¦¦-&¦ MK&r CABINET CYCLOPEDIA. TORY oi* BHGiLAHU^ -x; Ob* fifgjjf 1§OTt«»r!tWif SIE JAMES MACKINTOSH, XX JO :MLP. ( EkaaAeth at' TUbury. HUNTBD FOR lCaTGMAK",HEES, QHME .BROWN", £ eSuaEK.EAXEHNOSTER HOW : jssp johjt taylor.ttpeer cower stkeet 1831 ADVERTISEMENT. Sir James Mackintosh had proceeded to the 211th page of the Third Volume of his " History of England," when literature and his country were deprived of him by his lamented death. His manu script breaks off with the section ending at the 15th line of the above-mentioned page in the present volume. The History will.be continued with an entire concurrence in Sir James Mackintosh's developed principles and views : at the same time, with a full sense of the continuator's disadvantages, in coming after one whose capacity and reputation placed him so high. It will, however, be the study of the continuator to pursue the course of events with the same disposition to vindicate and advance the principles of religious and political freedom, promote civilisation, and cultivate the sentiments of humanity, which have distinguished his prede cessor. The manuscripts left by Sir James Mackintosh relating to English affairs at the time of the Re volution of 1688 have been purchased by the proprietors of the Cyclopaedia, and will be used as occasion shall require in the progress of the work. ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. VOL. I. INTRODUCTION. Page State of Europe as described by the Roman Writers to wards the Decline of the Empire ; Gauls or Celts ; their original Abodes ; their Irruptions into Greece, Italy, and Asia Minor - 1, 2 Mixture and Confusion of Races in the Population of Greece and Italy; Phoenician Colonies in the Mediter ranean - a Formation of mixed Languages by intercourse between the Conquerors and the conquered ; Hindustanee and Anglo- Norman striking Illustrations at opposite Extremities of the Earth - 3 Distinction between the Term Race, as employed by His, torians and by Naturalists - 4 Subdivision of the Celtic Race, Gauli, and Cimbri - 4, 5 Teutonic or Germanic Race ; contrasted Character of the Gauls and Germans ; the Gauls somewhat civilised, but abjectly servile and superstitious ; the Germans more rude, but of independent Spirit, that Spirit qualified them to lay the Foundation of a better ordered Civilisa tion than that of the Ancient or Eastern World - 6, 9 The Sources of these Varieties of Character in neighbour ing Races arc hitherto unexplained, though late En- quiries afford some Promise of Success 10 CHAP. I. BRITISH AND ROMAN PERIOD, TO 500 A. D. A People of Celtic Race, probably the first Inhabitants of Britain j Gauls probably the first Colonists II A 4 1 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. B.C. Page The Phoenicians and Massilians traded in the Tin of Corn wall - 11 55. Julius Czesar lands in Britain : he retires in consequence of an Accident to his Ships - 12 54. He renews the Invasion, and defeats Cassivelaunus, who becomes tributary - 12 The Tribes which peopled Britain very numerous : those of the Interior extremely barbarous : their Government A. D. unformed and fluctuating - 13 36. Caligula threatens Britain ; but ends by the insane Freak of loading his Troops with Shells _ 15 43. Claudius seriously undertakes the Enterprise : his Ge nerals employ Seven Years in reducing the Country South of the Thames - 15 50. Ostorius encounters the Silures of South Wales under Caractacus, who is defeated and sent Prisoner to Rome 16 59. Suetonius Paulinus attacks the sacred Seat of Druidism in Mona or Anglesey : he is called off by an Insurrection : Boadicea : dreadful Slaughter of the Britons 17 71. Agricola, Governor of Britain under Vespasian : carries the Roman Arms to Scotland : joins by fortified Posts the Friths of Forth and Clyde : circumnavigates the Island - 19 120. Under Adrian, a second Wall is built from the Solway to the Mouth of the Tyne - - lg 130. Under Antoninus another Wall is built farther North - 19 Slow Progress of the Roman Arms : the general Policy of the Empire is that of Augustus, who disapproved remote Conquests - 20 Nature of the Roman Government in Britain - 22 Government of Towns : Origin of modern Civic Corpora tions - 23 367. The Empire declines, and Troops are withdrawn from Britain to protect the Seats of Dominion - _ 23 About the Middle of the Fifth Century the Island is abandoned _ 23 446. On the Loss of Roman Protection, the Britons employ Saxons and other Mercenaries in their Defence against the barbarous Tribes of their own Island : these gra dually rose to be Conquerors more formidable than those they were called in to combat - 24 But the insular Position of England rendered their Progress very slow - 25 Armorica (since called Britany) ; Source of its early Con nection with Britain : through that Connection the legendary Tales of Britain were communicated to the Continent : King Arthur fc 25 26 The limited Value of our early Traditions, as compared with the classical, arises from their Transmission through a Medium not purely national, that of Monks ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. 519. 871.876. 877—880. 880—895. 895—899. Page of foreign Origin and Studies, and Minstrels who impli citly followed them - 27 CHAP. II. ANGLO-SAXON PERIOD. Peculiar Circumstances which contribute to render Bri tain the natural Seat of maritime Power - 29 The general Movement of the pastoral Tribes originated in that of the Huns from the North of the Wall of China to the Caspian - 29 Successive Pulsations of this Movement through other Tribes Slow Progress of the Saxons in the Invasion of Britain Establishment of the Jutes in Kent, and of the South Saxons on the Borders of Sussex Successes of Cerdic, at the Head of the West Saxons, against the West Britons Principalities of Deira and Bernicia, formed by the Angles in the North State of the Island during the Period called the Hep- tarchy St. Augustine and Forty other Missionaries sent by Pope Gregory to convert the Saxons : they found both the Christian Religion and the British Language exfinct in the Saxon Territory Miracles ascribed to St Augustine : mistaken, but honest Enthusiasm may account for many Pretensions ascribed to wilful Imposture Ascendancy of one Saxon State over the Rest : Authority of Bretwalda ; (800) Egbert, King of Wessex, acquires great Power under this Title His Authority as Bretwalda acknowledged in all the Pro vinces South of the Humber But at his Death, this Power is weakened by a Partition of his Dominions At this Point, just on the Approach towards regular Go vernment, Britain begins to be ravaged by the Barba rians of Scandinavia, called Normans in France, Danes in England Alfred, his early Life - - - 36, 37 Ravages of the Danes : " All the Saxons are defeated but Alfred their King" - - - 38 He bursts from his Retreat, defeats Guthrun the Danish Chief, compels him to evacuate Wessex, and attempts to settle and civilise his Followers, by granting him the Country to the North and East, on Condition of his sub mitting to Baptism Fifteen Years* Peace - Invasion of Hastings : in providing for Defence, Al fred improves Ship-building - .3030 31 31 31 31 S3 34 35 35 35 39 39 Vlll ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Page Character of Alfred : extraordinary Union of Energy in War with the Arts of Peace: his Poetry and Trans lations - - - 41 901—1066. Fourteen Kings; Ten of them Descendants of Alfred, Three Scandinavians, and One a powerful Saxon Lord: the more prominent Events during this Period can alone be here related - - - 42 The Christian Church was the only Institution transmitted entire from the Romans to the Barbarians ; Progress of Ecclesiastical Power - 43 Origin of Clerical Celibacy : Corruption engendered by it ; its Value as an Instrument of Ecclesiastical Ambition by destroying all Ties but those of the Order 44 — 47 The monastic Orders called forth by a Reaction of reli gious Zeal, when the secular Clergy had reached a high Pitch of Corruption : primitive Hermits : Monasteries : Rule of St. Benedict 48 901. Edward the FIder - 49 925. Athelstan : Confederacy against him by the Britons, Scots, and Danes ; "his Victory over them at Brunnanburgh 50 941. Edmund the Elder: Edred 50 955. The Monks begin to signalise themselves as an ambitious Body - - _ . 50 Dunstan, his Attempts to enforce clerical Celibacy, and reduce Monasteries to the Rule of St. Benedict - 5lt 52 His violent Conduct respecting an uncanonical Marriage of Edwin : his Exile - 53 959. Edgar obliges his Brother Edwin to divide his Dominions with him : (960) on Edwin's Death he reigns over the whole - - 53 Dunstan recalled and made Archbishop of Canterbury 54 977, 978. . Synods of Calne and Winchester : miraculous Preten sions of Dunstan not necessarily fraudulent, though unfounded - 55 970. Marriage of Edgar with Elfrida; tragical Circumstances attending it - 56 975. Death of Edgar : Succession disputed between Edward his eldest Son, and Ethelred, Son of Elfrida : Edward elected - - 56 979. Treacherous Murder of Edward by Elfrida : Ethelred King - 57 Attempts of the Danes to place One of their Nation on the Throne : the Struggle between the Two Races com mences in the earlier Years of Ethelred .. 57 Horrid Cruelties of both Parties in this Warfare 58 60 Let those who consider any Tribes of Men as irreclaimable, call to mind qf what People these were the Progenitors - 60 1016. Death of Ethelred : Edmund Ironside chosen by the Eng lish, but compelled to be content with the Country South ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. IX A.D. Page of the Thames : he dies in November, and Canute the Dane succeeds to the Territory of both Nations: — under him the Danish Sway regularly commences : his Character ... 61 1036. (Nov. 12.) Death of Canute : Harold his Son succeeds - 63 Ineffectual Attempts of Etheldred's Sons, Edward and Alfred : treacherous Murder of the latter 63 1042. Hardicanute, Son of Harold - - 63 1044. Edward, Ethelred's Son, succeeds on the Death of Hardi canute, without Opposition, after Twenty-seven Years of Exile - 63 Influence of Godwin, Earl of Kent - 64 His Influence afterwards eclipsed by that of the Normans, Friends of Edward during his Exile - 66 105L William, Duke of Normandy, visits Edward - - 67 106U (Jan. 4.) Death of Edward : his Character : " A royal Anchorite " - - 68, 69 Harold, Son of Godwin, crowned by the Saxon Chiefs : he is opposed by his Brother Tostig 69 (Sept 25.) The Army of Tostig defeated - - 69 (Sept. 28.) William, Duke of Normandy, lands in Sussex 71 View of the Saxon Institutions. Antiquaries have adapted their Representations of our ancient Constitution to their own particular Views; both Parties agreeing in the fundamental Error of supposing it a mature System - - 71 Governments are not framed by a Model : occasional Acts harden into Usages, and Usages govern Men long before they are embodied in written Laws - 72 The Saxon Kings : the Wittenageraote - 74 Prelates, Earls, Thanes - 75 Shire-gemote, or Folk-mote - 76 Inferior Classes j Freemen and Slaves, Ceorles, Villains : Manumission- - 77 Numbers of the respective Classes : Doomsday-book 78 Pecuniary Punishment of Crimes : graduated Were for the Murder of Persons of different Rank - - 79 Saxon Origin of our Titles of Rank, and of the English Language - - - - 81 Close Connection of Language with Thought and Feel ing - - - 82 663. Saxon Writers : Venerable Bede born, a, d. 663, died 735 83 To him we owe all English History from the Landing of the Saxons till his own Time 84 The Saxon Chronicle - 84 Asser's Life of Alfred - - 85 Lives of the Saints ; Welsh Triads - - 85 Scottish Chronicles and Poetry ; Macpherson's Ossian - 86 Irish Chronicles - - 88 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. CHAP. III. .FROM THE NORMAN INVASION TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF A PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUTION, AND THE FORMATION OP THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. A.D, Page William Duke of Normandy ; the Establishment, by his Ancestor Rollo, of a Scandinavian State in Neustria - 89 Some expelled Norwegians founded a Republic in Iceland in the ninth Century, where Literature and Liberty converted these Barbarians for two Centuries into a civilised People - 9° 912. Neustria ceded to Rollo, Son of the Earl of Orkney, by Charles the Simple - - - - 9° 1035. William the Conqueror, fifth Duke of Normandy in lineal Descent from him - ¦ 90, 91 Assertion of William that Edward had bequeathed the Crown to him ; no hereditary Right in either William or Harold - - 92 Harold had sworn to support William's Claim - - 94 Pope Hildebrand founds, on this Circumstance, a Bull in favour of William and excommunicating Harold ; and, by thus assuming the Disposal of a Kingdom, completes the Papal Usurpations 95 1066. (28th of September) William lands at Pevensey in Sussex 97 (14th of October) Battle of Hastings ; Death of Harold (December) Coronation of William ; his contemptuous Compassion towards Edgar, who had been for some time acknowledged as. King - 100, 101 After re-establishing Peter's Pence as an Acknowledge ment for the Favour of the Pope, he returns to Nor mandy - - 101 1067. (December) he returns to suppress an Insurrection - 102 1068. Doubtful Struggles in the North and West . - 103 1069. Edgar Atheling acknowledged King in the North, aided by a Danish Army ; William defeats the Allies, and commits atrocious Devastations - . - 104 He distributes the Lands of the conquered to his Followers 105 Many Saxons fly from England; Hereward fortifies a Camp in the Isle of Ely - - 106 During a blockade, the Monks of Ely betray him - 107 The Saxon Primate deposed ; Lanfranc Archbishop - 107 William returns to Normandy ; another ineffectual Effort of Edgar Atheling - - - _ 108 Review of the Causes which contributed to the Success of William - - - 109 1076. William goes to Normandy to suppress the Revolt of his ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XI A.D. Page Son Robert; personal Combat of the Father and Son, unknown to each other - - - 111 1087. (9th of September) Death of William; his Character 111, 112 Two legal Revolutions completed in this Reign, the Separ ation of the Ecclesiastical from the Civil Judicature, and the Consummation of the Feudal System - - 113 Without the former, it is probable that the Spiritual Power would -have been predominant over every other 114 With regard to the Feudal System, the most reasonable Supposition is, that it was gradually prepared in Anglo- Saxon Times, and finished by the Norman Invaders - 114 Character of the Feudal System - - -115—117 William IL . 1087—1110. 1087. (26th of September) proclaimed and crowned at West^ minster - - - - 117 In resisting his Brother Robert, he is obliged to seek the Aid of the English, which opens the Way for Concessions to them - - - - _ 118 His Government an Union of Rapacity with Prodigality - 119 1100. (August) his Death in the New Forest, by an Arrow shot by Sir Walter Tyrrell glancing against a Tree - - 119 Commencement of the Crusades during his Reign; Peter the Hermit - - - - - 119 Strange Union of religious with other Motives apparently discordant, which prompted them - 121 Miseries endured by the Crusaders - 121 1099. (14th of July) Jerusalem taken by Assault - 121 Were the Crusades just ? It was a Defence of an Exercise of Religion older than the Mahometan Power - 124 It is no valid Objection to a just Motive, that Ambition may easily convert it into a Pretext - - 125 Wars to impose Religion are the most execrable Violation of human Rights ; Wars to defend it, their most sacred Exercise ' - 126 Henry I. 1100—1135. 1100. (August) Crowned at Westminster, after a faint Resist ance from the Adherents of Robert, then on his Return from Palestine - 126 Attempts to conciliate the English by promising to restore the Laws of Edward, and by marrying Maud, a Princess of Saxon blood - - - 127 Robert lands at Portsmouth ; Normandy ceded to him by Henry, on condition of retaining England ; treacherous Xll ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Page Breach of this Treaty by Henry, who reconquers Nor mandy; and Robert lingers out a long Life in a cruel Imprisonment '-___- 128 1119. An Attempt made by Louis VI. on Behalf of William, Son of Robert, defeated at the Battle of Brenneville - 130 1124. Another Revolt, with the same Object, defeated - - 130 Louis bestows Flanders and other Provinces on William ; his Death - - 130 Henry's Cruelties and Exactions mingled with occasional Generosity, the Offspring of Chivalry, but exercised only towards the noble and beautiful ; it stooped not to com mon-place Justice and good Faith . - 131 1128. Marriage of Henry's Daughter, Maud, with Geoffrey Plan- tagenet - 132 1130. Henry causes a general Council to take an Oath of Fealty to Maud and her Infant Son - _ 333 1135. (1st of December) Death of Henry - . _ 132 Stephen. 1135—1154 Stephen, second Son of Stephen Earl of Blois, by Adela, Daughter of WiUiam the Conqueror, pretends that Henry declared him Successor „ . 133 He issues a Charter promising Observance of the Laws of Edward - _ 134 Confused Alternation of Anarchy and Tyranny during his Reign - .135 1136. Revolt of Baldwin, Earl of Exeter, and Irruption of David of Scotland in favour of Maud _ . _ 135 1138. Another Attempt by David; Battle of the Standard, in which he is defeated - _ 135 1139. Maud comes to England, assisted by Robert of Gloucester 136 1141. Maud defeats Stephen near Lincoln ; Stephen sent in Irons to Bristol ; Maud offends the Citizens of London by refusing Redress of Grievances, and is obliged to fly to Oxford; her Army defeated and Robert made Prisoner, but exchanged for Stephen - . - - 137 1142—1147. Incessant Warfare between the two Claimants ; Maud at length returns to Normandy, which her father has wrested from Stephen ; Death of Robert - - 138 1149. Henry Fitz-Empress comes to England; his Marriage with Eleanor, Duchess of Aquitaine - - - 138 115a Treaty of Winchester, securing the Crown to Stephen for Life, and the Succession to Henry . 140 1154. (25th of October) Death of Stephen - _ hq ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Xlll Henry II. A.D. Page 1154. Issues a Charter confirmatory of his Grandfather's, passing by in Silence the Acts of Stephen - - 141 He expels the Mercenaries of Stephen's Army - 141 He does Homage to Louis VII. for Normandy and other Continental Dominions - 142 Extent, Nature, and Tenure of the English Dominions in France - - - 142, 143 1158. Henry asserts a Claim to the Earldom of Toulouse - 144 1160. JPope Alexander III. brings about a Peace between the English and French Kings - 145 1162. Becket made Archbishop of Canterbury - - 145 England now takes a Share in the Struggle against Papal Usurpations which had agitated Christendom for a Cen tury; Sketch of its Origin and Progress; Dispute con cerning Right of Investiture - - 146 — 148 1152. Violent Character of similar Disputes in Italy during the Reign of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa - 149 — [52 Romantic Story related of the Mother of Becket - 153 Extraordinary Transition of Becket from the Manners of a Courtier to those of a Devotee, on his Elevation to the Primacy - - 154 1163. The King attempts to render the Clergy amenable to the Secular Tribunals ; the Clergy oppose - - 155 1164. (January) Couneil of Clarendon, where the Bishops submit - - 156,157 Becket repents of his Acquiescence : He escapes to the Abbey of Pontigny, in Burgundy - 158 Nature of the Ecclesiastical Claims - - 158 The Objects of both Parties were equally arbitrary : it was a Contest between the Sceptre and the Crosier for Dominion over the rest of Society - - 159 1165. Henry seizes the Possessions of the Primacy, and suspends Appeals to Rome - - 160 Becket proceeds with equal Violence, and Disputes con tinue between the English and French Courts on his Account - - 162 1170. Becket, by Authority of the Pope, excommunicates the Bishop of London, and lays the Province of Canter bury under an Interdict : he afterwards returns to England upon the Terms of a general Oblivion of the Past - - 162 Becket, however, refuses to remove the whole of the Ec clesiastical Censures, or to do Homage for his Ba rony - - ¦ - 165 The King's Ejaculations of Complaint at this Circum stance are interpreted by two Knights, as conveying a Desire for the Murder of Becket, which they accom plish before the Altar of St. Bennet - - 164 IV ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Page Henry purges himself from the Crime by Oath, and re ceives Papal Absolution after most humiliating Sub missions - - 166 Henry's own Sons made the Tools of a Conspiracy against him, excited chiefly by the Jealousy of Eleanor, their Mother - . - 167—169 1174. They are reconciled to their Father - - 169 1178. A dreadful War ensues between the Brothers, on the Refusal of the younger to take an Oath of Fealty to the elder - - - 169 (11th of June) Death of Prince Henry - - 169 1179. The Feuds between the Father and his surviving Son are renewed - _ 170 1189. (Sth of July) Death of Henry at Chinon, during Hostilities with his Son Richard - _ 170 Tradition of Fair Rosamond - _ 171 Advances of Jurisprudence during this Reign - 171— .174 1189—1199. A Knight Errant rather than a King; Sketch of the System of Society which gave Birth to the Crusades - 174 The whole System of Manners, which distinguishes the modern Civilisation from the classical and from the Oriental, has received a Tinge from Chivalry . 177 Furious antipathy of the Age against the Jews; cruel Massacre of many on the Day of Richard's Coro nation _ _ j^g 1190. (June) Richard and Philip Augustus on the Borders of Syria; Death of Barbarossa _ _ jgg 1191. (May) Richard marries the Princess Berengaria of Na varre at Cyprus - jgj (12th of July) The Christians enter Acre; Dispute between Richard's and Leopold's Officers on a Matter of Prece dence ... _ ]S3 (August and September) The Christian Army reduced to great Extremities . . _ 185 1192. (April) Marquis of Montferrat elected King of Jerul salem, but is assassinated on the same Day ; an Act ascribed to Richard by his Enemies 186 (September) Truce for three Years between the Chris" tians and Mahometans; Rights of Pilgrimage con ceded ; Saladin's Toleration and Urbanity 188 (9th of October) Richard sails from the Holy Land " jsq (21st of December) He is detained and imprisoned by the Duke of Austria in the Castle of Thierstein ,91 Leopold is obliged to surrender him to Henry VI., who ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XV A.D. Page imprisons him at Trifels, where his Confinement is discovered by an English Minstrel - - 191 Henry VI. brings him to a Trial before an Assembly of German Princes for (amongst other Things) the Murder of Montferrat _ - - 192 1194. (May) Richard returns to England, having been ransomed for 100,000 Marks of Silver - - 194 119a (24th of March) During Hostilities with his Brother John and Philip Augustus, Richard dies of a Wound received before the Castle of Chaluz, in Limousin 194 John. 1199—1216. Progress of Mind during the Thirteenth Century : Zeal and rapid Growth of the Dominican and Franciscan Orders; Scholastic Philosophy; Cultivation of the Ver nacular Tongues; Religious Chivalry; Festive Chi valry - 195, 196 Claims of Arthur, Son of John's elder Brother Geoffrey - 197 1199. (22d of May) John lands in England, and on the next Day is crowned at Westminster - - 198 Philip, King of France, shelters and succours Arthur - 198 1202. (1st of August) John takes Arthur prisoner - - 199 1203. Mysterious Disappearance of Arthur; horrid Murder of that Prince, said to have been committed by John's own Hand - - - 200 Philip, as Lord Paramount of John's French Dominions, cites him to answer for the Crime, and, on his non appearance, declares those Provinces forfeited - 202 John ineffectually attempts to recover them . - 204 Power and severity of Pope Innocent III. ; John disputes with him regarding the Mode of electing the Arch bishop of Canterbury ; and Innocent lays his Dominions under an Interdict - _ 204 — 206 1211. ¦ John continuing unmoved, Innocent sends two Legates to England, but without Success - 207 1213. Innocent offers England to Philip, who assembles an Army for its Subjugation ; John, overawed, submits to hold England as a Fief of Rome, under an annual Tribute - 208 Fourth Council of Lateran - 210 Unpopularity of John - - 212 Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, the Guide of the discontented Barons - 213 (20th of November) Solemn Confederacy of Barons at the Abbey of Edmundsbury - - 214 1215. (April) John refuses their Demands ; (22d of May) the Barons in possession of London - 215 (15th of June) Conference at Runnymede j Magna voi* in. a XVi ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE- A.D. PaSe Charta; London held as a Security for its Perform ance, and Twenty-five Barons appointed as Guardians of the Realm; Provisions and lasting Influence of the Charter - - 217-222 (22d of August) The Pope absolves John from his Oath, and War recommences ; John calls in German merce naries, and the Barons offer the English Crown to Louis, eldest Son of the French King - - 223 1216. (18th of October) Death of John - iSA Henet III. 1216—1272. 1216. Henry, eldest Son of John, crowned in the Tenth Year of his Age ; the Regency intrusted to the Earl of Pem broke, Earl Marshal - - -224,225 Louis, with some of the Barons who invited him, keeps the Field, notwithstanding John's Death - - 225 1217. (May) His Party is defeated, and he renounces his Claim to the English Crown - 226 The Regent bestows the Great Charter on Ireland; he dies in 1220 - - 225 1220- Hubert de Burgh, Grand Justiciary, succeeds Pembroke as Regent - - 226 1225. A Parliament of this Year begins the Movement of one of the Main-springs of the English Constitution, by grant ing a Subsidy upon condition of a Confirmation of the Charter - - 327 1227. Henry recognised as having attained Years of Discretion 228 1229, 1230. Unsuccessful Attempt of Henry at French Conquest - 229 1232. Hubert de Burgh degraded from his Office, and succeeded by Peter, Bishop of Winchester - 230 1236. Henry marries Eleanor of Provence; Discontent at the introduction of her foreign Relations to Court Prefer ment ; Parliamentary Power over Supplies made avail able even ithus early for obtaining the Dismissal of the obnoxious Ministers - - 231 Another unsuccessful French War - - 231 1242. The Supplies granted this Year placed by Parliament in the Hands of four Barons of its own Nomination - 232 1244, The Parliament require that four of the Nobility shall be declared Conservators of the Liberties of the Nation, and to have the Appointment of several Judicial Of ficers . _ _ pgo 1253. In the Parliament of this Year, the King takes part in a solemn Anathema against Transgressors of the Charter 233 1258. Henry having, notwithstanding, broken the Charter, under colour of a Papal Absolution, the Parliament appoint twenty-four Guardians of the Realm . 234 1264. After several Attempts by Henry to escape from their ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XV11 A.D. Authority, both Parties agree to refer their Disputes to Louis ; he awards general Restitution and Amnesty, with Observance of the Charter, but without providing Security - - 235 1265, The Barons renew the War - - - (14th of May) Battle of Lewes ; The King and Prince Ed ward made Prisoners ; Leicester (Simon de Montfort) and Gloucester Regents - - 237 (6th of August) Battle of Evesham, between Prince Ed- 236 ward (who had escaped) and Leicester ; the latter de feated - - 237 Parliament held during the Administration of De Mont fort; the first composed, as it has ever since been formed, of Knights of the Shire and Members for Cities and Boroughs - - 233 Progress of the Constitution of Parliament - 239 — 243 The Battle of Evesham and Death of Montfort are the Destruction of the Baronial Party; two Years after wards Prince Edward takes up the Cross - 244 1272. Death of Henry - - £44 Observations on his Reign - 244—246 1272—1307. The Renown of Edward secures his peaceable Succession ; his Return from the Holy Land - - 247 He lays aside his French Disputes in order to Attempt the Subjugation of the whole Island of Great Britain - 247. Early History of Wales - 247—251 1274. Edward summons Llewellyn, Prince of Wales, to do him homage as a Vassal - - 251 Llewellyn demands Hostages for his Security ; Forfeiture pronounced against him by the English Parliament - 252 1277. After previous petty Inroads, Edward now summons all his Vassals to the Fieldagainst Wales; Llewellyn accepts conditions of Peace equivalent to Subjugation - 253 The Welsh are indignant at the Submission, and con tinue the War under David, Llewellyn's Brother, whom Llewellyn also joins - 253 1282 Death of Llewellyn ; deserted by his Followers - 254 1283, Prince David made Prisoner, and consigned to the horrid Punishment afterwards appointed for Treason ; Pro bably the earliest Instance of its Infliction - - 254 State of Scotland previous to the Invasion of Edward; rival Claims of Bruce and Baliol to the Succession, which gave Edward a Pretext for Interference 256, 257 1292. (May) Edward summons the Nobility of Scotland to meet him at Norham - - 258 a 2 XViii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Pa8e (2d of June) Overawed by Threats, they recognise Edward as Lord Paramount of Scotland, and place the Fortresses into his Hands ¦ ^59 (20th of November) Baliol, to whom Edward awards the Crown, swears Fealty to him - 260 1295. On Edward's demanding Military Service against France from the Scotch, Baliol is induced by his Subjects to resist; but he is at length obliged to submit - 260, 261 1297. Exploits of Sir William Wallace - -261 1303. Scotland subdued, and Wallace condemned and executed at Westminster - - - 262 1306. Bruce, Earl of Carrick, takes up Arms, and is crowned at Scone - - - 263 1307. (July) Edward assembles a vast Army, but dies on his March, at Burgh on Sand, in Cumberland - 263 His Character - - - 263 State of Parliamentary Power during his Reign - 265 When did the Division of the two Houses occur? 