the lord chancellor, and
' told him plainly of it, how compassion moved, but that the suspicion
' of these distempered times deterred them ; and I desired to have his
' lordship's judgment, whether they might venture to be so charitable
' without misinterpretation or danger. And he answered, " Aye ! God
' forbid but that men should give their own according as their charity
' leads them !" So having his pre-consent, I gave it them for encourage-

39°

The Confessors 0/1662.

BOOK IL
Dividedfeelingamong the
Noncon formists,

In raany places, the new incumbents were men whom
the congregations attached to the ejected pastors could
not fail to receive with feelings of disgust. Hence sorae
abstained wholly from the public worship, and were con
tent to avail themselves of the private services of their
forraer ministers ; while others continued to be Con
formists, at least so far as to be present in church when
the sermon was delivered. The Covenant, as inter
preted by some, permitted that extent of compliance ;
but, as interpreted by others, it was strongly opposed to
such temporizing.
While the people were thus divided, the ministers
were far from being of one raind. Some remained in
the established church, not only as worshippers, but as
comraunicants ; while others declined engaging in any of
her services. Some Insisted that it becarae them to preach
in the streets and the fields, so long as there were people
willing to hear them ; and they continued to do so until
they were sent to prison. Others deemed it much wiser
to restrict their good offices to private intercourse. The
preaching of two or three serraons in the open air raight
be followed by years of incarceration, which, of course,
raeant seclusion from raany other forras of usefulness.
' ment. But they would not believe that it was cordial, and would be
• any security to them. So they never durst venture on such a method,
' which might have made their charity effectual. But a few that were
' most willing did much more than all the rest, and solicited some of
' their own acquaintances for their counties' relief.' Life, 386. Great
as the sufferings awaiting the Nonconformists were. Dr. Walker, in the
preface to his volume, intimates, not only that the number of sufferers
were 'five times' greater among the Episcopal clergy, but that the
' sufferings were a thousand times greater.' P. xiii. Something has
been said elsewhere (pp. 1 1 1-122) as to the credit that should be given
to an author who could write in this manner ; but for something
further on this subject the reader is directed to Appendix II.

August, 1662. 391

But if the more cautious censured the ardent as not chap.ix.
wise, the more ardent censured the cautious as not
faithful. Even those who ministered to their forraer
charge from house to house only, did not escape trouble.
They were all marked men, all accounted raalcontents,
and supposed to be more or less implicated In every
rumoured conspiracy. Many of them, on the barest
suspicion, were cast Into prison.*
The clergy of the established church, from 1662, Conformists
consisted of several distinct classes. No raan expected Brians! ^'
the Independents to submit to the new order of things.
State-churchism in any form was not in logical accord
ance with the leading principle of their polity, and the
national church as now settled contravened that principle
in almost every way possible. But there were many
Presbyterians who succeeded in reconciling their conscience
to the new terms of conformity. Some of the bishops,
it seems, though they would not cede a dispensing power
to the crown, took such power to theraselves, Inforra
ing the men whom they were disposed to favour, that
to subscribe ' in their own sense ' would be sufficient.
Many, we are assured, acted on this concession, accept
ing the words of the parliaraent, but accepting them
with their own latitude of meaning. In all parties of
Conformists at this juncture, there were men whose
subscription included little more, according to their own
mental reservation, than a consent to use the revised
Prayer Book. Even among the Presbyterians, there
were zealous royalists who had come to look on the late
war as rebellion, and on the League and Covenant as in
cluded under that conderanation. Many professed to be
convinced by certain books which were then published
* Baxter's Life, 385.

39^ The Confessors of 1662.
book iL In defence of conformity : raany were young raen, little
versed in such controversies ; and raany, it was believed,
were mainly influenced by care in behalf of their wives
and children. Baxter speaks of his Presbyterian bre
thren who conformed, as being generally able and worthy
men ; but adds the significant remark, that when once
they had decided on that course, they began to avoid
their brethren who were not disposed to follow their
example, and never evinced any concern to know why
they had not so done. The truth Is, we may account
sorae raen of this class as worthy raen, but of others it
is difficult to forra so favourable a judgment. But of
the seven thousand clergy who retained their livings, a,
very large proportion raust have been men of this party,
becoming Episcopalian Conformists for the first time
in 1662.
conforrosts Distinguished from conformists of this description,
— ths old 111 1- 1 • /»
Royalists, wcrc the old royalist party — men who were admirers of
the church as she existed before the civil war, and were
prepared to vindicate all her present pretensions. Some
of these were young men, rash and ill-informed, intent
on their own interests, and on the free Indulgence of
their passions, often becoraing a scandal to their pro
fession. The raore learned of this class were ardent in
their support of a lordly prelacy, and hoped to see the
ecclesiastical power strong enough to crush out all Non-
conforraity. But even in that connexion there were
sorae coraparatively raoderate raen, who did not more
than partially approve the court policy, who said they
should not theraselves have subscribed if they had not
been allowed to do so with some latitude, and who
would willingly have seen a less vigorous course pursued
towards the Nonconformists. Such feelings, however.

August, 1662, 293

were individual and private ; the cost of giving public chap. xi.
expression to them would have been considerable.
Between these two classes, who may be described as Conformists
the new conformists and the old, was a third class, tudinarians.
known at the time, and long afterwards, as the Lati
tudinarian school. This party consisted of men who,
for the most part, regarded church forms and church
polity as matters so undeterrained by the sacred writings,
that it rested with the church or the state to settle all
such things on a principle of expediency or fitness, and,
in their view, as a rule, the things so sanctioned it
became a wise man to accept. According to Baxter, the
Latitudinarians were raostly Cambridge men. In phUo
sophy, they were Platonists or Cartesians ; in theology,
they were Armlnians ; some of thera were Universalists,
and some of them indulged in still freer speculations.
Such persons were not the men to have given us our
present Prayer Book, with its unfeigned assent and
consent ; but as the competent authorities had imposed
these things, they conforraed to them, each with his own
measure of secret reservation. The names of such
men as More, Cudworth, StiUingfleet, and TiUotson
have shed an enduring lustre on this party.
If the Conformists were not without their strong lines Noncon-
of difference, the sarae was true of the Nonconforraists. Episcopa-
Some men left the church in 1662, who would have
remained in it had it been allowed to stand as before
1640. They were, in fact. Episcopalians, in favour of
a diocesan episcopacy, of the old cereraonies, and of the
old subscription, and, though clergymen, had lived
through the late times without taking the Covenant.
But the required ' assent and consent to aU things now
imposed,' they could not give. Nowhere in the ranks
s 3

394

The Confessors of 1662.

Non-secta' rian party.

Presby
terians and
Independents.

BOOK II. of Nonconformity was the homage to integrity greater
than In the case of these men.
But a rauch greater nuraber consisted of persons
whose ecclesiastical position it is not easy to describe.
They would not be strictly identified with any party.
They were not opposed to a moderate episcopacy, or to
the use of a liturgy. They saw much to approve
among Episcopalians, Presbyterians, and Independents.
In their practice they raust be said to have belonged to
the Congregational order more than to any other. But
with great numbers in this large and liberal party, the
' assent and consent ' proved an insuperable dlfl!iculty.
But there was an avowed Presbyterian party, and an
avowed Independent party. Concerning the forraer,
Baxter ventures to say, they ' are the soberest, and most
'judicious, unanimous, peaceable, faithful, able, constant
' ministers In this land, or that I have heard or read of
' in the Christian world. What I ara able to say, I state
' without respect of persons. In obedience to my con-
' science, and frora ray long experience.' Of his old
opponents, the Independents, too, the good raan is con
strained to say, they ' are, for the most part, a serious,
' godly people, some of thera raoderate, going with Mr.
* Norton and the New England synod, and little dlffer-
' ing frora the raoderate Presbyterians ; and as well
' ordered as any party I know.' Then follows his com
plaint of some as being too self-reliant, and too much
given to divisions.
The reasonings by which the Conformists endeavoured
to justify their conformity were of every imaginable
description. It was raaintained that the declaration, not
to endeavour any alteration in the government, did not
mean that no change, but that no essential change, should

Reasoningof Con
formists.

August, 1662. 29S

be attempted. The declaration, that no man, ' on any chap.xi.
pretence whatsoever,' should take up arms against the
king, did not mean, it was said, that no circumstances
could justify resistance, but that the circumstances must
be very special. Re-ordination, If not necessary in the
spiritual sense, might be expedient in the ecclesiastical
sense, as having respect specially to the new establish
ment of 1662. The 'unfeigned assent and consent,'
though clearly designed to express a mental approval of
all and everything in the Book of Common Prayer, was
made endurable by insisting that no man could use
these words in that sense honestiy, that the government
could not have Intended to shut up the ministers of reli
gion to the guUt of perjury, and that this language
should not in consequence be understood as binding the
subscriber to raore than a pledge to use the book.
Similar ingenuities were placed in requisition to soften
the exceptionable language in baptism, confirraation, and
the absolution of the sick, in the communion and the
burial services, and in some other matters.
Nothing could be more palpable than the contradiction Faiucy and
between subscription as it should have been according to ^"efofTch
law, and as it was in reality. Hundreds of consciences, '¦'=^'°"'"£-
accordingly, of the more flexible description, passed the
prescribed ordeal. But there were nearly two thousand
men among the clergy of that day to whora words had
meaning, and who found theraselves shut up, by the
honest meaning of words, to the necessity of becoming
Nonconformists. It becomes us to look at this spectacle,
exhibiting terms of conforraity so literal and rigid on the
one side, and modes of subscription so lax and meaning
less on the other. The extent to which this nation has
been demoralized by the policy which placed her clergy

2g6 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. in such circurastances, exposing their integrity in the
gravest raatters of their vocation to so rauch unavoidable
suspicion, the Omniscient only can know.
Ritualism in In thls controversy, the Nonconforraists of 1662, and
of religion, the Purltaus bcforc thera, were right, and their opponents
were wrong. Not that religious ceremonies are without
value. Our social relations, and our political relations,
have their forms, which are significant of ideas, and
which are perpetuated on that account. The pressure of
the hand and the bowing of the head, the installation of
the knight and the crowning of a king, are social and
civic cereraonies. It is natural, accordingly, that there
should be something of this nature connected with
religion. But in religion, if ritualism has its use, its
history is, to a large extent, a history of its abuse. This
abuse has, in fact, been so common, that error In this
direction raay be said to constitute one of the besetting
sins of humanity. There are tendencies in man which
make religion, in some form, a necessity of his nature.
But it is no less certain, that there are tendencies in him
which ensure that the religion comraonly chosen by him
wUl not be a spiritual religion. The result has been a
comproraise. Man becoraes religious, but his religion
is a formalism. It is not an inner life, but an outward
observance. It consists, not in what a raan is, but in
what he does. The seen takes the place of the unseen.
To be ritually accurate is to be religiously safe.
The religion of the ancient heathendom was wholly of
this nature. Its divinities were either so unintelligible, or
so little capable of awakening affection, that the external
forms of religion were the only raatters left to constitute
rehgion. It is so, to this day, wherever a false religion
is ascendant. Even the ancient Hebrews were not

August, 1662. 297

wholly an exception to this rule. Moses and Isaiah chap.xi.
might be spiritual men, but what was the condition of
the mass of the people in their tiraes ? In the Pharisees
of the New Testament we see the formalisra which
prophets had so often exposed and censured, and to so
little purpose, full blown. In the Gospel narratives, we
find our Lord and the Pharisees face to face at every step,
and no lessons In His teaching are more reiterated than
those which were designed to lay bare the cardinal error
of that sect. Was all this for the sake of those Phari
sees ? No ; it was because He saw that the tendencies
which made Pharisees then, were in human nature, and
would not cease to make Pharisees to the end of the
world. When our Lord said, 'Woe unto you, Pharisees! for
' ye tithe mint, and rue, and all manner of herbs, and
' pass over judgment and the love of God,' He pro
claimed a warning truth which was not only to sound in
the ears of the men who listened to Him, but was to
sound on through all the ages. He knew well that men
who flatter themselves with the thought of being very
religious, because they extend their tithing to the mint
and the rue, would be sure to persuade themselves that
they could not cease to be religious, however open to
the charge of being wanting In 'judgment,' and in the
' love of God.' The mint and the rue would suffice to
give them a sense of being rehgiously safe, and their
great solicitude would be to feel religiously secure,
without the necessity of being spiritually renewed. It
is In the nature of formahsm, moreover, that it should
not only dispense with the weightier raatters of religion^
but that it should devise sophistries to justify the
neglect of such raatters. The ecclesiasticism of the priest

398 The Confessors of 1662.
BOOK II. and the Levite took all their humanity out of them.
The Samaritan shows us what the qualities are which a
rigid ecclesiasticism destroys. Such men compassed sea
and land to make one proselyte, and that narrative
shows us how even heathenism raight becorae corrupted
under such influence. Men of this order not only
neglect the weightier matters ; they learn to hate thera,
and to hate the men who seem to be mindful of thera.
Hence the raost bitter persecutors of pious raen have
not been such men as the Buckinghams and the
Rochesters in the court of Charles II. ; but rather such
ecclesiastical zealots as the Sheldons and the Morleys.
Secular politicians would have done comparatively little
harm to the church, If Pharisaical priests had not been
at their side. The aim of the Inquisition has been to
force and drill raankind into a visible subserviency. If
that is accoraplished its great work is done. It should
be admitted, that the zealous ritualist may not always
mean to send these Influences abroad, and his zeal may
consist with sincere piety. But we speak of this phase
of religious life. If such it raay be called, as it Is before
us generally on the great surface of history. The error
is there ; and there, as the most subtle, the most per
vading, and the most fatal, pertaining to religious
history. One of the great designs of Christianity was to
redeem raen from Ulusions of this nature. Had it been
designed that a ritual at all like that of the Hebrew
nation should have a place in connexion with the Gospel,
we should have found a book of Leviticus in the New
Testament. Ritualism is a mode of picture-teaching,
which is in place with the weak, but not with the strong.
In the childhood of the church this tuition by a school-

August, 1662. 299

master had a fitness, but it ceases to be appropriate chap, xi.
when the church has come to full age, and when, for
the most part, the things intended by such symbols have
become so clear as to be obscured rather than illustrated
by them. In this department of intelligence the Puritans
and the Nonconforraists had much to learn. But the
distinction between thera and their opponents was, that
they really were learning, while the party opposed to
them did worse than stand still ; their movement through
a hundred years past had been a backward movement.
Every change since the days of Edward VI. had been a
change in the direction of a raore rigid and a raore
exceptionable ritualisra. Their latest perforraance in
this way, in place of being their best, was their worst.
It was resolved, if possible, to subject the religious
mind of England to a perpetual pupilage. But that
degrading policy was to be resisted, and we know the
result. St. Paul has shown us that uniforraity of ob
servance was as nothing In his estiraation, corapared with
a common candour, kindliness, and forbearance araong
Christians.* The church will attain some day to the
state which the apostle has depicted ; and in the mean
while It becomes Nonconformists to be thankful that it
has been given to them to make the nearest approach
towards the larger liberty, and the higher spiritual
manhood, which will then be realized.
* Romans xiv.

BOOK III.

English Nonconformity since 1662.
-^-
CHAPTER L
33aU SDreatment anS tlje @ool3 Confession.

not satisfied

E have seen how the king's proraise to postpone chap. i.
the execution of the Act of Uniformity was charies
frustrated. But Charles was not satisfied.
He knew the charge of unfaithfulness to his
promise was v/idely preferred against him, and he appears
to have felt that circumstances had seemed to justify the
accusation. No doubt his majesty was desirous of
reserving a dispensing power to the crown, by any
means available to that end, and would gladly have
extended freedora of worship to Catholics. But, wholly
apart from these considerations, he was not pleased that
Nonconformists of all classes should have so much reason
to doubt his sincerity, and to be dissatisfied with his
policy. Accordingly, Charles brought this question
again before his council. The rainisters in favour of
toleration argued that the crown had always possessed
the power to suspend penal laws in raatters of religion ;

402 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. that the late king, and his father before hira, had raised a
yearly revenue by such exercises of the royal supremacy.
The result was, that about three months after St. Bar
tholomew's day, the king issued a Declaration designed
to refute certain ' scandals ' which had been cast upon
the government.
The King's It was affirraed by raany, that the Act of Inderanity
ciaration.'^ had uot glveu, and was not likely to give, its proraised
security. The king now pledged himself that It should
be faithfully observed. The four or five thousand well-
arraed troops retained by the crown were described as
the nucleus of a force which was to crush English
liberty, and to asslrailate this country to the railitary
monarchies of the continent. But nothing, said his
majesty. Is further from my thoughts ; all that is sought
by such means is protection — protection for you more
than for myself. Many people persisted in saying the
king was a Papist. Charles affirmed that he had given
the strongest proofs of his sound Protestantism, and that,
while he certainly was desirous of extending some favour
to his Catholic subjects, who had so well deserved it at
his hands, he wished thera to understand that no osten
tatious or open form of their worship would be sanctioned
by him. The grand cause of discontent, however, came
from the proceedings of the government towards the Pro
testant Nonconforraists. His majesty well remembered
his words from Breda. But it was natural that his first
care should be given to the settlement of the established
church. ' That is done, and we are glad to lay hold on
' this occasion to renew unto all our subjects concerned
' In those proraises of indulgence, this assurance, that so
' far as concerns the penalties upon those who do not
' conforra, but modestly and without scandal perform

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 403
' their devotions in their own way, we shall raake it our chap. i.
' special care, so far as in us lies, without invading the
' freedom of parliament, to Incline their wisdom, at this
' next approaching session, to concur with us in making
' some such act for that purpose, as may enable us to
' exercise, with a raore universal satisfaction, that power
' of dispensing which we conceive to be Inherent in us.
' Nor can we doubt of their cheerful co-operation with us
' in a thing wherein we do conceive ourselves so far
' engaged, both In honour, and in what we owe to the
' peace of our dominions.' *
On the appearance of this docuraent, the Independents How the
sought communication with the government. Philip second
Nye assured Baxter that he had found the king intent faiTed.'^"°"
on securing a toleration to all peaceable Nonconformists,
and urged that the Presbyterians and Congregationalists
should join In an effort to obtain an act of parliament on
the basis of this new declaration. But the Presbyterians
would not be parties to any scheme ceding liberty of
worship to the Catholics. The Independents did not
share In this scruple. The prelates and the zealot
church party were passionately opposed to the entire
proposal ; and the course taken by the Presbyterians
left the question wholly at their disposal. By this time,
the cry against popery had been so raised by that party,
that, encouraged as it was by the Presbyterians, no cry
opposed to it was to prevail against it during this reign
or the next.
But in conforraity with the wishes of the king, lord The Decia-
Robartes, now lord privy seal, and lord Ashley, brought repudiated
a biU into the upper house, which proposed that the ^e^t— ""
sovereign should be empowered to dispense, at his ^'''- *3-
* Kennet, 848-891.

