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ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

IRELAND?
FROM THE FIRST INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY
AMONG THE IRISH TO THE BEGINNING OF
THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
COMPILED FROM THE WORKS OF THE' MOST ESTEEMED AUTHORS
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC, WHO HAVE WRITTEN AND
PUBLISHED ON MATTERS CONNECTED WITH
THE IRISH CHURCH ;
AND FROM IRISH ANNALS AND OTHER AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS,
STILL EXISTING IN MANUSCRIPT.

BY THE REV. JOHN LANIGAN, D. D.
FORMERLY PROFESSOR OF HEBREW, THE SACRED SCRIPTURES, AND
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PAVIA.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.

VOL. in.

DUBLIN :
PRINTED BY D. GRAISBERRY.
SOLD BY HODGES AND M'ARTHUR, 21, COLLEGB-GREEN,
( - RICHARD COYNE, 4, CAPEL-STREET,
AND THE OTHER BOOKSELLERS.
1822. ¦:,

AN

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY

OF

IRELAND, Sfc.

CHAPTER XVII.
Death of Colman Stellain — St. Colmdn Hua Fiachra
— The priest Failati or Foilan — Priest Ernan —
Cronan qf Roscrea— Erection of the monastery
qf Roscrea — Priest Commian — Camin qf Inis~
keltrq-^St. Abban— Supposed to be two Saints of
that name, one living in the fifth and the other in
the sixth and seventh centuries — Monastery of
Ros-mic-treoin founded by St. Abban — St. Gob-
nata — St. Pulcherius or Mochemoc— founds the
monastery qf Liathmore — several -miracles as
cribed to him — Death qf St. Pulcherius— "St. Mo-
chelloc — St. Manchan qf Menodrochit — supposed
to be the same as Munchin of Limerick — St. Al
dus bishop qf Kildare — Dachua or Mochua
Luachra — Conang O' Daithil, bishop qf Emly —
Baiihan abbot qf Clonmacnois, said to have been
a bishop — Segenius abbot qf Hy succeeded by
Suibhne — Suibhne succeeded by Cumineus Albus
or Cummin the White — St. Mura or Murus
governed the monastery qf Fathen-Mura — Ba-
chull-Mura preserved as a relique—St. Mo-
nenna founds the nunnery of Fochard-Brighde
— appoints Orbila or Servila abbess at Fochard,
VOL. m. b fA-.

AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP- XVII.
and retires to near Slieve Gullin, where she
erects a church— said to have gone into North
Britain and erected seven Churches there— said
to have gone into England where she was knowp,
by the name of M&omna or Modwenna — St.
Conchessa—St. Athracta—St. Fechin— erects
the monastery of Fore in ihe Co. Westmeath—
St. Aileron the Wise — he is sometimes called He-
leran, Aireran, or Ereran — Ultan abbot of
Clonard, and Colman Coss and Cumin, both
abbots of Clonmacnois, carried of by the plague
that raged in the year 665 — Colman successor of
Finan in Lindisfame — "Dispute relative to the '
observance qf Easter renewed — a synod held for
the purpose of deciding this controversy — In
this synod Colman supports the Irish mode qf
observing the Easter festival, and Agilbert and
Wilfrid the Roman practice — The decision of
the synod in favour of the Roman observance—
The dispute about the tonsure also decided in
the synod in favour qf the Roman fashion.

SECT. I.

RETURNING now to Ireland, and endeavouring
to follow the order of time as well as I am able, I "have
first to observe that Colman Stellain, abbot of Tirdaglas,
and seemingly tbe immediate successor of Mocumin,
(1) died in 624 or 625. (2) Whether or not he was
the Colman mentioned among the priests of the third
class of saints', (3) it is impossible to determine, as
several other Colmans were distinguished at that
period by their sanctity, (4) and particularly St.
Colman Hua-Fiachra, a descendant of prince Fiachra
the brother of Neill Neigilliach. (5) He was con
temporary with St. Maidoc of Ferns, *^6) and seems
to have been abbot, and perhaps founder, of the
monastery of Seanbotha in the territory of Hy-kin-

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. S
selagh, situated at the foot of the mountain, called
in Irish Suighe Lagen, that is, I believe, Mount
Leinster at the borders of the now counties of Car-
low and Wexford. (7) Of his further transactions
or the year of his death we have no account. His
memory was revered at Seanbotha on the 27th of
October, the anniversary of his death. (8) An
uncertainty, similar to that relative to the Colman of
the third class, occurs also- with .regard to the priest
Failan or roilan, who also is reckoned among them.
He was neither Foillan the brother of St. Fursey,
nor the Foillan, who is said to have accompanied St.
Livin to Brabant ; whereas none of the Irish saints,
who removed to the continent, are named in that
catalogue. (9) Besides many other saints of this
name, (10) there was Failan or Fbilan son of Aidus
a Munster prince, (1 1) perhaps the Aidus, who was
a young man in the time of St, Senan, (12) and
whose posterity ruled in Iveagh a part of the now
county of Cork. (13) If so, this Failan might hav6
belonged to the period of the third class, and have
been the Failan, who is called the son of an Irish
dynast, and said to have' been baptized and educated
by St. Coemgen or Kevin. (14) But, in the want
of distinctive circumstances, no decisive opinion can
be formed. In the same third class we meet with a
priest Ernanr. I think there can be no doubt, that
he was llie same as Ernene soh of Crescen, who, as
Adamnan says, (15) was famous and greatly known
throughout all the churches of Ireland. Ernan
was a servant boy in the monastery of Clonmacnois,
when Colwmbkill visited it about the year 590. He
was endeavouring to touch the hem of his cloak,
when the saint, perceiving what he waS about, took
hold of him and placed him before his face. On the
bystaasderS observing that he ought not to take notice
of such a troublesome boy, he desired them to have
patience, and giving him his blessing said to them ;
"this boy,' whom ye now despise, will henceforth be
b 2

* -IN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAT. XVII.
very agreeable., to you, and will, improve from day to
day in good conduct and virtue ; and will be gifted
by God' with wisdom, learning, and eloquence." 06)
It is a misfortune, that very little is known concern
ing this eminent mart. He was, in all probability, a
native of the vicinity of Clonmacnois. , It was there
he went through his studies and, with great proficiency.
(17) He is called in some Irish calendars Ernene of
Rathnui in Hi?Garchon, (Rathnew in the county of
Wicklow) whence it seems that he governed some
establishment in that place. His memory was revered
there on the 18th of August; (18) and his death is
assigned to the same year as that of Fintan Munnu, ,
viz. A. D. 634* (635). (li)).
, ( 1) See Chap, x, § . 13. Not. 239-
(2) The Annals of Innisfallen have A. 624. The 4 Mastjers A.
625. (ap. A A. SS.. p. 247.) Usher says, .(p. 968 and Ind. Chron.)
A. 634. I suspect that 634 has been substituted by mistake for
the 624 of the Innisfallen Annals, which are usually very correct.
(3) See Chap. xiv. §.8.
(4) Colgan, omitting other Colmans, mentions (AA. SS.p.
247) Colman son of. Comgell, who died in 620; (but he was pro
bably a bishop, see, Not. 22. to Chap, xiv.) Colman Huabardan,
abbot of Clonmacnois, died in 623 ; Colman, abbot of Glen-
daloch, died in 659, &c. There was a Colman Cass, abbot of
Clonmacnois, who died in 664 (665). See A A. SS. p. 90. Tliese
and other Colmans belonged to the period of the third, class-
Harris has (Monasteries) a St. Colman, who, he says, founded
the monastery of Disert-Mocholmoc in the county of E. Meath,
apd in the sixth century. Of thia Colman I can find no further
account.. Archdall places it in Westmeath, four miles S W of
Mullingar, and calls it Dysart. He adds, that a house for Con
ventual Franciscans was afterwards founded there. Mr. Carlisle*
(Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, ad he.) makes Archdall
say, that this' Franciscan establishment was founded by' St
Colman. Archdall was not so ignorant as to commit such an un '
chronological blunder. Surely Mr. Carlisle ought to know that
there were no Franciscans for hundreds of years after the times '

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. / ti
in which - Archdall supposed DisertvMocholmoc to have been
founded by Colman.
(5) Colgan, A A. SS. p. 141. '
(6) We read in the Life of St Maidoc; (cap. 58) " Alio die
cum S. Moedoc iter ageret, occurrit ei in via S. Colmanus filius
Fiacrii" (i. e. de stirpe Fiacrii).
(7) In the same Life it is stated (cap. 26.) that St. Maidoc
was on some occasion at the monastery of Seanbotha. It is not
said that tne abbot was Colman ; hor is any abbot's name men
tioned. But-, as in our Calendars he is constantly called Colman
of Seanbotha in Hykinselagh, it may be fairly concluded that he
was abbot there ; and, on comparing the circumstance here men
tioned with the passage just quoted, it is plain that he ' was there
in St. Maidoc's time, and that Seanbotha was not far distant from
Ferns. Archdall (ad loc.) says that it is now unknown. This
much, however, is, I think, certain that it was near Mount Lein-
ster, and, in all probability, at the county of Wexford side. In
the chapter (26) above referred to it is placed " juxta radices
montis, qui dicitur Scotice Suighe Lagen, id est Sessio Laginen-
sium." That this was the mountain now called Mount Leinster,
appears not only from its very name, which corresponds to the
Irish Suighe Lagen, but likewise from its proximity to Ferns.
(8); A A. SS. p. 141.
(9) 'Ex. c. not even Columbanus of Luxeu, Fiacre, or Fursey,
notwithstanding their great celebrity. Usher says, (p. 967) that
he would have supposed Foillan, brother of Fursey,xto have been
the one of the third order, were he not called a bishop. (See Chap.
xvi. §. n.) But, even were it certain, that he was only a priest,
he would not have been named in the catalogue, and for the reason
above assigned.
(10) See AA. SS. p. 104.
(11) Colgan (AA. SS. p. 799.) surnames this Aidus, or Hugh,
Daman, al. Bennan. He does not represent him as king of all
Munster. Keating says, (Book 2. p. 35. ed. A. 1723.) that
Aodft or Hugh Bennain, king of Munster, died during the reign
of the monarch Suibhne (Sweeny) Meann. If so, he must have
died between 615 and 628. (See Chap. xiv. §. 1.) But {heking
of all Munster, who died between these years, was Fingen, the
successor of Aodh Caomh. Fingeo died jn 619- (Not. 39 to

6 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAF. XVII-
Chap- xiv.) It may be, however, that Aodh Caomh lived until
the reign of Suibhne Meann. If Aodh Bennain was king of all
Munster he must, as far as I can find, have been the same as
Aodh Caomh, a son of whom might withoul any anachronism be
placed among the saints of the third class. Yet the surname
Bennain, as also that of Daman, seems to indicate that they were
different persons ; and Aodh Bennain was probably only a petty
king or dynast. Instead of calling him with Keating, or his
translator, king qf Munster, he ought, perhaps, rather be called
a Munster prince.
(12) See Life o£ St. Senan at 8 March, cap- 22.
(13) Iveagh ov Ivagh was a part of Carbery. Smith's History of
Cork, Vol. 1. p. 31.
(14) See Usher, p. 1068.
(15) Fit. S. C. L. 1. c. S. al. 1.
(16) Adamnan, ib.
(17) Columbill is introduced, (ib.) as saying of him ; " In hac
vestrq congregatione grandis est futurus profeotus."
(18) The Martyrologium Tamlact, has at 18 Aug. " Erneneus
fjlius Gresseni de Rath-nui in regione de Hi-Garchon." The Ca
lendar of Cashel at the same day adds, that his festival was kept
also at Kill-Broigneach in Idrone. ( Tr. Th. p. 373.)
(19) Annals of Roscrea. See Tr. Th. ib. ad AA. SS.p. 8,
and compare with Not. 83. to Chap. xv. Usher also has affixed
his death to 635. (Ind. Chron. from the Annals of Ulster.) He
was mistaken, as already remarked, (Not. 91 to Chap, xv) in con
founding him with other Emarnp.
§. ii. After Ernan is mentioned Cronan, who, I
should be greatly inclined to suppose, was Cronan
of Roscrea, were there not some reason to think,
that the latter was a bishop. (20) Be this as it may,
Cronan, called of Roscrea, was a native of Ele (Ely
O'Cjirrol) in Munster. (21) His father was Odran
of the sept of said territory, and his mother Coemri
of that of Corcobaschin, a district in the West of the
now county of Clare. Cronan, when arrived at a
proper age for embracing the religious state, takino-
along with him his maternal cousin Mobai, (22)

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 7
went to visit some holy men in Connaught, and
stopped at a place called Puayd, (23) where he was
soon joined by several pious persons, with whom he
led a monastic life. After some time he left that
place, and went together with Mobai to Clonmacnois^
where he did not remain long. vNext we find him'
erecting several religious houses, in one of which
at Lusmag (24) he spent a considerable time. Hav
ing given up this establishment to some monks,
Cronan returned to his own country, and erected a
cell near the lake or marsh called Cree, which cell
was called Sean-ross cr Seanruis. (25) He was in
this place about the time of the death of St. Molua
of Clonfert-molua ; for it is related that this saint in
his latter days visited Cronan at Seanruis, and de
manded of him the sacrifice, or holy Eucharist,
which he might take with him, Cronan gave it to
him, and Molua recommended his monastery to his
protection. (26) The monastery of Roscrea was
not as yet established ; and accordingly its foundation
cannot be assigned to an earlier date than about 606.
(27) How long Cronan remained at Sean-ross is
not recorded. The cause of his leaving it was this.
Some strangers, who had come to pay him a visit,
were not able to find it out, and in their wanderings
remained a whole night without food or roof to
shelter them. This so displeased Cronan, that he
determined on quitting that lonesome and too much
retired spot, and removed to the high road, where he
erected a large monastery, which in cOufse 6f time
gave rise to the town of Roscrea. (28) Here he
spent the remainder of his life, employed in good
works and most highly esteemed. On one occasion
he protected by his prayers the people of Ele against
the fury of the OssOrians. On another he appeased
Fingen, king of Munster, who was bent o« punish
ing most severely the people of Meath on account of
some horses, that had been stolen ffom him, and had
already marched with an army for that purpose from

8 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
Cashel as far as Ele. (29) This king had a great
veneration for the saint, whom we find, when very
old and blind, on a visit with him at Cashel. When
returning to Roscrea, Cronan was accompanied by
the king in person and the chief nobility, &c. ot
the whole country. Not long after, having blessed
his people of Ele, and received the divine sacrifice,
he died on a 28th of April (SO) in, acordmg to every
appearance, some year of the reign of said king
Fingen,and consequently not later than A. D. oly,
or, at the lowest, 626. (5 1 )
(20) Ware, touching on the Life of Cronan, (Writers L. 1- c.
13. al. 15.) calls him bishop, otherwise abbot of Roscrea. Yet
Colgan states, (AA .SS. p. 303.) that we do not read of his hav
ing been a bishop. I suspect that Ware's motive for giving him
that title was, that Roscrea was formerly an episcopal see, and
his thence supposing that it was such as earjy as Cronan's time.
, Of this, however, I believe he could not have adduced any 'proof.
The Bollandists? who have published his Life at 28 April, ob
serve that in a MS. Florarium they found him called bishop.
They were inclined to think, that he really was one, and that he
was -the bishop Cronan mentioned by Adamnan. (See Not. ,182-
to Chap, xi.) I grant them, in opposition to Colgan, that Cronan
was old enough to-be a bishop before the death of Columbkill.
But there are circumstances, to be mentioned lower down, which
prove, that, if he ever was a bishop, he was not so until after it.
The Bollandists feeling the, weakness of that conjecture, lay down
as almost certain, that he was the priest Cronan pf the third or
der ; and in fact it is difficult to suppose, that so celebrated a saint
would have been omitted in that catalogue, as would be the case,
unless he was the Cronan reckoned among the priests. In his
Life, which is a respectable and very circumstantial document, he
is called only abbot, without the least allusion to his ever having
exercised episcopal functions. On the whole it appears exceed
ingly probable, that hi^ being called bishop in after times was a
mistake founded, as above observed, with regard to Ware, on the
circumstance of Roscrea having become an episcopal see.

CHAP. XVII,-, OF IRELAND. 9
(21) That district, or at least a part of it,' is, as often ob
serve^ now comprized in the King's county,
(22) We read in the Life of Cronan ; " Mater S. Cronani, et
S. Mobai mater, et mater S. Mochonnae tres germanae sorores
fuerunt." Of Mobai little else is known. As to Mochomja, he
might have been the abbot of that name, who seems to have go
verned a monastery somewhere in Leinster and was living in the
time of St. Cdemgen, (See AA. SS. p. 565.) But, as there
were other St. Mochonnas about that period, this point must re
main undecided.
(23) Prope gurgitem Puayd. Whether the author- meant by
gurgitem a pool or a gulf, I cannot determine ; nor can I find
i any place in Connaught called Puayd.
(2+) In the barony of Garrycastle, King's county.
(25) " Cellam itaque prope stagnum Cree — aedificavit, quae
celia Seanross nominatur." (Life of St. Cronan. See also Usher,
p. 969) I have, observed elsewhere, (Not. 73 to Chap, xii.) that
this stagnum, or marsh, Cree was probably what is now called the
bog of Monela. Archdall (at Roscrea) says that Cronan built
that cell in an island of Loughkee. But Loughkee or Loughkay
is -in the county of Leitrim far from Cronan's country. I sup
pose that, being puzzled by the name Loughcree, he guessed at
that of Loughkee.
(26) In the Life of St. Molua, al. Lugidus or Lugidius,/ is the
following passage ; " Venit (Molua) ad S. Cronanum de Ruis-
cree, sedentem tunc in celia Senruis, et postulavit ab eo sacrifi-
cium, quod secum portaret ; et dedit ei Cronanus. Cui Lugidius
ait : Tecum relinquo locum meum, ut eum a 'persecutoribus de-
fendas." In" said Life Cronan is called only a priest ; and hence .
it appears that, if Cronan ever became a bishop, it must have
been after the death of Molua, and consequently several years af
ter that of Colunibkill. Thus, we see that he was not the bishop
Cronan mentioned by Adamnan. (Compare with Not. 20.)
Molua's applying to Cronan for the blessed Eucharist, and taking
it with him, was in conformity with the ancient practice of holy per
sons sending it to each other in token of communion and brotherly
love. Thus as far back as the times of St. Irenaeus, and earlier,
the Popes used to send it to bishops even of far distant churches.

10 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
(See Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. L. 5. c. 24. and Bingham, Origines,
&c. Book xv. ch. 4. sect. 8.)
(27) This is the earliest date (see Not. 100 to Chap, xii.)
marked forMoIua's death, before which; we may be sure, Roscrea
was not founded. Therefore Han-is was wrong in assigning said
foundation to the sixth century. <
(28> In his Life it is said, that "magnum monasterium aedifi.
cavit ; et ibi crevit clara civitas, quae vocatur Ross-cree."
(29) The ancient Meath was contiguous to Ele.
(30) Where did Archdall find, that Cronan died on the IQjh of
May ? The Life has 28 April.
(31) Cronan's death is mentioned just after the account of his
return from Cashel. Fingen is said to have died in 519. (See
Not. 39 to' Chap, xiv.) Yet, on comparing what is there ob
served concerning the beginning of the reign of his successor
Failbhe Fland, it may be conjectured that he did not die until
about 626. Colgan says, (AA. SS. p. 303.) that Cronan was
alive in 625. The Boll&ndists go still further, pretending that he
might have lived until after 640. For this statement they had no
authority whatever, except a very unfounded conjecture of their
own, that, in case of his having been a bishop, he might have
been the bishop Cronan mentioned with Thomian and others in
the letter of the Roman clergy written in 640. We have already
seen (Not. 91 to Chap, xv.) who this Cronan was; nor could
Cronan of Roscrea, even if then alive, and whether bishop or
priest, have been among those to whom said letter was directed ;
whereas they were all northerns, and he. a southern. Had the
Bollandists known the time of Fingen's reign, they would not have
imagined that Cronan could be alive in 640. Archdall had no
right to refer to Usher as if assigning Cronan's death to the be
ginning of the seventh century. All that Usher says is, that he
survived Lugidus al. Molua.
§". m. The priest Crcnan of the third class, if
different from the saint now treated of, might have
been Cronan of Maghbile, or the Cronan son of Silni
of whom as much as is known has been already
touched upon. (32) That Commian, another priest
of said class, was the learned Cummian author of

(3hAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 11
J
the Paschal epistle (33) is exceedingly probable, and,
I should think, certain, were there not reason to be
lieve, that this Cummian was the same as Cumin
Fad a, who is said by some to have become a bishop,
although on very doubtful authority. (34) But there
were, in those times, other distinguished persons of
that name, one or other of whom might have been
meant by the author of that catalogue. (35) Who
Coinan was, whose name appears just before that of
Commian, I cannot well discover. He could not
have been the Coman of Ferns, who lived until
678, but was perhaps the Comman called by Adam-
nan a respectable priest. (3<>) I am greatly inclined
to think that, notwithstanding an apparent difference
in the name,s, Coman of the third class was the cele
brated Camin of Iniskelti a or Iniskeltair. (J/) No
thing can agree better than the times ; for Camin flou
rished in the first half of the seventh century. He
was of the princely house of Hy-kinselagh by his
father Dima, and half brother of Guair king of Con-
naught by his mother Cumania. Little else is re
corded of him, (38) until he retired to the island of
Iniskeltair in Loughderg, a lake formed by the.
Shannon. Here he led a solitary and very austere
life, but after some tirne was obliged to erect a mo
nastery, on account of the numbers of persons, that
resorted to him for instruction. Although of a very
sickly constitution he seems to have closely applied
to ecclesiastical studies and wrote a commentary on
the Psalms collated with the Hebrew text. (39)
This saint died in 653, (40) on the 25tb, or, as
some say, the 24th of March. His memory was
so much respected, that the monastery of Iniskeltair
became very celebrated, and was considered as one
of the principal asylums in Ireland. His immediate
successor, as abbot, was, I believe, Stellan. (41) Of
the priests of the third class there now remain only
two to be treated of, Fechin and Airendanus ; but
chronological order requires our deferring their his
tory for a while.

12 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVI*.
(32) Not. 91 to Chap. xv. (33) See Chap. xv. §. t-8.
(34) See ib. Not. 54. (35) Ib. Not. 53.
(36) Usher searching for Coman of the (hird' class says, (p. 968 >
that Coman of Ferns was perhaps the Comman called by Adam- .
nan (L. 3. C. 19.) honorabilis presbyter, whom Usher seems to
have supposed the same as Coman bf the class. But, as Coman
of Ferns did not die until 678, how could he have belonged to said
class, which lasted until only 665? (See Chap. xiv. §. 8.) Sup-,
posing the Comman of Adamnan to have been different from Co-
man of Ferns, which is , very probable, he might have been, the
priest Coman of the list. It is true that Adamnan speaks of him
as having conversed with him. This conversatioa might have oc
curred, when Adamnan was young and some years before 665.
Adamnan was born about the year 625, and must have 'been
younger than Comman, Who, as he tells us, was maternal nephew
of Virghous, who, , after governing Hy for 25 years, died in 623.
Colgan treats (at 18 Mart.) of a Comman, who is called bishop in
Irish calendars without any mention of hirsee, and strives to shpw
that he was the same as the priest ap. Adamnan. If so, he must
have become a bishop after Adamnan had written his work, and
lived until after the death DfColumbkill. Colgan has nothing but
vague conjectures on this point, 'and mixed with such inconsis
tencies, that it is not worth while to make any further remark on
what he says, except that this bishop Comman, whose see he was
not able to discover, is said to have died in 676 (677). Usher,
although he had spoken of Coman of Ferns as a priest, and having
always remained so, as appears from his having thought he might
have been the Comman of Adamnan, yet in his Ind. Chron. (A.
678) calls him the bishop of Ferns. Ware also reckons him among
the bishops of Ferns, but places his death in 675, merely, I be
lieve, on conjecture, and because he knew that in the year 678
the see of Ferns was occupied by Dirath, who succeeded Maldo-
gar in 677. It is more than probable that . they were mistaken in
making him a bishop, owing to their having met with a bishop of
that name (the one of Colgan ) and thence confounding him with
Coman of Ferns. In a list of the bishops of that see in the 7tb
century (ap. Tr. Th. p. 564. ) no Coman appears, nor according
to the succession there marked would there have been room for
him.

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 13
(37) An interchange of vowels frequently occurs in the spelling,
of Irish names. Thus we find Commian for Cummian, Cummin
or Cumin for the same, Aedh for Aodh, fyc. A is often used for
0, and vice versa. Fraech, for Froech, Faillan for Foillan, &c.
Thus Camin might have been written for Comin, or Cumin. , It is
probable that this diversity of spelling arose from a provincial
variety of pronunciation, and was adhered to in writing for
the purpose of distinguishing persons, whose names were the same,
particularly if such names were very common. Yet I acknowledge
that there is a difficulty with regard to applying these observations
to the particular case of Camin of Iniskeltra ; for the Calendar of
Cashel states, that he was otherwise called Canin, a name truly
different from Coman. Yet as his original name seems to have
been Camin, and Canin only a surname, this objection is not
sufficient to overthrow the proposed conjecture. In a copy of the
Annals of Innisfallen in the library of the Dublin Society his name
is written Cumine.
(38) Colgan has endeavoured (at 25 Mart.) to give some ac
count of Camin. He observes that there are some Irish poems in
praise of him, but so intermixed with fables, that he could not
make any use of them towards clearing up his history.
(39) Usher says (p. 972) that he saw a part of this work, which
was very carefully distinguished by various marks. At the top of
each page was the collation with the Hebrew' text, and at the out
ward margin were added short scholia or notes. It was, accord
ing to general tradition, in Camin's own handwriting. Colgan
also saw a part of it, the same, I suppose, as that mentioned by:
Ware, Writers at Camin. i
(40) Annals of Innisfallen as referred to by Usher, Ware, and
Colgan. In the copy above mentioned (Not. 37 ) the year marked
is 651. (41) Colgan observes, (AA. SS. p. 17.) that Stellan, abbot
of Iniskeltra, flourished about 650. Archdall (at Iniskeltair) -by
changing flourished into died, makes Stellan die three years be
fore St. Camin. This is not the only occasion, in which he has
substituted, dying for flourishing.
§. iv. One of the most famous Irish saints is
Abban ; but scarcely any thing can be more con-

14 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP- XVII.
fused bt unchronological than the accounts, that are
given of him. Were we to believe what we react in
his so called Life, (42) it should be admitted that
he was born in the fifth century and lived until about
the middle of the seventh. It might be suspected,
that there were two St. Abbftns, one who lived in the
fifth and sixth centuries, and another belonging to the
sixth and seventh ; and that their transactions have
Deen confounded together. But on considering the
circumstances related concerning him in the Irish
calendars and other documents, and comparing them
with said Life, it is evident that our old writers
knew only of one saint Abban (43) although the
compiler or compilers of his Acts did not scruple to
make him mu6h more ancient than he really was.
Passing by what is said of his relationship to St.
Ibar, and some other similar stories, this* much is
clear that Abban was born some time in the
sixth century. His father was Lagnen of the house
of Hua Cormac or Dal Cormac in Leinster, derived
from Cucorb, (44) who had been king of that pro
vince. His mother's name was Mella, who is said
to have been a sister of St. Coemgen. (45) The
earliest account I meet with of Abban's transac
tions, that appears tolerably authentic, is his having
founded the monastery of Ros-mic-treoin, or Old
Ross, some time in the sixth century (46) A heap
of other monasteries is 'attributed to him, particu
larly in the now counties of Wexford and Cork.
(47) The greatest part of them is unknown, and I
have not the least doubt, that several of them were
not founded by him. (48) Two nunn«ries have been
also ascribed to him, Kill-ailbhe in East Meath,
where he is said to have placed as abbess St. Segnic
err Sincha (49) ; and Bomeach, now Ballyvourney,
six miles W. of Macroomp (co. Cork). This nun
nery belonged to St. Gobnata, whose memory is to
this day greatly venerated in that country". (50) But
Abban's chief establishment was at Magharnoidhe,

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 15
somewhere, it seems, in the now county of Wex
ford ; (51) and in this place he spent the latter years
of his life. He is said to have been, when a young
man, in Great Britain. (52) This is, I dare say,
a,s ill founded as the story of his having been three
times at Rome, and, on the third, ordained priest
there by Gregory the great. (53) Abban is said to
have preached in Ely O'Carrol, and to have there
obtained a grant of some land, which he retained
for religious purposes. (54) Many other circum
stances are related concerning him ; but they are so
intermixed with fables, that it would be a useless
task to endeavour to unravel them. He died at
Magharnoidhe on, as some say, a l6th of March,
or, according to others, a 27th of October. (55) As
to the year of his death, it is impossible to dis
cover it ; nor can even the period of" it be precisely
ascertained, although it is probable that it was the
early part of the seventh century. (56
(42) Colgan has published this farrago at 16 Mart. It is very
long. The apparent author of it speaks (cap. 24.) of himself al
being the grandson of a man, whom St. Abban had baptized.
Hence Colgan concludes, that the author lived in the latter end
of the seventh century, or beginning of the eighth. But, unless
we must suppose that he told a falshood, (for no author of that
i early period could have put together such a mass of inconsisten
cies} that passage belonged to some ancient Life of Abban,
whence it was copied by the compiler of the one now extant,
which appears to be a sort of patchwork eoDected from various
sources. Part of it, at least the two first chapters, seems to
have been composed somewhere out of Ireland. The Bollandists
have omitted the Life of Abban at 16 March, promising to give
at 27 October a dissertation, in which they would inquire, whe^
thet there was only one St. Abban or twti, viz. a priest Abban
and an abbot Abban who lived at different periods. (See Tom. 2.
for March, p. 418.) Their reason for putting off that dissertation
to- the 27th of October was that, while some Calendars mark the
festival of St. Abban at 16 March, others assign it to 27 Octo-

16 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
ber; and in fact this is the day, on which it is said in his Life
that he died.
(43) The Bollandists imagined that there might have been two
Abbans, and thus, I suppose, (fori do not know whether their
promised dissertation has been published) thought they might ex-
plain what is said of St. Finnian of Clonard having been baptized
by Abban, that is, a priest Abban, (see Chap. ix. $. 8. and Not.
120.) who might have been different from the abbot Abban of
later times. But from the manner, in which this pretended bap
tism is mentioned in the Life of Abban (cap. 29.) and its being
added that, many years' after, Abban visited Finnian when the
latter was an abbot;. together with the title of venerable given to
Abban in the part of Finnian's Aqts where said baptism is men
tioned ; it is plain that the Abban meant in that account was no
other than the famous abbot Abban. They might also have
thought, that said priest Abban was really nephew to St. Ibar,
the disciple of St. Patrick, by his sister Mella, as stated in the
Life. But the fact is, that said Mella, as we have it on better
authority, was sister to St. Coemgen, who flourished in the sixth
century. But, how could they have reconciled what is said of
Abban having been son of Cormac, king of Leinster, (Life, cap.
3.) with his having baptized Finnian ? For this Cormac died in
5S5 (536). Now, if Abban baptized Finnian, he must have
been born, at the latest, in 450, as he is said to have been a
priest at the time, and Finnian is represented as having been
baptized very soon after his birth, which, at the most moderate
computation, cannot be placed later than 480. Abban, being
then a priest, must have been at least 30 years old. Are we to
believe, that Cormac, who reigned only 9 years, had Abban
born to him 85 or rather 86 years before his death ? I do not
make these remarks as if I believed that even the real Abban was
son of that king Cormac, but to show what contradictions are
contained in said Life, and that they cannot be explained by
the supposition ' of two Abbans. . I am surprized that Usher,
who met with these contradictory statements, could have swal
lowed the stories about Abban having been nephew to Ibar, &c.
particularly considering his hypothesis as to Finnian having been
bom about 460. (See Not. 124 to Chap> ix.) For, in this hypo
thesis Abban should have been born not later than 430. Usher

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 17
knew only of one Abban, and exerted his ingenuity to recon
cile those stories with some sort of chronological truth. For this
purpose he assigned (Ind. Chron.) to A. 490 what is said of
Abban having been sent, when twelve years old, to the school of
his uncle Ibar. But he overlooked the circumstance of Finnian's
baptism by Abban, and indeed so much so that he affixed to
the same year 490 Finnian's departure for Cr. Britain. Accord
ingly he must have considered what is said of that baptism as a
fable ; and he had an equal right to reject other parts of that spu
rious history. The fact is that in putting it together the author
or authors wished to make it appear, that Abban was connected
with many of the most eminent persons of the Irish church ; and
and thus they brought him in contact with Ibar and even with
St. Patrick, with Finnian, Columbkill, arid so on until they make
him associate with St. Molingus, who lived in the 7th century and
died in 697. Then, to account for these transactions of his, we
are told that he lived more than 300 years ! ! ! In short that Life
is_a shameful composition, similar to the sort of Life drawn up for
Kieran of Saigir. There is not a word about Abban in any do
cument worthy of credit relative to the times Of St. Patrick, Ibar,
or St. Brigid.
(44) AA. SS. p. 625, seqq. See also O'Flaherty, (Ogyg. p.
293) who makes Cormac son of Cucorb. According to a genea
logy ap. Colgan (ib.) he was his grandson. Cucorb lived in the
second century. In Abban's Life it is said that he was son of
Cormac king of Leinster, that is, the Cormac who was king in
the sixth century. (See Not. prec.) But Colgan shows that this
is a mistatement. Abban was not the son of either a king or a
Cormac. He was of the race of Hua Cormac, that is, a de
scendant of the above mention Cormac. The compiler of the
Life changed Hua-Cormac into king Cormac.
(45 J Maguir ap. A A. SS. p. 626. Colgan, who would fain
keep up the fable of Abban having been nephew to St. Ibar, strives
to show-that Maguir was mistaken. But still he was not able to
prove, that Mella was sister to Ibar, as said in the Life. In other
documents Abban's mother is called Cooinech Abbadh. What was
her name is of very little consequence ; and it is sufficient to know,
VOL. III. C

18 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
that there is no authority worth attending to for the story of her
having been a sister of "Ibar.
(46) We read in the Life of St. Molua of Clonfert -molua, " S-
Molua visitavit S. Evinum abbatem in regione Kinnselach non
longe a flumine Berbhajn monasterio. Rosmactreoin, quod sanc-
tissimus senex Abbanus fwndavit, habitantein." (See also Ab
ban's Life, cap. 26.) As St. Evin died about 600, (See Chap-
xi v. §. 3.) that monastery must have been established prior to said
year. In this passage Abban is called an old man, and might
have been really so at the time of the foundation of that monas
tery, if it took place not long before 600. But it is probable, that
senex was merely an epithet, by which he used to be distinguished,
as he seems to have lived to a great age, and that it is not there
used as indicating that he was actually old, when he founded said
monastery. I do not find it mentioned by Archdall, although be
has so riiany others, that never existed ; nor do I think it certain,
that Abban was the founder of it. (See Not. 46. to Chap.xiv.)
(47) Besides Rosmactreoin, are mentioned Druim-chain-cel-
laigh, Camross, Maghar-Noidhe, Fion-magh, and Disert-Cheanan
in Hy-Kinselagh, . that is, in or near trie county of Wexford,;
Kill- Abban in E. Meath ; another Kill- Abban in Hua.Muhfedhuig,
al. Hua Midhe in a northern part of Leinster, I suppose the pre
sent county of Louth, in which was a district called Hy-Meith ;
(see Harris, Antiq. ch. 7.) Kill-achaid-conchinn in Corcaduibhne
in the West of Munster ; (probably in Kerry rather than in the
county of Cork, where it is placed by Harris, Mondst.) Kill-
cruimthir in Hy Liathain ; (how comprizing the barony of Barry-
more, Cork, and some other tracts.) Kill-na-marbhan near the
"town called Briggobhain, now Brigoon within a mile of Mitchels-
town ; (see Smith's Cork, Vol. 1. p. 353.) (Cluain-ard-Mobecoc
and Cluain-Findglas in Muskerry, county of Cork ; Cluain-con-
bruki in the plain of Femin between Cashel and Clonmel ; and
three more in one plain in Connaught called Magh-ce, or Trindi,
al. Magh-eUe, which Colgan (A A. SS. p. 622.) places in the
county of Galway.
(48) Except some of the monasteries Said to have been founded
by St. Abban in Hy-kinselagb, (his own country) and the two
Kill-abbans, I do not find sufficient authority for attributing to
him any one of the others above mentioned. Kill-achaid-conchinn,

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 19 -
is said in Abban's Life, (cap. 20.) to have been after its founda
tion denominated from an abbot Finan. Perhaps it Was called
Killfinan. There is a place in Kerry called Killfin. As that mo
nastery was very probably in Kerry, it might have been in this
place. Who the Finan here mentioned was, we are not informed.
Colgan conjectures that he was St. Finan called of Kinnitch.
(Kinnitty in the King's county) where he was abbot about the latter
end of the sixth century, but not in the year 557, as Archdall
states. This conjecture is not ipnprobable, whereas this Finan was
a native of Corcaduibhne, (Ware, Writers L. 1. c. 13. al. 15.) the
territory, in which the monastery of Kill-achaid-conchinn was si
tuated. Might the barony' of Corkaguinny in Kerry be the same
as the ancient Corcaduibhne, or, at least, a part of it ? (Beau-
ford was greatly mistaken (Anc. Tgpagr. of Ireland) in making
Corcaduibhne the same as Hy-Liathain, which was in the East.)
Finian had been a disciple of St. Brendan of Clonfert, (Tr. Th.
p. 380] and, it seems, of St. Senan of Inniscatthy, to whom he is
said to have been related. (A A. SS. p. 529.) In fact a Finan is
particularly meptipged among the disciples of Senan. ( ib. p. 525.)
I suspect that he, not Abban, was the founder of Kill-achaid-
conchinn. Why should it have, as stated in Abban's Life, borne
the name of Finan, not of Abban, had it been founded by the
letter ? Finan was a native of the country, in which it was situated,
a country, which I doubt whether Abban ever visited. As to the
came Kill-achaid-conchinn, that is, the cell of the field Conchinn,
it was ^relative to the spot on which the monastery stood ; but how
this spot came to be called Conchinn, would scarcely be worth in
quiring into, did not Colgan say (A A . SS. p. 622) that it got this
name from a holy virgin Conchenna, whose memory was revered
£here on tbe 28th April. But it was, at least, originally, a mo
nastery for men ; and I suspect that Colgan had no other authority
for his statement than his having found a St. Conchenna marked in
the Calendars at said day, different from two otjier Conchennas,
one of whom was called the daughter of Kellaigh. I suppose that
the having met with the name Kellaigh was ArchdaH's motive for
changing Kill-achad-conchinn into Killeigh, and hence placing
this establishment not far from Youghall in East Munster, instead
of the West, wbere it really was. Then he adds, what is not to
C-2

20 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
be found either in Abban's Life or any where else, that Abban
placed Conchenna there as abbess.
Next comes Kill-cruimthir, which seems not to have been
merely a cell or church belonging to a priest, the name signifying
Priest' s cell or church . Colgan's opinion was (AA. SS. p. 622)
that it got its name from a priest Fraech, whose memory was re
vered in that neighbourhood, particularly at Kill-chile, ( Kilcully,
I suppose, in the North Liberty of Cork) near which Kill-cruim
thir was situated. Why then attribute it to Abban ? or why make
him the founder of Kill-na-marbhan, the cell or church of the dead,
near Brigoon ? The tradition of that district is that the church of
Brigoon was erected by a saint Finachan, (Smith's Cork, vol. 1.
p. 354) whose staff, as supposed to be, was kept there. This
seems to indicate that this saint was a bishop, and Smith says
that, according to Colgan, Brigoon was once an episcopal see. I
cannot discover where Colgan has said so. He makes mention
(At. SS. p. 584.) of a St. Finnichan or Finchan, who was in the
sixth ceutury bishop at a place called Druimenaich, but does not
tell us where it was. Perhaps it was in the now county of Cork,
where we find several places with names almost exactly the same,
ex. c. Dromanagh or Drumanagh in the barony of Duhallow.
Archdall (at Brigoiime) makes Abban the founder even of Brigoon
itself. But Brigoon was neither a church nor a monastery. It
was a town at the time that Abban is supposed to have erected
Kill-na-marbhan. He misunderstood the following words in Ab
ban's Life (cap. 20.) " Juxta civitatem Briggobhainn cellam,
quae dicitur scotice Ceall-na-marbhan, id est, Celia mortuorum,
aedificavit." In the case of Cluain-aird-Mobecoc, or, as Archdall calls it>
Kilbeacan, we find a palpable fraud. The very name Mobecoc,
that is, my dear Be 'oc or Becan, ( like Moedoc, my Edoc or Edan) -
shows that its founder was the celebrated St. Becan of the royal
blood of Munster, of the Eugenian line, and brother to St. Corb-
mac, (see Not. Ill to Chap, xn.) St. Evin of Old Ross, and
other holy men. We read in the Life of Corbmac ; (at 26 Mart.
cap. 2.) Sanctus Becanus, in Mumonia remanens, monasterium
de Killbecain, alias Cluain-aird-Mobecoc erexit, et sanctissime
rexit." The compilers of Abban's Life seem to have been well
aware of what is asserted in this passage; for, to patch up the

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 21
matter, they allow (cap. 20.) that St. Becan resided there until his
death, and pay him the highest encomiums for the extraordinary
austerity of his life, and the miracles, which he wrought. They
tell us that he used to sing the whole Psalter every day, whether
dry or wet, warm or cold, by the side of a stone cross in the open
air outside the monastery. St. Becan lived in the sixth century,
as appears from his having been a brother of Sf,. Evin. Keating
(B. 2. p. 22.) makes him contemporary with Columbkill and the
king Diarmit son of Cervail. His memory was revered on the 26th
of May. (A A. SS. p. 755.) As to Cluain-Findglas, Cluain-Con-
bruin, and the three monasteries in Magh-C<3 or Magh-elle, con
cerning which nothing is known, it would be a waste of time to
make any inquiry about them.
(49) See Not. 94 to Chap. xiv. If this nunnery was founded
by Abban, why call it Kill-Ailbhe ? The very name shows, that
not he but one Ailbhe was the founder of it.
(50) Smith, Hist, qf Cork, Vol. 1. p. 193. Colgan treats of St.
Gobnata at 1 1 February, the day on which her name appears in
the Calendars, althouglfSmith says that her patron day is the 14th
of said month. She is said to have been a descendant of Conar
the great, a famous king of Ireland, some of whose posterity lived
in Muskerry, (Cork) where St. Gobnata was born. What Smith-
has about her having been said to be a daughter of O'Connor
Sligo is contrary to every statement I have met with ; for she was
certainly a native of the South. At what time she lived I do not
find ; nor can its being said that she got Borneach from St. Ab
ban afford any help towards discovering it. What right had
Abban to a place in Muskerry, the residence, and, at least in great
part, the property of Gobnata's own family ? In the various
calendars, in which she is mentioned, and very circumstantially,
there is not a word about Abban, and the story of his having
founded Borneach is on a par with others already animadverted
on. (51) Magharnoidhe, as it is called in Abban's Life (cap. 32.) is
otherwise named Maghirnenina (ib. cap. 26,) Archdall says
(ad loc.) I know not on what authority; that it was near the river
Barrow, and probably in the parish of Whitechurch. Elsewhere
(Addenda, p. 820)' he makes it the same as Maudlinton near Wex-

22 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP- XVII.
ford. It is odd that a place, which is said to have been once a
considerable town, should be so little known at present.
(52) There is a story in the Life {cap. 12. seqq.) about Abban
having gone to the South of Britain with St. Ibar and others, arid
of their having stopped for some time at a city called Abbain-dun,
or Dun-Abbain, meaning, it seems, Abingdon. Then we are
told, that they there converted the king, queen, and all the inha
bitants, who until then had been pagans. This is too silly a fable
to merit a serious refutation. For, supposing for a while that
Abban lived ih Ibar's, time, this conversion should have taken
place before the year 50O, in which Ibar died. The kings of that
period in South Britain were Anglo-Saxons. Now who bas ever
heard that any Anglo-Saxon king became a Christian before 500,
or for very many years after ? This intention of the author of , this
fable seems to have been to insinuate, that Abingdon got its
name from St. Abban ; and Colgan strives to show, that such was
really the case. Camden mentions ( Vol. 1. Col. 160.) a tradition,
accordingly to which Abingdon was denominated from an Irish
hermit, named Abben, that lived there. Usher quotes (p. 1007-)
from Simon's history of the abbots 6f Abingdon (published in the
Monasticon Anglicanum, Tom. 1.) an account of the origin of its
name, ih which it is attributed to an Aben, of a consular family,
wbo, having escaped from the fury of Hengist, v led there the life
of a hermit, and afterwards retired to Ireland, where he died. (See
also Ind. Chron. ad A 461.)
(53) The first of these pretended expeditions to Rome was in"
company with St. Ibar, and therefore prior to A. D. 500. As the
third was in St. Gregory's tirne, ergo about 600. This is chrono
logy with a vengeance ! And Abban was ordained by Gregory at
a time when, following these notable stories, he should have beeri,
at least, 120 years old. And then he retiirnedto Ireland, and set
about founding monasteries. Usher, having swallowed these fables,
endeavoured to give them some air of probability by affixing
(Ind. Chron.) Abban's death to '599 during the pontificate of
Gregory. But this will not do ; for according to the Life, Abban
must have lived for many years after Gregory's death.
( 54) The place saici to have been granted to Abban is called
Rath-Becain. (Life, cap. 21.) I cannot find it under this name.
Colgan thrusts in ' a monastery there, although not mentioned in

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 3S3
the Life. This pretended monastery is, I suppose, that which is
placed under the name of KiU-Abbain, by Harris in the King's
county, of which Ely O'Carrol now forms a part. " He seems to
have,thought that Hua Muiredhuig, in which was a Kill-Abban,
might have been in that country ; but as being in North Leinster,
it must be placed more to the North, perhaps in the now county
of Louth. (See above Not. 47.) Harris's Kill-Abban of the
King's county is called by Archdall Kilbian. That the Kill-
Abban pf Hua-Muiredhuig was really founded by St. Abban ap
pears not only from its name, but likewise from its being expressly
mentioned in the Calendars, (AA. SS. p. 624.) together with
Magharnoidhe, as a monastery, in which his memery was particu
larly revered.
(55 The latter date is that given in his Life and in some Calen
dars. It seems to be founded on better authority than the other,
which was probably the anniversary of some translation of his
reliques. (56) Allowing that Abban lived to a great age, (see Not. 46)
not the monstrous one mentioned in his Life, this period answers
for what is said of his having been nephew to St. Coemgen, ac
quainted with Columbkill, Brendan of Clonfert, and other saints
of the sixth century, as also with Fintan Munnu, who lived in
635. As to his connections with St. Moling of Ferns, who died
in 697, I believe they are as fabulous a posteriori, as those with
St. Ibar are a priori.
§. v. St. Pulcherius orMochoemoc flourished in
the sixth and seventh centuries. (57) He was ne
phew to St. Ita by his mother Nessa of the Nandesi
sept, and son of Beoan a native of Conmaicne in
Connaught, (58) who having left his own country
was settled in Hy-Conall-Gaura, (in the West of the
county of Limerick (59) where Pulcherius was born.
What was the year of his birth is not known ; but it
could not have been later than 5.50 ; for it is related
that he remained for 20 years under the care of St.
Ita, who died in 570. Being well prepared for the
ecclesiastical and monastic state he went, with her
consent and approbation, (60) to place himself under

24 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
the direction of St. Comgall at Bangor. Here he
distinguished himself so much, that Comgall, con
sidering him fully qualified to preside over others,
advised him to form a religious establishment for him
self, wherever the Lord might direct him. Pulche
rius then returned to Munster, and, being introduced
to the chieftain of Ele, (Ely O' Carrol) was offered
by him his own residence for the purpose of changing
it into a monastery. This offer was declined by the
saint ; but he accepted the grant of a lonesome spot
in a thick forest, to which he gave the name of
Liathmore, (6l) The time of this foundation is
not mentioned ; but it was probably about of not
long after the year 580. (62) Some time after, that
chieftain having died, Ronan his successor intended
i to expel Pulcherius from his territory, and went with
a party of soldiers for that, purpose towards the
monastery at a time that the saint was offering the
holy sacrifice ; but, when arrived there or near it, he
was struck by the hand of God so that he was unable
to stir from the spot where he was. He then became
sorry for his intention, and sent word to Pulcherius,
requesting that he would come and relieve him from
his situation. This message was not delivered to
Pulcherius until he had finished not only Mass but
likewise Tierce. He said that he would not go out
of the monastery until after the celebration of None.
When this was over, he visited Ronan, and giving
him his blessing freed him from the aukward state he
was in. Thenceforth a great friendship existed be
tween them, and, after Ronan's death, the saint was
very fervent in his prayers for the repose of his soul.
(63) At a later period Failbhe Fland, king of all
Munster, being displeased with Pulcherius for not
allowing some horses of his to graze in the field be
longing to the monastery, ordered the chieftain of
Ele to drive him out of that country. Pulcherius
went to Cashel to expostulate with him on this sub
ject. The king received him in a very insulting

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 25
manner, and was instantly seized with violent pains
in one of his eyes and deprived of the use of it.
The courtiers having supplicated Pulcherius to pro
cure him some relief, he blessed some water; on
which being applied to the eye the pains ceased while
the blindness still continued. On the following
night the king had a vision during his sleep, in
which, he thought he saw from his castle on the Rock
of Cashel the plains both to the North and South of
the city covered with all the saints of Ireland, and
was told by a venerable looking old person that they
had assembled in defence of Pulcherius, and that
he and his posterity would be destroyed in case of
his not complying with the saint's request. Accord
ingly the king on the next day sent for him and
granted him what he demanded. (64) Pulcherius
was henceforth held by him in great veneration ; and
we have seen (65~) how he induced him to submit in
the case of St. Colman of Doiremore. Several
miracles are attributed to Pulcherius, among others
his. having cured of blindness a holy virgin named
Cainer. (66) The celebrated Dagan was in his
younger days a disciple of Pulcherius ; (67) as was
also one Cuanchear, whose history is very little
known. (68) Besides St. Cainech and St. Colman
of Doiremore, Pulcherius was intimate with St.
Molua of Clonfert-molua, St. Lachtean of Achad-ur,
a St. Finnbar, and St. Luchern, who had been his
fellow students at Bangor, (6y) as likewise with St.
Mofecta, al. Fechean (70) and the holy bishop
Fursaeus. (71) St. Pulcherius must have lived to a
very great age, if it be true that he did not die until
656. (li) This much is certain that his death oc
curred on a 13th of March. (73)
(57) Colgan and, after hi*, the Bollandists have published the
Life of St. Pulcherius at 13 Mart. It is acknowledged to be
very ancient by the Bollandists, who thought it might have been
written by one of his- disciples. The original name of this saint

gy AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
was Coemh-ghin, that is, handsome born ; but St. Ita changed
it into Mochoemoc, my Choem or Coemh, which has been latin
ized into Pulcherius.
(58) Conmaicne was the name of various districts in Connaught,
chiefly in the county of Galway.
(59) See Not. 6. to Chap. xi.
(60) Life of Pulcherius, cap. 9. It is probable that St. Ita
did not long survive the departure of Pulcherius. She is not men
tioned in the sequel as alive.
(61) It was, as we read in the Life, (cap. 16.) exactly four
miles distant from bishop Colman's monastery of Doiremore (See
Not. 41 to Chap, xiv.) These places are now in the King's
county. (62) That it was founded in the sixth century is evident from its
having existed in the time of St. Cainech of Aghaboe, who visited
Pulcherius when settled there. Cainech died in 599. It existed
also in the time of St. Fachnan, as appears from the Life of Pul
cherius, cap. 30. Passing over other arguments, such as its hav
ing been founded about the same time with Clonfert- Molua, (ib.
cap. ii.) we find Pulcherius governing it as abbot 14 years be
fore the death of Colman, son of Feraidhe, prince of Ossory. ( ib.
cap. 30.) Now this Colman died in 602. (See Not. 49 to Chap.
xii.) Therefore Harris was wrong in assigning its foundation to
the seventh century.-
(63) Life, capp. 17-1.8. (64) Ib. capp. 20-21.
(65) Chap. xiv. §. 3.
(66) Life, cap. 36. Colgan thought she might have been the
St. Cannera, daughter of Fintan, who is mentioned in the Life
of St. Molua of Clonfert-molua as a relative of his. She must
not be confounded with the St. Cannera of St. Senan's time. (See ?
Not. 19 to Chap, x.)
(67) See Chap. xiv. j. 16.
(68) See Not. 215 to Chap. xiv.
(69) Life, cap. n. St. Lachtean, al. Lacten or Lactan, is treated
of by Colgan at 19 Mart. He was of the illustrious house of
Corpre Muse, of Muskerry, Cork, one of the'sons of Conar the
second formerly king of Ireland. He is called by some the son
of Torben, and, by others, of Corpre the son of Nuachar. He
founded a great monastery at Achad-ur, i. e. Green field (not

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 27
Green-ford, as Archdall says) near, or at the place where Treshford
now stands in the county of Kilkenny. It is related in the Life
of St. Carthag of Lismore, that, while this saint was still at
Rathen, Lactean moved by pity for the distressed state of his
community, brought him a present of thirty cows, one bull, two
herdsmen, and some utensils. He is called in various martyrolo-
gies a bishop, but, says Colgan, whether at Achad-ur or elsewhere
is not sufficiently clear. If he was a bishop, I believe Achad-ur
was his see, as I find him constantly called Lactan of Achad-ur.
He died on the 19th of March, A. D. 622 (623.) Harris places
the monastery of Achad-ur in the Queen's county ; but Archdall,
who has it in Kilkenny at Freshford, is more correct, as appears
from the name Aghour,_ by which a prebend in that place is still
called. Colgan has confounded this saint with the abbot Lactean,
who was a contemporary and neighbour of St. Senan of Iniscatthy.
(See AA. SS. p. 525.) But this Lactean cannot be supposed
to have lived down to 623. He was a different person, and was,
I am sure, the Lactean or Lachtin, from whom the church of Lis-
lachtin in Kerry, not far from Iniscatthy, got its name. Colgan
has also confounded him with Lacten, who succeeded St. Molua
at Clonfert-molua. For this -he had no authority,'except the mere
similarity of name. There were Lactens or Lactans enough to
succeed Molua without removing the one of Achad-ur to Clon
fert-molua, of which no mention occurs in the calendars, where
treating of him. St. Finn bar, another fellow- student of Pul
cherius, was not, as Colgan justly remarks, the Finnbar of Cork,
who, as is evident from his Life, was never a disciple 'of Comgall.
It is probable that he was the Finnbarr, who governed a mo
nastery in Inisdamhle an island in the Suir, (Little island, I sup
pose, not far beloW Waterford) between, as Colgan says, (AA.
SS. p. 630.) the country of the Desii and Hy-kinselagh. Of
this Finnbarr I can find nothing further except that his memory
was revered on the 4th of July ; (ib. p. 597.) whence it is jflain
that he was different from St. Finnbar of Cork, whose festival
was kept on the 25th of September. I do not find this monas
tery of Inisdamhle in Harris, nor even in Archdall. Might Inis
damhle have been the same as Inis-leamhnacta, where there was
a monastery, in which Pulcherius spent some time, as we read
in bis-Life, (cap, 34.)? The situation favours this conjecture;

28 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
for Inis-leamhnacta is described (ib.) as in the southern, part of
Ossory not far from the arm of the sea, into which the Suir
empties itself. Colgan has confounded this place with Inislan-
naght, where a celebrated Cistercian abbey was founded some
centuries after the death of Pulcherius. (See Ware, Ant. cap. 26
at Tipperary.) Inislannaght lies far from Ossory and still farther
from the sea, being some miles to the West of Clonmel. It is
now called Inislounagh or Inislough. Harris and Archdall have
not only followed this mistake of Colgan, but add, what he has
not, that Pulcherius founded a monastery at Inislannaght or Inis
lounagh. For this there is no authority whatsoever, except its
being related that he passed some time at Inis-leamhnacta. But
might he not have been there on a visit ? This is all that the
text authorizes us to admit. I am greatly inclined to think, that
he had gone to that place for the purpose of seeing his friend
Finnbarr, and that Inisleamhnacta was no other than Inisdamhle.
If different places, they were, at least, not far asunder. As to
Luchern, Colgan (ib.) makes him the same as Luctigern" abbot
of Inistymon. But Luchtigern was a disciple not of Comgall
but of Ruadan of Lothra. (See Not. 21 to Chap, xi.)
(70) Life, cap. 31. Colgan thought that Fechean was the fa
mous St. Fechin of Fore, of whom hereafter. But the times do
not answer. Fechean is stated to1 have been in company with
Pulcherius, Cannech, and Molua of Clonfert-molua at one and
the same time. This must have been prior to the close of the
sixth century, as appears particularly from Cannech having been
one of the party. Now Fechin of Fore -was too young at that
period to rank with those venerable abbots. He lived until 665,
and died not of old age but of a plague. It is highly probable,
that Fechean was the abbot Fechean, who is spoken of as hav
ing lived for some time with St. Senan of Inniscatthy ; (A A. SS.
p. 525.) but of whom I cannot discover any precise account.
(71) Life cap. 33. It can scarcely be doubted, that by this
bishop Fursaeus was meant the great St. Fursey of Peronne. He
flourished in Ireland in the early part of the seventh century at the
same time with Pulcherius, and both of them lived in Munster.
This is an additional argument in proof of St. Fursey having been
a bishop. (Compare with Not. 96 to Chap, xv.)
(72) The 4 Masters assign his death to 655 (656). Following this