266 Origin, Nature, and .partial Changes of Ranks and Dig nities in England - - 266—270 From the Norman Invasion to the Edwards, the House of Lords sat in Right only of territorial Possession - 270 Introduction of Barons by Writ - 271 Trial by Jury - 272 The " Common Law " - 27^ State of the English Language - 275 CHAP. IV. FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION" AND THE LANGUAGE, TO THE WAR BETWEEN THE ROSES, Edward IL 1307—1327. In opposition to his Father's dying Injunctions, he igno- miniously withdraws his Army from Scotland, and surrenders himself to the Influence of his favourite Gaveston - - 277 1311. The Barons extort a Reformation of Abuses, and banish Gaveston on pain of Death - _ 277 Confirmation of Magna Charta ; additional Clause requir ing the annual holding of a Parliament _ 278 Gaveston ventures to return to Court, and is put to Death by Order of the Barons _ . 278 1314. Unsuccessful Invasion of Scotland ; Battle of Bannock- bum ; Bruce acknowledged King; and (1328) the Claim of Seignoralty relinquished - - 27© 1321. Hugh de Despenser, a new Favourite ; renewed Disputes between the King and the Barons in consequence j the ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XIX A.D. Page Royal Party gain a decided Victory at Boroughbridge ; Earl of Lancaster executed ; the Mortimers impri soned - - 279 1324. The Queen Isabella complains of the Influence of the Spencers, and Rupture with France ; Escape of Roger Mortimer into France - - 281 Isabella being sent into France by Edward, to treat with her Brother, remains there * 282 1326. Isabella, in Conjunction with Mortimer, lands with a hostile Force in England - 28B 1327. (24th or 25th of January) the Parliament declare the King deposed, as incapable of Government - - 285 Edward IIL 1327—1377. 1327. Edward II remains at Kenilworth during the Spring of 1327, and is afterwards carried to Corfe, Bristol, and Berkeley Castles - - - . 2 (20th of September) His Murder at Berkeley Castle - 2 Edward IIL only Fourteen; Isabella and Mortimer reign under his Name ; rising Discontent of various 1330. (16th of March) the Earl of Kent convicted of Treason for an Attempt to correspond with his Brother, Edward IL, whom he supposed to be alive - - 288 (29th of November) Mortimer executed under an Im peachment for the Murder of the King . _ 289 Isabella adjudged to have forfeited her Lands, and impri soned for the Remainder of her Life - _ 290 1SS0— 1336, Attempt to restore the House of Baliol to the Throne of Scotland, and re-establish the Vassalage of the Mo narchy - - - 290 Claim of Edward to the Crown of France, on the Extinc tion of the Male Descendants of Philip the Fair - 290 Alliances of Edward preparatory to an Attempt on France - -291—293 1338. (July) Edward embarks for the Netherlands, having assumed the Title of King of France - . 293 1340. Naval Engagement off Sluys . . 29S Edward challenges Philip to single Combat - 294 The two Kings espouse opposite Parties in the disputed Succession of Britany - - -295 1346. Assassination of D'Artaveldt, Edward's Flemish ally, (July) Edward disembarks a fresh Army near Cape La Hogue - - - 297 (26th of August) Battle of Crecy - - 298 (29th of ) Siege of Calais - - 299 a 3 X ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A,D. pa8e Its reduction leads to a Truce, which lasts till 1355, five Years after Philip was succeeded by his Son John - 301 1355. Edward' the Black Prince recommences Military Oper ations - - - - - 301 1356. (July) Battle of Poictiers, in which John was taken Pri soner - - 302 Truce of two Years - - 303 Some particulars concerning France at this Period - 304 La Jacquerie ; Enfranchisement of Peasantry - 306 1358. Treaty of Bretigny, and Release of John; remarkable Instance of good Faith in John's voluntary Return on finding it impossible to fulfil the Terms of the Treaty - - - - 307 Marriage of the Black Prince with Jane Plantagenet; his Irruption into Spain - 307 1367. He stabs Pedro IV. in a Conference - - 308 1376, (8th of June) His Death - _ 309 His Espousal of the Cause of the Parliament against Abuses - _ 310 1377. Death of Edward III. - _ $u Character of his Reign ; he strengthened the Parlia mentary Authority by employing them in the Fur therance of his Projects ; growth of Civil and Religious Architecture; Order of the Garter; Chaucer; Law; frequency of Famines in that Age; Discovery of Gunpowder - . . 311—314 Richard IL 1377—1399. 1377. Richard of Bordeaux >as eleven Years old on his Ac cession - gig Tottering State of the English Dominions in France - 313 Council of Regency _ . gj^ 1381- Revolt of the lower Classes in England ; gradual Progress of Serfs towards Independence throughout Europe 316 317 Wat Tyler - - _ . _ 3I8 His Attack on London, and violent Death in Smithfleld, while parleying with the King . _ jjq Execution of his Followers . _ ggp Wickliffe - - - - 320 The Lollards _ _ gg. The Albigeois „ . «go John of Gaunt confirmed in the Government . .322 1385—1387. He engages in an ineffectual Pursuit of the Crown of Castile ... _ ^ During his Absence, the King's Uncles, York and Gloul cester, dispute with De la Pole and De Vere for the Government of the King's Person .. 303 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXI A.D. *¦ page De la Pole impeached ; the Government vested in eleven Commissioners - . 303 1387. (August) The Judges, under the Influence of De Vere and others, together with the King, declare the Com mission invalid - 324 1388. (February) The Parliament condemn De Vere and his Colleagues, and imprison the Judges ; Gloucester as sumes the Direction of Government . 325 1398. (September) The Acts of Gloucester's Administration annulled by Parliament - . 326 (His treacherous Murder, with Richard's Connivance, in July, 1397) - - - -327 Means taken to conciliate John of Gaunt . . 329 1397. Conversation between Mowbray and Hereford, expressive of Discontent with Richard's Government; a Quarrel between them leading to its Disclosure; Richard avails himself of the Circumstance to banish both these Lords - - 331, 332 1398. Personal Expedition of Richard against Ireland - - 332 1399. (4th of July) Hereford (now Duke of Lancaster) lands at Hr-lderness, during hie Absence, with an Army, and is universally welcomed - - 333 Richard returns to England, is taken Prisoner at an Inter view with Lancaster, and committed to the Tower - 334 (29th of September) Richard resigns the Crown - - 335 (30th of September) The Parliament formally depose him, and Lancaster claims the vacant Throne - 336 False Statement of hereditary Right made by Henry; the Parliamentary Act was the only Foundation of his Title - - 337 Henry IV. 1399—1413. Genealogical Sketch explanatory of the Disputes which led to the Wars of the Roses - - 333 1399. Wise Acts of Henry's first Parliament; Abolition of Liveries ; Definition of Treason, &c. - 340 (23d of October) The Parliament advise the secure and secret Imprisonment of Richard - 342 Various Accounts of the Cause of his Death - - 343 1403. Rumours that Richard was still alive; Revolt of the Percys - - - 345 (21st of July) Battle of Shrewsbury; Defeat of the Per cys - - - 345 Share of Owen Glendower, the Welsh Chieftain, in their Revolt - - - 346 * Various Parliamentary Recognitions of Henry's Title, and Provisions for the Succession. - - 349 a 4 XXII ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Page Youthful Extravagancies of the Prince of Wales, and his Father's Jealousy of him ; Chief Justice Gascoyne's in* trepid Conduct towards the Prince - 351 1413. (20th of March) Death of Henry IV. ; Nature of his Title ; Constitutional Review of his Reign ; Power of the Purse; Privileges of Parliament more defined; Regu lation of Elections ; Statute against Lollards - - 351 1413—1422. Hopes of recovering the Continental Possessions of the English Crown ; Measures to secure Popularity - 359 Miserable Condition of France under Charles VI. - 360 (15th of April) Henry announces his Intention to go in Per son to recover his Continental Dominions, but is de tained by a Conspiracy - - - 362 (11th of August) He embarks for France with a large Army 312 (24th of October) Battle of Agincourt - - 364 (21st of May) Treaty of Troyes ; Marriage of Henry with Catherine, Daughter of the French King - 367 Henry resides at the Louvre - - - 368 Lafayette defeats the English Troops under Clarence, with the Assistance of a Body of Scotchmen - 368 (31st of August). Henry dies at Vincennes - 370 TO THE APPROACH OF THE CIVIL WAR. 1422—1452. Proclaimed King both of France and England at the Age of Nine Months ; Division of Parties in France - 371 1422—1429. During the first Seven Years of this Reign, the English Arms prevailed ; Devastations occasioned in France by the War ; rise of Reseotment against the English - 373 1428. (October) Siege of Orleans - -373 1429. (May) Raise of the Siege by Jeanne d'Arc - - 374 1430. Charles VII. consecrated King of France - - 374 Jeanne d'Arc made Prisoner ; her cruel Execution - 375 Alienation of the Duke of Burgundy from the English Party - . .376 1431. Henry VI. consecrated King of France, at Paris, by an English Prelate - . 377 1435. The Duke of Burgundy concludes a separate Peace with France - - 377 111 Success of the English Arms in France - 377 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXlil A.D. Page 1448, 1449. Loss of Normandy - - - - 378 1451. And of the Gascon and Pyrenean Provinces; Defeat and Death of Talbot at the Battle of Chatillon ; Close of the second War of the Plantagenets to re-establish them selves in France .... 379 Review of the political Changes and Indications of the Age; the Decline, or Approach to mere Formality, of Constitutional Assemblies threatened throughout ths Continent ; the Prevalence of Despotism ; but the silent Advancement of Knowledge was at the same Time preparing the Way for different Results ; Mari ner's Compass; Columbus born in 1441; Approach of the Reformation ; Printing - . 379—382 VOL. II. CHAP. L WAR OF THE ROSES. Henry VI.— Edward IV. 1422—1483. Review of the Circumstances which led to the Wars of the Roses - - - 1 1422. (1st of November) First Parliament of Henry VI., in the 10th Month of his Age - .1 It confers the Regency on the Duke of Bedford, and the Protectorship of England, during his Absence, on the Duke of Gloucester, assisted by a Council . .2 1423. Release of the King of Scots - - .2 Dissensions between the Duke of Gloucester and the Bishop of Winchester (afterwards Cardinal Beaufort) - 3 1427. An Appeal by Gloucester to Parliament, relative to the Extent of his Powers leads to a very distinct Asser tion of Parliamentary Supremacy - .4 Beaufort releases the Duke of Orleans, in Spite of Glou cester's Protest against it - -5 1441. A Blow is struck at the Protector by a Charge of Sorcery against Eleanor Cobham, his Wife or Concubine . 5 1445. Marriage of the King with Margaret of Anjou ; the Mar riage unpopular in Consequence of Maine and Anjoua the Keys of Normandy, being ceded to her Father by the marriage Treaty - - .7 The Administration of public Affairs on Beaufort's Decay, gradually slide into the Hands of William de la Pole, ' Duke of Suffolk, who inherits the Animosity of his Predecessor against Gloucester . 8 XXIV ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Page 1447. Arrest of Gloucester, who is two Days afterwards found dead in Prison ; his Murder is attributed to Suffolk, with the Connivance of the Queen and the Cardinal 9 Death of the Cardinal - 10 1450. Impeachment of Suffolk ; he is commanded by the King to leave England for five Years ; but is intercepted on his passage by a King's Ship, on board which he is be. headed . - - 11 (June) Rising of the Peasantry ; Jack Cade ; he defeats the Royal Troops at Seven Oaks ; Cade enters London 12,13 On receiving a general Pardon his Adherents disperse ; but the Pardon is afterwards disregarded by the Court, and Cade and others are executed - -14 Rising Popularity of Richard Duke of York ; Prospects of his peaceable Succession cut off by the Birth of Edward Prince of Wales - - - 14 Nature of the Claims of Richard to the Throne ; the Ad mission of an hereditary Claim after long Suspension would lead to that vfery Disorder from which Monarchy ' is a Refuge . - - W His personal Merit had greater Weight with the Nation than his hereditary Claim . - .18 14S4. Recognition by the Judges of the Privilege of Parliament with regard to the Persons of its Members IS (March) The Parliament, after ascertaining by a Com. rnittee the Incapacity (bordering on Idiocy) of Henry, appointed Richard Protector, until the King's Recovery, or the Prince's Majority - 19 1455. (May) Battle of St Albans, in which Richard defeats the King's Party . oq (June) A Parliament ; a general Pardon - 21 1456. (February) The King resumes the Government 21 Example of avowed Influence by the Nobility over th* Return of Members for the Parliament of 1455 - 22 1458. The Queen requires the Attendance of the Yorkist Lords in London to go through the Ceremony of an ostenta. tious Reconciliation with the Lancastrians 23 145a Attempt by the Queen to inveigle the Nevilles to a hunting Party, where she intended to destroy them; Salisbury retires to Yorkshire and Warwick to Calais, whence they plan a Junction with York ; (23d of Sep tember) Salisbury defeats a Detachment of the Queen's Army near Drayton ; but on the 2d of October the com bined Yorkists are defeated by the Queen's forces near Ludlow; Richard takes refuge in Ireland; the Ne. villes on the Continent a± o*. At a Parliament held at Coventry, Richard and his Ad. ' herents are attainted of Treason . 23 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXV A.D. Page 1460. Richard prepares to land with Irish Auxiliaries ; War wick returns from Calais, and defeats the Queen's Army near Northampton - - - 26 (2d of October) A Parliament ; which annuls the Proceed ings of that held at Coventry - 26 (16th of October) Richard lays solemn Claim to the Throne in the House of Lords - - 26, 27 The Lords, after an affected Deliberation, assign the Right of Succession to Richard, reserving the nominal Sove reignty to Henry for Life - - - 28 (31st of December) Richard totally defeated by Margaret at Wakefield Green ; Death of Richard ; Execution of Salisbury, and others of his Adherents, at Pomfret 29, 30 1461. (2d of February) Edward Duke of York, Son of Richard, defeats Pembroke and Ormond, two of the Queen's Adherents, at Mortimer's Cross, near Hereford 31 (17th of February) An Army of Yorkists, under Norfolk and Warwick, defeated by Margaret at St. Albans, but the Queen, distrusting London and the South, retires Northward - - 32 Edward enters London, and (4th of March) is greeted King by the Shouts of the People, and the next Day proclaimed as Edward IV. 32 Singular Inconsistency of this democratical Recognition of his Title with its real Character, as founded on here ditary indefeasible Right; Ambition is often obliged to avail itself of the most effectual Instrument of the Moment, at the Expense of Consistency - 33 (12th of March) , Edward commences a Pursuit of his Enemies in the North ; (29th) Battle 'of Towton, in which the Lancastrians are completely routed ; (22d of June) Edward crowned ; (4th of November) a Par liament, by confirming the judicial and other Proceed ings of the Time of Henry IV., Henry V., and Henry VI., " late in fact but not of right Kings of England" it first introduces a Distinction into English Law, preg nant with the very Evils which Hereditary Monarchy can only be justified by its Tendency to prevent 35 Rising Importance of Commerce shown by the Attention of Parliament to its Regulation j false Views of the Sources of commercial Prosperity, which early ob tained, and are not yet eradicated - - 36 1464. Margaret returns from France to Scotland with 500 French Troops, with which she enters England, but is defeated at the Battle of Hexham (17th of May) - - 36 (25th of May) Henry captured ; attainted and imprisoned in the Tower ; Margaret and h er Son escape into France, accompanied by Sir John Fortescue - 37 XXVI ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Pa8e Edward's Passion for Elizabeth Woodville ; his clandes tine Marriage with her - 38, S9 1469. This Union displeases Warwick, who had received the alarming Title of The King Maker; his Character; he receives a Pension from Louis XL ; weds his Daughter to Clarence, Edward's Brother, without the Royal Consent 40 Revolt in Yorkshire ; supposed to have been fomented by Warwick - 40 (August) Royal Declaration against Warwick and Cla rence as Rebels - 41 Louis XI. espouses their Cause, and by his Mediation Margaret and Warwick are reconciled, and agree to unite their Forces against Edward, and to wed the young Prince Edward to Warwick's Daughter - 41 Edward, on the approach of Warwick, escapes to Hol land, and Warwick, by the aid of Clarence, and under the Name of Henry, assumes the supreme Power - 41 1471. (14th of March) Edward lands in England with a Body of Flemings and Dutchmen ; (14th of April) Battle of Barnet ; Defeat and Death of Warwick and his Brother Montague - 42 (14th of May) Battle of Tewkesbury ; Margaret and the Lancastrians totally defeated ; on the young Prince re plying haughtily to Edward, he is despatched by four Noblemen on the Spot - 4g Henry VI. soon afterwards dies in the Tower - 43 His Character ; the Harmlessness which arises from Im becility is not a fair Subject of Admiration, though by a happy Beguilement and for wise Purposes, Nature often inspires us with an undeserved Tenderness for the Weak . . M 1475. War with France terminated by the Treaty of Pecquigny • Margaret of Anjou liberated, on Payment of a Ransom by Louis; she survived seven Years in France; con tinued Misunderstandings between Edward and his Brother Clarence, are terminated by the private Execu tion of the latter in the Tower, by drowning (according to Tradition) in a Butt of Malmsey . 45 Striking Illustration of the State of the Times, in the History of the Shepherd Lord Clifford 47 The Remainder of the Reign of Edward occupied by Pre parations against France, chiefly with a View of extort ing Pensions from Louis XI. - .c 1483. (9th of April) Death of Edward; "The shortest, yet fullest Account of his Character is, that he yielded to the Impulse of every Passion " -„ - OU ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXVll CHAP. II. TO THE BATTLE OF BOSWORTH. Edward V— Richard III. 1483—1485. A.D. Page State of Court Parties at the Death of Edward IV. - 51 1483. (29th of April) Meeting between the young King and his Uncle Richard Duke of Gloucester j Richard seeks a Quarrel with the Woodvilles, Edward's Maternal Uncles - - - - 52 He assumes the Title of Protector - - -53 He lodges the young Princes in the Tower (13th of June) ; Murder of Hastings and Rivers, and Imprisonment of others - 54 Penance inflicted on Jane Shore, to render the Memory of Edward IV. obnoxious - 55 Aspersions on the Legitimacy of the young Princes 56 Parliamentary Adoption of the Calumny 57 (26th of June) Richard King - . 58 Disappearance of the Princes ; Reasons for believing them murdered - 59 (18th of October) Revolt of Buckingham - 61 His Execution ; many of his Adherents, who escape to Britany, do Homage to Henry of Richmond as King 62 1485. Richard attempts to gain Popularity by legal Reform ations - - 62 (6th of August) Henry lands at Milford - 65 (22d of August) Battle of Bosworth ; Henry King 66 State of Law and Government ; Influence of the Nobility in Elections ; Character of English Institutions by De Comines and Fortescue - 67 Henri VII. 1485— 1509. Various and jarring Grounds on which the Title of Henry rested ; Parliamentary Settlement - - 70 1486. (14th of January) Marriage of Henry with Elizabeth of York - - - - 71 Military Progress in the North - - 71 Committal of Edward Plantagenet to the Tower 72 Pretensions of Symnel - - - 72 1487. (February) Symnel countenanced by the Earl of Kildarc Lord Deputy of Ireland - 74 (May) Landing of an Irish Force in Lancashire, in Sup port of Symnel - 75 XXVlii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Pa8e (22d of June) The Insurgents defeated ; Symnel made a Turnspit in the King's Kitchen - - ?5 1493. Pretensions of Perkin Warbeck ; Reasons for rejecting his Statement that he was the Duke of York - 76 He is received in Ireland ; Sir R. Clifford and others of the York Party go to Flanders to enquire into his His tory - - - - 77 Clifford acts a double Part, and, on his Return, several Yorkists are put to Death on his Evidence 78 1496. (May) Warbeck attempts to land near Deal, but is de feated - ¦ 79 James King of Scotland espouses the Cause of Warbeck, but on James acceding to a Truce with England, Warbeck leaves Scotland t - 80 He lands in Cornwall; Insurrection of the Cornish Men in his favour, who march towards London 81, 82 1497. (23d of June) The Insurgents defeated - - 82 (September) Perkin takes Sanctuary at the Abbey of 1498. Beaulieu in Hampshire ; (January) he yields himself up 8^ 1499. Conspiracy between him and Clarence for their joint De liverance from the Tower ; probability that he was in this a Tool of Henry for the Destruction of Clarence, whose Title was a Source of Anxiety - 84 1499. (November) Execution of Warbeck and of Clarence - 86 The Murder of the latter was, in all probability, coolly planned between Henry and Ferdinand of Spain, the Claims of Clarence, being deemed, by Ferdinand, an Objection to the Marriage of the Infanta with Prince Arthur - - 87, 88 Foreign Alliances, and Relations of Henry ; State of the European Governments - - 89, 92 1503. Peace with Scotland; Marriage of Margaret Tudor with James - 92 Treacherous Attempts, of which Henry had been guilty, against James ,- . _ -93,94 His treacherous Extortion from Philip of the Surrender of De la Pole - - 95 1501. (November) Marriage of Prince Arthur to the Infanta; 1502. (April) his Death ; (June) Treaty for the Marriage of Prince Henry with his Brother's Widow _ 97 Laws of this Reign ; Origin of the Star Chamber 98—100 1496. Spirit of Maritime Discovery and Commerce ; Voyage of Sebastian Cabot; Treaty of " the Great Intercourse " be tween England and Burgundy; evident Approach of those mighty Changes, which were about " to raise the middle Classes ; to restore the Importance of personal Property ; to extend political Knowledge ; and, at length, to diffuse Education so widely, as to alter the Seat of Power " - 100— 103 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXIX A.D. Page Hoard amassed by Henry ; Extortions of Empson and Dudley - - - 104 1509. (22d of April) Death of Henry; his Character: "no Personage in History, of so much Understanding and Courage, is so near being despised " - 106 CHAP. IV. Henry VIII. TO THE REFORMATION. 1509—1547. 1509. The first King of undisputed Title for more than a Cen tury - - 107 Aged Eighteen ; warm Hopes of the Nation regarding him 108 The new Council composed under the Advice of his Mother ; his Marriage with Catharine of Aragon - 110 [July and October) Conviction and Execution of Dudley and Empson - - 111 Policy of Louis XII. of France; League of Cambray against Venice; general Review of European Affairs 112, 115 1511. Expedition against France ; Debate in the English Council 115 1512. Ferdinand delays to join Henry's forces, who mutiny and compel their Leaders to return to England - 117 1513. (4th of August) Battle of the Spurs; Defeat of the French; Irruption of the Scots; (7th of September) Battle of Flodden Field ; Death of James - - 118 Peace between Henry and Louis ; Marriage of Louis with Mary Tudor - - - 119 Administration of Wolsey; Sketch of his History - 119, 120 1517. Rise of the lower Labourers of London against foreign Competitors - - - - 121 1520. Meeting between Henry and Francis I., at the Field of the Cloth of Gold - - - 122 1521. Trial and Execution of Stafford Duke of Buckingham - 123 Progress of Wolsey's Administration ; no Parliament from 1516 to 1523 - - 124 1523. A Parliament ; Debate on the Subsidy ; Scene between Wolsey and Sir Thomas More the Speaker . 125 Wolsey unsuccessfully aspires to the Papacy - 126, 127 1525. Wars in Italy between Charles and Francis; Francis taken Prisoner - - 127 (August) Alliance between England and France - 128 1526, 1527. Francis released ; (6th of May) Sack of Rome - 129, 130 XXX ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. CHAP. V. Henry VIIL — continued. RISK AND PROGRESS OP THE REFORMATION. 1572. A.D. Page Importance of the Reformation in a Civil Point of View - 131 Every Impediment to Liberty of Enquiry robs a Man of some Share of his rational and moral Nature - 132 The Reformation of 1517 was the first successful Example of Resistance to human Authority - - 132 But the Reformers assumed the same Authority, though they rendered the Claim self-contradictory, by renounc ing the Pretension to Infallibility - - 133 Extirpation, the only Persecution which could be finally successful is happily impossible - - 133 Causes which prepared the Soil for the Reformation - 134 1483. Luther born at Eisleben Mansfeldt, thirty Years after the Invention of Printing and twelve Years before the Dis coveries of America and a maritime Road to India - 136 His early Life - - 136, 137 Indulgences ; Luther roused to Opposition by their abuse in Germany - .138 They found Luther engaged in the Contemplation of the Principle which places the Source of all true Righteous ness in the Heart : a Principle which is " the Basis of all pure Ethics, the Cement of the eternal Alliance be tween Morality and Religion, and the Badge of the In dependence of both on the low Motives and dim Insight of human Laws " - » . 139 152a (15th of June) Bull condemning Luther's Writings as Heretical _ . 141 Zwinglius; Calvin; Melancthon - - 143 Transubstantiation - . .144 Erasmus ; the moderate Part that he acted - - 145 1525. Revolt of the Boors of Swabia ; Luther's Solicitude to rescue the Reformation from the Reproach of these Dis orders _ . .147 But such Disorders are incident even to the greatest and most beneficial Movements of the human Mind - 147 CHAP. VI. Henry VIII. — continued. 1527—1535. TO THE EXECUTION OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 1527. Henry's Attachment to Anne Boleyn . . 150 He seeks a Divorce from Catharine, on the Ground of Affinity . _ m 151 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXI A.D. Page 1528. Clement VII. temporises from fear of the Emperor, but grants a Commission to Legates to determine the Question - - - 153. 155. 