404 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BpoKiiL discretion, with oaths, subscriptions, and promises of
obedience, in relation to the established church. This
motion fell as a spark on the feeling of both houses.
The commons, without waiting for the bill In the upper
house to come before thera, presented an address to his
majesty, in which they maintained, that in leaving the
question in respect to the clairas of tender consciences
to the judgment of parliament, the royal promise had
been araply fulfilled ; that the Act of Uniforraity was the
answer of parliaraent on that subject; and that to
intrust the proposed power to the crown would be to
legalize schism, and to open the way to every kind of
disorder. In the lords, the opposition to the bUl was led
by the earl of Southarapton, who found zealous sup
porters in the prelates. On the second day. Clarendon,
though suffering from the gout, raade his appearance,
and his bitter earnestness sufficed to seal the fate of the
bill. It was tacitly dropped. Charles endeavoured to
conceal his raortlfication. But It was observed that
his manner towards Southampton and Clarendon had
changed, and the bishops had fallen Irrevocably in his
estimation.* Nor did this raeasure of success satisfy the triumphant
parliament. Attempts were made, not only to secure
a raore certain enforcement of the penal laws against
Catholics and Protestant Nonconformists, but to make
more stringent additions to them. In these proceedings,
however, the intolerant confederacy in both houses^
powerful as it was, did not immediately succeed. The
session passed without any new enactment of that
nature. * Lords' Journals, xi. 478-49 1 . Life of James, i. 428. Clarendon,
245, et seq.

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 405
But the doctrine of the parliaraent continued to be, chap. i.
that tranquillity raust be secured by greater rigour ; The Gov-
and the policy of the governraent still was, to stimulate stm profits
the disaffection produced by its own bad laws into con- conspTrlcy.
spiracy, by means of spies and informers. Two months
after the memorable St. Bartholomew's day, six men, of
mean condition, were charged with having conspired to
seize the Tower and Windsor Castle, to kill the king,
and to set up a commonwealth. The witnesses were two
spies. Two of the prisoners made a sort of confession,
and were pardoned. The remaining four were executed.
Not only Independents and Levellers, but Presbyterians
and Quakers, were said to have been pledged to this
enterprize. Even this pitiable proceeding was supposed
to have been useful to the governraent, by helping
to strengthen the ruraours of existing discontent, and
bv furnishing a pretext in favour of Its oppressive
action.* In the autumn of the following year, we find the
government In active correspondence concerning an
alleged conspiracy in the north. No doubt, there were
men abroad at that time, who were ready to have joined
in any measure of revolt which could give the proraise
of success ; and sorae raen of that class appear to have
met and talked so as to have corae within the law of
treason. But it is no less certain, that the character and
number of the persons implicated were such, that the
only danger to be apprehended, was a danger to the
public liberty from the use which the intolerant men in
parliament, and in the ministry, would be likely to raake
of such a discovery. The way to put down their secret
meetings, said the king, is to allow open meetings to be
* Ralph, Hist. Eng. i. 82-84.

4o6 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. lawful. But the party ruling in England at that junc
ture was of another raind.
The Con- The parliament in its fourth session gratified the court
venticle . . . . .
Act— by Its raeasures concerning the revenue ; and its next
1664, ' care was ' to make another sacrifice to the church. It
' was not enough that the Nonconformists were ejected,
' and branded as schismatics. They were still followed,
' caressed, and adraired by the raultitude. And this
' was what their denouncing adversaries could neither
' endure nor forgive. The shepherd had already felt
' their fury ; the flock was now to be scattered. And It
' is extreraely worthy of reraark, that in the act to pre-
' vent and suppress seditious conventicles, disloyalty and
* schisra are blended together, and it is presuraed that no
' man can be a sectary without being a traitor.'* This
act consisted of twenty-three sections. Its substance
is, that wherever five or more persons above the
household shall be assembled, under colour or pretence
of any exercise of religion in other raanner than is
allowed by the liturgy or practice of the church of
England, the persons so offending shall be subject to
a fine of 5/., or three raonths' iraprisonraent, for a first
offence; to a fine of 10/., or six raonths' imprisonment,
for a second; and to a fine of 100/., or transportation
for seven years to some one of his majesty's plantations
beyond the seas, for a third. Husbands, whose wives
should be present, were made liable to fine on their
behalf, though not themselves present. It was further
provided, that any jailor allowing a person committed
on this act, to go at large, or any person at large
to join with hira in prison in any religious exercise
* Ralph, Hist. Eng. 1. 104.

Mile Act.

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 407
of the nature prohibited, shall be fined 10/. for every chap, l
such offence.*
This iniquitous statute was not to be a dead letter, as The rive
we shaU presently see. But every step taken In this
direction, in place of giving the government and the
parliament a stronger sense of security, only tended to
deepen their distrust of the public feeling, and to
dispose them to hold out still stronger Inducements to
the intrigues of men who were prepared to get up
conspiracies when they could not discover them. Ru
mours of discontent and of treason were artfully raised
and spread through the country. The Nonconformist
ministers were special objects of enmity, if not of sus
picion. True, their voice was no longer heard from the
pulpit, and the Conventicle Act was to put an end to
their private teaching. They dared not raeet a circle of
friends without counting heads, to be sure that not raore
than four visitors were present. Still, to a great extent,
they were in the raidst of their old charge, and kindly
hearts are ingenious in devising ways to interchange the
expressions of affection. It is easy to imagine how
the new incumbent would look upon the old one as he
passed him In the street, or on the village road. The
men in high places, too, who were so intent on utterly
extinguishing English Nonconformity, could hardly be
at rest as they saw this great spiritual power perpetu
ating Itself in the land — a power which they would be
sure to regard as hostile to themselves. To drive these
injured men — potent in their weakness — wholly from the
land, would have been difficult, hardly possible, assuredly
dangerous. So the next bad thing to that was to be done.
Documents relating to the Settlement of the Church of England
in 1662, 477-480.

4o8 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK IIL The Five Mile Act is intituled 'An Act for re
straining Nonconformists from inhabiting Corporations.'
It is grounded on the statement, that Nonconforraist
ministers ' have settled theraselves in divers corporations
' in England, soraetiraes three or raore of thera In a
' place, thereby taking an opportunity to distil the
' poisonous principles of schism and rebellion into the
'hearts of his majesty's subjects, to the great danger of
' the church and kingdom.' It is enacted accordingly,
that such persons shall not ' come or be within five
' miles of any city, or town corporate, or borough
' sending burgesses to parliament,' or within the same
distance of any place where they may have exercised
their ministry. The act further provides, that in the
place of their banishment, neither the ministers, nor the
female merabers of their farailies, shall occupy themselves
in any way in the work of education. Every offender
against this law was liable to a fine of 40/. ; and what
was still more serious, the magistrate might tender to
hira the oath of passive obedience, and on his refusing
to take it, raight send hira to prison for six raonths.*
So between two and three thousand ejected or silenced
ministers, were banished into thinly-peopled and rude
* This oath is known in our history by the name of the ' Oxford
Oath,' the parliament which imposed it being held in Oxford, on
account of the plague in London. Some of the London ministers
took it, but it was in a sense which the terms certainly did not
warrant. I have before me a MS. in the handwriting of Philip Henry,
in which these ministers state their case. In the clause, ' I will not at
any time endeavour any alteration of government in church or state,'
they understood the word ' endeavour ' as restricted to ' seditious and
tumultuous ' endeavour. Bridgman, it is said, in open court, admitted
this to be the meaning of the oath. Keeling, who was present, not
contradicting ; and in this sense they took it. They state also, that ' a
' noble lord assured them, that when he moved in the house that the

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 409
districts, many of thera away from books, nearly all of chap. 1.
them away from friends. Almost everywhere, the
population about thera would be an ignorant, coarse-
minded, and hostile people. Such means of subsistence
as might have been continued to them while In the
midst of persons who had derived spiritual benefit from
their labours becarae uncertain, and raight be expected
to fail them utterly ere long, in their exile. Baxter
found his Patmos in the sraall vUlage of Acton. Dr.
Owen fixed his tent in the adjoining parish of Ealing.
So it was over the whole kingdora.
One circumstance connected with the origin of the The Non-
Five Mile Act must not be passed over. In 1663, and and t™''
in the foUowing year, the plague ravaged the greater ftom'^the
part of HoUand, particularly Arasterdara and Rotterdara, p'^s"'=-
and many fears were entertained concerning it in Eng
land. In December, 1664, it was reported by authority
that two persons had died of that raalady in St. Giles's.
From that time to the ensuing April, the weekly bills of
the several parishes without the walls of the city exhibited
an Increase of deaths which produced alarm. In the
beginning of May there was no room to doubt that
many had perished of the fearful disease in St. Andrew's,
' Vford seditious might be added to endeavour, the bishops of Canterbury
' and Winchester said it was preposterous to understand it of other
' endeavours, and that they would yield it should be put in, but that it
' must have gone back to be debated in the house of commons, and
'could not' be finished by the time the king was to come on that day.'
But the clause 'it is unlawful, under any pretence whatsoever, to talce
arms, against the king,' was more difficult to deal with, the substance of
their evasion of it was, that we can conceive of cases in which to obey
according to the strict meaning of these words would be suicide, and
that no law could be understood to enjoin that. In fact, the law was
retained in its severest form, that it might be enforced in that form
when expedient — its words left no ground for such exceptions. T

41 o English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK HI. Holborn, and in St. Cleraent's Danes, and that in St,
Giles's every street was raore or less infected. In the
raonth of June the heat became excessive, and the deaths
reported, as from plague, in the last week of that
month, were two hundred and seventy-six. On the first
of July, it did not appear that more than four such
cases had occurred in the city. But towards the raiddle
of that month the disease reached its highest in the
whole of the out-parishes westward, and began to make
alarming progress among the suburban parishes north
ward. In the last-mentioned quarter the Infection
reached its highest in August. With the approach of
September, the eastern parishes, reaching from Aldgate
to the Minories, and the eight parishes of Southwark,
shared the fate of the west and north. The dark cloud
having moved thus round the whole circumference of
the city, began to shed its disastrous influence over the
trembling myriads who still clung to it as their home.
During the early part of Septeraber, the weekly bills of
raortality rose to 1 2,000 — a third part of that number
were supposed to have died in one fearful night. The
bills for the year report the total number dead of the
plague at 68,596, an amount which fails probably by
one- third to disclose the real extent of the calamity. It
must be reraerabered, too, that this rate of mortality
came on the population of the raetropolis when thou
sands had fled as for their life into all parts of the
country. Where the disease prevailed in its strength,
there were few houses that were not shut up on account
either of the sickness or the absence of their owners ;
and the cries and sights which filled the streets, by day and
by night, were affecting, heart-rending, often horrible.
The raental suffering of the time, as will be supposed.

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 4 1 1
was great. Often it proved insupportable. Some of chap. i.
the parochial clergy remained faithful to their trust at aU
hazards. But so many consulted their safety by flight,
that one of the devoted few writes, in a letter to San
croft, ' It is said the bishop of London has sent to those
' pastors who have quitted their flocks by reason of
• these times, that If they return not speedily, others will
' be put into their places.' * In the meanwhUe, the ejected
and sUenced ministers dared to violate the law by
ascending the vacant pulpits, and preaching to the
people. Multitudes, we are told, hung upon their lips,
heard their words, and went home to die. The preachers
knew that man had comjnanded them to be sUent, but
they were persuaded that God had commanded them
to speak, and in such circumstances the divine voice
became to them more sure and audible than ever. So
state intolerance forced men who had not been disposed
to look very closely Into such questions, to consider
seriously the basis of state legislation in such matters ;
and so the severity of persecution was to do much
towards laying bare the root frora which all persecution
comes. The enemies of these devoted men said, we are
aware that you occupied piUpits which other men had
left, but for what purpose ? Less to save souls than to
preach sedition. The assertion was a calurany, but it
had its uses, and the Five Mile Act carae as an acknow
ledgment of their self-sacrificing labours L
^Ve might suppose that such a season would have
been the last m which men making any pretension to
Christianity would have been disposed to indulge in such
exercises of power. But we must repeat, with the
fanatic and the bigot inhumanity often becomes a high
* Sancroft P.ipers. Harleian MSS. p. 54. T 2

412 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK IIL form of piety. The religion of such men, in place of
elevating the natural affections, depraves and perverts
them.
Sufferings Bad, too, as the law became, the severities which came
conformists, from law wcrc light compared with those inflicted in
conterapt of law. There were men of position and
influence scattered through the kingdom who saw these
proceedings in their true light, and deplored them. One
person of this class said to a Nonconforraist rainister,
they were resolved to ruin you, and they have done It.
Another said, the subscription they deraand In favour of
the Prayer Book Is such as should hardly have been
demanded In favour of the Bible — it is no raarvel that
you do not conforra. But such raen were exceptions.
The influence of Clarendon's administration, and the
operation of the Corporation Act, had sufficed to place
the magistracy of the kingdom in the hands of intolerant
and cruel raen. The local officers, of course, received
their appointraent because they were known to share in
the passions of the local authorities. That the public mind
might be scared with ideas of conspiracy and treason,
soldiers were often called out to suppress religious meet
ings, or to make the appearance of doing so, and these
were generally profane and brutal men, of the sort which
had brought so much disgrace on the army of the late
king. Many of Cromwell's veterans were still living,
but they were not men to descend to such a service.
Prohibited meeting openly by day, it was natural that
these injured people should meet covertly by night.
When the laws of men contravene the laws of God so
manifestly, to evade them is no crime, it becomes a duty,
one of the most sacred forms of duty. Through all
those times, spies and informers were found everywhere.

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 4 1 3
many being wretched men who lived by that vocation, and chap. i.
whose lives were a tissue of treacheries and falsehoods ;
others belonging to the most flagitious classes in their
respective neighbourhoods, and who gave vent to their
malignant passions, or relieved their poverty, by such
means. Most of these raen, it was observed, had their
reward. Their vices brought the usual penalties. Sorae
of the most notorious among them ended their days
upon the gaUows. And in events which befell the per
secutors who were of a higher grade, the sufferers often
saw, or thought they saw, the intervention of a righteous
providence. But generally, when Nonconformists were
the victims, loyalty was to be shown by a savage
insolence, and zeal for order by heedlessness of law.
In the hall of the justice of the peace, even the ladies
could sometimes join in the abuse which was heaped
upon the poor culprit whose presence at a conventicle
had placed him at the mercy of his worship. Nothing
was more common than for men to be arrested, and
committed to prison, without knowing the cause of such
proceedings. To be shut up in jails with ordinary
felons was their comraon experience. Nor was that the
worst. The numbers crowded together ; the filth, added
to confinement in a close atmosphere ; and the wretched
prison fare, to men little famUiar with such privation and
suffering, not only impaired health, but often extinguished
life. The suffering, too, it must be remembered, came
not on men only, but on women and chUdren. It was
no rare thing to see the husband and the father rudely
torn from his wife and children in the dead of night.
In the family of the ejected or silenced minister, life was
a hard struggle while the good man was with them ; but
what was it hkely to be when he was thrust into prison.

414 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. and detained there, as was often the case, not for months
merely, but for years. And what were the homes which
often witnessed such scenes ? Homes among strangers.
Distant five miles at least from any place where the
services of the rainister, whether in town or country, had
made hira friends. How were such men to pay heavy
fines ? How were they to proraise obedience to the
injunction — you raust not preach .'' Sentence on them
In that forra was a sentence to hopeless iraprisonraent.
In fact, the raen who brought this system of heartless
oppression into existence, intended it should come upon
the land as an omnipresent and merciless power, crushing
out all religious life among its people not after the type
of the piety evinced by Dr. Gilbert Sheldon and Chan
cellor Clarendon.
The prisons of the kingdora were filled with
Nonconformist sufferers. Presbyterians, Independents,
Baptists, Quakers, all shared in the comraon doom. At
intervals, the rod of the evil-doer was suspended, or fell
more lightly than at other tiraes ; but so long as a
Stuart remained upon the throne, its pressure was so far
continuous, and so weighty, that the numbers of the
Injured, and of the injured unto death, become appalling
as we look back upon them. Mr. Jeremy White, a
Nonconforraist rainister, made a careful collection of the
names of persons who had suffered for their Noncon
formity under Charles IL Sixty thousand naraes are
said to have been included in his list, and five thousand
are reported as having died from their sufferings. White
informed the duke of Dorset that James II. wished to
become possessed of this dark calendar, that he might
make his use of it in his controversy with the church of
England, and offered a thousand guineas as the purchase

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 415
money. But the Nonconformist chose to destroy the chap. i.
fruit of his labour rather than see it applied to such a
purpose. De Foe, in his preface to De Laune's ' Plea
for the Nonconformists,' refers to this fact in terras that
must be accepted as evidence of Its substantial truth
fulness. ' I appeal,' he writes, ' to these reverend and
' dignified prelates, some of whom are yet alive, whether
' Mr. White, who had carefully collected the list of
' Dissenters' sufferers and sufferings, did not generously
' refuse both their Invitations and rewards, (those of the
' popish party at court) and conceal the black record,
' that it might not rise up in judgment against the
' reputation of the church of England, and whether they
'did not send Mr. White their thanks for it, and a
' reward too, though he had honour enough in him to
* refuse the money.'* De Foe, indeed, raakes the
number who perished in prisons to be greater than the
number reported by White ; and estimates the loss of
property to the Nonconforraists within three years, as
the penalty of their conscientiousness, at not less than
two millions. We may suppose that In such calculations
there must necessarily have been a good deal of con
jecture ; but it there had not been appearances of a
nature to give probability to such representations, they
would hardly have been made by such a man.
The reader has seen that, from the conduct of the instances
prelates even in the summer of 1660, it was easy to pTr^cutfon.
foresee the course which would be ultimately taken by
the government. In that year, and in the following,
whUe the Act of Uniforraity was stiU in the distance,
and his majesty's Declaration seeraed to guarantee a con
siderable araount of ecclesiastical liberty, raany good
* Edition 1712. Pref. pp. 4, 5.

41 6 EngUsh Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK IIL men were severely and illegally persecuted. Mr. Andrew
Parsons, rector of Wera, In Shropshire, was a Presby
terian divine who had hazarded property and life in the
cause of the exiled family when Charles came to Wor
cester, and during the rising under Sir George Booth in
Cheshire. But in 1660, he said In a sermon that the
preaching In England, in his time, had been better than
It had been since the age of the apostles ; that more sin
had been committed of late. In one month, than had
been committed in a year, or in twenty years before ;
that it is with Satan coming into the soul, as with a king
coming Into his dominions, he must acquit himself
cautiously until he has settled his militia and made
himself strong ; that where the rulers of the land are
wicked, the people do what is right in their own eyes ;
and inculcating the obligation of oaths, the preacher
had said, in passing, ' I must not mention the Cove
nant.' These sentences were construed as being full of
sedition. The rector was seized by troopers, and com
mitted to prison. During six weeks he endeavoured
to obtain copies of the depositions against hira, but In
vain. Throughout his trial he was rudely and unjustly
treated ; his friends being insulted and hustled out of
court. Every point pleaded in his favour was overruled
against him. The jury were directed to find a verdict
of guilty, and they did so ; but it was known afterwards
that the foreman was responsible for that decision, and
that the majority of the jurymen were against it. After
the injured man had suffered three months' imprison
ment, a nobleman disposed the king to order his release.
But his living, which was a valuable one, was taken
from him.*
* Conformist's Plea for the Nonconformists. Fourth Plea, 30-35.