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. £9
date he piust have been, at least, 106 years old at the time of
his death. He did not go to Bangor, at the latest, until 570 ; for
St. Ita was still alive when he set out for it. As he was then 20
years of age, we cannot place his birth later than 550. Colgan
remarks on a silly Irish verse, in which he is said to have lived 14
years above 400, that it ought to be read 14 above 100 ; and
thus the whole age of Pulcherius would have been 114 years. The
Bollandists (Comment, pr. at Pulcherius 13 Mart.) approved of
this conjecture, but afterwards in a note to the Life of St. Cronan
of Roscrea (at 28 April) rectracted this approval, giving us a con
jecture of their own, viz. that in said verse is to be read 14 past 40 ;
and hence they concluded that he lived only about 55 years, and
in their supposition that he was born in 550, died about 605. Their
argument in favour of these fine positions is, that, as they say,
they found no transaction of his life later than the sixth century .
But did they not find that Failbhe Fland was king of Munster
during the life time of Pulcherius ? Now this prince did not reign
until, at the earliest, A. D. 619. (See Not. 39 to Chap, xiv.)
Were it not for the assertion of the 4 Masters I should place the
death of Pulcherius either in the time of that reign, which ended
in 634, or soon after it ; whereas in his Life I meet with nothing,
that belongs to a later period.
(73) On this point the Calendars, Annals, &c. agree with the
Life. §. vi. St. Mochelloc, of whom I had occasion to
make mention elsewhere, (74) belonged tp these
times, having died very old in some year between
639 and 656. He is usually called Mochelloc of
Cathuir-mac-Conchaidh, once a town in the now
county of Waterford. (75) It is said that he was a
relative of St. Finan of Kinnity. (76) I find him
honoured with the title of bishop, but, I suspect, on
weak authority. (77) Besides some establishment
at Cathuir-mac-Conchaidh, the foundation of the
church of Kilmallock is usually attributed to him,
and the name Kilmallock is supposed to be a con
traction of Kill-mochelloc. (78)
St. Manchan abbot of Meno-drochit (79) died in

30 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP XVII.
652. (SO) He was surnamed the Wise, and
enjoyed a great reputation. (81) Some writers
make him the same as Manchan abbot of Mohill in
the now county of Leitrim ; (82) but there is
reason to think, that they were different persons. (83)
Manehan: the wise was, I believe the same as the
Manchan, dr, as vulgarly called, Munchin, who is
supposed to have been the first bishop of Limericks
For this supposition there is no sufficient authority ;
(S4>) and, as far as I can discover, it rests on no
other foundation than that Manchan the wise
founded, perhaps, a monastery where Limerick now
strands, ot that the first church in that place was de
dicated in his name. Of the identity of Munchin
of Limerick with Manchan the wise a stronger proof
need hot be required than that his festival is kept on
the 2d of January, the day assigned to the memory
6f Manchan the wise in all the Irish calendars. (85)
There is not the least hint, in any old document
relative to our Church history, of this Manchan
having been raised to the episcopal rank ; but the-
veneration in which he was held at Limerick, and the
circumstance of its oldest church bearing his name,
gave rise at a late period to the opinion of his having
been a bishop. Mistakes of this kind have occurred
not only in Ireland but likewise in other countries.
(74) Chap. 1. §. 12. (75) § . See ib.
(76) Acts of Mochelloc at. 26 March. Of this St. Einan, see
above Not, 48.
(77) Mochelloc is not called bishop in any of the Irish calen
dars quoted by Cdlgan.
(78) Keating says that Mochelloc erected the church tof Kill-
mochelloc. Colgan calls ths place a town, meaning, it seems,
Kilmallock. Hence Harris and Archdall ascribe a monastery at
Kilmallock to St. Mochelloc.
(79) It is now called Mundrehid and is in the barony of Up
per Ossory, Queen's county. The tract, in. which it Les, was for-

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 31
merly called Disert-chuillin. There was aa abbot Lasren in this
place, who died A. D. 600. (Tr. Th. p. 376.) , ... ,,, .,...,
(80) Annals of Ulster, and Usher, /p. 970. and lad Chron.
(81) The author of the work De Mirabilibus S. Scriputrae,
of which hereafter, takes particular notice (L.2.c. 4.) of the
death of Manchan, or, as the present text has, Manichaeus, as
one of the wise men of Ireland. . He places it in the last-year of
the eleventh (reckoning from the beginning of the world) cycle
of 532 years, which, according to his chronological principles, was
the same as A. D. 652. (See Usher, p. 970.) From the name
Manichaeus Usher (ib.) seems to have concluded, that Man-
chan's real name was the Hebrew Menaham, which has been
changed into Manichaeus. But Colgan maintains f ( AA. SS. p.
^ 332. ) that Manchan is a diminutive of the Irish Manach, a monk,
and means a little monk. He observes, that there were many per
sons in Ireland called Manchan, Manchen, or Manchin, ¦and, all
names of the same import. Manichaeus is, as he justly; remarks,
probably a corruption of Manchanus ; and it will be seen, that
other Irish names have been corrupted in the text of tfaat work,
St. JManchan was, in all probability, the same as the holy and wise
man named Manchen, who is mentioned in_ the Life of. St. Mulua
of Clonfert-molua as a survivor of his. (See Usher, 'pl-Q69.)
(82) Usher seems to have been of this opinion. 'He had (see
p. 969.). a Life of St. Manchan of Mohill, said to have been
written by Richard Fitz-Ralph, archbishop of Armagh, in which
Manchan was called a Canon regular of St. Augustin and stated
to have flourished in the year 608. But there wereno"Sueh
Canons regular in those times. He is there called also -patron of
seven churches. It is said that ever since said year glebes, lands;
fiefs, tythes, &c. were granted to the establishment of Mohill. This
account smells of a period much later than. 608 ; for neither figfs
nor tythes were then known in Ireland. Ware (\Antiq. cap. '26,
at Leitrrm) makes him the same as Manchan of Mene-drochiti
and so does; Archdall, (at Mohill) as appears from his assigning
his death to 652.
(83) In the Irish Calendars quoted by Colgan at 14 Febr.
where he treats of Manchan oTMohill, they are spoken: of. as
distinct' persons. . Manch&h the wise is mentioned at 2 January,
while therone of Mohill appears at 14 February. This is a-.strong

32 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVH.
proof that they were different, although, I will allow, the only
one ; for very little is known concerning these Manchans, not
withstanding the great esteem, in which the one, surnamed Wise
was held. Colgan says that, in want of authentic documents
to prove the contrary, he must consider them as different per.
sons. (84) Ware (Bishops at Limerick) says, that St. Munchin, son of
Sedna, was the first bishop of that city. He does not refer to any au
thority, nor had he any except a passage of a genealogical hagiology,
(ap. AA. SS. p. 332.) in which among five Manchans is reck
oned Manchinus Lumnichensis fdius Sednae. But this Manchin
or Manchan is not called a bishop, although a Manchan men
tioned just before him is marked by that title. I do not find either
in the Irish calendars or annals any Manchan bishop of Limerick,
nor even one called of Limerick. It is very probable that Man
chan the ivise was son of Sedna, who is said to have been a
descendant of Cormac Cas king of Munster, and the founder
of the Dalcassian line of princes. As Thomond, in which was _
comprized the country about Limerick, was the patrimony of this
race, it is natural to suppose that Munchin son of Sedna was
greatly revered in that territory, of which he was probably a na
tive. And thus it can be easily accounted for, why there was a -
church in Limerick called by his name, without recurring to the
unauthorized hypothesis of his having been bishop there. Ware
acknowledges, that he was not able to find any account of Mun-
chin's successors at Limerick until about the beginning of the
twelfth century, and elsewhere (Antiquities, cap. 29 at Limerick)
says, that it is a very difficult point to ascertain who Munchin of
Limerick was. He mentions the opinion of those, who make him
the same as the Mancenus, who, according to Jocelin, was left in
Tirawley by St. Patrick. We have already seen, (Chap. v. §. 12.
and ib. Not. 118.) that this pretended Mancenus of St. Patrick's
times was no other than Manchan of Meno-drochit. But even
if he were different, and if there was a Manchan in Tyrawley at
that early period, how has it come to pass, that neither ,in Joce-
line nor in the Tripartite is a word to be found about said Man
chan having become bishop of Limerick, although the latter work
is particularly minute as to St. Patrick's proceedings in the now
pounty of Limerick? The fact is, that in St. Patrick's days there

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 33
was neither a town, nor, I dare say, a village, nor monastery in the
place where Limerick is situated. Ware touches also on the opinion,
that Munchin was the same as Munchan of Mene-drochit, which,
strange to think, he supposed to be less probable than the other.
But he assigns no reason for his having thought so. O'Halloran
pretends (History, Sfc. B. vm. ch. 7.) not only that Manchan
was bishop of Limerick soon after the arrival -.of St. Patrick in
Ireland, and that he had been employed in Connaught, but like
wise that, before he became bishop, he was abbot, and the first,
of Muingharid (Mungret) near Limerick. O'Halloran con
founded Mungret with Mene-drochit, notwithstanding their being
most clearly distinguished by Colgan, Harris, &c. &c. The first
abbot of Mungret, at least on record, was Nessan, who died in
552. (See Chap.xi. §.6.)
(85) See A A. SS. p. 333. In Ware's Antiquities (cap. 29.)
the first of January is mentioned, by mistake, for the festival of
St. Munchin, instead of the second. This mistake has not been
corrected by Harris.
§ . vii. As to the real bishops of these times, be
sides those of the third class of saints, and Carthagh of
Lismore, Dagan, Colmanof Doiremore, Colman orCo-
lumban of Clonard, Diman of Connor, &c. &c. al
ready treated of, some others are mentioned, the
accounts of whom are, in general, very imperfect.
St. Aidus or Hugh, surnamedDubh, bishop of Kil-
dare, died in 638. (86) He is said to have been
king of Leinster, and, on resigning his kingdom, to
have become a monk, and afterwards bishop. Yet it
seems more probable, that he was merely of the blood
royal of that province. (87) The day of his death
is uncertain. Dachua, or rather Mochua Luachra,
a native of Munster, who is called by some only
abbot of Ferns, and died on the 22d of June A. D.
652 (653) (88) was likewise a bishop, (89) and the
immediate successor of St. Maidoc. (90) Tuenoc
also, who succeeded Dachua, and died in 662 (662)
was not only abbot but bishop of Ferns. (91) A St.
VOL. III. T)

34- AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
Aidan, who is said to have been maternal brother to
Aidus, son of Anmiraeus, the king of Ireland, who
was killed in 599, (92) is spoken of as bishop of
Glendaloch. (93) If so, he may be supposed to
have succeeded St. Molibba (94) some time in the
first half of the seventh century. St. Thomian,
archbishop of Armagh, died, as already seen, (95)
in 661, and was succeeded by Segen, who held the
see for 27 years (96) In the same year died Go-
nang O'Daithil, bishop of Emly. (97) Oae or
other of three bishops of Clogher mentioned by Col
gan might have been there in these times ; but which
of them cannot be determined. (98) Bithan, who
succeeded Aidhlog-Mac-Caimin, (99) as abbot of
Clonmacnois, is said to have been also a bishop.
(100) He was of a family called Hua Cormaic, and
native of Conmaicne-mara, in Connaught. (101),
Baithan died in 663; (102) and his memory was
revered on the first of March, apparently the anni
versary of his death. Some other bishops and holy
men are mentioned as belonging to this period ; but
scarcely any thing is known concerning them except
the years of their death, (103) further inquiries
would be useless.
(86) Colgan has endeavoured to give some account of this
bishop at 4 January ; but it is very unsatisfactory.
(87) There was not in the early part of the seventh century an
Aidus king of Leinster. The king Aidus who died in 591, ac
cording to the 4 Masters, could not have been the bishop, whose
death they assign to 638. And yet they tell us, that the bishop
had been king of Leinster. Colgan strove to explain this contra
diction, but, as Harris observes, (Bishops at Kildare) with httle
success. It is therefore probable, that some mistake has occurred
with regard to the title given to Aidus, and that, although of the
royal family of Leinster, he had not been a king. Colgan con
jectures that he was the bishop Aidus son of Moelodran, a mem.
ber of that house.
(88) 4 Masters and Colgan, A A. SS. p. 223.

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 35
(89) Colgan speaks of him (Tr. Th. p. 564.) as bishop of
Ferns. A regular see had been established there ; and St. Mai
doc, although raised to it, still continued to govern the monastery.
The same system was, in all probability, followed by his succes
sors. (90) Usher and Ware, as will be seen hereafter, were mistaken
in making St. Moling the second bishop of Ferns. Of Mo-
chuan Luachra more will be seen, when treating of St. Mo
ling. (91) See Tr. Th. p. 564. and Harris (Bishop at Ferns).
, (92) See Chap.xiv. §. 1. (93) AA. SS. p. 306.
(94) See Chap. xiv. §. 16. Were we to believe some genea
logists, who make Aidan a brother of Etchen the ordainer of Co-
lumbkill, we should rather suppose him a predecessor of Molibba.
From such loose materials nothing authentic can be deduced.
(95) Chap. xiv. J. 12.
(96) Tr. Th. p. 292-294. and Ware at Armagh. It is proba
ble, that this prelate was the Segen, who was a priest in the year
640. (See Not. 91 to Chap. xv.).
(97) A4. SS. p. 150. The Annals referred to by Colgan have
A. 660, thai is, 661. Yet Ware (at Emly) has retained A.
660, although he might as well have retained it for Thomian of
Armagh, whose death is marked also at 660 in the Irish annals.
Harris was right in adding " or 661." Conang O'Daithil is men
tioned as comorban (successor of St. Ailbe in the Life of St. Mo-
lagga, cap. 19. Whether he was the person, who is called in the
Life of St. Pulcherius (cap. 35.) archbishop of Emly, I am not
able to decide. Probably he was, if it be true that Pulcherius
lived until 655. This title of archbishop qf Emly is very re
markable, as appearing in a tract so ancient, and shows that the
bishops of Emly enjoyed a sort of pre-eminence over the other
bishops of, at least, Munster. (Compare with Not. 67 to Chap.
vi.) Colgan says (A A. SS. p. 598.) that some of our calendarists
place the Natalis of Conang O'Daithil at the 23d of September.
(98) See Not. 5 to Chap. xn.
(99) Aidhlog Mac-Camain died in 652. Usher, Ind. Chron.
(100) Colgan in his short account of Baithan (at 1 Mart.)
refers to only the Martyrologium Tamlactense for his having been
a bishop, observing that in other calendars he is called merely
D 2

36 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
abbot. This, however, does not prevent his having been raised
to the episcopacy.
(101) Conmaicne-mara means the Conmaic'ne near the sea.
Harris says, (Bishops, at Baitan, Clonmacnois) that it was the
same as the barony of Ballynahinch in the county of Galway.
Thus he supposed it to have been confined to the tract now called
Connamara ; but the ancient Conmaicne-mara seems to have ex
tended to the North of the barony of Ballynahinch ; for, as Col
gan observes, (AA. SS. p. 437.) the island of Inisbofinde (Emus-
bofin) is represented as lying off its coast.
(102) This is the date assigned by the 4 Masters. It has been
retained by Ware and Harris, although, I dare say, it ought to
be understood as 664.
(103) Colgan has (Ind. Chron. ad A A. SS.) from the 4 Mas
ters; A. 658 died St. Comin bishop of Antrim, and on the 17th
of May in said year, St. Sillan bishop of Devenish. A. 659. St.
Daniel, bishop of Kinngaradh, 18 January. Instead of Kmn-
garadh we ought, I believe, to read Killgaradh, now Oran in the
county of Roscommon, where St. Patrick is said to have founded
a church. (See Chap. v. §. 10.) St. Laidgen, a monk of Clon-
fert-molua, who had been educated there by the abbot St. Lactan,
was a man of extraordinary sanctity, and his memory has been
most highly respected. He died in 660 (661) AA. SS. p. 57.
Archdall was wrong in making him abbot of that house. He was
only a monk. '
§. viii. Segenius abbot of Hyr who died in 652,
(104) was succeeded by Suibne (Sweeny) son of
Curthri, of whom I find nothing recorded except
that, having governed for more than four years, he
died in 657 (105) The successor of Suibne was
Cumineus Albus or Cuman the white, who has been
often mentioned already, and who, as we have seen,
(106) must not be confounded with Cummian the
author of the Paschal epistle. Let it suffice to add
in this place, that he was son of Ernan a brother
of the above mentioned abbot Segenius, and accord
ingly a descendant of Fergus the grandfather of Co-
lumbkill. (107) Cumineus died after an administra-

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 37
tion of twelve years, on the 24th of February, A. D.
669(108) To the Columbian order is said to have belonged
St, Mura, whose name has been latinized into Murus
and Muranus. He governed the monastery of Fathen-
Mura, now Fahan in Inishowen, of which he was
most probably the founder. (109) Mura was a des
cendant of Neill Neigilliach by his son Eugene, and
great grandson of another Eugene who died in 565.
His father's name was Feradach, and his mother's
Derinilla. (110) He flourished in the first half of
the seventh. century, and seems to have died some
time before 658. (Ill) His memory, which is re
vered on the 1 2th of March, has been held in great
veneration, particularly by the O'Neill family,
who considered him as their patron saint. His
staff, called Bachull Mura, was and is, perhaps,
still preserved as a relique. St. Mura wrote a
metrical Life, in Irish, of Columbkill. (112) His
monastery flourished for many centuries^ but is
at present only a parish church in the diocese
of Derry.
(104) See Chap. xiv. $.12. The 12th of August was marked
for his commemoration. (Tr. Th. p. 498.)
(105) Usher, p. 702. He has five years for Suibne's adminis
tration. This must be understood as reckoning in round numbers.
For Suibne died on the 11th of January, and accordingly, count
ing from the 12th of August 652 (the day marked for Segenius)
was abbot only four years and nearly five months. Colgan treats
of Suibne at 11 January, but except the little now stated, gives
us nothing particular concerning his history.
(106) Not. 70 to Chap. xi.
(107) Acts of Cumineus at 24 Febr. The far greatest part of
what follows in these Acts, which were patched up by Colgan,
belongs not to Cumineus Albus but to Cummian the writer of the
Epistle, Colgan having confounded them together.
(108) All the Irish calendars, quoted by Colgan, agree in mark
ing the 24th February as thfe day of his death. The Ulster An-

38 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
nals and the 4 Masters assign it to A. 668, i. e. 669. See also
Usher, p. 702.
(J09) See Not. 116. to Chap. xi.
(110) Mura's Acts at 12 Mart.
(Ill) The 4 Masters and Colgan Tr. Th. (p. 510. and A A. SS.
p. 334.) assign the death of St. Kellach abbot of Fathen-Mura
to A. D. 657 (658). Instead of 657 Archdall has (at Fahan) by
mistake, 637. Kellach must have been a successor of Mura, and
consequently, unless we are to suppose that Mura resigned the go
vernment of the monastery, a survivor of his.
(112) See Acts, and Harris, Writers.
§. ix. St. Monenna is reported to have founded a
nunnery at Fochard Brighde, the birth place of St.
Brigid, (Faugher in the county of Louth) about, as
some say, the year 630. ( 1 1 3) But her history is so
confused that it is impossible to ascertain the precise
time of this foundation. It is plain that Monenna
has been confounded with another person of the
same or a somewhat similar name. (114) The
account given of her, in a work called her Life, is
that she was of the great sept of the Conalls of
Conkil Murthemhni (the country about Dundalk)
and Clan-Conall in the now county of Down. Her.
father was Maughteus, prince of that sept and ruler
of an extensive territory stretching from lveagh to
the neighbourhood of Armagh. (115) Having
governed for some time 150 virgins at Fochard she
appointed Orbila, al. Servila, abbess of that establish
ment, and retifed to near Slievi-Cuilin or Sliev-Gullera
in the county of Armagh, where, she erectedsa
church, which has been called Kill-sleve-Cuilin, that
is, the cell of Mount-Cuilin. (116) Next we are
toldj that she went to North Britain, and erected
seven churches in various parts of that country, one"
of which was at a place called Lanfortin, where she
died during ,t«h« life time of Columbkill. (1 17) This
does not agree with the hypothesis of her having
founded the nunnery of Fochard about .630, as

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND.

39

Columbkill was dead long before that time. But
other accounts bring her to England, where she was
known by the name of Movenna or Modwenna, and
greatly distinguished in the seventh,, or, as some
writers maintain, in the ninth century. Amidst
these jarring statements I am not able to form any
decisive conclusion. (118) St. Conchenna, who was
either abbess or, at least, a member of the nunnery
of Kill-sieve, died in 655, and her memory was re
vered on the 13th of March. (119)
There is good reason to think, that the celebrated
St. Athracta or Attracta (120) lived about these
times, or somewhat earlier. The statements relative
to her are indeed so contradictory, that the period,
in which she flourished, cannot be precisely ascer
tained. According to some accounts she was con
temporary with St. Patrick. (121) But we find her
spoken of as living in the times of St. Corbmac,
brother of St. Evin, (If 2) and consequently in the
sixth century. (123) St. Nathy, that is, according
to every appearance, Nathy of Achonry, who lived
in the same century and' probably during some part
of the seventh, is also mentioned as a contemporary
of hers. ( 1 24) On these grounds it may be fairly
concluded, that St. Athracta belonged to the same
period. She is said to have been the" daughter of
Talan of a princely family of Dalaradia in Ulster,
(125) and brother of St. Coeman of Aird-ne-Coem-
hain, a consanguinity which it would be difficult to
reconcile with her having been a native of Ulster.
(126) Whatever were her family connexions, St.
Athracta presided over a nunnery called Kill-athracta
(Killaraght) near the lake Techet, now Lough Gara
in the ( county of Sligo. (1 27) Her memory was
c revered there on the 1 ith of August, the day marked
for her festival in the Irish calendars ; but in some
foreign martyrologies her name appears at the 9th of
February. (128)

40 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
(113) Usher says (Ind. Chron.) that the virgin Monenna flou-
rished in 630. Hence Harris deduced that she founded the nun
nery of Fochard in that year. Archdall has 638, an erratum, I
suppose, for 630. Harris calls her Monenna, al. Darerca. This
is a mistake. It was Darerca, who is said to have lived in St. Pa
trick's times, that was surnamed Moninne or Monenna. (See Not%
181. to Chap, in.) Usher observes, (Pr. p. 824.) that Concha-
bran, the writer of Monenna's Life, perhaps confounded her with
Darerca, owing to the latter's surname Moninne. This is indeed
very probable ; for Conchubran (see ib. p. 705.) makes her con
temporary with St Patrick, and afterwards speaks of her as hav
ing been in Scotland during the times of Col umbkill. Usher thinks
that, instead of Columbkill, it would have been more correct to
have said, Columba bishop of Dunkeld in Scotland, who lived se
veral years later.
(114) The Monenna of Conchubran is called by others Mod-
venna, a native of Ireland, who was, in the seventh century, fa
mous in England. She is said to have been the instructress of St.
Ositha an English virgin and saint. From Usher's own observa
tions (p. 707) concerning the times of St. Ositha it would appear
that Monenna or Modvenna did not, as he calculates, flourish as
early as 630. On the other hand some of the transactions of Da
rerca, surnamed Monenna, who died in 518, have been attributed
to the one simply called Monenna. To add to this perplexity,
several writers maintain, that St. Modvenna lived not in the se
venth but in the ninth century. Of this more lower down.
(115) See Usher, p. 705 and 1036.
(116) It has been seen, (Chap. vin. (J. 9.) that the church and
nunnery of Kill-sleve-Cuilin is usually attributed to Darerca, sur
named Moninne, who died in 518. This was also Colgan's opi
nion, while, although placing this Darerca at that early period,
he held that she was different from the one supposed to have been
sister to St. Patrick. (See Not. 181 to Chap, iii.) Usher was in
clined to think, (Ind. Chron. ad. A. 630.) that the foundress of
said establishment was the Monenna of the seventh century. But
the common opinion appears better supported. Besides the 4
Masters, who call Darerca, that died in 518, abbess of that place,
(see A A. SS. p. 190.) there is a passage in the Life of St. Endas
•f Arran (cap. 8.) in which Darerca, at. Moninne is stated to

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 41
have been in her nunnery of BeH-slebi (Kill-sieve) during the
life time of that saint. Now Enda flourished in the beginning of
the sixth century, and, at most, did not outlive the middle of it.
On the whole it seems certain that the nunnery of Kill-sieve
existed long before that of Fochard.
(117) Thus far Conchubran ap. Usher, p. 706, who gives the
names of those seven churches, and observes that Lanfortin was
near Dundee. Conchubran having erroneously called Columbkill
an archbishop, Usher remarks that Columba the first bishop of
Dunkeld was probably the person, in whose time Moninna died.
Thus her death might have been as late as about 640.
(118) Conchubran, as far as I can discover, (fori know nothing
of his work -except from Usher's extracts) makes no mention of
St. Monenna having been in England ; nor does it appear that
he thought her the same as St. Modwenna. Usher and several
English writers make no distinction between them, and apply to
Modwenna what Conchubran has concerning Monenna. That
there was a celebrated Irish virgin Modwenna in England cannot
be called in question. Camden says, (col. 613, Gibson's ed.)thaX.
" Modwenna an Irish virgin, famed for her wonderful piety, built
a nunnery near Pollesworth" in Warwickshire. And (col. 641)
he speaks of her as having been near Burton on Trent, Stafford
shire. I do not find him stating the period, at which she was in
these places. Usher thought it was in the seventh century, be
cause Modwenna is said to have instructed St. Ositha, whom he
assigned to said century, as have also Baronius and others. He
acknowledges that Ositha flourished in the latter part of it ; and
hence, as observed above (Not. 1 14) it may be collected, that
Modwenna was not distinguished as early as 630. But other
writers assert, that Modwenna lived in the 9th century, and even
ift the second half of it. Their system is exhibited and followed
by Cressy, (Church History, &c. B. 28. ch. 2.), who tells us 1.
that Modwenna was the daughter of Nangtheus of Tirconnel. He
mistook the name Maughteus of Conchubran for Nangtheus.
Another mistake is that of Tirconnel instead of the Corialls'
country in Louth and Down. Camden has fallen into it, but
was corrected by Usher (p. 1036). 2. Cressy has the nunnery of
Fochart, &c- and then says, that Modwenna erected another at
Celliscline, so called from the multitude of cells. This is a droll

42 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
blunder ; Cellisdine :&c. instead of Kill-sieve- Cuillin, the cell of
Mount-Cuillin. As to the origin of this nunnery, it is well known,
that whoever was the Monenna by whom founded, (see Not. 1 16)
it existed long before the ninth century. 3. Modwenna, on the
invitation of Ethelwolf, king of the West Saxons, went to Eng
land, taking with her Achea her disciple and relative — is entrusted
with the caro of Edith.a the king's sister, and founds the nunnery
of Pollesworth. 4. Leaving the direction of Polles worth to Achea
and Editha she went to the small island of Andresey, (Andrew's
island) where she erected a church in honour of St. Andrew, and
near which was afterwards founded the Benedictine monasteiy of
Burton. 5. Modwinna had also a disciple named Ositha, con
cerning whose times Cressy here changes a former opinion of his.
For he had, (JS. 17, ch 15.) with Baronius, placed her in the 7th
century, but now removes' her to the ninth. 6. Modwenna re
turned to Celliscline in Ireland, and died there after having re
quested that her body should be interred in Aodressey. This re
quest was complied with through the care of the great Alfred ;
but the body was in a following age removed to the monastery of
Burton, From this narrative, . compared with Conchubran's ac
count, the reader will be able to understand the epitaph on St.
Modwenna's tomb at Burton, as in Camden (col. 641.) and Usher,
p. 1036. Ortum Modwennae dat Hibernia, Scotia finein,
Anglia dat tumulum, dat Deus alta poli.
Prima dedit vitam, sed mortem terra secunda,
Et terram terrae tertia terra dedit.
Aufert Lanfortin, quam Terra Conallea profert ;
Felix Burtonium Virginis ossa tenet.
St. Modwinna's death is here placed at Lanfortin, where Con
chubran says that Monenna died, in opposition to the statement
given by Cressy.
(119) This is all that I can find worthy of consideration as to
St. Conchenna in what Colgan has about her at 13 Mart. The
4 Masters have for her death A. 654, which, I suppose, ought to
be understood 6.55. They call her St. Conchenna of Killsleve,
without adding the title of abbess. As Killsleve was the same
as Kill-sleve-Cuillin, of which in the preceding notes, we have here

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 43
a proof that this nunnery existed long before the ninth cen
tury. (120) Colgan has endeavoured to compile the Acts of this saint
at 9 February. They consist chiefly of fragments of a bombastic
Life, written, as he thought, hy a Cisterian monk of the abbey of
Boyle, and consequently not before the latter end of the twelfth
century. He justly observes, that it was not commendable either
for style or close attention to truth.
(121'} See Ckap.v. §. 10.
(122) Life of St. Corbmac, cap. 17. at 26 March.
(123) See Not. 111." to Chap. xix.
(124) Acts of St. Athracta, cap. 13. In the same chapter
Keannfaelaid is said to have been king of Connaught during her
time. Colgan, not finding any king there of this name before
about 670, thought that, instead of a king of all Connaught
ought to be understood a dynast of some part of it. But in said
Acts Keannfaelaid is expressly stated to have ruled the whole
province, " tenens totum eius (Connaciae) principatum universa-
liter." The author certainly meant the well-known king of all
Connaught. Yet we are not bound to believe, that Athracta lived
as late as his reign. That author cared so little about ana
chronisms, that he places her also in the times of St. Patrick.
Concerning Nathy of Achronry see Chap. xii. § . 3. That he
he was the Nathy alluded to in Athracta's Acts is sufficiently clear
from his having lived in the district, in which her nunnery was si
tuated, viz. Lugne or Lugnia, of which the barony of Leney in
the county of Sligo forms a part. Nathy of Achonry, which is
in said barony, is the only saint of that name, that flourished in
Lugne. (125) A A. SS. p. 281.
(126) See Not. 141 to Chap. xii. If Athracta was, whether
sister or not, contemporary with Coeman, we have an additional ar
gument in favour of her having lived in the sixth century ; for Coe
man is said to have been brother to St. Coemhgen of Glendaloch.
(127) See Chap. v.§. 10 and ib. Not. 95.
(128) In the foreign calendars her name is spelt Tarackta or
Tardhata. No St. Tarachta is mentioned in any Irish document ;
and hence Colgan justly inferred, that she was no other than St.
Athracta. The Bollandists (at 9 Febr.) do not controvert his

44 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
opinion. They have scarcely any thing about St. Athracta ex
cept what they took-from him, and follow him even to her having
flourished in the 5th century, to which period they assign also
Coeman of Airdne-Coemhain. It appears that they did not exa
mine the history of either of these saints with much attention.
§. x. St. Fechin, (129) who is the first named
among the priests of the third class of. Irish saints,
was a native of the territory, in which St. Athracta
had her nunnery, that is, of Lugne. (130) Bile,
or, as afterwards called, Bile Fechin, in the barony
of Leney, is stated to have been the place of his birth.
His father was Coelcharna a descendant of Eochad
Fionn brother to the famous king Con of the hun
dred battles, and his mother Lassair of the royal
blood of Munster. (131) When fit to be sent to
school, Fechin was placed under St. Nathy or Nathi
of Achonry, in whose monastery he remained until
he made a considerable progress in learning and
piety. How long he continued there we are not
correctly informed. According to one account he
staid with Nathi, until he was ordained priest ; (132)
but according to another, which appears more con
sistent, he left that school several years before he
was ordained and went to that of some other holy
man. (133) Having finished his studies, and being
raised to the priesthood, he left his own country for
the purpose of leading a retired life, and arriving at
Fobhar, now Fore in the county of Westmeath,
stopped there, being very kindly received b}f the pro
prietors of that place. Here he erected a monastery,
to which such numbers of persons were attracted by
his reputation, that after some time his community
consisted of about three hundred monks, (134) who, as
well as their holy abbot, subsisted on their own
labour, (135) and were sometimes reduced to great
penury. ( 1 36) Some other monasteries or churches
are attributed to St.. Fechin ; but, with the exception
of one or two of them, I greatly doubt whether they

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 45
were of his foundation. (187) That he established
a religious house in the island of Immagh near the
coast of Galway (138) cannot be questioned. The
inhabitants were still Pagans when Fechin, taking
with him some of his monks of Fore, undertook their
conversion. At first he met with great opposition,
and the people were so obstinate that they refused to
supply him and his companions with even the neces
saries of life, so that two of them died of want of
food, whom, however, the Almighty was pleased,
through the saint's intercession, to bring again to
life. But Guaire, king of Connaught, being ap
prized of their distress, sent them abundance of
provisions. (139) When setting about the con
struction of a monastery, the islanders threw their
implements and utensils into the sea, which, it is
said, were driven back on land. At length Feqhin
succeeded in bringing all of them over to the Chris
tian faith, and baptized them. Their zeal became so
fervent, that they consigned themselves and their
island to him as their master and superior. (140)
(129) Colgan has published (at 20 January) two Lives of St.
Fechin. The author of the first was Augustin Magraidin, who
died in 1405. The second, which is more copious and circum
stantial was compiled by Colgan and his assistants from three dif.
ferent Lives of Fechin written in Irish.
(130) See Not. 124. (131) A A. SS.p.U3.
(132) Second Life, cap. 8. In this Life Nathi is represented
as living for some time, apparently not inconsiderable, after
Fechin, already a priest, had founded some monasteries. If so,
Nathi must have lived to a great age ; for he was a grown up man
before the death of Finnian of Clonard, (see Chap. xii. §. 3.) that
is, before 552. Now it can scarcely be admitted that Fechin,
who died of a plague in 665, was born earlier than between 580
and 590, or that he could have been a priest prior to between 610
and 620. Supposing then Nathi to have been alive after Fechin
had established monasteries, he would have lived until, at least,
620 ; whence it would follow that he was very old when he died.

46 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
(133) In the first Life we read (cap. 6.) that Fechin was
still a boy, " bonae indolis puer," when he removed to another
school. His going to this school was "very probably owing to
Nathfs death, which may be conjectured to have occurred about
the beginning of the seventh century. What school it was, or who
was that, other holy man, is not mentioned in the Life. He was
most probably Fintan Moeldubb. (See Not. 174. to Chap, xn.)
Colgan has a fable concerning Fechin having been a disciple of
Kieran of Qonmacnois, as if a man, who lived until 665 could
have been the scholar of one that died in 549. Yet this story is per
haps founded on truth misunderstood. Fechin might have been
at the great school of Clonmacnois, which used to be called Kie-
ran's school or college. From its having been said that he studied
there it might have been imagined that Kieran himself was his
master. Whether the times answered or not was a point not
inquired into.
(134) First Life, cap. 10. Second, cap. 9» In a hymn for
the Office of St. Fechin We read ;
Dehinc fuit monachorum
Dux et pater trecentorum
Quos instruxit lege morum
Murus contra vitia. Amen.
Archdall (at Fore) has swelled the number to three thousand,
and refers to Usher, who in the very passage referred to (p.
1195. or, as in the London erf. 500.) reckons only three hundred,
quoting the lines now given from the hymn.
(135) First Life, cap. 10. and 14.
(136) Ib. cap. 11. and Second Life, cap. 36.
(137) It is said in the second Life, (cap. 8.) that Fechin prior to
his going to Fore erected a noble church as Eas-dara (Ballysadare,
co. Sligo ;) another at Bile, where he was born, together with a mo
nastery called Kill-na-manach, i. e. cell of the monks ; and three
churches, viz. of Druimratha, Killgarvan, and Edarguidhe, at.
Ecclas-roog. In the first place I have to observe, that not one of
these foundations is mentioned in the first Life, and that it gives
us plainly fo understand that the monastery of Fore, in which he

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 47
presided over 300 monks, was Fechin's first establishment. As
to Eas-dara, the most We are bound to admit Is, ifeat he built a
church there. It is true that the monastery of that place pos
sessed some land called Tearmann Fechin, i. e. the sacred ground
bf Fechm; but it does not follow that he founded the mo
nastery, or that it was he that obtained the grants, by which it
was enriched. Fechin's system, as appears from his conduct at
Fore, was one of poverty and different from that of procuring
estates for his establishments. If the monastery of Ballysadare
had been founded by him, this would have been stated in the
second Life as tfell as the erection of the church, in the same man
ner as the monastery at Bile is expressly mentioned besides the
church. To account for the name Tearmann Fechin, it is suffi
cient that the church of Ballysadare, to which a monastery was
afterwards annexed, had been denominated from St. Fechin as its
founder ; or that, what is at least equally probable, that both the
church and monastery, by Whomsoever founded, were dedicated
to him.
That the church of Bile and the monastery of Killnamanach were
not founded by Fechin seems almost certain, not only from their
not being spoken of in the first Life, but from its being expressly
stated that, as soon as he was ordained priest, he withdrew from
his own country. Had he formed these establishments, among
his relatives, would they not have been hinted at, and some rea
son assigned for his leaving them ? It is no argument to say,
that Bile was called Bile- Fechin ; for the circumstance of his
having been born there sufficiently explains theteasOn of that sur
name. In the passage of the second Life relative to these places
the monastery of Killnamanach, as far" as I understand it, is repre
sented as at Bile. Colgan, however, seems ( AA. SS. p. 143.)
to distinguish them as differently situated. Perhaps this Was the
case ; for we find a Kilnamanagh not far indeed from Bile but yet
in a place distinct from it. Harris and Archdall make them dif
ferent places ; but they had no right whatsoever to assign a mo
nastery to Bile, in the supposition of Killnamanach having been
situated elsewhere. In this case there remains for Bile merely a
church, according to the second Life, which is the only authority
that can be produced for these pretended foundations of Fe
chin.

48 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
These writers have changed also Druimratha into a monastery,
although in said Life it is called only a1 church, nor does Colgan
speak of it otherwise. It was the same as Drumratt in the ba
rony, not, as Archdall says, of Leney, and near Ballysadare, but
of Corran in the same county of Sligo. Archdall mentions St,
Enan as having been at Drumrath ; but this saint, who was ear
lier by many years than Fechin, belonged to DrUmrath in West-
meath. (See Not. 27 to Chap, xii.)
In like manner Harris has without any authority placed an abbey
at Kilgarvan, which he supposed to be in the county of Sligo. Arch
dall who with Colgan calls it Kilnagarvan, is more correct. He
speaks of it as only a church, and soitis called in the second Life, as
likewise by Colgan, (A A. SS. p. 143.) who says, that it is a parish
church in the district of Coistealbach. Archdall is right in placing
it in Mayo and in the. barony of Gallen. At present it goes by
the name of Kilgarvy. It is situated very near the barony of Le
ney in Sligo. Its old name Kill-na-garvan indicates, that its
founder was not Fechin but one Garvan.
Edarguidhe is omitted by Harris and Archdall. All that Col
gan says of it is, that it was an oratory, somewhere, I suppose, in
Lugne. In the second Life (cap. 19.) Fechin is spoken of as being in
his monastery of Cong (in suo monasterio de Cunga) in the now
county of Mayo, barony of Kilmaine. I suspect that suo has
been inserted without sufficient authority. In the first Life there
is not a word about Cong, an omission very strange indeed, if
that celebrated monastery had been founded by Fechin. Among
the many abbots of Cong I do not find one called his comorban or
successor. Ware says, (Antiq. cap. 26. at Mayo) that the mo
nastery of Cong was founded by Donald son of Aed, or Aidus, and
grandson (not nephew, as in the English translation) of Anmirech,
that is, Domnald II. king of Ireland, who died in 642. (See Chap.
xiv. §.1.) He assigns this foundation to A. D. 624 ; Harris adds,
or 635. Whence Ware derived this information I cannot disco
ver. He observes that it is said, that Fechin was some time abbot
there. For this, it is said, there is no other foundation than the
suo of the second Life. Colgan has (AA. SS. p. 151.) a St. Mo-
locus of Cong, whose name is in the calendars at 17 April. It is
very probable that, although this monastery might haye been

CHAP. XVII. OP IRELAND. 49
erected at the expense of king Domnald, Molocus was its first
abbot. He was the saint, whose name used to be joined to that
of Cong, as we see in Colgan's Topographical Index (ib.) at Cunga.
Such junction of names is generally indicative of the saints, who
were either the founders, or the first distinguished in the monas
teries or churches, to which their names are annexed.
In the same Life (cap. 22. ) a monastery in Ard-oilen, one of the
Arran isles off the coast of Galway, is attributed to Fechin. This
is evidently a mistake ; for besides its not being mentioned in the
first Life, it is well known that the patron saint of Ard-oilen was a
St. Coemhain, insomuch so that from his name it was formerly
called Ara-Coemhain, and its monastery and principal church were
called Kill-Coemhain. (See Colgan, AA. SS. p. 715. and above
Not. 141. to Chap, xix.) In what Colgan has (ib.) concerning
Ard-oilen, although he treats of it very minutely, the name of
Fechin. is not even hinted at. Ham's, however, follows the story
of the second Life ; and Archdall, to compromise the matter, says
that Kill-Coemhain was founded by Fechin. Why rob St. Coemh
ain of this foundation ? Archdall goes farther than the Life, which
does nOt ascribe Kill-Coemhain to Fechin, but exhibits him as
erecting a nameless monastery in Ard-oilen, as if there might have
been two in that island. But the tact is, that there was only one,
the founder of which was Coemhain. Another mistake (perhaps of
the press) in bis account of Ard-oilen is the confounding df Coemh
ain with Columb.
Another pretended foundation by Fechin, is that of Tulach-
Fobhuir, supposed to be near Naas. This place is mentioned in
the second Life, (vap. 32. seyjv) but it is not stated that a mo
nastery was erected there. Colgan, when reckoning these establish
ments of Fechin, assigns neither a monastery nor a church to
Tulach-Fobhuir. AU that is said of it is, that a king of Leinster
made a grant of it, together with its inhabitants, mill, and the ad
joining district, to St. Fechin. Would Fechin and his monks of
Fore have been poor and distressed, were they possessed of that
fine estate ? Tulach-Fobhuir means a landed property belonging to
Fore, which this monastery acquired in its days of splendour, but
certainly not in Fechin's time. Notwithstanding no mention being
made of a monastery, Hams has placed one there, and has beers
VOL. HI. E

50 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
followed by Archdall, who was not able to give any account
of it. ( ] 38) Colgan says that, instead of the distinguished monastery
of lmmagh, in his time, there was only a parish church there, of
which St. Fechin was the patron, as also of the island. It was in
the diocese of Tuam. I do not find the name, lmmagh, used at
present. This island is, I suppose, that now called Inismain in
the bay of Galway, and a rectory in said diocese.
(139) Usher fell into a huge mistake, (p. 1195. or, as in Lon
don ed. 500) with regard to Guaire or, as called in Fechin's
Lives, Guari. He thought that he was king only of the island bf
Immogh, and thence placed him among the persons converted to
Christianity by Fechin. Usher had read in the first Life, (cop. 12)
" Cumque rex terrae, Guari nomine, quod factum fuit audisset,
victum copiosum cum suo calice viro Dei et suis transmisit." He
, supposed that by rex terrae was meant the king of the island ; a
mighty king indeed ! But that phrase is relative to the province of
Connaught, in which lmmagh was comprized. Had he seen the
second Life, in which the same circumstance is related, (cap. 22.)
and where king Guari is called son of Colman, Usher would have
been more correct. Even the context, as in the first Life, might have
taught him that Guari was somewhat more than king of lmmagh.
But, not being well versed in the provincial history of Ireland, he
seems to have known little or nothing about this celebrated and
pious king of Connaught, whom we have often met with already,
ex. c. Chap. xiv. § . 11.
(140) Second Life, cap. 22. According to the first (cap. 12.)
it would seem that the grant of the island was made by king Guaire.
Be this as it may, said grant must be understood not as if Fechin
became proprietor of the whole island, but that he was considered
as the chief director, and, we may say, magistrate of the" inha
bitants. It is on this occasion that in the second Life Fechin is
introduced as erecting another monastery in Ard-oilen. (See Not.
137.) But in the first, although the transactions in lmmagh are
equally detailed, there is nothing about his passing over to Ard-
oilen ; and he appears as if having returned from lmmagh directly
to Fore. §. xi. Among the many transactions, in which

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 51
Fechin is said to have been engaged, it is related
that, on occasion of Domnald II. king of all Ireland
having marched with a great army into the country
of the Southern or Meath Nialls for the purpose of
fixing the boundaries of their principality, they ap
plied for protection to the saint, who happened to be
then at a place called Tibrada, where, perhaps, he
had some small establishment. (141) Fechin com
plied with their request, and acted so powerfully on
the king's mind as to induce him to desist from any
further proceeding against the Southern Nialls, be
tween whom and the king he procured a perfect re
conciliation. His influence was very great with the
kings and princes of his time. An instance of it is
given in the case of a young man named Erlomhan,
whom Moenach, king of Munster, immediately dis
charged from prison on perceiving that Fechin wished
for this act of grace. (142) Erlomhan afterwards
embraced the monastic state under Fechin. In like
manner he obtained from the joint kings of Ireland
Diermit II. and Blaithmaic (143) the liberation of
one Aedus or Aedan, a brave military man, who,
on being dismissed from prison-and given up to Fe
chin, went with him to Fore, where he became a
monk. Several holy men are mentioned as united in
friendship with Fechin, for instance Coeman or Co-
main Breac, abbot of Roseachin Meath, (144) Ultan
of Ardbraccan, Fintan Munnu, Ronan son of Berach,
( 1 45) and particularly Mochua abbot of Ardslaine.
(146) Fechin's life was one continued course of
austerity, and he was so fohd of solitude that he often
used to retire from his monastery either of Fore or of
lmmagh to lonesome situations, passing his time in
prayer, fasting, and other mortifications, and taking
no food except now and then a little bread and wa
ter. Many miracles have been attributed to him ;
but the accounts of them are, in general, so inter
mixed with fables, that I shall not attempt to eluci
date them. (147) This great saint died on the 20th
e 2

52 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
of January A. D. 665, of the dreadful pestilence that
raged all over Ireland. His memory has-been most
highly respected, and the monastery of Fore, which
continued down to the time of the general suppres
sion, Was greatly celebrated, (148) and in the course
of ages became very splendid and wealthy. (149)
(141) This place is mentioned in the second Life> cap.., 3^.
Harris (at Westmeath) assigns a monastery there to Fechin, andjso
does Archdall, who calls it Tippert, in, he says, the half barony of
Fore. Thus it would be not far distant from the monastery of that
name. Colgan also places ( AA. SS. p. 143.) a monastery at Ti-
brada in Westmeath, but, not being able to give any account of it,
conjectures (ib. p. 242.) that it might be Tihrad. Ultain in that
country where a church existed in his times. This is, I: suppose,
the Tippert of Archdall, who says that it is now a chapel. But
even admitting tliat it was formerly a monastery, why attribute it
to Fechin, rather than to Ultan, whose name it bore ? There is
nothing in the Life to show that he had a monastery at Tibrada,
except the mention made of a persOn there, who had the care of
the provisions. It may be, howevef, tbat there was a cell in that
place dependent on the great monastery Of Fore.
(142) Erlomhan's mother'had applied to Fechin to assist her in
procuring his liberation: He 'gave her a gold torques, which he
had received as a present from Moehach, for the purpose of pur
chasing from him her- son's release. On recognizing it, and as
coming from Fechin, Moenach returned it to her, and at the same
time discharged Erlomhan. (Second Life, cap. 37-) Fechin had
spent some time at Cashel (ib. cap. 14.) probably with this king,
who was son to Fingen, and died, as Colgan observes, in 660.
(143) See Chap. xiv. §. 1.
(144) AA. SS. p. 140. He died on the 14th of September,
A. D. 614, i. e:615, as Usher states (Index Chron.) Archdall
calls Roseach Rosse, and places it at about a mile South-east of
Tara. (145) Ttonan was abbot of Drumshallon in the county of Louth,
and died of the great pestilence on the 18th of November in 665.
{A A. SS. p. 141.)
(146) Second Life, cap, 44 and 49. Colgan was not able to

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 53
give any account of this St. Mochua or of Ardslaine ; nor has Har
ris or Archdall a monastery in that place. I believe it was at or
near Slane in Meath, Ardslaine meaning the height qf Slane,
and am greatly inclined to think, that Mochua was the same as
Cronan son of Silni. (See Not. 91 to Chap, xv.) It is well
known, and remarked by Colgan, (AA. SS. p. 304.) that Cronan
Was the same as Mochua. This alone is not a proof of identity ;
but as Cronan son of Silni is reckoned among flie illustrious men,
who died in 665 ; (ib.p. 150. and Usher, Ind. Chron.) and as, ac
cording to said Life, the person, called Mochua of Ardslaine
died about thje very same time with Fechin in that year ; and as
the name, Mochua, does not appear in the list, given in the Irish
annals, of the distinguished victims of the pestilence, it seems to
me highly probable that Mochua of Ardslaine was no other than
Cronan, the son of Silni. He must not be confounded with Mo
chua or Cronan, abbot of Balla in the county of Mayo, who had
beeen a disciple of Comgall of Bangor, and died in 637. (See
Colgan AA. SS. at 30 Mart.
(147) One of these strange accounts is relative to a Tirechan,
who had gone to Rome, and whose mother applied to Fechin, who
was then at Cashel, to procure his returning to her. It is said
that, through the saint's command, Tirechan instantly appeared
before him in that city. (Second Life, cap. 14.) This is a per
verted statement of a probably real fact, viz. that Fechin sent an
order to him to come back to his mother, whfch Tirechan imme
diately complied with. Colgan thought that this was the cele
brated Tirechan, who became a disciple of Ultan of Ardbraccan,
afterwards a bishop, and, as some say, Ultan's successor in that
see ; and who wrote the Memoirs of St. Patrick so often quoted by
Usher. The times agree very well ; for Ultan, who died in 657,
was contemporary with Fechin. If Colgan's opinion be correct it
may be justly supposed that Tirechan, the writer, was a native of
Cashel or of its vicinity. The name of St Tirechan is marked at
the 3d of July.
(148) Usher observes (p. 966.) that Fore was called Baile.
Leabhair or the town of books, whence it appears that learning
was much cultivated there. Some of its abbots were bishops ;
but Harris had no right to suppose, that it was at anytime a re
gular episcopal see.