162 Wolsey reluctantly consents to further the Divorce ; More and Fisher refuse - - 153, 154 Points of the Theological Controversy respecting it - 155, 156 1529. (June) A Reconciliation between the Pope and the Em peror, precludes all Hope of the former consenting to degrade an Austrian Princess - - 157 Questions addressed by Henry to the Universities of Eu rope on the validity of the Marriage - 159 Cranmer employed in a Mission for this Purpose - 161 Proceedings on the Papal Commission by Cardinals Wolsey. and Campeggio - - 162 They fail in persuading Catherine to take the Veil - 162 Campeggio temporises, and Henry is incensed at Wolsey's yielding to Delay - - 163 (October) Wolsey deprived of the Great Seal ; Proceed ings against him - - - 163 (July) Clement had removed the Suit to Rome ; Suspicion of Wolsey's secret Understanding with the Papal Court 165 Wolsey convicted of receiving Bulls from Rome ; in Feb ruary 1530 pardoned and restored to the See of Win chester ; (September) arrested for Treason ; (30th of November) His Death - - 166 1530. (June) Henry procures a Letter to be sent from several of the English Nobility to the Pope, praying him to hasten the Determination of the Suit - - 169 England at this Time prepared for Resistance to the Pa pacy, but not for Separation from the Romish Church - 168 1533. (23d of May) Cranmer as Primate and Legate pronounces the Marriage void - - 169, 170 The King had been married to Anne Boleyn before the Sentence was pronounced ; (1st of June) Her Coronation 170 In Petitions from the Clergy Henry is styled "Supreme Head of the Church of England " whence it crept into Acts of Parliament - 171 New Administration of Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, Sir F. More and Thomas Cromwell - - 171 The only Measure hitherto adopted against the Romish See was the Stoppage of Annates - 172 1533, 1534. The Church of England withdrawn from Obedience to Rome by a Series of Statutes passed in these Years - 173 The King expressly declared Supreme Head of the Church of England - - 174, 175 The Marriage with Anne recognised by Parliament - 174 Singular Passiveness of the Clergy during the Revolu tion in Religion - - - 175 1534. Holy Maid of* Kent - - - 176 VOL. in. b XXXli ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A. D. PaSe Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, attainted for countenancing her and executed - - 177 Sir Thomas More marked out for Destruction ; his Cha racter ; his Writings - - 178 1535, (7th of May) His Trial and Conviction - 180, 181 (7th of July) Beheaded, aged 55 - - 183, 185 Account of Margaret Roper, his favourite Daughter - 183 General Indignation throughout Europe at these Atro cities - 18G CHAP. VII. Henry VIII. — continued. PROCEEDINGS AGAINST AJfNE BOLEYN, AND HER- EXECUTION. 1535—1536. The Execution of More marks the Moment of the Trans ition of Henry's Government from Joviality and Pa rade to atrocious Tyranny - 188 1536. (29th of January) The Death of Catherine seems to leave Anne in undisturbed Possession of the Throne - 190 But the King at this Moment becomes alienated from her, either from Jealousy or from a new Passion for Jane Seymour - 190 (24th of April) Commission of Enquiry issued against her (her own Father being one of the Commissioners) ; She is sent to the Tower - . 193 (6th of May) Four Commoners found Guilty at West minster of improper Intercourse with the Queen, and executed - . . 195, 199 (15th of May) Trial and Condemnation of Anne and her Brother Rochford _ _ - 198 (17th of May) Nullity of her Marriage with Henry judi cially pronounced by Cranmer - 201 (18th of May) Her Execution - 201, 203 Reflections _ 203, 204 CHAP. VIII. Henry VIII. — continued, TO THE DEATH OP HENRY. 1536—1547. In rejecting the Papal Jurisdiction Henry had become a Schismatics he had not by any Rejection of Catholic Doctrine become a Heretic _. g05 His Assumption of Supremacy intentionally somewhat ambiguous at first (Stat. 25. Hen. 8.) _ 206 Sanguinary Law against Heresy in Doctrine _ 206 207 The Act of 1536. Stat 26. Hen. 8. is more openly Hostile* to the Roman See onft ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXX111 A.D. Page Thomas Cromwell appointed the King's Vicegerent in Ecclesiastical Matters - - 209 Attack on the religious Houses ; corrupt State of the monastic Orders at this Time - - 210 1536. The Parliament dissolve and grant to the King all reli gious Houses of less than 200/. per Annum - 211 Discontent of the People at the loss of the Alms distri buted by the Monks - - - 213 (October) Insurrection in Lincolnshire - - 214 And in the North ; " Pilgrimage of Grace" - 214, 215 (9th of December) The Rebels submit on receiving a ge neral Pardon ... 216 1537. Visitation of Monasteries ; Shrines, Relics, &c, made available for Purposes of Revenue - - 216 Many Monasteries yielded up voluntarily to the Crown ; the Abbots who adopt this Course are rewarded by Pen sions - - 218 What is the just Principle involved in the Confiscation of the Ecclesiastical Property? the Question is, not what the Legislature has Power to do, but what it can do morally or righteously, what it would be enjoined to do if a just Superior could be found - 219, 220 The sacredness of the Life Estate is an essential Condi tion of the Justice of any Change : but beyond the Point where Habits or Plans of Life have been formed in Expectation of the Property, the Legislature may apply to it to Purposes which it deems better than the Original - - 221 1536, 1537. Sanguinary Persecution of those who went farther than the King in Alienation from Rome - 223 1539. (April) " Act for abolishing Diversity of Opinions " - 223 The Variations of Policy in this Reign have generally some Connection with domestic Revolutions in the Pa lace; Jane Seymour had favoured the Protestants - 224 1537. (October) She dies in Child-bed of Edward VI. . 225 1540. t Marriage with Anne of Cleves ; the King's Repugnance to her - .225 (July) Henry seeks a Divorce on the Ground of Pre-con tract; the Question is referred to the Convocation, who declare the Marriage null ; Bill passed by Parliament to that Effect; Anne retires quietly on a Pension of 3000/. - - - 226 1540. (8th of August) Henry married to Catherine Howard - 22fi (June) Attainder of Cromwell; and Execution - 227, 228 Excesses of Cromwell's Administration ; Fate of Courtney Marquis of Exeter, Lord Montague, Sir Edward Ne ville, Margaret Pole, and others _ 229, 230 1541. (14th of February) Catherine Howard executed on the ground of dissolute Life before Marriage _ 230 b 2 XXXIV ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PaSe 1543. (10th of July) Henry marries Catherine Parr ; she favours the Reformation - 232 Henry resists all Attempts to excite his Jealousy against Cranmer - - - 232 The Queen narrowly escapes the King's Vengeance for venturing to argue with him on Theology - 233 (Hth of February) League with the Emperor against 1544. Francis; (14th of July) Henry passes over to France -233 (18th of September) Boulogne taken - - 233 The Emperor makes a separate Peace - - 234 (7th of June) Boulogne restored on Payment of 2,000,000 Crowns to Henry - - 234 Henry persecutes the Lutherans as Heretics, and the Pa pists as Traitors - 234 His declining Health - - 234 Howard Earl of Surrey ; a Poet, Statesman and Warrior ; Jealousy of the Seymours against him; he with his Father the Duke of Norfolk are imprisoned on Pretext of their having quartered the Royal Arms - 236 1547. (January) Trial and Execution of Surrey ; Norfolk is saved by the Death of Henry between the Warrant and the Execution - - 237 (28th of January) Death of Henry - - 238 Testament of Henry, appointing Edward his Successor, recognised by Parliament; Steps by which the Way had been prepared for such an Assumption - 239 It may be questioned whether this Reign was in its ulti mate Consequences injurious to Liberty, since the very Baseness of the Subserviency of Parliament tempted Henry to carry all his Purposes into Effect through their Means, thereby fixing their constitutional Powers 240 A parliamentary Representation given to Wales in this Reign - _ 241 Influence of this Reign on the Progress of the Reform ation - - . _ 243 Death of Luther eleven Months before Henry ; his Cha racter and Doctrine - _ 243, 244 Apprehensions of Civil Rulers at the Progress*of reli gious Enquiry - . 245 CHAP. IX, EnwARO VI. 1547—1553. Predominance of the new Nobility, or Reformation Party among the Executors of Henry . _ 247 (January and February) Edward proclaimed and crowned ; Hertford created Duke of Somerset ; he assumes the Titles of Lord Protector, &c. - _ 24* ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXV A.D. PagE The Chancellor Wriothesley compelled to resign, from his Opposition to Somerset's Elevation ¦ - 248 Exaggerated Panegyrics on the young King - - 249 (March) Somerset's Powers further augmented - - 249 The populace destroy Images in the Churches - - 249 The Government proceed to complete the Reformation - 250 Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, who opposes, is impri soned ; Bonner, of London, escapes only by Submission ; Tunstall, of Durham, excluded from the Council - 251 (4th of November) A Parliament; Statutes promotive, of the Reformation - - - 252 Opinions of the Reformers; Want of that Unity among them which belonged to the Catholic Church ; Diffi culty as to the competent Judge in case of disputed In terpretation of Scripture; whenever the Church was reformed by the Government, the Civil Lawgiver was regarded as such ; all were as intolerant as if infallible 254,255 Lord Sudely's secret Marriage to the Queen Dowager im mediately after Henry's Death - 255 Jealousy between him and his Brother the Protector, em* bittered by a Quarrel about Precedency between their Wives - - 256 1549. (February— March) Sudely attainted and executed for al- ledged Designs against the Government - - 257 The Simplicity of the new Worship excites Discontent ; other Causes contributory to Revolt - 257—259 (June) Insurrection in Cornwall - - 259 (August) Lord Russell defeats the Revolters - - 259 (July) Insurrection in Norfolk, headed by Ket a Tanner -260 (August) The Revolt is repressed by Warwick - - 260 Rising Dissatisfaction with Somerset's Government; Jea lousy excited by the ostentatious Construction of Somer set House - - - - 261 (September) Several Lords arm against Somerset, and gain Possession of the Tower - - 263 (13th of October) His Powers withdrawn, and he is impri soned in the Tower - 263 (28th of October) Warwick Lord High Admiral - - 263 1550. (February) Somerset released on Payment of severe Fines and Forfeiture of his Offices - - 264 (8th of April) Somerset resumes his Seat in Council; but the Enmity between him and Warwick continues - 264 1551. (17th of October) Somerset accused of Treason j Warwick made Duke of Northumberland - - 266 1552. (22d of January) Somerset executed on Tower Hill - 266 Act of Parliament requiring Two confronted Witnesses in Trials for Treason - - 266 Policy of Edward's Governments towards Dissent ; " the Toleration of Heresy was then deemed, by Men of all b 3 XXXVI ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. Page Persuasions, to be as unreasonable as it would now be to propose the Impunity of Murder" - - - 266 Treatment of Bonner and Gardiner, and of the Princess Mary - - - - - 267, 268 But on the whole the Reign of Edward VI. was the most pure from Religious Persecution, of any Administration of the same Length, since Christendom was divided be tween Catholics and Protestants - - 271 Persecution of Flemish Sects under Cranmer's Direction; long Struggle of the natural Feelings of Edward against the Authority of Cranmer, before signing a Warrant for the Execution of Joan of Kent - - 273 Proposed Reformation of the Canon Law . 274, 275 Articles compiled by Cheke and Haddon,but uncompleted at Edward's Death - - - 275 Their free Doctrines on Divorce; difficulty of the Subject 375 Decline of Edward's Health - 277 Jerome Cardan consulted - 277 His Opinion of Edward _ 278 1553. (1st of March) A Parliament summoned; authoritative Recommendation of Members to several Counties from the Crown - _ 279 (May) Marriage of Lord Guilford Dudley, Son of North umberland to Lady Jane Grey ; her Pedigree - 279, 280 Northumberland urges the young King to appoint Lady Jane Grey his Successor - . 280 (June) The Judges after Hesitation draw up a testament ary Paper to this Effect - , _ 282 (6th of July) Death of Edward - - 285 CHAP. X. LADY JANE GREY. 1553. (5th to 8th of July) Northumberland conceals the Death of Edward for, two Days . - .286 (9th) Mary writes to the Council, but receives an hostile Reply . . . .286 Lady Jane Grey's reluctant Acceptance of the Crown - 287 Doubtful Disposition of the People _ _ 287 The Populace at length turn in general towards Mary - 288 The Tower abandoned by Suffolk to Mary's Party ; Lady Jane Grey retires to the Monastery of Sion - 289 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXVU CHAP. XL MARY. 1553—1558. A.D. Page (3d of August) Mary enters London^ accompanied by Eli zabeth - - 290 (18th of August) Northumberland, Northampton, andWar- wick, convicted of High Treason (22d of August) Northumberland executed - 291 The deprived Bishops, Gardiner, Bonner, &c, restored ; Cranmer and Latimer sent to the Tower - 291 Counsels of the Emperor and King of France . . 292 (5th of October) A Parliament abolishes all the Treasons and Felonies of Henry VIII., and declares the first Mar riage of Henry VIII. valid; repeals the Ecclesiastical Laws of Edward VI. - 293 (30th of September) Mary crowned ; Charles offers her the Hand of his son Philip - - 296 Commendone's secret Embassy from Rome - 297 Pole nominated Legate - - 298 (30th of October) The House of Commons Petition against a Foreign Marriage ; Mary's angry Reply - 299 Philip distributes Money among the Members of both Houses, to soften their Hostility - - 300 1554. (January) Embassy from the Emperor ; terms of the Mar riage Treaty - - - 300 General Dissatisfaction j Insurrection headed by Wyatt,, Carew and others - - 301—303 (27th of January) Defection in the Army of Norfolk, sent against the Revolters ; the Court obliged to treat with them ; Mary's harangue in the Guildhall - - 303 (2d of February) Wyatt defeated in his Attack on London 304 (February) Lady Jane Grey and Lord G. Dudley executed 306 Elizabeth arrested ; attempt to implicate her in the Revolt of Wyatt - - - 307 Debate of the Council upon her Fate - - 308 The Emperor and some of the Council advise her Death ; but she is in the end imprisoned - - 308. 310 (19th of July) Philip arrives in England ; (25th) the Mar riage solemnised - - 311 (12th of November) A Parliament Restitution in Blood of Cardinal Pole - - 312 (20th of November) Arrival of Pole as Legate - - 312 (29th of November) Reconciliation of the Realm to the Catholic Communion, solemnised under his Auspices - 313 Marriage of Mary Stuart to the Dauphin ; Philip's jealousy *XXVlii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. JPage of France henceforward rendered it his Policy to pre serve Elizabeth as a Check to the Claims of France through Mary - 315 Elizabeth transferred to Hatfield - - 316 Revival of the Statutes against Heretics - - 317 1555. (January) Ecclesiastical Commission for the Trial of Pro testants - 319 (February) Martyrdom of Hooper and Rogers 320—321 Gardiner, dismayed at the popular Outcry, withdraws from Bloodshed, but Bonner prosecutes the System - 321 Question of Church Property; Mary restores what re mained in the Hands of the Crown ; but it was deemed imprudent to raise Enemies by recalling the rest - 322 Continued Persecution - - 323 (October) Martyrdom of Latimer and Ridley - 324 Cranmer, his Recantation; his Penitential Recall of it followed by a courageous Death, (22d of March 1556) - - 326 Pole installed Archbishop of Canterbury on the same Day ¦ . - - - 327 Estimate of the Numbers of the Sufferers during the con tinuance of the Persecution - - 328 Many Fugitives seek an Asylum among Foreign Protest ants - - 330 The Principles which actuated them ; their Important In fluence in the succeeding Generation on Thrones and Kingdoms - - - 331 Persecutions in the Netherlands - - 33i Foreign Affairs; Philip leaves England as soon as the prospect of Children by Mary ceases _ - 335 1555. (25th of October; He succeeds to the Belgic Provinces through the Resignation of his Father - _ 335 1557. He revisits England, and obtains from Mary a Declaration of War against France . _ . 335 Embassy from the Emperor of Russia, Ivan Vassilowitch II. - .336 (10th of August) Battle of St Quentin, in which the French are totally defeated by the Spanish and English Troops , - _ 338 1558, (January) Calais taken by the French - .339 (September) Death of Charles V. . 341 (17th of November) Death of Mary _ 34,1 (18th of November) Death of Cardinal Pole - - 342 The last act of Mary's Reign was the Despatch of Am bassadors to negotiate a general Peace at Cambray; na ture of the Treaty concluded in the March following . 343 Religious and Political State of Europe ; alarm of Kings attheGrowth of the Reformation; Conferences between the Cardinals Granville and Lorrain ; the secret Designs ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXXIX A. D. Page of the Catholic Governments inadvertently betrayed to the Prince of Orange - - - 343—346 Other Schemes of repressing the Heresies of the Age; The Inquisition - - - 347 A General Council - - - 349 Eluded by the Court of Rome a Quarter of a Century after Luther's preaching, at length assembled at Trent in December, 1545 ; its successive Meetings ; Observ ations on its Proceedings - - 351—354 Institution of the Jesuits - 354—360 VOL. III. CHAP. I. FROM THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH TO THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 1558. Accession of Elizabeth 1 et seq. Her Character 4 Cecil plans the Reformation 5 1559. Meeting of Parliament - - 7 Recognition and Declaration of the Queen's Title - 8 Oath of Supremacy - 9 The Protestant Liturgy introduced 13 Treatment of the deprived Bishops 15 Consecration of Archbishop Parker - 16 Translation of the Scriptures by Authority 18 Marriage of Mary Stuart to the Dauphin - 19 Philip II. solicits the Hand of Elizabeth - 20 1559, 1560. Relations with the See of Rome ; Bull of Paul IV. 21 1561. Separation from the See of Rome - 24 1561— 1567. Proposals of Marriage to Queen Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Scots 27 Claimants to the Succession - 29 Marriage, Character, and Death of Lady Catherine Grey 31 1567. Don Carlos of Spain ; his Character and Death 34 CHAP. II. 1560—1568. State of Parties in France and Scotland 38 Progress of the Reformation in Scotland 41 Treaty between England and France 42 Disputes between Mary Stuart and Elizabeth 45 Xl ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A. D. Page Elizabeth forms a Party in Scotland 48 Death of Francis II. ; Mary returns to Scotland 51 1561. Her Reception - - 58 Proposals of Marriage to her 61 1564. Leicester 62 Darnley - - - 64 1565. Marriage of Mary Queen of Scots with Lord Darnley - 69 1566. Interview of Bayonne; Reference to the Council of Trent - 71 David Rizzio - 73 Darnley coalesces with the Scottish Protestant Lords 75 Murder of Rizzio 77 Return of Moray and the banished Lords 79 1567. Degradation and Death of Darnley 81 et seq. Suspicions entertained of Bothwell 86 He carries off the Queen of Scots 91 Her Letters to him, and their Marriage - - 92 et seq. 1568. Flight of Bothwell, and Imprisonment of the Queen of Scots at Lochleven - - 97 Regency of Scotland - - 100 Fate of Bothwell - - - 102 Attempted Escape of the Queen of Scots, and its Failure 107 She escapes; takes the field against the confederate Lords, and is defeated - _ 108 et seq. Her Flight to England - . 113 Her Reception by Elizabeth . 114 et seq. CHAP. Ill 1560—1574. 1568. Severities against Catholics . 127 Foreign Refugees in England - 129 Rise and Progress of Puritanism 131 et seq. 1569. Northern Rebellion - . 134 1570. Assassination of the Regent Moray _ _ 140 1571. Proceedings against the Queen of Scots in England - 142 1571,1572. Her Relations with the Duke of Norfolk; the Duke's Trial and Execution _ _ 145 et seq. Bold Tone of the Puritans in the House of Commons - 156 Statute against papal Bulls; Denial of the Queen's Title made High Treason jgi Act to compel Uniformity; against Puritans . 164 Severities against them . 158 1566— 1575. The Queen's Progresses; Visit to Sir Thomas Gresham; the Royal Exchange built - . 171 et seq. 1567—1585. Spirit of Maritime Discovery _ 175 et SCq] Drake's Voyage round the Globe _ 182 ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xli CHAP. IV. 1565—1577. A. D. Page 1565. Progress of Calvinism on the Continent, — to the Interview of Bayonne . 185 et seq. Objects of the Interview - 195 1566—1572. War in the Low Countries 197 et seq. 1570. Plot against the Huguenots - - 211 et seq. 1572. Marriage of Margaret of Valois and Henry of Navarre - 222 Attempt on the Life of Coligny - - 222 Massacre of St. Bartholomew - - 224 Question of Premeditation - - 227 Authority of Margaret of Valois, Marshal Tavanes, and Henry III. - - 228 et seq. Despatches of Salviati - 233 Operating Causes of the Massacre - - 237 Impression produced by it in England - 239 Its Effects on the Situation of Mary Queen of Scots - 243 - 1573. Foreign Policy of Elizabeth - 245 1574. Death of Charles IX. - 250 Mission of Lord North to Henry III. - 250 State of France - - 252 War in the Low Countries j Alva recalled, and succeeded by Requesens 254 et seq. Conduct of Elizabeth - . - -255 Defeat of the Netherlander ; Two Brothers of the Prince of Orange slain - 257 1575. Siege of Leyden - - . - 258 Conference of Breda, and Pacification of Ghent - - 258 1576. Sovereignty of the States offered to Elizabeth, and de clined by her - 259 Death of Requesens, who is succeeded by Don John of Austria - . 261 et seq. Secret Project of Don John against England - 264 1577. The Archduke Matthias arrives in the Low Countries, and is appointed Governor - _ 266 1578. Elizabeth concludes a Treaty with the States - 267 The Duke of Anjou (Alencon) invited to the Low Coun tries - -268 State of France - - 269 Death of John of Austria - - - 272 The Prince of Parma assumes the Command - 272 1579. Union of Utrecht - 273 1580. Conquest of Portugal by Philip II. - -274 The States-General depose Philip - - 275 Proscription of the Prince of Orange, and his " Apology " 276 The Duke of Anjou called to the Sovereignty - 276 1581. His Marriage Negotiation with Elizabeth 277 et seq. Rage of Leicester, and Alarm of the Puritans 277 et seq. Xlii ANALYTICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A. D. Page Anjou's Return to the Low Countries ; his Treachery, Character, and Death _ - - 281, 282 CHAP. V. 1580—1588. •: 1580, Severities against Roman Catholics - - 283 And against Puritans - - - 283 1581. The Jesuit Campion and others tortured, condemned, and executed - 285 1583,1584. High ecclesiastical Commission Court - 288 1584. Conference at Lambeth - _ 290 Treatment of the Queen of Scots - - 293 Employment of Spies, Informers, and forged Letters - 293 Throgmorton*s Plot - - - - 296 Association for the Queen's Safety against popish Con spirators . 299 1584,1585. Parry's Plot . 300 1585. Babington's Conspiracy - - 304 et seq. 1586. Proceedings against Mary Queen of Scots - 310 et seq. Sentence against her . 317 1586,1587. Solicitations for her Life _ 3Hj 1587. Warrant signed by Elizabeth _ 322 Execution of the Queen of Scots - . 326 1586. War in the Low Countries and with Spain - 328 et seq. Incapacity of Leicester as Commander-in-chief and Go vernor of the Low Countries _ 334 1586,1587. Naval Successes of Drake . .338 1588. The Spanish Armada . . 341 Preparations and Courage of Elizabeth _ 342 et seq. HISTORY ENGLAND. CHAP. I. ELIZABETH. FROM THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH TO THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 1558—1561. When the lords and commons, assembled under Mary's writs of summons, met on the 17th of November, 1558, they found parliament, according to the ancient con stitution, legally dissolved by the decease of the sove reign who had called it together. The lords, however, desired the attendance of the members of the house of commons to receive an important communication ; and when they came to the bar, archbishop Heath, the chancellor, desired their concurrence, as considerable men of the realm, in the solemnities which the de mise of the crown required. " The cause of your calling hither," said he to those who had just ceased to he the knights, citizens, and burgesses, " is to signify- to you that the lords are certified that God has this morning called to his mercy our late sovereign; a mishap heavy and grievous to us; but we have no less cause to rejoice that .God has left unto us a true, lawful, and right inheritress in the person of the lady Elizabeth, of whose title to the same (thanks be to God) we need not to doubt." * Wherefore * Holinshed, iv. 155. The information in the Journals ie scanty. VOL. III. B HISTORY OP ENGLAND. 1558. the lords have determined, with your consent, to pass from hence unto the palace, and there to proclaim the lady Elizabeth queen of this realm. The commons an swered by cries of " Long live queen Elizabeth ! " and the lords and commons proceeded to the great gate of West minster Hall, where she was proclaimed by the heralds with the accustomed solemnities, in the midst of shouts of joy from the surrounding multitude. The lords, perhaps, considered themselves to be acting as counsel lors of the crown ; but their desire of the consent of the dissolved commons gave an appearance of a parlia mentary proclamation to the solemnity. Elizabeth received the tidings of this great change in her fortune at Hatfield, where she had resided for several years in the mild custody of sir Thomas Pope, but under the watchful eye of a guard. On being apprised of her accession, she fell down on her knees, saying, " This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes." * She almost instantly gave an earnest of the principles which were to govern her reign, by ac cepting, on the same day, a note of advice t on the most urgent matters from sir William Cecil, whom she re stored to the post of secretary of state, which he had occupied under Edward, and from which he was re moved by Mary. Although he was charged by some with a few compliances in the latter years of that princess, he was, nevertheless, known and trusted as a zealous and tried adherent of the protestant cause. He was sworn a privy counsellor on the 20th, with his friends and followers, Parry, Rogers, and Cave. On that day, also, the earl of Bedford, who had only a short time before returned from a visit to the protestant exiles at Zurich, took his seat at the same board. Though many of the privy counsellors of Mary were re-appointed, the princi ples of the majority of the queen's confidential servants, * Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia. t Strype, Ann. i. 5. Oxford edition, 1824. The records of the privy council, in the first three years of Elizabeth, are wanting at the Council Office. 1558. Elizabeth's selection op counsellors. 3 who held their sittings at Hatfield *, left no doubt of her policy. Of the doubtful three who were present there, the earl of Pembroke was a perpetual conformist to the religion of the court. Lord Clinton received trusts and honours from Elizabeth, which showed him to he no enemy of her faith ; and lord William Howard was retained, in part, perhaps, from the queen's recol lection that she was the grand niece of a duke of Norfolk, which seems to have tinged the policy of her earlier years. The council at Hatfield performed all the duties of a supreme administration. They gave orders to the ad mirals in the Channel ; they despatched instructions to the English plenipotentiaries at Cambray ; they thanked the magistrates for staying prosecutions for religion; they released such as were prisoners for that cause. Two of the exiles at Zurich returned so quickly, that no time could have been lost in giving them assurances before their departure of the good reception which they actually experienced.t No reasonable man could, indeed, have doubted that the daughter of Anne Boleyn, the favourite sister of Edward VI., educated by learned and zealous protestants, should prefer the religion of which the ad herents respected her legitimate birth, and maintained her royal title, on which their own hopes of safety de pended, to followers of the catholic faith, who viewed her as the fruit of an unhallowed union, to whom no other obedience could be due than might have been claimed by Nero. \ The council at Hatfield issued their orders on Monday the 21st, for the ceremonial of the queen's entrance into London, which was fixed for Wednesday the 23d, and ; * Lodge's Illustrations, i. 302. 