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession. 4 1 7
Good Oliver Heywood, too, was prosecuted in the chap, i.
consistory court of York for not reading the Book of
Common Prayer. This was in the spring of 1662,
when no law existed to require such conformity. But
this plea, warranted by his majesty's Declaration, was
urged in vain. The Incumbent was deprived of his
living ; forbidden as an excommunicated man to attend
church ; threatened at the sarae time with fines for not
attending ; and If not imprisoned. It was because the
officer who should have executed the writ connived at
his escape. *
These instances are given as samples of what could
take place before the Act of Uniformity came Into
operation, and, revolting as they may be, they are light
forms of wrong corapared with rauch which followed,
more or less, in all parts of the kingdora.f Such scenes
* Conformist's Plea for the Nonconformists. Fourth Plea, 38.
t Baxter, writing in 1663, says, 'and as we were forbidden to
' preach, so we were vigilantly watched in private, that we might not
'exhort one another, or pray together. Every meeting for prayer
' was called a dangerous meeting, or a conventicle at least. One Mr.
' Beale, in Hatton Garden, having a son brought so low that the
' physicians thought he would die, desired a few friends, of whom I
'was one, to meet at his house to pray for him; and because it
' pleased God to hear our prayers, and that very night to restore him,
'his mother shortly after falling sick of a fever, we were desired to
'meet and pray for her recovery. Among those who were to be
' there, it fell out that Dr. Bates and I failed them. But it was known
¦ at Westminster that we were to be there, whereupon two justices of
' the peace were procured, with the parliament sergeant-at-arms, to
'apprehend us. They came when part of the company were gone
'into the room where the gentlewoman lay ready to die, and drew
' the curtains, but, missing their prey, returned disappointed.' Life,
431, 432. If such things could be done by such authorities, and in
relation to such persons, what might not be done by less responsible
agents, and in relation to meaner victims ?
T 3

41 8 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. had been farailiar to our forefathers through some
twenty years, when a Dr. Benjamin Calamy, one of his
majesty's chaplains, preached and published a discourse,
intitled ' Scrupulous Consciences,' in which Noncon
formists were challenged to produce any reasonable
vindication of their conduct — disaffection, faction, and
self-interest being alleged as the real source of it. Mr.
Thoraas De Laune, a scholarly layraan, proprietor of a
grararaar school, accepted the challenge thus raade, and
¦ventured to give a more reputable account of the
motives by which Nonconformists might be supposed
to be influenced. The raost obnoxious things to be
found in De Laune's ' Letter ' were, that he had taken
exception to a version of the Lord's Prayei- in the
Prayer Book ; that he complained of the frequent repe
tition of that prayer in the church service ; that he
declared the forms which required woraen to speak in
the church to be unscriptural ; and that he had censured
the ' song-prayer ' coramon in cathedrals. On the
ground of having thus written, the author was sent as
a felon to the Compter jail, and then to Newgate ; and
was convi<;ted at the Old Bailey of having attempted to
bring in sedition and rebellion, by disparaging the Book
of Common Prayer, and exposing the king to the
hatred and contempt of his subjects ! In pursuance of
this verdict, De Laune was sent back to Newgate,
where his sufferings ended in his death,* It would be
easy to fill volumes with instances of this nature.
The Non- Such was the sway of arbitrariness, of lawlessness
tesrimray. uudcr the name of law — in fact, the reign of terror, to
which English Nonconformists were subject, with slight
intermission, through more than quarter of a century
* Plea for the Nonconformists, Ed. 171 2,

Bad Treatment and the Good Confession, 419
after the Restoration. When the Act of Toleration chap. i.
came under William III. it was found that the party
which had braved and endured all these oppressions, not
only survived, but survived in undiminished strength.
The plea of conscience had not proved to be a shallow
whim, or a piece of hohday rhetoric. It had been found
to be a rooted principle, a form of the fear of God
which no terror from man could subdue. Plunder In
all forms, convictions without law, imprlsonraents with
out mercy, and death, were the varieties of penalty
which had spent their force over a whole kingdora, and
through the space of a generation, and had spent it In '
vain. All honour to the raen to whora It was given to
bear this testimony in behalf of a religious manliness In
an age of conventional profligacy. The protest thus
perpetuated — the good confession thus made in defence
of the rights of conscience — was not to be wholly lost on
the men of those days, still less on the Englishraen of
later times. If anything could have educated Noncon
formists into a repudiation of state authority on matters
of religion, such an experience might have been expected
to lead to that result. Even with such schooling many
of the pupils were slow to learn. But the tuition was
there, and the fruits were to follow.

CHAPTER IL

^rosi^^ss of Ecltstous iLt6ert2 since 1662»

BOOK IIL
The Parlia
ment be
comes free-
spoken.

HE great constitutional raaxiras which had been
brought into such prorainence in our history
by the Long Parliament under Charles I.
were not to be wholly forgotten. So early as
in the session of 1663, the censures passed on the pro
ceedings of the governraent by the coraraons were so
free, and the deterraination of the house to retain a strict
control over both taxation and expenditure was so
marked, that the king adverted in terras of regret to
those signs of a falling off frora its forraer alacrity in his
service.* But by fair proraises, by coraplying with
many of the demands made upon hira, and, above all,
by professing a willingness to submit the public accounts
to the inspection of a comraittee, his majesty succeeded
in obtaining a grant of four subsidies. The session in
the early part of 1664, raade no further grant of that

* ' This month (May) the greatest news is the height and heat the
" parliament is in, in inquiring into the revenue, which displeaseth the
' court, and their backwardness to give the king any money.' — Pepys,
ii. 45, 52, 53, 55, 56. Ralph, i. 189-191. ParL Hist. iv. 251-258.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 421
nature, except in allowing the sovereign to collect what chap^ i
was called the hearth-money, which consisted in a small
yearly tax Imposed on every chiraney.
But in the session of the autumn of that year the call fj^'^'^f'^"''
for war against the Dutch had become so vehement, that sp'"' '" '-'^^
^ Commons.
an annual grant of 800,000/. for three years was pro
posed and carried In support of that object. It was
during the history of this war that the comraons suc
ceeded in giving stability to their right to appropriate
supphes to particular purposes, and to appoint corarais
sioners to audit public accounts. Clarendon was vehe
ment in his resistance of the attempt to revive this
ancient privilege. But the party opposed to the chan
cellor and to his policy was growing stronger every day.
The first committee of examination was appointed in
1666. By that time four raillions had been voted and
raised to carry on the war, and of that sum 2,390,000/.
had been spent in a manner of which no account could
be given. The consequences of this success on the part
of the commons, were of the highest Importance to the
future power of parliament, and to general liberty. *
* Pari. Hist. iv. 234-238. Pepys, writing on September 23, 1666,
says, ' Mr. Wayth and I by water to Whitehall, and there, at Sir W.
' Cartaret's lodgings. Sir William Coventry met, and we' did debate
' the whole business of our accounts to the parliament. Here happened
' a pretty question of Sir William Coventry — whether this account of
' ours will not put my lord treasurer to difficulty to tell what is become
• of all the money the parliament hath given to this time for the war,
' which hath amounted to about 4,000,000/., which nobody there
' could answer.' In an entry of the next month, this functionary says,
the monies unaccounted for were 2,390,000/., and that when the
opposition party in the commons were demanding the appointment of
commissioners to inspect the accounts on oath, ' it made the king and
' the court mad ; the Idng giving orders to my lord chamberlain to send
' to the playhouses and b  houses, to bid all the parliament men that

422 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. Charles and the duke of York were no friends to the
Dutch. The traders of the two countries competed
with each other in every part of the world. Their
rautual coraplaints of wrong and insult were raany and
bitter. The effect of this feeling was seen in the energy
with which the war was prosecuted. But the victories
won by the English in the open sea were avenged by the
depredations of the Dutch in the Tharaes and the
Medway. Grown confident by success, in an evil hour,
the governraent decided to save expenditure by laying
up all ships of the first and second rate. But in June,
1667, the Dutch adrairals, De Witt and De Ruyter,
appeared off the Nore with a fleet of seventy sail. In the
hope of checking the enemy, a fort was raised at Sheer-
ness, and raeans were employed to render the Medway
impassable. But these precautions were vain. The
invaders ascended the river as far as Upnor Castle,
destroyed the three first-rates, the Oak, the James, and
the London, and captured the Royal Charles. They
afterwards raade their way up the Thames, almost to
Tilbury, and everywhere insulted the coasts and ports
of the kingdom at pleasure. The most inconsiderate
royalist could not fail to see that the sense of bitter
' were there to go to the parliament presently ; but it was carried
' against the court by thirty or forty votes.' Pepys knew that the
account which the officials had prepared, bad as it was, wonld ' not
bear a strict examination.' The sum of 40,000/. had been put down
to the queen, which her majesty altered to 4,000/. with her own hand.
Charles must have known this, and have known that money described
as spent by his wife had been placed at the disposal of her rivals. The
earl of Southampton offended Lady Castlemaine, and the king hardly
less, by refusing to honour the orders of that woman upon the privy
purse for the payment of her bills. Ibid. 216, 277, 278, et alibi.
From this note the reader may judge as to what the government 0
England was under Charles II.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 423
shame, which was thus sent to the heart of the nation, chap. ii.
was to be traced to the conduct of the king and the
government, and that both had become thus powerless
from the distrust with which they were regarded by the
country. Men who had looked with exultation on the
corpse of Cromwell as exposed at Tyburn, could now
compare the position of England while under his potent
and magnanimous guidance, with the low estate to which
she had been reduced by her present rulers. The night
on which the Dutch burnt the ships in the Tharaes, his
majesty, we are told, ' did sup with ray lady Castle-
' maine, at the duchess of Monmouth's, where all were
' mad upon hunting a poor moth.' The news of the
attack on Sheerness was conveyed to the king the next
morning In Hyde-park, where our English Sardanapalus
had been amusing hiraself and a favourite dog with duck
shooting. Even now, it is said, Charles took ' ten tiraes
' more pains to make friends between lady Castlemaine
' and Mrs. Stewart, than to save his kingdom.' *
In the train of vice in all forms in the court, of f^h of
disaster In war, and of plague and fire in the capital,
came the faU of Clarendon. The chancellor had done
his work. He would have crushed Puritanism, and
would have left us the name only of English liberty.
But both were to survive him : and the effect of his
policy was to raake Puritanism a growing power In the
land for centuries to corae ; and to conserve the embers
of our ancient freedom in a degree sufficient to ensure
the rekindling of the sacred flame. On the accession of
the duke of Buckingham to office, the reign of cant was
succeeded by the reign of profligacy. But men who
govern with little regard to any great Interest, and for
* Pepys, iii. 268, 269, 288. Coke's Detection.

424 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. the sake of power, generally shape their course to the
wave which promises to bear thera onward. Good
measures, accordingly, often come frora bad raen.
Bucking. j(. y^^g announced in the ' Gazette,' that a new
ham affects . .
the liberal, constltutlon had been given to the cabinet, for the better
despatch of business. Sorae old republicans who had
been coraraitted to prison on grounds of questionable
legality, were released. Conferences were held, and
measures were adopted, to meet the complaints of the
Presbyterians and Independents. To the latter it was
proposed to grant a toleration ; and soraething, it was
hoped, might be done to bring the more moderate raen
among the former within the pale of the Established
1668. Church. At the opening of the next session of parlia-
"''¦ ^' ment, his majesty said, ' For the firmer settleraent of
' peace, at home as well as abroad, one thing more I
' hold myself obliged to recommend to you, which is,
' that you should seriously think of some course to
' beget a better union and composure in the mind of my
' Protestant subjects in matters of religion, whereby
' they may be Induced, not only to submit quietly to the
' government, but also faithfully give their assistance to
' the support of it.'*
The Com- g^(- ^j^g parliament, especially the lower house, while
mons will .r -' i j 3
be intolerant gg divided In Itsclf that scarcely any man knew how to
trust his neighbour, was found capable of combining
against any scheme of king or ministry in favour of the
Nonconformists. The debate, however, on this subject
extended over several days. We know, also, something
of what was said in this discussion. Colonel Sandys
' never knew a toleration without an array to keep all
' quiet.' Sir S. Littleton replied, that the king of Poland
* Pari. Hist. iv. 404.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 425
granted the most extensive toleration, yet needed no chap, il
army, except in time of war. He also ventured to add,
that nearly all the disorders in English history since the
accession of Elizabeth, had been occasioned by unau
thorized impositions on the part of the clergy. Sir
Humphrey Winch considered an array and toleration
equally dangerous, and would have neither. Mr.
RatcUffe wished to see the Act of Uniforraity revised,
and the 'assent and consent' reconsidered. Sir Charles
Wheeler ' has great kindness to the Presbyterians, as
' they were assistant in their prayers and endeavours to
' the restoration of his raajesty. But as for the Inde-
' pendents, they were raany of thera Anabaptists, Arians,
' Socinians, many of them not Christians.' Sir John
Birkenhead exclaimed, ' In Judaism, Paganism, Mahom-
' medanism, and Christianity, in none of these Is toleration
' suffered. Must our mother, the church of England,
'bow to a (&^ novices V Sir PhUip Warwick had an
equally intelligent method of settling this question. ' If
I prove,' said the knight, ' that no raan need scruple
' anything In the church of England, why should he be
'further indulged?' Such was the sort of reasoning
which disposed a majority of 144 against 78, to
vote in favour of a petition praying his raajesty ' to
' issue out a proclamation enforcing the laws against
'conventicles.'* In the spring of 1669 and of 1670, the commons Toleration
made their votes on raoney questions, dependent on be"iooked
obtaining the promise that the penal laws in religious Roma" iir
matters should be put into more rigorous execution.
The majorities who voted on those occasions were, no
doubt, unfriendly for the most part to Protestant Non-
* Pari. Hist. iv. 404-422.

4^6 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. conformists. But it is proper to state, that the great
dread of toleration in the lower house, carae frora the
fact, that if such liberty should be granted at all, it
must be granted to the papist in common with the
Protestant.
tivrubert '^^^^ activity of the zealots in parliament was accele-
of the Non- fated by the fact that the king and his ministers were
conformists. , -
known to be favourable to a more liberal policy.
Through several years after the fall of Clarendon, the
laws against the Nonconformists were not enforced as
they had been. How it fared with thera through that
interval of coraparative freedora we learn from one of
themselves. ' The rainisters of London who had ven-
' tured to keep open meeting in their houses, and to
' preach to great nurabers, contrary to law, were, by the
' king's favour, connived at, so that the people raeet
' openly to hear them without fear. Some imputed this
' to the king's own inclination towards liberty of con-
' science ; some to the power of the duke of Buckingham ;
¦ some to the influence of the Papists, who were for
' liberty of conscience for their own interest. Whatever
' was the secret cause, the great visible cause was the
' burning of London, and the want of churches for the
' people to meet in, it being, at the first, too bad to
' forbid an undone people all public worship with too
' great rigour. And if they had been so forbidden,
' poverty had left so little to lose, that they would still
' have gone on, as in desperation. Therefore, some
• thought all this was done to make necessity seem a
' favour. Whatever was the cause of the connivance, it
' was certain that the country ministers were so much
' encouraged by the boldness of those in London, that
' they did the like in most parts of England, and crowds

Progress of Religious Liberty. 427
' of the most religiously inclined people were their chap. iii.
' hearers.' The same writer assures us that this activity
ofthe Nonconformist ministers, and the great neglect of
duty on the part of the clergy, greatly impaired the
credit of the bishops and of the established church.*
It was while affairs were In this posture that the lord Compre-
1 ll- ir- hension
keeper. Sir Orlando Bridgman, placed himself in com- and toiera-
. . 1 J" /^ r ¦ tionscheme
munication with some leading persons among Conformists attempted.
and Nonconformists, with a view to the adjustment of
some scheme which should ensure toleration to the Inde
pendents and others, and should admit the raore raode
rate Presbyterians Into the state church. Wilkins,
bishop of Chester ; Mr. Burton, his lordship's chaplain ;
Stillingfleet, and TiUotson, were brought Into this pro
ject on the one side ; and Baxter, Owen, and Manton on
the other. Nearly all the matters which had come
under discussion in the Savoy conference were now
reconsidered, and between the men who were parties to
these deliberations there would have been little difficulty
in coming to a settlement. But the main result of these
proceedings was seen In the angry controversy occasioned
by them.
The rumour of what was doing, was taken up by the The great
intolerant party as being hardly less significant than the "yit!' '^'^^
* Baxter's Life, book iii. 22, et seq. ' Mr. Blackburne told me how
' high the present clergj carry themselves everywhere, so that they are
'hated and laughed at by everybody. And I am convinced in my
' judgment, not only from his discourse, but my thoughts in general,
' that the present clergy will never heartily go down with the present
' commons of England — they (the people) have been so used to liberty
' and freedom, and are so acquainted with the pride and debauchery of
' the present clergy. He did give me many stories of the affronts which
' the clergy did receive, in all places of England, from the gentry and
'ordinary persons ofthe parish.' — Pepys' Diary, ii. 116, 117.

428 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK IIL detection of the Guy Fawkes conspiracy. Paraphlets
denouncing the scherae carae forth almost daily. Every
thing that could be iraagined as expedient to be said
against toleration or concession was said, and after the
raost unfair and injurious raanner. Men who had
clamoured to fill our statute-book with bad enactments,
now affected to be amazed at the wickedness of raalcon
tents who could proclaira theraselves rebels by violating
the law. The Presbyterians could not pray that tolera
tion should be extended to Papists and Socinians, and
they were in consequence reviled as inconsistent and
presuraptuous In seeking that concession in any form
should be made to themselves. They were said to have
kindled the fiarae of the late civil war, while their allies,
the Independents, sent the king to the block. And
were not these a strange sort of people to be expecting
favour in any well-ordered state .? Passages and scraps
were culled frora the writings of the Nonconformists, or
adopted frora reports concerning the prayers or the
preachings of the weakest and lowest class of persons
araong them, and strung artfuUy together, were held up
to the view of the public as presenting a true portraiture
of the sort of people who would fain be admitted to
state privileges, and even to the rank of clergymen in
the English church. Controversy so conducted, was
deplored by good men as a wrong done, not so much to
a religious party, as to religion itself. The scoffers of
the times were the gainers by It.
Sheldon Dj-_ Patrick, a latitudinarian divine, disgraced himself
and his ... ' &
protege by Writing after this raanner. But he was far surpassed
Dr. Parker. . ^ ,. . ° , , - , . -^
in disingenuousness and rancour by one of his contem
poraries. Archbishop Sheldon had not seen anything
in the effects of his ecclesiastical policy to lead him to

Progress of Religious Liberty. 429
abandon it, or even to raoderate it. After ten years of chap. 11.
persecution, he was as much as ever a persecutor. His
disposition to make light of the religious convictions of
good men, evinced at the coramencement of that interval,
continued with him to its close. Years after the Bar
tholomew-day of 1662, his grace would amuse the
dinner guests at his palace, by encouraging a buffoon
military officer In miraicking the gait and dialect, the
scriptural phraseology and nasal whine, of a Scotch
Puritan preacher.* In Dr. Parker, one of his household
chaplains, the archbishop found a raan after his own
heart. Parker was young, and had grown up among
separatists, but had becorae willing to exercise his powers
of Invective, sarcasra, and abuse in the service of his
patron. Sheldon watched the proceedings of bishop
Wilkins and his coadjutors, and was assiduous in coun
teracting them. But Parker, who was in the confidence
of the primate, and knew what would please him, did
not restrict himself to private influence. He published
a work intitled ' A Discourse of Ecclesiastical Politic,'
in which all that a pen of fluency and bitterness, and
utterly unscrupulous, could do to make the Noncon
formists odious, was done.f But the authority he would
have vested in the magistrate in regard to religion was
so extravagant, and the reasoning which he opposed to
toleration was of so worthless a description, that refuta
tion on those points seemed to be superfluous.
It was proper, however, that his slanders should not
* Pepys, iv. 32], 322.
\ ' A Discourse of Ecclesiastical Politic, wherein the authority of the
civil magistrate over the consciences of delegates in matters of external
religion is asserted ; the mischiefs and inconveniences of toleration are
represented; and all pretences pleaded in behalf of liberty of conscience
are fully answered' Svo, pp. 326. 1670.