54 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
(149) See Archdall at Fore.
§. xii. In the latter end, viz. on the 29th of De
cember, of said year, died of the same pestilence
St. Aileran surnamed the Wise. (150) His name
is sometimes written Heleran, . Aireran, or Ereran.
He was yery probably the priest Airendanus of the
third class of saints, (151) and who alone, of those
mentioned in it, now remains to be sought- for.
Very little is known relative to the history of
Aileran, except as far as concerns his writings.
This much is certain, that he presided over the
great school of Clonard, (1552) not as abbot or
bishop, but as principal professor. A tract written
by him is still extant, in which the mystical mean
ing of the names of our Saviour's progenitors, as in
the Gospel of St. Matthew, is treated of. (153)
Although small, it exhibits, besides a great share
of ingenuity, very considerable biblical and theologi
cal learning. Aileran wrote also a Life of St, Pa
trick, or -at "least, some Memoirs concerning him.
(154) This work is lost, (155) as likewise some
treatise of his on St. Brigid. (156) He is referred
to (157) as having given an account of the proceed
ings of St. Fechin in the island of lmmagh ; but it
cannot be hence concluded that he drew up, as
some have thought (158) an entire Life of that
saint. It might be conjectured that Aileran was the
author of the three books De Mirabilibus Sacrae
Scripturae. (159) The times agree very well ; for, by -
whomsoever written, he was employed on their
composition in the year 655. (160) The learning
displayed in this work is such as to render it worthy
of being attributed to Aileran. But it seems more
probable that the author was a monk either of
Clonmacnois or of Cork. (l6l)
Among the many persons carried off in said year,
by the pestilence are reckoned also Ultan, abbot of

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 55
Clonard, and two abbots of Clonmacnois, Colman
Cass and Cumin. (162)
(150) A A. SS. p. 140. and Usher, Ind. Chron.
(1511) Usher having (p. 967) proposed a conjecture whether
Airendanus was the same person as Aileran, adds, " or was he
rather Aired," who is mentioned by Capgrave as contemporary
with St. Maidoc of Ferns, Usher says that Aired lived in a place
called Airdsinnaidh. In the Life of Maidoc published by Col
gan, which, however, has no mention of Aired, it is called (cap.
8) Ardrinnygh, and spoken of as near Mount Beatha, or Slieve-
Beagh in the part of Monaghan adjoining Fermanagh. Colgan
observes ( AA. SS. p. 216.) that St. Aired's name is in some ca
lendars at 26 August.
(152) A A. SS.p. 140.
(153) It has been1 published by Sirin among the Collectanea
Sacra of Fleming, and republished in the Bibliotheca patrum,
Tom. 12. Lyons, A. 1677. Its title is, Interpretatio mystiea
progenitorum Christi, and it consists of two parts, in the former
of which the signification of the names is inquired into and
shown to contain prophetic allusions to Christ ; for instance
" Abraham, pater excelsus." The author then applies the mean
ing to our Saviour by referring to the prophecies concerning him,
such as that of Isaias ; Vocabitur nomen ejus admirabilis, fyc.
Thus at Isaac he writes; " In Isaac gaudium, dicente Angelo
ad pastores, ecce annuntio vobis gaudium magnum, 8fc. The se
cond part, which consists of moral explanations deduced from
said significations, is imperfect as it ends with Eliacim and two or
three words about Azor. Usher (p. 966.) makes mention, from
Sedulius the younger's Collectaneum on Matthew, of this tract
under a very apposite title ; Typicus ac tropologicus genealogiae
Christi intellectus, quem sanctus Aileranus Scottorum sapientissi-
mus exposuit."
(154) See Chap. in. §. 5.
(155) We have seen,' (ib. §. 4.) that Colgan was mistaken in
attributing to Aileran or Eleran what he calls the Fourth Life
of St. Patrick.
(156) In the prologue to the sixth or metrical Life of St.
Brigid (See Not. 18 to Chap, vin ) we read ;

56 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
" Scripserunt multi virtutes virginis almae
Ultanus doctor, atque Eleranus ovans, &c."
(157) First Life of Fechin, cap. 12.
(158) Colgan AA. SS. p. 140. Ware and Harris, (Writers
at Aileran.)
(159) This very learned work, which had been erroneously at
tributed to St. Augustin and printed among his works in the
early editions of them, may be seen in the Appendix to the third
volume of that of the Benedictines. It is an abridgment of the
history of the Bible, intermixed with a multitude of theological
and philosophical disquisitions, tending to elucidate it, and clear
away the difficulties that occur. In the first book the sacred his
tory is treated of as far as it is given in the Pentateuch ; in the
second down to the end of the Old Testament ; and in the third
that of the New. The style is good and clear ; and the author
was well acquainted with general history and the ancient philo
sophy. (160) The author having observed (L. 2. c. 4.) that Manchan
the Wise, or, as his name appears in the printed text Manichaeus,
died in the last year of the eleventh cycle of 532 years, that is
A. D. 652. (see above 'Not. 81.) adds that the third year of the
twelfth cycle was that, in which he was writing. It was therefore
665. Hence it is clear, that Manchan the Wise of Menodrochit
was not, as some writers have imagined, the author of the work
De Mirabilibus,' &c. for nothing is more certain than that he died
in 652. (above $. 6.) and Ware was right (at Manchinan) in re-
rejecting this opinion.
(161) Prefixed to the work is a dedication beginning with these
words ; " Venerandissimis urbium et monasteriorum episcopis et
presbyteris, maxime Carthaginensium Augustinus per omnia sub-
jeCtus optabilem in Christo saluteni." The author then adds, that
he had been ordered by his superior Eusebius, who died in the
interim, to undertake this work ; and towards the end of said
dedication makes mention of Bathan as one of these, apparently
the Carthaginensium, whom he is addressing, and a master of
his. He mentions also another of his masters Manchinanus al.
Manchianus " Ab uno enim vestrum, id est, Bathano, post pa
ttern Manchmanum si quid intelligentiae addidi," &c. That Car-

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 57
thaginensium is an erratum is sufficiently plain, unless we should
suppose that it refers to Lismore that is, to the institution of St.
Carthagh. But other circumstances do not agree with this con
jecture. It is probably a mistake either for Cluanensium or for,
what comes nearer to it, Corcagiensium. In the former supposi
tion we have Clonmacnois, of which the abbot Aidhbg or Aedhlog
died in 652 (above Not. 99), a time well corresponding with that
of the injunction to write laid vipon the , author. If the .name1
Aedhlogus was in his text, a continental transcriber might have
softened it into Eusebius. As to Bathan,- there is no difficulty ;
for tbe superior of Clonmacnois at the time .of the author's writing
was a Bathan or Baithan. (See § 7.) Yet there are stong reasons
for supposing that this author belonged rather to Cork. Among
the learned men of St. Finnbar's school I find Eulangius or Eulo-
gius, and Rajthan,. (A A. SS. p. 630 and 750) Eulogius might
have been easily changed into Eusebius. , The times correspond ;
for these persons flourished in the first half of the seventh cen
tury. It may be some corroboration of this conjecture that the
author seems to have lived not far from the sea. He often speaks
of the various sorts of tides, calling the greater ones, or the
spring tide, Molina, and the lesser ones Ledo. His mentioning
Manchinanus affords us no assistance in this inquiry ; as there is no
hint that he belonged to the community of which the author was
a member. This Manchinanus was most probably Manchan the
Wise, whose name appears elsewhere in the work, corruptly
written Manichaeus. From the manner, in which our author speak?
of Manchinanus, it seems that he had' been a pupil of his before
he went to study under Bathan, or that Manchinanus had written
something on the Scriptures, by which he was assisted in his re
searches. There was in those times another Manchanus or Man
chinanus (for they are the same name) who was surnamed Leth ;
but nothing is said of his learning, and all that I find concerning
him, is, that he died of the pestilence in 665 (AA. SS- p. 332.)
and that he seems to have been abbot of Laithmore. (See the
Litany of Aengus, ib. p. 539.) The chief difficulty in this
question arises from the name Augustinus, under which the au
thor appears in the printed text. No person of that name, a very
rare one of old in Ireland, is spoken of in our history as living in
the times that the work" was written. It is, in. all pebablity, a

•58 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII,
Corruption of some Irish name latinized, perhaps Aengussitis
or Eugenius, Did Other circumstances agree, I should suspect
that it was written by mistake for Aileranus. That the author
was an Irishman and composed his work in Ireland is self evi
dent. Besides his having been connected with Bathan and Man
chinanus, who were certainly Irishmen, his noticing in a particu
lar manner (L. 2.,c. 4.) the death of the wise Manichaeus or
Manchan, is a proof of it. Treating (L. 1. c. 7.) of how cer
tain animals could have made their way into islands, he asks;
" Who, for instance, would have imported into Ireland wolves,
stags, wild boars; foxes," &c? Why mention Ireland preferably
to any other island, unless he was living and writing there ? The
Benedictine editors say, that he was either an Englishman or an
Irishman. For his having been an Englishman they could not alledge
a single argument ; nor does he ever speak of England. Had they
known that Bathan and Manchinan were downright Irish names,
they would not have thrown out this conjecture ; nor, had they
been better acquainted with Irish history and topography, would
they have said that, instead of Carthaginensium, the original
word was perhaps Cantuarensium, or Cambrensium, or Kilken-
niensium. There was no monastery at Kilkenny in the author's
times ; and as to the name it is much more unlike Carthagi
nensium than Corcagiensium, and even more than indicating
other names Irish monasteries, ex c. Clonardenisum, Clonmac-
noisensium, &c. The conjecture as to Cantuariensium and Cam
brensium is set aside by the fact, that the author was addressing
Irish monasteries. In a notice to the reader premised to an edi
tion of this work (ap. Opp. S. August. Tom. 3. Basil. A. 1569)
it is ignorantly observed, as if to show that the author was neither
English nor Irish, that there are no wolves, wild bears or foxes in
either England or Ireland. But we had, in his days, plenty of
wolves and wild boars in Ireland, and We still have foxes. _
(162) AA. SS. p. 150. This pestilence is called by Irish
writers Buidhe Chonnuill, L e. the yellow jaundice, and appeared
in Ireland on the first of August, A. D. 664. It seems to have
begun earlier in England, where, as Bede relates '(/.. 3. c. 27.)
having depopulated the "southern parts it penetrated into the Nor
thumbrian province and swept away a vast number of people.
He adds that it raged also in Ireland ; and it is said that only a
third part of the inhabitants survived it. A very extraordinary

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 59
eclipse of the sun had occurred in that year, not on the third, as
Bede says, but on the first of May, as marked in the Annals of
Ulster, which add, that during the summer the sky seemed to be
on fire. (See Usher, p. 948. seqq. and Ind. Chron. at A. 664, and
also Colgan's Ind. Chron. to AA. SS).
§.xin. In the preceding year, that is 664, was
held the celebrated conference at Whitby concerning
the Paschal question and some other points of ec
clesiastical discipline. Colman had succeeded, in
661, (168) Finan in the see of Lindisfarne, having
been sent from Ireland for that purpose. (164) He
was very probably a native of Connaught, and ap
parently of the now county of Mayo. (165) He
was a monk of the Columbian order, and had, we
may suppose, spent some time at Hy. (166) But
at the period of his appointment to Lindisfarne he
seems to have been living in Ireland. (167) Not
long after Colman's arrival in Northumberland the
controversies relative to Easter time and to some
other ecclesiastical matters, were again revived and
carried on with greater warmth than they had been
even during the incumbency of Finan. (168) This
was owing chiefly to the exertions of Wilfrid, who,
after having spent part of his early years amono- the
Irish at Lindisfarne, had gone to Rome, where he
became perfectly acquainted with the Roman com
putation and other practices, and afterwards received
the tonsure at Lyons according to the mode followed
at Rome. (169) On his return to England Wilfrid
had an opportunity of displaying his zeal for the
Roman observances, having acquired the friendship
of Alchfrid, son of king Oswin, and who, jointly
with his father, ruled the Northumbrian kingdom.
Alchfrid was instructed by him in ecclesiastical
learning, and became so much attached to him that
he made over to him the monastery of Rippon,
(Inhrypam). having turned out the monks, to whom
he had already granted it, because they refused to

60 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
change the Irish practices for the Roman. (170)
Meantime Agilbert, bishop of the West Saxons, (171)
accompanied by a priest Agathon, came to Northum
berland, and, at the request df Alchfrid, ordained
Wilfrid priest in his newly acquired monastery. A
discussion having occurred there concerning the
Paschal computation, the tonsure, &c. it was agreed
upon that a synod or conference should be held, for
the purpose of terminating these disputes, in the
monastery or nunnery of Strenaeshalch, (Whitby)
which was then governed by the abbess Hild. It
was attended by the two kings, Oswin and Alchfrid;
by Colman with his Irish clergy ; and by Agilbert
with the priests Agathon and Wilfrid. This party
was supported by Jacob and Romanus, ( 1 72) while
Hild and her community, tog ther with the venerable
bishop Cedd, (173) were on the side of Colman.
(163) Usher, Ind,. Chron.
(164) Bede writes ; (L. 3. c. 25.) " Defuncto autem Finano,
cum Colmanus in episcopatum succederet, et ipse missus a
Scqttia", &p. That by Scottia he meant Ireland, as he always
dpsp, is too cle^r to require further demonstration, and will be
seen from the sequel. His saying that Colman was sent from
Ireland onght perhaps to be understood not as if he went straight
fropa Ireland to Lindisforne ; for Bede elsewhere seems to state,
that he, proceeded thither from Hy. On occasion of mentioning
his cpming t<? that island after he left England, he writes, (L- 4.
c. 4.) " Venit ad insulam Hii, unde'exaX, ad praedicandum ver>
buiri Angloi;uni genti destinatus." But as Hy was considered as
an Irish island and inhabited by Irish monks, Bede might in a
general., way ha,ye said, that Colman was sent from Ireland.
Speaking of FJnan's mission, he lias ; (L. 3. c. 17.) " ab Hii
Scottorum insula ac monasterio destinatus." Yet his words unde,
#c. may be ^_eU explained as relative merely to the order for his
undertaking the care of Lindisfarne having emanated from the
mpnastery of. Hy> whose abbot was the general superior of the
w^ple .Columbian order, bf .which Colman was a member. This,
I tjiink, is the true meaning of Bede, and it appears to be con-

CHAP. XVII.

OF IRELAND. 6l

firmed by his saying not that Colman returned td Hy, but that
he came to it. On the other hand, when mentioning his going to
Ireland, Bede uses the word, returned; " in ScOtt&m regressus
est — Rev'erso patriam Colmano ;" and expresses his departure
from England by the phrase going home, abiens autem domum\
(See L. 3. c. 26.) Hence it is fair to conclude, that Coltnan's
home, before he was sent to Lindisfarne, was not in Hy but
in Ireland.
(165) The only proof, but it is a Strong one, of this position
or conjecture is, that Colman, on his return to Ireland, went
straight to Connaught, and formed a monastery in the island of
Innisboffin off the coast of Mayo, and afterwards another at
Mayo. Wiry prefer this part of Ireland to any other, unless he
had lived there before he went to England ? Bede, who men
tions these establishments, and who tells us that Colmain ' went
home, seems to point out that country as his home. Colgan
strives ( Tr. Th. p. 382.) to make it appear probable that Colman
was the same as Columban of the Briun family, who is spoken of
by Adamnan ( Vit. S. C. L. 2. c. 16.) as having been at Hy in the
time of St. Columba, and then a young man. His mighty argu
ment runs thus ; Colman was a Connaught man ; afqui the Briun
or Hy-briuin race were of Connaught ; ergo, &c. On this wretched
mode of arguing he builds his hypothesis, which elsewhere (ib. p.
488.) he delivers as certain. How could he have imagined that
Colman of Lindisfarne was an immediate disciple of St. Colum
ba ? Had he been so, and the same as said Columban, he could
not, in the most favourable supposition, have been less than 20
years of age at the time of St. Columba's death in 597-, Thus he
should have been 84 years old, when 'he was appointed to the
arduous duty of governing the great diocese of Lindisfarne, com
prizing an entire kingdom. If that Columban of the Briuns had
been raised to this see, would Adamnan have neglected to record
his promotion ? Muchmore might be observed on this strange
hypothesis, were it worthy of further animadversions.
(166) Of this point I do not find any positive proof. Yet it is
very probable ; whereas it is natural fo think, that the abbot
and other superiors of Hy would not have appointed him to Lia-
disfame, had they not been personally acquainted with him. In

62 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
the fabulous Life of St. Gerald of Mayo it is said, that Colman be
came abbot of Hy. Cojgan endeavours (Tr. Th. p. 382 and
488.) to. support this absurdity, which, however, he acknowledges
elsewhere (AA. SS. p. 602.) to be very very doubtful. What time
could be found for Colman's abbacy ? The succession andtimes of
the abbots of Hy are perfectly well known. Cumineus Albus was
abbot when Colman was sent to England, and since the year 657.
(Above §. 8.) And what makes the matter worse, in said Life
Colman is made the immediate successor of St. Columba, although
it is very probable that he was not born at the time of this saint's
death. (167) See Not. 164. (168) See Chap. xv. §. 14.
(169) Fleury L. 39. § 35. (170) Ib. and Bede L. %. c. 25.
(171) Agilbert was a native of France, but for the sake of study
ing the Scriptures had spent a considerable time in Ireland. Bede
mentioning (L. 3- c. 7.) his arrival in Wessex says ; " Venit in
provinciam de Hibernia pontifex quidam, nomine Agilberctus, na-
tione quidem Gallus, sed hunc legendarum gratia Scfipturarum in
Hibernia non parvo tempore demoratus." Agilbert became after
wards bishop of Paris,
(172) See Chap. xv. §. 14. r (173) See ib. §. 15.
§. xiv. The debate was opened by the king Oswin,
who entertained no partiality on the subjects to be
treated of, and had been rather favourable to the
system of the Irish, by whom he had been instructed
and baptized. He observed that, as they all equally
served God, and expected the same kingdom of
heaven, it was right that they should, in like manner
follow the same observances, and that it was fit to in
stitute an inquiry which was the true tradition, and
that this should be adhered to by them all. He then
directed his bishop Colman to speak first, who said ;
" The Easter, which I observe, I have received from
" my elders, who have sent me hither as bishop ; and
" all our fathers, men beloved by God, are known to
" have celebrated it in the same manner. It is that,
" which, as we read, was celebrated by the blessed
" Evangelist John and all the churches, over which

CHAP. XVII. . OF IRELAND. 63
" hepresided." On this latter point Colman was
mistaken, as has been already remarked. (174)
After some other observations by Colman the king
called upon Agilbert to state his practice, and on
what authority it rested. He requested that Wilfrid,
who was of the same opinion with himself, might be
allowed to speak in his stead, as he could not express
his sentiments as clearly by means of an interpreter
as Wilfrid could in his native tongue. For this de
bate was carried on in Irish and Anglo-Saxon, Cedd
serving as interpreter between both parties. Then
Wilfrid, by order of the king, thus addressed the
assemby. " The Easter, which we hold, we have
" seen celebrated by every one at Rome, where the
" blessed apostles Peter and Paul lived, taught, suf-
" fered, and were buried. We have seen it also in
" every part of Italy and France, that we have tra-
" versed. It is observed, and at one and the same
*' time, in Africa, Asia, Egypt, and Greece, and, in
" short, by the whole Christian world, except by our
" adversaries and their accomplices, the Picts and
" Britons." On Colman's appealing again to the
authority of St. John, Wilfrid answered by allowing,
that St. John retained, indeed, the Jewish Pasch,
whereas in the commencement of the church it was
thought expedient not to immediately reject all the
practices of the Mosaic law. On the contrary, St.
Peter, looking to our Saviour's resurrection on the
day next after the Sabbath, followed a rule different
from that of St. John. " But after all," added Wil
frid, " what has your system to do with St. John's ?
" He celebrated the Pasch on the 14th day of the
" first month without caring on what day of the
" week it fell ; while you never celebrate your Easter
" except on a Sunday, so that you do not agree
" either with John or Peter, nor with the Law or
" the Gospel." Wilfrid was very correct in these
remarks on Colman's erroneous position as to the
practice of St. John, but far from being so in what

64 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
herhasat some length concerning the Paschal regula
tions established by St. Peter. He supposed that the
Paschal system' at Rome in his time was the same as
thatj which had always prevailed there from the coih-
mertcettieinfc of its church. This was a great mistake,
as hasheeii; shown elsewhel-e ; (175) and it is unne-
cessary t©: trouble the reader with this part of Wil
frid's discourse.
(174) Not. 24 to Chap. xv. (175) Chap. xv. passim.
§. xv. Colman then alleged the authority of
Anatolius as having laid down, that the Paschal days
were from the 14th .inclusive, to the 20th of the
first moon. To this Wilfrid replied ~ that the day,
called by Anatolius the 14th, was in reality the same
as that, which the Egyptians reckoned as the 15th.
But he would not have been able to prove this as
sertion. -(176) Colman had asked, whether it could
be supposed that their most revered father Columba
and his holy successors, who followed the Irish sys
tem, entertained bad sentiments or acted contrary tb
the Scriptures ; men, whose sanctity was proved by
miracles, and whose example and rules he endeavoured
to adhere to in every respect. Wilfrid acknow
ledged that they were holy men, and that, as they
were not acquainted with the true paschal system,
their not observing it was of little detriment to them.
" And," he added, " I believe that, had they been
" rightly informed on the subject, (177) they would
" have submitted to the rules proposed to them, in
" the same manner as they are known to have ob-
" served the commandments of God, which thfey had
" learned. But you and your associates certainly
" commit sin, if after having heard the decrees of
" the Apostolic see, nay of the universal church, and
" these confirmed by the holy Scriptures, (178) you
" disdain to follow them. For, although your fa-
" thers were saints, is their small number from a cor-

CHAP. XVII. ^OF IRELAND. b5
" ner of an island in the extremity of the world (l 79)
" to be preferred to the whole church ? And, how-
" ever holy and great performer of miracles your
" Columba vvas, could he be preferred to the most
" blessed prince of the Apostles, to whom the Lord
" has said : Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I
" will build my church, and the gates of hell shall
" not prevail against it ; and I' will give unto thee
" the keys of the kingdom qf heaven ?" The king
then said : " Is it true, Colman, that the Lord has
thus spoken to Peter?" He answered that it was.
The king added : " Can you show that so great a
power was granted to your Columba ?" No, replied
Colman. The king continued : " Do you agree on
" both sides, that this has been said principally to
" Peter, and that the Lord has given to him the keys
-" of the kingdom of heaven ?" " Undoubtedly" was
the general answer. The king then concluded :
" Now I tell you, that this is the gate-keeper, whom
" 1 will not contradict, and whose decrees I wish to
' ' obey as far as I know and am able ; lest on my
" arrival at the gate of the kingdom of heaven
" there should be no one to open it for me, as he,
" who holds the keys, would be against me." Thus
the question was decided, and the assembly at large
declared in favour of Wilfrid. (180)
(176) See Not. 1. to Chap. xv. Smith observes, (Appendix
to Bede, No. ix. p^703.) that Colman was perfectly right in what
he stated concerning the rule of Anatolius, and that Wilfrid's an
swer was unfounded and good for nothing.
(177) Fleury remarks(i. 39. §.36.) that Wilfrid seems not to have
known, that St. Columbanus understood the subject very well. He
thought that the Columba, whose example was alleged by Colman,
was Columbanus of Luxeu, who was certainly fully instructed on
the state of the question. (See Chap. xni. §. 4.) But the Columba
meant by Colman, as also by Wilfrid, was Columbkill of Hy.
This is a mistake veiy easily fallen into on reading Bede's narra
tive, unless particular care be taken to recollect, that Colman had
VOL. III. F

66 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
been a monk of Columbkill's institution. As Columba and Co
lumbanus were the same name, (see Not. 1. to Chap, xin.) and
as the latter observed the Irish method equally with the former,
I am not surprized that Fleury .made this mistake. I fell into it
myself, in the hurry of writing some year's ago ; (Introduction, by
Irenaeus, to the Protestant Apology for the Roman Catholic
Church, p. cxliv. Dublin, 1809.) but at that time I had no idea
of undertaking this work, or of being obliged to dip deep into the
ecclesiastical history of Ireland.
(178) Wilfrid here assumes grounds, which he had no claim to.
Where did he find it ordered in the Scriptures to prefer the
Alexandrian cycle of 19 years, then followed by the Romans, to
that of 84 years used by the Irish, and for a long time by the
Romans themselves, or to that of 532 years, which also had pre
vailed at Rome ? Or where have the Scriptures determined on
what day of the first moon Easter should be celebrated, or even
that it should be celebrated _ at anytime? But, it maybe said,
Wilfrid's meaning was, that the Alexandrian, or new Roman,
rules were more conformable to the account given of the time of
our Saviour's resurrection inasmuch as it took place after the
14th day. If the paschal day were to be determined by what we
read in the Gospel, it would follow that Easter could never be
celebrated earlier than on the 16th day, as had been the practice
at Rome ; (see Chap, xv.) whereas, the Friday of the passion
having been the 14th, the Sunday, of the resurrection was the
16th. Now Wilfrid maintains that the 15th was the first regular
day for the solemnity of Easter, (see Bede L. 3. c. 25.) and in
sists upon it as if it were a rule of faith ; and another great
stickler for the Alexandrian method, Ceolfrid (or rather Bede,
who seems to have been the chief author of Ceolfrid's letter) in
veighs against those, who waited for the 16th (See Not. 27. to
Chap, xv.) Yet the fact is, that, were Easter day to be fixed
according to the Gospel history, the 16th should have been
waited for ; and thus Wilfrid and his adherents, initead of follow
ing the Scriptures as they supposed, were acting against them
as much as the Irish, who thought that Easter might be celebrated
on the 14th. But it was never made a general rule of the Church
to make Easter day correspond exactly with all the circumstances
of the time of the Resurrection ; and accordingly it was not

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 67
thought necessary to attend to the whole interval, that elapsed
between it and the Passion.
Wilfrid speaks also of decrees of the universal church in
favour of his system. Where did he find them ? There were
such decrees against the Quartadecimans, and ordering that
Easter should be always celebrated on a Sunday. The Irish
observed these decrees, and were far from being Quartadecimans.
But there was-no decree enjoining the whole church to adopt the
Alexandrian cycle and rules. Those of the general councils of
Nice and the first of Constantinople contained no such order ;
and, if they had, the Roman church itself would have been long
guilty of disobedience, whereas it opposed said cycle until about
the middle of the sixth century. When the clergy of Rome in
their letter .to Thomian, &c. (see Chap. xv. §. 11.) speaks of a
heresy concerning the Pasch as reviving in Ireland, it is plain that
they misunderstood the question, imagining that some of the Irish
followed the condemned system of the Quartadecimans. The prac
tice indeed was, in Wilfrid's time, very general against Colman's
party, which had been already diminished by the secession of
the Southern half of Ireland. But practices, however extensive,
are not alone sufficient for constituting an article of faith. (See
Veron,. Regula fidei Catholicae, §. 4. No. 4.) Even at that
time the whole of the Alexandrian "method was not adhered
to in some parts of the continent, (See Not. 27. to Chap* xv.)
Colman and his associates were certainly very blameable
for persisting in a practice so contrary to that of the far greatest
part of Christendom, and; in itself, of so indifferent a nature.
Their only apology is the extreme veneration entertained by
them for the memory of Columbkill. On the other hand it is sur
prising, that such men as Wilfrid and Bede could have considered
this, question as one of doctrine, of faith, of vital importance. It
was a dispute of mere astronomical calculation, similar to that be
tween the abettors of the Gregorian or new style and those of the
old one. Neither faith nor morals were in any wise connected with
it. As long as the old style continued to be followed in these
kingdoms, our Catholics used, with the Pope's consent and per
mission, to celebrate Easter and the other festivals of the year at
times different from those, in which they were observed at Rome
and elsewhere. Would this have been allowed, were the fixing of
F 2

68 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
of Easter time, &c. considered as appertaining to faith ? So far
from an adhesion to the Irish cycle and rules having been supposed
at Rome to be indicative of heresy or schism, some of its greatest
supporters, after- the disputes concerning it had begun, ex. c.
Columban of Luxeu, and, even after admonitions from Rome had
been received against it, ex. c. Aidan of Lindisfarne, are held
there as saints ; and the two great men now mentioned are par
ticularly named in the Roman martyrology.
(179) The island meant by Wilfrid seems to be Hy, as that in
which Columba and his successors, the fathers referred to by Col
man, had lived.
(180) Bede, L.3.C. 25.
'§. xvi. It had been intended to treat in this
conference concerning also the mighty question re
lative to the clerical and monastic tonsure ; but the
king's declaration, which implied that he would
follow the Roman practices in all points, prevented
the necessity of discussing it. Yet there existed
great disputes about it j (181) and Wilfrid's party
looked upon it as a matter of primary importance.
The Romans themselves thought little about it ;
and I do not find that in any of the admonitions
from Rome, or of the complaints of the missionaries,
the tonsure is at all mentioned. But their ultra-or
thodox English converts made vast noise about it,
thinking that nothing was good or could be tolerated
except what was practised at Rome. This is not
the place to enter largely into the origin and varie
ties of the ecclesiastical tonsure. ( 1 82) The difference
between the Roman one, aS used since the times of
Gregory the great, and that of the Irish, consisted
in this, that the Romans shaved or clipped very
close the crown of the head, leaving a circle of hair
all around, (183) while the . Irish shaved or clipped
only the fore part of the head as far as both ears,
allowing the hair to grow at the back between them.
The English advocates for the Roman tonsure
maintained, that it was practised by St. Peter, and

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 69
gravely asserted that the Irish one was that of
Simon magus. Where they met with this notable
discovery, I am not able to tell ; yet this was the
terrible ground, upon which it was reprobated ;
(184) for as to various modes of the tonsure, they
were allowed to be, in general, harmless things.
(185) But the fact is, that neither St. Peter nor
Simon magus had any tonsure either circular or se
micircular ; and the Irish and the Roman ones
were equally innocent and blameless. The English
disputants constantly supposed, that every ecclesias
tical practice observed at Rome in their times, had
been established by St. Peter. How or at what
particular time the Roman tonsure originated, no
account remains ; but the Irish seem to have re
ceived theirs from St. Patrick (186) who had seen
it observed by some monks of the continent. (187)
And hence it is easy to understand, why they were
so strongly attached to it. Yet it yielded at last,
although not as early as the period we are now
treating of, to the Roman fashion ; and its dissolu
tion proceeded, hand in hand, together with that of
the Irish paschal system. For, as soon as any party
of the Irish or their adherents adopted the Roman
cycle and rules, they received at the same time the
Roman tonsure, as had been done by the Southern
Irish since about the year 633.
(181) Bede says; (ib. c 26.) "Nam et de hoc (the tonsure)
quaestio non minima erat."
(182) Smith, on occasion of treating of the tonsural dispute
(Append, to Bede, No. 9.) has an excellent dissertation on the ton
sure in general. The reader may consult also Henry, Institut. au
Droit Eccles. Part. 1. ch.5. and Bingham, Origines, &c. B. vii.
ch. 3. sect. 6. It is now universally admitted, that until some time
in the fifth century there was no tonsure peculiar to the clergy, and
that it meant nothing more than the clipping of the hair so as to
wear it short, a practice followed by all Christians both lay and
clerical. As the term corona was, after the introduction of the

70 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
tonsure now understood, applied to it on account of its round form',
some writers, for instance Bellarmine ( Tom. 2. L. 2. De Monachis,
cap. 40.) have argued, that it was meant by the corona sacerdotalis,
which is often mentioned by the ancients. St. Jerome writing to
St. Augustin says ; " Fratres tuos dominum meum Alypiiim, et
dominum meum Evodium, ut meo nomine salutes, precor coronam
tuam." But this corona was usually relative only to bishops, and
it became a technical phrase to address them by coronam tuam,
or vestram, as we would say, your honour. (See Bingham, B. 2.
ch. 9. sect. 4.) Of the numberless passages, in which it occurs,
there is not one that indicates an allusion to the tonsure. This
phrase is constantly used as meaning dignity or honour, and seems
to have been introduced to mark the power of bishops, in the same
manner as the royal crown does that of kings. Thus Alypius in
a letter to Paulinus : " Ad venerandum socium coronae tuae patrem
nostrum Aurelium ita scripsimus.'' Paulinus and Aurelius were
both bishops ; and what can socium coronae tuae signify except a
partnership in episcopal authority ? Its being used in Holy writ as
expressive of glory, or of whatever causes respectability, authorized
the application of it to bishops. We read in Proverbs, xvii. 6.
Corona senum ftliijiliorum ; and St. Paul writing to the Philip-
pians'calls them (iv. 1.) his crown, inasmuch as their good conduct
added dignity to his character. That St. Jerome did not mean by
corona the ecclesiastical tonsure is evident from the well known
passage of- his Commentary on Ezechiel xliv. 20. where he says,
that " we ought neitler to have our heads shaved as is done by the
priests and worshippers of Isis and Serapis, nor on the other hand
to wear our hair long, a fashion peculiar to luxurious persons, bar
barians, and soldiers ; but the priest?s face should indicate a decent
demeanour, without making the head bald with a razor or clipping
the hair so close as to make it appear as if shaveh, allowing our hair
to grow so as to cover the skin." This mode, recommended by St.
Jerome, was indeed a sort of tonsure ; but it was not peculiar to
the clergy. That, which afterwards became a distinctive mark of
the clerical order, originated, in all appearance, with some monks,
chiefly of the East, who, in sign of repentance and affliction, had
their heads shaved, either entirely or in part. The Greek monks
used to shave the whole head, or> at least, to clip all , the hair
quite close to the skin. Julian the apostate, when pretending in

CHAP. XVII. OF IRELAND. 7*
the reign of Constantius to be a real monk, had his hair clipped
in this manner. Others had their heads only half shaved or shorn,
that is, froni the forehead to the back of the head. St. Paulinus
of Nola says (Ep. 7.) of the monks of his time, that they were
" casta informitate capillum ad cutem caesi, et inaequaliter semi-
tonsi, et destitiitafronte praerasi." Hence it appears that, at least
in the Western church, there was no determined or prescribed
form of the monastic tonsure, then the only one, about the be
ginning of the fifth century. From the monks the tonsure, whe
ther of one sort or another, gradually passed to the secular clergy,
partly through the circumstance of monks having been raised to
high stations in the church, yet still retaining their practices,
some of which were imitated by their subordinate clergy ; and
partly owing to the monasteries having become seminaries for the
education of persons intended for holy orders, and who, while re
siding in them, used to observe their regulations.
(183) This tonsure is still practised by some rehgious orders,
and is much larger than that usually observed by the secular clergy
in Catholic countries. The surrounding circle of hair is that,
which was, strictly speaking, called the corona, and was, when
mystical interpretrations were introduced, supposed by some to re
present the crown of thorns placed on the sacred head of our Sa
viour. Others have exhibited it as an emblem of the royalty of
the Chris :ian priesthood.
(184) In Ceolfrid's letter we read; " Tonsuram earn, quam
Magum ferunt habuisse Simonem, quis, rogo, fidelium non statim
cum ipsa magia primo detestetur et merito exsufflet ?" Aldhelm
and others allege the same tremendous charge. (See Usher, p.
924.) Ceolfrid adds- another lamentation on the Irish tonsure not
exhibiting a perfect corona, being defective at the back of the
head. An unknown wiseacre advanced, that the author of the
Irish tonsure was a swine herd of king Leogaire, pretending that
St. Patrick had said so. (Usher, ib.) Bravo !
(185) In the same letter it is said, that " tonsurae discrimen
non noceat quibus pura in Deum fides et charitas in proximum
sincera est ; maxime cum nunquam Patribus catholicis, sicut de
Paschae vel fidei diversitate conflictus, ita etiam de tonsurae dif
ferentia legatur aliqua fuisse controversial Ceolfrid and his as
sistant Bede knew that the Greek tonsure differed from the Ro-

72 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVII.
man, as exemplified in the case of Theodore, afterwards archbishop
of Canterbury, by Bede himself (L. 4. c. 1) ; for Theodore, while
a monk, had his whole head shaved and wanted the corona.
Bede says that this was the tonsure of St. Paul. I wish he had
told us whence he derived this piece of information.
(186) In the catalogue of Irish saints (ap. Usher, p. 913.) it
is said that the first class, which began with St. Patrick, had one
only tonsure, from ear to ear, ab aure usque ad auremf viz.
which went over the fore part of the head. The second class also
observed it and no other ; but the members of the third class had
not a uniform practice, some of them having the corona, (as the
Romans had) and others the caesaries, that is, their hair- growing
at the back of the head over the neck. We find in the sixth
canon of the synod called, of St. Patrick, Auxilius, and Iserninus,
(see Chap. vii. § . 3.) a clause ordering that all clergymen should
be tonsured in the Roman manner. Admitting that the remain
der of said canon was drawn up in that synod, this part of it is
evidently an interpolation thrust in by some stickler for the Roman
tonsure. It is easy to see, that there was a contest about the
form of the tonsure at the time it was written. Now in St. Pa
trick's days no such contest existed in any part of the world ; and
it is more than probable, that during the pontificate of Celestin
I. when our Apostle was at Rome, the tonsure, called the Ro
man, was not used there. ( See Fleury, Instit. au Droit, fyc. Part
1. ch. 5.) It is strange that Usher allowed himself to be led astray
by that spurious clause so as to lay down, (p. 924.) that the ton ¦
sure first introduced by St. .Patrick was really the one known by
the name Roman. Had it been prescribed by him, the Irish
would not have dared to substitute another in place of it.
( 1 87) It is a mistake to suppose, that the semicircular tonsure
was peculiar to the Irish and Britons. St. Paulinus, "who was a
native of Gaul and died in 431, the year next before St. Patrick's
arrival in Ireland, speaking of some monks whom he knew, de
scribes their tonsure just as we might that of the Irish. He says
that they were half tonsured, and the fore parts of their heads
shaved; semitonsi et destiluta fronte praerasi. (See above Not.
182.)

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 73

CHAPTER XVIII.
Colman not agreeing with the decision qf the Synod
respecting Easter, resigned the See of Lindis
farne — is succeeded by Tuda — Eata appointed
bishop of Lindisfarne — Colman took with him to
Ireland some of the bones qf St. Aedan, and left
the rest at Lindisfarne — Venerable Bede's testi
mony in favour qf Colman and his predecessors at
Lindisfarne — Several of the nobles and others qf
the English at this time resorted to Ireland for
education — Colman, on leaving Lindisfarne, took
with him all the Irish, and about 30 of the Eng
lish monks of that establishment — goes to the
island of Inisbqfinde, now Innisbqffin — erects a
monastery there— founds a Monastery at Maigh-eo
or Mayo for the English monks, and leaves the
Irish in the island — resides in Inisbqfinde himself
until his death in the year 676 — Diermit and
Blathmac, joint monarchs of Ireland, die of the
pestilence in 665, and are succeeded by Seachna-
sach, who being killed in 671 is succeeded by
Kennfoelius-r-Kennfpelius killed by his successor
Finnacta, who after a reign of 20 years, was
killed at the battle of Grelachdolla in 695 — St.Mo-
lagga founds a monastery and school at Tulach-
min — dies there — St. Finan the Leper — governs a
_ monastery at Swards — is the reputed founder qf
those oflnisfallen and Ard-Finan — St. Cudberet
or Cuthbert, said to be an Irishman- — Egfrid,
king of Northumberland, sends an expedition into
Ireland — 'they land on the East coast between
Dublin and Drogheda — destroy churches and mo
nasteries, and carry away many captives — this in
justice done by Egfrid, in revenge for the shelter
given to his brother Alfrid by the Irish — Alfrid
succeeds Egfrid in the kingdom vf Northumber
land, and is called on by Adamnan abbot qfHy

74 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
to restore the captives and property carried off
from Ireland by Egfrid' s pirates— Failbe, abbot
of Hy — Adamnan again visits Alfrid — Another
Adamnan, a priest— Mailduff qr Maildidf an
Irishman, an eminent teacher at Malmesbury, the
first name of which was Ingeborn — A monastery
founded here by Mailduf from which the place was
called Maildufsbur-g, since changed into Malms-
bury — Dagobert, son qf-Sigebert king qf Aus-
trasia, educated in Ireland — after his return to
Austrasia patronizes several Irishmen, amongst
which were SS. Arbogast and Florentius—Theo-
datus or Deodatus — Hildulph or Bidulf—Eber-
hard or Erard — and Albert — all natives qf Ire
land, accompanied Floreniius to the Continent,
and became famous there — St. Wiro qf Rure-
mond an Irishman— St. Dysibod accompanied by
several persons leave Ireland, and go into Ger
many — Sidonius (Sedna J an. Irishman went to
• Rome with, St., Audeon or Owen, archbishop qf
Rouen — St. Kilian Apostle of Franconia — as
sisted in his labours by Coloman and Totnan who
[accompanied him from Ireland — St. Cataldus or
Gathaldus, a native of Ireland — Donatus, a bro
ther qfSt. Cataldus, reckoned among the bishops
pf Lupiae or Aletium, now Lecce — Maldogar
• bishop of Ferns dies, and is succeeded by Dirath
—Sti Coman and other Irish saints — St. Cera or
Chier and five other virgins apply to St. Fintan
- Munnufor a situation to establish a nunnery —
Tech-telle-^-Killchore or Kilcrea a few miles from
Cork-^-St.Ossan — revered at Rath-ossain, near
• the West gate qfTfim — St. Becan of Clonard —
Segen archbishop qf Armagh dies, and is suc
ceeded by Flan Febhlor—~St. Moling, otherwise
called Dayrchell, bishop qf Ferris succeeded by the
bishop and abbot Killen — St. Egbert and several
ecclesiastics who had beeti educated in Ireland,
. undertook missions to the Continent — Willibrord,

CHAP. XVIII.

OF IRELAND. 7v>

or Vilbrord, and Suidbert with several others
sent from Ireland to preach the Gospel in Fries-
land— Adamnan, abbot of Hy — Synod of Flan
Febhlan and Adamnan — Canons qf Adamnan —
St. Aidus or Aedh bishop of Sletty — Colga abbot
of husk— St. Killen abbot of Saigir—St. Mos-
acra, founder and abbot of Tegh-s'acra, since
called Tassagard, and now Saggard->-and St.
Machonna, all attended the synod qf Flan
Febhla.

SECT. I.

COLMAN, although silenced by the king's logic
and its approval by the assembly, did not renounce
his Irish practices, but resigned the see of Lindis
farne, alias York, in the same year 664, which was
the thirtieth from the commencement of the episco
pacy of the Irish in the Northumbrian kingdom,
Aedan having governed that see for seventeen years,
Finian ten, and Colman three, (l) He was suc
ceeded by Tuda, who had studied in the southern half
of Ireland, and had been ordained bishop there. In
consequence of his having lived in that part of Ire
land, Tuda observed the Roman practices as to' the
tonsure (2) and the Paschal computation^ He had
come from Ireland during the administration of Col
man, whom he assisted in his pious labours. After
his appointment he lived but a very short time, hav
ing been carried off by the great pestilence ; and after
his death the see was re-established at York. (3)
Yet Lindisfarne was not quite abandoned ; for, al
though none of the Irish monks chose to remain
there, some of the English ones did, over whom was
placed an abbot Eata, a disciple of Aedan, who, it
is said, had been recommended for that purpose by
Colman to the king Oswin, who was very fond of
Colman. Eata was, some years after, appointed
bishop of Lindisfarne, which thenceforth Continued

76 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
to be an episcopal see in itself. Colman on leaving
that place, and setting out for his home in Ireland,
(4) took with him a part of the bones of St. Aedan,
and left the remainder in the church of Lindisfarne.
" How disinterested," continues Bede, " and strict
" in their conduct he and his predecessors were, the
" very place, which they governed, testified. On
" his departure very few buildings were found there
" except the church, and not more than were abso-
" lutely necessary for civilized life. They had no
"money, possessing only some cattle. (.5) If they
" received any money from the rich, they immedi-
" ately gave it to the poor. For there was no ne-
" cessity of collecting money, or of providing habi-.
" tations, for the reception of the great of this world,
<c who never came to ftieir church, except for the
" purpose of prayer and hearing the word of God. ,
" The king himself used, when occasion required, to
*' come with only five or six attendants, and to de-
" part as soon as he had finished his prayers in the
" church. And if it should happen that they took
" some refreshment, it was merely that of the simple
" and daily fare of the brethren, with which they
" were content, requiring nothing more. For the
" entire solicitude of those teachers was to serve
" God, not the world ; to cultivate the heart, not the
" belly. Consequently the religious habit was at
" that time in great veneration, so that, to whatso-
" ever place a clergyman or monk might come, he
" was joyfully received by all as a servant of God ;
" and should he be observed travelling on a journey,
" the people used to run up to him and bending their
" necks received his blessing with gladness, and dU
" ligently listened to his exhortations. On Sundays
" they flocked with eagerness to the church, or the
" monasteries, for the sake, not of refreshing their
" bodies, t>o't' of hearing the word of God ; and if
" any of the priests should arrive in a village, the in-
" habitants immediately assembling, took care to ask

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 77
" them for the word of life. For the priests them-
" selves, and the clergy in general, had no other
" view in going to the villages than to preach, bap-
" tize, visit the sick, and, in short, the care of souls.
" And so little were they infected with the plague
" of avarice, that they would not, unless compelled
" by powerful personages, accept of lands or pos-
" sessions for constructing monasteries. This sys-
" tem was in all its parts observed for some time
" after in the churches of the Northumbrians." (6)
During the time that Finian and Colman pre
sided over this vast Northumbrian diocese, many no
bles and others of the English nation were living in
Ireland, whither they had repaired either to cultivate
the sacred studies, or to lead a life of greater strict
ness. Some of them soon became monks ; others
were better pleased to apply to reading and study,
going about from school to school through the cells
of the masters ; and all of them were most cheerfully
received by the Irish, who supplied them gratis with
good books, and instruction. (7)
(1) Bede, L. 3. c. 26. It is remarked by Simeon of Durham
that the pontificate of the Northumbrian province, comprizing
York, was held for 30 years by the bishop of Lindisfarne. Be
sides Aedan, &c. he mentions Tuda. See Not. 107 to Chap.
xv.) (2) Bede (ib.) writes of Tuda ; " Habens juxta morem pro-
vinciae illius coronam tonsurae ecclesiasticae, et Catholicam tem-
poris paschalis regulam observans." Fleury, having misunderstood
this passage, exhibits (L. 39. §. 37.) Tuda as tonsured like the
Irish, but yet observing the Roman rules for Easter. This was
not the meaning of Bede, whose words, juxta morem provinciae
illius, are relative not only to the tonsure but likewise to the pas
chal computation. By the custom of that province he alluded to
the difference, that existed between the practices of the Southern
Jrish, whom he calls Scottos Austrinos, and those of the Northern,
who still adhered to the old Irish modes, which the former had
many years before renounced. And what renders his meaning

78 AN ECCLESIASTltiAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
quite clear is his saying, that Tuda had the .corona, coronam ton
surae eoclesiasticae. For corona was the exclusive name of , the
Roman tonsure, whereas in the semicircular form, such as prac
tised' by the northern Irish:,' there was no corona. (Compare with
.ZVbtey 183-184 to Chap* xvri.) Wharton adds (Anglia. Sacra
Tom.l,p. 693) to Bede's Scottos Austrinos the words, seu pictoi.
This is a Very unlearned addition. Bede never confoundedi the
Picts with the Scots, Besides, does not Bede expressly state,
that Tuda had come from Ireland? The Scots, among whom
he had 'studied', followed the Roman practices ; but all the Bri
tish:. Scots of those times adhered to the Irish ones.
(&) The king OSwin placed on the see of York, in preference
to Wilfrid, Ceadda, a brother of bishop Cedd; and a disciple of
Aedan of Lindisfarne as likewise an imitator of his virtues and
pastoral zeal. Oswin still retained a great partiality for the Irish
and' their disciples. (See Bede, L. 3. c. 28. Eddis' Life of Wil
frid, and Fleury, L. 39. §. 37.)
(4)- See Ato:i64. to Chap. xvii.
(5) Bede?s words are ; " Nil'pecuniarum absque pecoribus habe-
baht." ¦ They are translated by Fleury (ib.) as if those holy men
had neither money nor cattle. But the particle absque conveys,
I think, the meaning, which I have given. It is difficult to sup
pose, that they had not, at least, some cows and sheep, were it
merely for being supplied with milk, which was much used by the
Irish monks, and wool, of which they made their garments.
(6) Bede, L. 3. c. 26. This interesting account may be con
sidered as descriptive of the practices and rules of the Irish monks
and clergy in general, and henee we may judge what little
credit is due to the stories of some hagiologists, who talk of great
estates granted to our monasteries and churehes in those and
even earlier times.
(7) Bede having observed that the great pestilence raged also
through Ireland, Hiberniant quoque insulam, adds; (L. 3. c. 27 J
" Erant ibidem eo tempore multi nobiliura simul et mediocrium de
gente Angforam, qui tempore Finani et Colmami episcoporuni,
relicta insula patria, Vel divinae lectionis, vel continentioris vitae
gratia illo secesSerattt. Et quidam quidem mox se monasticae
conversation! fideliter mandpavsttint, alii magis, circumeundo per
cellas magistrorum, leetioni operam dare gaudebant ; quos omnes

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 79
Scotti libentissime suscipientes victum eis quotidianum sine pretio,
libros quoque ad legendum, et magisterium gratuitum praebere
curabant." § . ii. Colman departing from Lindisfarne took
along with him all the Irish and about thirty of the
English monks belonging to that establishment. On
his way towards Ireland he went first to Hy, where
he seems to have remained but for a short time.
Thence he proceeded to the small island called Inis-
bofinde, (8) now Innisbbffin, in the ocean, off the
barony of Morisk and county of Mayo. Here
Colman erected a monastery, (9) in which he placed
the monks, both Irish and English, who had followed
him from Lindisfarne. Some time after, a disagree
ment having occurred between the parties, (10)
Colman thought it adviseable to separate the mem
bers of the respective nations, and, having found a
spot fit for the establishment of a monastery at
Magh-eo,now Mayo, purchased it from a nobleman its
owner, with a condition annexed that the monks to
be placed there should pray for him. The monastery
being, with the assistance of said nobleman and the
neighbouring inhabitants, soon completed, Colman
removed the English monks to it, (11) leaving the
Irish in the island. " This monastery," adds Bede,
" is still possessed by English residents. For it is
" that, which having become a large one is usually
" called Muigh-eo (12) and, better regulations having
" been received there, contains a distinguished con-
" gregation of monks, who, being collected from
" England, live by their own labour in great strict-
" ness and purity under a canonical rule and abbot."
(18) Of Colman's further proceedings! find no ac
count except that he seems to have resided chiefly in
Inisbofinde (14) until his death, which occurred on
the 8th of August (15) in the year 676. (16)
(8) Inisbqfinde means, as Bede has rightly observed, (L. 4. c.

80 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
4) the island qf the white cow. This Inisbofinde must not be
confounded with an island of the same name in Lough-ree (that
of St. Rioch,) as has been done by Smith, (Not. ad foe.) who fol
lowed one passage of Usher, without taking notice of another,
in which he corrected himself. (See Not. 176 to Chap, vin.)
• (9) According to Usher (Ind. Chron.) this monastery would
have been founded 664. Yet the Annals of Ulster, quoted by
himself (p. 964. ) assign the sailing of Colman to Inisbofinde,
and his founding a church there, to 667, arid are followed by
Colgan, (AA. SS. p. 423.) If this date be true, we must sup
pose, that Colman remained much longer at Hy, than Bede seems
to indicate, or than Usher supposed. For, according to Bede,
(L. 3. c. 27.) the year 664 was that, in which Colman left
Lindisfarne, and it cannot be believed, that he was mistaken on
this point. Either then the Ulster annals are wrong, or it must be
allowed that Colman and his companions tarried about three
years in' Hy, waiting perhaps until the great pestilence should
totally subside. Archdall, following Colgan, places the founda
tion of Inisbofinde, or, as he calls it, Bophin island, in 667-
(10) Bede states that the Irish, whom, as usual, he calls Scotti,
went in summer and harvest time from the monastery to various
places, which they were acquainted with, per nota sibi loca, and
that on returning in winter they wished to partake in common of
the articles which the English had prepared during their absence.
This was thought unfair and gave rise to the disagreemerjt. It is
plain that the places visited by the Irish monks were in Ireland,
and, we may suppose, chiefly their native ones as1 being well
known to them. It may also be justly conjectured, that they were
principally in Connaught, the province nearest to Inisbofinde. Will
it be now pretended, that the Scotti of Lindisfarne were British
or Albanian Scots ?
(11) Usher, adhering to his supposition, which is indeed very
probable, of Colman having returned to Ireland soon after his de
parture from Lindisfarne, assigns (Ind. Chron.) the foundation of
the monastery of Mayo to A. 665, and is followed by Ware
(Antiq. cap. 26. at Mayo.) Yet it might have been at least a year
later ; for it took place after the winter, in which the dissension
occurred, and after the monks had spent at least one summer in
Inisbofinde. It is hard to think that they coujd have been well

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 81
settled there in that of 664, and it seems more probable that the
winter next prior to the establishment at Mayo was that of 665,
coming 666. Archdall also has (at Mayo ) followed Usher as to
A. 665, a very awkward computation on his part, whereas he
places the foundation of Inisbofinde in 667. (See Not. 9.) Did
he not know, that this establishment was prior to that of
Mayo? (12) In the old editions of Bede we find, instead of Muigh-eo,
Invigeo which Usher has, p. 964. But he observes, (Ind. Chron.
A. 665) that the true reading is Muigeo ; and so it appears in
Smith's edition. It is evident, that Invigeo was an erratum of a
transcriber, who mistook M for Ih ; and Archdall had no right
to say, that Mayo was sometimes called Invigeo.
(13) Bede X.-4. c. 4- By saying, that the English monks of
Mayo had adopted better regulations than they had at first ;
conversis jamdudum ad meliora instituta omnibus ; he alluded
to their having received the Roman cycle, &c. which, as will ap
pear from what will be seen hereafter, they did as early, at least, as
the year 716. Colgan pretends, (A A. SS. p. 605.) that this mo
nastery was of the Benedictine order, and asserts, I am forced to
say,- most ignorantly, that even Colman belonged to this order,
and that the monks of Hy had already received its rule from
ages. He confounds subsequent ages, in which Hy adopted Be
nedictine regulations, with much older ones'. How he could have
imagined that Colman was a Benedictine may appear unaccount
able ; but' he found that Trithemius, Yepes, and some other Be
nedictine writers had said so, and had made all the Columbians
Benedietines. This was enough for honest Colgan, who be
lieved almost "every thing that he met with in books, without
earing whether what he found in one were, or not, in opposition
to what he read in others. The fact is that, wherever the Irish
system, maintained by Colman, prevailed, there were no Bene
dictines ; and Wilfrid -was, as he boasted of it, the first that intro
duced the Benedictine rule into the Northumbrian kingdom after
the departure of the Irish (See Not. 237 to Chap, xn.) If Col
man had been ^Benedictine, would he have opposed the Roman
practices as to Easter, &c. which were strictly adhered to by that
¦prder not only in Italy, where it originated, but in England and
VOL. III. G

82 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
every where else ? Or would the English monks, who followed
him to Ireland, have done so, had they been Benedictines?
Poor Archdall, in obedience to Colgan, has (at Mayo) followed
these strange mistakes.
Usher observes, (p. 964.) from the book of Ballymote, that
in Adamnan's time, about the latter end of the seventh century,
there were 100 Saxon (English) saints at Mayo. From the
English establishment in that place it has been called Maigh-eo na
Sasson, i. e. Mayo of the English. It became in course of time
a very respectable town and the see of a bishop, but is now re
duced to a petty village, situated a few miles to the S. E. of
Castlebar, in the county to which it gives its name.
(14) In the Ulster annals (ap. Usher, p. 964) he is called bi
shop of the Island of the White cow, that is, Inisbofinde, where
also the 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 383.) place him as bishop.
(15) 4 Masters, ib,
(16) Usher, Ind. Chron. from the Ulster annals, which have
675 (676). The 4 Masters (ib.) assign it to 674 (675). Arch
dall in his blundering account of the monastery of Mayo
speaks of Colman, as if he lived until 697. He confounded the
year of Colman's death with that, in which Usher, and after him
Colgan, supposed, erroneously indeed as will be seen hereafter,
that St. Gerald of Mayo died.
§ . iii. Among the distinguished persons, that died
of the great pestilence in 665, were the joint kings
of all Ireland, Diermit IL and Blathmac (17)
They were succeeded by a son of the latter, Seach-
nasach who, having reigned six years, vvas killed in
671. After him bis brother Kennfoelius or Kenn-
foelaid was raised to the throne, which he held only
four years, having fallen in battle, A. D. 675, fighting
against Finhacta his paternal first cousin, and son of
Donchad. Finnacta succeeded him, and reigned 20
years uritil he was killed in the battle of Greallach-
dolla in 695. (18)
One of the Irish saints, who survived that mor
tality, was St. Molaga. ( 1 9) He was born in the
territory of Feramugia, a part of the now county of

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 83
Cork, (20) of poor but pious parents, and is said to
have been baptized, when an infant, by St. Cummin
Fada. (21 ) Molaga received his education in his
own country and, having distinguished himself by
his piety and learning, established a monastery and
school at a place there called Titlach min. (22) He
is said to have afterwards visited other parts of Ire
land, particularly Connor in Ulster, and even to
have passed over to North Britain, and thence pro
ceeded to Wales, where he spent some time with St.
David. But this visit to St. David is quite incon
sistent with the rest of his history, and with the
respective times, in which they lived. (23) Molaga
seems to have had some establishment in the district
near Dublin, now. called Fingall. (24) At length
he returned to Tulach-min, where he died on a20th
of January in some year subsequent to the time of
the great pestilence and consequently later than 665.
His festival used to be celebrated on the anniversary
of that clay at Tulach-min, and at a place called
Lann beachaire in Fingall, (25) He must not be
confounded with other saints of the name of Molaga
or Molocus. Whether he was the Molagga, from
whom Timoleague (Teach-molaga) in co. Cork got
its name I cannot determine, as I do not find that he
evfer lived in that place. St. Finan, surnamed Lob-
har, or the Leper, from his having been afflicted for
thirty years of his life with some cutaneous dis
temper, flourished in these times. (26) He was a
native of Heli, (Ely O'Carrol) then a part of Mun
ster, and of an illustrious family. It has been
strangely said that he was a disciple of Columbkill,
and placed by him over the monastery of Swords. (27)
But Finan was not, in all probability, born until after
Columbkill's death, and his having been mistaken
for a disciple of this saint was caused perhaps by his
having been, as may be conjectured, a monk of the
Columbian order. He certainly governed a monas
tery at Swords, which he was, most probably, thn
g 2

84 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
founder of. (28) Two other monasteries are con
stantly attributed to him, viz. the celebrated one of
Inisfaithlen or Innisfallen (29) in the lake of Kil-
larney, and that of Ardfinan, the high place of Finan,
in the county of Tipperary. (30) Finan spent some
part of his life, apparently as abbot, in the monas
tery of Clonmpre, which had been founded by St.
Maidoc of Ferns. (31) But the house of Swords
was that, in which he seems to have chiefly resided,
(32) and where it is probable that he died. (33)
Yet, if it be true that he was buried at Clonmore, as
one account states, (34) it must be allowed that this
was the place of his death. Be this as it may, St.
Finan died during the reign of Finnacta, monarch
of Ireland, and accordingly some time between
675 and 695. (35) The day of his death was very
probably a first or second of February, (36) although
in every martyrology, both Irish and foreign, in
which he is mentioned, his name is affixed to the 16th
of March. (37)
(17) See Chap. xiv. §.1.
(18) Ware, Antiq. cap. 4. and OTlaherty, Ogyg. Part 3. cap.
93. ' The English translator of Ware has made Finnacta a nephew
of Aidus or Hugh Slani. But he was his grandson ; for his fa
ther Donchad was brother to Diermit JI- and Blathmac, and con
sequently son to Aidus Slani. The translator, instead of render
ing the nepos of Ware's original by grandson, mistook it for ne
phew. (19) Life of St. Molaga, cap. 22. Colgan translated this Life
from Irish into Latin, and published it at 20 January. He la
ments that in several parts it is imperfect.
(20) Feramugia is called at present Roche's and Condon's
country. The name is still retained in that of the town of Fer-
moy. ; ,
(21) Life, cap. 7- Concerning Cummin Fada see Chap, xv,
§. 8.
(22) I cannot find in the country about Fermoy any place now,
called by this name. In Molaga's Life some other places, which

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 85
I cannot discover, are mentioned as having been in those parts,
ex. c. Liathmuine, which is represented as a famous town.
(23) St. David did not live later than A. D. 593. (See Chap.
ix. §. 9.) How then could Molaga, who was alive after 665,
have been the abbot of a monastery before David's death ? And,
what comes still nearer to the point, we are told that Molaga vvas
baptized by Cummin Fada, who was not born until 592. (Chap.
xv. §. 8.) How can this agree with Molaga's being acquainted
with St. David?
(24) It is said in the Life, (cap. 17.) that Molaga placed a
swarm of bees at a town in Fingall, and that said town was thence
called Lann-beachaire. Lann or Llan means in Welsh what. Kill
does in Irish : and beach is the Irish name for a bee ; so that Lann-
beachaire is the same as Bees-church or Bees-cell. It is added that
these bees were derived from those, which St. Modomnoc had
brought from Wales to Ireland. (See Chap. xiv. §. 5.) Whatever
we may think of this story, the memory of St. Molagga was cer
tainly revered at Lann-beachaire in Fingall, as appears not only
from his Life, but likewise from the Calendar of Cashel at 20
January. How that place is now called I cannot discover.
(25) Life, cap. 22. (Compare with Not. prec.)
(26) Colgan has endeavoured to put together the Acts of St
Finan at 16 March. They are very scanty and uncircumstantial.
The Bollandists at said day have published a short tract, called a
Life of Finan, which they got from Fitzsimon. It was written by
some Englishman after the settlement of the English in Ireland,
and is, though praised by the Bollandists, a wretched little com
pilation crammed with fables. It has the story about Finan hav
ing been placed at Swords by Columbkill.
(27) See Not. 109. to Chap. xi.
(28) See ib. for Archdall's bungled account of this monastery.
Ware makes no mention of it ; but Harris has followed the un
proved opinion of its having been founded by Columbkill.
(29) Ware, having been' led astray by the story of Finan's dis-
cipleship under Columbkill, assigns the foundation of Innisfallen
to the sixth century, as does also Harris. Archdall, treating of
this monastery, has some blunders as usual. He makes Finan a
son of Alild king of Munster, and disciple of St. Brendan, for
which he refers to Colgan. Now Colgan, following several old

86 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
writers, constantly calls Finan the son of Conall, who wiasa.de-.
scendant of the famous Alild Olum, a king that lived some hun
dreds of years before Finan 'was born. As to his having been a
disciple of Brendan, Colgan has not a word about it. It is men
tioned also in the meagre account of Finan in Butler's Lives of
Saints, following the Bollandist Life, in which one Brendan is
said to have taught Finan. Archdall adds, that Dichull, son of
Nessan, was abbot of Innisfallen in 640. : On this point he is not
quite so much to blame, except that -he had not even Colgan's
authority, for marking any precise year. Colgan happenig (AA.
SS. p. 92.) to touch upon Dichull, one of, the sons of Nessan,
confounded the Inisfaithlen, now Ireland's eye, (see Not. 61. to
Chap, xi.) with the Inisfaithlen or Innisfallen of Kerry. , But at
15 March, where he treats expressly of the sons of Nessan, he
has guarded against this mistake.
(30) Harris and Archdall, following the mistake of Finan hav
ing been a disciple of Columbkill, assign this foundation to the
si?cth century.
(31) See Chap. xiv. ¦§. 10. In the sketch of Finan's Life, ap-
Butler, it is strangely1 stated, that he built the monastery of Clon-
more. (32) The Irish calendarists in enumerating the monasteries be
longing to Finan always mention Swords first; -thus in the Calen
dar of Cashel at 16 March we read ; '! S. Finanus Lobhrafrlius
Conalli— de Surdo, et de Cluainmor Maidoci in Lagenia, et de
Inis-faithlin in lacu Lenensi, de Ard-finain.'' In the account ap.
Butler SwOrds is omitted !
(-33) It is related in the Life of St. Maidoc, '(cap. 62.) that,
there was a man, named Finan, wbo'had lived 30 years in the
northern part of Leinster, and that oh the day of his festival (31
January) this saint, accompanied by St. Brigid, appeared ;to
Finan in a vision and announced to him that he was to be called
out of this world within a day or two. Colgan observes, that in
an Irish Life of Maidoc this Finan is called Finan Lobhar, and
it seems'very probable that he really was the St. Finan we are
treating of. But Clonmore was not, as Colgan states, the plac&
where the visicdi is said to have occurred, as it was situated not in
the northern but in the.southern part of Leirister. If Finan the
leper was the person meant in this narrative, as appears almost

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 87
certain, the scene of the vision was undoubtedly Swords, a town
in North Leinster ; and consequently, according to this account,
it was there that St. Finan, died, and on the 1st or 2d of Fe
bruary. Following the same supposition, viz. that Finan the le
per was the person here alluded to, we have an additional argu
ment to show, that he lived at a later period than that assigned by
Ware and others ; for he is represented as alive after the death of
Maidoc, i. e. after the year 632. (See Chap. xiv. §. 10.)
(34) Colgan quotes from a little Irish poem on the church
of Clonmore a passage, in which it is said that the body
of St. Finan the leper was resting in that place. He attri
butes said poem to St. Moling of Fems. If composed by this
saint, there can be no question about the place of Finian's burial,
and consequently death ; I say, consequently death, because, had
he died elsewhere, ex. c. at Swords, or, as some have said, at
Ardfinan, it is not to be supposed that thehionks of these estab
lishments would have given up his entire remains to that of Clon
more. But what authority have we for believing that St. Moling
was the author of that poem? It was, I dare say, the composition
of a monk of Clonmore, perhaps at a late period, who, in honour
of his monastery, wished to make it appear, that among the in
numerable reliques preserved there (see A A. SS. p. 277.) was the
whole body of St. Finan. It is probable that a part of his remains
was to be found in that collection, which might have been the case,
although, as seems most probable, he died and was buried at
' Swords. That St. Moling was not the author of the poem, is suffici
ently plain from the allusions in it to certain disputes concerning
the place where the reliques collected by a St. Onchuo were de
posited. At what period this St, Onchuo lived; cannot be dis
covered, at least from the vague and confused account of him
patched up by Colgan at 8 February. If he was contemporary
with Finan the leper, as Colgan says, it would have been easy to
know in St. Moling's time (the 7th centuiy) where he had left his
collection of reliques, and the disputes on this point could not have
then existed; or if, as appears much more probable, he lived, at a
later period than either Finan or Moling, he could not have been
mentioned in a poem written by the latter.
- (35) Colgan says (Finian's Acts) between 674 and 693, follow
ing the 4 Masters, who mark these years for the reign of Finnacta.