306. f Jewel to Peter Martyr, 26th January, 1559. Burnet, book vi. Ap pendix. The names of these persons were Sands and Horn. Jewel, who was then at Strasburgh, had, before the date of his letter, received from Zurich the account sent from England to that town of the favourable re ception of these two men. t " Elisabetta, minor sorella di Maria, che della reina fin a quel tempo erasi tenuta in custodia, per timore humano avea simulata la religion cattolica, ma con veto cosi sottUe, che agli occhi perspicaci ne transpariva la scoperta eresia. — Pallamc. Hist, di Cone. Trident, fib. xiv. c 8. B 2 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1558. on that day she made her solemn entrance into her ca pital. At the age of twenty-five years, which she had just passed, it is easy for a queen to be applauded for personal attractions. We are told by a Venetian mi. nister *, that she was then " a lady of great elegance both of mind and body ; of a countenance rather pleasing than beautiful ; tall and well made ; her complexion fine, though rather dark ; her eyes beautiful ; and, above all, her hands, which she did not conceal." She is described by some as majestic, by others as haughty ; but all representations concur in showing that her coun tenance and port were rather commanding than alluring, yet not without a certain lofty grace which became a ruler. The literary instruction which she had received from Roger Ascham had familiarised her mind, in her sixteenth year, with the two ancient languages which were at that time almost the sole inlets to the treasures of knowledge and the masterpieces of genius. Latin she acquired from the complete perusal of Cicero and Livy, the greatest prose writers of Rome. She compared the philosophical works of Plato with the abridgments of a Grecian philosophy by which Cicero instructed and delighted his fellow citizens ; and she would be taught by Ascham how much the orations of Demo sthenes, which she read under his eye, surpassed those of the greatest masters of Roman eloquence. She is mentioned by her preceptor as at the head of the let tered ladies of England, excelling even Jane Grey and Margaret Roper. Within a very few days of her arrival in London, Cecil laid before her his plan for a religious revolution, which was to take from her enemies the power and influence of the establishment, and arm her friends with these formid able weapons, t He advises that the change should neither be attempted before the next parliament, nor delayed after its meeting. He owned that it would be * " Di faccia , piu tosto gratiosa che bella ; grande e ben formata ; di Delia S?,-,K™°f c e ol!,vastS.; ,be,"' .ocahj ' e "°Pra "' tutt» bella mano, de la SUjdefa urofessione" — MwUele, m Ellis's Second Series, ii. 216. t A Device for the Alteration of Religion. Strype, t Appendix, No. iv 1558. CECIL PLANS THE REFORMATION. 5 attended with danger from Rome, perhaps from France and Scotland, certainly from Ireland, as well as from Mary's ministers and favourites, and from the bishops and clergy, who " see in it their ruin." Some zealous pro- testants, he foresaw, would consider the retention of the most harmless parts of the ancient system as " a cloaked papistry." Against these perils he recommended every effort to make peace with France, which would be fol lowed by peace with Scotland ; but if these efforts failed " to augment the hope of those who incline to good religion in both those countries." The agents of Mary were to be dismissed and discouraged ; her highness's old and sure servants, who had not shrunk in the late storms, were to be advanced. In Ireland, the evil was to be reme died " by gentle and dulce handling;" accompanied, however, by readiness and boldness in suppressing dis order and revolt. For the particulars of the ecclesias tical reformation, he recommended seven commissioners, who were to be called together by sir Thomas Smith. The noblemen to whom he wished these measures to be communicated before they were opened to the whole, were, the marquess of Northampton, the earls of Bedford and Pembroke, and lord John Grey. The wary states man advised a proclamation against premature and un authorised innovations, which was accordingly issued on the 28th of December, allowing the use of the Epistles, Gospels, and Decalogue, together with the Lord's Prayer, Creed, and Litany, in the English language ; a concession apparently limited, but in truth involving the point in dispute with the see of Rome, inasmuch as it was an assertion of the authority inherent in the state to regulate the established worship. The practice is said to have been permitted before the proclamation.* In the service to be performed before the queen, she was ad vised to admit no more changes than her conscience absolutely required, until the whole should be reformed by parliamentary authority. Oglethorpe, bishop of Car- * Hallam, Const Hist. i. c. 3. The sagacity and accuracy of Mr. Hallam are such, that I consider his assertion, though he quotes no authority, as almost equivalent to testimony. B 3 6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1558. lisle, was commanded by her, when officiating in her chapel on Christmas-day, 1558, to omit the elevation of the host, as giving occasion to what she deemed idol atry; which that prelate conscientiously refused.* The queen immediately withdrew, with her ladies and cour tiers, into her privy chamber, to mark her dissent and displeasumt All these recent circumstances, combined as they 'were* with the tenour of Elizabeth's former life, were considered as such decisive symptoms of her in tention, that the catholic prelates of England honestly refused to take a part in the approaching solemnity of her coronation ; except Oglethorpe, who is said to have been haunted by remorse for his compliance during the short remainder of his life. J They alleged as the ground of their disobedience, that the queen was manifestly preparing to violate the coronation oath ac cording to the sense in which they understood it. In the course of a pageant, on the day before the coronation, she was presented with an English bible ; " at the re ceipt of which, how reverendlie did she, with both her hands, take it, kiss it, and lay it upon her breast !" § Sir Nicholas Bacon, a lawyer of distinguished learning and integrity, was raised to the rank of lord keeper of the great seal. He and Cecil had married two daughters of sir Anthony Cook, renowned for their learning even in that age of female erudition. His zeal for the reformed religion was as conspicuous as that of Cecil. The peerages usually conferred at the accession of an English monarch announced Elizabeth's determination to favour the cause of reformation. The opposite policy of Mary was intelligibly condemned, by restoring the marqijess of Northampton and the earl of Hertford, whose honours had been forfeited in the reign of that princess; while the peerages conferred on Henry Cary, the son of Mary Boleyn, the aunt of Elizabeth, and on Thomas Howard, a more remote relation through Anne Boleyn, proclaimed the honour in which the queen held the * Strype, i.73. -+ Ellis's Second Series, ii. 263. t Allen's Answer to English Justice asserted. Dod, Ch. Hist ii «7. 5 Hohnshed, iv. 176. 1559- MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. 7 memory of her mother. St. John, the remaining peer seems, like the others, to have been a protestant.* Since her accession, every measure of her government was a step towards the reformation, daily cutting off more and more her retreat to the church of Rome, from which every part of her personal conduct evinced her irreclaimable estrangement. She proceeded to its com pletion without hesitation, and without anywher delay than was required by the necessity, in a measure ob noxious to so many acute opponents, of procuring the concurrence of parliament, and of observing all the prin ciples and forms of the constitution. The particulars of her coronation on the 14th of Ja nuary, are preserved in Holinshed, for the amusement of those whose languid and somewhat vulgar fancy is delighted by the description of such splendour as the gilder and the embroiderer can furnish. But even this pageantry afforded to Elizabeth — who, though ca pricious and harsh to individuals, well knew the secret of dealing with a people, — an opportunity of gaining the hearts of her subjects by that union of habitual dignity with general fellow feeling, and seasonable familiarity, which characterises the deportment of those who rule nations with quiet and success. The parliament met on the 25th of January, 1559 ; and Cox, one of the English exiles for religion, who was soon afterwards raised to the episcopal dignity, was chosen to preach a sermon on this memorable occasion. Sir Nicholas Bacon opened the session by a grave and wise speech, in which he said that the parliament was called together to make laws for the uniting of the people of the realm in one uniform order of religion ; for reforming all mischiefs in civil policy ; and to sup ply the queen's wants. In the performance of their task, he exhorted all the members to avoid sophistical disputations, "meeter for ostentation of wit, than for consultation on weighty matters ; " and to banish from * It appears in Dugdale that all these peerages bear date the 12th and 13th of January, 1559. B 4 8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559. their mouths all those opprobrious words which are the utter enemies of concord and unity. He warned them alike to resist idolatry and superstition on the one hand, and, on the other, to avoid a licentiousness which might suffer irreverence, and even irreligion, to creep into the kingdom.* In his allusion to the catholics, the orator perhaps deviated somewhat from his own recommend ation. The language in which he alluded to those re formers who began to seek a further reformation than that of Edward VI. is chosen with more tenderness to their feelings, and is more guarded against the risk of offending their zeal. An act for the recognising and declaring the queen's title was unanimously passed by the lords, and adopted without any apparent opposition by the commons. This statute declares her to be rightly, lineally, and lawfully descended from the blood royal, and pronounces " all sentences and acts of parliament derogatory from this declaration to be void."t These words imply a confirmation of the marriage of Anne Boleyn; and the latter clause undoubtedly com prehends the divorce for pre-contract, in which Cranmer unhappilyperformedablamablepart. Why express words declaring the legitimacy of Anne's marriage were not introduced, it is not easy to judge with certainty. This departure from the example of Mary, who obtained an express declaration of the legality of the marriage of Catherine, has been insinuated by some to arise from doubts respecting the success of the like boldness in Elizabeth. But it cannot be doubted that so zealous a protestant parliament would have been ready to do that expressly, which they did by necessary implication. The case of Elizabeth was different from that of Mary. The marriage of Catherine involved only a simple ques tion of law, which parliament had in effect decided by returning to the communion of the see of Rome. The marriage of Anne depended in part upon matters of fact * D'Ewes's Journal, 14. From a copy of the speech in his possession. 1 1 Ehz. c. 3. Statutes of the Realm. 1559. DECLARATION OF ELIZABETH'S TITLE. 9 respecting the alleged pre-contract with Henry Piercy, of which, at the distance of thirty-five years, and when all the principal parties had been long dead, it might have been difficult to produce satisfactory evidence.* The investigation must, if successful, have revived the remembrance of Cranmer's criminal weakness, and placed in the most glaring light the cruel impatience of Henry. It was not, probably, thought politic to bring into question the acts of Mary, or to dispel that obscurity respecting the succession, of which the removal would present the queen of Scots to the nation as seated by the side of the throne. The acts by which the ecclesiastical revolution was accomplished occupied the whole session of parliament, which continued from January to May. The first of these measures consisted in the revival of all the sta tutes of Henry VIII. against foreign jurisdiction, which, in imitation of that monarch's equivocal language, they called " restoring the ancient jurisdiction of the crown over the state ecclesiastical," t together with the revival of the protestant statute of Edward respecting the sa crament of the altar. All spiritual jurisdiction was by the same act expressly annexed to the crown, and the sovereign was empowered to exercise it by commissioners appointed under the great seal. All ecclesiastical, and most civil magistrates and officers, were required, under pain of loss of office and deprivation of benefice, with disability to hold either in future, to take an oath " that the queen was the only supreme governor of the realm in spiritual as well as temporal causes" (for Elizabeth forbore to assume the unseemly title of head of the church), " and that no foreign prince or prelate had, or ought to have J, any spiritual authority within this * Henry Piercy, earl of Northumberland, died in 1538. Dugdale, i. 283. Had he been so contracted to Anne as to avoid a subsequent marriage, his own children would have been illegitimate. f 1 Eliz. c. 1. Stat, of the Realm. % The words " ought to have," if jurisdiction be confined to its only proper sense, that of outward and coercive power, were perhaps the only terms in this oath which were repugnant to the conscience of a true catholic. Even that difficulty has not always been deemed insur mountable. 10 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559- realm." Several clauses of this act deserve commend ation as manifestations of a tolerant temper, which, though in themselves imperfect, yet were very extensive compared with the practice of the age. The ancient statutes against Lollardy, revived and executed by Mary, were repealed; and the ecclesiastical commissioners were forbidden to declare any matter to be heresy but such as had been decided to be so either by the Scripture or by any of the first four general councils ; a provision which appears to be equivalent to an exemption of Roman ca tholics, as such, from the imputation of heresy. On the other hand, the maintenance of foreign authority in this kingdom, by writing, printing, or preaching, was, for the first offence, punished by fine and imprisonment; for the second, by the severe penalties of preemunire; and for the third, by death. Nothing can be urged in mitigation of such a clause, considered even as a menace, but the disposition of the consistent adherents of papal supremacy to deny the legitimate birth, and to dispute the civil authority, of the queen. Two temporal peers and nine prelates voted against the third reading of the bill. On its return from the commons, the lay lords withdrew their opposition, but the spiritual lords per severed. * The next act, for re-establishing the Com mon Prayer Book of Edward VI. t, gave occasion to more serious scruples, and excited a more numerous as well as more firm resistance. The clause which sub jected the ministers of the established church to punish ment for disobedience, is rather to be blamed as a departure from clemency than as a breach of justice. The severe penalties denounced against all others who libelled the established service, though they would be condemned by all who regard it as impolitic or unjust to punish the excesses of discussion, yet were more pro bably then blamed, if at all, for extreme laxity and * 18th and 22d of March, 1559. D'Ewes*s Journal. The earl of Shrews. bury and the viscount Montague (the latter had been ambassador at Rome) were the lay peers. Heath, Bonner, Oglethorpe, and the abbot of West minster, were among the spiritual lords. t An Act for theXIniformity of Common Prayer. 1 Eliz. c. 2. 1559. CONFERENCE OF WESTMINSTER. 11 feebleness. This bill passed the house of commons in three days*, with no opposition but that of Mr. Arnold, which, though directed against the penal clauses, was intended to destroy the bill. It was passed by the house of lords on the 28th of April, against the op position of nine prelates and nine temporal peers, t Among the latter we find not only the names of Shrews bury and Montacute, the usual opponents of this session, but those also of the marquess of Winchester, of the lords Morley, Stafford, Dudley, Wharton, Rich, and North. The Journals of the house of lords, from the 22d of April to the 1st of May, not being printed, nor perhaps extant, we cannot determine the proportion which this minority bore to the whole number of the house. But as the lords present on both the days just mentioned were about eighty-five, and the same num ber ordinarily attended after that time, there appears no sufficient reason for doubting that the bill was carried by a majority of nearly four to one.J The convocation had, at their first meeting, protested against the im pending innovations, and conveyed their dissent through the unwelcome hand of Bonner. A disputation was in consequence appointed to be holden in Westminster Abbey, on the 31st of March, between catholic and pro testant divines. It was agreeable to the principles, though not to the practice, of the latter to enter on such a conference with the possibility of advantage; since they exercised the right of free enquiry, and might therefore be convinced by arguments of adequate force. But the Roman catholic divines, who deemed themselves con cluded by the decisions of an unerring church, with whatever ability they might vindicate their doctrines, could not profess any openness to conviction. It was consistent with their system to disapprove such disputes. The conference, in which lord keeper Bacon presided, was productive as usual of increased irritation, and the * Commons' Journals, 18th to 20th April, 1559. + D'Ewes, 30. t Dr. Lingard and Mr. Ellis have told us that the bill passed by a majo rity of only three. But neither quotes authority. 12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559. boasts of victory were equally loud on both sides. The catholic prelates remarked on the unseemliness of placing Bacon, a layman, in the chair, to moderate a religious debate. It was very angrily conducted, and the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln were committed to the Tower for threatening to excommunicate the queen.* Some documents purporting to be the speeches of the minority in parliament in these important debates are preserved. But they are considered as spurious or doubtful by the ecclesiastical historians of both parties.t Those ascribed to archbishop Heath, bishop Scott, and Feckenham, abbot of Westminster, are summaries of the controversy on the catholic side, and are not pro perly within the province of the civil historian. The speech of lord Montague is more ingenious and season able ; objecting to the severe penalties, and urging the ordinary arguments from the antiquity and universality of the catholic church only as presumptions of the un certainty of protestantism, and as aggravations of the injustice of severely punishing adherents to a faith maintained for so many ages by their fathers. The true hinge of the dispute was not touched by either party. The question was, whether the legislature had a right to alter the established and endowed religion, on condition of respecting the estates for life vested by law in certain ecclesiastics. The protestants as well as the catholics converted the debate into a theological dis cussion, because they justified their measures by the truth of their own religious opinions. No one then saw that the legislature could not, without usurping authority over conscience, consider religion otherwise than as it affected the outward interests of society ; which alone were entrusted to their care, and submitted to their rule. Every other view of the subject, however arising from a wish to exalt religion, must in truth tend to degrade and enslave her. Of the only two important deviations in the new Book of Common Prayer from the liturgy of Edward VI. * Collier, ii. 43L Strype, Ann. i. 133. f strype, i. 107. Dod, ii i. 1559- PROTESTANT LITURGY INTRODUCED. 13 the first, consisting in the omission of a prayer to be de livered from the " tyranny of the bishop of Rome and all his detestable enormities," manifested a conciliatory temper towards the Roman church ; and the second, instead of the Zwinglian language, which spoke of the sacrament as being only a remembrance of the death of Christ, substituted words indicating some sort of real presence of a body, though not affirming the presence to be corporeal ; coinciding with the phraseology of Calvin, which, if any meaning can be ascribed to the terms, might, it should seem, be used by catholics, not indeed as adequately conveying their doctrine, but as containing nothing inconsistent with it.* The queen also scrupled about the abolition of the ho nours shown to the statues and pictures of holy men. She harboured prejudices favourable to the superior sanctity of a single life, which withheld her from approving the marriage of the clergy. She was indulgent to the affectionate practice of praying for the souls of the de parted, which a simple piety seems very early to have suggested to the ancient Christians. At midsummer, 1559* the protestant liturgy was in troduced, and the oath of supremacy administered. Fif teen bishops refused the oath; being all the prelates then alive, except Kitchen of Llandaff, who did not shrink from the completion of that time-serving course, of which others of his brethren were at length ashamed. Their example was followed by seventy-seven digni taries, and fifteen heads of colleges ; but, out of the nu merous body of parochial clergy, only by eighty rectors t ; a singular proportion, clearly marking the great power of honour and shame in a case where conspicuous per-. * (At the delivery of the bread.) King Edward's Prayer Book. Queen Elimbeth's Prayer Book. ' " Take and eat this in remem- " The body of our Lord Jesus brance that Christ died for thee, Christ, who was given for thee, and feed on him in thy heart with preserve thy body and souL" faith." t Strype, Ann. i. 106. Dod only names about 150 : if we deduct the abbots and monks, whose leaving their monasteries was not voluntary, and could not have been avoided by tailing the oath, the difference will be trilling. — Dod, ii. 318, 14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559. sons remained faithful, while the obscure majority consulted their interest. The pliancy was by no means so considerable as under Henry and Edward; partly because the progress was then gradual, partly because the clergy were engaged in the first steps of it almost by surprise, and in no small degree from the terrors of Henry's sanguinary government. It is re markable that so small a loss should have occasioned so great a deficiency in the means of religious in» struction, as that which protestant writers deplore. The necessity of one minister serving several churches, however, is almost confined by Strype to London, where the conformity of known catholics was more disgrace ful. * Laymen were appointed, he tells us, to read the service in the churches which were left destitute. The university of Oxford (we have little information at that time concerning Cambridge) displayed a steadi ness, venerable, if it proceeded from conscience; re spectable, if it had no higher source than a regard to character; — on either supposition, natural in stations of eminence and influence ; which was the first instance, and perhaps one of the fountains, of their zealous at tachment to ancient institutions. A small deduction from the number of fellows of colleges, on whom the education of the learned classes chiefly devolved, must have caused a great chasm in clerical and literary in struction. Bishop Jewel complained that there were not two in Oxford of the reformed opinions, t It is not to be forgotten, that many catholic priests at first conformed; that means were found to exempt others from the oath, and to convert their benefices into sine cures. X The expulsions were not all enforced in the beginning § ; and before the year 1564, we are told by * Strype, i. 203. t Dod, ii. 8. The complaint of archbishop Parker, that there were not two men in Cambridge able and willing to read theological lectures, is reduced in value by the fact that it occurred in 1568, and by the circum. stance that it was written to obtain for the university pecuniary liberalities from the queen.— Collier, ii. 527. X Dod, ut supra. i Tarn anno isto (1560) quam proximo sequentibus exturbati sunt bene multi. Aut. Oxon. 1559. OATH OF SUPREMACY. 15 Strype* that the chasm was almost filled up. If al lowance be made for exaggeration in language, perhaps the protestant account of numbers, which is not opposed by any distinct enumeration on the side of the van quished party, is not greatly defective, and may be nearly reconciled to the loud complaints of destitute churches, by the strong impression which the minds of men had received from the striking examples of the capital and the chief seminary of education. Even car dinal Allen, in his "Answer to the Defence of the Jus tice of Elizabeth," makes the whole number, exclusive of Ireland, to be only 229; an estimate which falls very short of the whole number of the parochial clergy who occupied the thousand parishes of England and Wales. According to the standard of that age, the treatment of the deprived bishops was remarkable for mildness. The imprisonment of Bonner, whose odious character gave some colour to the reason alleged by a few partisans * of the government, that his confinement was necessary to shelter him from popular violence, can hardly be re garded as an exception. Elizabeth, who had received the other bishops at her first audience with due courtesy, turned from Bonner as from a man of blood ; and on his death, in 1569, tne bishop of London caused him to be interred by night, to protect his remains from the fury of the populace, t The respectable Heath passed the remainder of his life at his own house in Surrey, where he was frequently visited by the queen. The venerable Tunstall, together with Thirlby, a states man rather than a prelate, was placed in a state of lenient ward at Lambeth palace. Scott, Pate, and Goldwell retired beyond sea, not without the connivance of the ministers. White and Watson had threatened to excommunicate the queen. The former was, how ever, released, after acknowledging his fault ; and at his death, which occurred in 1559, he was publicly and solemnly interred in his late cathedral of Winchester. Watson, though unpopular as a "sour and morose » Strype, i 203. + Orindall's letter of September, 1569. Ellis, ii. 258. 16 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559. man," lived for twenty years with the bishops of Ro chester and Ely ; but was, in 1580, in consequence of a charge of conspiracy, confined in Wisbeach castle, where he died two years after. * To fill the seats of the deceased and deprived bishops became one of the most' serious cares of the new govern ment. Cecil and Bacon, the principal ministers, turned their immediate attention to the vacant primacy, at that crisis the most important station in the kingdom. Their choice was, even before the coronation, fixed on Matthew Parker, a man of worth and learning, who, though a married clergyman, was endeared to Elizabeth by having been the chaplain of her mother, who with her dying breath commended to his pious care the religious nur ture of her infant daughter. He was for some time confined to the country by a quartan ague, — a distemper then often fatal. A great part of the next year was employed in conquering the repugnance of this humble and disinterested man to the highest dignity in the reformed churches. When Cecil and Bacon had finally succeeded in overcoming his scruples, the consecration was delayed for some time, in order to take such precautions as might best secure its validity from being impugned, t The church of England then adopted, and has not yet renounced, the inconsistent and absurd opinion, that the church of Rome, though idolatrous, is the only channel through which all lawful power of ordaining priests, of consecrating bishops, or validly performing any religious rite, flowed from Christ, through a suc cession of prelates, down to the latest age of the world. The ministers, therefore, first endeavoured to obtain the concurrence of the catholic bishops in the conse cration; which those prelates, who must have considered such an act as a profanation, conscientiously refused. \ * Dod, i. 485. Strype, i. 214. + It is needless to discuss the ridiculous story of a consecration of the new prelates at the Nag's Head tavern; which has been judiciouslv aban doned by Dr. Lingard, the most eminent of our Roman catholic his. torians. 1559. CONSECRATION OF PARKER. 17 They were at length obliged to issue a new commis-- sion for consecrating Parker, directed to Kitchen of Llandaff, to Ball, an Irish bishop, to Barlow, Scory, and Coverdale, deprived in the reign of Mary, and to two suffragans.