43°

English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK IIL
Answered by Dr.
Owen.

chastisedby Andrew
Marvel.

be left without a contradiction, and that the censure of
his bad morals should be coupled with some exposure
of his bad logic. Baxter was urged to furnish a reply ;
but he declined, assigning a reason which certainly was
not a good one. Dr. Owen supplied his lack of service,
and did so in a manner which raised him highly in the
esteem of his brethren. After the lapse of twelve-months
Parker sent forth a reply, and a year later a second.
But the chief effect of these performances was to show
that the primate's chaplain felt himself wounded, and to
bring a still more formidable antagonist Into the field.*
When Owen had discharged his heavy artillery,
Andrew Marvel carae with his lighter iraplements of
destruction. The style of Parker was so flaunty, vain,
and self-confident, that Marvel felt prorapted to deal with
it in a satirical fashion, and the whole manner of the
complaisant divine as exhibited by hira becarae to the last
degree ridiculous. His Puritan assailant follows hira
frora preface to treatise, frora chapter to chapter, and
frora page to page, subjecting hira at every step to the
raost raerciless dissection and exposure, everywhere

* According to Parker, Dr. Owen's only magazine was the ' dung
hill,' his only weapon was ' calumny.' So venemous was he that ' he
must spit his poison or burst.' Had this •¦ great bell-weather of sedi
tion ' been treated worse than was alleged, ' it could never be pretended
' that he was treated worse than he deserved ; for he was a person of
' so pernicious a temper, of so much insolence, of such a restless, implac-
' able spirit, of such a sworn and inveterate hatred to the government
' of the church and state, that he ought, without ceremony or fear of
' incivility, to have been pursued as the great pest and most dangerous
' enemy of the church and commonwealth ; and whosoever wishes well
' to his country can never do it greater service than by beating down
' the interest and reputation of such sons of Belial.' Such, it seems,
was the style of authorship which found favour at Lambeth during
the primacy of Archbishop Sheldon.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 43 1
finding the same man — a man to be laughed at. This char il
publication no sooner made Its appearance, than talk
everywhere arose about it. It passed at once into the
hands of all educated men. Courtiers and citizens, and
the king himself, enjoyed the merriment thus furnished
to them exceedingly. One anonyraous person concluded
a letter to the author saying, ' If thou darest to print or
'publish any lie or libel against Dr. Parker, by the
' Eternal God I will cut thy throat.' But this menace
did not dismay the offender. A second part to the
work already published was sent forth, and added to
the execution done by the first. Parker left memoirs
behind him, in which he gave evidence that the wound
thus Inflicted was never healed, and did all that he could
do to avenge himself on his old antagonist. But while
his memoirs and his polemics are alike forgotten, the
chastisement he so justly merited lives in the pages of
Andrew Marvel, and will live there as long as our
literature.* But the intolerant majority in the commons was not The Pariia-
to be materially diminished by any measure of success hltoieran"'^
on the part of liberal disputants from the press. Two ^^^'^^= .'^^
^ s^ r Conventicle
years before Andrew" Marvel took up his pen in this ^i^t'
controversy, parliament had revised the Conventicle Act,
making Its provisions more than ever stringent. Every
person allowing a conventicle meeting in his house was
to be liable to a fine of 20/. Every preacher was to be
liable to a fine of 20/. for a first offence,, and to a fine
* Parker's Memoirs of his Own Times. Marvel's Works, vol. ii.
ed. 1776. Owen's Truth and Innocence Vindicated. Baxter's Life,
book iii, Burnet's Own Times, ubi supra. Many pieces appeared
against the first part of the rehearsal, but the author kept the field
against all comers, and was left to do so.

432 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK IIL of 40/. for a second. If persons convicted were not
able to pay their fines, persons convicted with thera were
made liable in their stead. One-third of the sums
exacted passed to the Informer or informers ; and, con
trary to the humane spirit characteristic of our law, all
clauses of the act were to ' be construed most largely
' and beneficially for the suppression of conventicles, and
' for the justification and encouragement of all persons
' to be employed In the execution thereof.' So the raost
infaraous inforraers, and the most intolerant magistrates,
might reckon upon a friend in the government, what
ever raight be their evil deeds. It should be added,
that the magistrate convicted of negligence in regard to
the enforcement of this statute was liable to a fine of
100/. The oppressions contemplated in this law were
such as to demonstrate anew that bigotry is always one
of the worst forms of inhumanity.* All the bishops
voted in favour of this raeasure, with the exception of
Wilkins, bishop of Chester, and Rainbow, bishop of
Carlisle.
License Thls act was passcd in March, 1670, and for a while
fntorerTnts^ thc ractt dlsposcd to pcrsccute the Nonconforraists were
Trial of left t)y ^\yQ governraent to take their own course, in the
Penn and ... . .
Mead. hopc. It Is Said, that the discontent raised raight corapel
the parliament to assent to a general toleration. It was
at this juncture that considerable excitement was produced
by "the trial of two Quakers — Penn and Mead. That
class of Christians had become much more reasonable in
their conduct than in the earlier stages of their history,
but were as resolved as ever that no law of man should
prevent their assembling publicly to worship God. In
* Documents Relating to the Settlement of the Church of England,
igi-^gg.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 433
pursuance of this deterraination they evinced a degree chap. ii.
of courage, and a power of endurance, which called
forth much admiration. On a given day, a number of
them met in Gracechurch-street, intending to worship In
a budding set apart there for that purpose. But they
found the doors fastened, and guarded by soldiers.
Denied access to their raeeting-house, Penn addressed
the people in the street, and Penn and Mead were
apprehended on the charge of being engaged in riot and
tumult. On their trial they took exception to the legality
of the proceedings. Insisted that there was nothing of the
nature of riot or tumult in their conduct, and urged
upon the conscience of the jury the duty of acquitting
themselves as true guardians of English liberty.
Nothing could be worse than the conduct of the
recorder, the mayor, and other officials in the court.
The men at the bar were checked, rebuked, browbeaten,
and threatened in every possible way. But they continued
self-possessed, and defended theraselves with singular
ability. The jury returned a verdict against Penn as
guilty of speaking to the people In Gracechurch-street,
but the words, ' riotous, turaultuous, or unlawful,' were
not allowed to have any place in their decision. The
invective of the court was now turned frora the prisoners
to the jurymen. They were insulted and menaced, but
they remained unraoved. Twice they were closeted on
Saturday, and the foreman only repeated what he had said
before. Confined all night, and with much harshness,
they were called into court on Sunday morning. Still their
answer was the same. Torrents of abuse were directed
against them, but to no purpose. Detained prisoners
until Monday, the foreman then said what he had said
on Sunday and on Saturday. Closeted the fifth tirae, and

434 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK^iii. commanded to say 'Guilty' or 'Not guilty,' the answer
of the foreman was ' Not guilty.' But this was not the
end. Penn and Mead were sent to Newgate under the
new charge of conterapt, because they had come into court
with their hats on. The jury were sent to the same
place, until each raan should pay a fine of forty marks ! *
Charles Such wcrc the things that could be done In England
issues nis- ¦
Declaration m 1 670 ; and similar outrages in the narae of law were
gence." perpetrated through the kingdora during that year and
the next. But in AprU, 1671, Charles prorogued the
parliaraent, and during raore than two years dispensed
with its services. In such intervals the king was a com
paratively free man. In March, 1672, his raajesty
issued his Declaration of Indulgence, which proclairaed
the suspension of ' all manner of penal laws in matters
' ecclesiastical against whatsoever sect of Nonconformists
' or recusants.' The king hoped by this means to dirainish
the growing discontent, and to prepare the way for that
general toleration, with the sanction of parliaraent, which
he had so long desired. Twelve years of experience, said
the sovereign, has shown the inefficacy of coercion where
the religious conscience is concerned.
mkKav^-i'^ Great was the exciteraent raised by these proceedings.
themselves It may be true, that the theory of the English constitution
knew nothing of the dispensing power as thus exercised.
But it is no less certain that the theory of the constitu
tion In this respect, and the practice of the government,
had never been In harmony. The laws against the
Puritans under Elizabeth, and the laws against the
Romanists from that tirae down to this period, had been
enforced but irregularly and partially. Though often
protested against, it was well known that the crown never
* State Trials, vi. 951-1036. Sewell, ii. 259-271.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 435
ceased to exercise a power of this nature raore or less. chap. ii.
No such discretion is left to the crown now, either by
law or usage. But this fact is one of those cha
racterizing the maturity of our constitutional system, as
distinguished from its Iraraaturlty. Even in that day,
however, there were Nonconforraists who saw that such
action on the part of the crown. If in favour of right
and humanity to-day, might be in favour of wrong and
cruelty to-raorrow, and who, accordingly, dared not
seek any shelter under the protection thus proffered
them. But the great niajority of Dissenters were not
much Influenced by such scruples. Through more than
eleven years this parliament had perpetuated itself;
through aU that time its course had been so perfidious,
oppressive, and pitiless, that to have taken right from
it by force would have been a perfectly right thing to
do, had it been practicable. In such circumstances, it is
no marvel that men should have been found willing to
accept right as thus presented to them by the sovereign.
The London ministers presented an address to his
majesty. It was drawn up by Dr. Owen. It simply
expressed their sense of gratitude for the justice and
humanity shown towards a large class of his suffering
and loyal subjects ; affirming that they coveted nothing
beyond the enjoyment of that natural right which ought
to be secured to them by law ; and concluded with a
prayer that his majesty might continue in his present
counsels, which had already ' restored quietness to neigh-
' hours, peace to counties, emptied prisons, and filled
' houses with industrious workers, and engaged the hands
' of multitudes into the resolved and endeavoured readi-
'ness for his majesty's service.'*
* Gentleman's Magazine, xxxi. 253. Orme's Owen, 257, 258.
U 2

436

English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK IIL
Three thousand places become
licensed for public
worship.

Attack and
reply.

Parliamentcondemns the Indul
gence, but
will favour
the Dis
senters.

From manuscripts existing in the Privy Council Office,
we learn that more than three thousand applications were
proraptly made from different parts of the kingdom for
licences to erect or use edifices for public worship. When
it is remerabered that there were Nonconforraists who
scrupled to make any such application, these numbers
will be felt as warranting the conclusion, that after
twelve years of relentless persecution, the conscientious
ness and piety of the land must have been found largely
araong the dissenters. It was at this juncture that the
Presbyterians and Independents Instituted the weekly
lecture at Pinners' Hall, which did not corae to an end
before 1695.
The enemies of the Nonconformists taunted thera with
inconsistency. Old parliaraentarians, was the cry, taking
refuge under a stretch of prerogative ! But the retort
was not difficult. Old cavaliers, was the answer, raaking
light of royalty, and descending to oppose the bigotry
of a parliament to the humanity of a king ! We adrait,
said the dissenters, that the scale has turned, but raore
In appearance than in reality. We have always taken
sides with light and liberty, and have left It to others
to take sides for the opposite reasons.
But it Is now known, that at this time Charles was in
secret negotiation with Louis XIV., and had sold his ser
vices to that monarch. Suspicion concerning Intrigues of
this nature, and concerning an intention by this means to
introduce popery and arbitrary power, was taking strong
possession of the mind both of parliament and people.
Early in 1673, it was seen as inevitable that the two
houses should be once more sumraoned. On their
raeeting, the Declaration of Indulgence, Issued twelve
months before, carae immediately under discussion. It

Progress of Religious Liberty. 437
was censured generally and vehemently. By this time, chap. n.
also, the Nonconforraists began to share in the general
distrust as to the designs of the government. It was ob
servable, moreover, in the present debates, that now, for the
first time in the history of this parliament, a distinction
was admitted between the Catholic and Protestant Non
conformists. It was stated by a large proportion of the
members, that they had no wish to deprive dissenters of
the liberty which his majesty's Declaration had conferred
upon them ; but they demurred to its being granted by
an exercise of the prerogative. It was carried by a
majority of 168 against 116, that, while the king might
pardon Individual offenders, no suspension of a statute
could take place without the authority of parliament.
Charles endeavoured to vindicate his right to do as he
had done. The comraons replied in stiU stronger lan
guage. Such a usage, they said, would vest a legislative
power in the sovereign alone, and was opposed to the
spirit and letter of the constitution. His majesty ap
pealed to the lords, who would probably have supported
his pretensions in great part. If not entirely. But, with
the unsteadiness always sooner or later betrayed by him
when pressed with difficulty, he at length consented that
the Declaration should be withdrawn. *
The Nonconformists, being assured by the men who The Com-
to this time had been their relentless persecutors, that ceive the
the liberty promised thera by the king should be secured ^°,^°^'
to them by statute, were surprised and delighted by this
change of policy, and had abstained frora taking any part
in the severe struggle between the court and the commons
on this question. ' This prudent behaviour of theirs,'
says Burnet, ' did so soften the church party, that there
* Pari. Hist. iv. 515-561. Dalrymple, ii. 89, 90.

438 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. ' were no raore votes or bills against them, even in that
' angry parliaraent, which had forraerly been so severe
' upon them.'* By the government, the charge of aim
ing to introduce popery and arbitrary power was of
course denounced as ill-founded and malicious. But its
opponents appealed in support of their opinion to the
aspect of the war with Holland ; to the character of
many of the persons entrusted with responsible offices in
that enterprise ; to the known or suspected preposses
sions of several merabers of the cabinet, and even to
those ofthe duke of York hiraself. In fact, the general
alarm on this subject was neither feigned nor unnatural.
The late duchess of York was known to have died a
Catholic. The duke, the heir-presumptive to the throne,
was suspected of having embraced that faith, and had
embraced it sorae five years since. More than one
member of the cabinet was of the same creed. The
inclination of the king himself was a mystery. The
present war, too, was a war of alliance with Romanisra
against Protestantism. Great was the effort made, ac
cordingly, to Induce the Nonconformists to join the
great Protestant party in placing sorae stronger safeguard
around the reformed faith.
The Test The rcsult was the introduction of the well-known
Act Test Act, which declared that every person refusing to
take the oath of allegiance and supreraacy, and to receive
the sacrament after the form of the church of England,
should be held incapable of any public employment,
civil or railitary. It was further required, that no person
should hold any such office without repudiating the
doctrine of transubstantiation. It may seem strange that
the king should have given his assent to such a law ;
* Own Times, ii. 6, 7.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 439
but his majesty was necessitous, and there were few chap, ii
measures in which he might not be brought to acquiesce
by a money inducement. The parliament knew its
power in this form, and had never failed to raake a
pohtic use of It.
With regard to the Protestant Nonconformists, they The Non-
f ' conformists
had often been deceived by the court ; they were now to defrauded
• • rr-.! 1 J r J 1- oftheirRe.
be deceived by the opposition. They had tavoured the Hef bui.
passing of this act, with the distinct understanding that a
relief bUl would be introduced to exempt them fi-ora its
operation. Such a biU was introduced, discussed, and
various amendments were made upon it, some by the
lords, and some by the commons. But a number of
littie difficulties were allowed to impede its progress
until the approach of Easter. The season then caUed
for an adjournment, and that adjournment was followed
by a prorogation — a forra by which aU unfinished pro
ceedings on biUs were made void. The Nonconformists
had a right to complain both of treachery and ingratitude.
But no juncture came in which it could be deemed
prudent to revive the question.* So from 1673 to 1828,
a law excluding Protestant Dissenters frora aU civil or
mUitary offices, except on the condition of occasional
conformity, remained on our statute book. Down to
that year, 1828, men were found who could plead in
favour of this desecration of a religious ordinance, as
forming one of the grand bulwarks of the established
church, very much as men of the same order are pleading
now in behalf of blunders from the bygone which the
present has outgrown.
The next event in our history bearing on the progress
of religious liberty, was the grand debate in 1675 on the
* Pari. Hist. iv. 559-577. Burnet, ii. 6, 7. Neal, iv. 418-423.