88 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
But their date 674 is the same as the 675 of Ware and others ; and
their 693 is the same as 694, a date differing only by one year
from that of other writers. Archdall boldly lays down, (at Clone-
more) that Finian died in 680. Where he found this date, he does,
not inform us. Yet (at Swords) he makes him die before 5637 or,
at least, before the close of the sixth century. Bravo! (See more
Not. 109 to Chap, xi.)
(36) See Not. 33.
(37) Colgan justly remarks, that this can be easily accounted * *
for in consequence of the 1st of February being St. Brigid's day,
and the 2d that of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin. -We may
therefore suppose that, to avoid a collision, the festival of St. Fi
nan was transferred to 16 March.
§. iv. The great St. Cudberet, or Cuthbert, bi
shop of Lindisfarne, was, according to several dis
tinguished writers, born in Ireland ; (38) but it is
very probable, that he was rather a native of the
Northumbrian kingdom, and of that part of it which
is now comprized in Scotland. The name Cudberet,
if however it was his original one, indicates a Nor
thumbrian, not an Irish origin. It is certain that,
when a very young man, he lived in a district to
the North of the Tweed at no great distance from
the river. (39) While charged with the care of a
flock of sheep and watching in prayer, Cuthbert
had a vision on the night of the death of St. Aedan
of Lindisfarne, in which he saw the soul of this
saint wafted by Angels to heaven. (40) He imme
diately determined on retiring into a monastery,
and chose for said purpose that of Mailros, si-
tuated on the bank of the Tweed, the prior of
which was then Boisil, a very holy man, and the
abbot Eata, (41) a disciple of St. Aedan. Cuthbert
was one of the monks, whom Eata took along with
him to the new monastery of Inhrypum or Rippon,
which he erected on ground granted to him by the
prince Alchfrid, and from which they were ex
pelled some time after by the same prince, because

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 89
they refused to abandon the Irish practices as to
Easter and the tonsure. (4SJ) Having returned to
Mailross, Cuthbert was, in consequence of the death
of Boisil, which occurred about 661 (43) appointed
prior of that monastery in his stead, and held that
office until 664> or 665, (44) when he was removed
to Lindisfarne by his abbot Eata, who was then
abbot Of this place also. (45) Here Cuthbert was
employed likewise as prior, and continued as such
for several years, until, wishing for a solitary life he
withdrew, in 676, to the small island of Fame out
in the sea some miles distant from Lindisfarne.
But I shall not encroach further on the ecclesiastical
history of England, to which "that of this great
saint principally belongs, (46) than to observe that
he was, as it were, dragged out of that island in
684 by king Egfrid in person, bishop Frumwine, and
many others, for the purpose of being raised to the
episcopacy ; consecrated at York in 685 and placed
over the see of Lindisfarne ; Mid that he died on
the 20th of March A. D. 687 in the island of Fame,
to which he had again retired a short time before
his death. (47)
In the same year that Egfrid king of Northum
berland (48) prevailed on Cuthbert to quit the
island of Fame he sent, yet some time earlier in the
year, an expedition under a commander of the name
of Beret against some parts of the Eastern coast of
Ireland, particularly that of Bregia, or the country
extending from Dublin towards Drogheda. These
marauders spared neither churches nor monasteries,
and carried away many captives besides a consider
able deal of plunder. It is difficult to account for
this wanton attack upon an unoffending people, an
attack replete with ingratitude, as the Irish had been
exceedingly friendly to the English and used to
treat them with the utmost kindness and hospitality.
(49) A modern writer, who stops at nothing that
may suit his purpose, says that Egfrid was urged to

90 , AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
this act by the clergy, whom he is pleased to call
Romish, that is, the clergy who had adopted the
Roman practices as to Easter, &c. (50) For this
atrocious charge there is not the least foundation,
and it is in direct opposition to the circumstances of
the. times ; and to the conduct and feelings of the
then advocates of said practices. (51) The only rea
son, that can be guessed at, which Egfrid might have
had for being displeased with the Irish nation, was
the shelter granted in Ireland to his brother Alfrid,,
who haying gone thither after the death of king
Oswin, applied himself to the ecclesiastical and other
studies, and became very learned . in every respect.
He remained among the Irish during the whole
reign of Egfrid, after whose death he was recalled
to Northumberland, raised to the throne, and go
verned his kingdom, for many years with consum
mate wisdom and ability. (52)
(38) Usher, Ware, Colgan, Harris, &c. held this opinion.
Bede, beside wh^t he has about him in his Ecclesiastical history
{L. 4.) has left us two Lives, one in verse, the other in prose, of
St. Cuthbert, or as he calls him Cudberet, without mentioning
the place of his birth. In Capgrave's collection, alias that of John
of Tinmouth, there is a Life of this saint, in which he is expressly
stated to have been an illegitimate son of an Irish king, who, hav
ing murdered another king, called Muriardach, ravished his daugh-
ter. Colgan in a note to this Life (AA. SS. ad 20 Mart.) says,
that this Muriardach was Murchertach Mac-Erca, who is known to
have suffered a cruel death ; but is puzzled to account for his be
ing the grandfather of Cuthbert, who was not born until about a
hundred years later. For Murchertach Mac-Erca was killed, at
the latest, in 533, or 534. (See Chap. ix. .§. 13.) Hence Colgan
conjectures, that Cuthbert's mother was not daughter, but either
grand-daughter or great grand- daughter of said Murchertach. Then
we are told, that the infant, the fruit of that violation, was bap
tized by the Irish name, Nulluhoc, that is, moaning; because, as
Colgan explains it, his. pother moaned and wept for the injury she
had received. It is added, that some time after she passed over

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 91
to North Britain, taking with her the boy, whom thenceforth we
find called Cuthbert, without being informed how he happened to
get this name.
\¥are ( Writers at Cuthbert) has a different statement, accord
ing to which Cuthbert was born at Kells in Meath, or, as some
have said, at Kill-mochudrick (Killmacudd), four miles distant
from Dublin, and was the son of an Irish petty king. It is then
said that Sabina, the mother of Cuthbert, going to Rome on a pil
grimage, left him in the monastery of Mailros, &c. thus account
ing for his arrival in Britain. This story of Sabina, &c. is in di
rect opposition to Bede, who represents Cuthbert as a lad tending
sheep on the mountains, probably of Berwickshire, when, in con
sequence of a vision, he determined on repairing to that mo
nastery. In the Life ap. Capgrave, Sabina is said to have been
the wife of king Muriardach, and accordingly would have been,
following that narrative, the grandmother, not the mother, of
Cuthbert. But neither Ware's nor Capgre^e's account rests upon
any sufficient authority, and it is easy to perceive that they were
stories made up for the purpose of bestowing on the saint a royal
descent, while it is clear from Bede that he was not entitled
to it.
In another work (Antiq. cap. 29. at Kenlis or Kells} Ware says,
that the great ornament of Kells was Cuthbert, who was born
there,' as a writer of his Life states out.of .Irigh authorities. (See
also Harris, Bishops, p. 138.) _He adds that this tract was in the
Cottonian library under Vitellius, D. xiv. 8. We find it in Mr;
Planta's catalogue under Titus, A.u. 134. entitled, " De ortu
et vita B. patris Cuthberti libellus de Scoticis, i. e Hibemicis auc-
toribus collectus." It~is the same as that, which Usher ca,l\_(p. 945)
the Acts of our Cidhbert extracted from Irish histories, observing
that it appeared about the year 1160. I dare say that those exr
tracts agree in substance with the accounts above given from the
Life ap. Capgrave and from Ware. But their being found in that
Cottonian tract does not add much to their authority. .Ware (ib.)
repeats, that some maintain, that Cuthbert was born at Kill-mo-
cudrick. This is asserted in the Annals of St. Mary's^abbey of
Dublin, in which Cat A. 684.) the most Rev. father Cuthbert of
Lindisfarne, is mentioned with this addition ; " de Hibernia nato
in oppido Kilmacrohuick." There was a church in that place de-

92 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
dicated to his memory, and whence was derived the name Kill-
mocudrick, that is, the church qf my (mo) Cudrick, or Cudberet-
This circumstance was, I suspect, the only foundation of the opi
nion that he was born there.
It is, however, remarkable that many old English and Irish
writers, treating of Cuthbert, makes him a native of Ireland and
that his name appears in the Irish calendars, as if he had been
really so, although, as there marked, he lived in Saxonia (Eng
land) (See AA. SS. p. 695. seqq.) The Bollandists, while at
St. Cuthbert (20 March) they leave this question undecided, yet at
St. Wiro (8 May) seem to acknowledge, that Cuthbert was born
in Ireland.
(39) According to Bede (Life, &c. cap. 4. ) Cuthbert was,
before he entered any monastery, employed in tending sheep on
certain mountains, which, as appears from the sequel were in the
country, in which Mailros was situated. Simeon of Durham adds
(D. ofDunelmensi Ecclesia, cap. 3.) that Cuthbert was then near
the Leder, now Lauder, a river in Berwickshire, that flows into the
Tweed. Hence Mabillon (Acta Ben. Tom. 2. p. 882.) and others
deduce, that Cuthbert was a native of that neighbourhood. This
conclusion may appear not absolutely justified by the premises ;
for from Cuthbert's living, even when a boy, in that country, it
does not necessarily follow that he was born there. But until
some stronger arguments than those we have seen be produced to
show, that he was in his boyhood removed thither from Ireland,
the balance of probability remains in favour of Mabillon's opinion.
That Cuthbert was a native of Britain seems to be confirmed by
a passage of Bede's Preface to the metrical Life, where,, having
mentioned several great saints, by whom other countries had been
enlightened, coming to Cuthbert the light of Britain, he uses the
word, genuit :

hujusque Britannia consors

Temporibus genuit fulgur venerabile nostris,
Aurea qua Cudberetus agens per sydera vitam
Scandere celsa suis docuit jam passibus Anglos.
(40) Bede's Life of Cuthbert, cap. 4. St. Aedan died on the
31st of August A. D.651. (See Chap. xv. §. 14.

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 93
(41) Bede, ib. cap. 6. and Eccl. Hist. L. 4. c. 27. Concerning
Eata see above v. 1. It is strange that Fleury (L. 40. §. 43)
places Mailros in the country of the Mercians, notwithstanding
Bede's positive assertion that it was" on the bank of the Tweed,
and its being a well known place in Scotland near the town of
Melross about 10 miles West of Kelso, and consequently very far
distant from Mercia, which comprized the central parts of Eng
land. (42) Bede's Life of Cuthbert, capp. 7. 8. (Compare with Chap.
xvii. §. 13.) From this narrative it is evident, that the monks of
Mailros were of Irish institution and followed the Irish system.
Therefore Mabillon was mistaken (Acta Ben. Tom. 2. p. 878)
in asserting that Cuthbert had received not the Irish but the
Roman tonsure. This had been said before in an anonymous
Life of Cuthbert ; but the Bollandists justly suspect, that the pas
sage relative to it is an interpolation.
(43) Smith (in a note to Cuthbert's Life, cap. 8.) shows, that
Mabillon and the Bollandists were wrong in assigning the death of
Boisil to 664.
(44) Smith (Note to Life, &c. cap. 16.) follows Simeon of
Durham, who says that Cuthbert was removed to Lindisfarne in
664. This was the year, in which Eata became abbot of Lindis
farne. In the Life ap. Capgrave (cap. 24.) it is said that this
removal occurred 14 years after Cuthbert had put on the monastic
habit in 65 1 . Thus it should be assigned to 665.
(45) See above §.1. '
(46) Were it certain that St. Cuthbert was a native of Ireland,
I should think myself authorized to enter more fully, than I have
done, into his history. But it appears to me more probable that he
was not. If he was an Irishman, why did he not follow Colman
on his return to Ireland, as all the Irish of Lindisfarne did ?
To this, however, it may be replied, 1 . that Cuthbert was then
not at Lindisfarne but at Mailros ; and 2. that those, who make
him a native of Ireland, represent him as so very young, when
carried over to Britain, that he could scarcely have retained a
recollection of it. Why, it may be asked, was the memory of
Cuthbert so much celebrated in Ireland, were it not the land of
Ins birth ? I answer that this was owing to his connexions with
the Irish of Northumberland, his being a member of their esta-

94 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII-
blishments, his having observed their practices, &c. In like
manner Gildas' and St. David of Wales were greatly revered in
Ireland on account of ' their intercourse with the Irish.
(47) See Bede, Eccl. Hist. L. 4. c. 28. 29.
(48) Egfrid succeeded his father Oswin in 670. Bede;
ib. Hap. 5.
(49) Bede whites; (ib. cap^VG.) "Anno Dominicae incar-
nationis684 Ecgfridrex Nordamhymbrorum, misso Hiberniam cum
exeteitti 4tice "Bereto, vastavit misere genterri'innoxiam et nationi
Angltffum semper amicissiman ; ita ut iie ecclesiis quidem aut
rfiohasteriis mantis parcetet hostilis." We have seen above (J. 1.)
with what extraordinary kindness the English, who went to Ireland
for their education or other purposes, used to be received there.
Bede's- Words with regard to the devastation of Ireland are not to
be understood as if he nleant all Ireland ; nor would the short
time, during which it lasted, have been sufficient for a general
overrunning of the Whole kirigdom. The expedition was merely
piratical, and was Confined chiefly, if not solely, to the territory
of Bregia. The people were" taken unawares, but fought, as Bede
(ib.) observes, as well as they could. This act of piracy is men
tioned in the Irish annals, at the Very year marked by Bede, and
as having occurred on the coast and plains of Bregia. The 4
Masters haVe; " In the year of Christ 683 (684) and 10th of
king Finnacta, the territory of Magh-breagh (plains of Bregia) was
laid waste, in tbe month of June, by the Saxons, (English) who
spared neither the people nor the clergy, and carried off to their
ships many captives and much booty." (See Tr. Th* p. 385.)
Hence it is clear that this devastation was a partial one, and of
short duration, having taken place only in June. ' Hence also we
find, that it was prior to Cuthbert's leaving the island of Farne>
which,- as is known from Bede, (ib. cap. 28.) occurred just before
th'e winter of 684.
(50) The reader will easily perceive, that this writer is Dr.
Ledwich. These are his words : (Antiq. &c. p. 66.) " Not
Content with this triumph (the result of the conference of Whitby)
the Romish clergy urged Egfrid, king of Northumberland, to
wreak their vengeance, a few years after, on the dissident IriSbJ
an harmless and innocent people," &c. Whether the Doctor was
the inventor of this story or not, I am not able to decide ; but this

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. Q5
much I can state, that it is a shameful falsehood. He talks of a
few years between the conference at Whitby, and the expedition
against the Irish coast. But the reader will please to recollect,
that the conference was held in 664, whence there elapsed full
twenty years until said expedition took place.
(51) The paschal and tonsural disputes had subsided in Nor
thumberland long before 684, in consequence of the departure of
Colman and his Irish companions. The principal ecclesiastics of
that time in said country had studied chiefly under Irish teachers,
for instance Eata, who was bishop of Lindisfarne in that very year.
Such men could not have entertained any hostility to the' Irish
nation ; nor were they over-zealous against Colman's party, having
belonged to it themselves in their younger days. Wilfrid, the
great advocate of the Roman practices, was then in disgrace, and
having been, some years before, driven from his see and imprisoned
by Egfrid, was obliged to live out of the Northumbrian kingdom,
to which he did not return until after this king's death. Bede, so
far from hinting that any clergyman excited Egfrid to this proceed
ing, highly condemns his conduct, and informs us that the very
reverend father Ecgbert, an English holy priest, who, although
living in Ireland, observed the Roman Easter, &c. had advised him
to the contrary. Egfrid's defeat and death in the following year,
when fighting against the Picts, was considered as a judgment of
God against him for his unjust aggression on Ireland. ( See Bede
L 4. c. 26.) Ecgbert now mentioned, and whom we shall meet
with hereafter, had been in Ireland since before the breaking out
of the great pestilence in 664, during which he resided in a mo
nastery, called in Irish, Rathmelsigi. (Bede, L. 3. c. 27.) SrtiitK
in a note to Bede (ib.) makes Rathmelsigi the same as Mellifont
in the county of Louth, for no other reason, it appears, than that
the syllable Mel is found in both names. But there is no account
of any monastery at Mellifont until the 12th century. Colgan
makes mention ( AA. SS. p. 793.) of a monastery Rathmailsidhe,
where had been a St. Colman, different however from Colman of
Lindisfarne, and in his Ind. Topogr. (calling it Raihmilsige) places
it in Connaught without telling us in what part of said province.
Mr. Lingard speaks ( Angl. S. Church, ch. xm.) of Egbert as
hVing near the eastern coast of Ireland. His reason for so doing

96 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
was, I suppose, that he relied on Smith's authority as to Rath
melsigi. (52) This Alfrid, or as Bede sometimes calls him, Aldfrid, was
an illegitimate son of Oswin, and older than Egfrid, who however,
on account of his legitimate birth, was preferred to him as fit for the
throne. We must not, as some writers have done, confound him
with Alchfrid, the friend of Wilfrid, who ruled, as king, a part of
Northumberland in the lifetime of his father Oswin. (See Chap.
xvii. §. 13.) The names are different; and Alchfrid, besides
having been a legitimate son, died before his father. (Note of
Smith to Bede, L.5.C. 19 ) On the accession of Egfrid, Alfrid,
either through compulsion or indignation, went over to Ireland,
and being out of the reach of his brother, and enjoying abund
ance of leisure, gave himself up to useful studies, in which he
became a great proficient. William of Malmsbury writes ; (De
Gestis Regum , L. 1. c. 3.) " Is (Alfridus), quia nothus, ut dixi,
erat factione optimatum, quamvis senior, regno indignus aestimatus,
in Hiberniam, seu vi seu indignatione, secesserat. Ibi, et ab odio
germani tutus, et magno otio Uteris irabutus, omni philosophia
animum composuerat." Bede says of him, (Life of Cuthbert, cap.
24) that he had studied a long time among the Scots ( Irish) in
their islands, alluding, it seems, not only to Ireland but to various
small isjands, either in the ocean or in lakes, in which they had
monasteries and schools, and that he vvas very learned in the
Scriptures, vir in Scripturis doptissimus, (Eccl Hist. L. 4. c. 26.)
adding, that, when placed on the throne, he nobly re-established,
at least in great part, the Northumbrian kingdom, which had* been
much weakened in consequence of the defeat of Egfrid by the
Picts. Harpsfeld, treating of his return to Northumberland,
describes him (Hist. Eccl. Angl. Sec. vu. cap. 27.) as having-
improved-himself so much by his studies, particularly sacred, in
Ireland, that he became highly qualified for being placed at the
head of a state. (See also Gratianus Lucius (Lynch) Cambrensis
eversus, p. 128.
§. 5, Alfrid was king of Northumberland, when
in the year 685, or 6&Q, Adamnan, then abbot of
Hy, was sent to that country for the purpose of re
covering the captives and property, which had been

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 97
carried off by Egfrid's pirates. His application was
successful, as might be expected, considering that
Alfrid could not but be attached to the Irish, and
was, besides, the personal friend of Adamnan. (53)
This great man was abbot of Hy since the year 679.
His predecessor Failbe had succeeded Cumineus
Albus, who died in 669. (54) Concerning Failbe
I find nothing particular related, except that he was
a native of Tirconnel (Donegal) and son of Pipan, a
descendant, in the male line, of Conall Gulbanius
the ancestor of Columbkill ; that, after his promo
tion to the administration of Hy, he visited Ireland
once or twice ; and that he died in 679, on the 2€d
of March, the day marked for his festival in the Irish
calendars. (55) Adamnan, who succeeded him in
said year, (56) was likewise a descendant, in the
same line, of Conall Gulbanius, and son of Ronan.
(57) From his consequently having been of the race
of the Northern Nialls it may be fairly concluded,
that he was a native of Tirconnel, or of some district
not far from it. The time of his birth is doubtful ;
but it was not later than the year 628. (58) Of his
younger days I cannot find any distinct account ; but
there can be no doubt of his having received his mo
nastic education either in Hy, or in some other mo
nastery of the Columbian institution. He was abbot
of that of Raphoe, founded perhaps by himself (59)
before he was raised to the government of the whole
Columbian order. We find Adamnan again on ano
ther visit, two years later, that is, about 687 to the
same king Alfrid. (60) He visited him also several
years afterwards, as will be seen lower down. There
was another Adamnan in these times, who, although
perhaps of Irish origin,, lived constantly in Britain,
and was distinguished for the sanctity and austerity
of his life. He was a priest and monk of the monas
tery of Coludi, now Coldingham in Scotland. (61)
Some time before the period we are now treating
ofMaildulf, or rather Mailduf, (62) an Irishman,
VOL. III. H

98 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
bfecame eminent as a teacher in the place now called
Malmsbury. Its former name was Ingebbone or In-
gebdrm Maildufj pleased with the situation, lived
at th^ foot of the hill as a hermit, but afterwards, to
supply' his wants, set up a school, which was not
long after changed into a small monastery; At what
precise time he fbrmed this establishment, I do not
find recorded ; but it must have been several years
prior to 675, in tohich the celebrated Aldhelm, the
most distinguished of his scholars, became abbot there.
The monastery being greatly enlarged by Aldhelm,
who had received the tonsure and habit from Mail-
diif, gave occasion to the name of the place being
soon changed into Mdildufsburg, (63) whence has
proceeded the modern name Malmsbury. Some
writings have been attributed to Mailduf, whether
justly of not, I shall not undertake to decide. He
died either in 675, or some short time previous to
it. (84).
(53) Adamnan, making mention ( Vit. S. Col. L. 2. c. 46.) of
his visits \o Alfrid, calls him his friend, and speaks of this visit as
his first one after Egfrid's war. O'Haherty (MS. note to Adamnan, .
ib.) referring to Tigernach's annals assigns this visit to A. D. 686.
The 4 Masters have 684i, that is, 685, and mark it as the eleventh
yea> of the reign of Finnacta. It was that, in which the dreadful
plague* mentioned by them at said year, broke out, the commence
ment of which is affixed by Florence of Worcester to 685. (See
Tr. Th.p. 3J?5.) Adamnan having observed* (loc. cit.) that this
plague ragad when he was on that visit, and that the continent of
Europe and the islands Scotia et Britannia (Ireland and Britain)
were laid waste by it, except the parts bf North Britain inhabited
bjr the British Scots, and the Picts, who, he thought, were pre
served from it by the intercession of St. Columba. He visited
Alfrid' more than once on some subsequent occasions ; but this, his
first embassy, was<eithCrin the latter end of 685 or in the beginning
of 636.
(5*)' See Chap. xvii. ¦§. 8.
. {55) At this day' Colgan has given us as mud; as he was able

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 99
to collect concerning Failbe. He rejects various lies of Dempster
relative to him, among others that of his having written certain
tracts attributed to him by -that impostor. Harris might have saved
himself the trouble of drawing up an article for Failbe as an Irish
writer. (56) Usher, p. 702. and Ind. Chron. at 679.
(57) Tr. Th. p. 480. It is remarkable that, for more than
two centuries from the foundation of Hy, almost all its abbots
were descended from Conall Gulbanius, thus connected, more or
less, by relationship with Columb-kill, and belonging to the line
of the northern Nialls. See Colgan AA. SS. p. 408-450-719.
(58) Colgan says (Tr. Th. p. 385.) that, according to the
Roscrea and some other Annals, Adamnan was born in 624. This,
as will be seen, does not agree with what is said of his age at the
time of his death.
(59) See Not. 112. to Chap. xi. As Adamnan was particu-
cularly revered at Raphoe, as the patron saint of its monastery
and church, it is certain that he had been closely connected with
that place, and that, if not absolutely the founder, he was, at
least, abbot there. Colgan (Tr. Th. p. 506.) expressly calls him
abbot qf Raphoe, before he was promoted to Hy. Adamnan was
the person, by whose name the succession at Raphoe used to be:
distinguished. Thus.Malbrigid, who died archbishop of Armagh-
in 926, is called a comorban (successor) not only-of St. Patrick,
but likewise of Adamnan, inasmuch as he had been abbot (not
bishop, as Harris states, (Bishops, p. 270.) of Raphoe, before he
was raised to the see of Armagh. (See Colgan, A A. SS. p. 386.)
I strongly suspect that St. Eunan, who is usually called the
first bishop of Raphoe, was no other than Adamnan ; not that
Adamnan was ever a bishop ; for, were he so, he could not
have become abbot of Hy ; but that he was the ancient
patron saint of that place before it became an episcopal see.
Colgan never mentions this St. Eunan, nor could Ware discover
anyaccount of him. The first bishop of Raphoe, that we meet
with, was Malduin Mac Kinfalaid, who died about 930. (Tr.
Th. p. 509.) These observations are not indeed sufficient to show
that Adamnan has been changed into St. Eunan ; but it is a very
remarkable circumstance that the festival of the saint, called Eu-
»an, is kept on the 23d of September. Now this was the very
H 2

100 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
day, on which Adamnan died, and on which his memory wasre-
vered not only at Raphoe, but in many other churches. The name,
Eunan, is, I allow, not favourable to the conjecture of his iden
tity with Adamnan ; but there might have been some reason for
this variation of names, and a person better versed in the Irish
language than I am might perhaps find some analogy between
them. (60) Adamn. Vit. S. Col. L. 2. c. 46.
(61) Bede treats of this Adamnan of Coludi, (Hist. Eccl. L.
4. c. 25.) and after him Colgan (A A, SS. 31 January) who
acknowledges, that he was not able to decide whether he was an
Irish or British Scot. In fact, there is nothing to make it appear,
that he was rather the one than the other. All that Bede says in
regard to his country is, that he was de genere Scottorum. Coludi,
where he lived about A.D. 679. belonged at that time to the
Northumbrian kingdom.
(62) The name is spelled Mailduf by Bede (L.5. c. 18.) and
by Leland, Collect, m. 158. (See Smith, Not. to Bede ib.) It
was, I believe, originally Moeldubh, a name not uncommon
among the ancient Irish. Its being written Maildulf was owing,
I dare say, to William of Malmsbury, who in the Life of Aid- -
helm (ap. Wharton, Anglia Sac. Vol. 2.) treating of Mailduf,
writes ; " Id (the monastery of Malmsbury) quidam, qui alio no
mine vocatur Meildulf, natione Scotus, eruditusque philosophus,
professione monachus fecerat." Hence Camden has called him
Maildulf, giving it a termination rather Saxon than Irish.
(63) The town of Mailduf. It was known by this name as
early as tbe times of Bede, who calls it (L. 5. c. 18,) 'Mail-
dufi urbem.
(64) It was soon after the death of Maildulf that Leutherius
bishop of Winchester gave in 675 the site of Malmesbury to Aid-
helm. (See Monastic. Angl. Tom. 1 . p. 50. and Smith, Not. to
Bede, L. 5. c. 18.) Concerning Maildulf see more in Camden,
(col. 103- Gibson's ed.) Usher (Ep. HH- Syll.'ad Ep. 12.) Ware
and Harris ( Writers at Maildulph).
§. vi. Alfrid was not the only foreign prince, who
in those times was sheltered in Ireland. Dagobert,
son of Sigebert II. or III. king of Austrasia, had

CHAP. XVIII.

OF IRELAND. 101

been sent, when a child, to a monastery in Ireland
after his father's death about the year 655 by
Grimoald mayor of the palace. (^65) The monas
tery, in which he was placed, is said to have been
that of Slane. (66) Wheresoever it was, Dagobert
remained in Ireland until about 670, when he was
recalled to his own country, and received a part of
Austrasia from Childeric the second. (67) On the
death of Childeric he became in 674 sovereign of all
Austrasia by the name of Dagobert the second, and
ruled that country until he was assassinated in 679.
(68) After his return to Austrasia we find some
distinguished Irishmen in that country, particularly
St. Arbogast and St. Florentius ; and it would seem
as if they had either accompanied him from Ireland
or went to Alsace about the same time that he was
recalled. ^69) Be this as it may, Arbogast, who is
usually called a Scot or Irishman, (70) was living re
tired at Suraburg, where a monastery was afterwards
erected in honour of him, (71) when he was raised
by this king Dagobert to the see of Strasburgh about
674. (72) Besides being a very holy man he is said
to have possessed a considerable share of learning,
and to have written some ecclesiastical tracts. (73)
He died on the 21st of July in 679, and was suc
ceeded in the same year by his friend and former
companion Florentius. (74) That Florentius was
a Scot, or Irishman, is universally allowed. (75) He
had come from" Ireland together with Arbogast, (76)
and took up his abode in the forest of Hasle in Alsace
near where the river Bruscha flows from the Vosges.
(77) Here wasifounded a monastery either by him,
or for him by Dagobert, (78) by whom he was
greatly esteemed. It is said that he restored her
sight and speech to a daughter of that king. While
bishop of Strasburgh, he founded, according to some
accounts, the monastery of St. Thomas in that city for
the Scots or Irish. (79) Having governed the see

102 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
of Strasburgh for eight years, St. Florentius departed
this life on the 7th of November, A. D. 687. (80)
Among the persons, who accompanied St. Floren
tius from Ireland, is mentioned a Theodatus, or
Deodatus, (81) of whom I cannot discover any
authentic account. The celebrated St. Deodatus
bishop of Nevers, who lived in those times, and,
having resigned his see, retired to Alsace to lead
there a monastic life, (82) was indeed a particular
friend of St. Arbogast ; (83) but there is no reason
to think, that he was a native of Ireland. It may
be conjectured, that the Deodatus, bishop of Toul,
who by the direction of Dagobert 1 1, accompanied
St. Wilfrid of York to Rome in the summer or
autumn of 679, (84) was perhaps the one, who had
come from Ireland. We find a bishop Deodatus,
whose memory was revered in the monastery of
Latiniacum or Lagny, and who, as that was an Irish
establishment, (85) may be supposed to have been an
Irishman. (86)
{65) According to Mabillon (Annal. Ben.) Sigibert, died in
655 ; others say, somewhat earlier. It was very soon after his
death that Grimoald got Dagobert, then very young, shorn by
Didon bishop of Poitiers, and sent him to Ireland, spreading a
report of his death.
(66) Archdall at Slane. I dp not find this mention of Slane
any where else. Archdall seems to refer to Mezeray, Histoire,
&c. "who, as far as I could [discover, merely says that Dagobert
w^s placed in some very retired monasteryj iTdthout- naming any
one in. particular.. „
(67) See Abnsge Chron. at Dagobert II. Mabillon observes,
Annal. &c. ad A. 672) that Dagobert had returned to France be
fore the death of Grimoald, i. e. before 671 or 672.
(68) According to L' Art de verifier les dates (Tom. 1. p-
547.) Dagobert II. became king of all Austrasia in 674, and
was killed in 679. Mabillon also has (ib. at A. 680. p. 52.) for
his death 679, and marks the 23d of December as the day of it.
He adds that Dagobert was revered as a martyr at Stenay, the

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 103
capital of the dutchy of Bar. Although Mabillon in the course
of his work calls this .prince Dagobert the second, yet in the Ge
neral index to Tom.}, he appears partly as jthe seepnd, ^n,d partly
as the third. This mistake of the framer of said index is apt to
confuse a person searching in it for the transactions of this Dago
bert. The king or half-king called Dagobert the third, belonged
to the 8th century. (See L 'Art, &c. Tom. 1. p. 548. and Abrege,
&c. at Dagobert III.)
(69) In the Acts of St, Florentius (ap. Surius 7 November) we
read ; " Cum Dagobertus rex ad regni Francorum gubernacula
sederet, sanctus Florentius, cum beato Arbogasto, Theodato, et
Hildulpho, e Scotia venit in Alsatiam." The Dagobert here men
tioned was the second, not Dagobert the first his, giandfather,
with whom he has been often confounded ; whence, as Mabillon
remarks, several religious establishments, founded during the
reign of the second Dagobert, have been assigned to that of the
first. (70) GasparBruschius (De German. Episcopat. Epitome, p.
55.) makes Arbogast a native either of Aquitain, or of Ireland,
" etsi sint qui ex Hibernia ortum affirment." But Mabillon
(Annal, 8fc. at 667) speaks of him positively . as an Irishman,
" Arbogastus or.igine Scottus" -
(71) Mabillon (ib. at A. 676. p. 533.) says that -this monas
tery was erected, ob meritum S. Arbogasti, .during the xeign of
Dagobert II. Suraburg was in the diocese of Strasburgh, and near
the Sura, or Saur, driver that flows into the Moselle not far from
Treves. (72) See Gallia Christiana, Tom. v. col. 182, where it is stated
that Abrogast flourished about 673, and was appointed bishop of
Strasburgh by Dagobert II. Hence, and from what Mabillon
.has, it is plain ..that Bruschius, who is followed, by Ware and
Harris, ( Writers at Ariogast) was wrong in assigning Arbogast's
promotion to 646. Bruschius, in whose time the history of Da
gobert II. was. scarcely known, supposed that the Dagobert, friend
of Arbogast, was the first king of the name. But even in this
hypothesis he fell into another mistake ; for Dagobert I. was dead
before 646, and accordingly could not have been the king by
whom Arbogast was appointed.
, (73) See Ware and Harris, loc. cit.

104 , AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII
(74) Gallia Christiana, Tom. v. col. 781. 782. Bruschius was
mistaken in assigning the commencement of Florentius' incum
bency at Strasburgh to the year 663. That it was in 679, is clear
from its being known that Florentius, having held that see for
eight years, died in 687.
(75) BruBchius, Mabillon, and the Gallia Christiana agree on
this point.
(76) See Not. 69.
(77) Acts of St. Florentius. Hasle is now called Haselae,
and lies at two leagues distance from Molsheim in Basse Al
sace. (78) See Mabillon, Annal. &c. at A. 676. p - 533.
(79)- Mabillon, ib.
(80) Gallia Christiana, Tom. v. col. 783.
(81) See Not. 69. (82) See Fleury, L. 39. §. 45.
(83) Mabillon, Annal. at A. 667.
(84) See Acta Bened. Sec. 3. p. 186. and Fleury, L. 40. §. 4.
(85) See Chap. xvi. §. 9-10.
(86) The Bollandists observe, (at 3 February) that they have
found in old copies of Usnard's Martyrology this Deodatus thus
mentioned ; " Latiniaco Natalis S< Deodati epistiopi," and quote
Molanus, who says that the reliques of Deodatus, Maldegarius,
and others were removed to that place. They did not know who
this Deodatus was, but thought, and I believe justly, that he
was different from St. Deodatus of Nevers. Whether he was the
same as Deodatus of Toul, I will not pretend to decide ; but it is
very probable, that he was a native of Ireland.
§. vii. As to Hildulph, or Hidulf, who also is said
to have gone with Florentius from Ireland to Alsace,
(87) it is exceedingly difficult to form any decided
opinion concerning him. We have no account of
any distinguished perspn of this name at that period
except Hildulph bishop of Treves, who, quitting his
see, is stated to have retired about 676 to the Vosges
and there founded a monastery. (88) He was ap
parently the Hildulph supposed to have accompanied
Florentius ; and it can scarcely be doubted that they
were contemporaries. (89) But it is very uncertain

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 105
whether Hildulph of Treves was a native of Ireland ;
for, according to some accounts, he was a Belgian,
and, according to others, a Bavarian. (90) If it be
true that he was a brother of St. Erard of Ratisbon,
as has been very generally said, (91) it will follow
that he was an Irishman. Hildulph had, perhaps, a
brother named Eberhard or Erhard; but it may be
doubted whether he was the same as Erard of
Ratisbon. $2)
Be this as it may, St. Erard, although younger than
Hildulph, was living in his times ; and accordingly I
may be allowed to give some account of him in this
place, (93) notwithstanding the contest that has been
carried on as to the century, in which he flourished.
Some old writers assign his times to the seventh and
the beginning of the eighth, while others represent
him as flourishing during the reign of Pepin father
of Charlemagne, consequently in the second half of
the eighth century. Although I dare not pretend
to decide on a question, which very eminent men
have left undetermined, (94) the former opinion
appears to me more probable and better supported by
such circumstances of the times as seem sufficiently
. authentic. And I cannot but think that the con
fusion, which has taken place on this point as well as
on that relative to St. Hildulph of Treves, has pro
ceeded chiefly from Pepin Hiristall, mayor of the
palace, and his son Charles Martel, having been mis
taken for king Pepin, grandson of the former
Pepin, and his son Charlemagne. That St. Erard
was a native of Ireland can scarcely be called in
question, unless we are to reject the authority of
almost all the writers, who have treated of him. (95)
It is stated on respectable authority, that he was
bishop of Ardagh before he left Ireland* (96) Hav
ing resigned his see he went to the continent, and
joined himself to St. Hildulph or Hidulf, who was
then living retired in the Vosges, (97) and with
whom he is said to have remained for a considerable
time. From that country he went to Bavaria to

106 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
preach the Gospel, without attaching hiibself to. any
see as bishop. (98) Happening to be on some
occasion near tho Rhine, Erard baptized Odilia the
infant daughter of the duke Etico or Atticus, who,
having been born blind, became gifted with sight,
through the prayers of Erard, in the very act of her
baptism. (99) After this he returned to Bavaria,
and stopped at Ratisbon, where, after having led a
most holy life and wrought many miracles, he termi
nated his earthly career on an 8th of January. ( 1 00)
This saint was canonized by Pope Leo IX. in 1052.
(87) See above, Not. 69. (88) Fleury, L. 39. §. 45.
(89) Several writers assert, that Hildulph of Treves flourished *
in the seventh pentijry, and died very old in 707- Yet Baronius
and others, who are followed by Colgan (AA. SS. p. 36. seqq.)
place him about the middle of the eighth. Mabillon maintains,
(Annal. &c. at A. 667.) that he was before the times of Charles
Martel, that is, before, 714.
(90) In some Lives of St. Hildulph he is said to have been a
Nervian, Nerviorum claro ortus genere. (See Bollandus at St. '
Erard, 8 January, and Colgan AA. SS. p. 37.) The Nervii
were a people of Belgium, inhabiting the country about Tournay,
or, as some think, Haynault. In one of those Lives Bollandus
found Niemiorum', instead of Nervorum, and thought it might
have been a mistake for Hiverniorum, i. e. Hibernorum. But ac
cording to a Life published in the Acta Ben. Sec. 3. Part. 2. Hil
dulph, or, as there called, Hidulf, was a native of Bavaria, and
born at Ratisbon. This is, I am sure, a mistake founded on the
false supposition that St. Erard, who in said Life is represented
as a brother of his, was a native of that city. For his Irish origin
we have, besides the Life of St. Florentius, the author of which
in all probability alluded to the Hildulph of Treves, two Lives of
St. Erard, an Office of this saint from the Breviary of Ratis
bon, and some German historians _quoted by Colgah, AA. SS. p.
38. If he was a native of Ireland, his original name was, I dare
say, Hildufox Hiduf.
(91) That Hildulph of Treves and Erard were brothers is posi
tively stated in the Lives of Erard, Office, &c. mentioned in the
preceding note.

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 107
(92) Mabillon observes, (Annal. ad. A 671.) that an Eber-
hard or Erhard was said to have been brother to Hildulph, and
elsewhere (ib. ad. A. 667.) that he was perhaps the same as
Erard bishop of Ratisbon. Everhard, the supposed brother of
Hildulph, was the first abbot of Ebersheim near Schelestad in
Alsace, a monastery founded by Duke Etico or Atficus, father of
St. Odilia, some time it seems in the second half of the seventh
century Ebersheim is supposed to have got its name from this
Erhard or Eberhard, as if it meant the mansion of Eberhard.
(Mabillon, ib.) Another account states, that Ebersheim. sig
nifies the boar's habitation, as being the place wfliere, as we
are told, a wild boar killed a son of Dagobert .11. who 'was
brought to life again by St. Arbogast. That Erard of Ratisbon
lived for some time with Hildulph, when retired, in the Vosges,
is stated in two breviaries of A«gsbmgh, and. in one of Wurtz-
burgh; (AA. SS. p. 32.) but nothing is said of their having been
.brothers. Nor is there any thing in them or in his' Lives about
his having been abbot of Ebersheim. It is also to be observed,
that Erard of Ratisbon is never called Eberhard, as appears from
the etymologies of his name given; in the documents, in which he
is expressly treated of. From what has been now-said, it may be
conjectured, that, if Hildulph had a brother named Eberhard, he
was different from Erard of Ratisbon.
(93) Bollandus had pubbshed three Lives of St. Erard at 8
January, two of which have been republished by Colgan at said
day, besides extracts relative to him from breviaries. He had
three other Lives, short ones, which . he thought unnecessary to
publish. Harris has (Bishops, at Ardagh) a good summary of
Erard's Acts ; but he ought not to have called Conrad a Monte-
puellartim, (a place in Germany) :one of Erard's biographers,
Conrad of MontpeUier.
(94) Bollandus ( Comm. pr. ad Vit. S. Erardi, 8 Jan.) has
not undertaken to fix the times of this saint. Mabillon complains
(Acta Ben. Sec. 3. part 2. p. 470.) that the history, of Erard, his
times, &c. is equally confused and intricate as that of St. -Hil
dulph. Yet, although he did not take the trouble of inquiring
into it, he must have been inclined to think,, that Erard belonged
to the seventh century ; whereas he was of opinion that Hildulph,
in whose times Erard is generally allowed to have livejl, .did not

108 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
survive the early part of the eighth. (See Not. 89.) Colgan
'Maintains, (Appendix at St. Erard 8 Jan.) that Erard flourish-
ed in the teign of Pepin or of Charlemagne, and strives to an
swer the arguments to the contrary. But it would be easy to show,
that, whatever may be thought of his proofs, his replies are very
unsatisfactory.
. (95) In the first Life of Erard, written by one Paulus or Pau-
: lulus in the eleventh century, we read (L. 1. c. 1.) ; " Erhardro
qui gloria fortis interpretari potest, Narbonensis gentilitate, Ner-
vius civilitate, geriere Scoticus fuit." Instead of Narbonensis gen
tilitate, alluding to his having been of a family settled at a place
called Narbon, some other Lives or legends, not published by
Colgan, have, " Narbonae in Scotia natus." Colgan conjectitfes
that this place was the same as Ardboe or Arboe in the county of
Tyrone, formerly a town of some note, I suspect that Narbon is
a corruption of Nardach, that is, of Ardach or Ardagh, where
Erard is said to have been bishop. The N prefixed is a contrac
tion of na, qf; so that Narbonensis signifies qf Arbon, and Nar-
dachensis, if it was the original reading, would mean qf Ardagh, in
the same manner as Nendrumensis means qf Antrim. (See Not.
187 to Chap, viii.) As to Nervius civilitate, perhaps the author
intended to say, that Erard had spent some time in the territory
of the Nervii, (see above Not. 90.) in which there were some
Irish establishments. In the Life written by Conrad nothing more
is stated than that his country was Scotia, that is as Conrad ex
plains himself (cap. 2.) Ireland, or Scotia major. In some Ger
man calendars, and in two breviaries of Augsburgh together with
one of Wurtzburgh, he is called natione Scotus. According to
the breviary of Ratisbon he was born in the ancient Scotia or
the island of Ireland; Erhardus in veteri Scotia seu Hibernia in
sula oceani natus. Raderus (Bavaria Sancta, Tom. 1.), Bru-
nerus (Rerum Boicarum L. 5), and other German writers, quoted
by Colgan (A A. SS. pi 38. seqq.) agree on this ppint that Erard
was not only a Scot but a Scot of Ireland. In opposition to all
these testimonies there is no authority worth mentioning except
that of St. Hidulf 's Life published in the Acta Bened. (see Not.
90.) in which Erard is said to have been born at Ratisbon. For
this statement there is no foundation whatsoever, unless it should
be argued, that, because Erard spent the last years of himself and

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 109
died in that city, it was therefore the place of his birth. What
could have induced so many German writers of. Erard's Lives,
compilers of breviaries, historians, &c. to deprive their country
of the honour of having produced a saint so highly revered there
as Erard was, unless they had incontrovertible proofs of his hav
ing been born elsewhere ? Hence it is plain, that the author of
that Life of Hidulf was as wrong in making Erard a native of
Ratisbon as he was in assigning to it the birth of even Hidulf
himself. Bollandus, having deeply studied this subject, states,
as the most probable opinion, that Erard was an Irishman.
In several of the documents now mentioned Erard's name is
spelled Erhard, following the genius of the German language ;
and hence the author of the first Life etymologizes it into gloria
fortis; for Er, in German, signifies honour, and hard, or hart,
is, strong, hard. Passing by this and some other etymologies of
Erhard, the real name of the saint seems to have been Erard, a
name, as Colgan observes, not uncommon in Ireland.
(96) Besides the authority of the breviary of Ratisbon, Ra-
derus, and Brunerus, we have for this statement that also of
Hundius, Catalog. Epke, Ratisbon. (See Colgan, AA. SS. p.
35. and 39-40.)
(97) First Life of Erard, L. I. cap. 2. second Life, cap. 2.
Breviaries, &c. From the circumstance of Erard having been
with Hidulf in the Vosges it seems almost certain, that he flou
rished in the seventh century ; for this was, in all probability, the
period, during which Hidulf retired to that country, as appears
from its being stated on very good authority that he arrived there
before the death of St. Deodatus of Nevers, who, as has been
seen, had also retired to Alsace, and whose death is universally
allowed to have occurred about 679. (See Colgan A A. SS. pm
36. Fleury, L. 39. §. 45. and compare with Not. 89.) It is said
in the Breviary of Ratisbon, that Erard went to Rome straight
from Ireland; but this cannot be reconciled with the series of his
transactions, as related in the other documents. The journey to
Rome must have been after his arrival in Germany.
(98) Several writers have called Erard bishop of Ratisbon.
This is denied by Hundius, Raderus, and others, although they
allow that he spent a good part of his time in that city and died
there. Mabillon observes, (Acta Ben. Sec. 3-. part 2. p. 470.)

HO AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII,
that Erardls name does* not appear in the catalogues of the* bi
shops bf Ratisbon* and that it is a hiistake to make him bishop of
that see; As to a story of h\» having been bishop of Frisingenor
of Treves^ it; is not worth attending, to*
(99):Accoi*ding to'some accounts Hidulf was joined with' Erard;
in baptizing Odilia, oi^ as better, known, St. Odilia.. Be this as
it mayi w» have here another veiyistrong argument to show,; that'
Eirarct lived' before the tirnes of king Pepin.a Bollandus states
(GofKmenk.&6.,at St. Erard) that Etico was the son ofLeudesius
and grandson of Erchinoald, (the mayor ;of- the palace and friend
aft Sti; Fursey) who died about 660;' < Etico»married Bersroinda
during; the' reign -of Childeric, that is, Childeric the; second, king
of Austrasia and. afterwards of' all France, who was killed in 678,
(See)Albre'ge,\ &c. at Childeric It.) This king had made Etico duke'
of Gefrnany, who accordingly resided 'at Ehenheim and Hohemburg.
St. Odilia his daughter was the person baptizedfby St. Erard and
St. Hidulf. From these circumstances Bollandus justly concludes;
that this baptism, &c; were prior to the times of king Pepin and
Charlemagne. (100) AA- SS. p. 35. The Breviary of Ratisbon and Hun
dius state, that he died during the reign of Pepin father of Charle
magne ; but' this cannot agree with other circumstances, particu
larly the baptism of Odilia, not long after which his death occurred.
Pepin's reign did not begin until 751, while, on the other hand,
the birth of Odilia was not later than about 700; Therefore in
stead of king Pepin, I think we should say, Pepin mayor of the
palace, Pepin Heristall, who had held that office from about 688
until 714, and was the father of another Charles, i. e. Charles
Mattel. It is right to observe, that this Pepin had governed Aus^
trasia with almost sovereign authority since about 680; (See
Abrege, &c. at Thierry III.)
§. viii. Whatever difference of opinions there
may be in regard to Hildulph or Hidulf having
been a brother of Erard, there is scarcely any as to
his having had a brother called by foreign writers
Albert. The names of the two brothers St. Erard
and St. Albeit (101) go hand in hand together, and
the latter is not less constantly stated to have been a

CHAP. XVIII.

OF IRELAND. HI

nartive of Ireland. His real name was probably Ailbe,
(102) and he is generally said to have been, prior
to quitting his country, archbishop of Cashel,, which
must be understood as to his having been bishop of
Emly. (103) It is stated, that he left Ireland, toge
ther with Erard and others, and that he accompa-
nied him to Germany, whence they are said to have
gone to Rome. (104) Having remained there some
time, Albert, on Erard's returning to Germany,
continuing his pilgrimage proceeded to Jerusalem,
where Gillapatrick, one of his companions, died.
How long he stayed there we are not informed.
Returning to Germany he lost John:, another of his
followers, at Saltfeburg, and on arriving at Ratisbon
found that Erard had, some short time before, de
parted this life. Not wishing to survive him he
prayed to God to take him out of this world j and
his petition was listened to soon after. Albert's re
mains were deposited at Ratisbon in a tomb, only
seven feet distant from that of his brother Erard.
To the times of Pepin Heristall, during whose
mayoralty the saints now treated of seem to have
flourished, belonged to St. Wiro, of whose having
been a native of Ireland I find no reason to doubt.
(105) Even the Irish family, of which he was a
member, is mentioned ; for he is stated to have
been the son of Cuan, son of Lugid, &c of an an
cient family settled in Coreobaschin, (in the now
county of Clare) and that, from which was sprung
St. Senan of Inniscatthy. (106) Wiro is said to
have travelled to Rome and to have been there con
secrated bishop. It is added, that on his return to
Ireland he governed for a time some see (107) which
he afterwards resigned for the purpose of leading a
more retired life. He went to France, where, he
was most graciously received by Pepin Heristall,
(108) who held him in great veneration and used to
confess to him barefoot. Pepin assigned to him a
habitation at Mons Petri, now Odilie-berg in the

112 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
diocese of Liege. This was the place where St.
Wiro died on an 8th of May ; ( 1 09) but in con
sequence of its collegiate church having been trans
ferred to Ruremond, the' saint's remains were re
moved hither in part, and hence he is- often called
St. Wiro of Ruremond, while another part of them
was preserved at Utrecht. (110)
(101) Colgan treats of St. Albert also at 8 January, not because
he knew what was the day of his death, or even what day his me
mory was revered, but on account of its being assigned for St. Erard,
with whom the German writers usually associate St. Albert, joining
them together in their inquiries into the history of these two holy
brothers. Of those writers Conrad is the only one, who making
mention (Life qf St. Erard, cap. 2.) of Albert, whom he calls
Adalbert, seems to speak of him as not having been a brother of
Erard. Colgan had no Life of this saint, but has endeavoured to
make up his Acts as well as he could.
(102) This conjecture of Colgan is indeed not improbable-
Albert was a name well known in Germany, and the transition to
it from Ailbe, a name to which the Germans were not accustomed,
was easy and natural. We find similar inflections in the names of
several Irish saints and teachers, who in old times resorted to the
Continent. (103) The passages of various authors, who agree in calling Al
bert archbishop, or, at least, bishop of Cashel, may be seen in .
Colgan at Albert. But, as he remarks, there was neither an arch
bishop nor bishop of Cashel in Albert's times, supposing him to have
flourished even as late as the eighth century. He therefore con
jectures, that Albert or Ailbe might have been originally called
archbishop of Munster, and, if so, that his see was Emly, the
prelates of_ which were sometimes called archbishops. (See Not.
97. to Chap, xvii.) In this hypothesis Albert or Ailbe would
have been Ailbe the second of that see. He might have been there
between Conang O'Daithil, who died in 661, (see ib.) and Cona-
mail M'Carthy, who died in 707- But as Cashel became in later
times the metropolitical see of Munster, the writers referred to sup
posed that Albert had been archbishop there.
(104) Conrad, says (Life of Erard, cap. 2.) that Albert went

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. H3
with Erard from the Vosges to Bavaria, and Roderus states that
Albert did not go to Rome until after he had spent some time in
Germany. (Compare with Not. 97-)
(105) The Bollandists have St. Wiro at 8 May. Bollandus,
who wrote the prefixed commentary was inclieed to think that he
might have been a native of North Britain rather than of Ireland.
But in the Life, published by his continuators, the island Scotia,
that is Ireland, is expressly called Wiro's country; " Scotia uber
sanctorum patrum insula ;" and we find it again called an island,
ex. c. in the words, " apud incolas ejusdem insulae." It is there
said that he imitated Patrick, Cuthbert, and Columba, the pil
lars of his countiy. And what still more proves this point, we
find a bishop Wiro in various old Irish documents and calen
dars, who was in all appearance the same as the St. Wiro known in
the continent. (See A A. SS. p. 542) Mr. Lingard says, (Angl-
S. Church, ch. 13. Not. 12.) that Alcuin in the poem, De Pont.
Ebor. -o. 1045. calls Wiro an Anglo-Saxon. Now in said poem,
which, by the bye, was not written by Alcuin (see Not. 12 to
Chap, in.) there is not a word about Wiro at that verse, nor, as
far as I can find, in any other part of it.
(106) AA. SS. ib.
(107) It has been supposed by some persons unacquainted with
the state of Ireland in Wiro's times, that he was bishop of Dublin.
Suffice it to say, that Dublin had no bishops in those days. Fo
reigners were very apt, since Dublin became the capital of Ireland,
to assign to it some of our bishops that had removed to the Con
tinent, of whose real sees they had no account.
(108) See Bollandus at St. Wiro. As Pepin was not. invested
with great power until about 680, (see Not. 100) Wiro's arrival
in France must have been later than this year.
(109) The year of his death is not known. Harris says (Bishops
qf Dublin, at St. Wiro) that he died in 650. He took this date
from a marginal note in Surius ; but it is certainly a much too
early, one, as appears from the preceding note. Many of the dates
marked in Surius's edition of the Lives of Saints are merely con
jectural. (110) Bollandus, loc.cit.
§. ix. We read in the chronicle of Marianus Sco-
tus, at the years 674, and 675, that Ireland was
VOL. III. I

3 14 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
then full of holy men, /and that St. Dysibod, hav
ing given up his episcopal functions, went, accom
panied by several persons, from Ireland to Germany.
(Ill) He is said to have been of a noble family, and
gifted with great genius. Having been raised to the
episcopacy, and officiated as bishop for some years,
he left his own country, Ireland, and after ten years
peregrination and preaching, stopped in the diocese
of Mentz: There, together with three companions,
he erected a habitation and an oratory on the side of
a mountain. Several persons flocking to him, par
ticularly Benedictine monks, a monastery was estab
lished there, (112) in which the rule of St. Benedict
was observed. Dysibod did not embrace it himself,
as he led a stricter life than it required. Yet the
monks refused to submit to any other person but him
as their abbot. He is said to have died in the 8 1st
year of his age, on an 8th of July. (113)
About tbe same time that St. Dysibod went to
Germany there was living in the territory of Rouen
an Irish monk, named Sidonias (Sedna), who formed
a monastery on some ground granted to him by
Theodoric, or Thierry III. king of Burgundy and
Neustria. He went afterwards to Rome with St.
Audeon or Ouen, archbishop of Rouen, in the year
677- Sidonius died on a 14th of September, at
which day his name is marked in the calendars. His
monastery became, in course of time, a cell belong
ing to the house of Fontanelles, and the adjoining
village of St. Saens has been called from his name.
014)
(111) " Hibernia insula Sanctis viris plena habetur; de qua
beatus pater noster Dysibodius, episcopatu abdicate , cum plerisqufe
sociis egressus hunc locum inhabitavit, et divinis laudibus hie se a
fidelibus venerari apud Deum promeruit." Mabillon observes
(Annal. Ben. ad. 674.) that what is here said of Dysibod was per
haps inserted by Dodechin the continuator of Marianus' chronicle.
This seems very probable ; for Dodechin was abbot of the monas
tery of St. Dysibod, and could have used the phrases, our blessed

CHAP. XVIII.