* Whoever considers it important at present to examine this list, will perceive the perplexi ties in which the English church was involved by a zeal to preserve unbroken the chain of episcopal succession. On account of this frivolous advantage, that church was led to prefer the common enemy of all reformation to those protestant communions which had boldly snap ped asunder that brittle chain : a striking example of the evil that sometimes arises from the inconsistent respect paid by reformers to ancient establishments. Parker, who had been elected on the 1st of August, was finally consecrated on the 17th of December, t Four new bishops were consecrated three days after the primate ; whose preferment, as they had been exiles for religion in the time of Mary, was a strong and irrevocable pledge of the queen's early determination to stand or fall with the reformed faith. This politic, as well as ge nerous, elevation of faithful adherents and patient suf ferers did not prevent the wise ministers from a general choice which none of their antagonists ventured to im pugn. For some time many of the Roman catholics, unskilled in theological disputes, continued to frequent their parish churches, regardless of the differences which were to steep Europe in blood. J This unenquiring conformity appears not imme diately to have yielded to the condemnation of it pro nounced by the divines at Trent. The Anglican reformation was completed by the publication of the articles of religion, exhibiting the creed of that esta bhshment, which, upon the whole, deserves commend ation, in the only points where the authors could exercise any discretion ; for treating the ancient church * A suffragan is one who executes the office of a bishop, but who hath not the tiUe. — Ed. Phillips's World of Words. 4th ed. 1678. + Strype's Parker, b. ii. c. i. Burnet. t Collier, ii. 436. VOL. III. 0 18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559. with considerable approaches to decency, and for pre ferring quiet, piety, and benevolence to precision and consistency : not pressing those doctrines to their utmost logical consequences, which, by such a mode of infer ence, lead only to hatred, to blood, and often to a cor ruption of moral principle. A translation of the Scripture was published by authority, which, after passing through several emend ations, became, in the succeeding reign, the basis of our present version. This was the work of translators not deeply versed in the opinions, languages, manners, anil institutions of the ancient world, who were bom before the existence of eastern learning in Europe, and whose education was completed before the mines of criticism had been opened, either as applied to the events of history, or to the reading, interpretation, and genuine ness of ancient writings. On these accounts, as well as on account of the complete superannuation of some parts of its vocabulary, it undoubtedly requires revi sion and emendation. Such a task, however, should only be entrusted to hands skilful and tender in the case of a translation, which, to say nothing of the connection of its phraseology with the religious sensibilities of a people, forms the richest storehouse of the native beauties of our ancient tongue; and by frequent yet reverential perusal has more than any other cause contri buted to the permanency of our language, and thereby to the unity of our literature. In waving the higher con siderations of various kinds which render caution, in such a case, indispensable, it is hard to overvalue the literary importance of daily infusions from the " well of English undefiled" into our familiar converse. Nor should it be forgotten, if ever the revision be undertaken, that we derive an advantage, not to be hazarded for tasteless novelties, from a perfect model of a translation of works. of the most remote antiquity, into that somewhat antique English, venerable without being obscure, which alone can faithfully represent their spirit and genius. While Elizabeth continued to consolidate her throne 1559- PRETENSIONS OF MARY OF SCOTLAND. 19 on the basis of the protestant religion, which her enemies as well as her friends taught her to contemplate as the only secure foundation of her title and government, the opposition of innovation to establishment, sometimes traversed by personal interests and temporary incidents, sometimes blended with the more shifting objects of policy, was hastening to become the mainspring of the wars and revolutions of Europe. Some of the steps to wards a general war of opinion have been traced in the conclusion of the preceding volume. Some of the political causes which gave an ascendant for a short time to a transient and narrow policy have also been there observed. The most considerable of them was the marriage of Mary Stuart to the dauphin. At the death of Mary Tudor, the queen dauphiness assumed the arms and regal tide of England, to which she was indeed the heir in the eyes of all who deemed Eliza beth illegitimate, and considered the parliament as not having the power to invade the sacred order of succes sion. Mary and her husband even executed a grant of land to lord Fleming, by their style as king and queen of England as well as of Scotland.* These acts could not be regarded as the mere assumption of barren titles, since they never were practised during the reign of Mary, or even of Edward. The claims of a Roman ca tholic pretender, wedded to the heir apparent of such a monarchy as France, — while Scotland was divided be tween the contending communions, while Ireland was altogether catholic, and while catholics predominated in the northern provinces of England, — were in the highest degree formidable to the protestant succession in Eng land, and seemed to threaten an instant overthrow of Elizabeth's tottering throne. The princes of the house of Lorraine established in France, — a race remarkable for capacity, valour, and daring ambition, — became the masters of that monarchy at the death of Henry II., who was mortally wounded in a tournament in July, 1559, shortly after having issued an edict inflicting * As early as January, 1559.— Cecil's Diary, Murdin, 747. C 2 20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559- the punishment of death on all protestants, and enjoin ing judges not to commute the penalty.* In the minority of Francis II., their sway was established through the ascendant of their niece, Mary Stuart, over the imbecile boy to whom that beautiful and accom plished princess, distinguished even then for vigour and ability, was so unhappily, and, in spite of the outward splendour of the union, so unsuitably tied. These princes, who countenanced the legends which deduced their de scent from Charlemagne, certainly regarded the sove reignty of the British islands as being within Mary's lawful pretensions, of which the enforcement was not beyond the grasp of their own almost boundless aspirations. It has been already seen that Philip II., a bigot of equal sincerity, sternness, and sagacity, preserved Eli zabeth from the merciless purposes of her sister, in order to be a restraint on the vaulting ambition of the house of Lorraine. When he saw the pretensions to the English throne, which the French princes now made for their niece, he suspended every purpose of reli gious hatred, and of his permanent policy, in order to provide against an aggrandisement which menaced his own dominions. The count de Feria t, the Spanish ambassador in London, received his master's orders to make propositions of marriage to Elizabeth as soon as she succeeded to the throne. Though this fact be at tested by all writers, the particulars are mentioned by none, and do not seem to be preserved in our -public repositories. Philip is said to have pressed his suit with some importunity, and to have -assured the queen that he could obtain a papal dispensation for the mar riage, which would at least silence her catholic subjects. She, wary from her early youth, answered the advances of so potent a monarch with all due courtesy. She in timated the difficulty, which she doubtless strongly felt, of tacitly owning her illegitimacy, by accepting a papal dispensation to become the wife of her brother-in-law. Her repugnance to the marriage, as she afterwards de- * Henault. f Created a duke in 1567. Moreri. 1559- PROPOSALS OF MARRIAGE. 21 clared to Castelnau, was so strong, as to prevail over her gratitude to Philip, who had saved her from her sister's rage, at a moment when Elizabeth's destruction seemed so certain, that she had determined on asking no other favour than that her head should be struck off by a sword, as her mother's was, instead of an axe.* She, says Camden, with a mind most' averse from such nuptials, thought nothing so likely to deliver her from the eager pursuit of her importunate lover, as the imme diate adoption of decisive measures for the establishment of the reformed church, t The various motives which withheld her from the proffered marriage were too obvious to have escaped a prince so discerning as Philip. Perhaps we may be allowed to conjecture, with some probability, that his expectations of retaining England by wedlock were slight, but that he relied on the friendly dispositions with which the young queen would be inspired by his" affectation of gallantry towards her. At all events, the suit was soon relinquished; for the count de Feria declined to appear at the coronation ; and the unhappy espousal of Elizabeth of France to Philip was one of the stipulations of the treaty of Chateau-Cambresis. The relations of Elizabeth, at her accession, with the court of Rome, formed an object which required to be handled with no small delicacy. Sir Edward Carne, of South Wales, an eminent canonist, had represented the English government at Rome during all the periods of friendly intercourse, from the nego tiations about the divorce of Henry VIII. to the death of Mary. Elizabeth instructed him to announce her accession to the sovereign pontiff, and to assure him of her determination to offer no violence to the con science of any class of her subjects ; thus at once con- * Mem. de Castelnau, liv. ii. ch. 3. t Ilia, animo ab hujusmodi nuptiis aversissimo, nihil ad importunum procura amoliendum efficacius censuit quam ut religio quam primum mu- taretur." — Camd. Ann. Eliz. ed. Hearne. , The version in Kennet, which omits all the strong expressions of Camden, is a remarkable instance of the effect of a languid translation in hiding the feelings of the principal persons, which are here the most important facts in the narrative. c 3 22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1559. veying her desire of amity, her tolerant policy, and her unshaken protestantism. Caraffa, a noble Venetian, who then filled the papal throne by the name of Paul IV., made answer with a haughtiness unquenched on his death-bed, and with the marble inflexibility of fourscore, " that England was a fief of the apostolic see ; that she could not succeed, being illegitimate; that the reigning pontiff could not reverse the decrees of his predecessor against the marriage; but that, notwith standing her boldness in presuming to wear the crown without his previous assent, being yet desirous to show a fatherly affection towards an illustrious nation, and to a lady of high though not unstained lineage, if she would renounce her pretensions, and refer herself wholly to his generosity, he should be disposed to do for her whatever could be done consistently with the honour of the apostolic see."* To this arrogant answer many his torians have ascribed the separation of England. But cardinal Pallavicino, though he blames the obstinate folly of the pontiff, which thus rejected every chance of reconciling England, adds, with his accustomed sagacity, that the mildness of Elizabeth's language was only an opiate used to lull the pontiff to sleep, till her power should be secured ; but that she would quickly throw off the mask, and act with the zeal of an obstinate heretic, who was herself declared to be a bastard, and whose mother was pronounced to be a prostitute by the doctrines and authorities of the catholic church.t The advances of Elizabeth did not deceive the Roman court. J Elizabeth commanded her minister to return ; the pope prohibited him from leaving Rome under pain of excom munication, and offered him a provision as master of the English hospital. Carne, in his despatches to London, protested against his detention, and solemnly declared that he would rather beg his bread homeward than seem to disobey his sovereign's command. It was, neverthe- * Fra Paolo, lib. v. + Pallavicino, lib. xiv. c. 8. The orthography seems to have been either with a termination in a' or in o indifferently. X " Nee fefellerint haac pontificem Romanum." — Camd. Ann. 1559- PAPAL INTERFERENCE. 23 less, suspected that the veteran diplomatist, actuated by deep-rooted attachment to the ancient faith, had volun tarily procured the exile of which he affected to com plain.* He died at Rome in 156l, no otherwise worthy of historical notice, than as the last of a long succession of ministers who had for 800 years maintained the ecclesiastical and pontifical intercourse between England and the see of Rome : for the brief and abortive effort to revive it in the following century cannot be regarded as a substantial exception. When Caraffa found Elizabeth inaccessible to his menaces, he issued a bull, in which he did not name her, but confirmed the excommunication and the other punishments provided against all heretics, whether they be subjects or sovereigns ; and deprived heretical sove reigns of their dominions, inflicting upon them an in capacity to be restored by any authority; and excluded them all, comprehending in the exclusion persons of regal and imperial dignity, from every solace of human intercourse and society.t Caraffa died a few months afterwards, loaded with the curses of the Romans : his statue was thrown into the Tiber, and his remains were with difficulty saved from the fury of the raging populace. Had the accession of Elizabeth been somewhat later, the reception of her advances by Paul's successor, Pius IV., a prince of the house of Medici, would have been more courteous, and might perhaps have preserved to the Roman court the possibility of advantage, which de pended on the continuance of an amicable correspondence with England. For in May, 1560, the pope despatched Parpaglia, abbot of St. Saviour, to the queen, with letters full of respect and affection, imploring her to return to the communion of the church, and assuring her of his readiness to contribute to the happiness of her soul and * " Creditur tamen solertem senem hoc exilium ex inflammato Romana: religionis studio sponte elegisse." — Camd. Ann. fThis bull, hitherto only vaguely alluded toby historians, is in the Bulla- rium Romanum, i. 840. editio Lucem. 1727. 15th March, 1559. lt was confirmed by Pius V., in a bull which subjects all dignities, including the royal, to the tribunals of inquisition. Bullar. Roman, ii. 214. This last bull expressly names the bull of Paul IV. (Caraffa). It bears date on the 12th January, 1567. — See afterward the bull of February, 1569. 0 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1561. the establishment of her royal dignity. He is even said to have verbally instructed Parpaglia to promise that, if she would return to the bosom of the catholic church, and submit to the parental authority of the apostolic see, his holiness would declare the validity of her mother's marriage, permit the use of the English liturgy, and •llow the sacrament in both kinds to the laity.* Par paglia was not, however, allowed to enter England. Pius IV., not altogether despairing, renewed his efforts in the succeeding year. Martinengo, an Italian abbot, in April, 156l, announced from Brussels to the English ministers, that he was desirous of proceeding to London on the part of the most holy father, to represent to the queen the earnest wishes of his holiness to reconcile her and her subjects to the rest of Christendom ; and to entreat her, for that end, to send her prelates to the general council about to be holden in the city of Trent. A privy council was assembled at Greenwich, on the ] st of May, 156l, to consider this momentous proposition. It was there determined that it was impossible " to allow the pope's jurisdiction within this realm to any purpose," without shaking the queen's title to the throne, which was evidently irreconcilable with the decrees of the Ro man pontiff; that the appearance of a nuncio in London would countenance the false reports of the queen's in tention to change her religion, and thereby encourage the audacity of the disaffected, as well as render faithful subjects fearful of manifesting their affection ; that, be sides the highest motive of religion, it was inconsistent with common prudence to run the least hazard of a new religious revolution, at the very moment that the country was beginning to recover from the last ; that the legate then in Ireland was active in stirring up revolt; that ParpagUa was in the former year charged with the task of exciting a rebellion in England ; and that a general council, though if really independent it would be most acceptable in England, must, in the present circum- * Camden, i. 73. 1561. PAPAL CLAIMS REJECTED. 25 stances, be regarded as a papal lure.* Had the Roman government been disposed, at the accession, to giant all that they are supposed to have authorised Parpaglia to offer, Elizabethmight perhaps have purchased a truce with a formidable antagonist, by concessions to the English catholics far beyond the usage of that period.t But the time for such negotiations was now past : the council advised that Martinengo should not be allowed to enter the kingdom. The queen's policy consisted in showing that steady countenance to her opponents which alone could secure the fidelity of adherents. The history of the dealing of the Roman see with the Lu theran reformation is crowded with such lessons to all who bear sway over nations in seasons of trouble and peril. The grant of the eup to the laity, the use of the vulgar tongue in worship and instruction, even the ce libacy of the clergy, were generally owned to concern matters of discipline only, where concessions might be made without derogation from the unerring judgment of the catholic church. But the pretension to infalli bility had not only perverted the understanding, but corrupted and inflamed the temper of the papal counsel lors. Its influence extended beyond its argumentative consequences : it begat a haughty spirit, a stubborn pride, an undistinguishing defiance of all attempts to conciliate, in cases where they might have yielded with out inconsistency. The effect of this was, that the British islands were completely separated from the Roman com munion, and France nearly so ; to say nothing of the degree in which the ancient faith throughout Christen dom was undermined. X * Hardwicke Papers, i. 180. f This could only be, if all the terms which Parpaglia was supposed to have the power of granting, except the recognition of Anne Boleyn's mar riage, be understood as confined to the English catholics only. " t All attempts have proved unsuccessful to recover either the count de Feria's propositions of marriage, or Carne's despatches, containing the account of Caraffa's answer to Elizabeth. But the numerous allusions to the former in the letters of the chief actors in these scenes leave no doubt of the fact The truth of the latter may be considered as established by the consideration, that though it rests much on the testimony of father Paul, it is not contradicted, but rather tacitly assumed, bv his acrimpnious opponent, cardinal Pallavicino, who wrote from the Rotnan records, and might have known those who were of full age at the accession of.Elizabetb. 2b HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1561, The final breach between Elizabeth and Rome pro bably contributed to the sudden cessation of Philip's efforts to obtain her hand. Her marriage continued to be a subject of the deepest interest, not only to her own people, but to all zealous and reflecting catholics and protestants throughout Europe. Philip, after his own failure, laboured to obtain the hand of Elizabeth for his cousin the archduke Charles. Her encouragement of this union was ascribed by continental politicians to her hope that an alliance between England and Austrian Germany might in some degree curb the ambition and counter poise the power of the two great crowns of France and Spain.* The protestants were suspicious of its tendency to introduce a popish influence into England, while the court of Rome dreaded that the heretical queen might lessen the union of catholic sovereigns. The negotiation was renewed, partly perhaps to parry the importunity of parliament for the queen's marriage, from 1563 to 1565 +; and, on the latter occasion, it was promoted by Leicester, with a zeal which indicates the extinction of the ambitious hopes ascribed to him. % Elizabeth refused to allow the public exercise of any religion but the pro testant in her dominions ; a matter which, from the long continuance of the negotiation, appears to have been deemed not incapable of compromise. The apprehension of the success of the negotiation procured for Elizabeth a suitor of fourteen years of age in the person of the duke of Anjou, who afterwards ruled France under the name of Henry III.; a prince whose brutal amours and acquiescence in cruelty do not appear to have been re lieved by a solitary virtue. Castelnau visited Britain in 1 566, to tender for the queen's choice either him or his brother Charles IX. ; two marriages so seductive, but so execrable, that it would be hard to find a parallel for them in history. § In the matrimonial negotiations with the royal family * Throgmorton to privy council. Paris, loth June, 1559. Forbes, i. 120. Id. to Cecil, 18th November, 1569. Forbes, i. 265. t Haynes, 407. 419. 436. in Cecil's letters to Mundt, a secret agent in Germany. t Ellis, second series, ii. 206. 6 Mem. de Castelnau, liv. v. ch. 11, 12, 1561. PROPOSALS OF MARRIAGE. 27 of France, there are clearer traces of intention on either side to amuse and deceive for temporary purposes, than can be discovered in other treaties of the like nature. Castelnau, for example, offered the duke of Anjou to Mary Stuart, as he had done before to Elizabeth. But the Austrian marriage, on the contrary, was so accept able, that lord Sussex, the ambassador at Vienna in 1567, was not only very desirous of the alliance, but considered it as practicable. In his despatch to Elizabeth, he skil fully tries to soften the heart of his mistress, by dis playing the qualities of Charles's mind, and still more fully the beauties of his countenance and form. He told the archduke that the queen was free to marry, though she had never given a " grateful ear" to any motion of marriage but to this. The archduke answered, that but for this assurance, he had heard so much of the queen's not meaning to marry as might give him cause to suspect the proposal. Sussex, fearing religion to be the obstacle, ventured to insinuate that, his imperial majesty being believed secretly to favour the Lutherans, the archduke, by communicating the secret now to him, might bring the negotiation within a short compass. The archduke, without contradicting the prevalent opinion of his father's religious inclination, asked Sussex whether he could advise an Austrian prince suddenly to change a religion which his ancestors had so long holden. Sussex told Elizabeth, that as reputation ruled Charles under the guise of the catholic religion, there was no doubt that, notwithstanding the obstacle of bis profession, he would prove " a true husband, a loving companion, a wise counsellor, and a faithful servant." * Eric king of Sweden, the son of Gustavus Vasa, sought the hand of both the British queens : his suit in Eng land continued for two years. John duke of Finland, his brother, was welcomed at court in 1559; and in 156l preparations were made for his own honourable reception ; but both the princesses had the fortune to escape a sanguinary tyrant, the degenerate offspring of * Sussex to the queen, Vienna, 18th and 26th Oct. 1567. Lodge, L 364. 368. 28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 156l. the deliverer and reformer of his country. The national jealousy which has generally subsisted between Sweden and Denmark excited Adolphus duke of Holstein to proffer his hand to Elizabeth, who received him becom ingly, but declined the connection ; accounting him to be sufficiently honoured by the order of the garter, 'and likely to be sufficiently consoled by an ample pension.* The root of that indisposition to marriage which is apparent through Elizabeth's life, is probably best un derstood from her significant declaration to the earl of Leicester, during the period of his highest favour, — "/ will have here but one mistress, and no master." f On another occasion, Melville, who understood her character, when she declared her dislike of marriage to be such as nothing but policy could overcome, answered, " Madam, you need not tell me that : I know your stately stomach ; you cannot suffer a commander : you think if you were married, you would be but queen of England, and now you are king and queen both." J From the earliest moment she professed her prefer ence of celibacy, though, with characteristic caution, she avoided, or rather disclaimed, an absolute renunciation of marriage. In answer to the first address of the house of commons, she said, "From my years of understanding, I happily chose this kind of life in which I now live ; yet I shall never in that matter conclude any thing that shall be prejudicial to the realm. This shall be for me sufficient, that a marble stone shall declare that a queen, having reigned such a time, lived and died a virgin." § In 1563 she declared, "If any think I never meant to try a wedded life, they are deceived : I may hereafter bend my mind thereunto, the rather for your request." In 1566 she was very earnestly entreated, in a joint address from both houses of parliament, to enter into a state of wedlock, and to settle the order of the succession to the crown. The cause of this unusual address was pro bably the extremely disturbed state of the affairs of Scot- * c?n"1-,Ann. i. 69. f Naunton's Fragm. Regal. t Melville, 122. relating his mission to England in 1564. J D'Ewea, 47. 156l. PETITION OF THE COMMONS. 29 land, which in the year of the sitting of this parliament was the scene of the murder of Rizzio by Darnley, and of the murder of Darnley by Bothwell ; both deeply af fecting the presumptive heiress of the crown of England.* Opinions in England on the succession were divided, and inclinations violently opposed to each other. Mary was the hope of the catholics, the terror of the protestants ; but acknowledged to be heiress by all the rigorous ad herents to hereditary succession. Some preferred lady Lennox, as a natural-born Englishwoman, who was a daughter of Margaret Tudor. Another party maintained the right of lady Catherine Grey, countess of Hertford, for the same reasons which had seated her unfortunate sister lady Jane on a momentary throne.t The new influence which the birth of a son had bestowed on Mary, and the remembrance of the danger from her usurpation at the queen's accession, were additional incitements to the petition. " Our first prayer is, that it may please your majesty to dispose yourself to marry. The second, that limitation may be made of this imperial crown, how it should descend, if God call your highness without heirs of your body to guard the realm against factions, seditions, and intestine war." They fortified their pe tition by referring to many instances, both ancient and modern, in which the sovereigns of England had entered into marriage by the advice and consent of parliament. X The queen again said, " If any one here suspect that I have made a vow or determination against that kind of life, he is wrong; for though I may think it [celibacy] best for a private woman, yet I strive with myself to think it unmeet for a prince." § But the commons, being more zealous protestants, were not satisfied by this lan guage, which, though veiled by an affectation of prudery, was intelligible; and Elizabeth, on the 4th of November, was obliged to allay their apprehensions by instructing her ministers, Cecil and Rogers, to signify to the house * The session was opened on the 30th of September, 1566, ,v>ii the parliament was dissolved on the 2d of January, 1567. Journa-s and D'Ewes, 93. t D'Ewes, 104. X D'Ewes, 117. S D'Ewes, 107. 30 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1561. of commons, " that she, by God's grace, would marry; but that the perils to the person of a sovereign from the nomination of a successor, of which she had seen a spe cimen in her sister's reign, though the successor was then only expected, not nominated, were so great that the time would not allow it now to be fully treated of." A subsidy, consisting of a tenth and a fifteenth of all personal estate, measured according to the ancient usages, and made payable in two instalments, was granted by this parliament, in consideration, as the preamble alleges, of her having forborne to make such demands of money on her people as her needs required, " of the comfortable assurances that her majesty would marry, and that she would fix a successor as soon as the safety of her person would allow."