44° English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK IIL non-resisting test then Introduced by the government,
Gra^ This bill required every raeraber of parliament to declare
167'" on on oath his acceptance of the doctrine of passive obe-
the Non- (ijgj^ce, and to bind hiraself, in the sarae solemn manner,
resisting ' '
'^"'^- not to atterapt to bring about any change in the con
stitution in church or state. The Intention of this
raeasure was to preclude Nonconforraists frora all place
in the legislature, and with them, all persons whose
ideas concerning the liberty of the subject might dispose
them to give trouble to the court or the government.
Danby, the prime minister, and his colleagues, entered
fully into this policy. The bill was introduced in the
upper house. According to the language of the rainisters
of the crown, it proposed nothing raore than a moderate
security for the church and the monarchy. But the
opposition peers described it as raenacing their most
valued rights and liberties. If persisted in, its supporters
should be prepared to listen to speeches much raore
unacceptable to them than had been heard for sorae
while past within the walls of parliament.
It will be remembered that the parhament had not
scrupled to apply this test very rigidly elsewhere. It
had made Its appearance in the Corporation Act, in the
Act of Uniformity, and in some other connexions. But
it was now to corae horae to theraselves, and this, too,
when fifteen years since the Restoration had contributed
to induce a more discreet manner of looking at such
questions. It was urged by the prelates and the ministers
that the bUl should be discussed in a committee of the
whole house. On this motion an animated debate ensued,
which lasted five days. The decision was in favour of
the governraent. But two protests were entered against
it — one against the substance of the bill, as a meditated

Progress of Religious Liberty. 441
infringement on the rights of the peerage, which received chap, il
twenty-four signatures, and another against the vote
which allowed the bill to go Into comraittee. The twelve
peers who signed the latter protest said, ' The bill doth
' not only subvert the privUege and birthright of the
' peers, by imposing an oath upon them, with penalty of
' losing their seats in parliaraent, but also, as we conceive,
' strikes at the very root of governraent, it being neces-
' sary to all governments to have freedom of votes and
' debates In those who have the power to alter and make
' laws ; and besides the express words of the bill, obliging
' every man to abjure all endeavour to alter the govern-
' ment of the church, without regard to anything that
' rules of prudence in the government, or Christian cora-
' passion towards dissenters, or the necessity of affairs at
' any time, shall or may require. On these considerations
' we consider it of dangerous consequence to have any
' bUl of this nature so much as committed.'
Well spoken. What a pity such maxiras should
have been so long placed In abeyance. Great, however,
was the offence given to the bishops and the court
lords by that part of the protest which spoke of the
compassion due to Dissenters. Some would have sent
the protesting peers to the Tower ; but the majority
deemed it prudent to limit their proceedings to a resolu
tion which declared the reasons of the obnoxious pro
test to be 'a reflection on the honour of the house, and
of dangerous tendency.' In the course of the proceed
ing the provisions of the bill were divided into two
departments, consisting of a declaration and an oath.
The declaration consisted of a renunciation of all right
to take up arms against the king, or those commissioned
by him, under any pretence whatsoever. The oath was

44^ English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. directed against all atterapts to alter the constitution
in church or state. In defence of the declaration, the
governraent insisted that all the disorders between 1640
and 1660 carae from a neglect of the principle there
enunciated. The opposition maintained that the principle
of the bill, if carried out, raust be fatal to government,
and to the true end of society. Concerning the matters
comprehended in the oath, the opposition lords affirmed
that the established church is dependent in all things on
the civil power, and liable to any change which the king
and parliaraent should account it expedient to introduce.
On the contrary, said the bishops, our priesthood, and
our exclusive power of ordination, have come to us
iraraediately from Christ. Licence to exercise our
ministry in any particular country must come from the
magistracy of that country, but nothing raore. In
reply, it was argued, that this jus divinum pretension
was inconsistent with the ecclesiastical supreraacy of the
crown, and, if once ceded, raight justify a prelate in
placing his prince under the ban of excoraraunication.
In that view, the church would not be so much the
servant of the state as its superior. So In regard to
civil matters, it was affirmed that all schemes of govern
raent consist of so much recognized law ; and what could
be raore absurd than to attempt to bind a legislature
never to attempt the iraproveraent of its own work ?
What can be the vocation of the law-maker, if not to
enact, rescind, or raodify law ?
This memorable debate lasted seventeen days, extend
ing often to a late hour In the evening, sometiraes to
midnight. Everything characteristic of the English
constitution, and of English law, carae under discussion.
Charles raade his appearance in the house as a listener.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 443
standing, or seating himself, near the fireside, day after chap. ii.
day. But his presence imposed no restraint. Principles
of civil and religious freedom, farailiar to the ears of
Englishmen In the days of the Long Parliament and of
the Commonwealth, and which had seemed to be so long
buried, now came to the surface again with every sign
of life. The protest of Puritans and Parliamentarians
had not been in vain. Nor had the demand of horaage
to the individual conscience in raatters of religion, so
steadily made by Nonconformists, been made in vain.
The bill passed the committee ; but it was never re
ported to the house. We raay regret that it did not
reach the coraraons. The resistance to it there would
have been stUl more significant.*
The great facts of an ecclesiastical character during The Popish
the remainder of this reign are presented in the history cathoiic
of the popish plot, and in the effort made by parliaraent Act."^'°"
to exclude the duke of York from the throne on the
ground of his being a Catholic. The popish plot led to
the passing of the Catholic Exclusion Bill, a law carried in
a moment of frenzy, and not to be rescinded but by the
slow progress of national intelligence during the next
century and a half. The Catholic had to wait long for
his relief bill, as the Protestant Nonconformist had to
wait long for the repeal of the test act. So passing
circumstances, or the passions of an hour, may extend
their influence to remote generations. With regard to
the second fact — the exclusion question — raeasures con
cerning the succession were in agitation as early as 1670,
and the controversy on that subject grew to be more
* Lords' Journals, xii. 665-682. Pari. Hist. iv. 714-721. Ap. 5.
Marvel's Works, i. 510, et seq. Burnet, ii. 73-78. North's Examen.
61-64.

444

English Nonconformity since 1662.

The Suc
cession and
the Exclu
sion Bill,

BOOK III. and more formidable, until it reached its culminating
point in the history ofthe Oxford parliament In 1681.
Nearly all men were agreed, that in the event of a
Catholic coming to the throne, it would be of the greatest
moraent that material restrictions should be laid on the
patronage and power of the crown. Hence the point
to be made clear by those who would have excluded the
duke frora the sovereignty was, that less injury would
be done to the crown by transraitting It entire In a sorae
what indirect line, than by transraitting it shorn of rauch
of its splendour to the immediate heir. Of course,
arguraent in that forra supposed a right in the nation to
change the succession for sufficient reasons. To suppose
the contrary, it was said, would be to suppose circura
stances in which it would become the duty of society to
subrait to the destruction of Its raost vital interests In
deference to a single will. It was remerabered what
authority of this nature had been given to Henry VIII.
by the English parliaraent. In the present case, the
word 'popery' was synonyraous with everything Jesuitical
and malignant — everything most at variance with the
religion and liberty of England. It was feared, and with
good reason, that Jaraes would not scruple to use all his
power as king in favour of so disastrous a revolution.
But sound as these conceptions might be, the court
lawyers, the clergy, the old cavalier party through the
kingdom, and a large portion of the people under the
influence of those classes, were slow to receive such ideas.
By these parties. It was accounted unfeeling, harsh, and
even cruel, to expect that the king should be the man
to deal thus with royalty in the person of his own
brother. Hence the great country or liberal party,
which during many years had taken the people largely

i66o.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 445
along with them, found theraselves exposed to an un- chap, il
expected measure of opposition on this question. In the
parliament at Oxford, the lords rejected the exclusion
biU by a raajority of two to one. Charles would con
sent to much, but he would not consent to such a mea
sure. So the coramons would bear much ; but they
would grant no supply without that biU. The end was
a prorogation of the parliament, which was followed by
a dissolution. Some would have declared Monmouth
successor to the throne. But the wiser class of politi
cians looked to the son-in-law of the duke, William,
Prince of Orange.
In 1680, great was the change that had come over the Revolution
- . ° . in pub'":
mind of England since 1660. The established church feeiingsince
is StUl venerated, and popery is still named with execra
tion. But In other respects scarcely a trace of the past
remains In the popular feeling. In regard to civil
liberty, the spirit of the lower house had come to be
that of the parliaments led by Coke and Eliot — or of
the Long Parliament, when engaged in its memorable
debate on the Grand Remonstrance. Charles I. placed
the securities of freedom provided by the constitution,
even the use of parliaments. In protracted abeyance ; and
the voice of the nation in 1642 clairaed that the king
should govern by raeans of parliaments, and according
to law, and not otherwise. In 1680, we see in Charles
II. a king who had sold hiraself to France, rather than
submit to the restraints imposed by the law of his domi
nions ; and against this course the long parliament of
his reign, and the shorter parliaraents which followed,
aU raised their protest, and did so in such terms as to
have brought the nation apparently to the verge of a
civU war. The growth of the country party in this

446

English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK IIL reign is the growth of a party imbibing the spirit, and
Iterating the maxiras, of the parliamentary leaders of
forty years before ; and the court resistance is still a
resistance in favour of an arbitrary in preference to a
constitutional governraent, and in favour of a religious
system receding towards Rome in place of advancing
towards a greater purity. In this later time also, the
growth of the popular power leads to some excesses ;
these excesses produce reaction ; and in the course of
this reaction sorae noble natures are to perish, and many
great interests are to be endangered. The names of
Russell and Sidney bring up dark phases in our annals.
But the darkness is to become hght. The Stuart will
be true to his hereditary instincts to the last. The
English people, too, on the whole, will be true to their
better nature, and their historical traditions.
All that the country party had predicted as likely to
be attempted by Jaraes, should he ascend the throne,
was attempted by him to the letter. He at once took
the place of his brother as pensioner to the king of
France, partly for the sake of the money, and partly in
the hope of obtaining other kinds of assistance from that
quarter. The brutal conduct of judge Jeffreys towards
the venerable Richard Baxter, only three weeks after the
king's accession, was sufficient evidence that his majesty's
release of persons in prison on religious grounds, on that
occasion, was not to be accepted as any sign of a disposi
tion to deal generously with Protestant Nonconforraists.
The late seizure of the corporation charters, and the
use raade of the Rye-house conspiracy, had placed the
elections so much in the hands of the government, that
even the king professed himself satisfied with the returns
made to his first parliaraent. In fact, there is too rauch
reason to conclude, that could Jaraes have been satisfied

James IL —
persecution
of Noncon
formists.

The New
Parliament,

Progress of Religious Liberty. /\./\.j
with the religion of the church of England, he might chap. ii.
have done much, by means of that assembly, towards
bringing back the days of Laud and Strafford.
The Nonconformists saw this tendency in public affairs Monmouth
very clearly, and when the duke of Monmouth landed '¦^'"^"'""¦
in the west, they forraed the bulk of his followers. The
western counties were to England in those days, what
Lancashire and Yorkshire have becorae since ; and
Puritanism and Nonconformity in this country have
always been strong, where our manufacturing and pro
ductive industry has been strong. We are all famUiar
with the painful issue of the Monraouth rebellion. We
never forget the judicial atrocities which followed. But
faUure even in that enterprise, and in the rising under
Argyle in Scotland, was to be failure only in part. The
confidence of the king was so raised by those successes,
as to lead him to resolve on those extrerae raeasures
which were to end so raeraorably.
James now doubled the railitary force at his disposal The King
... . , . . , will suspend
on nis accession ; and not only ventured to suspend the the Test
test laws in favour of sorae of his Catholic friends, but '''^^'
informed parliament that he should continue to exercise
that power, in such cases as should seera to hira expedient.
But in the view of his best friends, the railitia, a force
consisting of men who did not cease to be yeomen and
citizens, were the legitimate and the best safeguard to the
country. The meaning of a standing army, it was said, is
arbitrary power ; and the surrender of the test laws would
be the faU of the church of England. So an end came
to harmony between the king and his parliaraent. The
two houses were prorogued, and with manifest dis
pleasure.* * Pari. Hist. iv. 1 367-1 387. Burnet, ii. 88-94. Reresby's
Memoirs, 214-221. Ralph, i. 902-909. Fox, Hist. Ap. cxxxiv.

448

English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK IIL
The King
calls forth
resistance
from the
Church, and courts
the Non
conformists.

Declaration for liberty of
conscience.

Attempts were now made to revive the High com
mission Court, and to banish all controversy from the
pulpits of the established church on the points at Issue
between Catholics and Protestants.* In the raeanwhile,
every sort of inducement was known to be placed in
requisition, both in court and country, to make converts
to Roraanism. His majesty had obtained a decision
from the judges in favour of his dispensing power ; but
even in those days, it had been necessary to pack the
bench to secure such a judgraent. f The uses raade of
the power supposed to be thus obtained called forth the
resistance so honourable to the governors of the Charter
house, and the authorities in both universities. Checked
at nearly all points by churchmen, on whose passive-
obedience pledges he had too much relied, his majesty
turned to the Nonconforraists, denounced the persecutions
which had disgraced the history of the Anglican church,
and assured those who had suffered so much from her
hands that his own course towards them should be very
different.^ Hence carae his raajesty's Declaration in
favour of liberty of conscience.
The prearable to that docuraent set forth the raost
weighty arguraents in defence of religious toleration.
Nothing was wanting, but that there should have been
some ground to regard the appeal to such enlightened
sentiments as sincere, and that what was thus done by
the crown should have been done by the legislature.

* Ralph, i. 929-931. Welwood's Memoirs, zoz, 203. Burnet, iii.
106-112. t Mackintosh, Hist. 56-64. Burnet, 97-100. Reresby, 232, 233.
Ralph, i. 918-920.
X It was at this juncture that James wished to become possessed of
Mr. Jeremy White's record of Nonconformist suffering. See p. 415.

Progress of Religious Liberty. 449
The crown is the fountain both of honour and of raercy. chap, il
But whUe the ordinary exercise of the dispensing power
was said to have rested on the known circurastances
of each case, and not to have operated in favour of an
alleged offender until after process and conviction,
when it simply saved him frora the penalty incurred, the
power now exercised suspended the laws theraselves,
affecting as they did large classes of the community,
and precluding aU penalty or suit. It was, beyond
doubt, the crown accroaching to itself the legislative
power of the constitution.
This course of events placed Protestant Noncon- Conduct of
formists in considerable difficulty. It could be no conformists.
secret, that the intention of the king was not to favour
Protestant dissenters, but to advance his own faith.
Nor was it to be doubted that his majesty would be
little scrupulous concerning the raeans by which that
end might be accomphshed. On the other hand, the
Anglican church, now in danger, and now disposed to
court alliance with the Nonconformists, had little claim
on the gratitude of that class of persons. The prelates
and the parhaments of England had pursued such a
course towards them since 1660 as might well have
left them without any great reverence for either. The
history of prelacy through that interval had been to
them the history of perpetuated wrong and cruelty ; and
every Stuart parliaraent which had denied them tolera
tion, they might reasonably have denounced as perfidious
and unjust. In resuraing public worship on the ground
of the Declaration of Indulgence in 1672, they invaded
no man's right, they siraply exercised their own. The
two houses raight censure that proceeding ; but who was
to blame — the parliaraent who would not cede the right.

450 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK li. or the king who would ? The comraons had used its
raoney power to play the tyrant, and the king used his
prerogative to play the liberal, and in respect to religious
worship the Nonconformists had to choose between the
two masters. If rulers will persist in opposing what
they account justice in the forra of law, to the strong
natural sense of justice elsewhere, they must abide
the consequences. In such struggles society will right
itself, and many an unnatural combination wUl be sub
raitted to, that something still raore unnatural may be
vanquished. So in 1687, his majesty gave a portion of
his subjects hberty to do what it was right and well to
do, and It would have been strange if they had not
resolved In the circurastances of the case to avail thera
selves of that liberty.
We should, however, have been surprised if any con
siderable number of Nonconformists had done anything
that raight seem to corarait them to the general policy
of the government. Great effort was made to induce
persons to send addresses of thanks to the king. In
the course of the next ten raonths one hundred and
eighty such docuraents were received. Of that nuraber,
seventy-five were frora corporations and grand juries,
seven came from bishops and their clergy, fourteen from
the inhabitants of places, leaving less than eighty as
the number sent up by the Nonconformists. And when
it is remerabered that the licensed places for Noncon
formist worship in 1672 were above three thousand, the
fact that so sraaU a number of congregations could be
led to return thanks in any form for what had been
done, may be taken as evidence that Dissenters acted at
that critical juncture with rauch of the caution to have
been expected frora thera, as raen sincerely attached to

Progress of Religious Liberty. 451
the Protestant rehgion and to English liberty. If there chap, ii
was fault In sending such addresses at all. It is clear that
more than half of them came from churchraen, not
from Nonconformists.*
The Declaration of Indulgence issued in 1688 was more The second
. . . ^ T Declaration
formal and comprehensive than that or 1687. It not ofindui-
only guaranteed freedora of worship, it put an end to all ^^"'^''"
tests as a qualification for civil office. The clergy were
required to read this paper frora the pulpit, as an act of
obedience to their sovereign. Frora their often avowed
doctrine concerning obedience, Jaraes had a right to ex
pect submission. But the bishops dared to be incon
sistent — nobly inconsistent. Their lordships ventured
to state the reasons of their hesitancy. Their petition
was pronounced a seditious libel, and they were sent to
the Tower. So Jaraes sealed the fate of himself and his
dynasty. AU hearts seemed to be with the bishops.
' The whole church,' says D'Adda, the papal nuncio,
' espouses the cause of the bishops. There is no reason-
' able expectation of a division araong the Anglicans, and
' our hopes for the Nonconformists are vanished.' ' Among
those who visited the prelates in the Tower with expres
sions of sympathy and admiration, were ten dissenting
ministers. It was well known that the Nonconformists
contributed largely to swell the tide of Protestant feeling.
The acquittal of the bishops opened the way for Williara
and Mary.
William Is said to have ascended the English throne wiiiiam
hoping to accomplish three ecclesiastical changes — a ^t^f^ff
relaxation of the terras of conforraity, the removal of '^'''^'¦^"°n
religious tests, and the passing of a Toleration Bill. The
first he might have realized had he become king of
* Burnet, iii. 189, 190. Mackintosh, Hist. 1 74- 1 76.
X 2

452 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. England in 1660. To have brought about the second he
would need to have lived within our own memory. But
the last good work he was permitted to achieve, and
within a few raonths after his accession. Even that
raeasure, indeed, was hardly such as Its name seems to
import. It did not affect to repeal the series of bad
laws against Nonconformists from the early years
of Elizabeth downwards. Such a process of demo
lition, to some of the ancient bigots of that day, would
have been as affecting as the slaughter of the Innocents.
This bill simply prescribed certain conditions, con
formity to which should suffice to exempt the persons
contemplated from the penalties of those enactments.
The layman, taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy,
and repudiating the doctrine of transubstantiation, raight
claim such exemption. The minister was to assent to
soraething more. He was to profess his behef in the
Thirty-nine Articles, with the exception of the thirty-
fourth, concerning the traditions of the church ; the
thirty-fifth, which approves the Book of Homilies ;
the thirty-sixth, which relates to the consecration of
bishops or rainisters ; and so much of the twentieth as
declares that the church hath power to decree rites or
ceremonies, and authority in controversies of faith.
Provision was made to exempt the Baptist from incon
venience on account of his peculiar opinions ; and the
Quaker, who could not take an oath, was aUowed the
iraraunity conferred by the Act on making confession
of a Christain behef, rejecting the doctrine of transub
stantiation, and proraising fidelity to the governraent.
This bill, it will be seen, was not based on any large
avowal of abstract principles. It aimed to meet existing
exigencies. So far as Protestant dissenters were con-

Progress of Religious Liberty.^ 453
cerned, the number who could not avail themselves of chap, il
it was really so small that we cannot estimate it, while
we know that with the hundreds of thousands of Non
conformists over the kingdom it accoraplished its purpose.
Whatever may be said as to the legislative capacity of
the authors of this enactment, it raay be truly said, ' that
' they removed a vast mass of evil without shocking a
' vast mass of prejudice ; that they put an end, at once
' and for ever, without one division in either house of
' parliament, without one riot in the streets, with scarcely
' one audible murmur, even frora the classes most deeply
' tainted with bigotry, to a persecution which had raged
' during four generations, which had broken innumerable
' hearts, which had made innumerable firesides desolate,
'which had filled the prisons with men of whora the
' world was not worthy, which had driven thousands ot
' those honest, diligent, and God-fearing yeomen and
' artisans, who are the true strength of a nation, to seek
' a refuge beyond the ocean, araong the wigwaras of red
' Indians and the lairs of panthers.' * It was even so.
And let it be reraerabered that the principles which
came to the surface in our history after this manner in
1689, and which were to hold their place more and more
definitely and largely in our statute book down to 1862,
owe their origin among us to those same ' honest,
diligent, and God-fearing yeomen and artisans.' To
them it was given, as by a divine intuition, to see their
truth and greatness, to cling to thera, and to suffer for
them, in the hope that the sons, if not the sires, raight
live to see the day when right should be done towards
them. The travel of those potent influences in our
English land, was not frora the surface downwards, but
* Macaulay's England, iii. 87.

454 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK m. from the base upwards. The spirit of our free life has
corae to us, not so rauch from palaces or senates, as
from prison cells, or from places where the priest lights
the faggot, or the hangman does his office. It has
pleased God that our Christian liberty should cohie to us
as our Christian faith has come to us, frora among
' things which are despised — yea, and things which are
' not, to bring to nought things that are.' *
* I Ep. Cor. i. 28.