OF IRELAND. 1 15

father, this place, and here, with greater propriety than Marianus,
who did not belong to that establishment, although he spent his
last years not far from it, as it was in the diocese of Mentz. The
Life of St. Dysibod, which Surius has at 8 July, was written by
the abbess St. Hildegardis, and as if by revelation, in the year
1 170. Much of it is mere common place narrative.
(112) Mabillon states (Annal. Ben. ad A. 67 1) that this mo
nastery was in the diocese of Mentz, and county of Spanheim, one
mile distant from the monastery of Spanheim, and two from that
of Creutznac.
(113) Mabillon observes, (ib.) that, according to the martyr-
ology of Rabanus, the Natalis of St. Dysibod was celebrated
in the neighbourhood of Mentz on the 6th of September. Ra
banus, he adds, calls him simply a confessor, without adding the
title of bishop. But his being represented as such in the chroni
cle of Marianus is a good reason for believing that he really was
so. As to the story of his having been bishop of Dublin, it ap
pears no where except in Wilson's Anglican martyrology. What
has been remarked concerning St. Wiro ( Not. 107) is applicable
to this case. We may also pass by Dysibod's having been author
of a tract attributed to him by Dempster. (See Ware and Harris,
Writers at Disibod.)
(114) See Mabillon (ib.) and compare with Fleury, L. 39. §.
54. §. x. The celebrated bishop and martyr St Kilian
the apostle of Franconia, flourished in these times.
(115) That he was a native of Ireland is universally
admitted; (116) but we have no account of the
part of it, to which he belonged. He was of an
illustrious family, and, having embraced the monastic .
life, (117) js said to have governed some monastery,
of which, however, I do not find any particular
mention. Having distinguished himself by his
sanctity and great ecclesiastical learning, he was
raised to the priesthood, and afterwards to the epis
copacy. (118) Notwithstanding his being very
much beloved by his clergy and people, a .wish for
attaining a greater degree of perfection induced him
i 2

116 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
to visit foreign parts, and accordingly taking with
him some companions, among whom are named
Colomah (119) a priest and Totnan a deacon, he
went over to the continent and proceeded on his
journey until he arrived at Wurtzburg in Franconia.
Liking the situation, he determined on fixing his
abode there ; but, being anxious to preach the Gos
pel to the people of that country, who were still
pagans, he thought it necessary to apply to the Holy
see for permission to do so, hoping that the then
Pope, John V. .would not refuse it to him. (120)
On his arrival at Rome he found that John was dead,
but was very kindly received by his successor Conon.
This occurred either late in the year 686, or early in
687. (121) Conon finding him well qualified for
the mission both by the purity of his faith and his
learning, gave him every requisite faculty for that
purpose. (122) Kilian then returned to Wurtzburg,
accompanied by Coloman and Totnan, who assisted
him in his apostolical exertions. He was fortunate
enough to convert and baptize Gozbert, duke of
that country, whose conversion was followed by that
of a great number of his subjects Geilana, to whom
Gozbert was married, had been the wife of his
brother. Although Kilian disapproved of his keep
ing her as his wife, he thought it advisable to be
silent on this point, until Gozbert should be well
confirmed in the Christian faith. The time being
come when Kilian found the duke fit for receiving
further instruction, he told him that one thing was
still requisite for his being quite acceptable in the
sight of God, viz. that he should part with Geilana,
whereas their marriage was unlawful. Gozbert
answered, that this was the most difficult point as yet
proposed to him by Kilian ; but that, as he had al
ready renounced many things for the love of God,
he would also quit Geilana, although she was very
dear to him ; adding however, that, being then hur
ried to proceed on a military expedition, he should^

CHAP. XVIII.

OP IRELAND. 117

defer until his return the arrangement and execution
of his design. After his departure Geilana, who was
informed of what had passed between him and
Kilian, became determined on revenge, and seizing
on a convenient opportunity sent at night one of her
men (123) to put him and his companions to death.
Kilian, Coloman, and Totnan were singing the
praises of the Lord, when the assassin arrived.
They made no resistance, Kilian exhorting his bre
thren to receive the wished for crown of martyrdom,
and were immediately beheaded. During the same
night their remains were hastily thrown into the
ground, together with their clothes and pontifical
ornaments, the sacred books, cross, &c. This mar
tyrdom occurred in 689 on the 8th of July, at which
day the names of St. Kilian and his companions are
marked in the Roman and other martyrologies, and
Kilian is particularly revered at Wurtzburg as its
patron saint. (124)
When Gozbert returned to Wurtzburg, he inquired
for the servants of God. Geilana said that she did
not know what was become of them. But the
whole matter was soon discovered ; for the assassin,
running about in all directions, complained that
Kilian was burning him with a dreadful fire. Gos-
bert, calling together his Christian subjects, asked of
them how that unhappy man should be treated. A
person present at the meeting, who had been
suborned by Geilana, proposed that he should be left
at liberty, for the purpose of trying whether the
God of the Christians would avenge the death of
the martyr, which if he do not, we will, said this
wiseacre, worship the great Diana as our forefathers
have done. This proposal was agreed to ; and the
assassin, being let loose, got into a phrenzy and tore
himself with his teeth until he expired, lt is added
that Geilana was seized with an evil spirit, which
tormented her so much, that she died soon after.
The remains of the holy martyrs were found in 752

118 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
(125) by St. Burchard, bishop of Wurtzburg, and
removed by him to a great church, which he had
erected in that city.
(115) Canisius has published (Antiq. leet. Tom. 4. al. Tom.,3.
part. 1.) two Lives of St. Kilian ; one rather large, the author of
which he conjectured to be Egilward a monk of St Burchard's
monastery near Wurtzburg, who lived, according to some writers,
in; the 11th century; the other shorter, but more exact, by an
unknown author. The former is also in Surius (at 8 July)
and has been republished by Messingham (Florilegium, &c.) and
others ; the latter was preferred for republication in 'the Acta
Bened. Sec. 2. p. 991. particularly as various interpolations have
been foisted into the larger one.
(116) It would. be useless to collect the many testimonies, that
might be adduced on this point. In the-large Life Kilian's coun
try is thus described ; " Scotia, quae et Hibernia, dicitm, insula
est maris oceani, foecunda quidam glebis, sed sanctissimis clarior
viris ; ex quibus Columbano gaudet Itilia, Gallo ditatur Aleman-
nia, Kiliano Teutonica nobilitatur Francia." Rabanus and Not-
ker, in their martyrologies* say that he came froih Hibernia Scot-
orum insula ; Marianus Scotus has Hibernia insula. These and
other passages to the same purpose, such as from Bellarmine,
Serarius, &c. may be seen in Messingham, Floril. p. 324. seqq.
Among the more modern writers it is sufficient to mention Mabil
lon and Fleury. .
(117) It is said in St. Kilian's Office in the Benedictine bre
viary, that the monastery in which- he professed the monastic
rule was that of Hy. Trithemius also calls him a monk of Hy,
moriachus Huensis in Hibernia ; but this appears to be only con
jectural. According to the large Life Kilian could not have been
a monk of' Hy ; for it is stated that he became superior of the
very monastery, in which he had made his profession. Now it is
well known that he was never abbot of Hy. Trithemius' mean
ing was perhaps, that Kilian belonged to the order of Hy, al
though living in Ireland. It is odd; that Burke (Office of St.
Kilian) makes him a Benedictine, which, omitting other observa
tions, he could not have been, were he of the order of Hy.
(118) According to the short Life Kilian was a bishop before he

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 119
left Ireland. And in an old chronicle, quoted by the abbot Tha-
daeus of Ratisbon (see Messingham, Floril. p. 324.) he is spoken
of as a bishop, prior to his setting out for the Continent. This
statement has been followed by Fleury, L. 40. §. 38. But, as
will be seen lower down, other accounts represent him as having
been consecrated bishop at Rome.
(119) In some documents, relative to St. Kilian, Coloman is
erroneously called Colonat.
(120) At this part of Kilian's transactions the author of the
large Life, or rather some interpolater, introduces the fable of
Ireland having been under an apostolical censure on account of
the Pelagian heresy, and accordingly of the necessity Kilian was
under of going to Rome for the purpose of being absolved from
it. To what has been already observed on this subject (Not.
95 to Chap, xv.) I shall here add, that there is not the least
allusion to such a censure in the other and more correct Life
of Kilian ; nor among the old authors, ex. c. Rabanus, Notker,
Marianus, Scotus, &c. some of whom mention his having got per
mission to preach from the Holy see, is there a word about this
story of Irish Pelagianism. Nothing relative to any general cen
sure or interdict laid upon Ireland appears in Bede, and the only
charge brought forward, yet still unaccompanied by ecclesiasti
cal censure, against any considerable portion of the Irish people,
was on the ground of their Paschal and tonsural observances.
How could the people or clergy of Ireland be supposed to lie un
der an interdict, while such crowds of Irishmen were, as was well
known at Rome, instructing the continental nations ; while Fur
sey, Foillan, Livinus, Arbogast, Florentius, Wiro, &c. preached
the Gospel to them without any previous absolution from censures ?
National interdicts, or general censures of the kind alluded to,
were scarcely known at that period ; nor is there any historian or
canonist, who, in his inquiries into the origin of interdicts, has ever
alleged this pretended Irish one as a specimen of them. (See
Fleury Instit. au Droit, fyc. Part,. 3. chap. 21.) I shall waste no
further time on this silly fable, except to observe that the pas
sage, in which it is contained, is to all appearance an interpola
tion. (121) The death of John V. and the accession of Conon have
been assigned by some writers to 687 ; but Pagi (Critica, Sfc. ad

120 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
A. 687-) maintains that John died in 686, and was succeeded by
Conon in tbe same year on the 21st of October.
(122) In the large Life it is said that Conon raised Kilian to the
prelacy, in praesulatus qfficium constituit ; so that he might ex
ercise functions peculiar to bishops. The author's meaning seems
indeed to be, that Kilian was consecrated bishop by Conon, and
so it has been understood by several writers. This is very proba
bly a mistake, founded on tbe circumstance of Kilian having re
ceived from the Pope certain extraordinary powers, with which
bishops are not usually invested, such as that of erecting episco
pal sees, and other privileges requisite in the case of a new mis
sion, such in short as those which Gregory the great had granted
to Augustin towards the formation of churches in England. His
having obtained such privileges at Rome might have easily led
to the supposition, that it~was there also that he was consecrated.
But we have better authority for believing, that Kilian was a bishop
before he left Ireland. (See Not. 118.) .
(123) Some accounts state, that Geilana sent two assassins.
This is a matter of no consequence. It is somewhat singular, that
Rabanus and Notker, in opposition to every other account, attri
bute the order for murdering Kilian, &c. to Gozbert.
(124) Although St. Kilian is called the patron of Wurtzburg,
Mabillon, (at Kilian's Life, Acta Ben. Sec. 2.) Fleury, (L. 40. §.
38) and Basnage (Preface to Kilian's Acts in his edition of Canisius,
Tom.i 3. Part. 1.) deny that he was bishop of that city, as its see
was not established until many years later in the eighth centuiy.
Colgan had said (AA. SS. p. 331.) that, although he was bishop
of all FranConia, he was not of Wurtzburg. Yet Marianus
Scotus (ad. A. 687) expressly calls him bishop of Wurtzburg, and
so he is named in the chronicles of Sigebert and Rhegino, and by
many other writers, some of whom, ex. c. Notker, add that he was
its first bishop. This question is easily settled ; for it is not doubted '
by any one, that Kilian was a bishop, nor that, although he
preached and exercised episcopal functions throughout Franconia,
his chief residence was at Wurtzburg. He was not indeed imme
diately succeeded by any bishop there ; whereas from the time of
his martyrdom about fifty years elapsed until St. Burchard was
appointed bishop of that city. But had this interval not taken
place, and if there had been a bishop fixed there immediately

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 121
after the martyrdom, Kilian would have been universally called
bishop of Wurtzburg and its first bishop. What is the reason why
some old sees are considered as fixed and regular in preference to
places, in which bishops have presided ? It is no other than that
in the former there has been an uninterrupted succession of
bishops, which was not the case with regard to the latter. The
question therefore is one of mere words, and it is an affectation of
canonistical precision to say, that St. Kilian was not bishop of
Wurtzburg. He lived there not as a hermit or in a retired manner,
as, for instance, St. Erard had at Ratisbon, but as a bishop actively
employed in practising episcopal duties ; and this was surely
enough to authorize the old writers, who treat of him, to give him
the title of bishop of Wurtzburg, and first bishop of that see,
whereas no bishop had ever resided there . before him. Serarius
observes, ( Notes to St Kilian's Life ap. Messingham, Floril, &c.
p. 328.) that the ecclesistical monuments of Wurtzburg point him
out as its bishop, and joins those, who call him its first bishop.
St. Kilian is spoken of as also an author, but, I suspect, on weak
grounds. (See Ware aud Harris, Writers at Kilian. )
(125) SeePagi, Critica, &c. ad A. 689. and Colgan, A A. SS,
at 14 February, where he treats of the translation of the remains
of St. Kilian and companions.
§.xi. St. Cataldus or Cathaldus, r\c26) whose his
tory has been already touched upon, (127) flourished,
I believe, in these times, that is, in the latter half of
the seventh century. It has been strangely s'up- "
posed that he lived in the second ; (128) but from
the accounts, however confused and mixed with
fables, that are given of his transactions, it is evident,
that he must have lived at a much later period. As
to his having been a native of Ireland, there can be
no question ; (129) and Munster is mentioned as
the province, to which he belonged. (130) The
very town, in which he was born, is spoken of; some
say it was Raschau, and others Catandum, (131)
both which in our times can scarcely be guessed at,
except that they were, particularly the latter, sup
posed to have been not far distant from Lismore.

122 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
It is said that his father was named Euchus (Echu),
and his mother Achlenna, or Athena. He studied
at Lisihorie, where after some time he became a
professor. (132) His lectures are stated to have
been 'attended by a great number of students from
various countries. (133) The times, in which
Cataldus was thus employed, cannot be precisely
ascertained; but they were undoubtedly later by
several years than 653, abe-Ut which time the Lismore
establishment was founded by St. Carthag. (134)
Cataldus, besides instructing others, edified them by
his extraordinary, piety. He is said to have erected
a church at Lismore in honour of the Blessed Virgin
mother of God. (135) It is added, that some how
or other he incurred the displeasure of a king, (136)
who. ordered him to be thrown into a dungeon. " The
king soon repented of this violent measure, and, to
make some amends for the injury Cataldus had sus'
tained, is stated to have made him a grant of a dis*
trict, which had belonged to a duke or chieftain
recently dead, whose name was Meltridis. (137)
This must be understood with such limitations as
the discipline of those times, particularly ia the Irish
church, required, and can mean no more than that
the king assigned to him some land for endowing a
church at Rachau, of which place Cataldus was im
mediately appointed bishop. (138) This was pro
bably about the year 67O. (139) Having governed
that see for some time he is said to have gone on a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and, on his preparing to
return thence to Ireland, to have been admonished
in a vision to proceed to Tarentum. According to'
certain strange stories he found, on his arrival in
that city, almost all the inhabitants immersed in
-paganism ; (1-t'O) but this monstrous assumption is
quite irreconcileable with the times of St. Ca.taldu&
It is, however, very probable that vices, although not
amounting to idolatry, prevailed there at that period,
in consequence of the revolutions and vicissitudes of

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 123
thatcountry. (141) The Saint, having landed at
some distance from the city, CUred on his way to it a
woman, who had- been deaf and dumb, and on enter
ing the city relieved a man from blindness. He was
immediately taken notice of, and preaching to the
inhabitants was listened to with great attention.
Not long after he was unanimously appointed to the
sefe of Tareiitum, which he governed for many years
with great wisdom and zeal. The year of his death
is not known ; but it appears that the day was an
Sth of March. (142) It would be unnecessary to
enlarge on the extraordinary veneration, in which
this saint' is held at Tarentmh and elsewhere, and on
the great number of miracles, which are said to have
been wrought at his tomb. (143) A curious pro
phecy relative to the state of the kingdom of Naples
about the latter end of the 15th century, and the
times of Ferdinand of Arragon, the French invasion,
&e. has been- attributed to St. Cataldus; but it is1
evidently a forgery made up on the occasion of those
troubles, and has nothing to do with the' real history
of the saint. (144-)
St. Donatus* a brother of Cataldus, is reckoned
among the bishops of Lupiae, or Aletium, now
Lecce, (145) a noble city of the kingdom of Naples.
It is said; that these holy brothers lived together as
hermits for some time near a small tdwn; noW" called
San Cataldb. ( 14b) Concerning St: DoUaitUs I' can
find nothing further; unless we should" admit the
fiction of Dempster that he was author of one or
two books. (147)
( 126) The name is spelled in both theseways. The- original-
name of this saint' was, as Colgan observes, Cathal, or Cathald, an
appellation very common in Ireland, now softened into Cahal or
Gnhill. According to our pronunciation of the letter t, the old;
Irish would not have written Cdtald.
(127) Chap, ii §. 3. Colgan, omitting the Cataldias-oi poetical
Life of St. Catalaus by Bonaventure Mbroni, ba^published (at 8-

124 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
March) the prose Life in two books by his brother Bartholomew,
besides a short account of him from Petrus de Natalibus, and an
office of St. Cataldus from the breviary of Tarentum or Taranto.
Usher treats largely of this saint, Prim. p. 751. seqq. The ac
count given of him by the Bollandists is at the 10th of May, the
festival of his Invention and Translation.
(128) John Juvenis says, in the preface to his History of Ta
rentum, that Cataldus was at Tarentum in the year 160, but
elsewhere he places his arrival there in 166. According to the
Life by Barth. Maroni his entry into Tarentum was about 170.
Other writers" assign his times. to about 500. (See Usher, p. 759,
and Colgan, A A. SS. p. 560.) Ughelli, in his account of St.
Cataldus, (Italia Sacra, ad Tarentini Archiep.) merely relates
the stories of Juvenis and Petr. de Natalibus. They are not worth
the trouble of refutation.
(129) Dempster, with his usual effrontery, pretended that Ca
taldus was born iu Scotland. His lies and contradictions on .this
subject have been well exposed by Usher (p. 753.) and Colgan
(A A. SS. p. 561.) The Bollandists, while they admit that every
circumstance tends to show, that Cataldus was a native of Ire
land, yet, as if to display their ingenuity, throw out a conjecture
that he might have been from Ragusa. And why ? Because it
had been said that the name of the place, in which he was born,
was Rachau, and that he was sometimes called Cataldus Rachau.
Then they ask ; might not Rachau have been the same as Rau-
sium or Ragusium ? But those, who thought that Rachau was
the birth-place of Cataldus, say that it was situated in Munster in
Ireland ; and as to Ragusa, the Bollandists themselves observe,
that Ragusa did not exist until it was formed out of the ruins of
Epidaurus, which had been destroyed in the 7th century. Not
only the Maroni in their Lives of Cataldus, but Juvenis, Petrus a
Natalibus, Philip Ferrarius, and many other writers, besides various
martyrologies, and Offices of St. Cataldus, all agree in making
him a native of Ireland. (See Usher and Colgan, locc. citt.)
And it is to be observed, that in every passage relative to this
point his country is called Hibernia, or the island Hibernia, the
equivocal name of Scotia not being even once used.
(130) Barth. Maroni (Life, &c. L. 1. c. 1.) calls it Mononia,
for which Colgan has justly substituted Momonia. In some old

CHAP. XVIII. OP IRELAND. 125
Offices of St. Cataldus it is written Numenia, which has been
corrected in a Roman edition into Mononia. (See Usher, p.
754.) (131) According to the Office ap. Colgan, and others referred
to by Usher, (ib.) with which Juvenis agrees, the saint's native
town was Catandum. Maroni says, (loc. cit.) that by some he was
made a native of Rachau, but observes that the former is the
more probable opinion, and that the latter was seemingly found
ed only on the saint's being surnamed Rachau, which, he adds,
ought to be understood not as if Cataldus had been born there,
but as relative to his having been bishop of Rachau. Colgan has
some conjectures as to the situation of these places ; but they
are far from satisfactory. With regard to Catandum, his suppos
ing (A A. SS. p. 544.) that it might have been a Baile-Cathal, or
Cathel's-town, in the county of Tipperary might be admitted, were
it called, as indeed it is by P. de Natalibus, Cataldus, so as that
it had the same name as the saint. There is a place called Bal-
lycahill in said " county at the borders of the baronies of Kilne-
mana and Kinelogurty. But, besides its being far distant from
Lismore, the name of the saint's native spot is usually written Ca
tandum. As to Rachau, which, Morani says, was formerly a city
of some note in Munster, Colgan thought the real name was Ra-
than, observing that there were three places so called in the
Nandesi country, in which Lismore is situated, and that one of
them is now called Sen-Rnthan, or Old Rathan. This must, I
am sure, be the same as Shanraghan in the barony of Iffa, county
of Tipperary. According to the Irish sound of th, Rathan is the
same as Raghan or Rohan. It is really probable that Shan
raghan or Old Rathan is the place meant by Rachau, particularly
as it is within a short distance of Lismore, not far from which
Rachau is represented to have been situated. If, instead of Ra-
chau, we should read Rachan, ( u and n being often interchanged
in MSS.) the probability would be still greater. Although Col
gan 's conjecture as to Rathan for Rachau is worthy of attention,
yet Burke, when republishing (Officio propria, &c.) the Office of
St.- Cataldus from the A A. SS. ought not to have thrust into the
text Rathan, instead of Rachau, which Colgan has preserved.
This is not the only alteration he has made in said Office motu
proprio, and without any sufficient authority.

126 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
(132) Life by. Barth. Moroni, L.l.c. 4. and Office.
(133) In the Office we read; " Adolescens (Cataldus) liber-
alibus disciplinis eruditus ad earn brevi doctrinae excellentiam
pervenit, ut ad ipsum audiendum Galli, Angli, Scoti, Theutones,
aliique finitimarum aliarum regionum quamplurimi Lesmoriam
convenirent." Bonaventure. Moroni has described this conflux in
the following verses ;
" Undique conveniunt proceres, quos dulcc trahebat
Discendi studium, maior num cognita virtus,
An laudata foret. Celeres vastissima Rheni
Jam vada Teutonici, jam deseruere Sicambri :
Mittit ab extremo gelidos Aquilone Boemos
Albis, et Arverni coeunt, Batavique frequentes,
Et quicunque colunt alta sub rupe Gehennas.
Non omnes prospectat Arar Rbodanique fluenta
Helvetios ; multps desiderat ultima Thule.
Certatim hi properant diverso tramite ad urbem
Lesmoriam, iuvenis primos ubi transigit annos."
(See Usher, p. 755.)
(134) See Chap. xiv. §. 14. Not few years must have elapsed
from the foundation of Lismore until Cataldus began to teach
there. He had studied himself in that school and spent some
years at it, before he became qualified to be a professor. In his
time Lismore was well known in foreign countries, which its re
putation could not have reached all of a sudden.
(135) Life, cap. 4. Office, &c. Colgan observes, (A A. SS.p.
555.) that among eight churches, that were in Lismore in his
time, there was one under said title.
(136) P. de Natalibus makes him king of all Ireland. But, if
there be any truth in the matter, he must have been rather a king
of Munster. The same author as well as Moroni and others
assign a very silly cause, not worth mentioning, for the king's
displeasure. (137) It can scarcely be doubted that Meltridis, as he is called
by the Italian writers, was the same person as Moelochtride, a
chieftain of Nandesi, who had granted to St. Carthagh the ground
for his monastery of Lismore. (See Chap. xiv. § . 14.) There

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 127
is every reason to think, that Moelochtride survived St. Carthagh,
who died in 637, and, it is highly probable, even his own so
Bran-finn, who was killed in 666. (See Colgan, AA- SS. p. 561.)
Now supposing that he lived until about 670, we have the period,
at which Cataldus was raised to the episcopacy. The name Mel-
tridis has been mistaken by some writers as that of the Duke's
territory. There was no principality so called in Ireland.
(138) In the saint's Life, &c. it is ridiculously stated that, hav
ing obtained this wonderful grant of a whole principality, he di
vided it into twelve bishoprics, and raised Rachau to the rank of
an archiepiscopal see. Burke, perceiving the .absurdity of this
fable, has, in his edition of the Office, changed the bishoprics into
parishes and the archiepiscopate into a simple bishopric.
(139) See Not. 137.
(140) This story might agree well enough with the supposition
of Moroni and others, that St. Cataldus arrived at Tarentum about
the year 170. But as the hypothesis is false, so are its concomi
tant parts. It is odd, that Burke has retained this tale, whereas
he lays down, erroneously indeed, that -the saint died about 492.
How could he have imagined, that Tarentum, or any other city
of southern Italy, was at that period almost devoid of Christi
ans? (141) The Goths had been driven out of Tarentum in the
sixth century by the Greeks, who in their turn were expelled by
the Lombards under Romoald, duke of Beneventum. (See Pau-
lus diaconus, De Gestis Langobard. L. 6. c. 1.) According to
Bollandus and Muratori, (Rer. Ital. Scriptor. Tom. 1. p. 490.)
Romoald ruled the dutchy of Beneventum from 671 to 687. It
was, I think, during this interval that St. Cataldus arrived at
Tarentum. (142) Some writers say it was on 8th of May ; but the archives
1 of the church of Tarentum and other authorities have the 8th of
March. (See AA. SS. p. 559.)
(143) The second book, which is rather large, of Barth. Mo
roni's work is full of accounts of these miracles.
(144) Whoever wishes to know more about this pretended
prophecy may consult the Life by Barth. Moroni, X. 1. and Ware
and Harris, Writers at Cataldus. Dempster, in his usual way,
took it into his head to ascribe to him also a Book df Homilies.

128 AN ECCLESIASTICAL^ HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
(145) See Ughelli, (Italia Sac. ad Aletini sive Lupienses Epis-
copi) who quotes J. Ant. Ferraria and Jul. Caes. Infantinus for
Donatus having been bishop of that city. Following the fable of
Cataldus having been at Tarentum in the second century, he ac
cordingly assigns his brother Donatus to the same periofl. He
speaks of Lupiae and Aletium as one and the same place ; but
Baudrand (Lexic. Geogr. at Lupiae) states that the ancient Lu
piae was a maritime town some miles distant from Aletium, or
Lecce, and that is now called La Rocca, although, as he observes,
others think that it was the same as San Cataldo, likewise at
some miles distant from Lecce. Be this as it may, the see,
named Lupiensis, is now at Lecce. Barth. Moroni (Life qf St.
Cataldus, L. 1. c. 11.) makes mention of Donatus as being said
to have been the first bishop of Lupiae and a brother of St. Ca
taldus. Juvenis also relates the same tradition ; ( see Usher, p.
760.) and we find it likewise in Philip Ferrarius (Catalog. &c. at
22 October). As to the name, Donatus, no object can be de
rived from it ; for the Irish used to latinize Donagh into
Donatus. (146) Moroni, ib. Juvenis has swelled the time of this eremiti
cal life up to 14 years, -observing that San Cataldo lies, within ten
miles of Otranto. (Usher, ib.)
(147) See Usher, ib.
§. xii. While this swarm of holy and learned
men were teaching and edifying foreign nations,
some persons, distinguished for sanctity or eccle
siastical rank, died in Ireland. Maldogar, bishop of
Ferns, the immediate successor of Tuenec, (148)
departed this life in 677, and was succeeded by Di-
rath, who held that see until 6yi. (149) In the
same year died a St. Coman or Comman, whose
memory was revered on the 18th of March, and
who is called a bishop in various Irish calendars, but
of what see is not mentioned. (150) Another Co-
man, surnamed qf Ferns, and erroneously supposed
by some to have been bishop there, (151) died in the
following year 67S- (152) To this year is assigned
the death of Colman abbot of Clonmacnois, (153)

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 1 29
as also that of Kennfael, abbot of Bangor, whose
memory was revered on the 8th of said month.
(154) The holy virgin St. Cera, alias Chier, died in
680. (155) She is said to have been the daughter
of one Duibhre, and of an illustrious family of
Muskerry in the now county of Cork. It is sup
posed that she was the St. Chier, who, together
with five other virgins, applied to St. Fintan Munnu,
when residing in Heli (Ely O'Carrol) for a situa
tion to establish a nunnery, and to whom he is said
to have assigned the place, where he had lived him
self, afterwards called Tech-telle. (156) That St.
Cera spent some time in this place I do not find any
sufficient reason for denying ; (157) but it is very
doubtful whether she got it from Fintan Munnu, or
whether he had ever resided there. (158) How
long she remained in Heli we are not informed.
Returning thence to her own country she founded
a nunnery, called, from her name, Killchree, now
Kilcrea, (159) a few miles S. W. from the city of
Cork, which she governed until her death. The
reputation of this saint was very great, and her fes
tival was kept at Kilcrea not only on the 5th of
January, the anniversary of her decease, but like
wise on the l6th of October, as a day of commemo
ration. Russin, son of Lappain, a comorban, or
successor, of St. Barr of Cork, and who was in all
probability a bishop, departed this life in 685. (686)
(160) St. Ossan, whose name is in the Irish calendars at
17 February, in some of which he is called a bishop,
died in 686 (687). He is said to have been a
descendant of king Leogaire ; and his memory
was revered at Rath-ossain, a place named from him
near the west gate of Trim. (l6l) The death of St.
Becan of Clonard is assigned to the 1 6th of April,
A. D. 687 (688). (162) I do not find him stiled
VOL. III. K

130 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII*
bishop or abbot j but he was probably either one or
the other.
(148) See Chap. xvii. §. 7.
(149) Four Masters and Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 564. According
to their practice of anticipating the Christian era, they assign the
demise of Maldogar to 676, and that of Dirath to 690.
(150) See Not. 36. to Chap. xvii. (151) See ib.
(152) Usher, p. 968, and Ind. Chron.
(153) Archdall at Clonmacnois. (154) Idem at Bangor.
(155) Colgan, treating of this saint at 5 January, has, from the
Irish annals, A. 679. i. e. 680 for her death.
(156) Archdall places Tech-Telle or Teaghtelle in the county
of Westmeath, because Colgan says that, from having been in
Heli, it afterwards was comprized in the western Meath. But by
western Meath Colgan, and the older writers whom he quotes,
understood not only the present Westmeath, but likewise the
King's county, in which Tech-Telle ought to be placed, whereas
no part of Heli ever extended as far as whait is now called West
meath. Tech-Telle, or the house of Telle, got its name from St.
Telle, son of Segen, who was contemporary with Fintan Munnu,
and accordingly lived in the early part of the seventh century ;
and whose memory was revered on the 25th of June. (See A A. SS.
p. 15. and 713.) Archdall has for this saint another Teach-Telle at
Teltown in the county of East Meath. And why ? Because Col
gan, speaking of him (at p. 7 1 3 ib.) places Teach-Telle in Midia, or
Meath in general. But he had elsewhere (p. 15.) observed, that
the part of Midia^ in which Teach-Telle lay, was the western ;
and we have just seen that it was in the tract now called the
King's county. It is plain, on comparing the passages of Colgan,
that he knew of only one Teach-Telle. As to Teltown, a plac»
not far from Kells to the East, there is no reason to think that it
owes its name to any saint, and it is more than probable that it
is the same, at least in part, as the ancient Tailten, celebrated for
the sports held there in former times. (See Not. 6. to Chap, v.)
(157) She is stated to have been in that place before it was
occupied by St. Telle. The only difficulty is that Telle flourished
before the death, in. 635, of Fintan Munnu. But St. Cera seems
to have been young at the time she is said to have been there.

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND.

131

Supposing that this was about 625, her having lived until 680
contains nothing contradictory or unchronological.
(158) See Not. 78. to Chap. xv.
(159) Colgan, in the Acts of this saint, which he has endeavoured
to patch up, pretends that she had founded the nunnery of Kilcrea,
before she went to Heli. The only reason, that appears for this
position, is that he thought, and indeed very strangely, that she was
the St. Ciara who is mentioned, in the Life of St. Brendan of
Clonfert, as a holy virgin, contemporary with him, and living in
Muscrighe Thire. He confounded Muscrighe Thire with the Mus
kerry of Cork, not recollecting, as he often does elsewhere, that the
former was the tract now called Lower Ormond in Tipperary, whereas
the latter was known by the name of Muscrighe Mitine. This is not
the worst part of his hypothesis ; for he knew that St. Brendan was
dead since 577. And yet he would fain make us believe that a per
son, who Eved until 680, was a distinguished saint in his days-
To enable us to swallow this anachronism, he says she might
have reached the age of 130. Harris was so led astray by this
stuff, that he assigned the foundation of Kilcrea to the sixth
century. Archdall says nothing (at Kilcrea) about the time of
this foundation ; but (at Teachtelle) he introduces St. Cera build
ing an abbey, as he calls it at Teachtelle, before the year 576.
Passing by these absurdities, I shall only add that, if there was
a St. Ciara or Cera in Brendan's time, she was different from
the one of Kilcrea, and that she belonged to Lower Ormond.
Colgan observes that, besides the St. Cera of Kilcrea, three other
holy virgins of the same name are mentioned in the Irish calen
dars. (160) 4 Masters, and Colgan, A A. SS. p. 150. Ware has not
Russin among the bishops of Cork, but Harris has.
(161) See Colgan, A A. SS.p.366.
(162) Ib. p. 406. As the date 687 is taken from the 4 Mas-
ters, it may be concluded that it was the same as 688. Yet Ware
and Harris (at Bishops of Meath) have retained 687.
§. xin. Segen, archbishop of Armagh, having
held that see for 27 years, (163) died on the 24th
May, A. 688. (I64) and was succeeded by Flan
Febhla, son of Scanlan,- whose incumbency lasted
k 2

132 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
for the same number years. Dirath, bishop of Ferns,
whose death is assigned to 691, had for successor St.
Moling, (165) who is said to have been otherwise
called Dayrchell. (166) He was a native of Hy-
kinselagh, in Leinster, (167) and his genealogy has
been traced to the royal house of that province. (l68)
According to some accounts he was a disciple of St.
Maidoc of Ferns. If so, he must have been very
young at that time, as St. Maidoc died, at the latest,
in 632. Having embraced the monastic life, he
founded a monastery at Aghacainid, or, as called
from his name, Tegh-Moling, now St. Mullen's, near
the Barrow in the county of Carlow. The precise
time of this foundation is not known, but it was pro
bably about the middle of the seventh century. (169)
He governed this establishment for many years, part
of which he is stated to have spent at Glendaloch,
-Until he was raised to the see of Ferns in 691. (170)
We find him under the title of archbishop of Ferns,
inasmuch as the sort of precedency, which king
Bran-dubh had procured for that see, still continued
annexed to it. (170 In the year 693 he induced
Finnacta, the monarch of Ireland, to exempt the
province of Leinster from the tribute of oxen, with
which it had been burdened from a very long period
of time. (172) Some prophecies, relative to the
kings and affairs of Ireland, have been attributed to
St. Moling. (173). He died on the 17th of June,
697, (174) and has been considered as one of the
principal saints of Leinster. (175) His successor at
Ferns was, it appears, the bishop and abbot Killen,
who lived until 714. (I76)
(163) See Chap. xvii. §. 7.
(164) Ware and Harris (Bishops at Armagh). Colgan has
from the martyrology of Donegall, A. 687, i. e. 688. Harris has
strangely misrepresented his words ( Tr. Th. p. 294) on this point,
stating that he places Segen's death in 686, in consequence of
liis having followed a faulty copy of the Psalter qf Cashel.

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 133
Now the fact is quite the reverse. Colgan found the date 686
(687) "in the 4 Masters, but preferred that of 687 (688) ; and
the reason he assigns for this preference is, that in the catalogue
of the archbishops of Armagh, taken from the Psalter of Cashel,
27 years are allowed for the incumbency of Segen. Thence he
concludes that, as Segen became archbishop in 660 (661), his
death ought to be placed in 687 (688). So far then from com
plaining of a faulty copy Harris ought to have told his readers,
that one of the chief authorities for the date 688 assigned by
Ware, and, before him, in substance by Colgan, is that very
Cashel catalogue, which may be seen, ib. p. 292.
(165) Usher (Ind. Chron. ad A. 670.) calls St. Moling second
bishop or archbishop of Ferns. This is a mistake, which he would
have avoided, had he not published his primordia before Colgan's
works appeared, in which the true succession of the prelates of
that see is to be found (See A A. SS. p. 223. and Tr. Th, p.
564.) It is strange that Ware, notwithstanding his having these
works before his eyes, followed Usher's mistake. He seems to
have misunderstood a passage of St. Moling's Life, in which we
read that, being conducted to Ferns, he was appointed archbishop
of the see of St. Maidoc. It adds, that it had been determined
by Bran-dubh, king of Leinster, that the archiepiscopacy of that
province should be annexed to Ferns (See Usher, p. 864.)
Ware perhaps imagined, that Bran-dubh was still alive, when Mo
ling was raised to the see, and might have been thus induced to
place him there next after Maidoc, who died in 632. But Bran-
dubh was dead since 602. (See Chap. xiv. § . 10.) But, as I
- have not the Life of St. Moling, which Ware had, I will not deny
that there may be something else in it, upon which he founded
his opinion. Yet I find that Colgan, who also had a copy of it,
reckons several bishops of Ferns between him and Maidoc, without
even hinting that in said Life he is any wise spoken of as Maid-
oc's next successor. According to Colgan, Maidoc was suc
ceeded immediately by Mochua Luachra. (See Chap. xvii. §. 7.)
Yet he observes (A A. SS. p. 219.) that in an Irish Life of St.
Maidoc this Mochua has been confounded with St. Moling.
Colgan proves that this is a palpable error. In the first place
they were from different parts of Ireland. Moling was a native
of Leinster, and Mochua of Munster. 2. Mochua died in 652

134 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
(653), and Moling in 697. Next we find their names marked at
different days in the calendars ; that of Moling being at 17 June,
whereas Mochua's is at the 22d of said month. That Mochua
was the immediate successor of St. Maidoc is evident from what
is related in this saint's Life, cap. 37. It is there stated, that St.
Maidoc, being about to cross a certain ford, said to his charioteer
that the person, who would open for them the entrance to it, would
sit in his see after himself. A number of students, among whom
was Mochu, as he was afterwards called, were at that time amus
ing themselves near the ford, when On the saint's coming up Mo
chua ran and opened the passage to it. He then with great hu
mility said to St. Maidoc ; " O holy man of God, I wish to go
along with you and to live under your discipline." The saint
asking him whence he was, and what was his name, he an
swered ; "lam from Munster, and of the people who inhabit
Luachra, and my name is Cronan. The saint then said ; " Hence
forth you shall be called Mochua Luachra, (my Chua or Cronan,
the names being the same) come then and follow me." Accord
ingly Mochua went off with St. Maidoc, and remained with him
as long as the saint lived. His progress in piety and learning
was so great, that St- Maidoc appointed him as his successor to
the see of Ferns. We have already seen, (Not. 84. to Chap,
vi. and Not. 6. to Chap, xi.) that Luachra was a territory com
prized in the now county of Limerick, and probably stretching
into Kerry. Mochua is Sometimes called Dachua ; but as Colgan
observes, there is no difference between these names.
(166) Ware, Bishops at Ferns, and Writers, L. I.e. 13.. s J.
15.• (167) Ware, ib.
(168) See A A. SS.p. 219. Colgari observes that the mother
of St. Moling was from Luachra ; and this he assigns as the rea
son for his being sometimes named Moling Luachra.
(169) Harris was grossly mistaken (Monasteries) in assigning
this foundation to the sixth century. How could he have ima
gined that St. Moling, whom he admits to have lived until 697,
had been an abbot before 600 !
(170) In consequence of following the erroneous hypothesis
of St. Moling having" been the second bishop of Ferns, Ware assigns
his accession to A. D. 632. If this were true, his incumbency

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 1 35
would have been an extraordinary long one, whereas, according
to Ware himself, he did not die until 697. But how account for
that see having been held in the interval by Mochua Luachra,
Tuenoc, &c. ? To shove off this difficulty, Ware tells us that St.
Moling had resigned -the see long before his death. Where he,
found this information I cannot discover, nor could he, I believe,
have adduced any good authority for it. He thought, however,
that such must have been the case, as otherwise it would be im
possible to reconcile the accession of St. Moling in 632 and his
death in 697 with the fact of there having been four other bishops
of Ferns in the mean time.
(171) See Not. 135. to Chap. xiv.
(172) See O'Flaherty, Ogygia, Part 3. cap. 56.
(173) Ware and Harris, Writers.
(174) The 4 Masters (ap. Colgan, A A. SS. p. 223) have A.
696. i. e. 697.
(175) Ib. p. 610. (176) See ib. p. 223.
§. xiv. In these times several zealous and learned
English ecclesiastics, who had studied in Ireland and
there practised the monastic life, undertook missions
to the continent, which were set on foot chiefly by
St. Ecgberet, or Egbert. (177) This holy man in
tended to reach Friesland, by sailing round Great
Britain, for the purpose of preaching the Gospel in
that country ; but, in consequence of a violent storm,
y which, before he embarked, drove the ship on shore,
and conceiving that he was ordered by the Almighty
to proceed to the monasteries of Columbkill's insti
tution, he desisted from his enterprize, and remained
in Ireland. In his stead Vickberet, who was to be"
a companion of his, and who also had spent many
years in Ireland, undertook it in 690, and preached
for two years in Friesland, but with so little advantage
that he returned to his retreat in Ireland. (178)
St. Egbert, still not despairing of success, appointed
to that mission Willibrord or Vilbrord, a very holy
priest, who was then in Ireland, where he had been
for twelve years, (179) and gave him eleven com-

136 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
panions, (180) the most celebrated of whom wag
Suidberet: Having sailed from Ireland in the year
692, (181) they preached with great success in
Friesland, being protected by Pepin Heristall, who
had conquered part of that country from its duke
Rathbod. (182) About the same time, two English
priests, both of whom happenedto be called Hewald,
and who had lived many years in Ireland, went
thence on_ a mission to the country of the old Saxons
in the North of Germany ; but, soon after their ar
rival there, they were put to death. (183)
Adamnan, abbot of Hy, who had come to Ireland
in 692 (184) on a visitation of the monasteries
subject to his jurisdiction, returned to it in 697- (185)
It must have been on this occasion that the synod,
called that bf Flan Febhla, archbishop of Armagh,
and Adamnan, was held. (186) There are extant
certain decrees, usually termed the Canons qf Adam
nan, and which are chiefly relative to some jneats
improper for food, together with a prohibition of
eating such of them as contain blood. It is said
that they were passed in this synod; (187) but it
can scarcely be supposed, that its labours were con
fined to matters of such little consequence as these
Canons are relative to. v .
(177) See above Not. 51.
" (178) Bede, L. 5. c. 9. and Fleury, L. 40. §. 47.
(179) See Alcuin's Life of St. Willibrord, and Colgan, AA.
SS. p. 433.
(180) Bede, L. 5. c. 10. This number of twelve missionaries
was fixed upon in imitation of several Irish saints, who, when pro
ceeding on missions, took along with them twelve assistants, fol
lowing the example of our Saviour, who appointed twelve apostles.
Thus Columbkill was accompanied to Hy by twelve persons, and
Columbanus took with him the same number to France. Several
other instances of this practice are mentione3 by Colgan. A A.
SS. p. 436. In like manner Egbert, the framer and director of
the Frisian mission, sent his twelve co-operators to that country.

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 137
(181 ) See Smith's Notes to Bede, L. 5. c. 9-10. Usher assigns
(Ind. Chron.) this expedition to 693, and Fleury (L. 40. §. 47.)
to 690 ; but Smith's dates are more correct.
(182) Bede, L. 5. c. 10. It does not belong to me to inquire
into the situation or present denominations of the country called
by Bede Fresia, as these points do not form any part of Irish his
tory. On them the curious reader may consult Smith, Notes, ib.
For the same reason I shall not enter on the further proceedings of
St. Willibrord and his companions.
(183) Bede, ib. Mr. Lingard says, (Angl. Sax. Church, ch.
13.) that the two Hewalds were brothers. Had they been so,
Bede^ would not have omitted to,mark it. Nor had Mr. Lingard
a right to make them disciples of Egbert. We read indeed in
Bede's martyrology, (at 3 October) that they came with St. Wil
librord to Germany. But this cannot mean, that they belonged to
the party of the eleven assistants given to him by Egbert ; for
Bede (Histor. &c. ib.) expressly distinguishes them from that party.
And Mr. Lingard himself represents them as distinct from it, and
as not having left Ireland until after it had arrived in Friesland.
Its being stated in the martyrology, that they came to Germany
with Willibrord, if however there be not some mistake in the text,
must be understood as to their having come about, or soon after,
the time of his arrival there. That they were not disciples of Eg
bert, is evident from the manner in which Bede speaks of them in
his history, ib. Having made mention of Egbert but a few lines
before, and related how he sent Willibrord and his companions to
Friesland, he then states that,. certain two priests, duo quidam
presbyteri, named Hewald, following their example, &c. Would
he have written in this manner, had they been disciples of Egbert?
On the contrary, he speaks of them as persons apparently unknown
to him. Mr. Lingard, not content with this unfounded supposi
tion, tells us that they set out on their mission with the permission
and benediction of their teacher (Egbert.) Now of this permission,.
&c. Bede has not a word, as he certainly would have had, were the
matter true. This gentleman would fain make his readers believe,
that all the English clergymen, monks, and students, then in Ire
land, were under the care of Egbert and instructed by him. If
such were the case, he should indeed have had a monstrous great
establishment. But the fact is, that there is no reason to sup-

138 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII-
pose, that Egbert governed any monastery or religious house in
Ireland.' Bede, who is the best authority on this subject, as hav
ing been his cpntemporary, (for he survived him only about six
years) although he makes mention of him very often, never calls
him an abbot or, head of an institution. He represents him as a
holy priest zealous in teaching and giving good advice, (see L. 3.
c. 27. and L. 5. c. 22.) but does not say a word about his having
been a superior of any establishment. He calls Vickberet a com
panion of his, (L. 5. c.9.J thai is, not a constant one, whereas
Vickberet led the life of a hermit, (see ib.) but as one of those,
whom he had induced to join him in his intended mission to Fries
land. Alcuin says, (Life of St. Willibrord) that not only Vick
beret but. likewise Egbert spent his time in solitude, attending to
contemplation and the service of God; " dulcissimos supernae
contemplationis fructus seculo nudus, Deo plenus, solitaria quo-
tide hauriebat conversatione.'' He adds, that Willibrord, who
went to Ireland in the 20th year of his age, because he heard that
scholastic erudition flourished there, " quia in Hibernia scholas-
ticam eruditionem viguisse audivit, attached himself to Egbert and
Vickberet, by whose conversation he was greatly improved in piety
and virtue. But as to the learning, which he acquired during
twelve years study, Alcuin attributes it to the instruction not of
these his two friends, as Cressy states ( Church hist. &c. B. 20.
ch. 6.) mistranslating his words, but of others, whom he calls
excellent masters both of holy religion and sacred reading, and that
these were Irish teachers he expressly states in the second book of
said Life, ex. c. just after the beginning ;
" Quem tibi jam genuit foecunda Britannia mater
Doctaque nutrivit studiis sed Hibernia sacris,
Nomine Willbrordus."
And again in ch. 33.
" Ut dudum cecini, foecunda Britannia mater,
Patria Scottorum ciara magistra fuit."
Egbert's sending Willibrord and others on the Friesland mission
proves nothing more than that his influence was great, particularly
0verhis countrymen; and as to Willibrord he had an especial

CHAP. XVIII. OP IRELAND. 139
claim on him, as he was one of his chief directors in the practice
of piety. Bede says, (L. 3. c. 27.) that Egbert was very service
able both to the Enghsh and Irish, &c. among whom he lived,
(for he never returned to Britain) by the example of his life, his
assiduity in giving instruction (instantia docendi), his freedom in
reproving, and his charity in giving alms out pf what he used to re
ceive from the rich. The instantia docendi is relative merely to
his zeal in preaching, catechizing} &c. and cannot be understood
of his having been abbot or superior of any particular establish
ment"; for Bede represents him as then mixing with the various
nations, among whom he reckons even the Picts, not those of
Britain, but such of them as Egbert met with elsewhere, for in
stance in the Western Isles, in which he spent a great part of his
later days. For it is to be observed that, after he gave up his in
tention of proceeding to the continent, he withdrew from his re
treat, and moved from place to place, instructing the people and
visiting chiefly the Columbian monasteries. ( See Bede, L. 5. c. 9.)
On the whole there is not the least foundation for supposing, that
Egbert governed a great school resorted to by English students.
The monks, students, &c. from England were, exclusively of the
establishment formed for them at Mayo, (above § . 2.) dispersed
throughout various monasteries and schools in different parts of
Ireland. (See § . 1.) Their numbers were so great, that they ex
cited th^ jealousy of Aldhelm, and induced him to write his
angry, macaronic and ridiculous letter (No. 13. in Ep. Hib. Syll.)
to Eahfrid, or Eadfrid, who had been one of them, and who after
wards became bishop of Lindisfarne. Among other complaints he
says, that whole fleet-loads of English students used to sail to
Ireland. " Hibernia, quo catervatim isthinc lactores blassibus
udvecti conftuunt."
(184) Usher, Ind. Chron. (185) Usher, ib.
(186) Colgan says (A A. SS. p. 473) that he had the Acts of
this syno(J, and that it was attended by forty antistites, that is,
bishops or abbots, as he explains himself in Tr. Th. p. 218. In
the former place he assigns it to A. D. 695(696); but in the
latter he states that it was held about said year. I wish he had
published these Acts.
(187) Colgan (AA. SS. p. 382.) mentions the Canons of
Adamnan as part of the Acts of said synod. They are eight in

140 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
number, and may be seen in Martene's Theasaur. Nov. Anecd.
.(Tom. 4. col. 18). They are of very trifling import, except inas
much as they. show, that the practice of abstaining from blood,
according to the Apostolic precept, (Acts xv. 29.) continued to
be. observed in Ireland as late as the times of Adamnan. The se
cond canon runs thus ; Pecora de rupe cadentia, si sanguis eorum
effusus sit, recipienda. Sin vero, sed fracta sunt ossa eorum, et
sanguis foras nonfuxit, refutanda sunt. Others of them con
tain rules with regard to using or not using the flesh of animals,
that had eaten morticinum, i. e. the carrion of animals that died of
themselves. In the eighth the owner of a horse or beast grazing
in land annexed to a town, which -may have wounded or hurt a
person belonging to said town, is ordered to pay a fine to the in
jured person.
§. xv. Among the fathers, who composed said
synod, I find the name of St. Aidus or Aedh, bishop
of. Sletty, who died in 699, (188) and whose name
is in the Irish calendars at the 7th of February, (i.89)
This was the Aidus, to whom a writer, called Mac-
cuthenus, addressed his Life of St. Patrick, of which
only some fragments remain. (190) Colga, abbot
of Lusk was also one of them. (191) Concerning
him nothing further is recorded, except that he was
the son of one Moenach. (192) Another of the
members of that synod was St. Killen abbot of
Saigir, who is called son of Lubne, and whose
memory was revered on the 12th of April. (193) It
was attended also by St. Mosacra, the founder and
abbot of the monastery of Tegh-Sacra, (the house of
Sacra, this being his original name) which is' stated
to have been not far distant from Tallagh or Tallaght
in the county of Dublin. It was afterwards called
Tassagard, now contracted into Saggdrd. St.
Sacra or Mo-sacra is said to have been of an illus
trious family, and the son of one Senan. He go
verned for some time also the monastery of Finn-
magh in Fotharta, apparently somewhere near Wex
ford. (194) It is said, that he had been likewise

CHAP. XVIII. OF IRELAND. 141
abbot of Clonenagh; (195) but I suspect, that he
has been confounded with another person of the
same name. (196) The year of his death is not
known ; but he must have lived until after the hold
ing of the synod in 679. The day marked for it is
the third of March. A Mochonna, who subscribed
the acts of said synod under the title of Antistes
Dorensis, is supposed to have been abbot of Derry.
(197) He must not be confounded with St. Mo
chonna, called of Dore-Bruchaise, who died in 688
(689). Mochonna of Derry was a very holy man,
and lived until 704 (705). His name is marked in
the calendars at 8 March as the anniversary of his
death. (198)
(188) Tr. Th. p. 218. The 4 Masters have A. 698, i. e. 699.,
(189) A A. SS. p. 221.
(190) Usher, p. 818. Concerning this Maccuthenus Colgan
has (TV. Th.p. 218.) thr^e conjectures. 1. That he might have
been the same as Mocumthemne, one of the twelve persons who
accompanied Columbkill to Hy in the year 563. But this can
not, as he acknowledges, be reconciled with the circumstance of
Maccuthenus having been contemporary with Aidus of Sletty.
2. That he was Cucumneus, surnamed the Wise, who, according
to the Annals of Ulster, died in 746, or, .as the 4 Masters state,
in 724 ; and who wrote a hymn in honour of the blessed Virgin.
By prefixing the particle Mo to his name he would have been called
Mocucumneus. Although this name is very unlike Maccuthenus,
and there is some difficulty as to the times, yet Colgan prefers this
conjecture to the others, and it is the only one of them, that
Harris relates ( Writers at Maccuthenus. ) Now the third conjec
ture is far better than it, and I think, the true one. It is, that
Maccuthenus is only another name for Adamnan, who, it is well
known, wrote a Life of St. Patrick. (See Chap. in. §. 5) He
was the grandson of one Tenne and ' accordingly was sometimes
called Hua-.Tenne or Mac-ua-Tenne, a descendant of Tenne. '_ In
the passages of the Tripartite histoiy of St. Patrick, where the
older writers of the saint's Acts are mentioned, he is surnamed
Hua- Tenne. The name Maccuthenus is plainly Mac-ua-Tenne

142 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XVIII.
latinized. As there is no account or tradition in Irish history of
any Maccuthen, biographer of St. Patrick, different from Adam
nan, it appears to me quite clear that the only difference on this
point consists in the surname having been sometimes used instead
of the proper name, as was frequently the case among the ancient
Irish. I need not remind the reader, that Adamnan and Aidus
were contemporaries and acquainted with each other.
(191) Colgan, Ind. Chron. A. 695. adKAA. SS.
(192) See AA. SS. p. 382. (193) Ib. p. 473.
(194) Concerning Fotharta see Not. 138 to Chap. 1.
(195) Archdall (at Clonenagh) quotes Colgan as if assigning
the death of the abbot Mosacra of that place to A. 650. Colgan
says no such thing, nor indeed could he, as he knew that Mosa
cra was present at the grand synod more than 40 years after
that date.
(196) Among the documents referred to by Colgan (AA, SS.
at 3 Mart. p. 454.) where he treats of St. Mosacra, are the Ca
lendar of Cashel and the Martyrology of Donegal, in both of
which he is called abbot of Clonenagh, and is stated to have
lived in the time of Neill Glandubh king of Ireland. Now this
king did not begin to reign until the 10th century. It is there
fore probable, that the Mosacra of Clonenagh was different from
the one of Tegh-sacra.
(197) Colgan, having observed ( AA. SS. p, 566.) that there
were many places in Ireland, whose names began with Dore or
Doire, from the oak forests in which they were situated, thinks
that Doire, where this Mochonna was abbot, was Derry, inas
much as it was the most celebrated of them all, and accordingly
it was not necessary to join to the signature Dorensis its addi
tional name Chalguigh. Had Mochonna belonged to any other
Doire, its distinguishing name would have been added. Accord
ingly he reckons him (Tr. Th. p. -503.) among the. abbots of
Deny. (198) A A. SS. p. 566. Yet Colgan elsewhere (Tr. Th. p.
503. and 506.) says that his memory was revered on the 3d of
May.