* We must here anti cipate so far as to observe, that in the next parlia ment, which met in 1571, sir Nicholas Bacon, lord keeper, reminded the parliament that of the late sub sidy the queen's majesty, from her own bountiful- ness, had remitted the one half — was the like here in England ever seen or heard of?t It was on this oc casion that one of her memorable sayings came forth, that the money was better in the pockets of her people than in her coffers. X The remission of this subsidy, however, may be rather ascribed to a just reliance on her people, and to an equitable regard to the motive of the commons for the grant, than to principles of political economy, of which the prevalence could not have then been foreseen without the gift of prophecy. We have seen that she made too strong a declaration in favour of marriage, in order to cover her refusal to nominate a successor. A person of less sagacity might easily see the policy of keeping contending claims to the crown suspended and dependent upon her, and the danger of offending one party by a nomination which might en courage the opposite faction to anticipate the allegiance to which it would by such a choice be declared that their favourite candidate would one day be entitled. An in- * 8 Eliz. c. 18. t D'Ewes, 138. } Camden. 1561. LADY CATHERINE GREY. 31 cident occurred, almost immediately after her accession, which cruelly exemplified, in the person of the sister of lady Jane Grey, the sternness of those political maxims which the queen was little disposed to relax, in cases re lating to the royal family, and which might affect the de scent of the crown. The sovereigns of England had in all ages claimed, and have not yet renounced, an unreason able latitude in that part of their prerogative which con sists in superintending the conduct, and more especially in controlling the marriages, of the princes and princesses of the royal blood. Lady Catherine Grey, the descendant of Henry VII. by his second daughter, the queen-dowager of France, was undoubtedly the first princess of the blood, with the illustrious exception of the queen of Scots. Her marriage was not unjustly deemed to concern the order of succession. It was maintained, with much ap pearance of reason, that the queen's consent was neces sary to an union which might otherwise render the succession doubtful, distract the kingdom, and overthrow her throne. Princely rank was dearly purchased by this young lady. She had been wedded, or rather affianced, to lord Herbert when she had scarcely ceased to be a child, at the period of her admirable sister's nuptials with Dudley. But the earl of Pembroke, the most noted weathercock of a variable age, who was said to have " got, spent, and left more than any subject since the Norman conquest *," as soon as he veered round to Mary Tudor, which was when the first ray of fortune shone on her, immediately caused his son to repudiate the espoused lady, and secured a lasting separation from the child of misfortune, by wedding him to Margaret Talbot, daughter of the earl of Shrewsbury. Lady Ca therine Grey resided in attendance upon the queen, where she contracted a passion for the earl of Hertford, the son of the protector Somerset, in spite of the deadly feud between their fathers.t They were secretly mar ried while Elizabeth was on a hunting party. On her acknowledging, in August, 1560, that she was preg- * Naunton's Fragm. Regal. + Ellis, second series, ii. 272. 32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 156l. nant, she was committed to the Tower. Hertford, on his return from his travels, was sent to the same prison. Archbishop Parker, bishop Grindal, and sir William Petre, were named commissioners to enquire into these < matters. Witnesses of the marriage not being produced in time, it was pronounced to be null, and the impri sonment of both parties was continued during the queen's pleasure. But the popular feelings were unfavour able to this odious policy ; and, Hertford easily eluding the watchfulness of the gaolers, a second pregnancy heightened the displeasure of the queen. Hertford was fined 15,000/. in the star-chamber, for the threefold offence of deflowering a virgin of the royal blood, of repeating that outrage after sentence of nullity, and 'of breaking prison. The ravages of the plague, in 1563, which, in the little London of that time, swept away 1000 persons a week, produced some relaxation of severity to lord and lady Hertford. The latter was allowed to reside at the country-seat of her uncle lord John Grey.* In 1565, both were re-committed to the Tower. The rigour of their treatment was partly occa sioned by the indiscretion of John Hales, who, in April, 1564, published a book in support of the rights of the house of Suffolk, and of the validity of lady Hertford's marriage ; for which he was imprisoned, to prevent the appearance of encouraging attacks on the title of the queen of Scots. Lady Catherine died, with calmness and piety, on the 27th of January, 1567, after a confine ment of more than six years. She besought those around her to solicit from Elizabeth forgiveness of her acts of disobedience, and protection of her three infant sons. She desired her wedding-ring to be delivered to her husband, together with another ring on which was painted a death's head, with these words around it, — " While I live, yours." Perceiving her nails to look purple, she said, " Lo, here he is ! — and putting down her eyes with her own hands, she yielded unto God her meek spirit." t Nearly half a century afterwards, her * Haynes, 414. f Ellis, ut supra, ii. 2S9. 1564. MARY QUEEN OF SOOTS. 33 memory was relieved from imputation by the verdict of a jury, which by necessary inference established the va lidity of her marriage.* • The importance of matrimonial propositions to Eli zabeth, and of all circumstances affecting the succes sion, was hardly diminished, when, by the death of Francis, Mary had become free to accept any other offer which might be made to her, however opposed to the policy of Elizabeth. The archduke Charles was at one time engaged, with the sanction of the brothers Guise, in the pursuit of Mary's hand. It has been before related, that the duke of Anjou was offered by the French court at once to Mary and Elizabeth. The duke of Ferrara and several princes of the empire were also candidates for the hand of Mary; and the prince of Conde was at one time suggested as a husband for her, with a view to a reconciliation between the French houses of Guise and Bourbon, f In 1562 a rumour was prevalent, that when Philip II. offered to cede Sardinia to the king of Navarre, in consi deration of his renouncing that titular monarchy, Mary was offered to him, if he were divorced from Jeanne d' Albert for her heresy. England was also said to be held out as a part of the lure, on the deposition of the heretical queen X '¦ but it is unlikely that Philip, who had not yet sacrificed his j ealousy of French greatness to his zeal for the catholic cause, should have been willing to place so much power in the hands of French princes. It was apparently from this jealousy that an offer sprung, which was far more threatening to the peace of Elizabeth than any other which had been made to Mary. When the marriage of the queen of Scots to the archduke was seriously agi tated, Philip informed cardinal Granville, in a confi dential despatch, that he was content to sacrifice the suit of his son, Don Carlos, to that of his cousin, the archduke ; but as he had heard, with no small un easiness, that the king of France had turned his mind to an union with Mary Stuart, he should willingly con- * Collins's Peerage, Brydges' ed. i. 173. t Castelnau, liv. v. c. 11. 12. X Thuanus. lib. xxvii. c. 27. VOL. Ill- D 34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1564. sent to the marriage of his son, the heir of the Spanish monarchy, to the queen of Scotland.* The escape of Mary from the hand of Don -Carlos was the only fortu nate event of her remaining life, and it must have been considered by Elizabeth as the removal of one of the greatest dangers that could have threatened her safety. For this reason, perhaps, it may be excusable to insert in this place, without a strict regard to the order of time, the circumstances of an event which, though not strictly a part of English history, was extremely characteristical of the monarch destined to be the most formidable antagonist of Elizabeth, and was calculated to display the odious nature of pretensions to that authority over a royal family, which was exercised blamably by Elizabeth over lady Catherine Grey, but which appears in a far more hideous form in the treatment of the prince of Asturias. This wretched prince had from his infancy manifested every species of imbecility and depravity which can be united in the mind of one man. Incapable of instruc tion, yielding without bounds to every passion, stupid as the most grovelling brutes, ferocious as a beast of prey, no care of courtly masters, no lessons of learned pre ceptors could bestow on him that scanty polish of manner, and that smattering of the general language of intercourse, which are expected from princes. His grandfather, Charles V., who saw the heir of the Spanish dominions at sixteen, bewailed the fate of his late empire. A Venetian minister, long resident at Madrid, when he saw the prince eagerly tearing to pieces the rabbits brought in for his sport, and contemplating with delight the convulsions of their muscles and the palpitations of their hearts, fore told to his senate the miserable condition of those many millions in every region from sunrise to sunset, who were to be subject to his will. At eighteen he fell from a high scaffold, and received wounds in the head, which during the remainder of his life added convulsions, con fusion of thought, and occasional attacks of insanity, to his natural defects and habitual vices. His father, * Philip to Granville, 6th August, 1534. Apud Strad. de Bello Belgico, lib. iii. p. 71. edit Mogunt. 1G51. 1567. CARLOS PRINCE OF ASTURIAS. 35 perhaps justifiably, restrained him. His mad passion for travelling was exasperated, and he formed wild schemes of escape. His^ incoherent talk often turned on the revolt of the Flemings, with whom he sometimes affected a fellow-feeling ; while, on other occasions, he professed an ambition to command the army against them. When the duke of Alva took his leave to repair to that command, Carlos said, " My father ought to have appointed me." — " Doubtless," said Alva, " his majesty considered your life as too precious." Carlos drew his dagger, and attempted to stab Alva ; adding, " I will hinder your journey to Flanders, for I will pierce your heart before you set out." Towards the end of 1567 his phrensy seemed to rage more fiercely, mingled with much of that cunning which sometimes, for a moment, covers madness with a false appearance of reason. He declared to his confes sors that he was resolved to take the life of a man. In reply to their enquiries, who it was, he said that he aimed at a man of the highest quality ; and after much importunate examination, he at length uttered, " My father!" His father, attended by the chief offi cers of state, went at midnight in armour to arrest him. Philip, acting on his fatal notions of the boundless rights of kings and fathers, did not shrink from commu nicating his proceedings' to the great corporations of Spain, and to the principal catholic states of Europe. His subjects and his allies interceded for Carlos. Their intercessions were withstood by the iron temper, the unbending policy, and the misguided conscience of Philip, although he was occasionally haunted by the unquenchable feelings of nature. The commissioners appointed to try Carlos reported, that he was guilty of having meditated, and, at his arrest, attempted parricide; and that he had conspired to usurp the sovereignty of Flanders. They represented the matter as too high f0i- a sentence; but insinuated that mercy might be dictated by prudence, and threw out a hint, that the prince was no longer responsible for his actions. d 2 36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 156'7. Men of more science than the Spanish commissioners and more securein their circumstances, might be perplexed by the intrinsic difficulty of ascertaining the precise truth, in a case where the malignant rage of Carlos often ap proached to insanity, and might sometimes be inflamed to such a degree as to be transformed into utter alienation of mind. The clouds which always darkened his feeble reason, might sometimes quench it. The subtle and shifting transformations of wild passion into maniacal disease,, the returns of the maniac to the scarcely more healthy state of stupid anger, and the character to be given to acts done by him when near the varying fron tier which separates lunacy from malignity, are matters which have defied all the experience and sagacity of the world. At this point the records of the commission close with a note made by their secretary, stating shortly that the prince died of his malady, which hindered a judgment. A dark veil conceals the rest of these pro ceedings from the eyes of mankind. It is variously related. Philip is said to have ordered that advantage should be taken of the distempered appetites of Carlos, which after he had confined himself to iced water for a time, were wont to- hurry him into voraciously swallow ing monstrous quantities of animal food; that his excesses should be allowed, if not encouraged-; and that he should thus be betrayed into becoming his own exe cutioner. Another narrative, not quite irreconcilable with the former, describes the prince of Eboli and the cardinal Espinosa as having intimated to Olivarez, the physician of Carlos (as darkly as John spoke to Hubert), that it was necessary for him to execute the sentence of death, which the king had pronounced on the wretched patient, in such a manner that his decease might seem to be natural. When he felt himself to be in the ago nies of death, he desired to see his father, and to receive his blessing. Philip sent his blessing, but by the advice of the confessor declined to disturb the dying devotions of Carlos. Vanquished by nature, however, he stole into the chamber, and, standing unseen, spreading his 1567. DEATH OF CARLOS. 37 arms over his son, prayed for a blessing on the expiring youth. The father withdrew, bathed, in tears, and Carlos not many hours after breathed his last.* An historian, who wrote from original documents, adds to a narrative otherwise not dissimilar, the significant words, " if indeed violence was not employed -j- ." However terrific the sound of this may be on other occasions, in the circumstances of Carlos, it rather relieves the mind, by intimating that his agonies were cut short, and can hardly be said to insinuate an aggravation of a tale so tragic, that, if proved to be real, it would be still too horrible, and too wide a deviation from the general truth of nature, for the verisimilitude required in history. With whatever just horror a modern reader may con template such events, there is no reason to doubt that, throughout the whole course of conduct thus inhuman, Philip was unhappily supported by the approbation of a misled and deluded conscience. He and his contem poraries carried the notions of parental power to extre mities, the practical assertion of which the laws of well or dered commonwealths would repress by condign punish ment. Though it was then thought that a good prince * This narrative is abridged from Llorente, Histoire de l'lnquisition d'Espagne, c. xxxi. vol. iii. p. 127 — 182.-- Thuanus, lib. xliii. c. 8., corrobo. rates the main circumstances from the testimony of De Foix, a French architect, then superintending the erection of the palace of the Escurial, who was employed to block up Carlos's windows, and to take away the locks of his apartment, on the night before the arrest. f Qua in custodia, infelix princeps, post sex menses, quum nullis aut Europge principum legationibus, autHispanise regnorum precibus placa- retur immotus pater, ex morbo Ob alimenta, partim obstinate recusata, partim intemperanter adgesta nimiamque nivium refrigerationem, super animi agritudinem (si modo vis abfuif] in Divi Jacobi pervigilio extinctus est." — Stradade Bello Belg. lib. vii. p. 213— 218. edit. 4to:Mog. 16. Philip was falsely charged with the murder of his wife Elizabeth, who died in childbed in the following October. The story of her amour with Carlos is also false. It was indeed stipulated in the preliminaries of the treaty of Cateau Cambresis, that a marriage should take place between Carlos and Elizabeth. But they were secret, and the death of Mary Tudor, together with queen Elizabeth's refusal, induced Philip to substitute himself for his son in the definitive treaty. Carlos and Elizabeth were both in their thirteenth year at the time of the secret agreement for their union in the prelimina ries of Cateau Cambresis, which were so speedily cancelled by the definitive treaty as to be unknown to both till a period long subsequent A despatch of Phayer, the English minister, from Madrid, some years after the treaty, reports that Carlos was then in the habit of reproaching his father with his loss of Elizabeth. > D 3 38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1567. should leave the ordinary exercise of criminal justice to their judges, it was held also that kings, who were armed with the sword by God himself, were not bound to abstain from exercising their sacred right in such a mode as the circumstances of extraordinary cases might require. The rules and forms of law were thought to be desirable, but not indispensable parts of an act of regal justice. In the instance of Don Carlos, the father considered a secret execution as the only expedient for reconciling the de liverance of the nation from the rule of a monster, with the inviolable majesty of the royal line. The milder mode of pronouncing a lunatic to be incapable of suc cession to the throne probably appeared to him an open and dangerous invasion of the divine right of inheritance in a monarchy. He must also have been influenced by the more worldly policy of not keeping up a source of discord, and leaving behind him a pretence for usurpation which might deluge his mighty empire with blood. ' CHAP. II. SCOTTISH AFFAIRS UNTIL THE RETREAT OF MARY INTO ENGLAND. 1560—1568. The safety of the British government depended on a protestant establishment. Protestantism could not be secure in England if it were oppressed and extinguished in the neighbouring countries ; the foreign policy of the queen can hardly, therefore, be distinguished from her domestic administration : this has already appeared in two remarkable instances ; it will appear on a larger scale, and during a longer time, in her transactions with Scot land. By its position in the same island, and by a lan guage mutually understood, that nation possessed means of annoyance which gave it an importance and consi deration with Ehzabeth, to which its smallness and poverty would not otherwise have entitled it. The community of language formed a strong tie between 1554. SCOTTISH AFFAIRS. 39 the reformed preachers of both countries, the leaders of the people in that age of religious revolution. During the reign of Francis II. the duke of Guise and the cardinal of Lorrain, who were the rulers of France, governed Scotland by the hand of their sister the queen dowager"; a princess endowed with the capacity of her family, who was taught, by her feeble means, that she must stoop to prudence, and purchase some ascendant over events by occasionally yielding to their course. She was compelled sometimes to lean on the protestant party as it grew in strength, with the same species of trimming policy which induced Catherine de Medicis in France to make occasional use of the Huguenots, to balance the aspiring house of Lorrain. The seeds of the reformation had been early scattered among the Scots, where they found a soil very favourable to their growth in the hot temper and disputatious spirit which were in that age regarded as peculiarly distinguishing the Scottish nation.T The blood of martyrs nourished the enthusiasm of the rising religion. Cardinal Beaton, archbishop of St. An drew's, a man who united a dissolute life with a zeal for the faith shown chiefly in persecution, caused George Wishart, a pious and humble ecclesiastic, to be burnt alive for heresy, and went himself to witness the horrible death that was inflicted by his sentence. He and his dignitaries, clothed in their most gorgeous apparel, seated on velvet cushions, under a purple canopy, contemplated the lengthened agonies of Wishart, until his powers of life were destroyed by the flames. J The very perilous though specious doctrine of tyrannicide was called into practice by these atrocities of men in authority. A * Mary of Guise, duchess dowager of Longueville, espoused James V. ; and, after some struggles with cardinal Beaton and with the house of Hamilton, became regent of Scotland in 1554. Acta Pari. Scot ii. 603. f " Scoti ad iram natura paullo propensiores.".'. .-. " Subita ingenia et ad ultionem prona, ferociaque. Ostentant plus nimio nobilitatem suam, ita, ut, in summa egestate, genus suum ad regiam stirpem referant Nee non dialecticis argutiis sibi blandiuntur." Pref. Mich. Servetiad Ptolemsei Geogr. Lugd. 1535. The very remarkable notions of national character to be found in the preface of Servetus had probably been collected at the mo nasteries and colleges where the poor scholars of all European nations were mingled. , X 2 March, 1545. Archbishop Spotswood, 81. D 4 40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1560. body of persons, some of whom were of high rank, and none of the lowest, resolved to revenge the martyr by the slaughter of the cardinal. * They procured an entry into the castle of St. Andrew's by one of the false hoods called stratagems, and they executed their purpose on a defenceless man, with all the precipitate rage which commonly attends such deeds, -j- Though the queen regent had employed protestants as her occasional instruments, she could habitually trust none but catholics ; and the rapid progress of the re formation obliged her to resort to French succour, — a measure too insidious and unpopular to be adopted without imminent danger. The lords of the congregation (so the protestant nobility were called) were driven by an imperious necessity to address themselves to England as soon as that kingdom was ruled by a protestant princess. Their success in Scotland was indispensable to the safety of Ehzabeth : hence arose her inducement to favour them, and hence also sprung her justification for entering into a connection with them. Although Scotland was represented at Cateau-Cam- bresis by the French plenipotentiaries, and had been expressly comprehended in the general pacification con cluded at that place J, yet the pretensions, not renounced, of Mary to the crown of England, kept up an irritation and caused hostilities between the two courts, of which the particulars are sufficiently narrated by the his torians of Scotland. English troops entered Scotland to protect the protestants against the French auxiliaries who were employed by the queen : the death of that princess, in June, 1560, contributed to prolong the Scottish troubles ; while that of Henry II., in the summer of 1559j hastened the approach of civil war in France, by * Among them were two Leslies, the son and brother of the earl of Rothes, together with Kirkaldy of Grange. f The court of Henry VIII. had previously assured the conspirators against Beaton of a secure asylum. Hamilton Papers, quoted by Robertson. Knox vindicates the slaughter on the same principle with the famous ex clamation of Cicero, "Omnes boni, quantum in sefuit, Ccssarem occideruntV Sir David Lindsay expresses the general feelings of protestants : — " Although the loun (fellow) was well away, The deed was foully done." 1 Dumont, Corps Dinlom. v. part i. 28. 12th March, 2d and 3d April, 1559. 1560. REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND. 41 giving full scope to the vast projects of the family of Guise. The progress of the reformation was rapid and uni versal in Scotland. The ignorant multitude continued to frequent the churches of their establishment long after most of them had caught a vague inclination towards the reformed faith, easily combining in their unreflecting practice what was irreconcilable in principle. The ascendancy of the protestant lords, and the presence of an English force, encouraged them to throw off the mask, and to give the rein to their strong preference for the reformation. The Scottish nation, which had one day appeared faithful to the church of Rome, on the next day took up arms for the protestant cause. The com merce of the Lowlands with England and Flanders naturally spread the new opinions in those more cul tivated and better peopled provinces. It is not so easy to discover how the Highlanders, instead of imitating their Irish brethren in attachment to traditional opinions, transferred their veneration so lightly to novelties which might have been expected to be unacceptable to rude and uninquisitive mountaineers. They seemed to be secured from the contagion of innovation by their language, which was radically different from that of their southern neighbours, and marked them as belonging to a perfectly different race of men. But the few natives, who were thinly scattered over a rugged country, in which a parish was often as large as a diocese, and among whom the religious houses were too rare to supply the want of parochial care, were so slightly tinctured with religious opinions, or rather with superstitious usages, that they without difficulty followed the fashion of their chiefs, who were themselves partly tempted to assume the name of protestant by the lure of a share in the spoils of the church, and were possibly also influenced by the example of the southern barons, from whom the greater part of the Highland chiefs professed to derive their pedigree. In the summer of 1 560, the princes of Lorrain, anxious to prepare, by the concentration of all their force, for 42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1560. the extremities which were now approaching, resolved to withdraw their troops from Scotland, and to be content, for a season, with obtaining as favourable terms from England, and for the royal authority, as circumstances would allow. A treaty of peace between England and France, comprehending the affairs of Scotland, which were the cause of difference, was concluded at Edinburgh, on the 6th of July, 1560, after long negotiations; which were principally conducted by sir William Cecil, on the one part, and on the other by Monluc bishop of Valence, a prelate of profligate manners*, but an experienced negotiator, who had more than once exercised his abilities among the fierce Scots, and was known as a minister to the haughty and fanatical court of Constantinople. The principal stipulations of the treaty were, the evacuation of Scotland by the military forces of both parties, and a solemn engagement that Francis and Mary should desist from assuming the title or bearing the arms of England.t It was found diffi cult to prevail on the French ministers to consent to any stipulations on behalf of the Scottish insurgents. These were proposed by the English queen on behalf of her al lies ; for though, in diplomatic forms, Francis and Mary re presented their Scottish subjects, in truth Elizabeth was bound to secure the rights of the Scottish nation against the vengeance of their sovereigns. An article couched in courtly and mysterious language was devised, which, after stating that Francis and Mary had been pleased to show their clemency to the nobles and people of Scot land, by assenting to the prayer of their petitions pre sented on the day of the treaty, declared the desire of these illustrious princes to make known this proof of their benignity towards their own subjects, to their dear sister Elizabeth, whose requests had increased their readiness to grant these concessions ; and it was finally * Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, 10. Edin. 1827 ; where the amours of the bishop in the house of O'Docharty, an Irish chief, are freely and calmly described. t Eymer, XV. 593. 