CHAPTER IIL

Wijt f roswss of EEltgtous ILife since X662,

HERE must be a scherae of coraprehension. chap, hi.
To restrict the established church to the old Ej^tm^nt
supposed
Episcopalian sect, to the exclusion of all other impossible
sects, would be to extrude from her pulpits
nearly all the efficient preachers In them, and to doom
the land to spiritual barrenness. So said many of tht
men who represented English Puritanism In 1660. And
the men who were resolved on dispensing with the
services of such preachers took great umbrage at this
language. It was the language of ignorance, vanity, of
enormous self-conceit. But we, who look at the ques^
tion from a distance, and see it as experiraent and history
have presented it to us, may be disposed to regard such
views as being precisely of the kind which modest,
devout, and well-informed men might have been expected
to entertain.
Nonconformists are by no means insensible to the Religion
claims of the distinguished men whose names are con- Established
spicuous in the history of the Anglican church after the afteT'i66a.
Restoration. To the learning of not a few among them.

456 EngUsh Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK HI. every educated and impartial raan raust be prepared to
~ do a raost wlUing horaage. With the religious spirit
pervading many of their writings every devout raind
raust cordiaUy sympathise. The naraes of such men as
Barrow and Pearson can never be pronounced without a
feehng of veneration. The piety of a Jeremy Taylor
and of a Beveridge, and the erainent services of a
StUlIngfleet, a TiUotson, and a Wilkins, are in no danger
of being forgotten by the Nonconforraist students of
English history. By such men the reasonable and
truthful basis on which Christianity rests was nobly
vindicated ; and its tendencies to purify and elevate the
nature of raan were so far developed that the shallow
and profligate scepticism ofthe tiraes was often effectually
rebuked by them. We readUy comprehend how, under
such influences, a piety raight be nurtured in raen, like
that of Sir John Evelyn ; and in woraen, like that of
Lady Russell. We have no wish to underrate the good
influences of this nature In the English church which
survived the disastrous pohcy of 1662.
What was But It Is Only too raanifest that such persons as we
to have been . . . , , ,
expected, havc named were the exception, and not the rule, even
among raen of their own ecclesiastical position ; and that
in relation to the clergy at large, their existence was as
lights amidst the darkness. The aim of the raen who
gave the church of England her settlement by means of
the Act of Uniformity, was to expel every Puritan
eleraent frora her pale, as far as possible. This principle
once accepted as a basis of their proceedings by the pre
lates and ruling statesraen at the Restoration, did rauch
to deterraine the character of the future clergy. It was
natural that the raarks of a sound loyalty and of true
churchmanship, should come to be something quite other

Progress of Religious Life. 457
than a devout spirit, or great care about purity of life, chap.iii.
Reaction commonly means passing from opposite to
opposite, and it would be easy to imagine, if history had
been silent on the subject, what the opposite of Puri
tanism would be In raany cases.
One other circurastance should be remembered. The whatreaiiy
came.
great men, and the squirearchy, of those days, whUe so
zealous for the church, showed a great contempt for the
clergy. There was wealth enough in that church to en
sure a fair supply of scholarly men to fill bishops' sees and
prebendal staUs. But nine-tenths of the ecclesiastics were
men who lived and died in their parishes, were often
miserably provided for, and very iU-used. As a conse
quence, they were for the raost part coarse and vulgar
men. There was not one in ten of them, we are told,
who could make the figure of a gentleman. * But, poor
as they were, they were proud of their office ; and, little
as seemed to be made of that office by their betters, they
were always ready to make a bigot's resistance In defence
of it, and in defence of the church frora which they had
derived it. The bishops at the Restoration had been
allowed to appropriate a raillion and a half of money
from the sale of leases, and other sources of profit. f But
their poorer brethren were not suffered to share even in
the crumbs which fell from that rich table. The result
was a deteriorated clergy, and a pitiable pasturage for the
flocks committed to their care. The village church may
be a picturesque object in the landscape ; and ' Sunday
Morning,' in the hands of an artist, may present pleasant
scenes from rural life. But the parishes of England knew
little of such scenes during raany long years after the
Exodus of 1662. 'After we had cast out so rauch
* Macaulay's England, i. 324. t Burnet, i. 126.

45 8 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. ' faith, and zeal, and holiness,' says a high authority,
' after we had in this raanner almost cast out the doc-
' trine of Christ crucified from the pale of our church :
' we had to travel through a century of coldness, and
' dreariness, and barrenness, of Arminianism and Pela-
' gianism, of Arlanisra and latent Socinianism, all which
' were found compatible with outward conformity, be-
' fore the spirit which was then driven away returned
' with anything like the same power.'* Yes ; the grand
apostacy was not confined to the lower clergy, the higher
shared in it. The forraer often becarae sensuous and
immoral ; the sins of the latter were, like those of the
fallen angels, the sins of the intellect and of the higher
passions. But we shall not attempt to conduct our
readers through that ' century of coldness, and dreariness,
and barrenness;' we prefer an effort to trace out the
signs of life, which served, even in those days, to con
nect the piety of the age of Puritanism with our own.
rituli'iife During the whole Interval from the Restoration to
was nur- the Rcvolutlou, though the law prohibited aU preaching
beyond the pulpits of the established church, the preach
ing araong the Nonconformists may be said to have been
continuous, at times openly, but more comraonly in
secret, and with every sort of precaution against detection.
* Miscellaneous Pamphlets, by Archdeacon Hare, 37. 'Religion in
' the church of England was almost extinguished, and in many of her
' parishes the lamp of God went out. The places of the ejected
¦ clergy were supplied with little regard even to the decencies of the
' sacred office ; the voluptuous, the ignorant, the indolent, and even the
' profane, received episcopal orders, and like a swarm of locusts over-
' spread the church. A few good men among the bishops and con-
' forming clergy deplored in vain this devastation. Charles himself ex-
• pressed his indignation, for profligate men are frequently among the first
' to perceive the shame of others.' Marsden's Later Puritans, 470.

Progress of Religious Life. 459
Services under such circurastances were to the sufferers chap.hi.
what similar services had been to the early Christians —
as streams in the desert. Though sometimes few and
far between, like the five loaves and the two sraall fishes,
they were made to satisfy the hungry soul as by miracle.
Christians in our day little imagine what the gathering
together of a few kindred rainds for such an object in
such times really Included. The absence often of the
usual psalm, from the fear of being heard ; the subdued
voice ofthe preacher, for the same reason ; the cover of
the night, the hush and stillness laid over the pent-up
emotion, all must have been felt to be fully understood.
What passed was related to the absent ; and the words
of the preacher, carefully husbanded, were often repeated.
Men and women who hazard natural liberty, and even
natural life, for the sake of spiritual life, give signs of
possessing that life in no ordinary vigour : and in these
things, as the thirsting is, so the refreshment comes
to be.
The rnlnisters, too, shut out to so great a degree from
the work of pulpit instruction, and from direct pastoral
intercourse, availed themselves of sUch other means as
were within their power to influence the mind of those
from whom they were so cruelly separated. They wrote
letters to such persons, full of friendly and pastoral coun
sels. But it was through the press that they made thera
selves to be especially felt. A large portion of the
works which have come to us from their pen would
never have existed, if the ordinary occupations of the
pulpit and the pastorate had remained open to thera*
We may add, also, that those works would never have
been read as we know they were, if it had been an easy
thing to listen to the same instruction from the lips ofthe

460

English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK ra. authors. Affection Is ingenious, and the old channel of
comraunication being closed, the love of truth, both in
writers and readers, rushed naturally along every other
channel that could be made to give it passage. Hence
the marvellous nuraber of editions through which a work
like Baxter's Saint's Rest was seen to pass. Hence the
special wrath of Judge Jeffreys against this passion for
scribbling so observable in such persons. Men sorae
tiraes wonder that modern divines do not publish more,
and in the stately tome-fashion of that day. Let the
persecution of that day return, and let there be only
a coraparatively free press, and a change in that respect
would soon become manifest. It is not that we are
fewer, nor that we have less power, that this difference
has becorae observable. It is happily because we have
all more to do in our natural fields of labour.
With the Toleration Bill, the ministry of WUliam III.
Introduced their Comprehension BiU, which would have
dispensed with subscription to the articles and homihes,
and with some other matters often mentioned as excep
tionable by Nonconforraists. The failure of this scherae
resulted from three causes. First — frora the old preju
dice of the cavalier party against raaking any conces
sion to schismatics, especially such as should adrait any
considerable nuraber of thera into the church. Second —
from the fact that the project would leave out raore
Nonconformists than it would take in, the Independents,
Baptists, and Quakers being together more numerous than
the Presbyterians. This circumstance, which made the
biU unpopular with the latter class of religionists, made
It little satisfactory to the statesmen. Third — from an
apprehension on the part of some influential and liberal
men, that the constitution already included too much

The Com
prehension
Bill— why
a failure.

Progress of Religious Life. 46 1
church ; that an increase of the conformist clergy would chap.iii.
be the increase of a power always to be found on
the side of arbitrary government ; and that a strong
Nonconformity would be a very wholesome influence
in relation to the cause both of religion and hberty.
An eminent historian assures us that one reason why the
project came to nothing was, that the leading Presby
terian divines in London possessed better incomes, and
more social influence, as city pastors, than they could
hope to obtain as vicars or rectors. * But we doubt the
truth of that statement. The palmy state of things de
scribed may have existed afterwards, it did not exist then.
It is certain that Calamy, the most considerable of those
pastors, records his bitter regret over the ill-success of
this effort, t From the causes raentioned, the bUl was
warmly opposed in sorae quarters, and but feebly sup
ported in others. So its fate was sealed.
Through the reign of queen Anne the life of English ^f^[^^l^^
Nonconformists was a struggle for existence. An igno- Anne.
rant, sensuous, and bigoted house of coraraons, and a
people alraost everywhere characterized by the sarae
qualities, crush all resistance, and do according to their
pleasure. The Tories, who had been comparatively
passive under William, now resolved to attain office.
Dr. Sacheverell, with his loud cry of the church in
danger— shallow, vain, and unprincipled as he was —
became a tool to their purpose. By descending to be
come the aUies of that clerical demagogue they gained
their object. Their ears were regaled by tidings of
meeting-houses deraolished by mobs, and of dissenters
outraged and plundered in their own dwellings. Above
all, they lived to see their Occasional Conformity Bill,
• Macaulay iii. 97, 98. t History ofthe Dissenters, i. 212-218.

462 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK^ni. and their Schism BUl become law. The flrst effectually
expelled and excluded all dissenters from every kind of
civil office ; the second denied them the right to choose
educators for their own children. The Occasional Con
formity Bill did Its work. The Schism Bill was to have
come into force the day the queen breathed her last, and
it died with her. The raen who lived to the cause of
grave principle through such tiraes must have lived a
martyr life. The elements to thera were charged with
antagonisra, and with antagonism which soraetiraes broke
In upon them with the force of a volcano. If to be re
viled, and to have all raanner of evil said of them falsely,
was to be blessed, their blessedness must have been great.
The pharisees were in high festival in those days. That
viscount Bolingbroke, a known deist, should be minister
of state, did not at all disturb thera. But that Christian
raen, who happened to be dissenters, should be tide-
waiters or exciseraen, distressed their patriotism and piety
inexpressibly. The mint and the rue were seen every
where. Men who cared about the weightier raatters
were hard to find.
New rela- But thls ucw rush of thc old Restoration ideas, and of
Church and the mad passions connected with thera, was to be their
last conspicuous achieveraent. From 1 7 1 4, they continue
to exist, but they are balanced by other influences, and
become only one eleraent araidst others which begin to
characterize the streara of English thought and life. The
old relation of church and state was siraple. The state
was one, and the religion of the state was one. But
after the struggle of a century that sirapUcity of relation
ceases. In 1689, the law determines, by its Toleration
Act, that in future, besides the one religious system
which the state endows, there raay be others which it

St.ite.

life.

Progress of Religions Life. 462
recognises and protects. So began our great principle chap, iil
of compromise between the endowed by law, and the
simply recognised, protected — we may say, established
by law. What was thus done in 1689, was to be con
served, developed, and expanded to our own time. But
though the history of this principle was to be siraply a his
tory of progress. In other respects there was to be change.
The space between the death of queen Anne and the The age
middle of the eighteenth century was an interval of without
great material progress in our history. In no forraer
time had the people received so large a return for their
labour. But in no other respect was it a season of
prosperity. It was a time in which poetry sunk into dull
prose ; in which philosophy rarely soared above the
material or the purely logical ; in which the only earnest
ness existing took the direction of greed and indulgence ;
in which the public service was corrupt, the public
morals were licentious, and the public language was pro
fane. Selfishness and sensuousness seemed to be the
only grand products possible. It will not be supposed
that religion was an exception to the comraon degeneracy.
Now It was that our deistical school of writers made
their appearance, and that our philosophical school of
divines was eraployed in answering thera. There was
much elaborate arguraent concerning the existence, per
fectness, and governraent of God ; much concerning the
nature and obligation of virtue ; and much designed to
show the reasonableness of Christianity. But what
Christianity really is, and what should be done with it,
were questions strangely overlooked. With regard to
the articles of the church of England, few clergymen
seemed to believe in them, or to care about thera. The
high church party restricted their devotion to the Prayer

464

English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOK IIL

Noncon-formicy
su ffers from
declensionin the Es
tablished
Church.

A Metho
dist contro
versy.

Book and to ritualism. The low church, embracing a
considerable array of learned dignitaries, were suspected
of having verged far, not only towards Arrainianism, but
towards Pelagianism or Arlanisra. The press teeraed
with publications on these controversies. But it was
observable everywhere, that the battle was not so rauch
between religion and irreligion, as between a dry ortho
doxy and a dead rationalism. There was light but no
life. Great debating about religion, but no religion.
The worldly had flooded over the spiritual, and had all
but extinguished it.
It was not to be expected that Nonconformists would
be uninfluenced by the spirit of the age. The strain
of the long day of trial through which they had passed
was over. They were now to be exposed to new forms
of danger. External difficulty was succeeded by internal
controversy. The recognised ministry araong dissenters
accounted It prudent to be great observers of regularity.
To hold their own against the established clergy, who
were always disposed to question the validity of their
office, they were watchful to check tendencies towards
eccentiicity either in practice or doctrine.
Mr. Richard Davis, a Welshman, pastor of an Inde
pendent church at Rothwell, in Northamptonshire,
possessed the spirit of a Whitfield, and surrendered hira
self tc the proraptings of his generous nature. His
passion to proclaira his faith to the ignorant and the
perishing, even by means of laymen and of hurable
artisans, scandalized the professional pride of his brethren.
The bold raan was not sUenced by the formidable oppo
sition made to him. But its effect was, that his kind of
labour appears to have died with him. Under wiser
influences, the great evangelical revival in England might

Progress of Religious Life. 4.6^
have dated from the former half of the eighteenth cen- chap.iii
tury, instead of the latter.
Conteraporary with this dispute" was the protracted Trouble
Antlnomian controversy, occasioned by the republication nomianism ,
of Dr. Crisp's sermons. By many Independents, the ultra-
Calvlnistlc doctrines in those discourses were zealously
defended. More moderate and scriptural views were
maintained by the Presbyterians. Through full seven
years, much learning and labour were expended on this
dispute, which raight have been far better eraployed. But
the extreme opinions on this subject were so effectually
checked as to become less observable from that time.
These controversies, however, were of liraited signifi- The Arian
cance, compared with that which arose in the west of
England. Early in this century, Williara Whiston, pro
fessor of mathematics In Cambridge, became enamoured
with the Arian hypothesis. His expulsion from the
university on that account, in 17 10, drew great attention
to the subject. Two years later. Dr. Samuel Clarke
issued his volurae on the Trinity, which added greatly
to the existing excitement. The effect of those
pubhcations, though coming from churchmen, was
most observable among dissenters — the adoption of
such opinions by a dissenting rainister being sure to
awaken suspicion, and to lead to discussion and division.
In Exeter, two Presbyterian divines, Mr. Hallett and
Mr. Peirce, erabraced the Arian creed. Mr. Hallett
had been a pastor in that city since 1689, and had the
charge of an academy in which young men were educated
for the ministry. Mr. Peirce was a raan of eminent
Influence and ability. Attempts made to remove sus
picion concerning the orthodoxy of these persons sufficed
to show that the suspicions were well founded ; and in
y

466 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK in. the end, they were obliged to resign their connexion
with the pulpits they had occupied.
The orthodox dissenters in the west had solicited the
counsel and assistance of their brethren in London,
which led to the disclosure that in the metropolis, also, a
serious division of opinion had taken place. Mr. Peirce
resented 'a request to clear hiraself from suspicion by
an avowal of his faith, as being inquisitorial and oppres
sive. The substance of his defence was, that his people
were concerned with what he taught, not with what he
believed. This, in fact, was the ground generally taken
by persons in the sarae circurastances, not only in Devon
and Cornwall, but In London. It was now widely
believed, both in town and country, that sorae raen were
occupying orthodox pulpits who had long ceased to be
orthodox. The effect was distrust among the people, a
controverslonal tone in the pulpit and elsewhere, and
a great loss of spiritual life. The number, indeed, of
the ministers against whom proof of heterodoxy could
be brought, was found to be much sraaller than had
been apprehended. But the seed was so effectually
sown, in many Instances among the students for the
rainistry, that in the generation which had grown up on
the accession of George IIL, the dissenters who passed
as Presbyterians were generally known to have deserted
the faith of their fathers, and with the change of their
faith, came that loss of numbers, and loss of power,
which have characterized them to this day.
S^Presb'' ^^^ strength lost by the Presbyterians passed largely
terians. to the Independents. It was in the power of heterodox
trustees to retain possession of edifices which had been
raised by the contributions of orthodox Presbyterians.
But in all such cases, the people more or less withdrew.

Progress of Religious Life. ^6']

reared other structures, formed churches on the Congre- chap.iii.
gational model, and In connexion with that polity, per
petuated the religious faith and the religious life which
had descended to them from the confessors of 1662.
In this hne the succession has not failed. The genealo
gical tree stUl grows, and will grow. Men like Watts
and Doddridge were to do much towards linking the
faith and feeling of the past with the present. Would
we could induce the living representatives of those
changed Presbyterians to look wisely at what has
followed from that change, and to reconsider their ways.
There are no men living in whom there is a finer sense
of truthfulness and honour, than in our English Unita
rians. Nor is there any religious body who has to pay
so great a price as the cost of following their convictions.
From the middle of the last century, we trace the Noncon-
origin of the great Evangelical raovement associated for™heifs'e
with the names of Whitfield, and Wesley, and other
good men. At that time Evangelical Nonconformists,
though not essentially weak, were relatively so. The
manner in which religious life had been passing away
from the Established Church during the last forty years,
and the serious defection from their own ranks among
the Presbyterians, left them a diminished remnant, with
out the prestige or the power necessary to make any
perceptible irapression on the abounding formalisra,
prejudice, and grossness. They deeply laraented the
brutish condition of the coraraon people, the essentially
worldly spirit which pervaded all classes. They delibe
rated and wrote concerning the best means of dealing
with the evils of the times. They aimed to diffuse a
Christian influence, as far as they could, in their respec
tive neighbourhoods. But, after all, their piety — as v/as
Y 2

of Metho
dism.