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 143

CHAPTER XIX.
Longsech — Congall Kennmagar—-Fergal, son of
Malduin — Fogarlach Hua Cernach — Kineth and
Flahertach successively monarchs qf Ireland —
SS. Herlog or Hierologus, and Colman bishops
qf Lismore — Theodoric or Turlough king of
Thomond, retires from the world and receives the
monastic habit from St. Colman — Foundation qf
the see qf Killaloe — St. Flannan its first bishop —
Monastery of Killaloe founded by St. Molua
Lobhar — St. Aidan brother of St. Flannan*—
Adamnan, abbot of Hy, again sent on an embassy
to Alfrid king qf Northumberland — adopts the
Roman mode of observing the Paschal festival —
persuades several of the Northern Irish to do
so — Death qf Adamnan — succeeded as abbot of
Hy by Conan Mac Failbhe — St. Maoldobhorchon
bishop qf Kildare — Lochan Meann, surnamed
the wise — Great conflagration at Kildare— Cona-
mail Mac Cartiaig bishop qf Emly dies, and is
succeededby Cellach — Death of St. Caide or Caidin
bishop at Hy — Succession qf several abbots qf
Hy — The priest Egbert sent from Ireland toHy,
prevailed on the monks of that establishment to
receive the Roman Paschal Cycle — Death of
Dunchad abbot of Hy — Folchua mac Dorbene
abbot qf Hy — People qf Hy expelled by Nectan
or Naitan king qf the Picts" — St. Cale-Christus — •
St. Cronan bishop of Lismore — Colman 6 Liathan
— St. Adamnan bishop qf Rathmuighe — Monas
tery of Mayo possessed by the English — St.
Segretia Virgin-— St. Samthanna and other holy
virgins — Death qf Suibhne archbishop qf Armagh
— St. Foeldooar bishop qf Clogher— Reign qf
Aodh Ollain and other Irish monarchs — Deaths
ofSS. Manchin qf Tuaim-greine, Cormac bishop
qf Trim, SfC—Feargal or Virgilius bishop of

144 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
Saltzburg — St. Alto a companion qf Virgilius-—
Deaths of Moelimarchan and other holy bishops
and abbots, from A. D. 747 to A. 787. — St.
Hemelin, St. Mono, St. Rumold and other Irish
Saints who flourished in the Continent — Deaths qf
Ferfugill bishop of Clondalkin and others.
SECT. I.
FlNNACTA, monarch of Ireland, who fell in
battle A. D. 695, (l) was succeeded by Longsech,
a grandson of Domnald the second (2) by his son
Aengus. Having reigned nine years (3) he was
killed, together with three sons of his, fighting
against Kellach, son of Ragall, king of Connaught.
Congall Kennmagar, who was also a grandson of
Domnald II. by his son Fergus, and consequently
a first cousin of Longsech, was then raised to the
throne in 704, and held it for seven years, when he
died suddenly in 711. (4) Comgall's successor was
{Fergal, son of Malduin, and great grandson of
Aidus Huaridni or Huanriodnach. (5) He reigned
eleven years, and was killed at £he battle of Cath-
Almain by Murchad, son of Bran, king of Leinster,
on the 11th of December, A. D. 122. (6) Next
after Fergal was Fogartach Hua-Cernach, son of
Niell, and great grandson of Diermit II. (7) Fo
gartach reigned only one year and some months,
having lost his life in 7^4, fighting against Kineth,
who succeeded him as monarch of Ireland. Kineth
was a son of Irgalach, and grandson of Conang, a
nephew of Diermit II. After a reign of three
years he was killed in the battle of Drum-chorcain,
A. 727, (8) by Flahertach, son of king Longsech,
who, having ruled retired seven years, (9) for in 734
to a monastery in Armagh.
St. Hierlog, whose name has been hellenized into
Hierologus, was bishop and abbot of Lismore in
the latter end of the seventh century. I find no-

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 145
thing further concerning him, except that he died
on the 16th of January in 699. (10) He was suc
ceeded, both as abbot and bishop, by St. Colman,
a native of Ibh-Liathain, (1 1) and son of Finbar who
belonged to the illustrious house of Hua Beogna,
dynasts of that country. Colman has been called
also Mocholmoc, that is, my Colman. (12) He had
embraced the monastic life at Lismore, where he
distinguished himself by his piety and learning.
His incumbency lasted only about four years, as he
departed this life on the 22d of January, A. D.
703. (13) St. Colman is said to have been already
bishop of Lismore, when he was visited by the
Dalcassian prince Theodoric, or Turlough, king of
Thomond. He was the son of Cathal, and grand
son of Aodh or Aidus Coemh, ( 1 4) who had been
king of all Munster and. brother to St. Molua-
lobhar. (1,5) Theodoric had ruled his kingdom
for some time, and was the father of several chil
dren, among whom was St. Flannau of Killaloe,
when he determined on retiring into a monastery.
Accordingly he repaired secretly to Lismore, and
received the monastic habit from St. Colman. As
this saint was then a bishop, (16) Theodoric must
have been far advanced in years as that time ; for
his father Cathal is said to have died in 625. (17)
Notwithstanding his age, which, according to this
date could not be less than 75 years, it is related, that
he employed himself at Lismore in breaking rocks
and making a convenient road up to the monastery.
It is added, that, with the permission of Colman,
he afterwards returned to his kingdom for the pur
pose of repairing the ravages it had undergone. (18)
It is probable, that this pious prince died not long
after his return to Thomond, and he is said to have
been buried in the church of Killaloe. ( 1 9)
(1) See Chap, xviii. §. 3. (2) See Chap. xiv. §. }.
VOL. III. L

146 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
(3) O'Flaherty, Ogyg. Part. 3. c. 93. Ware, (Antiquities cap.
4.) says) 8years.
(4) This is the year marked by O'Flaherty, ib. Ware has A.
710; But they agree as to the seven years of Congall's reign,
Ware having placed its commencement in 703.
(5) See Chap. x%v. §.1.
(6) Ware, ib. This date comes to the same point with, the
computation of O'Flaherty, who allows eleven years from the
reign of Congall, reckoning from 711, while, according to that of
Ware, it lasted twelve.
(7) See Chap. xiv. §. 1.
(8) O'Flaherty, ib: Ware has, in 728, thus allowing four years
for the reign of Kineth.
(9) Ware says,, sir years. His computation and OTlaherty's
agree as to the termination of Flahertach's reign in 734, whereas
he assigns the beginning of it to 728, which O'Flaherty places in
727. (10) 4 Masters, and Colgan, AA. SS. p. 155. Their date 698,
i. e. 699.
(1 1). Ibh-Liathain, or the territory of the OLehans was, as al
ready observed/ more than once, in the now county of Cork.
Colgan, treating of this St. Colman at 22 January, marks its si
tuation, in a very clear manner by stating, that it lay between
Cork and Youghall.
(12) Colgan remarks that Colman and Colmoc are the same
name, being botb diminutives of Colum (or Colm) contracted for
Columba. In like manner another St. Colman, who was contem
porary with the one of Lismore, and whom Colgan calls Colman
of Lann, got also- the name of Mocholmoc. As the history of
Colman of Lann is exceedingly obscure, I shall avail myself -, of
this opportunity merely to mention what Colgan has endeavoured
to pick up concerning him at 30 March. 1. He was a native of
a part of Ulster, called Hi-Guala or GaiU^fine, perhaps the Gal
lon hills in the county of Tyrone; 2. He governed three monas
teries or churches, viz. Cambos, now Camus, a monastery in the
diocese of Deny, which had been founded by St. COmgdl of
Bangor (see Not. 201. to Chap, x.) ; a church, either in the
diocese of Down or in that of Dromore, at a place called Lann-
Mocholmoc ; and another, apparently in the diocese of Dromore,

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 147
at a place called Linn-Huachaille. 3. He died on the 30th of
March, A. D. 699, i. e, 700. Colgan adds, that he was maternal
brother of another St. Colman, son of Luachain, and known by
the name of Colman of Lann-mac-Luaehain in Meath, whose
name is in the calendars at 17 June.
(13) The 4 Masters and Colgan have A. 702, the same as our
703- (14) Ogygia, Part. 3. c. 83.p. 389.
(15) See Not. 98. to Chap xii.
(16) It is expressly stated in the Life of St. Flannan, quoted
by Colgan, (AA. SS. p. 154.) that Colman was bishop of Lis
more when called upon by Theodoric.
(17) The 4 Masters, referred to by Colgan (ib. p.^ 149) assign
the death of king Cathal to A. 624 (625.)
(18) See Colgan (ib.p. 154.) from the Life of St. Flannan.
(19) Ware, Antiq. cap. 29 at Killaloe f; and Harris, Bishops,
at said place.
§ . ii. To these times, that is, to the latter part
of the seventh, or the beginning of the eighth cen
tury, ought, I think, to be, assigned the foundation
of the see of Killaloe. Its first bishop was St. Flan
nan, who', according to every account, was a son of
the above mentioned king Theodoric. (20) He
could not have been a disciple of St. Molua, (21)
who was undoubtedly dead before Flannan was born.
But it is very probable that he studied in the monas
tery of Killaloe, which seems to have been found
ed by the St. Molua surnamed Lobhar, or the le
per, who was his great grand uncle. Hence he
might have been called a scholar of St. Molua, in
consequence of having been a student of the house,
which was known by the name of that saint. At
what precise time he' became bishop of Killaloe is
not known ; but it must have been many years later
than the period which some writers have assigned
for it. (22) It is said that Theodoric, the father of
St. Flannan*, endowed this see with sample revenues;
l 2

148 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
(23) but whether it was founded before that prince
retired to Lismore, or after his return to his king-
dom, I am not able to determine. Nor can I find
how long it was held by St. Flannan, nor in what
year this saint died. (24) His festival is kept on the
18th of December. A St. Aidan, whose history
is still less known, is said to have been a brother of
his. (20) Colgan had a Life of St. Flannan, which he intended to
publish at 18 December, as had also Ware, who quotes the be
ginning of it in his first book of Writers, cap. 13. al. 15. They
were different works, as appears from the disagreement between the
words adduced by Ware and those, with which the Life extant at
Louvain in Harris's time began, and which was undoubtedly the
one referred to by Colgan. These words are ; " Flannus itaque
ejusdem Theodorici regis filius." (See Harris's addition to Ware,
he. cii) They are quite different from those given by Ware. Yet he
calls Flannan son of king Theodoric, following, we may be sure,
the authority of the Life, which he had.
(21) Ware says (Antiq. cap. 29. and Bishops at Killaloe) that
Flannan was a disciple of the abbot St. Molua, who lived about
the end of the sixth century, for some time at Killaloe, which
from him got its name. He speaks of St. Molua in general, so
that a person may think that he meant the celebrated Molua of
Clonfert-molua. But as far as I am able to judge, the Molua of
Killaloe was, although contemporary with him, a different person,
and the same as Molua Lobhar. (See Chap. xii. §. 7.) Flannan
could not have been a disciple of either of them ; not of Molua
Lobhar, who, as above seen, was a grand uncle of his father
Theodoric and, in all probability, did not survive the sixth cen
tury; nor of the other Molua, who died soon after the com
mencement of the seventh. (See ih.) Nor was be bom before
thte century was pretty far advanced ; for, as his father was, when
at Lismore, during the episcopacy of St. Colman/and consequently
about A. D. 700, still able to work at making roads, &c. he can
not be supposed to have been at that time more than eighty years
of age. Accordingly Flannan's birth must, at the earliest, be as
signed to between 640 and 650.

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 149
(22) According to Ware (Bishops at Killaloe) Flannan was
consecrated at Rome by Pope John IV. in 639. Harris and
others have followed him without any examination. Whether
Flannan was ever at Rome I shall not stop to inquire, although
I must observe, that Colgan in a long list (A A. SS. p. 900.) of
Irish saints, who travelled to Rome, has not Flannan among
them, as he certainly would, had he found such a circumstance
related in the Life,, which he had in his hands. Ware must have
taken it from the other Life; (see Not. 20.) but it is to be recol
lected, that some of our hagiologists have sent to Rome several
Irish saints, who never were in that city. As to John IV. and
A. 639, I Cannot but suspect, that in Ware's document no par
ticular year was mentioned, and that the Pope was named John
in general without the addition of any number. Ware might have,
thought that he was the fourth of that name, in consequence o
his supposition that St. Flannan was a disciple of St. Molua, and
consequently flourished in the early part of the seventh century.
As John the fourth was the earliest Pope John of said century, he
was the fittest for Ware to fix upon. He then laid down the year
639, thinking that John was then Pope. In this, by the bye,
he was mistaken ; whereas John was not consecrated until very
late in 640. (See Not. 88. to Chap, xv.) Had Ware not been
wrong as to the period in which Flannan flourished, he would have
looked to Pope John V. in 686. or to John VI. in 701. Whether
Flannan was consecrated, or not, by a Pope called John, it is
certain that he could not have been a bishop either in or about
639, a time, at which it is more than probable he was not as yet in
the world. (See Not. prec.)
(23) Ware, Antiq. cap. 29. and Harris, Bishops at Killaloe.
(24) On these points Ware and Harris are silent. Colgan has
scarcely a word about St. Flannan, except at AA. SS. p. 154.
where he calls him bishop of Killaloe.
§. ill. Adamnan, having returned to Hy after
the synod held in 697, was again sent by his Irish
countrymen as legate or ambassador to his old friend
Alfrid, king of Northumberland, some time, it
seeps, in the year 70 1, or 702. (25) On this oc
casion he was urged by some persons to receive the

150 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
Roman Paschal computation, &c. (26) Examining
the subjects in question, and observing the Roman
practices,1 he became persuaded that the Roman cycle
was preferable to the old Irish one, and had no ob
jection to whatever other observances were followed
in England. (27) While on this embassy, Adam
nan presented to Alfrid his work on the places of the
Holy land, &c. (.28) On his return to Hy he en
deavoured to introduce there, and in other places
subject to its jurisdiction, the Roman computation,
but was not able to bring the monks over to it. He
sailed to Ireland apparently in the latter part of 708,
and exerted himself to induce the Northern Irish to
adopt that computation, and was so far successful as
to persuade almost all of them to do so, with the ex
ception of those, who were immediately under the
controul of the monastery of Hy. (29) Adamnan
remained in Ireland until after the Easter of 704,
which he celebrated at the time prescribed by the
Roman cycle. Then returning to Hy he lived only
for a short time after, as he* died on the 23d of Sep
tember in the course of said year, (30) and in the
77th of his age. (31) Adamnan has been justly con
sidered as one of the fathers of the Irish church, (32)
and his memory was held in great veneration, par-
ticularly at Raphoe. (33) Besides the Life of St.
Columba, the Treatise on the Holy land, and the
Life of St. Patrick under the name of Maccuthenus,
this great and good man is said to have drawn up a
Monastic rule. (34) Some other tracts have been
attributed to him, concerning which I am not able
to form any opinion. (35) Adamnan was succeeded,
as abbot of Hy, by Conain Mac-Failbe, „who go
verned the order for six years. (36)
(25) Bede, who mentions this embassy, (L. 5. c. 15.) does not
mark the year ; but Smith, following Matthew of Westminster,
assigns it to 701. Perhaps it was rather in 702, about two years
before Adamnan' s death.

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 151
(26) The abbot Ceolfrid in his letter to the Pictish king Nai-
ton (ap. BedfrZ. 5. c. 21.) relates a conversation, which he had
at that time with Adamnan concerning the tonsure, and praises
him as a man of admirable prudence, humilty, and reli
gion. (27) Bede, (L. 5. c. 15.) who observes, that Adamnan was
a good and wise man, and most deeply versed in biblical know
ledge, scientia Scripturarum nobilissime instructus.
(28) Bede (ib.) calls it De Loci s Sanctis, and (capp. 16-17.) has
some extracts from it Besides an old edition of tliis tract, (see
Ware and Harris, Writers at Adamnan) there is a later o»e in
Act. Benedict. (Sec. 3. Part. 2.) Adamnan composed it on in
formation, which he received from Arculf a French bishop, who
had been in Palestine and other parts of the East ; and who,
returning by sea, was driven by a storm to the western coast
of Britain. Having visited Adamnan he was very kindly re
ceived by him, and on relating liis adventures and every thing
remarkable, that he had observed in those countries, was listened
to with great pleasure by Adamnan, who put to paper in a re
gular form the substance of his narrative.
(29) Bede, ib. Dr. Ledwich is very angry with Adamnan for
having recommended the adoption of the Roman cycle. At p.
66, amidst a heap of falshoods, he says that Adamnan aposta
tized, and (at p. 412.) blames him for having brought over
most of the Southern monks to Rome, whom he represents as ig
norant and bigotted. What mountains does this pseudo-antiquary
raise out of trifles ! Am I tq tire the reader with over and over
reminding him, that there was no question of religion properly
understood, that is, of faith or morals, between the Anglo-Ro
mans and the Irish, and that, notwithstanding their not celebrat
ing Easter at the same time, or using the same tonsure, they
maintained ecclesiastical communion together ? Adamnan was as
much in communion with Ceolfrid and the other advocates of the
Roman practices before he received their Paschal cycle as he was
after he agreed to it. Why then talk of apostatizing or changing
religion, as this ignorant Doctor is constantly plaguing us with ?
Adamnan's adopting the Roman cycle, which our Doctor must
allow to be'far more correct than the Irish one, no more implied
a Change of religion than the conduct of the church of England

132 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
in having, after too long a delay, received the Gregorian style.
Will the Doctor say, that the English Protestant church by so
doing went over to Rome? If in proceedings of this sort- there
be any going over, according to his phraseology, from one religion
to another, this church was guilty of a much greater apostacy
than Adamnan had been. For it went over to Rome not only as
to the festival of Easter, but likewise with regard to those of the
whole year round, Christmas day and its concomitant festivals,-
Lady days, the feasts of Apostles, Martyrs, &c. I am really
weary of this nonsense, which Usher, Prideaux, Smith, and others,
who have written on the Paschal question, would have been
ashamed to mention as indicative of a difference of religion, while
on the contrary they show that the Irish cycle had been derived
from Rome, (see Chap, xv ) and which no learned Protestant of
this day would disgrace himself by laying any stress on. The
Doctor, while enforcing these fooleries, was not content with
bungling in theology ; but he must bungle also in history. He
says that the monks, brought over by Adamnan, were those of
the South of Ireland. Now he ought to have known, that not
only the monks but all the clergy and people of the South had
received the Roman computation of Easter full seventy years be
fore Adamnan prevailed on the greatest part of the Northerns to.
agree with them. (See Chap. xv. §. 6.)
(30) The Annals of Ulster, innisfallen, and of the 4 Masters
agree in assigning the death of Adamnan to A. D. 703, that is,
704. Smith was therefore wrong (at Bede, L. v. c. 15.) in mark
ing it at 702. He reckoned only one year from that in which he
supposed that he was on his last embassy to Alfrid ; (see above
Not. 25) but it is plain from Bede's account of his subsequent
proceedings, that a longer time must have elapsed besween said
embassy and Adamnan's death. Instead of the month of Sep
tember, which the 4 Masters and Colgan have, (Tr. Th. p. 499.)
Usher at A. 704. (Ind. Chron.) has October. This is probably a
typographical mistake ; for not only in the Irish calendars, but
likewise in the Benedictine, the festival of St. Adamnan is marked
at the 23d of September.
(31) 4 Masters and Colgan loc. cit. Keating says (History,
&c. B. 2. p. 45. ed A. 1723.) that Adamnan died aged 77 years.
It is very probable, that this is a mis-translation instead of 77th

CHAP.,XIX. OF IRELAND. 153
year. According to these statements, Adamnan' must have been
born not in 624, (see Not. 58. to Chap, xviii.) but in 627 or
628. (32) See Alcuin's lines, Not. 56. to Chap. u.
(33) See Not. 59. to Chap, xviii. (34) Tr. Th. p. 471.
(35) See Ware and Harris, Writers at Adamnan, and O'Fla
herty, Ogygia Vindicated, ch. 10.
(36) Usher, p. 702. and Ind. Chron. ad A. 704. Colgan,
( Tr. Th. p. 499.) calls Conain Conamal, and tells us, that his me
mory was revered on the 11th ©f September.
§. iv. St Maoldobhorchon, bishop of Kildare,
died in 705, on the 19th of February. (37) Nothing
further is known, as far as 1 can disco ver, concerning
this prelate, nor of his predecessors since the time
of Aedh Dubh or black, about A. D. t>38, unless- it
may be supposed that some persons, who are called
only abbots of Kildare, were also bishops, such as
Lochen Meann, surnamed the Wise, who died in
695, and Forannan, whose death is assigned to 698.
(38) The clergy of Kildare is said, but on doubtful
authority, to have been violently persecuted by the
king Congall Kennmagar, for what cause I do not
find mentioned. (39) This is most probably a mis
statement founded on the circumstance of a great
conflagration, that laid waste Kildare in 709 during
that king's reign, and in which we may suppose that
many clergymen lost their lives. (40)
In these times Conamail Mac-Cartiaig (M'Carthy)
was bishop of Emly. He died in 707 and was suc
ceeded by Cellach (Kelly), who held that see until
718. (41) St Caide or Caidin, who was bishop at
Hy, died in 7 1 1 ; and his name is in the calendars at
24 October. (42) To the preceding year, 710, is as
signed the death of Conain Mac-Failbe the abbot,
(43) who was succeeded by Dorben, surnamed the
long, a descendant of Conall Gulbanius. (14) Dorben
governed Hy until 713 in which year he died on the
28th of October. (45) His immediate successor

154 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
was, I believe, Dunchad, (46) son of Kenfoelaid, and
grandson of the monarch Malcovus or Moelcova,
consequently of the favourite line of Conall Gul
banius. (47) Dunchad was superior of a Columbian
monastery at Kill-lochuir, a maritime town in the
S. E. part of Ulster, (4b) before he vvas raised to the
government of the whole order. He was still abbot
of Hy, when in the year 716 the holy priest Egbert
(49) went thither from Ireland, and at length induced
the monks of that establishment to receive the
Roman paschal cycle and tonsure. (50) Thenceforth
Egbert continued to reside for about 1 3 years in Hy
until 729, when he died at a very advanced age on
Easter Sunday, the 24th of April, after he had
celebrated the festival in the morning together with
the brethren. (51)
From the year 716 we find nothing further with
regard to those controversies, as far as the Irish were
concerned, either at home or abroad.
(37) Tr. Th. p. 629. from the 4 Masters, whose date is 704, i.
e. 705. Ware observes ( Bishops at Kildare) that others plade
his death in 708.
(38) Tr. Th. ib. I have added, as usual, a year to the dates.
See also Harris (Bishops at Kildare) and Archdall at said place.
Lochen's festival was kepton the 12th of January or 12th of June,
and that of Foranrian on the 15th of January,
(39) Keating has this story (for it probably deserves no better
name) in his second book, p. 4;6* It cannot agree with what is
recorded by old writers as to the prosperous and peaceable reign
of Congall. O'Flaherty quotes (Qgyg. Part 3. cap. 93.) an old
Irish distich, translated by him into Latin, in which his government
over Inisfail (Ireland) is represented as a happy one of seven
years ; " Cuius Inisfaliae septennis fausta potestas." And
O'Halloran (History, &c. Book ix. ch. .5) observes, that Congall
K. is called by Giolla Moduda, a writer who died about 1148, a
beneficent prince, during whose time there was neither battle nor
contest, adding that he died in peace after a reign of seven years.
Keating's story was picked up by that superficial writer Campbell

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 155
(Strictures on the History of Ireland, sea. 6. p. 98) who, not
satisfied with repeating what Keating has, viz. that Congall per
secuted the church and burned the secular and regular clergy at
Kildare, adds that he was a pagan. And why ? Because, as he
says, " a deed so atrocious could scarce have been perpetrated
by Christian men." Did, not to go beyond Irish history, Camp
bell never hear of an Earl of Kildare, who, about the year, 1495,
set fire to the cathedral of Cashel for the purpose of burning the
archbishop Creagh, whom he supposed to be within it ? Nor of
an Earl of Inchiquin, who at a later period, after storming said
cathedral, put to. the sword, amidst heaps of other persons whom
he found there, many clergymen dragged from even under the
altar ? Indeed it is but too well known, that men called Christians,
have not scrupled to burn and destroy the clergy. Campbell
wished to show that not only Congall but likewise the bulk of the
people, at least in Kildare, were then pagans. Now supposing
that Congall was guilty of that atrocity, why charge the inhabit
ants of Kildare as his accomplices ? If he ever perpetrated it> he
was supported not by them but by an army brought from else
where. To imagine that Congall was a pagan is a most ridiculous
conceit. We have seen that his ancestors were, for several ge
nerations, Christians, and some of them very pious ones. He
was a grandson of king Domnald II. (above f . 1.) the prosperous
prince who had been blessed by Columbkill. (See Not. 206. to
Chap. xn. and Not. 7- to Chap, xrv.) Congall was undoubtedly
educated in the Christian religion, and to suppose that he apos
tatized to paganism is a gross absurdity, as if the people of Ire
land, and its numerous clergy and monks would have raised a"
pagan to the throne, or quietly submitted to an avowed infidel at a
time when the whole nation was Christian. Had any of our kings
of that period been guilty of such apostacy, the Irish annals and
histories would teem with accounts of it. They do not contain
a word of the kind ; and the last insance of paganism, which I
find recorded in them, is that of the islanders of lmmagh, who
were converted by St. Fechin, (See Chap. xvii. §. 10.)
(40) This conflagration is assigned by the 4 Masters (ap. Tr.
Th.p. 629.) to A. 708. i. e. 709. merely in these words " Kildare
devastated by Jlre." As it happened during the reign of Con-

156 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
gall, some wiseacre might have thought that he was the incen
diary. (41) Ware, Bishops at Emly.
(42) Tr. Th. p. 499. from the 4 Masters, who have A. 710,
the same as 711. Concerning the bishops, that resided in Hy,
see Notes 234 and 235. to Chap. xi.
(£3) Usher, p. 702. The 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. ib.) have
708 (709).
(44) The 4 Masters, and Colgan, Tr. Th. . Instead of Dorben,
Usher, (p. 702. and Ind. Chron. ad A. 710.) places, next after
Conain Mc. Failbhe, Dunchad, with whom he terminates his list
of the abbots of Hy. Colgan follows the 4 Masters, and observes
(AA. SS. p. 745.) that it is a mistake to make Dunchad the im
mediate successor of Conain. It seems that Usher did not meet
with Dorben's name in the Annals of Ulster, by which he was
guided ; and consequently he might not have known that he was
abbot of Hy. The omission of his name in said Annals can be
easily accounted for, as nothing remarkable occurred during his
administration. This Dorben was, in all probability, the Dorbe-
neus, who wrote a copy of Adamnan's Lifi^ of St. Columba, and
added at the end (see Colgan's edition) a request, in which he
conjures those, who may wish to transcribe it, diligently to col
late their manuscript with that which they took it from, and begs
the reader's prayers for himself.
(45) 4 Masters and Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 499. Their date is
713, which must not be changed into 714. For, as O'Flaherty
remarks, (MS. note, ib.) Dorben's death was according to Ti-
gernach's Annals, on a Saturday, on which day the 28th of Oc
tober fell in 713. In his Ogygia vindicated O'Flaherty says,
(chap. 10.) that Dorben died in 713. He adds that he ruled Hy
only five months. This is in direct opposition to the 4 Masters,
and to every other authority I have met with.
(46) The account (ib.) of the succession to Hy after Dorben is
rather confused. The 4 Masters throw in Foelchus between him
and Dunchad. But, as Colgan observes, some of their dates
Kclative to the accession of Foelchus, are evidently wrong. Be
sides they have this same Foelchus again as abbot of Hy after
Dunchad, who died in 717, and assign his death to 720 (721.)
Hence it appears, that thefr interposing him between Dorben and

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 157
Dunchad is founded on some mistake. In a MS. note (ib.) pro
bably written -by Corny, Dunchad is placed immediately after
Dorben's death in 713.
(47) See Tr. Th. p. 480. and A A. SS. at 24 Mart. p. 744,
where Colgan has made up some Acts of Dunchad.
(48) A A. SS. ib. From the description, which Colgan gives
of Kill-lochuir as a place frequented by mariners, who considered
Dunchad as their patron saint, its lying on the eastern coast, &c.
I think it must be the same as Killough in the county of Down.
(49) See Chap, xviii. $.13.
(50) Bede L. 5. c. 22. al. 23. To what he has concerning this
agreement having taken place in 716 under the abbot Dunchad
Usher adds (p. 702. and Ind. Chron. ad A. 7 16.) from the Annals
of Ulster, that it was entered into on a Saturday the 29th of Au
gust. Prideaux (Connection, &c. Part 2. B. 4- ) sums up the matter
in these words; " In the year 716 Ecgbert, a pious and learned
" presbyter of the English nation, after having spent many years
" in his studies in Ireland, which was in that age the prime seat of
" learning in all Christendom, coming from thence to the monas-
" tery of Hy proposed to them anew the Roman way, and having
" better success herein than Adamnan — brought them all over
" to it."
(51) Bede, ib. Having stated that Easter fell in that year on
the 24th of April, he observes that it was never before celebrated
at Hy on the corresponding day of any year. In this he was right ;
for, according to the old Irish cycle, it could not have been put
off as late as the 24th of April. (See Smith's Dissertation. &c.
No. 9, App. to Bede.)
§. v. Dunchad died in 7l7 on the 25th of May,
(52) the day on which his festival was usually kept,
although it seems that^ his memory was revered in
some places on the 24th of March. The immediate
successor of Dunchad at Hy was, as well as I can
find, Foelchuo Mac-Dorbene, who lived until 721.
(53) To the year 717 is also assigned a curious cir
cumstance, which has not as yet been sufficiently ex
plained. It is the expulsion qf the family qf la
beyond 'the Dorsum Britanniae (Drum-albin) by the

158 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
king. Nectan* (54) la is generally supposed to mean
the island of Hy j and king Nectan was certainly the
same as Naiton the Pictish king, who had received
the Roman cycle, &c. since 7^0, and to whom the
abbot Ceolfrid; had written his learned epistle. (55)
For the feign of Naitom, al, Naitan, or Nectan,
began in 710 aimd continued until 725. (56) But by
the family qf la we cannot understand the monks
residing: in Hyy (57) whereas Nectan had no juris?
diction over that island, as it belonged not to his but
to the Scottish kingdom in Britain. (58) Or if by
some Chaflce, which by the bye cannot even be guessed
a(t* he had got possession of Hy, how could it be said
that he expelled its monks beyond Drum-albin ? In
this ease he would, instead of expelling them, have
brought them, over to his own kingdom, which lay to
the N. and N. E. of those mountains, and was se
parated by them from the Scottish, to which Hy was
adjacent, lying to the- South and South- West. (59)
Theite is not a word in any old document, either
Irish or British, of any expulsion, dispersion, or per
secution of the resident monks of Hy in those
times ; aftd that they remained undisturbed in 717,
and until alter the reign of Nectan, is evident from
the circumstamice of Egbert having lived q<uietly
among them from 716 to 7'29r. Therefore the ex*
pulsion qf the family of la means nothing more
than that Nectan sent out of his kingdom some
Columbian monks, that is, of the family or order of
Hy, and made: them cross Drum-albin on their way
to the Scottish territories. What was his reason for
this proceeding it is difficult to conjecture. It has
been supposed? that some Columbians, stationed in
Pictknd, refused to submit to tho general orders he
had issued' for tfhe adoption of the Roman cycle, &c.
and that in consequence he expelled them from his
kingdom (60) But why wait until 717 to thus
rigorously enforce said orders,. which had been pub
lished in 7 10, or, at the latest, early in 71 1 ? If

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 159
the cause of the expulsion of those monks in 717
was their opposition to the Roman practices* it will
follow that they disobeyed not only the king, but
likewise their superiors of Hy, who had received
them in the preceding year. That such was the
case it is difficult to believe; (61) and some other
reason must be looked for, why Nectan was displeased
with those monks. The probability is that they ar
raigned his conduct on some matters of a different
nature, and that he was dissatisfied with their freedom
of remonstrance. (62) Nectan does not appear to
have had any dispute with the abbot or monastery,
whereas during his reign and after it the abbot con
tinued to exercise his usual ecclesiastical jurisdiction
over the countries inhabited by his subjects the
Northern Picts. (63) From what has been hitherto
stated it is clear, that it is a most absurd mistake to
suppose, that the monks expelled by Nectan were
those, who inhabited the island of Hy. (64)
(52) 4 Masters and Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 499 and A A. SS.p. 74,5.
The year marked by the 4 Masters is 716, which was also that of
the Ulster Annals justly changed by Usher (Ind. Chron.) into 717.
Besides such change being authorized by, die usual chronological
system followed in both these Annals, there is a particular reason
for it in this case ; whereas it is known from Bede, &c that the
year, in which the monks of Hy, then governed by Dunchad, re
ceived the Roman cycle, &e. was 716i and on. the 29th of Au
gust. Now, as Dunchad died on a 25th of May, instead of A.
716, we must-read A. 717.
(53) See 4 Masters and" Tr. Th. ib. and compare with Not. $6.
The Annals of Ulster (in Johnston's Extracts after Antiq. Celto
Norm,) after mentioning the change of Easter at A. 715 (716)
place at said time the accession to Hy of Faolan M'Dorbene (or
Eoekhus), Thus it would seem, that Dunchad resigned the ad
ministration some months before his death, as I find stated in a
MS, note to Tr. Th. p. 499.
C54)h:Usherp»702.and Aid. Chron, at A. 717, from the An-
•nalsf of Ulster.

160 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
(55) See Bede, L. 5. 21. al. 22.
(56) Chalmers, Caledonia, vol. 1.^.206.
(57) Usher seems to have been of that opinion; but he had not
sufficiently inquired into the subject.
(58) See Not. 146 to Chap. xi. -
(59) See Not. 151. to Chap. xi.
(60) Of this opinion is Mr. Chalmers, who says, ( Caledon. Vol.
l.p. 397.) that Nectan expelled many of the Columbians, who
officiated among the Northern Picts, and adhered to their ancient
practices. Bede observes, (L. 5. c. 21. al. 22.) that Nectan, or.
Naiton, promulgated his command for the observance of the Ro
man computation of Easter, immediately after he had agreed to it
himself, and accordingly in the year 710, or very soon after it.
(See Smith's notes, ib.)
(61) Bede, who was living in these very times, and is very
minute in every thing relative to the reception of the Roman cycle,
&c. speaks (ib.) in glowing terms of the unanimity, with which it
and the Roman tonsure were submitted to by all the clergy and
monks throughout the Pictish provinces, without as much as hint
ing at any opposition.
(62) Keating states (B. 2. p. 46.) that " Nectan expelled from
his dominions a convent of monks, who presumed to reprehend
his conduct, and by that means excited discontent among his sub
jects.'' That he meant the same expulsion as that of the Annals
of Ulster is clear from his placing it in the year, in which was
fought the battle of Cloch-Mionuire between the Britons andDal-
riadans (of-Britain), which is assigned in said Annals to A. D. 716.
i. e. 717- (See Johnston's Extracts, &c.)
v63 ) Bede, who brought down his Ecclesiastical history to A,
731, that is, six years after the death of Nectan, makes mention
of this jurisdiction as existing at the time he was writing it. (See
ib. L. 3. c. 4. and compare with Not. 234 to Chap, xii.)
(64) Dr. Ledwich says, (Antiq. &c. p. 66.) " by the instiga
tions of Ceolfrid, abbot of Girwy, Naitan, king of the Picts, ex
pelled the Culdees from Hy. This happened A.D. 717." As to
his pretended Culdees, by whom he meant the monks of Hy, we
shall see elsewhere. Had he merely stated that Naitan expelled
the monks from Hy, we might consider his assertion as the mis
take of one, who had not studied the subject. But his adding

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 161
that this was done by the instigations of Ceolfrid shows a peculiar
malignity and indifference about truth. Upon what authority
could he found this charge? The only account we have of any cor
respondence between Nectan and Ceolfrid is that of the letter
written by the latter, which still exists at full length, and which
does not contain a syllable of instigation against the monks of Hy
or any other Columbians. Is it because Ceolfrid, in said letter,
instructed Nectan as to the Roman cycle, &c. and thereby con
tributed to hi§ adoption of them? Was this an instigation or insti
gations to persecution ? If Ceolfrid excited the king to punish the
monks of Hy, why was his vengeance delayed from 710, in which
the letter was received, until 717 ? Or will the Dr. pretend that it
was in the very year_717 that Ceolfrid instigated him ? He may,
to be sure, invent what stories he thinks fit for his purposes ; but
he ought, at least, to make them appear not quite improbable.
So then in 717, the year marked by the Dr. himself, Ceolfrid
prevailed upon Nectan to expell the monks from Hy. Pray, for
what ? It could not be for the reason meant by our antiquary, viz.
their adhesion to the old Irish practices; for, as Ceolfrid well knew,
they had exchanged' them in 716 for his favourite Roman ones.
What then was their crime ? Surely the Dr. cannot be so stupid
as to think that Ceolfrid and Nectan fell foul of them, because they
had come over to their own party. His moans on the downfal of
the seminary of Hy, which, he says, expired on this occasion, are
absolutely nonsensical. That seminary neither expired at that
time, for it flourished for centuries after, nor did it change its te
nets, unless the time of celebrating Easter and the form of the
tonsure are to be considered as dogmas of religion.
I cannot but here animadvert, although it does not appertain to
Irish history, on a similar false assertion of the Doctor, (ib.) viz.
that Aldhelm, who flourished in the latter part of the seventh
century and died early in the eighth, " excited Ina, the West
Saxon king, against Gerontius prince of Cornwall, because he and
his subjects preserved the faith at first taught them." Upon what
foundation he could build this falshood it is difficult to conceive,
unless he alluded to the epistle written by Aldhelm to Gerontius
in which he endeavoured to prove that the Britons were wrong in
adhering to their Paschal cycle, &c. But what has this to do with
the wars between Gerontius and the West Saxons under their king
VOL. III. M

162 AN ECCLESM&TrCAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
Ina ? Or where can it be fotifld, that Aldhelm excited Ina to
earty them on? The Dbiitor, with unblushing audacity refers to
Cressy, who has qnite the reverse of his assertion. For Cressy, af
ter giving a translation of Aldhelm's epistle (5. xix. ch. 17.) ob
serves, that the Saxons did not use any violence against the Bri
tons; and, speaking (B. xxi. ch. 10. the very part of his wor
pointed out by Ledwich) of the war between Ina and Gerontius,
has not a word about Ina's hkvmg been urged on by Aldhelm,
while, on the" Contrary, he states that it is not easy to know the
cause of the qiiarrel, and that Gerontius was the aggressor, who,
he adds, perhaps thought he might take Ina unawares as being
then employed in acts of piety. Of all writers in the world the Dr.
should not on this occasion have directed us to Cressy.
§ . vi. This would be the place to treat of St.
Rudbert or Rupert, bishbp of Worms and after-
wards of Saltzbourg, who died in 718, were there
any reason to helieve that he was a native of Ire
land. But, as it is certain that he was not, and
very probable that he had no Irish connexions, (65)
I shall leave an account of him to the ecclesiastical
historians of France and Germany.
St. Cele Christus, or Christicoladied in 722.(66)
He was a native of Ulster, and is said to have belonged
to a branch of the Nialls. Having left his own province,
he went to a western part of Leinster, called Hi-
donchadha, where he erec,ted an oratory, which from
his name has been called Kill-cele*chriost. It is
said that he travelled with some other persons to
Rome. In several Irish calendars his name is
marked at the 3d of March with the title of bishop
of Kill-celfi-chriost. He had a brother named
Comgall, who was abbot of Both-chonais in Inish-
owen, and whose memory was revered there dn the
4th of September (67) "
In these times the archbishop of Armagh was
Suibhne or Sweeny, the successor of Flan Febhla,
(68) who died in 715 on the 24th of April. (69)
Suibhne was son of one Cronnmail, and held the

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND.

163

see for 15 years, as he lived- until 730. During
his incumbency «ome distinguished men departed
this life at Armagh; in 721 Colman surnamed
Huamachensis, who wrote some Acts of St. Pa
trick ; (70) in 726 Eochod -Mac-Colgan, an an
choret of that city; in 727 Ferdomnach, a scribe
or writer ; and in 728 Dochuma,5urnamed Bolgan,
an anchoret. (71)
St. Cronan, bishop of Lismore, who was probably
the immediate successor of St. Colman, (72) died
in 718, and his memory was revered on the first
of June. (73) Next after him we find in that
see Colman O'Liathain, a celebrated doctor, who
died in 726, (74) and, 1 dare say, 6n a 25th of
July. (75\ To the same year 726 is assigned the
death of St. Adamnan, bishop of Rathmuighe in
Dalrieda, (76) a part of the now county of Antrim,
and also that of Dachonna, bishop of Connor. (77)
In said year died St. Manchen of Leighlin, who
was, in all probability, at least abbot there ; a St.
Colman, of Telach-uallen, perhaps Tulliliallen, a
place in the county of Louth ; and a St. Bree, sur
named the Wise. (78)
(65) Colgan has (at 27 Mart.) from among other Lives of St. Ru
pert, published by Canisius, a very fabulous one, in which this
saint is said to have been baptized in Ireland by St. Patrick, to
have gone to the continent with St. Erentrudis, and one Trudbert,
whom it calls sister and brother of his, and to have died in 623,
It would be very strange that a person, baptized by our Apostle,
cojdd have lived until this year ; and Colgan's substituting in this
case a Patrick junior for the great one, is a pitiful evasion not worth
attending to. And who will believe that Rudbert, &c. were the
names pf persons born in Ireland ? The Bollandists not only re
jected this Life, but observe (at said day) that they would not
even mention it, had it not led astray Colgan and Le Cointe in
hi? Annal. Eccl. Fr. They have given us two other Lives of St.
Rupert, which appear tolerably correct, and in which there is not
$ word about Ireland, nor of what is said in the faulty one (fol.
M 2

164 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP, XIX.
lowed on this point by several writers) concerning this saint hav
ing been of the royal blood of Ireland as well as of France, to
which latter hereally belonged. In the Acta Bened. ( Sec. 3. Part,
1.) there is a short but very ancient and correct Life, in which nei
ther Ireland, nor its blood royal is even hinted at. Yet I will
not deny that St. Rupert might by his maternal line have been
connected with some Irish princes ; but it will not hence follow
that he should be reckoned among the Irish saints. Mabillon (ib,
Elog. Histor.) shows that he died in 718. The Office of St. Ru
pert, patched up by Burke, (Qffic. propr, at 27 March) but
which is not used in Ireland, is taken from the fabulous Life and
from Colgan's conjectures. It is odd, that among the authorities
mentioned at the head of this Office we find the name of Bol
landus, i. e. the Bollandists, notwithstanding the scornful man
ner in winch they speak of that Life. As to St. Erentrudis. who
was a niece, not sister, of St. Rupert, and to Trudbert, whoever
hewas, I need not tell the reader, that their history has nothing
to do with Ireland.
(66) 4 Masters and Colgan (AA. SS. at 3 Mart.) where he
treats of this saint. Their date is 721, i.e. 722.
(67) See Colgan, Acts qf Cele-Christus, ib. p. 454.
(68) See Chap, xviii. $.13.
(69) Ware and Harris, Bishops at Armagh.
(70) Tr. Th. p. 172 and 294. See also Chap. m. §. 5-
(71) lb. p. 294. Colgan prefixes saint to all their names. I
have added a year to each of his dates.
(72) See above §. 1.
(73) A A. SS.p. 303. Colgan has from the 4 Masters A. 717
'(718). Ware and Harris (Bishops at Lismore) have confounded
Cronan of Lismore with Cronan, son of Nethsemon, of whom
Colgan treats at 9 February, (p. 302. seqq.) and who, he thought,
was the bishop Cronan that paid a visit to Columbkill in Hy.
(See Not. 182 to Chap, xi.) He expressly distinguishes him from
Cronan of Lismore and for a very just reason, viz. that their times
were far different. It is therefore strange that Ware, who had the
A A. SS. loc. cit. before his eyes, and where he found mention
made of the son of Nethsemon, could have fallen into such a mis
take, which cannot be accounted for except by his having read
too cursorily what Colgan has about these Cronans. Archdall

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 16.5
(at Lismore) has only a part of Ware's mistake ; for he does not
call Cronan of Lismore son qf Nethsemon, but he says that he
died on the 9th of February. Now this day is assigned in the
calendars not to his death but to that of the son of Nethse
mon. (74) AA. SS. p. 149. and Ind. Chron. ib. ad A. 725. i. e.
726. (75) Colgan, when mentioning the death of Colman O'Liathain,
does not give us the day of it, or of his commemoration. Yet he
might have easily found either one or the other in the Calendar
of Cashel, which he quotes ib. p. 155. This calendar has at 22
January Colman Hua Beogna of Lismore, that is, the older Col
man, of whom above §.1. Then at 25 July it has Mocholmoc
or Colman O'Liathain a comorban or successor of St." Mochudda
(Carthag) of Lismore. Colgan very oddly imagined that these two
Colmans were but one person, viz. the Colman of 22 Jan. and
that the 25th of July was a second festival, perhaps of transla
tion, &c. in honour of him. I do not know what reason he could
have had for thinking so, except that the Colman at 25 July was
called Mocholmoc, which name was often given to the older Col
man. But surely every St Colman might have been called Mo
cholmoc. (See Not.,12.) That in said calendar two distinct Col
mans were meant is evident not only from the difference of the
days marked, but still more from the former being surnamed Hua-
Beogna, and the latter O'Liathain, the very Colman that died in
726. Whether the 25th of July was his Natalis, i. e. the anni
versary of his death, or a day of commemoration, I cannot de
cide ; but, considering the usual practice in the calendars, it is
more probable that it was the Natqlis.
(76) A A. SS. p. 377. and Ind. Chron. ib. ad A. 725 (726).
Concerning the see of Rathmuighe, which was very ancient, see
Chap. vii. §. 6. Not. 58. and Not. 256. to Chap. x.
(77) AA. SS. Ind. Chron. ad A. 725. Ware and Harris
(Bishops at Connor) have retained this date, but might have
safely changed it into 726.
(78) 4 Masters and Colgan, ib.
§.vn. Foelchuoor Faolan Mac-Dorbene, abbot
ofHy, who, according to one account, died in 721,

166 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
(79) and, accbrdihg' to, another, in 724, was suc
ceeded by Killeh or Killirt, surnamed fadd or long.
(80) Concerning this Killen I can find nothing
particular, except that he is said to have died in
726. (81) The next abbot, whom we meet with
after him, was another Killen, surnamed Droich-
theach, who lived until about 750.
To the year 727 is affixed the death of Aelchu,
abbot of Clonard. (82) It is not improbable that
he was also bishop of that place. At least his pre
decessor Dubdan O'Foclan was, being expressly
styled bishop and" abbot of Clonard, and who died
in 717. (83) In the same year 727 died St. Mure;.
dach, bishop of Mayo, and son of Indrect, who is
supposed to have beeh one of the Indfects kings of
Connaught irt those times. (84)
According to some writers St. Mtiredach survived
St. Gerald called of Mayo ; but it is more than pro
bable that he died before hum The history of St.
Gerald is extremely Confused, and interspersed with
monstrous fables.: (85) This much is certain that
he was an Englishman, and superior of the estab
lishment, which Colman, after his return from Lin
disfarne, formed at Mayo fot the English, who had
followed him to Ireland* (86) If Gerald was one
of those, who left Lindisfarne together with Colman,
(87) he must have been very- ydufag at that tirtie;
for Colman's departure from that place was in 664<,
and Gerald lived until 732. Supposing him to have
been in 664 only about sixteen years old, it ttiay be
admitted that he belonged tb that patty ; but as the
persons who accompanied Colman are spoken of .as
men and actual monksj ($8) it is much more proba
ble that Gerald came over to Inland on sottie later
occasion ; whereas the monastery of Mayo continued
to be resorted to by English arid studieiits for a long
time after Colman's death. (89) Gerald is said to
have* on his arrival in Ireland, and before he was
placed at Mayo, presided over some monks at Eliteria,

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. l6l
(90) which, if this be true, was probably a cell be
longing to the house of Mayo. According to this
statement, he could not have been one of* Colman's
first English followers, who, as is well known, were
all fixed by him in said house. At what time he be
came superior at Mayo is not known ; and it pro
bably was not prior to the seventh century. (91 ) His
death is assigned on the best authority to A. D. 139,
(92) and, according to several concurrent accounts,
to the 13th of March. (93) In some Irish docu
ments St. GeraM is called bishop ; but it is very
doubtful whether he was entitled to <this appellation.
(94) (79) 4 Masters, as above Not. 5$.
(80) It is stated in the Annals of Ulster (Johnston's Extracts.)
that Killin-fada succeeded Faolan Mac Derbene in 723 i. e. 72*.
(81) the 4 Masters and Colgan Tr, Th.p. 499. Their d^e
7?5 may, as usual, be supposed the same at 72(5". ¦
(82) AA. SS.p. 407.
(83) lb. I have added a year to the dates thus given.
(84) A A. SS. p. 60S. The 4 Masters assign Muredach's
death to 726? i. e. 727. Archdall (at ilfo^withont any authority,
instead of Bishop, calls him abbot. ,
(85) Colgan has published (at 13 Mart.) a Life of St. Gerald
from a MS. of the monastery of the Island of all saiRts in Lough-
ree, the author of which he thought was perfiaps vVugustin Ma-
graidin. But it is clear from some genuine tracts written by Ma-
graidin, lie could not be the author of this barbarous stuff., fh^.
bollandists, in their obseryations^at said day) on gt.7Cterfi% justly
decjare it to be full of nonsense and intolerable. Besides many
fooleries it abounds in anachronisms.
"'(86) SeeChap.x\ui.^2. "...¦>." ' ¦-
(87) That he was one of them is stated in the so called Life of
St. Gerald, and hence Ware (Antiq fcap. 26.) places hirp among
them. But he omits the ridiculous f^ble of Gef aid haying been
abbot of Winchester, as if there were .ColVur*feiaPS ffl that city,
and of his basing brought along withljimj jn Colman's ^mte,^iree
Withers, of his, and three thousand- _Qtber vorthy T^ngh'sfynen..