1560. TREATY WITH FRANCE. 43 agreed that the most Christian king and queen should fulfil all that they had promised to the Scottish nation, so long as the nobles and people of Scotland fulfilled the terms to which they on their part had agreed.* The particulars of the petitions thus incorporated in the tr.eaty, are stated in a despatch from Cecil to the queen. That great minister, with justice, tells his mistress, "As for the surety and liberty of Scotland, we have been the means to obtain all things requisite ; so as the nobility here acknowledge the realm more bounden to your ma jesty than to their sovereign. In getting of things we have so tempered the manner of granting thereof, that the honour of the French king and queen is as much considered as may be. The country is to be governed by a council of twelve, out of twenty-four to be named by parliament ; and of the twelve, seven are to be chosen by the queen, and five by the three estates." t But the most immediately important of the conces sions was the engagement of Monluc that an assembly of the states should be holden on the- 10th of July, " which should be in all respects as valid as if it were called and appointed by the express commandment of the king and queen." The adjournment of the meeting from the 10th of July, was probably intended to give time for the royal negative from Paris, if it were thought advisable. The only exception made by Monluc re lated to religion, as not being within his commission ; with respect to which it was agreed, that a deputation of the three estates should proceed to Paris with their own ratification, in order to satisfy the queen of the necessity of ratifying the concessions. X This treaty was a master stroke of policy, which bound to Elizabeth that growing majority of Scotsmen who favoured the reformation. They were now taught to feel that she whose safety and faith were embarked with * Rymer, xv. 595. f Secretary Cecil to the queen. Camp before Leith, 6th July, 1560. Haynes, 351. " J Keith, 137. Cott MS. Calig. b. ix. 126. It is astonishing that, in de fiance of this document, Keith should venture to call the assembly a pre tended parliament 44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1560, them, ought to be regarded by them as their sole pro tectress. We have already noted some of the causes of offence given by the princes of Lorrain to Ehzabeth, and some of the grounds of just alarm which they had afforded to her, by asserting the pretensions of their niece Mary to the English throne. In relating facts so important, it may be pardonable to remind the reader that the title and arms of England were assumed by Francis and Mary immediately on the death of Mary Tudor, so as to mark without doubt that they were then used because the possessor was an usurper. The bull, by which the dying hand of Caraffa had deprived all heretical princes of their dominions, was obtained by Francis and Mary as an additional weapon against Ehzabeth * : and it has already been seen, that the threatening titles were intro duced into private legal documents, to familiarise the minds of men to them, and to interweave them with the ordinary securities of property, t A constant succession of the like acts followed, equivalent to a perpetual claim of the English crown. The heralds of Francis were, at a tournament in Paris, apparelled in the arms of Eng land ; the ushers cried out in going before Mary, " Make way for the queen of England ;" and the arms of England, as those of Mary, at the marriage of Phi lip II. with the princess Ehzabeth of France, were in scribed on arches erected for that occasion, with Scottish verses, one of which designed her, " Of Scotland queen and England too." X The same proclamations and in scriptions followed her in her progress throughout the provinces. § The secret acts of the French government corresponded with their avowed pretensions for Mary. In the summer of 1559, they privily sent to Scotland a staff of state with a great seal, on which were engraved * Cecil in " a Brief Consideration of the Weighty Matter of Scotland." 1 Forbes's State Papers, 387. t It is very observable that the grant of land to lord Fleming by Francis and Mary bears date on the 16th of January, 1559, two months after Eli zabeth's accession, and within a few days of her coronation Hu-1?*2?-15^ Ju'y I6- July27. Cecil's Diary, in Murdin, 747, 748. $ Ibid. 749. Nov. 25. 1559. 1560. SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT. 45 the arms of France, Scotland, and England ; of which John Knox, a passenger in the ship which bore these symbols of ambitious claims, obtained a sight under in junctions of profound secrecy. * We are assured by Castelnau, that though the English ambassador was amused by promises, the French ministers did not desist from the use of the arms of England ; " because," says that minister, " they were fearful of doing irreparable injury to Mary, by impairing her title to the crowns of England and Ireland." + The treaty of Edinburgh was ratified by Ehzabeth within two months of its completion X ; but the Guises prevented their ill-fated niece from ceasing to provoke and alarm England. For nearly a year she refused, deferred, or evaded the ratification demanded repeatedly by Elizabeth, by resident ministers at Paris, and even by solemn embassies expressly charged to obtain it, as well after the death of Francis, in December, 1560, as before ; and such was the pertinacity of her guides, that she would not consent to an act which renounced a pre sent claim to the English crown, in order to obtain a safe return to Scotland. It is here necessary to inform the reader, that the states of Scotland had assembled on the 1st of August, 1560, which was the prescribed day. The attendance, especially of the more popular estates, the untitled gentry, and the burgesses, was greater than in any former par liament. The session began with a debate on the legality of the assembly, which was questioned on account of the absence of any representative of the sovereigns, and of any commission from them. The express words of the concession justified the majority in over-ruling the objection. A statute was passed to abolish the papal authority in Scotland. A confession of faith, founded on the doctrine of Calvin, and a book of discipline, on the worship and government of the church according to the republican equality of the Genevese clergy, were * M'Crie's Life of Knox, i. 243. + Castelnau, liv. ii. c. 4. J September 2. 1560. Rymer, xv. 602. 46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. , 1 560. established by the assembly. They passed one remark able act in civil matters, in which they offered the hand of the earl of Arran, the presumptive heir to their king dom, in marriage to queen Ehzabeth, and agreed to settle the Scottish crown upon them and their heirs, in failure of queen Mary and her posterity.* From circumstances related by a writer nearly con temporary, it should seem that these great measures were almost unanimously assented to. The catholic prelates were silent : only three lay peers, the earl of Athol, the lords Somerville and Borthwick, muttered their dissent, saying, " We shall continue to believe as our fathers before us have believed." f Sir James Sandilands, a knight of Rhodes, was despatched to lay these proceed ings before the queen, but he was rejected with scorn. A specimen of the negotiations in one of the attempts to persuade queen Mary to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, is preserved in a despatch from sir Nicholas Throg- morton to Elizabeth J, in which that able minister relates his conversation with the cardinal of Lorrain, who joined the arts and manners of Rome with the aspiring spirit of his family. The cardinal's main plea against ratification was, that the Scots had not performed their part, by a complete return to their obedience. " The Scots, I will tell you frankly," said he to Throg- morton, " perform no point of their duties : the king and the queen have the name of their sovereigns, and your mistress hath the obedience. They would bring the realm to a republic. Though you say your mistress has in all things performed the treaty ; we say the Scots, by her countenance, perform no point of the treaty." The same argument was ' repeated by Francis II., Catherine de Medicis, and queen Mary, at the au diences which they gave to Throgmorton. " To tell you of the particular disorders," said the cardi- * Acta Part Scot ii. 525. ; and for the statute relating to Arran, same vol. Appendix, 605. The records of Scotland appear to be peculiarly deficient in this turbulent period. t Archbishop Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, 151. t Throgmorton to Elizabeth, 17th Nov. 1560. 1 Hard. State Paners 125- 146. 1560. SCOTTISH AFFAIRS. 47 nal, "were too long;" which is his only apology for not ' specifying any. Throgmorton, in his private audience of queen Mary, assured that princess that if she would be graciously pleased to observe all that Randan and the bishop of Valence had promised, " the states of Scotland would perfect their duty to their ma jesties, by sending a suitable embassy to Paris ; for the only grievance which the king, or the queen, or the cardinal, had deigned to specify was, that the Scottish parliament had sent " a mean man " to Paris to convey their ,prayers, though the person so described was sir James Sandilands, preceptor [head] of the order of St. John of Jerusalem (or Malta) in Scotland. The cardinal neither urged that the ambassadors had exceeded their powers, nor complained of the parliament for having overpassed the concessions by a change of religion. If the temporary government had acted as a republic, he should have remembered that the legislative, and in effect the executive, power had been ceded to them by the agreement at Leith. He made no distinction be tween the treaty with Ehzabeth and the grants to the people of Scotland. If he had objected to the latter part of the treaty as containing a promise to a foreign sovereign, that the king and queen of Scotland would observe the conditions which they had granted to their own subjects (which he never does), at least he ought to have offered to ratify the prior article *, which recog nised the undisputed right of Ehzabeth to her own throne; and to engage that they should never assume, nor allow to.be used by others, to them or for them, the title or arms of England. To this article there was no objection on the ground either of Elizabeth's illicit interference in Scottish affairs, or of the default of the Scottish parliament. The refusal or the delay and evasion of so harmless a stipulation, which was important to England, manifested a hostile mind against Elizabeth, and an inflexible pur pose to keep very formidable pretensions hanging over her head ; ready, whenever she was weak or they were • Rymer, xv. 393. Dumont, Corps Diplomat v. part. i. 63, 48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1560. strong, to crush her throne. Probably it was not con sidered by either party in these conferences, that the effect of a refusal of ratification was to restore the state of war. Either party might indeed forbear from actual warfare, but that forb^. ranee would be an abstinence from the exercise of a right ; for when either party re fused to complete the contract which was to close a war, the belligerent rights of the opposite party were neces sarily revived. Cecil, however, from the beginning, founded the ad vice which he gave bis sovereign to take a part in Scottish affairs, on the more comprehensive principle of the justice and policy of self-defence.* " It is agreeable to God's law," said he, " for every prince and public state to de fend itself not only from present peril, but from perils that may be feared to come. It is manifest that France cannot any way so readily, so puissantly offend, yea in vade and put the crown of England in danger, as if they recover an absolute authority over Scotland. The long deep-rooted hatred of the house of Guise, which now occupieth the king's authority against England, is well known. What chiefly stays the execution of their pur pose against England, is the resistance in Scotland, where they have lately sent a great seal with the arms of Eng land." Maitland of Lethington, who destroyed the effect of great abilities by a capricious inconstancy, which re pelled all trust, seconded with his wonted talents the reasoning of Cecil. -f- " The fear of conquest," says he, " made the Scots to hate the English and love the French. The case changed, — when we see them (the French) at- ¦ tempt conquest, and you (the English) show us friend ship, — shall we not hate them and favour you ? especially now that we are come to a conformity of doctrine, and profess the same religion with you, which I take to be the straitest knot of amity that can be devised." These reasonings on the justice and policy of armed interference for a friendly party, where the safety of a * A Brief Consideration of the Weighty Matter of Scotland. 1 Forbes's State Papers, 387. f Robertson, Hist of Scotland, App. No. II. 1560. PRETENSIONS OF MARY. 49 state requires it, are in substance common to all ages and nations; though they were not expressed by the statesmen of the sixteenth century in the artificial language of what was afterwards called international law. Their principal defect is, that they may often be used with equal plausibihty by several contending parties ; though it is generally evident that one only has justice on its side. In the particular case before us, the defect does not seem to be considerable. The true question always being, which party is really influenced by self-defence, and which employs it merely as a pretext, it cannot be doubted that Ehzabeth sought aa ascendant in Scotland for her own safety, while the house of Guise pursued the same object for their aggrandisement. To this may be added, that the first wrong was done by the princes of Lorrain, in setting up their niece as a pretender to the English crown ; and that this wrong was grievously ag gravated by their perseverance in it. They obstinately persisted in using the royal arms of England as a flag round which every discontented and disaffected English man might rally ; and this, even after their own mi nisters had pledged them by a solemn treaty to discontinue such an incentive to revolt. It has already been ob served, that the reasonings of Cecil and of Maitland were not conveyed in the specious and subtle language of modem jurists : they were, nevertheless, conformable to the most approved principles. These ancient statesmen do not seem to have been aware of the difficulty of re conciling the rights of self-defence with the apparently conflicting duty of every community to respect the in dependence of every other, and to manifest their sense of justice by abstaining from interference in the internal affairs of independent countries. The solution, however, of that difficulty flows from the simple principle which is the basis of Cecil's advice. The right of defence, whether exercised to repel an attack or to prevent it, is the self same right, and extends to conventions with contending parties in a community, as much as to those which sub sist with contending states. When a contest for supreme vol. in. E 50 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1560. power prevails in a country, foreign states, who have no jurisdiction in the case, are neither bound nor entitled to pronounce a judgment on the armed litigation. Their relations with each other being formed for the welfare of the subjects of each, they must treat the actual rulers of every territory as its lawful government. In all ordi nary cases, they should treat the pretenders as alike legi timate wherever they are obeyed; and preserve the same neutrality in the war between parties as if it were waged between independent states. It is a very ob vious inference from these premises, that foreign sove reigns may ally themselves with a possessor of authority, if defence and safety require it, on the same ground that they form alliances with the most anciently esta blished government. Whenever it is lawful to make war, it is equally lawful to obtain strength by alliances. It would, doubtless, be more for the general welfare of mankind to adjust their differences by institutions making some approach to a discerning and honest judgment, than to leave them to the blind and destructive arbitrament of war. But as long as nations assail their neighbours by arms, they must be resisted by the same cruel and un- distinguishing expedient. The laws of war (as they are called) are the same in civil as in foreign warfare. It is as much forbidden by international morality to league with an unjust state, as it is in private litigation to support an unjust suitor. But as independent nations have no common superior, their wars must be practically treated, by those who desire to remain neutral, as if they were just on both sides. In some extraordinary instances of notorious and flagrant wrong, neutral nations may be entitled, and even perhaps sometimes bound, to interpose for the prevention of injustice and inhumanity. In such extraordinary emergencies, whether a nation is influenced by a regard to its own safety, or by a disinterested re verence for justice, both these principles point to the same practical result. For as the general prevalence of a disposition to act justly and humanely is the principal safeguard of nations as well as of individuals, to -which 1560. DEATH OF FRANCIS II. 51 the terrors of law or even of arms are only occasional and inadequate auxiharies, it is not possible to set the example of bidding open defiance to humanity and justice without impairing the security of states, in proportion to the extent of such acts of criminal audacity. Had Francis II. lived a little longer, the princes of Lorrain meditated an exercise of his authority, which would have anticipated some of the tragical scenes of a succeeding period. All the great lords, officers of the crown, members of the privy council, and other considerable persons, were commanded to attend an assembly of the states-general, to be holden at Orleans, at Christmas, 1560, that they, as well as the deputies of the three estates, might sign a confession of the catholic faith, which was afterwards to be circulated through every parish, and tendered for subscription to every individual in the kingdom. The subscription was to cancel past offences; but defaulters were to be punished by condemnation and confiscation, to be followed by banishment or death.* The execution of these or the like designs was postponed for twelve years, and reserved for other chiefs, by the death of Francis II., — a no minal king, whose insignificant name was the tool of the Guises, and only served to fix a few dates, or to mark the limits of a brief period, distinguished by no conspi cuous occurrences. But the reign of Francis, thus unim portant in itself, was big with the confusions which ensued. By his death, Catherine de' Medici recovered part of the authority which the princes of Lorrain had en grossed. In the mean time Mary Stuart, in the flower of her youthful beauty, accustomed to sway in a gal lant court, hating the queen-mother, over whom she had wantonly triumphed, was soon weary, either of enduring Catherine's new superiority at court t, or of dragging * Castelnau, liv. ii. c. 12. Vol. L 58. ed. de Brux. 1731. folio. The same project is adverted to by De Thou, Hist, sui Temp. lib. xxvi. c. 2. ii. 39, 40. ed. Lond. 1733. f "The queen-mother was blythe of the dethe of king Francis her sarnie, because she had na guiding of him, but only the duke of Guise and the cardinal his brother, by reason that the queen our maistress was their E 2 52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 156l. out her lonely widowhood in a province, without favour, and deserted by her followers. The catholics of her own country early sent to her John Lesley, afterwards bishop of Ross, a minister of ability, an elegant scholar, and an adherent of devoted fidelity, with earnest ad vice that she should land on the north-east coast of Scotland, where the house of Gordon, a powerful family of zealous catholics, might assemble their vassals, and accompany her to Edinburgh, with a force sufficient for the restoration of religion and royalty. The confidential ambassador of the protestants was James Stuart, prior of St. Andrew's, a natural son of James V. by Margaret Erskine (a daughter of the noble family whose title to the earldom of Mar was afterwards recognised), a person surpassed in ability by no man of his age; and, if not spotless, yet with a public life as unstained as it was perhaps possible to bear through scenes so foul. He urged the necessity of her return to Scotland, mainly with a view to place her in the hands of protestants ; but also because he was convinced that her return to her dominions and a compromise with the prevalent religion were the only means by which she could regain any portion of power and securely retain the crown. Her uncles, who were still more politicians than catholics, saw the necessity of temporising, and dis trusted the advice of zealots : they acquiesced in lord James's counsel for the moment, content to adjourn the subjugation of Scotland till all Europe should again bend under the papal yoke. The French officers who had served in Scotland warned the queen against trust ing to the strength of the royalists, apprised her of the universality of the defection, urged the necessity of complying with the temper of her people, and advised her to place her confidence in lord James, and to em- sister dochter. So the queen-mother was content to be quyt of the house of Guise, and for their cause she had a great mislyking of our queen." —Melville's Mem. 86. ed. Edin. 1827. 1561. MARY'S REPLY TO ELIZABETH. 53 ploy Maitland of Lethington and Kirkaldy of Grange, in spite of the inconstancy which belonged to both. As soon as Mary had determined on her return to her kingdom, she despatched D'Oysell to London to ask a safe-conduct for the minister to pursue his journey into Scotland; and for the queen of Scots herself, either on her voyage from France to Scotland, or on a journey to her own dominions from any English port where she should choose to land.* Ehzabeth delivered her answer to him at a crowded court with a loud voice, and in a tone of emotion, refusing both requests; and adding, that the queen of Scots should ask no favours till she had redeemed her pledged faith by the ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh. " Let your queen ratify the treaty, and she shall experience on my part, either by sea or by land, whatever can be expected from a queen, a relation, and a neighbour." When advices were re ceived of D'Oysell's failure, Throgmorton, the English minister, was admitted to an audience of Mary, in which she displayed a spirit and calmness probably unexampled among beautiful queens of nineteen. Having waved her hand as a signal to the company to withdraw to another part of the room, she said to Throgmorton : " My lord ambassador — I know not how far I maybe transported by passion, but I Uke not to have so many witnesses of my passion as the queen your mistress was content to have when she talked to M. D'Oysell. There is nothing that doth more grieve me than that I did so forget myself as to desire from the queen a favour that I had no need to ask. You know that, both here and elsewhere, I have friends and allies. It will be thought strange among all princes and countries, that she should first animate my subjects against me ; and now that I am a widow, hinder my return to my own country. I ask her nothing but friendship. I do not trouble her state, or practise with her subjects ; yet I know there be in her realm, that be inclined enough to hear offers. * A copy of D'Oysell's written application, hitherto unpublished, is in the State Paper Office, dated 11th July, 1561. E S 54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 156l. I know also that they be not of the same mind that she is of, neither in religion nor in other things. Your queen says I am young, and lack experience. I confess I am younger than she is. During my late lord and hus band's time, I was subject to him ; and now my uncles, who are counsellors of the crown of France, deem it unmeet to offer advice on the affairs between England and Scotland. I cannot proceed in this matter until I have the counsel of nobles and states of mine own realm, which I cannot have till I come among them. I never meant harm to the queen my sister. I should be loath either to do wrong to others, or to suffer so much wrong to myself." * The genuineness of this eloquent speech, one of the most remarkable specimens of guarded sarcasm and of politely insinuated menace, is indisput able ; for it is reported by a pen that would not have adorned it. After this conversation, James Stuart, commendator of the monastery of St. Colmt, was de spatched to London. He left Abbeville on the 8th of August, with instructions more friendly than Mary's conversation would have led Ehzabeth to expect. The latter princess, in her letter of the l6th to the queen of Scots, continues to say, " We require no benefit of you but that you will perform your promise ; neither covet we any thing but what is in your own power, as queen of Scotland, — that which indeed made peace between us ; yea, that without which no amity can continue between us. Nevertheless, perceiving by the report of the bringer that you mean forthwith, on your coming home, to follow the advice of your council in Scotland, we are content to suspend our conceit of unkindness, and do assure you, this being performed, to live in neighbourhood with you quietly in the knot of friend ship. It seemeth that report hath been made to you, that we had sent out our admiral with our fleet to hin der your passage. Your servants know how false that is. We have only, at the desire of the king of Spain, * Throgmorton to queen Elizabeth. Paris, 26th July 1561. Cabala, 335. T Keith's Historical Catalogue, 386. Edin. 1824. 156l. MARY SAILS FOR SCOTLAND. 55 sent two or three small barks to sea, in pursuit of cer tain Scottish pirates." • These last words must be con sidered as substantially an assurance that orders had been given to the commander of the English vessels equivalent to a safe-conduct. A breach of such an as surance would have been as infamous as that of the most formal instrument. The law of nations, which has the imperfection of being destitute of tribunals to decide its disputes, and of force to carry judgments into execution, has, at least, some compensation in being free from pettifogging, and knows little of the distinction between formal and informal instruments. Though Mary surpassed her cousin both in vivacity and address, Ehzabeth had undoubtedly the better cause ; and in her last letter showed more prudence. When asked for a favour, she required the payment of a debt of justice. Mary would have forfeited no fair advantage by ratifying the renunciation. Whatever in fluence Mary might gain in England by dechning to renounce a present claim to the crown superior to that of Ehzabeth, was evidently inconsistent with her pro fessed desire of peace, and could only be kept up at the expense of the quiet and safety of the English nation. By the renunciation of the claim to possession, on the other hand, the succession of the house of Stuart, after the death of Elizabeth without issue, according to the hereditary nature of the monarchy, was left inviolate. The two claims to possession and succession, so far from being naturally connected, were practically inconsistent. The claim to possession asserted by the arms supposed Elizabeth to be an usurper — the right of succession recognised her as a lawful sovereign.-j- The queen of Scots began her voyage about the 14th * Ehzabeth to Mary, 16th Aug. 1561. Robertson's Appendix, No. VI. f Dr. Robertson, a judicious and accurate historian, has argued this case as if the consequence acquired by Mary's pretensions to England were not unlawful; and has confounded the right of succession with the claim to possession. Notwithstanding his general correctness, and his uniform solicitude for truth, he has suffered the words " in all times to come " to slide into his summary of the renunciation, which may seem to favour his argument; though they would, in truth, be of little moment if they were part of the treaty. Robertson, ii. 49. Ed. 1802. 