468 English Nonconformity since 1662.

BOOKiiL not unnatural in their circumstances — was largely a
domestic piety. In their own households, their daily
life was often regulated and irabued in an eminent
degree by a feeling of devotedness. When great evil is
abroad, there are many minds which will be sure to be
keepers at home. Theird welling is their sanctuary. In
which they would fain hide themselves until the dark
days are passed.*
Methodism. But thls well-ordercd and quiet sanctity was not all
that was needed. Something much more bold and
aggressive was required. Whence was It to corae ? The
clergy of that day. Indolent enough as to all good, had
been so assiduous in training the church-going people
into a hatred of every form of dissent, that it is hardly
too much to say deliverance could not co'ine from that •
* The following passage describes the life of one of those old
Nonconformist families — the family of Sir Thomas and Lady Abney,
where Dr. Watts so long found a genial home : — ' Here were every
' morning and evening praise, and reading of the Holy Scriptures. The
'Lord's day he strictly observed and sanctified. God was solemnly
• sought and worshipped, both before and after the family's attendance
• on public ordinances. The repetition of sermons, the reading of
¦ good books, the instruction of the household, and the singing of the
' divine praises together, were much of the several employments ofthe
' holy day ; variety and brevity making the whole not burdensome,
' but pleasant, leaving at the same time room for the devotions of the
' closet, as well as for intervening works of necessity and mercy.
' Persons coming into such a family with a serious tincture of mind,
• might well cry out, "This is none other than the house of God, this
' is the gate of heaven!" Beside the ordinary and stated services of
' religion, occasional calls and seasons for worship were much regarded.
' In signal family mercies and affliction, in going journeys, in under-
' taking and accomplishing matters of great moment, God was especially
' owned by prayer and thanksgiving, the assistance of ministers being
• often called in on such occasions. Through the whole course of his
' life he was priest of his own family, except when a minister happened
' to be present.' Gibbon's Lfe of Watts, 103.

Progress of Religious Life. 46^
quarter. English Puritanism raade George Whitfield chap.hi
and John Wesley what they were, and in so far Puri
tanism was the parent of Methodism. But Whitfield
and Wesley were clergymen, and that fact alone swept
away a huge mass of prejudice. They were Oxford
men. They preached in gown and bands. They were
always ready to use the church liturgy. They would
not hold service in church hours. They admonished
their hearers that they were not to cease to be good
church people. In their early days, all these things
contributed largely to smooth their way before them.
Dissenters, on the contrary, were attached to forms of
pohty and worship which had become theirs at a great
price, and which it was both natural and right In them
not to abandon. But, if the Nonconformists were not
to do the work of Methodism, they were to do much by
their general Influence towards giving existence to that
potent agency ; and were to receive their own again as
with usury from that quarter, in more recent times.
Not that Methodism, even In the evangelical sense, Special mis-
was simply a perpetuated Puritanism. It had a phase thodism.
of its own. It may be called a second reformation ; but
its great doctrine was not the great doctrine of the first
reformation. In the place of justification by faith, came
the doctrine of the new birth. Luther had to take the
soul out of the hands of the priest, by giving it a sense
of pardon and safety independent of the services of that
functionary. But the evil spirit to be expelled by Whit
field and Wesley was formalisra. One was a Calvinist,
the other an Arrainian ; but their aira as preachers is the
same — to vitalize an adraitted creed, to ensure that
church-going, shall lead to the church of Christ. They
left metaphysics to philosophers, and history to histo-

47° English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK IIL rians, and preached the raeans of a great moral and
spiritual renovation to those who needed it. That was
' the present truth ' for their time, and it did its work.
Frora that day the stream of English Nonconformity
widens without ceasing to our own time.
Retrospect. Wc havc sccu, then, what the policy of the Anglican
church has been from the days of Elizabeth. To this
hour it remains unchanged. Those old Tudor and Stuart
forms of thought concerning raatters theological and
ecclesiastical are still iraposed upon us. We cannot, it
seems, amend what was then done. We cannot know
anything which was not then known. That past must be
our present. And what has followed from this Chinese
phUosophy ? Every second worshipper in the kingdom
is a Nonconformist ; and a large majority of Noncon
formists have come to be opposed, not merely to the
formularies ol the church of England, but to the prin
ciple on which all such church rest. The action of the
civil power in reference to religion In our history has
been such as to have forced thoughtful and conscientious
men to ask many curious questions in relation to it.
The result is, that In place of praying that the exercise
of this sort of authority raay be considerate and huraane,
they have come to pronounce the authority Itself a
mistake — a great and terrible mistake. To such per
sons the words religious persecution possess a dark,
magic power. They call up to the eye of the imagina
tion chambers of horror, which cover many lands,
and corae down from many ages, and they point to the
vision as it passes and say, of all that poor humanity
would have known nothing, and of the shame of aU that
Christ's religion would have known nothing, had civil
rulers been content to leave religion to conscience and to

Progress of Religious Life. 47 1
God. It may be said, but think of the good which has chap.hi.
come from that source. We answer — if you take the
principle at all you must take it with all its sins upon its
head, and who in this case is to weigh the evil against
the good, and to show the good that has been prevented
along with the good that has been done ? Surely a prin
ciple which is accountable for everything included in
that hell-chapter in the world's history — religious perse
cution — Is a tree to be known by Its fruits. Many good
men do not look at this principle in such relations ; but
in the name of charity let there be a little forbearance
towards those who cannot avoid so looking at it, and
who denounce it accordingly.
When we plead that religion should be left to the
Individual conscience, we do not plead for a senseless
individualism. Every man is bound to avail himself
reverentially of all the sources of conviction within his
reach ; and in innumerable ways is to subordinate the less
to the greater, for the sake of united action. But to
deny that the ultimate decision on all grave questions
should be with the personal judgment, would be to put
an end to individual responsibility, and to Introduce a
remedy much worse than the disease. The right of
private judgraent, properly understood, is opposed to
the abuse of authority, not to the use of it. But in
religion, if there is not individual liberty, there is no
liberty. ' A free church in a free state,' said Count
Cavour, In his last raoraents. Good — so far as it goes.
But the great thinkers in France are looking beyond the
Italians on this question, and are ready to adopt as their
watchword, ' freedom of religion.' It would be easy to
show that the doctrine of personal right and liberty, pro-
clairned long since by our Independent forefathers, is

472 English Nonconformity since 1662.
BOOK III. coraraending itself apace to- the advanced intelligence of
Europe. Nonconforraists suffer little now frora bad laws.
That stage of evil is happily passed away. But let not
our Episcopalian neighbours account It strange if there
are still signs of discontent among us. Churchmen
cannot persecute us after the raanner of their fathers, but
they often persecute us bitterly after a manner of their
own. The many forms of social disparagement, disown
ment, and wrong to which Nonconformists are exposed
as such, it would require large space to describe. So
long as our Established Church shall continue to be the
great vested interest it is, so long, in ten thousand
quarters, all that can be done to discredit, to depress,
and to crush us, will be done. Our very strength
subjects us to penalty. A weak dissent might be
despised ; a strong dissent is an object of fear, and we
all know what the courses are to which fear generally
prompts. Were the Episcopalian church in England a
free and self-sustained church, the motive to this policy
would cease, and the policy would come to an end. But
the cause is not likely to be reraoved, and so long as
human nature is what it Is, a church conditioned as the
church of England now is, will be sure to be, to a large
extent, a persecuting church. We may be told that we
profess to be Christians, and should know how to bear
these things. No doubt we should, and we must try to
do so — but let our friends bear in mind that we are men,
and not angels.

APPENDIX.

I.

Great censure has been cast on some of the New England settlers on
account of some of their proceedings towards the natives. In ths
spring of 1623, Winslow, the governor of New Plymouth, visited the
friendly chief Massasoit, who was supposed to be in mortal sickness,
Winslow became his physician, his nurse, and his cook ; and by his
humane assiduity the sufferer was brought back as from the gates of
death. The chief, in the fiilness of his gratitude, disclosed to the
governor, that in consequence of some injury from certain disorderly
settlers at Wessagusset, a place at some distance from New Plymouth, a
widespread conspiracy had grown up among the natives against the
whites, who were all to be destroyed. Other circumstances corro
borated this disclosure. Only the year before a similar plot had been
entered into in Virginia, and three hundred and fifty settlers, including
women and children, were put to death without any sort of warning.
The governor communicated the intelligence to the whole company,
and asked their advice. ' The company referred the matter back to
'the governor, the assistant, and the captain. These consulted
¦ among themselves, and with others, and concluded that the preserva-r
' tion of the settlement depended upon energetic measures. Being
' guiltless of injury, they had no peaceable way to accommodation and
' security ; having done nothing to provoke the assault which impended,.
'they could only escape by anticipating it. To strike a blow such
'as their little strength was equal to, and such at the same time as
' would be widely known, and make an effective impression, Standish
' was despatched by water, with eight men, to the central point of

474 Appendix.
' discontent at Wessagusset. Here he found Wimwamat, the emissary
• who, as he believed, had intended to murder him at Manomet.
' Encountering this savage and three others, Standish and two of his
• men put them to death, after a closely contested fight, without fire-
' arms. One of the four they hanged. Not far off they killed
' another, and Weston's men two more. The object was accom-
' plished. The rest of the natives, in terror, dispersed into the woods.
' A prisoner made full confession of the plot.' Palfrey's History of
New England, i. 200-203. This is the case on which the pious
Robinson wrote, saying, ' Oh ! how happy would it have been ir you
had converted some before you had killed any!' Bradford, 164.
Palfrey is a good authority in such a matter, and the reader will see
that the charge of pure murder, coupled with treachery, has no place
in his narrative.
The other material matter relates to the war of the New Englanders
with the Pequot Indians. The Pequots were the terror of all the
other native tribes. In 1633, a number of savages of that nation fell
upon two English merchants and six seamen in the Connecticut river,
and put them to death. Redress was demanded, and promised, but
never made. In 1636, another party had seized an English vessel, and
had murdered captain and crew. Saccasus, the chief of the Pequots,
was called upon to punish this wrong. But his deputies shot their
arrows at the persons who made the demand, and the chief began to
make the most strenuous effort to induce the Mohegans and the Narra-
gansetts, his neighbours, to join him. This accomplished, his hope
"was to see an end to the race of white men in those regions. Thanks
in part to the noble-hearted Roger Williams, Saccasus was foiled in
this policy. But though he saw he should have to make war alone, he
prosecuted his hostilities in the manner of a man who believed himself
strong enough to give execution to his murderous purposes.
' In the autumn they caught one Butterfield, near Gardiner's garrison,
* and he was never heard of more. A few days after they took two
' men out of a boat, and murdered them with ingenious barbarity,
• cutting off first the hands of one of them, then his feet.* All
* This victim was John Tilley, formerly overseer for the Dorchester Company, at
Fort Ann, 'a very stout man, and of great understanding." — (Winthorp, L 200).
' He lived three days after his hands were cut off.' — [Ihid.) Tilley's companion fared
yet worse. His captors ' tied him to a stake, flayed his skin off, put hot embers
between the flesh and skin, cut off his fingers and toes, and made hat-bands of
them.' — Underhill, News, &c 23.

Appendix, 47 5

' winter a marauding party kept near the fort, of which they burned
'the outbuildings and the hay, and killed the cattle.* Towards
' spring, Gardiner went out with ten men for some farming work.
'They were waylaid by the Indians, and three of them were slain. f
'Soon after, two men sailing down the river were stopped, and
' horribly mutilated and mangled ; their bodies were cut in two length-
' wise, and the parts hung up by the river's bank. J A man who had
' been carried off from Westhersfield was roasted alive. § All doubt as
' to the necessity of vigorous action was over, when a band of
' one hundred Pequots attacked that place, killed seven men, a
' woman, and a child, and carried away two girls. They had now
• put to death no less than thirty of the English.
' The two hundred and fifty men in the Connecticut towns were
'surrounded by Indian tribes, who, from their hunting grounds
' between Hudson River and Narragansett Bay, could, if united, have
' fallen upon them with a force of at least four or five thousand
' warriors. The Pequots, already engaged in open hostility against
' them, numbered not fewer than a thousand fighting men. It was but
' too probable that the friendship of the other tribes would not long
' be proof against the seductions by which they continued to be plied.
' There seemed no alternative for the distressed colonists except their
' own speedy extermination, or a sudden exercise of courage and con-
' duct that should crush the assailants. Women and children were not
' to be abandoned to savage cruelty, the new light of civilization in
' Connecticut was not to be extinguished, if the desperate valour of a
• few stout men could save them. And if a bold movement should
' succeed, it might break up the dangerous negotiations which had
' been on foot, and entail a lasting security and peace. The English-
' men who made the attack on the principal fort of the Pequots were
' but seventy-seven in number from all points. Little dependence
' coidd be placed on the natives who were professedly with them.
' But the fort was entered at opposite points by moonlight, by surprise ;
'and within an hour all within that enclosure perished by fire or
' sword, with the exception of not more than four or five.' It was
no doubt a terrible spectacle which that sunrise presented. But
we have no sympathy with those who seem to say that these men
* Winthorp, I. 198,
f Gardiner, Relation, Sec, in Mass. Hht. CM. xxiii. 143.
J Trumbull, Hhtory of Connecticut, I. 76.
& Gardiner, Relation, Sec, in Mass. Hist. Colt, xxiii. 143.

476 Appendix.

should have had more pity on the bloodstained savages before them
than on each other, or on their own wives and little ones. Their
choice seemed to be to slay or to be slain. ' From the hour of
that carnag?,' says the historian, ' Connecticut was secure. There
• could now be unguarded sleep in the long harassed homes of the
'settlers.' Palfrey's History of England, i. 456-467.'

II.
1. It should be remembered that Dr. Walker prepared his volume
for publication during the reign of Queen Anne, when the- high-fliers,
as they were called, among the Anglican clergy, after being repressed
for a while by the strong hand of William IIL, made haste to avenge
themselves on all Whigs and Nonconformists. The author of the
' Sufferings of the Clergy ' had his place with the most zealot class in
that age of clerical zealotry — with men who gloried in having provided
that no dissenter should be allowed to gauge a spirit cask in the service
of the government, or to hold a staff in the service of a corporation ; and
who had made it to be law that no Nonconformist should have liberty
to choose an educator for his own children ! Moreover, while Tory
prelates and squires did such things, Tory mobs ransacked meeting
houses, and invaded the hearths of dissenters for the purpose of insult
and plunder. Dr. Walker, so faf from seeing anything to censure in
these things, points to the history of that clerical charlatan and fire
brand, Dr. Sacheveral, as illustrating the wrong that might be done ' to
a regular clergyman, of known zeal and affection,' by the wickedness of
the times !
2. Dr. Calamy, when informed that Dr. Walker was about to
publish, expressed his doubt as to the probable fairness and value of the
performance.* One of his clerical friends rebuked him on that account,
and said he should hope better things. But when the volume appeared,
that clergyman lost no time in conveying to Dr. Calamy, and to the
public, his sense of disappointment on reading it. ' When I first read
' Dr. Walker's circular letter to the Archdeacons,' he says, ' I fancied he
• intended to give us an account of those worthy men who, in the time
' of the Civil War and Usurpation, were persecuted for righteousness'
• Continuation of tie .Account, Vol. II. Church and Dissenters.

Appendix. 47 y

' sake, and lost all that they could not keep with a good conscience for
« the sake of their duty to God and the king. But instead of what I
' expected it to be, I saw a huge heap of the most heterogeneous cha-
' racters, and, like the Popish head-roll of their saints and martyrs, a
' great many of them much more deserving to have their names blotted
font than their memory to be preserved.' The clergyman who so
wrote was Mr. Lewis, of Margate, a gentleman who acquired consider
able reputation among his contemporaries by his ' Life of Wiclif,' his
' Life of Bishop Peacocke,' his ' History of the English Translations of
the Bible,' and other publications on historical and antiquarian subjects.
One of his brethren, in a sermon in St. Paul's, said the ' Sufferings of
the Clergy' should be placed in all churches beside the 'Book of
Martyrs.' Mr. Lewis published a rebuke of the suggestion. Defile
not the sacred place, he said, by bringing ' such a farrago of false and
senseless legends into it.' Mr. Withers, one of the Exeter clergy, well
known to the literature of that time, and who tested many of Dr.
Walker's statements, denounced his representations generally, as con
stituting ' one of the most scurrilous libels that ever yet appeared in
folio.' There were men who praised Dr. Walker then, and there are
such now, but they were not the men of candour in their generation.
Some of Dr. Walker's representations, says Mr. Lewis, are so extra
vagant, that ' one would imagine when the author so wrote he was in
Flamstead's dark room, where he shows people objects all reversed.' *
3. Dr. Calamy avails himself of aid from the Mr. Withers above-
named, on the vexed question concerning the numbers of the sequestered
clergy. ' Mr. Withers,' says the Doctor, ' has made a computation as
' to three of the Associated counties, viz., Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cam-
' bridgeshire, inwhich there were 1,398 parishes and 253 sequestrations.
'So that not a fifth part of the livings were sequestered. And taking
' these three counties as a standard by which to measure the whole
' kingdom, the number of sufferers would be less than 2,000, supposing
' of the 9,284 there were less than a fifth part sequestered.' Dr.
Calamy says, and has a right to say, that these and similar results,
extended from the counties mentioned to the whole kingdom, warrant
the conclusion that the number of the clergy sequestered from the
parishes of England before 1 660 was less, and not greater, than the
number of the ministers ejected then and afterwards. Moreover, in
the case of half the sequestrated, the sequestration was not permanent.
• Continuation of the Account. Church and Dissenters.

47 8 Appendix,
I have reckoned the ministers ejected to give place to sequestered
ministers still living at about one fifth of the whole. From the
inquiries made by Mr. Withers in Devonshire, in consequence of
Walker's representations, it was found that of the 120 ejected in that
county, 22 only were ejected in 1660, to make room for the former
incumbents. This fact tends to confirm my view on this question,
as stated elsewhere. It should not be forgotten that the rights of
patrons were uniformly recognised, both under the Long Parliament
and the Commonwealth ; and that all who were not ejected in 1 660
were recognised by an act of parliament as having a valid right to
their livings.
4. Opposed to Dr. Walker's frequent exaggerations concerning the
sufferings of the clergy, and other matters. Dr. Calamy gives the follow
ing passage from an aged clergyman who had lived through those times.
Speaking of Dr. Walker, this clergyman (Mr. Stephens, of Sutton, Bed
fordshire) says — ' This author frequently falls foul on the memory of
' those ministers who were put into the sequestered livings, and tells
' strange stories of many, to make them infamous, which I cannot give
' any credit to. Though I knew but few of the sequestered clergy,
' yet I knew several of their immediate successors, some in Lincoln-
' shire and some in Leicestershire, all which were valuable for their
' education, ministerial abilities, and prudent conduct. It is well if
' those parishes have now such faithful pastors, which I much doubt.'
' This same person,' says Calamy, ' gave me to understand that he
' knew some ministers whose qualifications for the office were very
' mean, who were loose in their lives, and disaffected to the parliament
' cause and proceedings, and yet kept in their livings all those times,
' though their livings were of good value.' Calamy's informant made
him acquainted with some things concerning Dr. Sanderson, afterwards
bishop, whose alleged sufferings have been a stock accusation in some
quarters, which should be mentioned. ' He stated,' says Calamy, 'that
• to his knowledge the doctor was far from being reduced to any poverty
' in those times, nor was he in a pitiful condition in 1658. He lived in
' as much plenty as the better sort of clergy did, upon his rectory, and
' maintained his children fashionably.' ' This same person,' says
Calamy, ' tells me he was present in 1656, when the doctor married a
' couple by the Common Prayer Book, and read the Confession and
' Absolution, &c., many ofthe gentry being present; and that he never
' heard before that he was plundered, or had any violence offered to
' him.'