168 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
The latter part of this nonsense has been copied by Archdall (at
Mayo.) Now we know from Bede (see Chap, xviii. §. 2.)
that Colman was followed by only about thirty Englishmen to
Ireland. (88) See Bede, L. 4. c. 4.
(89) See Bede, ib. and above Chap, xviii. §. 2 Not. 13.
(90) Life, cap. 7. Colgan observes (AA. SS. p. 603.) that
there was in the diocese of Tuam, to which that of Mayo has been
annexed, a chapel called Kill-an-elitheir, that is the cell of the
pilgrim or foreigner, and that this might have been what in the
Life is called Eliteria- It was perhaps a cell depending on Mayo,
as was probably also a church in same diocese called Tech-Sasson,
the house of Saxons or Englishmen.
(91) If we could place any confidence in the Life, Gerald
would have been abbot of Mayo before the death of Adamnan ;
for it states (cap. 15.) that he was, when presiding there, visited
by him. But, even admitting that such a visit took place, it will
not follow that he was abbot before the 7th century ; for Adamnan
was in Ireland as late as the year 703 (see above §. 3.) during
which he might have called upon Gerald. Colgan remarks (A A.
SS. p. 604.) that Gerald's name does not appear among those of
the persons, who attended the synod of 697, (see Chap, xviii. §.
14.) although that Of Egbert, likewise an Englishman, does. His
object was to show, that Gerald was then dead ; but, as he was
undoubtedly alive at that time and for many years after, Colgan
ought to have concluded that Gerald was not as yet an abbot or
much distinguished in the year 697.
' (92) The Annals of Ulster* in which he is called Geralt pon-
lifex Saxonum Campi Heo (Magh-Heo), place his death in 731,
i. e. 732, to which year it is affixed also by Tigernach in these
words ; " Pontifex Muighe-heo Saxonum Garailt obiit." If is
singular that Usher, having quoted these authorities, (Ind. Chron.
ad A. 697.) has preferred to them that of the lying Life of Ge
rald, in which we are told that" after his death Adamnan of Hy
governed the church of Mayo constantly and indefatigably for
seven years, until returning to Hy he died there himsetf. Hence
Usher argued that, as Adamnan died in 704, Gerald's death
ought to be assigned to 697. But how could he have be
lieved, that Adamnan totally neglected the government of Hy
and of the whole Columbian order for seven years, and confine

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 1 69
himself to the monastery of Mayo ? Or did he not recollect that
Adamnan spent a considerable part of that period in Northum
berland, and afterwards in Hy striving to bring over his monks to
the Roman cycle, &c. (above §. 3.) and accordingly could not
have been indefatigably employed at Mayo ? Colgan, who
scrupled to doubt of what the Life states, followed Usher, adding an
argument, which proves nothing more than that Gerald was not
abbot of Mayo in 697- (See Not. prec.) As to Archdall's bung
ling (at Mayo ) concerning Gerald 'having not died, but succeeded
Colman in 697 (See Not. 16 to Chap, xviii.) and then placing
Adamnan after him, is too slovenly to be honoured with animad
version. The 4 Masters (ap. A A. SS. p. 604.) have Gerald's
death at A. 726 (727) ; but their authority is not equal to that of
Tigernach or of the Ulster annals. The Bollandists, perceiving
that it was ridiculous to make Adamnan of Hy successor of
Gerald, suspect that he might have been confounded with another
Adamnan. But, as the monastery of Mayo was in those times
purely English, it is not easy to believe that any of its abbots was
then an Irishman, as an Adamnan would have been. And it is
useless to endeavour to prop up any part of that absurd fable.
(93) 4 Masters, Calendars,' &c. (ap. A A. SS. p. 604.
(94) Some calendars, quoted by Colgan (ib.) give him the title
of bishop ; and we have just seen (Not. 92.) that he has been
called pontifex. Yet in the Life, notwithstanding the great .
things said of him, he fc styled merely abbot. The 4 Masters
say no more of him than St. Gerald of Mayo. According to
their statements he could scarcely have been a bishop ; for they
place his death in 727, the very year to which they assign that of
St. Muredaph, whom they expressly call bishop of Mayo.'
Surely there were not two bishops there at the same time,
Bede, speaking of the monastery of Mayo, as it was circum
stanced when he was writing his history, and accordingly down
to 731, says (Z*4. c. 4.) that the English monks lived there un
der a canonical or regular abbot. He has nothing about their
having' among them a bishop, although, in all probability, Gerald
was their abbot at the time of his making this observation. I am
inclined to think, that his having been called pontifex, pontiff
of the English, gave rise to the supposition of his having been a
bishop. But why did not Tigernach or the compilers of the

170 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HIST0RX CHAP, XIX.
Ulster annals plainly call him episcopus ? The titje, pontifex,
has been often used in an equivocal manner, and sometimes in the
same sense as president (See Spelman, Gloss, and Ducange, at
PontifexxoiA Pontificium.) It may be, that, as the English were
strangers in Ireland, the abbot of Mayo enjoyed some particular
privileges as protector of his countrymen.
§. viii. A holy virgin, named Segretia, is mentioned
as having been sister of St. Gerald, and hence some
modern writers have concluded that she presided over
a nunnery at Mayo. But we diave not sufficient
authority for either of these statements. (95) That
ihere was a St. Segretia or rather Segoetia, in those
times, somewhere in Jreland,.! do not mean to deny ;
and we find some" other holy women, who were dis
tinguished in the early part of the eighth century,
such as St. Samthanna abbess of Clonebrone (96)
in the now county of Longford ; St. Sebd^nna abbess
of Kildare, who died in 727; and the next abbess
after her St, Affrica^ who lived until 739, (97) to
which year is assigned also the death of a St. Con
chenna daughter of one Kellaigh Chuallan. (98)
As scarcely any thing further is, as far as I ca© dis
cover/ known concerning them, an attempt at un
ravelling their history would be useless.
Suibhne, archbishop of Armagh, having died on
the 21st of June in 730 (99) was succeeded by. CpUr
gus, who held the see for 20 years. He was a native
of a place or district, called KinelkAnmire, (100)
probably somewhere in Ulster. Congus was a ni^u
of learning, (101) and, when archbishop, wrote a
poem, in which he exhorted Aedh or Aidus OUan,
king of Ireland, whose confessor , he was, to, punish
Aedh Rony, king of Ulster, for having sacrilegiously
attacked and pillaged some churches of the diocese
of Armagh. (102)
St. Foeldovar, bishop of Clogher, died in 732 on
the 29th of June. (103) He is the first prelate of
that ancient see whose times are well known next

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 171
after St. Tigernach. (104) St. Tola, bishop of
Clonard, died in 734 on the 30th of March, the day
on which his anniversary was eommembrated. (105)
This saint was of the illustrious family of the
Galengi, (106) and son of one Dunchad. He led
for many years the life of a hermit at a place called
from him Disert-Told, arid situated either in the
southern part of the ancient Meath, or northern part
of ancient Munster, and consequently in the now
King's county. ! (107) Afterwards he was raised to
the see of Clonard, but in what year is not recorded.
It has been said that he was bishop also of Kildare.
That this is a mistake may be safely concluded from
as much as is known of his transactions. (108) In
these times we find a bishop in the small island of
Rechran (Rachlinor Raghlin) off the coast of Antrim,
Rann son of Kellach. He died in 735, and his
memory was revered on the 17th of July. (109)
During this period an Irish bishop, named Cumian,
who at a Very advanced stage of life had retired
from Ireland to Bobbio, where he spent his last 17
years in the monastic state, and in a most exemplary
mariner died there on a 19th of August, agied 95
years and 4 months. He Was buried at Bobbio
during the reign of the Lombard king Luitprand,
which lasted somewhat more than 31 years until 744.
This king had such a veneration for Cumian, that he
got his tomb adorned with precious stones. It is not
known to what part of Ireland he belonged. (110)
(95) It is said in the Life 6f St. Gerald (cap. 15.) that Segre-
tia his sister died, together with one hundred of her nuns, of the
great pestilence, viz. that of 664 ; but it is not stated in what
place, and her death is mentioned as having occurred while he
was at Eliteria, and before he Wetot to Mayo. How could a
sister of Gerald have been an abbess before A. 664, or is it to be
believed that he was superior of any establishment - iri Ireland at
a time prior to his having set a foot in this country ? Colgan ob
serves (Not. ad loc. p. 603.) that he could discover nothing re-

172 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX,
lative to this Segretia, unless she was the same as St. Seg-
netia of a place called Domnach-Keine, whose Natalis was
marked in some calendars at 18 December. Yet afterwards
(p. 605.) partly in complaisance to Gerald's Life, and partly
through conjecture, he makes mention of St. Segretia or Segnetia, -
with her 100 virgins, as having died at Mayo on an 18th De
cember. He forgot that a little before he had told us that St.
Segnetia belonged to Domnach-Keine. On those notable
grounds Harris has made up a nunnery founded at Mayo in the
seventh century by St. Segretia, and has been followed by
Archdall. (96) See AA. SS. p. 347.
(97) Tr. Th. p. 629. I have added a year to its dates. In
the Ulster annals the death of St. Aflrica or Afreca of Kildare is
assigned to to A. 744 (745.)",
(98) AA.SS. p. 607.
(99) Tr. Th. p. 294. and Ware, Bishops at Armagh.
(100) Ware (ib.) has understood the Kinell-Anmire of Tr. Th.
as the name of a man, from whom Congus was descended, or
as Harris has it, leaving out Kinell, from whose stock he was
sprung. But the words, " De Kinell Anmire oriundus fuit,"
seem to point rather to a district than to a man ; and there were
several tracts in Ireland, whose names began with Kinell. It is
true that its original meaning was progeny or clan ; but it came
to be used for the territories, in which such clans lived ex. c.
Kinell-Conail, Kinell Enda, &c. in like manner as the Irish ward
Clann (children, family, &c.) whence Claneboys, Clanrickard, &c.
Kinell-Anmire may certainly be explained by Clan qf Anmire,
and I will not object to the supposition that Congus was a mem
ber of that clan. But who said Anmire was I cannot tell, un
less perhaps was meant Anmiraeus formerly monarch of Ire
land. (101) Congus is called (Tr. Th. ib.) a scribe, a title given in
Ireland, as Colgan observes (ib. and p. 631.) to men of letters,
professors, and particularly to authors. See also Ware, Antiq.
cap. 17.
(102) TV. Th. p. 294. Ware and Harris, Bishops at Armagh
and Writers.

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 173
(103) 4 Masters and AA. SS. p. 742. Their date is 731, i. e.
732. (104) We have seen (Not. 5. to Chap, xn.) that with regard
to old times, no attention is due to the reigistry of Clogher, which
has been followed by Ware.
(105) Colgan treating of St. Tola (at 30 March p. 793.) quote*
the 4 Masters, who assign his death to 733 (734). As to
the day of it, which was omitted by them, he does not (ib.) ex
pressly mark it, only observing, that his memory was revered on
the 30th of March ; but elsewhere (AA. SS. p. 407.) we read,
according to his printed text, that Tola .died on the 3d of March.
This must be a typographical error for 30 ; whereas Colgan states
that he has taken from the calendars of all the obitual days, the
Natalis of the several saints, whom he names in this part of the
AA. Now all thfe calendars, referred to by him at p. 793, have
Tola's name only at the 30th of March, and it is plain that Col
gan considered it as his Natalis. This mistake of the printer
(one of the thousands, which have greatly injured Colgan's works,)
led astray Ware, ( Bishops at Meath) who accordingly assigned
Tola's death to the 3d of March. Besides this mistake Ware fell
into another, for which Colgan is not to blame, although he pro
fessed to follow him ; for, instead of 733, which Colgan has every
where for the death of Tola, he, or his printer, has given us
732. (106) The family of the Galengi inhabited, I suppose, some
of the districts called Galenga or Gallen. There was a Gallen or
Gah'an, which comprized a very great part of the Queen's county
and of the counties of Carlow and Kildare. Considering the si
tuation of the place, in which, as will be just seen, St. Tola com
menced his career, it is not improbable that he was a native of
that territory.
(107) Colgan observes, that the Calendar of Cashel places
Disert-Tola in Meath, while, according to every other authority,
it was in upper Dalcassia, that is, the northern part of Munster.
He justly remarks that it lay perhaps at the boundary of both pro
vinces. In former times Meath and Munster met each other in
what is now called the King's county, which has been made up
of districts that belonged to these provinces. That Disert-Tola
was in the now barony of Ganycastle in said county may, I think,

174 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
be deduced from the circumstance, related by the 4 Masters at
A. D. 1034, of Carten lord of Dealbhna having been killed by
some of his subjects when entering the phurch of Djsert-Tola.
This Dealbhna was, in all probability, the one sur-named E&thra,
the M'Coghlan's country, or barony of Ganycastle. (See Harris,
Antiq. ch, 7- and Seward at Dealbhna..)
(108) In St. Tola's Acts at 30 March, in which Colgan col
lected every thing that he could find concerning him, Kildare is
DOt even mentioned. In the passage of the 4 Masters relative to
hiss, there quoted at full length, he is called bishop only of
ClpnanL The calendar of Cashel has " St. Tola of Disert-Tola i"
the martyrology of Donegall, " St Tola bishop and anchoret, of
Disert-Tola" But in no calendar whatsoever is he said to have
belonged to Kildare. Yet at p. 407. we find and of Kildare, et
de KUlrdara, added to the words, bishop of Clonard. It is plain
that KjM-dara has slipped in, instead of Disert-Tola. Hence
proceeded die mistake of Ware and Harris, who (Bishops at
Meath and Kildare) make him bishop not only of Clonard, but
likewise of Kildare. To show still further that they were mis
taken, I may add that in the very minute catalogue, which Col
gan has, (Tr. Th. p. 629.) of the bishops, abbots, &c. of Kil
dare, from the beginning down to the 13th century, no St. Tola
is reckoned among them.
(109) Tr. Th. p. 509. The year there marked from the 4
Masters is 734- i. e. 735.
(110) Colgan has this bishop Cumian at 12 January. His rea
son for treating of him at said day was his having conjectured
that he might have been Cumian of Antrim, whose name is in
the Irish calendars at said day, and whose death is assigned to
A. 658. For this conjecture he has not even the appearance of
an argument, nor is it consistent with Cumian's having died at
Bobbio on a 19th of August, and during the reign of Luitprand,
which did not begin until many years after 658. He observes
that among all the St. Cumians, bishops or otherwise, not one of
them appears in the Irish calendars at 19 August. This is not
to be wondered at, whereas the Cumian of Bobbio died far away
from Ireland, and all that is known bf him is contained in the
following epitaph, which our old hagiologists probably never heard
of, and of which I have given the substance.

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 175
Hie sacra beati membra Cumiani solvuntur,
Cujus caelum penetrans anima cum Angelis gaudet.
Iste fuit magn us dignitate, genere, forma.
Hunc mittit Scotia fines ad Italicos senem ;
Locatur et Bobio, Domini constrictus amore,
Ubi venerandi dogma Columbani servando
Vigilans, ieiunans, indefessus sedule orans,
Olympiades quatuor, uniusque circulo anni,
Sic vixit feliciter, ut felix modo credatur.
Mitis, prudens, pius patribus pacificus cunctis.
Huic aetatis anni fuerunt novies deni,
Lustrum quoque unum, mensesque quatuor simul.
~" Ac pater egregie potens intercessor existe
Pro gloriosissimo Luitprando rege, qui tuuni
Pretioso lapide tumbam decoravit devotus.
Sic Ut manifestum almum ubi tegitur corpus
 est hie dominus Cumianus episcopus
Qartodecimo Calend. Septemb. fecit Joannes Magister.
Colgan would fain refer the words, Quartodecimo Calend. Sep
temb. not to the death of Cumian, but to the day on which John
Magister worked at the epitaph. This would be a strange mode
of explaining the days marked on such monuments, nor would it
have occurred to Colgan, did he not think it odd that Cumian's
name is not in the Irish calendars at 1§ August. Mabillon, touch
ing incidentally on Cumian, (A7inal. &c. at A. 722.) understood
the 14 Calend. Sept. as relative to his death, observing at the
same time that in the calendar of Bobbio his festival was assigned
not to that day i. e. 19 August, but to the 9th of June. His
adding that Cumian spent more than 20 years in that monastery
is, I think, a mistake founded on liis having reckoned the four
Olympiads as each consisting of five years, a mode of computing,
which he had erroneously followed in making up the age of St.
Columbanus. (See Not. 69 to Chap, xiii.)
§. ix. Flahertach, monarch of Ireland, who, as
we have seen, (111) retired in 734 toia monastery in
Armagh, was succeeded by Aedh or Hugh IV. sur
named Ollain, son of the king Fergall. He reigned

176 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
for nine years until he was killed in the battle of Kells
A. D. 743, fighting against Domnald, who was then
raised to the throne. This Domnald, the third
monarch of his name, was son of Murdach a great
grandson of Colman prince of Meath, who was a son
of the monarch Diermit I. Having reigned 20
years, Domnald went on a pilgrimage to Hy, where
he died late in 763. His successor was Niell Fras-
sach, or the cloudy, a brother of Aedh Ollairi, who
after a reign of seven years retired to Hy, became a
monk there, and lived until 778. The next monarch
was Donnchad, or DoUagh, a son (born in 733) of
Domnald III. He ascended the throne in 770, and
held it for 27 years. His reign is remarkable for its
having been that, during which the Danes began to
infest the coasts of Scotland and Ireland. (112)
The Church history of Ireland during these
reigns presents us with a much smaller number of
persons distinguished by sanctity or learning, and of
interesting facts, than we have met with in former
periods. Yet notwithstanding the scanty accounts,
that remain of those times, owing either to a neglect
in recording transactions or to the destruction and
loss of documents, it is certain that ecclesiastical dis
cipline and learning of every sort, such as was. cul
tivated in the eighth century, continued to flourish in
this country. Detailed accounts of many holy and
learned men of this period cannot be given ; but
there is no doubt of such, and far from few, persons
having adorned it.
A St. Manchin, abbot of Tuaim-grene (Tomgrany
in the county of Clare) died in 735 (736). (113)
Aractac, who, although called only abbot of Ferns,
was perhaps bishop there, died in 738. (114) To
A. D. 742 is assigned the death of St. Cormac
bishop of Trim. (115) He is said to have been of
the royal house of the Nialls ; and his name appears
in various calendars at the 17th of February as the
anniversary of his death. (116) Three brothers of

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 177
his are spoken of; Rumond, a very wise man and
deeply skilled in history and antiquities, who died in
743 ; Baitellach, abbot of Trim, whose death is marked
at A. D. 752 ; and Ossan a priest, the year of whose
death is not known. St. Coman, or Comman, atithor
of a Monastic rule, which was extensively followed in
Connaught, died in 743, or according to another ac
count in 746. (1 1?) 1 find him called bishop of Ros
common, (118) where an episcopal see existed during
the middle ages ; and, as that place, in all appearance,
got its name from this St. Coman (119) it is highly
probable that he was its first bishop. (120) His
memory was revered on the 26th of December. (121)
In these times there was a bishop, and apparently the
first, at Fore, St. Suarle or Suarlech, who, having suc
ceeded the abbot Dubdaboren in 736, was afterwards
raised to the episcopal rank and lived until the 27th
of March, A. D. 746. (122)
(111) Above §. 1.
(112) O'Flaherty, Ogyg. Part. in. cap. 93. See also Ware,
Antiq. cap. 4. Their accounts as to those kings agree in sub
stance, except that Ware reckons the reign of Donnchad from
the year 778, in which Niell Frassach died in Hy, while O'Fla
herty makes it begin in 770, the year of said king's withdrawing to
that island. And hence instead of 27 years, which O'Flaherty has
for his reign, Ware counts only 19. I must here caution the reader
against a typographical error in the margin (ib.) of the English
translation of Ware, in which, instead of 797, the year of Donn-
chad's death, we find 787. The dates of the 4 Masters (ap. Tr.
Th. p. 448.) relative to all those kings are different from O'Fla-
herty's ; but we may be certain that his are the most, cor-
¦ rect. (113) A A. SS. p. 332.
(114) Ib.p. 223. I have changed the date 737 of the 4 Mas
ters into 738. In the 3d Index, ib. Arectach is • called bishop
of Ferns. This may have been merely a mistake of the com
piler. (115) Colgan at 17 February, (p. 361.) where he treats of this
VOL. in; N

178 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
feaint, calls him Cormac junior, as if there had been an older
Cormac bishop of Trim in the fifth century. That this is a mis
take has been shown already (Chap. viii. §. 12.) The 4 Mas
ters, quoted by Colgan place Cormac's death in 741 (742).
(116) Although in said calendars Cormac, bishop qf Trim, is
expressly mentioned at 17 February, Colgan, in consequence of
his supposing that there was an older Cormac also bishop there,
has some doubts as to which of them this date belonged. But,
as he was mistaken on that point, these doubts are unfounded.
At said day the calendars have indeed another Cormac, who was
not bishop of Trim, but archbishop of Armagh. (See Chap. viii.
§. \%)
(117) The 4 Masters (ap. A A. SS. p. 791.) have A. 742 (743).
Ware ( Writers at Coman) quotes the Annals of Boyle for A/
746. (118) AA.SS.p. 405.
(119) We have seen (Not. 146 to Chkp. xii.) that there is no
sufficient reason to admit, that there was a St. Coman at Bos-
common in the sixth century, as some writers have supposed.
(120) Colgan (A A. SS.p. 405.) calls Coman not only bisbop,
but likewise founder of the church of Roscommon.
(121) Ib.andp.791.
(122) AA. SS. p/772 at 27 Mart. The date from the 4 Mas
ters is 745, i. e. 746.
§. x. Albuin, alias Witta or Wittan; one of the
fellow labourers of St. Boniface in Germany; and'
who in 741 was appointed by him bishop of Bura-
burg- near Fritzlar in Hesse, (123). is said to have
been a native of Ireland. (124) The only objec
tion I find to this position* is, that, if his original
name was Witta, he would seem to have been
rather an Englishman. But it may be conjectured,
that his real name was Albuin, which, to please the
German ears, was changed into the corresponding
Saxon Witta, white. (125) Be this as it may,
scarcely any thing else is known concerning him,
except that he died on a 26th of October, and has
been called the apostle of Thuringia. (126) It is

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 179
certain that there were at that period Irish mission
aries preaching the Gospel in Germany together
with St. Boniface. One of them was the celebrated
Virgilius, who afterwards became bishop of Saltz-
burg, and whose real name was most probably
Feargil, or perhaps Fear gal. (127) To what part
of Ireland he belonged, or of what family he was,
I cannot find any account, except its being said
that he was of noble extraction. (128) Having
greatly distinguished himself by his piety and learn
ing, (129) he was raised to the priesthood, and, ap
parently soon after, set out for the continent as a
missionary. He had arrived in France before the
year 746, (130) where he was most graciously re
ceived by Pepin, son of Charles Martel, and as yet
only mayor of the palace. (131) He is said to have
remained with Pepin, who was" greatly attached to
him, for two years, at Carisiacum, a princely re?
sidence near Compeigne, on the Oise, and thence
to have proceeded to Bavaria then governed, by the
duke Otilo or Odilo, to whom he was strongly re
commended by Pepin. This was probably about
the year 745. Virgilius was in Bavaria when his
disputes began with St. Boniface, whose jurisdicr
tion then extended over that country, as well as
over many other parts of Germany. The first
instance of them occurs in 7^6, occasioned by a
theological question, to which the ignorance of a
priest gave rise. This priest, not understanding
Latin, used in administering baptism to say these
words ; " Baptizo te in nomine Patria, et^Filia,
et Spiritua Sancta" instead of Patris, Filii, et Spi-
ritus Sancti. Boniface, being informed of it, or
dered Virgilius and Sidonius, a companion of his
and probably also an Irishman, (132) to rebaptize
such persons as that priest had undertaken to bap
tize. They refused to obey, justly maintaining
that the baptisms performed by him were valid, and,
to protect themselves against any exercise of Boni-
N 2

180 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
face's power, gave a full account of the whole mat
ter in a letter which they wrote to Pope Zachary.
(123) See Epistol. Bonifac. No. 131, 132, and Fleury, Hist.
Eccl. L. 42. §. 22.
(124) Trithemius (Deviris illustr ibus Ord. Ben. &c) states,
that he had been a monk in Ireland, and that thence, leaving his
sweet native country, he passed over to Germany, where he con
verted numbers of pagans, and became bishop, &c. Arnold Wion
(Lign. Vits.) calls Albuin an Irishman, and as Trithemius also
says in one place, a monk of Hy, who went to Germany, &c.
Hence several other authors, among whom Serarius (Ber. Mo-
gunt. L. 3.) Usher (Preface to Ep. Hib. Syll.) Colgan (AA. SS.
p. 610.) Ware and Harris (Writers at Albuin) have considered
him as undoubtedly a native of Ireland.
(125) Even admitting that the original name was Vitta, Witta
or Wittan, it might have been an Irish name, although not mean
ing white in the Irish language. His English companions, find
ing that in their tongue it was like white, might have latinized it
into Albuinus.
(126) See AA. SS. p. 610.
(127) The Irish Fear, sometimes contracted into Fer, has in
latinizing of names been not seldom changed into Vir. For Fear
in Irish signifies man, as Vir does in Latin. Thus an abbot of Hy,
whose name is constantly written in Irish Fergna, is called by
Adamnan Virgnous through, as Colgan observes (A A. SS.p. 451.)
a Latin inflexion. In like manner Virgilius, which I find (ib. p. 800)
given also to an abbot of Aghaboe in the 8th century, and (ib. p.
107) to one of Tirdaglas in the 10th, was no other than Feargil,
or probably Feargal, Fergal, now Ferral. That the Vjrgilius,
who was in Germany during the time of St. Boniface, was the same
as the one, who was afterwards raised to the see of Saltzburg can
not, with any sufficient degree of probability, be called in ques
tion. His having disagreed with him on some points, in which by
the bye Virgilius was right, and his being denounced by him to
Pope Zachary, is no proof that he was not the holy and learned
Virgilius, who, after that Pope's death, was considered worthy of
being promoted to the episcopal order. Fleury, however, treats
of them as two distinct Virgils; but Mabillon (at the Life qf St.

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 181
Virgil, A A. Ben. Sec. 3. part 2. and Annal. Ben, at 4.747
and 756.) makes them the same person, and so does Basnage in
his edition of Canisius, (Ant. Led. Tom. 3. part 2. p. 273.) I
scarcely need add, that Baronius, Usher, Ware, and a crowd of
other writers were of the same opinion. Yet Pagi (Critica &c.
ad A. D. 746.) has endeavoured to show, that the Virgil, with
whom Boniface had some disputes, was different from the great
bishop of Saltzburg. But, as will be soon seep, his arguments are
far from conclusive.
(128) A Life of St. Virgilius has been published by Canisius
( Tom. 3. part 2. Basnage's ed ) and afterwards by Messingham
(Florileg, &c.) and Mabillon ( Acta Ben. Sec. 3. part 2. It was
written in the 12ih century, and consists of two parts; the first
biographical, but short, meagre, and inaccurate ; the second on
miracles wrought at his tomb in various times. • This Life begins
with these words : Beatissimus igitur Virgilius'in Hibernia insula
de nobili ortus prosapia," &c. The account given in it of his
transactions prior to his being placed on the see of Saltzburg is
very imperfect, and that part of his history must be collected from
other documents.
(129) All accounts agree, that besides being very religious he
was exceedingly learned. In the Life it is said that he might
have been considered the most learned among the learned men of
his time and climate, meaning, I suppose, the western world. By
Bruschius he is styled vir pietate et doctrina clarus. He is spoken
of in like manner by Hundius and other German writers.
(130; Pagi, Critica, &c. ad A. 746.
(131; Some writers have said that Virgilius, on his arrival in
France, was received by King Pepin. But this must be under
stood in a loose sense, inasmuch as Pepin, from being mayor of
the palace, was afterwards raised to the throne in 752. Pagi
(loc. tit.) and Mabillon (Annal. Ben. ad A. 756.) took care to
style Pepin only mayor of the palace at the time of Virgilius' re
ception at his court. According to the unchronological manner,
in which his arrival in France and his subsequent proceedings until
he was consecrated bishop of Saltzburg are related in the Life, it
would seem as if he had not been in that country until after 760.
Not only Ware and Harris, ( Writers at Virgil) but likewise Fleury,
(L. 44. §. 3.) in consequence of following said Life, fell into a great

182 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
mistake on this point. Besides calling Pepin Icing at the time of
his first receiving Virgilius, they supposed that the saint was not in
the continent more than about four years prior to 766, or 767, to
each of which years his consecration at Saltzburg has been most
erroneously assigned. It will be seen lower down, that he was a
bishop many years earlier. But from what is said in the Life, and
which they copied from it, concerning Virgilius having gone from
Pepin's court to Saltzburg in the time of Otilo, duke of Bavaria,
these writers ought to have guarded against that mistake ; for, as
Pagi (ib.) observes, Otilo died in 748.
(132) Mabillon says, (Annals, he. at A. 747) that Sidonius had
perhaps come from Ireland with Virgilius. This is a very probable
conjecture ; for Sidonius, latinized from Sedna, frequently occurs
as the name of distinguished Irishmen in those ages. Where did
Harris fipd, (Writers at Virgil) that this Sidonius, the fellow la
bourer of Virgilius, was archbishop of Bavaria ? It is plain that he
was only a priest, ^nd so he is titled in a letter of Pope Zachary,
written in 748.
§ . xi. The Pope was astonished at the proceeding
of Boniface, and immediately wrote to him, expres
sing the pain he felt at his having issued an order
for the rebaptizing of those persons. He cautions
him never to act in that manner again, whereas, al
though the priest's Latin was bad, the baptisms per
formed by him were valid, and unattended with any
circumstances that could authorize the rebaptizatioa
of those, whom he had baptized. ( 1 33) It seems
that Boniface was hurt at Virgilius' having written
to the Pope, and consequently treated him with
harshness. It has been said, but I suspect without
foundation, that' Virgilius went on this occasion to
Rome. (184) It is certain that he was in Bavaria
in 747 and the following year. ' For in one or other
of these years; I believe the former, Boniface de
nounced him to the Pope, alleging various charges,
some of which cannot be easily guessed at. (Vd5)
The first was that he used to speak ill of Boniface,
because, said Boniface, I have shown that he erred

CHAP. XIX.

OF IRELAND. 1 83

on Catholic doctrine. But on what point or points
Virgilius erred, we are not informed. Another
charge was that, conversing with the duke Otilo,
he used to sow seeds of hatred between him and Bo
niface. To these Vague accusations he adds, what
he must have picked up from false report, that Vir
gilius said that he was authorized (136) by the Pope
to obtain the diocese of a deceased bishop, one of
the four whom Boniface had ordained in that country.
But these are trifles, compared with the horrible
crime, of which Virgilius was guilty, by maintaining
that there was another world and other men under
the earth, that is, under the part of the earth trod
den by Boniface. Zachary in his answer, written
in 748, passing over the two first charges, denies
that he had empowered Virgilius to obtain a diocese,
and says that, in case it be proved that he held the
doctrine of there being another world and other men
under the earth, (1S7) a synod should be convened,
and Virgilius expelled from the church. He adds,
that he was then about sending a letter to the duke
(Otilo) concerning Virgilius, for the purpose of citing
him to appear before himself, aud, if convicted of
error, of condemning him according to the canons.
Then he tells Boniface, that he did not forget what
he had written to him (on some other occasion) con
cerning Sidonius and the aforesaid Virgilius. (138)
What complaint Boniface had made against them is
not stated. Perhaps it was that they were not as
obedient to him as he would have wished. Zachary
says that he had written a threatening letter to them,
and subjoins that Boniface will be believed preferably
to them, and that, as he observed above (with regard
to Virgilius), he will summon them to appear before
the Apostolic see. Whether either Virgilius or Si
donius were actually summoned to attend at Rome,
or went thither, or which of the parties was believed
in preference to the other, we are not informed ; but
matters must have been compromised, and a recon-

184 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
ciliation have taken place, whereas henceforth nothing
whatsoever can be discovered relative to those dis
putes. v 1 39) Virgilius was abbot of St. Peter's mo
nastery at Saltzburgh before the death of Duke Otilo,
(140) which occurred in 748, and seems to have
continued in that situation, until he was appointed
bishop of said city by Pope Stephen the second and
the king Pepin in 756. (14 1)
(133) This letter of Pope Zachary is at No. 134. of the Epist.
Bonifae. and may be seen in the Bibl. Patr. of Lyons, Tom. 13.
Usher has it in Ep. Hib. Syll. No. 16. It begins thus ; " Virgilius
et Sidonius, religiosi viri, apud Baioariorum provinciam degentes,
suis nos litteris visitarunt."
(134) Pagi holds (at A. 746) that Virgilius, i. e. the one, whom
he distinguishes from the bishop of Saltzburg, went to Rome in
said year. His only argument is that in a letter, of which more
will be seen directly, of Zachary to Boniface, written in 748, a
charge against Virgilius is mentioned, viz. that he said " quod
a nobis esset absolutus — diocesim obtinere. Pagi explains abso-
lutus as signifying dismissed ; whence he concluded that Virgilius
had been at Rome. I think it more probable that absolutus
must in that passage be understood as meaning empowered or au
thorized, according to an acceptation introduced in the middle ages.
Thus we find absolutio used for power, liberty, licence ; and" ab-
solutionem facere for granting power or faculties. It was with
reference to this occupation, that Zachary made use of the phrase
absolutus ; for it seems clear from what we read in the same let
ter a few lines higher up, that he had not as yet seen Virgilius.
Alluding to charges brought against him by Boniface, he says
that he does not know whether said Virgilius was called a priest,
nescimus si dicatur presbyter. How could this be, had Zachary
been acquainted with Virgilius at Rome ? In a former letter (see
Not. prec.) he called him a religiosus vir, that is, a man charged
with religious functions, such as he might have been without being
a priest, for instance, were he only a deacon. At the time, at
least, when Zachary wrote the latter, Virgilius was abbot of the
monastery of St. Peter at Saltzburg ; but Boniface had not in
formed the Pope of his rank or situation. I must not dissemble

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 1 85
that also Mabillon thought (Annal. Ben. ad. A. 747.) that Virgilius
i. e. he who afterwards became bishop, went to Rome and re
turned thence to Bavaria in said year 747. He likewise must
have been led astray by the word, absolutus.
(135) These charges are known only from Zachary's answer to
Boniface No. 140. ap.Epist. Bonifac. and 17. in Usher's Sylloge.
Mabillon supposed (Annal. fyc. ad A. 756.) that Boniface was
displeased with Virgilius, because he had come to Bavaria with
recommendations from Pepin, and not by order of Boniface him
self, and that he was taken great notice of by the duke Otilo, to
which he adds that perhaps Virgilius was not. very submissive to
him. All this may be true, and joined with the opposition of
Virgilius on the baptismal question is fully sufficient to explain
why Boniface became so angry with him.
(136) See Not. 134.
(137) It is universally admitted that the opinion maintained by
Virgilius was no other than that relative to the Antipodes, an opi
nion founded on the sphericity of the earth, and which in our days
even school-boys are acquainted with. It was new to Boniface ;
for in those times geographical and philosophical learning was not
as much cultivated in other parts of the West as in Ireland. His
mode of stating that opinion might have misled a Pope even more
learned than Zachary, and induced him to think, that Virgilius
held that there was a second species of men inhabiting another
world distinct from the earth. That Virgilius entertained no such
extravagant notion is clear from there not having been any fur
ther proceedings on this subject ; a circumstance which cannot be
accounted for except on this principle, that Virgdius communi
cated a correct statement of his opinion to Zachary, who accord
ingly found it to be harmless.
(138) " Pro Sidonio autem et Virgilio supradicto presbyteris,
quod scripsit sanctitas tua, agnovimus." It is odd that here he calls
not only Sidonius but likewise Virgil a priest, although some lines
before he had said, that he did not know whether that same Vir
gilius was called one. (See Not. 134.) Unless there be some er.
ror in the text, the reason of this discrepancy must be that in a
letter of Boniface concerning Sidonius and Virgilius jointly, and
which was different from that in which he brought the above
mentioned charge against Virgilius in particular, he gave them
the title of priests, which he omitted in the other, when com-

1 86 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX!.
plaining of Virgilius alone. By Virgilius Zachary meant through
out the whole letter one and the same person, as is evident from
the word, supradicto. '
(139) One of Pagi's arguments to s'how that the Virgilius, who
was accused by Boniface, was different from St. Virgilius of Saltz
burg, is, that, in the saint's Life no mention is rtfS'de of these dis
putes. But surely he must have known that in works of that kind,
particularly such as were made up in the dark ages, silence was usu
ally observed with regard. to quarrels between holy men. In fact,
the so called Lives of saints, written in those times, are in gene
ral panegyrical discourses rather than biographical tracts, arid
every thing is omitted that might throw the least reflection on the
conduct of the saint at any time of his life. And as to that of
St. Virgilius, Pagi was well aware that it is very imperfect. Among
many other circumstances, it has nothing about Virgilius having
been abbot at Saltzburg for many years before he was made
bishop. It is odd that Pagi, who allows that both his Virgils were
in Bavaria in 746, and thenceforth during the disputes with Boni
face, did not consider that the Virgilius' engaged in them, was, as
appears from Zachary's letter of 748, the confidential friend of
duke Otilo. Now Pagi himself ,: states that Virgilius, who'be-
came bishop of Salzburg, was the one who had been recom
mended to him by Pepin, and who wag "afterwards a great favou
rite. According to his hypothesis we Should admit that both the
Virgils were greatly esteemed by the duke and quite intimate
with him. What necessity is there for such suppositions, un-
supported'by any thing we find ih Pope Zachary's letters, or by
the authority of any old document? Pagi seemed to think, that
the Virgilius, who was accused by Boniface, was an obscure per
son of little note ; but if he had well examined the letter of 748,
he would have found that he was considered at Otilo's court as a
man of high consequence.
(140) Mabillon, Annal. B. ad A. 7 56.
( 141) Mabillon (ib.) shows that'thfe is the truer date of Vir
gilius' appointment to that see, and observes that he was the im
mediate successor of John, who died in said year 756. Pagi
contends (at A. 746) that he was bishop of" Saltzburg as early as
about this year, and it is on this supposition that he chiefly, and

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 187
indeed solely, (for his other aguments are good- for nothing)
grounds his assertion that the bishop was different from the Virgi
lius, who had disputes with St. Boniface. This should certainly be
allowed, were it true that his episcopacy began about 746, whereas
it is self-evident that the person accused by Boniface, and sus
pected of error by Zachary in 748, was not a bishop. Pagis's
only argument for making Virgilius a bishop so early is founded on
a very ancient epitaph on him, which he met with in Mabillon's
Analecta, Tom. 4. In it we read, among other lines ;
*' Quique regebat ovans praesentis culmina sedis-
Ferme quater-denos caris cum fratribuS annos."
Pagi understands the almost forty, quater-denos, years here men
tioned, as all relative to the episcopal incumbency of Virgilius at
Saltzburg. Now, as he died 785, Pagi places the. commencement
of it in about 746. But Mabillon, who has published said epitaph
not only in the Analecta, but likewise in the Annal. B. (at A.
785 ) has drawn no such conclusion from it ; for, as above observed,
he assigns that commencement to A. 756. And did Pagi imagine,
that the old breviaries, ex. c. that of Passau, and various writers,
where stating that Virgilius was appointed bishop by Stephen the
second, and on the postulation of Pepin, when king of the whole
French monarehy, were all wrong ? Stephen's pontificate did not
begin until 752, the very year in which Pepin was crowned king.
To return to the epitaph, the fact is that Pagi was mistaken in his
interpretation of it ; for the quoted lines can veiy well, and, unless
equally good docuriients are to be all rejected, must be explained
as relative not only to the years, during which Virgilius was bishop
of Saltzburg, but likewise to the previous ones while he governed
St. Peterg monastery. Thus it is true, that he was invested with
ecclesiastical authority in that city during near forty years, there
being every reason to think that he was abbot bf St. Peter's as
early as 746. As to the opposite extreme of those, who have put
off the episcopacy of Virgilius until 766 or 767, it is scarcely worth
mentioning ; and let it suffice to observe that Pope Stephen II. by
whom he had been instituted, was dead since 757- Harris / Wri
ters at Virgilius) fell into a monstrous blunder as to the dates
of some of his transactions. Not content with following Ware's

188 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
mistake in assigning his consecration as bishop of Saltzburg to
767, he adds* among other inaccuracies, that it was during his
episcopacy that he had his controversies with Boniface. Poor
Harris did not know, that Boniface suffered martyrdom in 755,
and accordingly was dead before even the real date (756) of the
episcopacy of Virgilius. Ware himself, although not chargeable
with this huge mistake, was very inconsistent in, on one side, sup
posing that Virgilius had not left Ireland until about 763, (see Not.
131) and, on the other, in saying that he and Sidonius wrote a
letter to Pope Zachary against Boniface. It is true, as we have seen,
that they wrote to Zachary ; but this very circumstance ought to have
taught Ware, that Virgilius was in the Continent long before 763,
whereas Zachary died in 752. There is a ridiculous story, men
tioned by Usher, (Ep. Hib. Syll. Not. ad No. 16) of Virgilius
having been a bishop before he left Ireland, and of his having gone
over to Germany at the same time with St. Kilign of Wurtzburg.
It is too absurd to merit refutation ; and it is well known that St.
Kilian was dead since 689. (See Chap.xvm. §. 10.)
§. xii. It is said that Virgilius, although named
to that see, and exercising episcopal jurisdiction,
deferred his consecration for almost two years, until
at length, urged by the other bishops of the province
and the clergy and people of his diocese, he submit
ted to it ; and that in the mean time Dobda, or
Dobdagreus, a bishop who had accompanied him
from Ireland, exercised the necessary episcopal func
tions in his stead. (142) Some writers have sup
posed that Dobda was a Greek ; but this is, I believe,
a mistake originating in the name Dobda-greus hav
ing been changed by a copyist into Dobda Grecus or
Graecus. (143) According to some accounts, Dobda
was placed as bishop at Chiem (Chiempsee in upper
Bavaria) by the duke Otilo, and established there a
school, which was frequented by a great number of
students. (144) . Of the further proceedings of St.
Virgilius we shall see more hereafter ; but chrono
logical order does not allow a continuation of his
history in this place. About the same time that he

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 189
arrived in Bavaria we find another distinguished
Irishman in that country, St. Alto, who has been
called a companion of his. (145) He is stated to
have been of a very illustrious family, and to have
arrived in Bavaria about f4<3. (146) There he
lived for some years as a hermit in a forest about
midway between Augsburg and Munich. The fame
of his sanctity reached the ears of Pepin, to whom
that country was subject, and induced him to make
him a grant of a part of the forest, about the year
750, for the purpose of erecting a church and mo
nastery. This grant was very probably made through
the interference of St. Virgilius, for whom Pepin,
both when mayor of the palace and when king, en
tertained the highest regard. Alto immediately set
about clearing the ground, and, assisted by the people
of the neighbourhood, succeeded in completing a
monastery and church, which was dedicated by St.
Boniface. This monastery was, from Alto's name,
called Aito-munster, afterwards corrupted into Alt-
munster. The memory of this holy man was revered
on the 9th of February, the anniversary of his death,
the year of which is not known. Some tracts have
been attributed to him, but on authority not worth
attending to. (147) Among other Irish missionaries
of this period in Bavaria is reckoned Dechm, who
is said to have died at Frisingen on, it seems, a first
of December. (148)
(142) These particulars are related in tbe Life of St. Virgilius,
and in one of St. Rupert. In the former the bishop, that officiated
instead of Virgilius, is called Dobda ; in the latter, .Dobdagreus.
He is represented as having come from Ireland together with Vfr-
gilius ; and, if it be true that he got a bishopric from the duke
Otilo, this may be admitted, whereas Otilo died in 748.
(143) Hundius in his Catalogue of the bishops of Saltzburg,
has Dobda, or as .he calls him, Dobdan, a Greek. From him
Usher took what he has on this point, (Ep. Hib. Syll. Not. ad No.
16.) and from Usher others have picked it up. Dobda would
have been a very odd name for a native of Greece, but it was

190 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
common in Ireland, being the same as Dubda, of which many
instances occur in old times particularly as a part of compound
appellations. We have already met with Dubda-borend. abbot of
Fore, and Dubdan O'Foelain bishop of Clonard., There w^as a
Dubda-lethe archbishop of Armagh in the latter end of the
eighth century, a Dubda-lethe, abbot of Killskire, &c. A
person, not accustomed to Irish names, might have easily
changed Dobda-greus into Dobdd-rgraecus ; and hence most pro
bably was derived the notion of that bishop having been a Greek.
That there were formerly some Greek ecclesiastics in Ireland is
clear from there having been, as Usher (ib.) observes, a Greek
church at Trim, and which was so called as late as his times; but
there is not sufficient proof to show that Dobda was one of them.
Dr, Ledwkjh, having made mention (Antiq. p. 172.) of Dobda or
Dobdan as a Greek', adds to what Usher touched upon, and as if
to outstrip him in learning ! that Virgilius had learned the doctrine,
of the Antipodes, &c. frpm Dobdan and other lettered Greeks and
Orientals. Then he says that Virgilius must have read Plutarch,
Diogenes Laertius, Proclus, and Stobacus. , Yet many a one has
held the doctrine, as he terms it, of ( Antipodes without having
read Plutarch, &c. Next he observes that this "demonstrates,
the attachment of the Irish to the Greek school &n<Lf others above
the Roman." Pray, were Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, &c. fathers
of the Church ? Qr had the question concerning the Antipodes any
thing to do with theology ? But the Doctor, when he gets upon his
hpbby horse of Greeks and Orientals, knows nobounds. He was not
aware that Pope Zachary, who was so much attached to Bonify,
whom the Dr. would call a Romanist, and who said he would
believe him preferably to Virgilius, was himself a Greek. How
coul4 it, happen that be had not some partiality for an Irishman,
for a member of "that oration* which preferred ^ the .Greek schools to
the. Roirian ? Tobe.serious; there was no difference in those days
between said schools either theological or philosophical, except
ttiat the Greeks were, in general, more skilled in the philosophy of
the times. The Irish collected information from whatever, quarter
it could be found injHhey studied the works of both Greeks and
Latins in every department of knowledge ; and it is certain that
they were at that period very well versed in Greek leairning,'and
undoubtedly much more so than any other people of Western
Europe.

CHAP. XIX.

OF IRELAND. 191

(144) Hundius, loc. cit. If Dobda was named to that see by
Otilo, he must have been there as early as 748. But Hundius'
chronology is perhaps as incorrect on this point as on that relative
to Virgilius, whom also he make? bishop of Saltzburg in Otilo's
time, adding that he was consecrated in 767, to which year he
assigns likewise the opening of Dobda's school and apparently his
appointment to Chiem.
(145) In the Acts of St. Alto, which Colgan has endeavoured
to make up at 9 February, Brunner i§ quoted as stating (Annal.
Boior.) that Alto had accompanied Virgilius, " ex eiusdem comi-
tatu." This was perhaps founded merely on the circumstance of
Alto's having been in Bavaria at least as early as Virgilius.
(146) Mabillon, Annal. Ben, ad A. 743. Colgan observes
( ' AA. SS.p. 302.) that Alto was rather a usual name in Ireland,
as appears from old genealogies. St. Brendan of Clonfert was
grandson of one Alto, and accordingly was surnamed by Adamnan
Mocu-Alti. (147) Dempster, besides striving to make Alto a Scotchman,
because he is said to have been born in Scotia, as if the Scotia ot"
those times were not Ireland, has forged the names of certain
books as written by him, which, observes Colgan, nobody else has
a word about.
(148) See AA.SS.p. 302. and Usher, Ep. Hib. Syll. Not. ad
No. 16.
§. xiii. To the year 747 (149) are assigned the
deaths of the following distinguished and pious ec
clesiastics ; Moelimarchan, bishop of Ectrum ; (150)
Nuad or Nuadat, abbot of Clones ; Guangus, sur
named Mac-dall, a man of eminent sanctity and
learning, and abbot of Liethmore, where his festival
was celebrated, together with that of the founder
St. Pulcherius, on the 13th of March ; (151) Colman
surnamed Britannicus, apparently from his having
spent some time in Britain or having been a British
Scot, son of one Foilan, and abbot of Slane j Fursey
or Fursa, abbot of Lecan, now Leckin in Westmeath •>
Losclag, surnamed Wise • Eochod of Killtoma,
somewhere in said district} (152) Keledulass of

19S AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
Devenish ; and Macoge of Lismore, who was perhaps
bishop of that see.
In the following year 748, and on the third of
July, is said to have died Killen Droichtheach,
abbot of Hy. (153) He was succeeded by Failbe,
the second abbot of that name, concerning whom I
find npthing particular, except that- his death is as
signed to the 10th of March A. D. 755 ; that he was
then in the 87th year of his age ; and that he was
succeeded by Sleben, son of Congal, of the race of
Conall Gulbanius. (154)
Congus, archbishop of Armagh, having governed
the see for 20 years, ( 1 55) was on his death in 750
succeeded by Kele-Petrus, a native of Hi-Bressail,
now Clanbrassil in the county of Armagh, whose
incumbency lasted until 758, when he died and had
for successor Ferdachrich son of one Suibne. (156)
Flahertach, who had been king of Ireland, and
became a monk at Armagh, died there in 761. (157)
In the same year died Tola, abbot, and perhaps bishop,
of Ardbraccan ; as also Folachtach, abbot of Birr ;
Loarn, abbot of Clonard ; Kellbil, abbot of Cluain-
bronich ; (158) and Alild, abbot of Mungret ; con
cerning all of whom nothing further is known.
In these times flourished St. Melle or Mella, the
mother of two holy men, Cannech, a priest, and
Tigernach, an abbot. (159) Having lost her husband,
she determined on leading a religious and retired
life. Tigernach had just erected a monastery, close
to the lake Melge [Lough- Mel ve in the county of
Leitrim), which he made over to her, proceeding
himself to another place. Melle here collected a
number of pious females, whom she governed as
abbess for many years. There is no account of the
precise time of her death ; but it appears to have
been prior, by some years, to 7^7. She is mentioned
twice in the Calendars, viz. at the 9th and 31st of
March, under the name of St. Melle ofDoire-Melle,

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. ] 93
that is, the oak grove of Melle, by which appellation
that nunnery has been distinguished.
(149) 4 Masters, and Colgan Ind. Chron. ad A A. SS. Then-
date is 746, i. e. 747.
(150) Colgan's text has Episcopus Ectrumensis. I cannot find
a place called Ectrum. It is very probable that Ectrumensis is an
erratum for Endrumensis or Aendrumensis, and that Antrim was
the see of this bishop.
(151) Colgan gives a short account of St. Congus at 13 March,
p. 607.
(152) See Archdall at Kiltoma.
(153) The 4 Masters, and Tr. Th. (p. 500) have 747 (748).
Smith (Append, to Life of St. Columba) refers to the Annals of
Ulster as placing this JCillen's death in 751. In Johnston's Ex
tracts from said annals I do not find even his name mentioned.
(154) 4 Masters and Tr. Th. ib. Their date 754 (755) for
Failbe's death does not agree with the Annals of Ulster, which,
as they appear in Johnston, make mention of Suibhne as abbot in
753 (754). It is also to be observed, that according to his reading
there would be no room for the abbot Sleben, whom the 4 Masters
and Colgan make the immediate successor of Failbe and next
before Suibhne. I suspect that Johnston mistook the text of said
Annals, and that he .confounded Sleben with his successor Suibhne.
Thus, instead of Suibhne, as abbot in 754, we ought to read
Sleben. (155) See above, §. 8.
(156) 4 Masters, and Tr. Tk. p. 294. I have added, as also
Ware has done, a year to their dates.
(157) lb. The year there marked is 760, i. e. 761.
(158) In the Topographical Index to A A. SS. Cluain-bronach
is marked as the same place with Clonbrone in the county
of Longford. But Cluain-bronach must have been different
from it, whereas at Clonbrone there was only a nunnery.
Cluain-bronach was probably the same as Cluainbraoin near the
towu of Louth, where the memory of a St. Dichull was held in
veneration. (See Tr. Th. p. 115.) Archdall would have done
better, had he assignedrKellbil to this place rather than to Clon
brone, where he has him in a list of abbesses. It may perhaps be
VOL. III. 0

194 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
said, that Colgan does not expressly call him an abbot ; but, as he
uses the word, abbot, just before, when naming Loarn, it is difficult
to suppose that this title was not meant as applicable also to Kellbil.
In like manner we find in the passage, where those persons are
mentioned together (Ind. Chron. ad AA. SS.) as having died in
760 (761), that Tola is not called either abbot or bishop; yet
elsewhere (ib. p. 793.) Colgan gives him the title of antistes of
Ardbraccan. (159) Colgan has a short and imperfect account of St. Mella at
31 March. He thinks that St. Cannech, her son, was the same as
the Cannech, whose name is in the Calendars at said day.
§ . xiv. Ferdachrich, who, as we iiave «een, became
archbishop of Armagh in 758, held that see for
about ten yearsj and dying in 768, seemingly in
the month of , May, (160) was succeeded by Foende-
lach, or Foennelach, (l6l) the son of one Moehach.
Sleben, abbot of Hy,. died in f63 ; and his memory
was revered on, the- 2d of March. His successor
^yas Suibhne! the second, who governed the Colum
bian order until 768, or, according to some, 772,
the. year of his death. This Suibhne's name is in
the , calendars at 22 Jun^. (162) He had been in
Ireland on, as may be supposed, a visitation of the
Columbian monasteries in 767- (163) St. Aedgen,
bishop of Fore, died in 767 (164) after which I do
not find any bishop named from that place until
about 100 years later. St. Himelin, a native of
Ireland, who is said to have bpen a near relative of
St. Rumold of Mechlin, is supposed to have died
during this period and the? reign of Pepin, which
.ended in 768. (l6,5) Himelin; was returning from
Rome, when being much fatigued and very thirsty
hie ;stopped to rest a while at Vissenack, a village
nearThenae (Tillemont) in, Brabant. It is related
that having met a servant maid of the curate of that
place, who was bringing water from a neighbouring
fountain, he asked her for ft drink of it, which she
refused to give him, because her master had en-

CHAP. XIX.

Ot IRELAND. 195

joined her not to let any one put his lips to the
vessel on account of a pestilence then raging in that
vicinage. At length, however, being earnestly re
quested by Himelin, who assured her that her
master would not be displeased, she allowed him to
take a drink. On her returning home and placing
the vessel before the curate, he found that, instead
of water, it contained wine. Astonished at this
prodigy, and being informed by the servant .maid
of the person she had met with, he immediately
ran in search of Himelin, who was continuing his
journey. Having overtaken him, and knowing him
to be a saint, he induced him after much solicita
tion to stop at his house and take some" refreshment.
When it was time to retire to sleep, Himelin re
fused to lie on a comfortable bed prepared for him,
and stretched himself on some bare straw in a barn,
where being oppressed by illness he remained for
two days, and, having received the rites of the
Church from his host, expired on the third. He
was buried at Vissenack, where his remains were,
and probably are to this' day, held in great venera
tion. The anniversary of his death is marked in
various calendars at IO March, and without any ec
clesiastical title annexed to his name, (166) whence
it would seem that he was only a layman. Yet in
one account of this saint I find him called a priest,
(167) St. Mono, who is styled the martyr of Nas-
sonia might be supposed to have been killed during
the reign of Pepin. He went from Ireland (the
then Scotia) to Arduenna, the forest of the Arden
nes, but at what precise time I do not find recorded.
He lived there alone for a long time ; yet it is said
that he was a disciple of Saints Remacle and John
Agffus, bishops of Maestricht, the former of whom
spent the kst years of his life in the monastery of
Stevelo in the Ardennes. He erected a church at
Nassonia (as it is called in Latin) a place two miles
distant from the monastery of St. Hubert, in the
o 2

196 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XlXi
diocese of Liege. He was killed by robbers on an
18th of October, and buried in his own church, to
which after his death king Pepin assigned tithes.
John Agnus placed there a community of clergy
men, who were afterwards called canons. (168) But,
if, it be true that St. Mono was a disciple of St.
Remade, perhaps at Stavelo, he must have been
killed before the reign of Pepin, which began in
752. For St. Remade died several years before the
end of the seventh century ; and it is difficult to
think, that a disciple of his could have reached the
times of king Pepin. Perhaps Pepin the king has
been confounded with his grandfather Pepin de He-
ristal mayor of the palace, who died in 714.
(160) Ware and Harris, Bishops at Armagh. Their saying
that Ferdachrich died in May is, I believe, founded only on Colgan's
stating? (Tr. Th.p. 294.) that more would be seen concerning him
at 18 and 31 May. This is a matter of little consequence, and it
is more important to observe that Colgan, following the 4 Masters,
assigns his death to A. D. 771 (772). Ware took his calculation
from the catalogue of the Psalter of Cashel, (ib. p. 292-) which
allows only ten years for the incumbency of Ferdachrich, the
counting of which from 758 brings us to 768. Its authority is
certainly the more respectable of the two; and from it also we
know that Ferdachrich was really archbishop of Armagh, although
"the Ulster annals anc( the 4 Masters call him merely abbot.
(161) Ware and Harris from the catalogue of the Psalter of
Cashel. In that of the 4 Masters and Colgan, instead of Foen-
delach, the next marked after Ferdachrich is Cudisniscus, whom
the Psalter places third in succession after Foendelach. Of the
confusion, that occurs as to the succession at Armagh for several
years henceforth, we shall see hereafter.
(162) 4 Masters and Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 500- I have added,
as usual, a year to their date 762 for Sleben and 767 for Suibhne.
The Annals of Ulster in 'Johnston's Extracts assign the death of
Suibhne to 771(772).
(163) Ulster Annals ap. Johnston.
, (164) Ind. Chron. ad A A. SS. It has766,'«. e. 767.