8vo. E 4 56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ] 56l of August, 1561 : she had been accompanied to Calais by six of her princely uncles, and attended thither by a brilliant company of the lords and ladies of the French court. A smaller number followed her to her kingdom ; among whom, fortunately for posterity, was Peter de Bourdeille, lord of Brantome, whose artless and pic turesque narrative has furnished to historians the ma terials of a story which for three centuries has touched the hearts of mankind. At the moment when the queen was leaving the harbour of Calais, and just before the oars of her galley were first dipped into sea water, a vessel perished before her eyes, from disregarding the soundings and currents, and the greater part of the mariners were lost. On beholding this, Mary exclaimed, " Good God, what an omen for a voy age ! " When they had cleared the harbour a breeze sprung up, so that they made sail, and the oars of the galley slaves ceased from their noise. The queen, leaning on both arms, stood on the poop, and, amidst the big tears which fell from her fine eyes, looked back on the port and country which she was quitting, repeat ing, " Farewell, France ! farewell, France !" She con tinued in this mournful state for some hours, till it waxed dark; and she was entreated to go into the cabin, and eat a Uttle supper. She exclaimed, weeping more plentifuUy and more bitterly, " It is now, my dear France, that I lose sight of thee : I shall never see thee more." A bed was prepared for her on the poop, where she had some interrupted and disturbed sleep. The steersman awakened her at break of day ; for so she had ordered him to do if the French coast were then in view. As it disappeared, she redoubled her farewell ejaculations, exclaiming, " Farewell, France ! it is over ; I shall never see thee again:" — so poignant were the feeUngs inspired by the affections, the fears, and the re collections of a royal beauty, whose days of magnificence and power were now closed. Let it not be forgotten that the experience of unwonted sorrow disposed her to pity : she did not aUow a slave in the galhes to 1561. MARY'S VOYAGE TO LEITH. 57 be struck, requesting, and even expressly commanding, her uncle of Aumale to enforce the- execution of her humane orders. The weather was clear tiU the day before the landing of the vessels, when they were sur rounded by a fog so thick that the eye could see no object so far as from poop to prow. They were obliged to cast anchor in open sea, and to take soundings often ; and on Monday morning, theigthof August, when the fog was dispersed, they found themselves so surrounded with rocks, that if they had not stopped they must have perished.* A smaU EngUsh squadron, sent out, as has been said, in pursuit of Scottish pirates, saw the royal vessels, — saluted them, — and, after searching the baggage vessels for pirates, dismissed the whole convoy amicably, except one vessel, which was suspected of having pirates on board.t That such pirates were then cruising in the Scottish sea is indisputable : for, on the 25th of August, Ehzabeth sent to Mary a Ust of their names, desiring that they might be deUvered up to justice ; and, on the 6th of September J, Mary answered that news of this disorder had reached her before she had left France ; that on her arrival in Scotland she had prohibited suspicious cruisers; and that, on the receipt of EUzabeth's letter, she had ordered search to be made for the plunderers. That the EngUsh fleet saw the gaUeys, and might have captured them, is evident from the fact admitted by Cecil, that one of the ships was actually detained. The conduct of the EngUsh commanders towards Mary's vessels minutely corresponds with the assurance of Ehzabeth, in her letter of the l6th of August, that she suspended her dis pleasure at the refusal to ratify the treaty, and had given • Braritome, i. 119—125. Edit Lond.1779. + M«m. de Castelnau, liv. iii. c. i. Hardw. State Papers, 176. Cecil to Throgmorton. Brantome limits the duration of the fog to the last day. Castelnau mentions that the English vessels were seen from the queen's galleys ; which must refer to a time before objects on the prow were invisible from the poop. They both corroborate the intelligence of Cecil. J These last letters (not yet published) are in the State Paper Office. They show that piracy was not a pretext. A letter from Randolph, in March, 1561, speaks of the pirates six months before the queen's voyage. 58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1561. orders to her naval officers which were equivalent to a safe-conduct. On landing at Leith, the queen and her company were obliged to mount the wretched hackney horses of the country, stiU more wretchedly caparisoned. The queen burst into tears, exclaiming, " Are these the pomps, the splendours, and the superb animals on which I used to ride in France?" When they arrived at the abbey of Holyrood*, the French courtiers owned that it was a fine building, and that it did not partake of the barbarism of the country. In the evening, however, they were annoyed by a multitude of 500 or 600 persons, who sung Psalms under the " windows, — an early and offensive badge of their Calvinism, — playing on sorry rebecks and un strung fiddles, with such neglect of aU harmony, that the Parisian connoisseurs thought it worth their while to criticise their performance. Next morning, the queen's chaplain narrowly escaped with his life from the hands of the fanatical rabble, who viewed him with horror as a priest of Baal.t " Such," said the queen, "is the be ginning of welcome and aUegiance from my subjects : what may be the end I know not; but I venture to foreteU that it will be very bad." It would have perplexed a philosophical moralist to have estimated the comparative depravity of the country where she had Uved, and of the country where she came to rule: in falsehood, circumvention, in faithless dis regard of engagements, in every black crime which requires hateful forethought and wicked contrivance, the court of Catherine de' Medici was unmatched ; in shame less and gross dissolution of manners it surpassed every other : the number of pohtical atrocities was probably greater at Paris than at Edinburgh. The guilty deeds to which men are instigated by violent passions were, in all Ukehhood, most numerous in Scotland : the reformation, which taught more severe manners, had not yet breathed the Christian spirit of love and charity ; but from the eye of the young princess the varnish of manner and * Holy Cross. t Brantome, i. 123. 156l. POLICY OF ELIZABETH. 5Q pageantry of apparel, however slight and unequal, and the little tincture of arts and letters which began to spread a somewhat fairer hue over the society of France, altogether hid the near approach to equahty of the two nations with respect to the weightier matters of the law. Notwithstanding the forebodings of Mary on her arrival, her administration was for several years pru dent and prosperous. The presbyterian estabhshment continued inviolate, without any enquiry into the irre gularities of its origin. The revolts against legal authority were overlooked; and an act of oblivion was passed in the parliament of 1564. During this period, the Scottish pohcy of Elizabeth continued to be governed by the same principle of countenancing and encouraging the protestant party, her natural and necessary allies. Mary's powerful and am bitious uncles were desirous of extending their sway by the marriage of their niece to a cathohc prince. The policy of Elizabeth would disincline her to give that strength to the cathohc presumptive heiress which a powerful or able husband would necessarily bestow. But, whatever her incUnations might be, it is not Ukely that so sagacious a woman would actively pursue a project of perpetual ceUbacy for a young and beautiful queen. The objects which were perhaps attainable, though with much difficulty, were to prevent her wedding a catholic or a foreign prince ; because the latter might have formidable connections, and because he was likely to be of the cathohc party. An EngUshman was the person whom it would best suit the queen's poUcy that Mary should espouse : and as Ehzabeth had Ustened without dis pleasure to the proposal of the states of Scotland, that the earl of Arran should be her husband*, the like tender of the hand of an EngUsh subject could not in England be thought derogatory from the honour and dignity of the Scottish queen. Although it was as lawful for EUzabeth to prevent by fair means the accession of * For this tender see the statute above cited ; also the original suggestion, unpublished, in the State Paper Office, in February, 1561 : to which queen Elizabeth's answer may be seen in Haynes, 364. 60 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1562. Scotland to her enemies by marriage, as it would be to hinder their conquest of a country on which the safety of her own dominions depended ; yet her interference to impede the free choice of a husband by her cousin was a pohcy of a stern and obnoxious sort, which required much address, and all the mitigations of which so harsh a measure was susceptible. It was necessary to the po- Utical object that advances should be slowly made; that proposals should be suggested before they were avowed ; that the temper of Mary should be sounded at every step ; and that Elizabeth should sometimes retire quickly from a plan which should appear impracticable or hazardous. It was impossible, in a correspondence of two women on such a subject, that the passions and weaknesses of their sex should not mingle with their pohcy as sovereigns : if these considerations be kept in view, it wiU not be difficult to form a judgment on the following summary of the matrimonial negotiation, which wiU not import grave blame of either queen. The offers made to Mary on the part of the archduke Charles of don Carlos, and other foreign princes, have been narrated at the same time with the proposals made to EUzabeth. Every such marriage of Mary was ob jectionable to EUzabeth for the most sohd reasons of national security. The protestant nobility of Scotland dreaded a Roman cathohc husband, especially if strength ened by foreign dominions. An alliance with a powerful monarch was unpopular among Scotchmen of aU parties, as threatening that ancient independence of which a martial nation felt a generous jealousy, the guardian of their national rank, — a sentiment which atoned for many of the vices incident to their barbarism. Mary, soon after her return to Scotland, solicited an interview with EUzabeth to cement their friendship, and to settle their differences amicably. The queen of Eng land had concluded a treaty with the prince of Cond^, which wiU be presently more fully considered, for the defence of the protestants against the cruelty and perfidy 1564. MARRIAGES SUGGESTED TO MARY. 6l of the Guisian faction * ; which naturally induced her to postpone such manifestation of friendship, until an amicable adjustment of the affairs of France sheuld allow her to meet Mary without causing any suspicion that her zeal to resist the house of Lorrain had become lukewarm. + Elizabeth made a nearer approach to the delicate sub ject of marriage in instructions to Randolph, her minister atEdinburgh, on the l6th of November, 1563, the daybe- fore he set out on his mission. In these instructions Cecil, who was the writer, discusses very ably the reasons which ought to regulate the choice of Mary ; which he briefly stated to be, 1. The mutual affection of the wedded parties ; 2. The approval of her own subjects ; and, 3. The friendship of Ehzabeth. On this last head CecU observed, that the queen, his mistress, could not think a foreign match conducive to the end; and he adds, that she disapproved of the means employed [by Mary's uncle the cardinal, of whose practices she was not ignorant J], for a husband in the emperor's family. Randolph was farther instructed to say from himself, by indirect speeches, that " nothing would content Ehza beth so much as Mary's choice of some noble person within the kingdom of England, having the quaUties and conditions meet for such an alhance, [yea, perchance, (adds the queen in her own handwriting), such as she could hardly think we could agree unto,] and therewith be agreeable to both queens and both their nations ;" — or, as the words are reported by sir James Melville, " with whom her majesty might more readily and more safely declare and extend the good-wiU her majesty has to cause you to enjoy, before any creature, any thing she has,- next herself or children." § , Randolph, some time after 1 1, suggested Robert Dudley ; * Dumont Corps. Diplomat, pars 1. p. 94. Hampton Court, 20th Septl562. t Ellis's Letters, second series, vol. i. p. 267. Sir WUliam Cecil to an un known correspondent, 11th October, 1562. X MSS. in State Paper Office, in November, 1563, and March, 1564. The words between brackets are inserted in Cecil's MS. in the handwriting of Elizabeth. s Melville, 107. || Before January, 1561. MSS. correspondence. State Paper Office. 62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1564. on which Mary made some dilatory and evasive answers, and concluded by saying, " I do not look for the kingdom; my sister may marry and live longer than myself; my respect is to what may be for my commodity (policy) and the contentment of my friends, who, I believe, would hardly agree that I should embase myself so far as that:" words which seem clearly to imply that favourable terms respecting the succession had been held out if she should consent to the marriage recommended to her by Ehza beth. Lord Robert Dudley was the younger son of the regent duke of Northumberland, and, consequently, a brother of lord Guilford Dudley, lady Jane Grey's hus band. Writers famiharly acquainted with him represent his person as goodly, his countenance as singularly well featured, and in his youth of a sweet aspect. His high forehead gave a dignity to this soft expression ; he pos sessed the arts, the attainments, and the graceful man ners which flourish in courts. Intoxicated by the favour of the queen, his ambition aspired beyond the level of his capacity, either in council or in the field. Placed so near the summit of grandeur, he is charged, on im perfect evidence, with murdering two of his wives as impediments on his way to the throne. None of his contemporaries ascribe any merit to him but the shallow and showy qualities of a courtier. The most obvious explanation of the favour enjoyed by such a man at the court of the wisest of queens, must be owned to be found in the weaknesses to which female sovereigns are pecu liarly Uable. Yet it is not easy to study the virtues or the vices of Ehzabeth without incUning to an opinion, that the same pleasure in the exercise of supreme power, the same pride of rule, the same aversion from subjection which made her impatient of the authority of a husband, would also dispose her to reject the often harsher yoke of an illicit lover. Fancies and preferences, especially in haughty women, do not always become passionate attachments. Women may be touched who wiU not be subdued ; and many pass their lives on the brink of weaknesses into which they never faU. Ehzabeth is 1564. LORD ROBERT DUDLEY. 63 said to have inherited from Henry VIII. a taste for handsome attendants, as pageants of the court; a pre ference which might have been softened by the sex of EUzabeth, without outweighing her sense of dignity, overpowering her hatred of a master, or silencing the voice of moral principle, which, however sometimes disobeyed, was no stranger to her breast. As there is no doubt that Dudley aspired to the hand of Ehzabeth, he must have professed, and may have felt, a repugnance to an union with the most beautiful, and most accompUshed, queen in Europe. The nego tiation on the subject continued during the whole year 1564. On condition of its success, it appears that Eliza beth was ready to grant those very favourable terms which she authorised Randolph to hold out in November; which some writers describe as the adoption of Mary as a daughter or sister, with the recognition of her rights as presumptive heiress to the crown. So late as the 5 th of February, 1565, Randolph, in his despatches from Edinburgh, assured his court of the incUnation of the- queen of Scots to marry the earl of Leicester, and the great probabiUty of the successful issue of his embassy. * Some historians have, very gratuitously, supposed these negotiations on the part of England to have been insin cere, and intended only to prolong the ceUbacy of Mary, or at least to divert her from a foreign alliance. Un doubtedly the latter purpose always influenced EUzabeth : but can any one seriously beUeve that, if the queen of Scots had shown a willingness to wed Leicester, EUza beth either could with plausibihty or would in pru dence have rejected an arrangement which she herself proposed, and which placed Scotland under the admin istration of her most trusty lieutenant ? Every political reason pleaded for the real and earnest pursuit of the marriage. Ehzabeth showed that she had herself no * Cecil's Diary in Murdin's State Papers, 506—508. February 5. 1565, and Keith, 269. ; who adds from himself, "as we may conjecture, by de claring our queen presumptive heiress to the crown of England ; " an in ference which Dr. Robertson, by an oversight very unusual with him, alleges as part of the despatch, and relies on as an historical fact Robertson, n.108. 64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1564. purpose to wed Leicester ; nor is it reasonable to impute to a poUtic sovereign the sacrifice of her highest interest to amorous frailties : and it is incredible that she should have been influenced by so chimerical a project as that of perpetuating the widowhood of a queen, for whose hand aU Europe was then pouring forth competitors. Some plausibiUty has been given to this supposed delu sion practised on Mary by the unexpected backwardness of Ehzabeth, at the critical moment, in sacrificing ex pectations relating to the succession, which her former language had been calculated to excite. But she inhe rited much of that jealousy of pretenders, of com petitors, and of heirs, which the Tudor princes caught from their originaUy irregular title. This jealousy was confirmed by the revolts against Henry VIII.; and still more by those reUgious revolutions, which afforded alarming proofs how easily estabUshed institutions might be overthrown. * As the prospect of marriage with Leicester vanished, another candidate presented himself, whose appearance was attended by almost instantaneous success. This was Henry Stuart, lord Darnley, the son of the earl of Lennox, by lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of Mar garet Tudor, queen of Scots, by the second marriage of the last princess with the earl of Angus. The countess of Lennox was the grand-daughter of Henry VII. by his eldest daughter, and foUowed Mary in the order of here ditary succession to the crown of England. The earl of Lennox was the representative of an ancient branch of the royal family, who had acquired high honour and large possessions by marrying the heiress of the old thanes and earls of Lennox, whose origin is lost in the dark ness of the earliest times. Henry Stuart was born in England ; his parents had been driven into exile ; and lady Lennox herself was born in Northumberland, where * The following words in one of Cecil's despatches contain the best key to Elizabeth's fluctuations : — "I see the queen's majesty very desirous to have my lord of Leicester to be the Scottish queen's husband ; butwhenitcometh to the conditions which are demanded, I see her then remiss of.her earnest-' ness. 30th Dec. 1564" — Ellis, ii. 294. The date of the letter, and the words " conditions which are demanded," which must refer to the succes sion, seem to render it decisive. 1565. LORD DARNLEY. ' 65, her mother the queen had taken refuge. In the autumn of 1564, the earl of Lennox went to Scotland with letters recommendatory of his suit from Elizabeth, in order that he might obtain a reversal of his attainder, and restitu tion of his honours and estates. It is not unlikely that the English ministers, when they began to doubt the success of Leicester, might have turned their thoughts to Lennox's return * as a means of procuring Mary's hand for Darnley ; an individual not formidable, a sub ject of Elizabeth, the remaining fortune of whose family was in England, where it formed some pledge of his adherence to the EngUsh interest. Elizabeth, however, before the measure was adopted, attempted to dissuade Mary from it, lest it might offend the powerful house of Hamilton, the grantees of Lennox's estates, t The extreme displeasure of Mary at this dissuasion X seems rather to indicate that the proposal originated in the court of Scotland ; and an attempt of Elizabeth, some years before §, to promote Lennox's restoration, leads to the inference, that though some other motives may have concurred, yet her principal object was to dp an act of good nature to lady Lennox, the nearest kinswoman of both queens. That it was an artifice contrived by Elizabeth to embroil the marriage with Dudley, by the interposition of a new competitor, is an assertion without and against proof; since there is the fullest evidence that the English government soUcited and desired that marriage seven months afterwards. || Lord Darnley foUowed his father in February. " Her majesty," says sir James Melville, " took weU with him, and said he was the lustiest IT and best-proportioned * Sir J. Melville's Memoirs, p. 108. Ed. 1827. + By letter of 5th July, Keith, 253. Cecil's Diary, Murdin, W. Melville, X Melville, p. 112. Keith, 257. 5 In 1599. Haynes, 213. II It is evident that Randolph did not despair of success before the 15th or 18th of April, 1565. Keith, Appendix, 158, 159. MS. despatches in State Paper Office. The suspicions even of Sir James Melville, in memoirs, of which a part, if not the whole, was certainly written in 1593, cannot pre vail over strictly contemporary despatches. The only defect of this ex cellent writer is, that his diplomatic life made him too much a believer in over-refined policy. . U Handsomest See Johnson and Jamieson, with the authority o. Spenser. VOL. III. F 66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1565, lang man that she had seen; for he was of high stature, lang and small, even and brent up * ; well instructed from his youth in aU honest + and comely exercises."! Elizabeth and Melville smiled at the effeminacy, per haps also at the ignorance and incapacity, of the beard less stripling. But Mary, after a moment's displeasure, or affectation of it, at the presumption with which he offered himself, liked him better the more she knew him; which would have been more honourable to her if his attractions had been more refined, and if she had not remarked his animal beauties with too critical an eye. She determined to marry him. He betrayed partialities for the cathohc party so imprudently as soon to rouse both the queen of England and the Scotch protestants against the union. Randolph, the EngUsh resident, cautiously insinuates his suspicions of Mary's rising pas sion to his court within a fortnight of Darnley 's arrival.§ Argyle, a zealous protestant, expressed great apprehen sion of Darnley's progress. Moray said that the match would be followed by unkindness to England, and was " the most sorrowful of men." || A rumour was preva lent that Moray was about to leave the court, displeased at the more open parade of cathohc rites, which his prudence prevented so long as he enjoyed his sister's undivided confidence. IT My suspicions, says Randolph, on the 18th of April, are bitterly confirmed. Many with grief see the fond folly of the queen. The godly (the protestants) cry out, and think themselves undone. All good men see the ruin of their country in the mar riage with Darnley.** In this temper of aU the Scotch friends of the English connection, Maitland, who ar rived at Westminster on the same 18th of April, could * Straight, even. — Jamieson. A word of difficult derivation. + Becoming his station. Sir J. Melville, from early and long residence in France, complains that he had forgotten his mother tongue. " La conuessc sa mere lui ayant fait apprendre a jouer de luth, a, danser, et autre hon. netes exercises." — Castelnau, liv. v. c. 12. X Melville, 134. % MSS. State Paper Office. Randolph's despatch of 27th February. 1565: Darnley having arrived on the 13th. || Ditto, 15th March. II Ditto, 17th March. •* Ditto, 7th April. _ Keith, App. 159. 1565. mary's marriage opposed. 67 not expect much success in his errand, which was to desire the queen's consent to the marriage of his mistress. The English council were alarmed. On the 23d of April, letters were despatched to recal Lennox and Darnley from Scotland ; and, on the 1st of May, resolu tions were adopted by the privy council of the utmost importance; and which, notwithstanding their somewhat pedantic arrangement, with a sprinkUng of rhetorical dic tion *, are not only admirable models of our ancient language, but pregnant proofs how high Cecil, who was the wjriter, ought to be placed among the first class of wise statesmen. They are remarkable also for a frank ness and overflowing good faith, which avow all the motives of the actors without trusting any part of them to insinuation, and circuitous or ambiguous phraseology ; and, as it should seem from their tenor, not leaving the most deUcate matters to be cautiously hinted in con versation. The substance of this momentous determin ation was, that the marriage of the queen of Scots with lord Darnley would be dangerous to the protestant reli gion ; that it would strengthen the league of catholic princes which now visibly threatened Europe ; that it was big with peril to the title by which her majesty filled the English throne ; that the performance of Mary's promise to renounce her pretension to England had been for nearly six years evaded ; that, as nothing but force, or the fear of force, could then prevent the marriage, the whole council agreed that it was lawful and necessary to provide for the safety of England, by strengthening the fortifications and reinforcing the garrison of Berwick ; that the wardens of the borders should be prepared at an hour's notice, either to defend their own frontier, or to invade Scotland. On the latter measure alone there was a difference of opinion, some being indisposed to actual warfare. When it became evident that Mary was resolved to cut short negotiation * Determination of the privy council of England on the marriage of the queen of Scots, 1st May, 1565. Keith, 280. Summary of the consultation of the privy council, 4th June, 1565.— Robertson's Appendix, No. X. . F 2 6S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 1565 by hurrying on her marriage, Throgmorton was in structed, in case of a total failure of his attempts, to persuade the lords of the congregation, and all the Scottish protestants, to withstand the marriage, unless Darnley should promise to adhere to the reformed re- Ugion, which ho had openly professed in England.* In the mean time lord James Stuart, who had been created earl Moray, the undisputed chief of the reformed party, who had been prime minister to the queen his sister since her return from France, withdrew from court, as a testimony against an union fraught, in his judgment, with destruction to his country and to his faith. Seldom, in so turbulent a country as Scotland. ruled in the name of a young woman, and but just es caped from civil war, has any administration been con ducted with such firmness, or has been attended with such signal success, as that which Moray guided during a critical period of four years. The reputation of Mary's government, we are told, was spread over aU countries.t His firm and equal hand had reduced the highlands and borders to an obedience unknown for centuries to wild and lawless tribes. As the protestants entirely and justly trusted Moray's zeal for their reUgion; he was enabled to temper their fanaticism, and to prevent at least its breaking out into civil war. He appears to have conducted himself with spotless faith towards his sister, and to have obtained a degree of quiet which no other Scotsman could have ensured. The queen was not insensible of his fidelity, nor of the influence of his name. On the 8th of May, 1565, she commanded him to repair to her at StirUng, where, in Darnley's cham ber, she earnestly besought him to subscribe a writing in which the marriage was recommended.' She repeated her importunities for two successive days. She even appealed to him as a Stuart, and implored him to help her attempts to execute the wiU of their father, king James, whose earnest desire it was to keep the crown of * Sir James Melville, 134. -f Sir James Melville, 130. He, who had lived so many years abroad, well knew the opinion of the continental nations. 1565. MARRIAGE WITH DARNLEY. Scotland on the head of a Stuart. He desire