Appendix. 47 9

The Rev. T. W. Davids, of Colchester, has been prosecuting
researches on this subject in relation to the county of Essex during
the past twelve months. The result is to show that the • scan
dalous ' men in Kent were matched in delinquencies by a similar class
in Essex. ' Assuming,' says Mr. Davids, ' what took place in Essex
' to be a fair sample of what took place throughout the country gene-
' rally, I cannot find that any clergyman was sequestered for Episcopacy ;
' no man for the Protestation only, or the Covenant ; no man only for
' the Prayer Book ; no man only for royalism. Livings only were
' sequestered, either because the incumbent was incapable, or because
' he was immoral, or because he was malignant, aiding and abetting
• treason to the state ; or because he had abandoned his cure, and left
' it improvided for, for some considerable length of time ; or else,
' because he was a pluralist, in which case he was still permitted to
' retain one benefice. The rule was, that no clergyman who was of
' decent character, and kept himself from open and avowed seditiousness,
' was so much as disturbed. Samuel Collins, the vicar of Braintree, a
' known'personal friend of Laud's, who refused the Protestation and the
' Covenant, and whose royalism was notorious, retained his vicarage
' until he died ; and John Ganden, the rector of Booking, who, it is
' only just to say, made no secret of his sympathies with king and
' prelate, retained his also, even to the Restoration.' * I have men
tioned elsewhere the case of Brian Walton, of which much has been
made. Walton was a pluralist. Besides the rectory of Sandon, he
held the living of St. Martin Orgars, in the City of London, and the
prebend of Twyford, in St. Paul's Cathedral. He was petitioned
against by his parishioners as ' a man of unquiet and unpeaceable car-
' riage, persecuting such of his parishioners as are not of his way of
' thinking, neither preaching afternoons nor allowing his parishioners
' to procure a preacher at their own charge ; as extorting the ex officio
' oatlt from his parishioners ; and as contemptuously aspersing the persons
'of quality and worth which at this time serve the Commonwealth in
' parliament.' There is no reason to doubt the truth of this representa
tion, nor any room to be greatly surprised at what followed. Walton was
a learned man, but even more than is here stated against him was true.
The above are only samples of the material at hand, which, if
brought into requisition for the purpose, would suffice to demonstrate
the utter worthlessness of Dr. Walker as an authority.
* Refort of a Public Meeting in Becking, August 25. Jackson, Walford, and
Hodder.

INDEX.

^t of yniformit5^jh3i_oLL54ai.A5j-42^ ^" Uniformity.
?ni}ofmIty a Protestant innovation, 45.
America, the puritan colonists of, 136-147.
Anglican school of churchmen, rise of, 80.
Anglo-Saxons, early religious life among, 15, 16.
Anne, Queen, state of Nonconformity under her reign, 461.
Apologetical narrative, the, 163, 164.
Arianism in the Church of England and among Nonconformists, 463-467.
Assembly of divines at Westminster. See Westminster.
Baptists, the, and the independents, 153.
 and religious liberty, 153-158.
'Bartholomew Fair,' a satirical drama, played before the court in September, 1661 ,
372. 373-
Bartholomew's Day, St., the substitution of, for Michaelmas Day, in the Act of
Uniformity, was fraudulent and cruel, 331.
Bartholomew's Day, 1662, 382, et sej.
'Basilicon Doron,' quoted, 65.
Baxter, Rev. Richard, on the Westminster Assembly, 105, note. Baxter and the
conference on ' Fundamentals,' 189 ; his rejoinder to the answer of the bishops,
235 et sej. ; is impelled towards open Nonconformity, 252, 253 ; on the
revised declaration of the king, 253 ; decides not to be a b:shop, 255 ; differs
from his brethren as to the mode of conducting the discussions ofthe Savoy con
ference, 261; his exceptiois to the Book of Common Prayer, 2625 his own
liturgy, 270-272; his 'Petition for peace,' 272-278; on the conJuct of the
b shops at the Savoy conference, 295, 297 ; his 'Plot,' a forged letter, 360-362;
Baxter and St. Bartholomew's Day, 383 ; attempt to arrest him and Dr. Bates,
417, note.
Baxter, quoted, 121, note; 129, note ; 239, 24.0, note.
Bible, new ranslation ot^ resulting from the Hampton Court conference, 75.
Bilney and Latimer, 40.
Bishops, twelve of them impeached for high treason, 1641, 102, 103.
 Ground taken by the bishops in 1660, B. IL, c. iii.
 The points It issue between them and the ministers, 236-239 ; their policy
and behaviour at the Savoy conference, B. IL , i-. vi. ; restored to their seats in
parliament, 325, 326.

482

Index.

Book of Common Prayer, the first, 42 ; as settled in the second year of Edward VI. ,
43 ; the second revision, 44-46 ; character of Edward's second, 46, 47 ; as
authorized by Elizabeth, 48, 49 ; to be revised at the Savoy conference, 260 ;
Baxter's exceptions to, 262 ; the Prayer Book and convocation, B. IL, c, vii. ;
adopted by convocation, 310; revision of, in 1662, 311.
'Book of Sports,' 76, 77 ; suspensions for not reading it as ordered, 114.
Breda, Charles's declaration from, 221, 222.
Bridge, his reply to Feme, 1 60.
Britain, early Christianity therein, 14, 15.
Brooke, Lord, quoted, 159.
Catholic Exclusion Bill, 443.
Charles I., his impolicy, 89 ; his insincerity, 176 ; letter to Lord Digby, ibid.
Charles II., his declaration from Breda, 221 ; new declaration, 246, 247 ; he becomes
a church reformer, 245 ; h.s declaration on ecclesiastical affairs, 318 ; new policy
as to the estabUshed church and the Nonconformists, 329 ; his character, 369;
view of the government under him to 1666, 420-423.
Christian ministry, the, an unique institution, 19 ; its difference from other institu
tions in regard to religious teaching, 20-22; its influence on the middle age, 23,
Christianit}' appeals to the individu.il conscience, 1.
—  and other r^^ligions, main points of difference between, 1-3.
 ¦ early, in Britain, 14, 15.
Church and Sta:e, 3,4; effects of their restored union in the sixth century, 24;
new relations between them from 1688, 462.
Church authority, discussion on the seat of, at the Savoy conference, 289.
Church, the early, sources of its spiritual power, 6-9 ; and the working of that
power, II ; simplicity ofthe usages ofthe early church, 12, 13.
Church of Englind, piety left in it afcer 1662, 455 ; her loss by the ejectment, 457;
her age of light without life, 463.
Clare, Sir Ralph, on the intended ecclesiastical policy of the king, 220.
Clarendon, his dexterous policy, 1660, 224; his fall, and effect of his influence, 423.
Claydon, persecution of, 33.
Clergy, the, allowed to marry by Act of Edward VL, 42 ; legislative power assumed by
them, 100; proposal to abolish their secular funcfons, loi, 102, 106; various
proceedings against, iii; the clergy and the committees of parliament, 113;
their social position in the seventeenth century, 116 ; complaints against, 118-121 ;
general character of the disaffected clergy, 126 ; number sequestered, 127-131 •
and Appendix, No. IL
Commons, house of See Parliament.
Commonwealth, the, outburst of all national greatness under it, 200-208 ; compre
hension scheme in the time of Charles IL, 427, and of William IIL, 460.
Conference, the, at Hampton Court, 68-70; one good result from, 75.
 the, at the Savoy, 1661 ; B. II. , c. v. vi. See Savoy.
Conformists, different classes of them in 1662, 391-393.
Congregationalists. See Independents.
Conventicle Act, 406 ; revived, 431.
Convocation and the prayer book, Book IL, c. vii.
 hesitation about summoning, 1661, 305 ; meeting of convocation, 306,
307.

Index. 483
Corporation Act, the, 364.
Cosins bishop, paper presented by him at the Savoy conference, 298.
Cromwell, his circumstances and conduct during the jealousies between the presby
terians and independents, 173; is assailed in parliament, 174; his self denying
ordinance, 174; why himself e-tcepted from Its operation, 175; his large views
concerning religious liberty, 190, 192; outburst of England's greatness under his
rule, 200-208; Cromwell's court and Charles's, 370, 371; England under
CromweU and Charles IL, 421, 422.
Declaration, Charles's, from Breda, 221, 222 ; the new declaration, 246, 247; how
It was received by the ministers, 248, 249 ; proves a failure, 257 ; another
declaration on ecclesiastical affairs, 1662, 318 ; declaration for liberty of worship,
402; is repudiated by parliament ; declaration in 1672,434.
De Laune, his testimony to the sufferings of the Nonconformists, 414, 415 ; his per
secution, 417, 418.
Directory, the, for public worship, 1645, 109.
Edward VL, the reformation effected under, 41 ; a statute of his reign legalizes mar
riages among the clergy, 42; his 'Articles of ReUgion,' 43; his Book ot
Common Prayer, 43-47.
Ejected clergy, the, 380; their ftrewell sermons, 383-388 ; their circumstances, 389 ;
divided feeUng among them, 390.
Elizabeth, accesion of, 47; her Book of Common Prayer, 48, 49 ; EUzabeth and the
Puritans, 53, 57.
England as a commonwealth, 181 ; her new social position as such, 196.
Erastianism should be tolerant, 341, 342.
Erastians, the, independents, and presbyterians, 166-168.
Eucharist, doctrine of, in the first Book of Common Prayer, 42, 43 ; in Elizabeth's
Book of Common Prayer, 49.
' Exceptions,' the, taken by ministers : the Savoy conference to various parts of the
Book of Common Prayer, 263-270 ; reply of the prelates to the paper of ' Ex
ceptions,' 279, et seq.
Falkland, Lord, quoted, 95, 96.
Farewell discourses by the ejected ministers, 383-388.
Five-mile Act, 407.
FormaUsm a besetting sin of humanity, 396-399.
Grindal, archbishop, and EUzabeth, 57.
Hall, bishop, a letter of his to Laud, 125, 126, note.
Hampton Court conference. See Conference.
Hebrew government, the, its specialty, 2.
Henry VIIL, sum ofthe reformation effected by him, 38, 39.
Haywood, OUver, his persecution, 417*
Heresy and blasphemy, acts against, 133, 135.
Hierarchy, the, a bill to aboUsh, 102 ; its fall, no.
High commission, the court of, 51.
Independents, the, and baptists, on reUgious Uberty at the beginning ofthe seventeenth
century, 153,154; combination against the independents, 158; the mdependents

484 Index.
and the Westminster assembly, 162 ; their contests with the presbyterians and
the erastians, 166-170 ; how they became strong in the army, 170 ; jealousy of
them among the Scotch covenanters, 172; their position after the battle of
Naseby, 176; the independents and the commonwealth, 181, 182, 196-198;
the independents and the Act of Uniformity, 335, et seq.; the two parties among
them, 335, 336 ; their meeting at the Savoy in 1658, 338 ; their views of the
duty of the magistrate with regard to reUgion, 359, 345; the independents and
Milton, 343, 344, 351, 352; the independents and presbyterians, 1660, 347,
348 ; the independents among the ejected, 352, 353.
Jacob, the Rev. Henry, the first Nonconformist who appealed to the state for ' tolera-
tion and liberty' in religion, 1609, 151 ; his petition, 151.
James I. loses his love of presbytery, 65 ; his poUcy towards the puritans, 68-70; his
unconstitutional proceedings against them, 74, 75 ; his opinion on the agreement
between Scotch presbytery and monarchy, 69,
James II. persecutes the Nonconformists, 446 ; suspends the Test laws, 447 ; resisted
by the church, courts the Nonconformists, 448 ; declares for liberty of conscience,
448 ; conduct of the Conformists and Nonconformists, 449, 480 ; the declara
tion of indulgence, and its result, 451.
Latimer and Bilney at Cambridge, 40.
Laud, archbishop, his theory of church and state, 93 ; is charged with high treason
loi. '
League, the, and Covenant, 106; ordered to be burnt by the common hangman, 308.
Liturgies, the Nonconformists at the Savoy conference on ancient ones, 263-270 j
Uturgies unknown to the primitive church, 281.
Liturgy, the English. The bishops at the Savoy conference object to its remission,
285-288 ; proceedings of the pensionary parUament with respect to its revision
326, 327; publication ofthe revised liturgy, 1662, 377.
Lollards, the, and WycUffe, 32, 33.
Magistrate, the, in relation to reUgion, 339, 345; Dr. Owen on this relation, 347,
note.
Mar-prelate, the, tracts, 57.
Marvel, Andrew, his chastisement of Parker, 430.
Methodism, reUgious revival by its means, 468.
Middle age, religious life in the. Book I., c. ii. ; middle age voluntaryism, 28, 29
Milton quoted, 137, 15,; Milton and the independents, 343, 344; on the civil power
in ecclesiastical causes, 346.
Ministers, the oppressed, committee of inquiry concerning, 99; commissioners for
examination and trial of, 184-187; their proposals in 1660, 227.
Ministry, the Christian. See Christian Ministry.
Monmouth's rebellion, 447.
New England, its churches all congregational, 139, 145. .fe America
Nonconformist controversy, the rise of, 52 ; the points involved in it, 54; its progress,
55, 58, 59 i the first Nonconformist who petitioned the state for Uberty in
reUgion, 151 ; Nonconformity before the rise of Methodism, 466-468.

Index

Nonconformists, the, their concessions in 1660. Boo.k II,, c. U. ; their case~atTlTff
Savoy conference, Book IL, c. v. ; different classes of them in 1662, 393, 394;
their suffering under Charles II. , 412; their testimony, 418, 419; declaration
in their favour in 1672 — they avail themselves of it, and why, 434, 435 ; three
thousand places licensed for Nonconformist worship, 436 ; deceived by the com
mons in 1673 — Under James II. , 449-451 ; how spiritual Ufe was nurtured_aniDng'
them, 45"
Non-resistance test, grand debate upon it in 1675, 440.
Owen, Dr. John, on the power of the civil magistrate in religion, 347, note.
Oxford oath, 408, note.
Parker, Dr., his controversy with Owen and Andrew Marvel, 428-431.
ParUament, its address to James I., 77, 78 ; what may be said for it from 1625 to
1629, 89-91 ; parliaments in abeyance, 92 ; the Long parUament, 98, et seq. ;
begins to reform public worship, 103; the parliament of i66c and the Act of
Uniformity, 316 ; the pensionary parliament, 324; it restores the bishops to their
seats in the upper house, 325, 326 ; its proceedings in reference to the liturgy,
326, 327 ; special importance attaching to all the measures of this (pensionary)
parliament, and why, 327 ; its resistance to arbitrary power, 420, 42 1 ; com-
pUant character of that assembled by James IL, 446 .
Penn and Mead, their trial, 432.
Plague in London, 409.
Popish plot, 443.
Prayer Book. See Book of Common Prayer.
Prayer, free, or extempore prayer, opposed by the bishops at the Savoy conference, 287.
Preaching, neglected and disparaged by the Anglo-cathoUc clergy, 115.
Presbyterianism in parUament, and its effects, 132.
Presbyterians, the, and the independents, 166-168, 347, 348; Neal on the conduct of
the presbyterians, 169 ; their designs, 178, 179 ; they cause disorders, 180 ; their
disaffection to the commonwealth, 182; their influence in bringing about the
restoration, 213-216; their meeting with Charles, 225; their London ministers
thank the king for the revised Declaration, 256; the presbyterian sufferers in
1662, and the great blot in their history, 348, 349.
Prideaux, bishop of Worcester, his zealotry for church and king, 125, note,
Prynne, Bastwick, and Burton, their release and ovation, 98, 99.
Puritan, the name made a reproach, 79 ; the puritan and his Bible, 85-87 ; the puritan
colonists in Holland, 135; in America, 136-142.
Puritanism in New England, 136-142.
Puritans, the, their petition to James I., 66, 67 ; effect on them of James's poUcy, 70,
71 ; persecution of, 72 ; testimony to their loyalty, 73, note ; guritans and
patriots, 84 ; puritans and the Bible. 81; ; their social position, 87 ;/uie puiitaiM..,
of the time of the Stuarts not to be confounded with the modern Nonconformists,
g7]-pErseeutioH-of^their-inii5l5tefsri^; not to be cEatgedrwith-the-CTccesses"
which attended the restoration, 371.
Quakers, the, and the puritans, 141, 142.
'Quarterly Review,' the, answer to a writer in, 131, 132, note.
'Reduction of Episcopacy,' the, by Archbishop Usher, 229.
ReUgious orders, the Romish, their spiritual life in the middle age, 27.

486

Index,

Restoration, the, causes of. Book IL, c. i.
 and the royaUsts, 216 ; the agitation immediately preceding it, 223 ;
its revenge for the death of Charles I., 365-369; wrong to charge its excesses on
puritans, 371.
Ritualism, its place in history, 396-399.
Royalist promises, 219.
RoyaUsts, the, and the restoration, 216.
SacerdotaUsm, growth of, in the Christian church, 26.
Savoy conference, the, 1661, B. II., c. v. vi. ; preUminaries to the conference, 259
how its discussions were to be conducted, 261 ; the ministers' exceptions,
263-270 ; its conclusion, 300.
Scotland, assistance by, towards the reform of religion in England, 106.
Separatists, English, 58-62; migrations of, to Holland, 135; to America, 136-142
growth of the principle of toleration among those who remained in England, 148.
Sequestered clergy, the number of them, 127-131; the sequestered clergy and the
ejected, 380, 381, and Appendix II.
Sheldon, Coleridge's judgment of, 376; his levity and patronage of Parker, 427.
State religion, effect of its restoration, 24 ; how affected by the EngUsh reformation,
37 ; society, its state under James I., 79 ; Toleration bill, 451.
Test Act in 1673, 439
Test laws suspended by James IL, 477.
Toleration, 348-158 ; intolerance ofthe commons under Charles II., 424, 425.
Tudors, the, religious Ufe under, B. I., c. iu.
Usher, archbishop, his 'Reduction of Episcopacy,' 229, et seq.
Uniformity, Acts of, a Protestant innovation, 45. See Acts.
Vane, Sir Harry, 366-368.
Venner's insurrection, and its great utility to the government, 318-322.
Voluntary controversy, the, in fifteenth century, 29-32.
WilUam IIL, his schemes in ecclesiastical matters, 451, 452.
Walker's 'Account ofthe numbers and suffering ofthe clergy,' its style and character,
111, 112, note. App. No. II.
War between Charles and the parUament unavoidable, 97.
White's 'First Century of Scandalous Ministers,' 121.
White, Jeremy, his chronicle ofthe sufferings of Nonconformists, 415.
WilUams, Roger, character, and some information concerning, 141, note.
Worcester House, meeting at, of bishops, noblemen, and ministers, to consider
Charles's new declaration, 250.
WycUffe and the Lollards, 32, 33.

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