CHAP. XIX. OF IQELAND. 197
(165) In one of the short accounts of St. Himelin, published
by Colgan at 10 March, it is said that he flourished in the times
of Pepin, when king of Frahce. As the death of Himelin fol
lowed very soon after he was supposed to flourish, that is, after he
was known in Brabant, it may be fairly Concluded that it oc
curred during the reign of Pepin. Molanus, however, states that
he lived until that of Charlemagne.
(166) In said calendars he is called simply Confessor, for in
stance in the Martyrol. Anglic, which at 10 Mart, has ; " De-
positio S. Himelini Confessoris, qui in Hibernia natus," &c. Fer-
rarius merely says ; Erat autem natione Hibernus, S. Rumoldo
episcopo Propinquus ; without any allusion to his having been in
holy orders.
(167) One of the little tracts, called by Colgan Lives qf St.-
Himelin, begins with these words ; " Beatus Himelinus confessor
et sacerdos Deo dignus, &c." It may be seen also in the Bollan
dists at 10 March.
(168) Molanus, Natales sanctorum Belgii at 18 October. It
is very strange that in Ware's Annals {at the reign qf king John,
ch. 4.) Mono is spoken of, as if he flourished in the 13th century.
Surely the king Pepin lived some centuries before that time. As
Ware refers to Molanus, it is impossible that he could have af
fixed his account of St. Mono to that period ; but it seems that
those, who collected his posthumous papers, having found it
among them, and not knowing where to place it, assigned it at
random to the reign of king John. There is extant an old Life
of St. Mono ; but I have not been able to meet with it. In But -
ler's Lives of saints (at 18 October) St. Mono, is said to have
lived in the 7th century, and to have been a Scotchman. The
former position is, I believe, right ; but the latter must be qua
lified according to the acceptation of the name Scotus, which in
those times generally signified Irishman. As to there having been
a St. Mono's church in Scotland, this is of no consequence ; for
in that country there were churches also of Columba, St. Kieran,
&c. who were not Scotchmen, as now understood.
§. xv. St. Rumold, commonly called of Mechlin,
was distinguished in these times. That he vvas born
in Ireland is usually admitted, and there seems to be

198, AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP., XIX.
no doubt that he was a bishop before he left his coun
try. (169) It is a mistake to say, that he was bishop
of Dublin ; for that city- had not as yet bishops in
those "days ; but, as has been already more than once
observed, some foreigners, not acquainted with Irish
history, were wont in latter times to give to some of
our bishops, whose' sees were not known, the title of
bishop or archbishop of Dublin, for instance, in the
cases of St. Livinus, St. Disibod, &c.' (i?0) Ac
cording to certain vague, accounts Rumftld was the
son of an Irish prince or king, and heir to his
father's principality. (171) Be this as it may, he
embraced the ecclesiastical state, and after some time
was raised to the episcopal rank. Being struck with
a wish to visit the tombs of Apostles and Martyrs he
set out for Rome, arid travelling through England
and France preached on various occasions during the
course of his journey. At Rome he spent the
greatest part of his time in holy places amidst the
remains of saints, and became inflamed with an ar
dent thirst for martyrdom. Having been, as is said,
admonished in a vision to return to the West, he left
Rome with the Pope's benediction, and arriving at
Mechlin was most kindly received by Count Ado.
This Count, who was married to a lady named Eliza
and had as yet no children, requested the prayers
of St. Rumold that God might please to grant him
one. The Countess was in due time delivered of a
son, who was baptized under the name of Libertus,
and afterwards became distinguished for sanctity. In
gratitude for this favour A* do granted to Rumold,
for the-erection-of a monastery, a place called Ulmus,
from the number of elms growing there. The saint,
being now settled in that country, was indefatigable
in preaching, the Gospel* not only at Mechlin but
likewise throughout the neighbouring districts, and
with such great success that he has been justly styled
the Apostle of the Mechlinians. While sedulously
engaged in this good work, two assassins, one of

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 199
whom he had reproved as guilty of adultery* con
spired against him, (172) and put him to death on
the 24th of June, A. D. 775. (173) To conceal
their crime, they threw his body into a river ; but
it was soon discovered and honourably interred by
Count Ado in a church or chapel, named from St.
Stephen, which Rumold had erected at Ulmus. In
firocess of time it was removed to a church in Mech-
in, dedicated to • his memory, long since and still
the cathedral and metropolitan church of that city,
where it is preserved in a splendid shrine- Although
St. Rumold was killed on the 24th of June, yet, on
account of that being.Stt John the Baptist's day, his
festival has been affixed to the first of July. Many
miracles are said to have been wrought at his tomb ;
and it is unnecessary to enlarge on the great venera
tion in which his memory has been held.
(169) I have not been able to meet with the Acts of St. Ru
mold written by Hugh Ward, a learned Irish Franciscan of
Louvain, and published after his death- by his confrere Sirin
in 1662. Could I have the perusal of thern, I should hope
to find something, that would help to clear away the rubbish, that
appears in some accounts of this saint. The lessons of his Of
fice at the fir^t of July, compiled by Burke (Offie. Propr. &c.)
consist in great part of silly fables, picked up here and there,
some of which may be seen in Harris' account of -St. Rumold at
Bishops qf Dublin. These lessons are much less correct than
those of the Ofiice, taken from the breviary of St. John Lateran,
which is read in Ireland. The tract, called the Life of St. Ru
mold, and published in the enlarged edition of Suriu's-( Cologne,
A. 1618) at 1 July, is, as far as it goes, apparently rather ex
act. 1 say, as far as it goes, because it is- a mere panegyrical
discourse, ' Which had been pronounced on the festival of the
saint by an abbot Theodoric of the monastery of 'SL Trudo or
St. Trdn, who:was living in the year 11001. It omits many cir
cumstances relative to the history of St.- RiunOld, ' siiqh < as, for
instance, life haying been a bishop^ although it is universally-al
lowed that he was one. ' As to his -having- been a native cf Ire-

200 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
land, Theodoric is very explicit ; for, although he calls the saint's
country Scotia, he tells us that it was the island Scotia, separated
by the sea from Britain, the island in which there are no serpents;
and, to make the matter still plainer, he adds the well known
words of Solinus descriptive of Ireland. The Martyrology
of Mechlin brings St. Rumold from that part of Scotia,
which is now called Ireland, subjoining that he had been arch
bishop of Dublin ; and hence as well as from other documents
Molanus justly argued against some persons, who taking advan
tage of the name Scotia strove to make him a native of the now
Scotland, that he was an Irishman and a Scot of the original
Scotia. The words of said martyrology have been copied into
the Office of the Lateran breviary, with this only difference that,
instead of archbishop, it has bishop., But we shall soon see, that
Rumold was neither one nor the other qf Dublin. The opinion
of- his having been a native of Ireland was so universally admit
ted, that the learned Pope, Benedict xiv. in a letter written to
the Catholic bishops of Ireland, (August IS, 1741) reckons him
among the great Irish saints, such as Columbanus, Kilian, Virgilius,
&c. who either* propagated the Catholic faith in foreign countries,
or illustrated it by their blood. (See Burke's Hib. Dom. p. 21.)
It is worth observing, that this letter was written many years af
ter the Bollan dist Sollerius (at St RumolcTs Acts) threw out some
conjectures to show, as that Pope was certainly aware of, that
St. Rumold was an Anglo-saxon who had embraced, the monastic
state at Mayo, and that having heard of the progress of St. Wil
librord, -&C. in Belgium, he went to that country, and thence, to
be qualified for the mission, to Rome, where he was consecrated
bishop ; that he then returned to Belgium, &c. This hypothesis
may appear rather ingenious ; but how is it to be reconciled with
the constant tradition of the church of Mechlin and the testi
mony of every older writer -that has treated of this saint? It is
mentioned, but not adopted, in the Gallia Christiana, Tom. 5.
ad Ecclesia Mechliniensis.
(170) Ware has judiciously omitted those pretended bishops of
Dublin, prior to the eleventh xentury ; but Harris has foisted
them into his additions. I must here observe that some modern
writers are not sufficiently cautious in distinguishing Ware's ori
ginal work from Harris' interpolations. Thus I find in a note at
St. Rumold in Butler's Lives qf Saints (1 July) Ware's Bishops

CHAP. XIX. OF IRELAND. 201
referred to for an account of this saint. Now Ware has not given.
any account whatsoever of him ; and, instead of Ware's name,
that of Harris should have appeared in said note. We have just
seen, that the martyrology of Mechlin places St. Rumold at
Dublin. To this first mistake has been added another, viz. that
he succeeded there one Gualafer, (meaning perhaps Gallagher) by
whom he is said to have been baptized. Molanus has this story,
and from him Burke (Office, &c.) and Harris (Bishops at Dublin)
have borrowed it. In the Lateran. Office there is no mention of
this bishop Gualafer, &c. Nor is there any thing in this Office
of what Burke has concerning St. Rumold having been conse
crated in the cathedral of Dublin by Cuthbert archbishop of Can
terbury ! What cathedral could there have been at that period
in Dublin ? or who has ever heard of an archbishop of Canterbury
coming over to consecrate bishops in Ireland ?
(171) Molanus says that old documents of the church of Mech
lin make him son of a king David, meaning, I suppose, Dathy,
an Irish name, which by persons writing in Latin has been some
times changed into David. Burke (ib.) tells us, that this David
was king of Dublin, and that his queen was Cecilia, a daughter
of a king of Cashel. This is all very fine; but Theodoric and
the Lateran breviary, omitting the names of St. Rumold's parents,
merely state that he was of the royal house of Ireland and by
right of succession heir to a throne.
(172) Theodoric states, that their motive was to get the mo
ney, which they thought the saint possessed of, and adds that
they had been attendants of his. Probably they supposed that he
must havfe had some money about him towards forwarding the
object of his missions.
(173) This is the year assigned for the martyrdom of St. Ru
mold by Molanus, Usher, Pagi, &c.
§. xvi. During this period we meet with a bishop
at Mayo, St. Aidan, who died in 769, (174) and
after whom we do not find another there for some
centuries. Whether a Ronan, called of Lismore,
who is said to have died in 763, was bishop or not,
there does not appear any sufficient authority for
determining. (175) If he was bishop of Lismore,

202 AN ECCLESIASTICAL' HISTORY CHAP. XIX.
he is the last who appears there, as such, for more than
200 years, although it cannot, be doubted that a
regular succession was kept up in that' distinguished
see. To A. D. 775 is assigned the death of Ful-
charta or Fulartach, bishop of Clonard, (176) who
in some Irish calendars is stated to have been the
same as St. Fulartach, son of Brec of an illustrious
family of Ulster, and who had lived as. a hermit at a
place, , palled from him Disert-Futdrtach, in Hi-
falgia, now Ophaly in the county of Kildare. This
is indeed very probable, although some have made a
distinction between them,, allowing, however, .'that
both of them. belonged to the eighth century. (177)
According to said calendars the memory of St. Fu
lartach, one and the same, was revered on the 29th
of March. Senchai, bishop of Emly, died in 778 j
(178) and in the following year St. Algnied, bishop of
Ardbraccan, whose name is marked in some calen
dars at 8 March. (179) Ferdomriacti, whom I find
reckoned among the bishops of Tuam, is said to have
died' in 781. (180) To 783 is affixed the ieath of
two bishops of Kildare, one after another, Lomtiil
and Snedbran. (181) _ In these times there was a
bishop at Cluain-dolcain (Clondalkin) near Dublin,
St. Ferfugill, concerning whom' nothing further is
known except that he died in 785, and that his fes
tival was kept on the i 10th of March. (1.82) To the
same year is assigned the death of three eminent
abbots, Murgal ot Clonmacnois, Virgilius of Aghabo,
and Fethach of Louth, Slane, and Duleek. (183)
(174) AA. SS. p. 606. The date of the 4 Masters is 768
(769). (175) Ware and Harris have Rohan, (Bishops at Lismore) but
without letting us know where they found hrm, or giving us any
proof of his having been a bishop.
(176) Ware (Bishops of Clonard at Meath) has omitted this
Fulartach of the eighth century ; but the 4 Masters and Colgan,
(A A. SS. p.- 787.) who are followed by Harris, make express

CHAP. XIX. OF ICELAND. 203
mention of him, placing his death in 774 , (775). He was, I be
lieve, led astray by the list of Finnian's successors at Clonard,
given in AA. SS. p. 406. where the bishop Fulartach is placed
next after Senach, who died in 588, and, omitted where he ought
to be, viz. at A. 775. This is plainly one of the innumerable
mistakes that appear in Colgan's printed text. Ware, being not
aware of it, has Fulartach immediately after Senach, leaving him
out elsewhere. Harris took care to avoid this mistake, and, in
stead of mentioning Fulartach next after Senach, brought him
down to his real times, viz. the eighth century.
(177 J The 4 Masters, ap. A A. SS. at 29 March, p. 787,
where a short account is given of Fulartach son of Brec, assign
his death (for their words cannot be referred to any thing else)
to A. 755 (756) while they place that of the bishop of Clonard
in 775. I am inclined to think, that on this point their autho
rity is inferior to that of the old calendars.
(178) Ware, Bishops at Emly.
(179) A A. SS.p. 568. the 4 Masters have his death at 778,
i.e.779. (180) Ware in his general treatise on the bishops of Ireland
has Ferdomnach at Tuam, but not so in his older tract on the
archbishops of Cashel and Tuam. Where he met with him I
cannot tell. Colgan seems to have known nothing about him, as
appears from Tr. Th. p. 308. where, endeavouring to make put
as many ancient bishops of Tuam as he could, he makes no
mention of Ferdomnach.
(181) 4 Masters, ap. Tr.Th.p. 629. I have changed then-
date 782 into 783. At the same year they have the death of Mu-
redach abbot of Kildare, whence we see that there were abbots at
Kildare different from its bishops.
(182) A A. SS. p. 577. The date of the 4 Masters is 784
(785). Before this saint's'time there was a monastery at Clgn-
dalkin. C183) Ib. p. 800. and Ind^ Chron.

204f AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
CHAPTER XX.
History of St. Fergal, or Virgilius, resumed and
finished — Clemens and Albinus, Irishmen, arrive in
France — Albinus sent as Ambassador from the
Emperor Charlemagne to the Pope, a different
person from Alcuin — Monastery qf Verden es
tablished in Saxony for the Scots or Irish— Patto,
an^ Irishman, second bishop qf Verden — Irish
extend their missions to Iceland — St. Sedulius said
to be bishop of Dublin, and to have died in A. D.
786 — Colga, Coelchu or Colcu, the wise, presides
over the school qf Cluain-mac-Nois-*— corres
ponds with Alcuin — St. Moelruan bishop qf Tal-
lagh — Succession qf Archbishops qf Armagh,
and qf other Irish bishops— First invasion of
Ireland by the Danes — St. Findan — visits France,
Italy and Switzerland — his great sanctity — is
adopted as their patron by the monks ofRhignau — ¦
Succession of Donnchad and other Irish monarchs
— Irish Clergy obtain exemption from attending
the kings on military expeditions — Fothad lec
turer of Armagh — Aengus the Hagiologist — his
Festilogium — he is called Ceile-De — Became ab
bot of Clonenagh — and was raised to the episco
pal rank — Various works of his — Succession qf
archbishops in Armagh — and abbots in Hy —
Death of St. Blathmaic, martyred in Hy by the
Danes— Deaths of various holy and distinguished
persons in Ireland — Dungal, an Irishman — his
two Epistles to Charlemagne — writes against
Claudius, a Spaniard, bishop qf Turin, who had
removed the images - and crosses from all the
churches in his Diocese — Claudius bishop qf Turin
supposed by some learned men to be an Irishman
— Gildas — Deaths of bishops qf various sees in
Ireland-— Metropolitical rights of the see qf Ar
magh extended all over Ireland — Deaths of several
learned and holy men.

OHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 205

SECT. I.

ST. Virgilius, bishop of Saltzburg, (!) soon after
his being in possession of the see, consecrated a
basilic in that city in honour of St. Stephen, in
which he placed an abbot and monks taken from the
monastery and church of St. Peter, which was still
considered as the cathedral. (2) Some time after
he repaired this monastery, of which he had been
abbot, and enlarged the cell of St. Maximilian, which
had been built by St. Rupert the first bishop of
Saltzburg. He established another cell at Ottinga,
which was endowed by Count Gunther, at whose
expense it had been erected. But his chief work in
this respect was a great basilic, which he got con
structed and dedicated in the name of St. Rupert,
which, having removed that saint's remains to it, he
constituted the cathedral. This holy bishop did not
confine himself to accommodating his flock with
places of worship, but likewise, as became a true
pastor, was assiduous in preaching, instructing, and
propagating the Gospel. Karastus, a son of Boruth,
the Sclavonian duke of Carinthia, and Chetimar a
nephew of Boruth were in those times detained as
hostages in Bavaria, where, at his request, they were
baptized and educated as Christians. On the death
of Boruth, Karastus became duke of that country,
and, having died in the third year of his rule, was
succeeded by Chetimar, who was very religious and
had with him as instructor Majoranus a priest, who
had been ordained by St. Virgilius. Chetimar had
a great respect for the monastery (St. Peter's) of
Saltzburg,, owing, in all appearance, to his having
studied there in his earlier days, under the direction
of its learned and holy abbot, and used to make some
presents to it every year, as tokens of a sort of
homage. Some time after he was raised to the duke
dom of Carinthia he requested Virgilius, then bishop,
to visit his territories and confirm his subjects in the

20B AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
faith. It being then out of his power to comply
with the duke's wishi he sent to that country Mo-
destus, a bishop, together with Some priests, a deacon,
and other inferior clerks, authorizing him to conse
crate churches, perforrii ordinations, &c. Mpdegtus
spent the remainder of his life in Carinthia, and
after ,Tiis death St. Virgilius was again requested by
Chetimar to ^proceed thither. But in consequence
of intestine troubles, by which the dutchy was agi
tated,; he was prevented from visiting it, and sent, in
his stead, Latinus a priest, who was sOon after, owiijg
to civil broils, obliged to leave it. The saint, how
ever, kept a fixed eye on Carinthia, and during the
administration both of Chetimar and of his succes
sor W&tune supplied it with priests and other cler
gymen. Thus the Carinthian church was established,
and St. Virgilius has been justly called the Apostle
of that province.
Towards the end of his life the good bishop under
took a general visitation of his vast diocese, for the
purpose of eradicating whatever remnants there
might be of idolatry, and of strengthening his flock
in the belief and observance of the Christian rdigion.
He was every where welcomed and received with the
^greatest attention by crowds of all descriptions, and
duririg his progress consecrated churches, ordained
clergymen, &c. In this visitation was comprized
Carinthia, through which he proceeded as far as the
frontiers of the Huns, where the Drave joins the
Danube. Perceiving that his dissolution was hear at
hand, St. Virgilius returned to Saltzburg, where,
having celebrated the sacred mysteries, and beihg
seized with a gentle illness, he breathed his last on
the 27th of November, A.D. 185. (3) Some tracts
have been attributed to him ; (4) but whether he
was an author or not, he has been most highly cele
brated for learning. Nor was he less esteemed for
' his piety and fulfilment of his pastoral duties j (5)

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 207
and it is stated that many miracles have taken place
at his tomb in Saltzburg. (6)
(1) See Chap. xix. f. 11.
(2) Mabillon, Annal. Ben. /ad A. 756. He says that Virgilius
consecrated the basilic of St. Stephen in the first year of his or
dination. This would have occurred after the 15th of June, the
day of his ordination or consecration, in 756, or, if it be true
that he deferred his consecration for some time, (see Chapyxix.
§. 12.) in a later year.
(3) Mabillon, (ib. ad A. 785.) and^ Pagi ( Critica, &c. ad A.
785.) have proved from certain Annals of Ratisbon and other do
cuments, that this was the real year of the saint's death. There
fore Fleury was mistaken ( Hist. Eccl. L. 44. §. 3.) in assigning it
to 780, which date he took from the Life qf St. Virgil, according
to one edition ; for another has A. 784. But both these dates
are wrong.
(4) Ware ( Writers at Virgilius) makes mention of a Discourse
on the Antipodes, but does not tell us where it exists. He adds
that Virgilius is the reputed author of a Glossary quoted by Mel-
chior Goldast
(5) Alcuin, in his encomium on St. Virgilius (Poem. No. 231.)
has among other lines ;
" Egregius praesul meritis et moribus almus,
Protulit in lucem quem mater Hibernia primum,
Instituit, docuit, nutrivit  ;  _____
Sed Peregrina petens   ».
Vir pius et prudens, nulli pietate secundus."
(6) The second part of his Life contains an account of a great
number of these miracles.
§. n. About the year 772, as far as I am able
to judge, two very celebrated Irishmen, Clemens
and Albinus, as he is usually called, arrived in
France. For it appears from good authority, that
they were in that country not only prior to the ar
rival of Alcuin, but likewise a short time after

208 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
Charles, known by the name of Charlemagne, be
came sole sovereign of the whole French monarchy,
as he did in the latter end of 771 by the death of
his brother Carloman. The whole matter is stated
in a very clear manner by a writer of the ninth cen
tury, who relating the transactions of Charlemagne
(7) has the following narrative at the very begin
ning of his work. " When the illustrious Charles
" began to reign alone in the western parts of the
" world, and literature was every where almost for-
" gotten, it happened that two Scots of Ireland came
" over with some British merchants to the shores
" of France, men incomparably skilled in human
" learning and in the holy scriptures. As they pro-
" duced no merchandise for sale, they used to cry
" out to the crowds flocking to purchase ; Jf any
" one is desirous qf wisdom, let him come to us and
" receive it ; for we have it lo sell. Their reason
" for saying that they had it for sale was that, per-
" ceiving the people inclined to deal in saleable ar-
" tides and not to take any thing gratuitously, they
might rouse them to the acquisition of wisdom, as
" well as-of objects for which they should give value ;
" or, as the sequel showed, that by speaking in that
" manner they might excite their wonder and asto-
" nishment. They repeated this declaration so of-
" ten that an account of them was conveyed either
" by their admirers, or by those who thought them
" insane, to the king Charles, who, being a lover
" and very desirous of wisdom, had them conducted
" with all expedition before him, and asked them if
" they truly possessed wisdom, as had been reported
" to him. They answered, that they did, and were
" ready in the name of the Lord to communicate it
" to such as would seek for it worthily. On his in-
" quiring of them what compensation they would
" expect for it, they replied that they required no- '
" thing more than convenient situations, ingenious
" minds, and, as being in a foreign country, to be

<c

CHAP. XX.

OF IRELAND. 209

" supplied with food and raiment. Charles, having
" heard their proposals, and replete with joy, kept
" them both with himself for a short time. After
" some interval, when obliged to proceed on a mili-
" tary expedition, (8) he ordered one of them whose
" name was Clemens, to remain in France, entrust-
" ing to his care a great number of boys not only of
" the highest noblesse, but likewise of the middling
''and low ranks of society, all of whom were, by
** his orders, provided with victuals and suitable ha-
" bitations. The other, by name Albinus, (9) he
" directed to Italy, and assigned to him the monas-
" tery of St. Augustin near Pavia, that such per-
" sons, as chose to do so, might there resort to him
" for instruction. On hearing how graciously the
" most religious king Charles used to treat wise men,
" Albinus (10) an Englishman took shipping artd
" went over to him," &c. (11)
(7 ) This writer was a monk of St. Gall in Switzerland, and
hence he is commonly called Monachus Sangallensis. His two
books, De geslis Caroli M. are in Canisius' Antiq. Led. Tom. 2.
Part 3. Basnage's ed. They were .addressed to Charles the fat,
and consequently written between 884 and 888. Melchior Gol-
dastus, Usher, and many others, have supposed that he was the
celebrated Notker Balbulus. This, however, is not quite certain.
Mabillon, a great judge in matters of this kind, calls him (ex. c.
Annal. B. Tom. 2. p. 67.) the anonymous monk of St. Gall, and
Muratori (Annali di Italia) designates him merely by the title ,of
, Monaco di S. Gallo, the monk of St. Gall, for instance at A.
781. But this question does not affect the antiquity or authority
of this work.
(8) From what will be seen lower down it appears most pro
bable that this was one of his expeditions against the Saxons, ei
ther that of 775, or the one of 776.
(9) The words, nomine Albinus, (by name Albinus) are in the
printed text of the monk of St. Gall, as. edited by Canisius, but
are omitted in Duchesne's edition among the Rerunt Francicarum
Scriptores. Colgan in his long dissertation on Clemens (at 20
VOL. III. P

21C) AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP.' XX.
March) which comprizes also an account of his companion, says
that'ttey" are wanting in Various MSS. He contends that the real
name of said* 'companion wasnot Albinus but John ; and so he is
called- by< ViHcentrttos Bellovacensis and some others, whose au
thority is not worth attending to, as appears' from their joining
with Clemens also Alciiib and even Rabanus Maurus. And there
is -good reason tb think; that they mistook John Scdtus Erigena,
who hVed'iftdhyy eats later, for the companion of Clemens, whom
t'bey accordingly called John. Or might it be that the com
panion of Clemdns had both names ? Buchanan (Rer. Scot. L.
5. 'Rex 65.) calls, him Johannes Albinus, and would fain make
him a Scotchman on account of the surname Albinus. He might
as well have pronounced Alcuin a Scotchman, as he also assumed
the name "Albinus. -If, as indeed I think highly probable, Cle-
rhen's' companion was called Albinus, this might have been either
his original name* -or,1 if a surname, given to him on account of
his lairiair or complexion. Perhaps his Irish name was Finnbarr,
Finan, or Finian, which, by retaining its signification, was la
tinized into Albinus. As to the name John, prefixed by Bu
chanan to j&lbfnus, 'I suspect that he took it from Hector Boe-
thius, dr some' one of those writers, who followed Vincentius Bel
lovacensis.1 "Not content with "representing AlbinUs as a British
Scot, ' he thrusts in also Clemens as such, notwithstanding the
positive assertion Of the monk of St. Gall, the1 oldest and best au
thority,' that h"eindJ his Companion were Scots of Ireland. Oh
these and Other pretensions in favour of the British Scots J. P.
Murray has justly remarked, (De Britannia atque Hibernia sec.
afri. ad X.littetdrum domicilio, in N. Commentar. Soe. R. Got-
ying.Tom. 2.) that Buchanan went quite too far; ic Sed nimia
Scotiae suae ape'rte tribuit eximius vates, cum istam litterarum ele-
'g&nt&fjii ctimquC ATbinum illi tribuerit."
To return to the words, nomine Albinus, it is very probable
that they were n6t in the original text of the monk; for several
'Writes, When copying his narrative, have them not, while they
closely follow the remainder of his text. (See their passages ap.
Colgan on Clemens, &c.) Muratori observes, (Ahnali, &c. at A.
'181. and Antiq1. ltd. m'edii aevi, Tom. in. Dissert. 43.) that the
name Of Clemen's companion is not precisely known, whence it
5? clear that he did not consider said words' as written by the monk.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 2'H
But, allowing then! to be an interpolation, it does not follow that
they are wrong ; for the person, who inserted them, might have
known from other sources that Albinus was the, name of the com
panion of Clemens. He did not confound him with Alcuin, who
also was named Albinus, and Who appears immediately after in the
text as clearly distinct from the other 'Albinus.
(10) He was the celebrated Alcuin, who took the more classi
cal appellation of Flaccus Albinus, not, as some have called him,
Albinus Flaccus. (See Mahfllori, Annal. $c. Tom. 2. p. 186.)
In what the author adds about the manner of Alcuin's having be
come acquainted with the king Charles, and his having been a
disciple of Bede, there are some mistakes, which it is not my bu
siness to correct.
(11) Brucker (Hist. Phil. Tom. 3. p. 586.) took it into his head
to reject as fabulous a great part of this narrative. There are cer
tainly some fables in the additions made to it by Vincentius Bel-
lovacensis, Hector Boethius, Arnold Wion, &c. and by thosewho
- talk of the University of Paris as founded by Clemens. But takiiig
it as given by the monk of St. Gall, I can perceive nothing fabu
lous or inconsistent, nor does Brucker give us any proof of his as
sertion. Perhaps he thought there was something ridiculous in
the cry of those two learned men that they had wisdom to sell, as
if the stiff and guarded style of our days, were observed at all
times andiy all nations. They alluded to the traffick that was
going on between the merchants and the assembled people, and,
not having any usual article of commerce, announced that what
they had to dispose of was wisdom. We find very many expres
sions of a similar kind in the Scriptures, particularly in Proverbs,
which exhibit wisdom as the most valuable of commoditifes, and
in which people are invited to partake of it. Clemens and his
companion were well acquainted with such phrases, and seem to
have had an eye to them in their manner of addressing the crowd.
Yet Brucker does not deny that these persons came to France,
and states (ib. p 629.) that Clemens was of great help to Alcuin,
and that he was diligent and skilful in establishing the schools bf
France and Italy. Tiraboschi goes much farther than Brucker;
for he endeavours to prove, (Storia delta Letteratura Italiana,
Tom. 3. L. 3. cap. 1.) that the whole business is a fable, and thaf
there were no such persons in existence. He had laid down a po-
P 2

215 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
sition that no teachers were sent by Charles to instruct the Ita
lians, who, he says, were not then in need of foreigners for th§t
purpose. But, whether they were or not, might not the king
have given literary situations to foreigners in Lombardy as well as
in France, where nobody denies that he did ? Many a foreigner
have I known teaching in Italy at a period of its enjoying high li
terary splendour; and I myself have had the honour of holding a
Professor's chair in that very city of Pavia, where Tiraboschi
would not allow that a Scotchman, as he calls him, (for he seems
not to have known that the Irish were called Scots) taught in the
eighth century. He opposes Gatti, who in his history of the Uni
versity of Pavia adhered to the monk's narrative,' abuses Denina
for having said that Charles placed two Irishmen over schools in
Italy and France, and expresses his surprize that this was admitted
by Muratori. But, if such a man as Muratori allowed it, Tira
boschi, who was vastly his inferior on points connected with the
history of the middle ages, need not have been ashamed to ac
knowledge it; and it is but too true that literature was in a very
low state at that period in Italy, and for a hundred years prior to
it, as is avowed and lamented in the letters of Pope Agatho and
the synod of Rome written in 680 to the emperor Constantine.
(See Fleury, Hist. Eccl. L. 40. §. 7.) The literary glory of Italy,
both ancient and modern, is founded on so solid a basis, that a
native of that beautiful country and land of genius may, without
any disparagement to it, confess that it has had, like many other
parts of the world, its days of darkness, owing to the irruptions of
barbarians, by whom both they and Italy have been desolated.
And it is a childish vanity to strive to uphold a nation's character
of any sort at the expense of historical truth. Muratori was not
guilty of it; for he allows and proves, (Antiq. Itnl. fyc. Tom. in.
Dissert. 43.) that in Italy learning had greatly declined in the time
we are now treating of. It might be expected, that Tiraboschi
would have adduced some proof of -his assertion ; but he gives us
none except his saying that it would have been a strange thing to
offer to sell learning to persons who came to buy merchandize.
This I bave already explained. He adds, that the whole matter
depends on the authority of the monk, to whom, however he
• gratuitously pays the compliment of not having invented it. Who
then was the inventor? Tiraboschi ought to have perceived, that

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. ziJ
this supposition strikes against himself; for in this case the history
of the two Irishmen must have been spoken of before it was related
by the monk. Is it to be imagined, that he would have announced,
within about 70 years after the death of Charlemagne, as facts,
circumstances, which there were persons still alive to show the
falshood of, if not true? Or, that he would have related them, if
doubtful, to a sovereign the great grandson of Charlemagne ? Or
that he would have ventured to be so particular as to state that the
teacher sent to Pavia got the grant of the monastery of St. Au-
gustin? He must have known, that every monk of that celebrated
establishment, which has existed for ages, could have contra
dicted him unless the matter were universally acknowledged. Ti
raboschi objects, that the monk of St. Gall is the only writer oi
those times, who has left an account of those proceedings. Be it
so ; but did he suppose that writers were as numerous in that pe*
riod, or as minute in recording facts, as they are at present?
Many facts are received as historical Hpon authority much less
contemporary and explicit than that of the monk of St. Gall. Be
sides, as will be seen, he is not the only writer of those days, who
has furnished us with some account, at least, of Clemens. Same
other desultory doubts will be considered lower down.
§. 3. From this account it is plain that these two
Irishmen were in France before Alcuin (the English
Albinus) waited on King Charles in that country,
and consequently prior to 781. (12) But as their
arrival is stated to have occurred when Charles be
gan to reign alone, we may justly conclude that it
was earlier by eight or nine years. An Albinus, a
a favourite of. Charles, is mentioned as one of the
ambassadors, whom he sent to Pope Adrian in 773,
and who was undoubtedly different from Alcuin,
with whom Charles was not yet acquainted. (13) It
is probable that he was the Irish Albinus, who as
well as Clemens appear, from the manner in which
the king treated them, to have become great favou
rites of his. And following this supposition, it may
also be conjectured, that he continued as an inmate
in the palace until he was sent on that embassy.(14)

214 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
But, whether the companion of Clemens was the
ambassador or not, he could not have been placed at
Pavia until either the latter end of 774, or after said
year, it being that in which Charles got possession
of that city. (1,5) Concerning his subsequent trans
actions nothing further, that can be depended upon,
is known, except that he taught at Pavia, (16) but
how long we have no account of, It has been said,
that he died there ; and some writings have been
attributed to him, which, however, cannot at present
be distinctly pointed out. (17)
It is stated that, when Charles returned from his
expeditions, he ordered the boys, whom he had left
under the care of Clemens, to appear before him,
and had them examined in their classical studies.
Finding that those of the inferior orders had made
wonderful progress while the nobles had made none
at all, he solemnly declared that he would have no
consideration for the difference of ranks, and that
nobility alone should not be a road to preferment,
whereas he was determined to grant favours and
places solely according to learning and merit without
distinction of persons. (18) Where Clemens kept
his school, is not ascertained, although some writers
have said that it was at Paris, and others would
fain make ufe believe that he was the founder or first
teacher of its university (19) The history of Cle
mens has been greatly confused by the name of
Claudius being prefixed by certain late authors-'(20)
to his real name, and by his having been strangely
confounded with Clemens, a bishop of Auxerre,
who was dead many years before he arrived in
France. (21 ) He was alive and still teaching in the
year 802, (22) and perhaps survived Charlemagne,
as indeed must have been the case, if, as appears
very probable, he was the Clemens who drew up a
Life of that sovereign. (2S) There are extant under
his name some grammatical collections, but whether
they have been printed or not I am not able to tell.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 215
(24) Several other tracts have been attributed. -to
him, but most, if not all, of them, without founda
tion. (25)
(12) This was, as, Mabillon shows, ( Annal.: fyc. ad A. 781.)
the year, in which Alcuin first stopped in France. Charles had
met him in Italy* and took such a liking for him, tfiat.-he induced
him to promise that he would call upon him on bis return from
that country. Alcuin did so, and soon; after his arrival in France
got. fton* the king a grant of two abbies. : Some years later he pro
ceeded to England, where he remained until 792, or the: beginr
ning of 793, when he returned to France and there spent the re-
mainder of his life. It is therefore a mistake to suppose, as seve
ral writers have done, that Alcuin was not settled: in Erance be
fore 792. It was,: I believe, in consequence of this mistake that
Usher (/nd. Chron.) assigned. the arrival there of Clemens and
Albinus to A. D. 791, thinking that it was not long prior, to that
of Alcuin. • ¦ '- 
(13) See Mabillon,- {Annal. &c. ad. 773. Anastasius Biblio-
thecarius, from whom we have aa account of this embassy, says of
Albinus, that he was deliciosus ipsius -..regis, that:is, a -favourite
and. one whom the king was very fond of. , :,. .; ' •'
(14) The. monk of-.SU Galbsays,: as we have seen, Ehat Charles
kept the two learned Irishmen with himself for a short time. Sup
posing, that, their arrival in .France was in 772, and perhaps late in
that year, they were probably living with him until some time in
773. .. - .. . '¦ ¦ ¦¦: :v.:- -.
H.5) Muratori,. making mention (Annali,' &c. at A. 781) of the
arival of Clemen's companion at Pavia,: does not mark the" year
of it, merely observing that it was after 744. -i It was very pro
bably almost immediately after said year, as Charles in his zeal
for promoting literature may be supposed to have lost 'no time in
supplying his new subjects of Lombardy with a good school. ' Add
that Albinus is. stated touhave jbeen: sent to Favfecjtitt at thfe time
that Charles was setting out on a military expedition. Now among
his variduss expeditions we find tine, in 775, "and 'arietfrei1 ifi 776^
bath against tbe Saxons. ; It may be objected Co -what 1 aAve kid'
concerning Clemens and Albinus having'amved in France as early
as about 772, that their arrival must hav6 been later, 'whereas the

216 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
monk of St. Gall seems to place Albinus' departure for Pavia just
after the short time that he and Clemens had spent with the king
in his residence, and accordingly, as Albinus did not go to Pavia
until about 775, ought to be assigned to about 774. But we are
not bound to understand the monk's words, as if he meant to say that
they remained in the palace until the very time that Albinus was
ordered to proceed to, Pavia. He states indeed that it was sub
sequent to that of their living with the king, but does not tell us
that it was t immediately so ; and there is nothing to prevent our
supposing, that they had left the palace, and were teaching some
where in France, two or three years prior to the departure of Al
binus for Pavia.
, (16) Muratori (ib.) merely says, that under this able master
learning began to revive at Pavia. The story of his having been
the founder of tbe celebrated university of that city is not worth
the trouble of inquiring into. Muratori was wrong in making him
and Clemens Benedictine monks. They certainly were not so
before they arrived in France, for there were no Benedictines then
in. Ireland; nor does it appear, that they were monks at all.
Albinus might have become a Benedictine after he got the grant
of the monastery of St. Augustin, so called, instead of its former
title, St Peter, from its containing the remains of the great bishop
of Hippo. But whether he did or not we are not able to ascertain.
(17) Ware ( WritersM Albinus) ascribes to him some epistles as
extant. I wish he had told us where they are to be found. He
was also inclined to make him the author of certain Rhetorical
precepts, which Buchanan says he saw under the name.of his John
Albinus. (See Not. 9.) If Buchanan and Ware meant the
treatise or dialogue on Rhetoric ¦ published among the works of
Alcuin, it is clear that they were mistaken ; for said treatise was
undoubtedly written by the English Albinus, that is, Alcuin him
self. .As to an Epistle said by Hoveden (Annal. ad A. 792)
and other Enghsh authors to have been written by an Albinus-
against the second Council of Nice concerning image worship, the
Irish Albinus had nothing to do with it ; and it is plain that Hove
den, &c. meant Alcuin ; for they state that it was written in Eng
land, and that Albinus, its author, brought it thence to the - king
Charles. By the bye I may remark, that no such epistle was writ
ten by Alcuin ; (see Mabillon, Annal Ben ad A. 792.) but it is-

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 217
probable, that Hoveden, &c. mistook the Caroline books on the
question of images, in the composition of which Alcuin was per
haps concerned, (Mabillon, ib. ad A. 794.) for an Epistle, Which
they supposed to have been drawn up by him in England.
(18) See in the monk's De Gestis, &c. just after the above nar
rative. (19) Colgan has (at 20 March) collected on these points a heap
of rubbish, which is now exploded by every man of learning.
The monk of St. Gall has nothing about the place, in which
Clemens taught. But Vincentius Bellovacensis and others have
added that it was Paris, as if that city had been the usual residence
of the king Charles, whereas it is well known that it was not. And
as to the foundation of the university, it is laughable to observe,
with what ardour it has been disputed whether the so called
founder were Clemens or Alcuin. That the latter was not is a
clear case ; for it has been proved not only by Du Chesne, the
editor of his works, but likewise by Mabillon, (ad A. 802) that
he never taught at Paris. Whether Clemens had a school there
or not, is of little consequence ; but this much is well known, that
there was no such thing as a university there in those times, nor
even the embryo of one until about the end of the eleventh cen
tury. (See the Encyclopedic at Universite.)
(20) Ware observes, ( Writers at Clemens) that, as well as he
could discover, Bale (not Bede according to a shameful error in
the English translation, which Harris has avoided) was Jhe first
who prefixed Claudius to the name of Clemens. A Claudius, of
whom we shall see elsewhere, flourished during the reign of Lewis
le Debonnaire, and has been reckoned by Vincentius Bellovacensis
and some followers of his as one of four pretended founders of the
university of Paris. These writers have not Clemens among said
founders, although some of them on other occasions say that he
taught at Paris. Other authors of this notable stamp, looking for
those founders, mention Clemens without naming Claudius. To
patch up the business, it occurred to somebody, that Clemens
and Claudius might be considered as one and the same person ;
and thus, sometime in the 16th century, the learned Irishman
appeared under the double name of Claudius Clemens. Upon
these blunders Tiraboschi built up an argument, which he thought
of great weight. He urges that certain writers call the Irish

2T8 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
teacher Claudius ^'Clemens' ; now, as he .shows, 7 Claudius was a
different person.; ergfc there was no. suck man a& Clemens. This
is really bad logic ; as. if the mistakes and'Gdnfiise4'Qpnjectures of
such late authors: could overturn the assertions of one of the ninth
century. 'If the monk Of St. Gall lhad. prefixed, the. name Clau
dius to Clemens, such a mode of reasoning would be allowable ;
but whereas he has not done so, why fling out against his authority
the nonsense of persons that lived hundreds of years later? Then,
adds Tiraboschi, these writers, .when, treating of Clemens, con
tradict, each Other. Well, andi where is the.harm of it? , Surely1
there can' be nothing, more illogical than, to conclude from the
contradictions of modern writers, that persons, whom they treat
of inaccurately, never existed. - Were such a critical rule ¦ ad
mitted, .what' history would be safe, even that of the distinguished
men of Greece: arid Rome? Had Tiraboschi been able to prove,
which indeed he has not atteniptedj that the monk contradicted
himself or any Other; writer of his times, there would be a fair
field for disputation ; or if those, who maintain that Clemens and
his companion were Irishmen and taught in France arid Italy,
founded their positions merely on such late and confused authority
as that of Vinceritiife Bellovacensis, &c. his objections would be
worth listening to. But as this is not the main authority resorted
to on the question, such exceptions are quite nugatory and but of
place; nor will any sort of quibbling avail against the monk's
narrative until, what can never be- done, it shall be proved that
he was not author of it.- Yet we may observe that- it would be
very extraordinary, that, besides Vincentius, a multitude of
writers, among whom Wyon,' Gaguin, -Claude Roberti, should
have said so much about Clemens and his comrade, if they had
not been in France during the reign of Charlemagne.
(21 ) Colgan (at 20' March) has endeavoured, to support the
fable of our Clemens having- become -bishop- of Auxerre 5 but
Ware and Harris; (toe. cit: ) have cautioned the reader against
it, and indeed justly-; for,1 not to quote other authors, Mabillon
(Annal. &c. Torn: 2. p. 63.) makes it clear, that Clemens of
Auxerre died about 738.
(22) In an ancient catalogue of the abbots of Fulda, quoted
by Brower (Notes to the poems- of Rabanus) we read that Ratgar,
who was one of themj on the occasion of sending' Rabanus and

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 219
Hatto to -Tours there to study under Alcuin, directed others,
among whom Modestus and Candidus, to Clemens the Scot for
the purpose of being instructed in Grammar, that is, in classic
branches of learning then comprized under that name. Ratgar
became abbot of Fulda in 802, 'and just after his accession sent
those students to France. (See Mabillon, Annal. fyc, ad A. 802.)
To a loose question of Tiraboschi, Who was Clemens ? we may
now answer, that, although we do not know who were his father
and mother, he was the learned Irish jSeot mentioned by the
monk of St. Gall, and whose reputation was so great that young
men were sent from1 Germany to his school,
(23) Wolfgang Lazius in his Commentaries on the Roman
commonwealth quotes this Life by Clemens. See Usher, Pre
face to Ep. Hib. SyU.and Ware at Clemens.
(24) Usher (ib.) observes,' that they are quoted by Melchior
Goldast. ;
(25) Possevin and others, who are followed by Colgan, have,
in consequence of confounding Clemens with Claudius, made him
the author of various works, which have been usually ascribed to
the latter. It is odd that Colgan refers eveta to Ware for several
of them as if written by Clemens, although. Ware had distin
guished him from Claudius. It may be, however, that, owing to
said confusion, Claudius has been supposed the author of some
tracts, written perhaps by Clemens.
§. iv. After the same king Charles had founded
the new bishoprics of Minden and . Verden in the
old Saxony, A. D. 186, as is usually supposed, (26)
a monastery was established for the Scots, that is,
at least chiefly, the Irish, at a place near Verden,
called Amdrbaric, over whom was placed Patto a
countryman of theirs. (27) Patto is stated to have
become bishop of Verden after the death of its first
bishop St. Suibert, and was succeeded at Amarbaric
by Tanco, also a Scot and, in all probability, an
Irish one, who likewise was Raised to that see as its
third bishop. (28) After him are mentionediCor-
tilla or Nortyla, and three others as abbots of Amar
baric, under the last of whom, Harruch of the same

220 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
nation, that monastery is said to have been de
stroyed. (29)
Prior to these times, and most probably much
earlier, the Irish had extended their missions even
to Iceland, which they called Thule, or Tyle, and
which, it seems, they had a knowledge of as far back
as the fifth century. (30) Whether it was inhabited
at that early period it is difficult to determine; (81)
but it is certain, that it contained inhabitants Jong
before the time assigned by some writers for its first
population. (32) At whatsoever time Irish mission
aries first visited that island, there can be no doubt
of some of them having been there in the eighth
century, (33) and it may be justly laid down, that
this mission was kept up until the arrival of the Nor
wegians, who by expelling the Irish clergy put a
stop to it. (34) If religious men from Ireland had
got in those days as far as Iceland, we are not to
wonder at finding others of them settled in the Ork
neys and the Shetland isles. (35) I cannot disco
ver any particular account of such of them as were
the chiefs of these northern missions, or who might
have been distinguished for peculiar sanctity or learn
ing ; but nothing can more strongly prove the zeal
of the Irish clergy of those times, for the conversion
of infidels, than their proceeding so far northward for
the purpose of disseminating the saving truths of the
Gospel. (26) Fleury, L. 44. §. 20. The Bollandists (at St. Patto 30
Mart.) quote a chronicle of Verden, which assigns the foundation
of that see to 786. Its first bishop was Suibert or Suitbert, who
is said to have been an Englishman, and must not be confounded
with St. Willebrord's companion the bishop Suitbert, who died
in 713.
(27) Colgan, treating of Patto (at 30 March) maintains that
he was an Irish Scot. This is very probable, although in the
accounts given of him, chiefly by Albert Crantz, (Hist. Eccl.
Saxoniae) he is called simply Scotus natione. But as the Irish

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 221
were more generally known in those times by the name Scoti than
their colonists of Britain, the probability is in favour of Colgan's
opinion. N. Britain was not then, nor for a very long time later,
called Scotia ; and accordingly, when we find a Scot or Scots
spoken of by old writers, it is to be presumed that they meant
natives of Ireland, unless something be added to indicate that
such persons were British Scots. Bede was very particular in
this respect ; for wherever he touches upon the affairs of these
Scots, he designates them as the Scots, who inhabit Britain.
<See ex. c. Hist. &c L. 1. c. 34 and L. 5. c. 23.) The English
families settled in Ireland from the reign of Henry II. were dur
ing many generations called English ; but who, on finding a
person of that period called an Englishman, would not conceive
that he was a native of England, unless it were added that he
was an Englishman of Ireland. Colgan adduces an argument,
which, if uncontradicted, would leave no doubt as to Patto hav
ing been an Irishman. Having found that he was said to have
been abbot of Amarbaric in his own country before he went to
Germany, he observes that there was no such place either in Ire
land or Scotland, . and that, instead of Amarbaric, we ought to
read Armagh. On this the Bollandists (at St Suibert, 30 April)
remark, that Amarbaric seems to have been rather near Verden,
and that a monastery was founded there for the Scots, of which
Patto was abbot, before he succeeded, as is said, Suibert ih the
see of Verden. According to this supposition it is a mistake to
place Amarbaric in the country, whence Patto cam& Mabillon
is still more explicit on this -point. He says, (Annal c\c. at A.
796) that the monastery of Amarbaric, not far from Verden, was
founded by Suibert, who placed Patto over it, and that, after a
succession of five or six abbots, it ceased to exist. Mabillon
gives to the monks of that establishment the general name of
Scots, by which the Irish were then universally understood. But
this does not prevent our supposing, that some British Scots might
have belonged to it, as well as to the many other monasteries
founded in those times throughout Germany by or for the . Scoto-
Irish, who considered the British Scots as their kinsmen, and
were well disposed to receive them into their institutions. Who
ever is tolerably acquainted with the state of the British Scots
of that period, the narrow limits within which they were confined,

222 AN ECCLESIASTICAL: HIgTORY CHAP. XX.
.their 'wars against the Picts,-; the- want, of religious, establishments
on a large scale, must immediately perceive, 'that those- swarms
of learndd and pious men, called Scots, who flocked" to the Con
tinent in those times and during a long subsequent period, could
not,, generally, speaking, . have come fro.ra the , small part of- N.
Britain then possessed by the Irish .colonists, and' that, at least,
the great majority of -them were the old Scots or Irish. When
Walaftid Strabo, who lived early in the ninth century, observes,
(ViU S. Galli L. 2. c. '46.) that the custom of visiting foreign
countries was b££bme\a. sort ¦, of second ri'ature .to the Scots, he
plainly means "the Matives of Ireland! for he introduces one of
them, who had been left sick in St. Gall's monastery, and who
was still alive in his time, as imploring the saint,: who appeared
to him in a dream, to, relieve hirn as being a countryman of his.
And,, wherever else in said Work Walafrid makes mention of Scots,
he alludes to, no others than the Irish,. as, ,for instance, L- 1. c.
20. where St; Gallus, whom he eyeiy where represents as a na
tive of Ireland,, is spoken of as degente Scotumfn. (See also his
Preface:) At the period we are now treating of, the Northum
brian kingdom comprized a very great part, and the best, :of mo
dern Scotland; and "accordingly, as the inhabitants were not then
Scots, it cannot be pretended that many . of the eminent men,
called Scots, who resorted to the Continent, might have been sup
plied! from that country after having been educated in the schools
(of Mailros, &c. in said kingdom. The Picts were still distinct
from the Scots ; and, besides their having had no learned men
amdng them, except foreigners, chiefly Irish, (see Pinkerton,
Pref. to Vit. Antiq. SS. §c.) "no one will imagine, that their coun
try might have furnished some of those numberless persons, whose
fame, under the name of Scots, resounded all over Western
Europe. Will it be said that the Scots of Argyle and some
neighbouring districts were alone numerous and, enlightened
enough to send out such crowds of learned and holy men?
-But what schools had. they? Except Hy, which, as often ob
served, was an Irish school, they had none, I mean a respectable
one ; nor is there a trace Of any such school in the territory of
the British Scots until miich later times. There were indeed some
small monasteries or cells; but no mention occurs of any learned
establishment. (See Chalmers, Caledonia, Vol. 1. chap, on the

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 223
Introduction qf Ch-Hslialhityl') Those Scots were welcome to
the school 6f HyV Which;' we may be sure, was frequented by
seVeral of 'them ; butisitto.be supposed, -that all the so> called
Scots,- who visited England* '¦ France, Germany; &c. had ' been
educated at Hyy or that the Irish Scots, belonging to that house,
and1 who, by the bye, were the1 far greater number, all staid at
home, while none- but the British ones went to foreign parts?
If Hy* were the only establishment, whence the travelling Scots
of either nation derived1 their' learning, it should have1 been ten
times as large as it was, considering the multitudes of them that
emigrated. The truth, hoWever, is that a very considerable por
tion of these missionaries, &c. had studied in Ireland, which
abounded in great schools, such as Armagh, Bangor, which sent
out Columbanus, Gallus, and their companions ; Lismore, whence
St. Cataldus; Clonard, Clonmacnois, Ross, (co. Cork,) Emly,
Kildare, Clonenagh, &c. &c. Neither St. Fursey and his com
panions, nor St. Livinus and otherfe; whom it would be tedious
to enumerate, had been members of the hionastery- of Hy; Next
it is to be recollected that the great missionaries, who had really
belonged to it, were' Irishmen, such as Aidan, Finan, and Colman
of Lindisfarne. In those times the British Scots were tod much
engaged ih striving to extend their frontiers, and- too poor to apply
much to learning; and it Was not until after they got possession
of the Pictish kingdom in 843, that they set1 about establishing
religious houses and schools on a somewhat extended scale. -The
Scottish establishment at Dunkeld was not begun until 849 ;
that of Brechin Was very late in the 10th century ; and the schools
of Dumblane and Abernethy, although perhaps earlier, were hot
'fdrttied until a late part of the period comprized between 843
and ld97- (See Chalmers, ib. chap, on the Ecclesiastical history
of said peHotdi)
1 haVebeen induced to enlarge on this subject, in consequence
of having obsterved, that 'several continental writers, some of whom
were otherwise very learned men, seem to have supposed, that
such Scots as distinguished themselves in foreign countries during
the seventh, and down to the eleventh or twelfth century, were
generally from North Britain, unliess some circumstance or indi
cation may happen to bectir, Which points out Ireland as the land
of their birth. Such distinguishing marks do indeed constantly

224 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
occur ; and hence we find that other writers frequently remind
the reader, that such and such Scots were from the old Scotia,
that is, Irish Scots. Molanus, Philip Ferrarius, Sirmond, Fleury,
and many more, particularly German authors, were very careful
on this point, while the writers, above alluded to, leave the name
Scot, or Scots, as they found it in old documents, without cau
tioning the reader that the persons so denominated were really
Irish. And hence it has come to pass that some late authors of
a minor class, writing in the modern languages of Europe, and
copying from the Latin works of said writers, are wont to trans
late Scoti, not adverting to its old signification, Scotchmen, Ecos-
sois, Scozzesi, &c. so as convey to the uninformed, an idea that
they were unifonnly natives of N. Britain. But had the true
state of the British Scots in the seventh, eighth, and thence to,
at least, the eleventh century, been generally known, the name
Scoti, applied to persons during that long period, would he pre
sumed to mean Irishmen, in case there do not appear some spe
cial reasons, founded on the context, &c. to show that they were
. British Scots. If the Bollandists had been well acquainted with
the history of these Scots, they need not have been as scrupu
lous, as we sometimes find them, in their doubts of whether this
or that Scot of, ex. c, the eighth century, were from Ireland or
the modern Scotland. What I have hitherto stated on these
points will help to elucidate the history of several eminent Irish
men, whom we shall meet with in our progress.
(28) The Bollandists (at St. Suibert, 30 April) suspect that
Patto was not bishop of Verden, and that the immediate succes
sor of Suibert was Tanco.
(29) See Mabillon, Annal. Ben. ad- A. 796.) There is no
distinct account of the precise times of those abbots or of such
of them as became bishops of Verden. What Colgan has about
them at St. Patto (30 Mart.) is, as to the chronological part,
very incorrect ; and it will be sufficient to observe, that all of them
flourished after A. D. 786.
(30) See Chap. viii. §. 8. Not. 91.- This is not the place to en
ter into the celebrated question concerning the Thule so often men
tioned by Grecian and Roman writers ; but it is certain that Iceland
was the island which the Irish called Thyle or Inis Thyle, i. e. the
island of Thyle. Not only our old historians are unanimous on

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 225
this point, (see Colgan AA.SS.p. 242.) but the geographer
Dicuill is particularly explieit with regard to it, as, for instance,
in what he says concerning the length of the summer days in
Thyle, his denying that it was surrounded with ice, and his ob
serving that the frozen sea was one day's sail more to the North.
(31) Playfair (Geography, Vol. in. p. 144) says, that Iceland
was inhabited as early as the Sth century; but from what is
stated (see above Chap. viii. ib.) of St. Ailbe's intention to pro
ceed thither for the purpose of leading a life unknown to the
world, it may perhaps be conjectured that it was then destitute of
inhabitants. This, however, is at most conjectural ; for St. Ailbe
might, notwithstanding its containing some inhabitants, have
found places enough in the island, where he could have remained
quite sequestered from them.
(32) The Icelandic historian, Arngrim Jonas, pretends that it
was not inhabited until A. D. 874, when it was occupied by the
Norwegians. Independently of historical documents, which prove
the contauy, it is difficult to suppose that, while so many small
islands of the Northern ocean were peopled long before that time,
Iceland should have remained uninhabited, particularly as its cli
mate was formerly much more temperate than it has become in the
course of ages, and its soil was then much better and more fruit
ful than at present, besides the advantage of a passage to it not
being impeded by ice. It was the. Thule of the Romans,
as there is good reason to believe, and was certainly inhabited at a
far earlier period. But, setting aside this cpntroversy, Arngrim
himself supplies us with a proof, that it was peopled prior to the
arrival of the Norwegians ; for he acknowledges' the well known
fact, that the Norwegians found there sacred uteasils, which had
been left by Irish Christians, whom, he says, the ancient Ice
landers called Papa or Papas. Pray, who were those old Ice
landers, that were able to give some account of the Irish Papas ?
He must have meant the Norwegian settlers of 874. But, if they
were the first inhabitants of the island, what could they have
known of said Papas ? Had he told us that they discovered the
name Papa or- Papas, by means of some inscriptions found there,
or had he made mention of the Irish books left by the Papas in
Iceland, he would have been more consistent with himself. His
saying that they were probably fishermen is a poor evasion ; for, if
VOL. HI. q,

226 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX,
so, why should they have left those sacred utensils in an unin
habited country ? Unless he supposed that said Papas perished
there ; but then he tells us that the Norwegians found no traces
of any habitation whatsoever. How could this have been, if the
Papas had^ on landing there, remained for some time in the
island, as they surely must have intended to do ? Otherwise why
bring on shore articles necessary for the celebration of divine
service ? Passing by these inconsistencies of Arngrim, another Ice
landic writer, Ara Multiseius has ( Sched. de Islandia, cap. 2.) a
clear account of the whole matter. Having observed that, when
Ingolfr, the Norwegian, arrived in Iceland, it was in great part co
vered with forests, he adds, " that there were then Christians
" there, whom the Norwegians call Papas, and that they after-
" wards quitted the country, because they did not like to live with
" heathens, and left behind them Irish books, bells, and staffs.
" Thence it was easy to perceive that they were Irishmen." On
this statement we may, observe, that the Irish, who were settled
there at the time of the Norwegians taking possession of the
island, did not, in all probability, leave it voluntarily, but were ex
pelled by those same pagan Norwegians ; for otherwise they would
liave taken along with them their books, &c. Nearly in the
same manner are these circumstances stated in the book, called
Land-nama-boe (ap. Johnston, Ant. CeUo-Scand. p. 14.) in which
we read ; " Before, Iceland was inhabited by the Norwegians,
" there were men there whom the Norwegians call Papas,
" and who professed the Christian rehgion, and are thought to
" have come by sea from the West ; for there were left by them
" Irish books, bells and crooked staffs, and several other things
" were found which seemed to indicate that they were West-men.
" These articles were found in Papeya towards the East and in
" Papyli." See also Von Troil, (On Iceland, Letter IV.) As to
the crooked staffs, they were of that kind, which the ancient
Irish had a particular veneration for, viz. those, which had be
longed to holy bishops, abbots, &c. and which used to be adorned
with gold, precious stones, &c. Such was the famous staff of St-
Patrick, that of St. Mura, and many others, which were consi
dered as most valuable relics, so that it was usUal, even until a
late period, to swear by them.
According to the above accounts, those Irishmen, who had

CHAP, XX. OF IRELAND. 227
lived in Iceland, were called Papa or Papas, by the Norwegians.
This might seem to have been a name invented by the old Nor
wegians for them, because they were in communion with the
Pope. But it is more probable, that it was that, which was used by
themselves, signifying clergymen. Instances occur in our history,
of not only bishops but abbots being called Papa. (See Not.
214. to Chap, x.) In a note to Ara (p. 13.) those Papas are
stated to have been ecclesiastics. The districts or places in Ice
land, bearing the names Papeya and Papyli, afford a strong
proof of this supposition ; for it is sufficiently clear, that they were
so called from having been inhabited by the Irish Papas before
the arrival of the Norwegians. It is thus that, as Barry, ( History
qf the Orkneys, p. 115.) following Pinkerton, thinks with great
appearance of truth, the persons called Papae, whom the Scan
dinavians found in the Orkney Islands on their arrival in the ninth
century, were the Irish clergymen settled there, who, as they
spoke a different language, and were of an appearance and man
ners different from those of the other inhabitants of said islands
might have been considered by the Scandinavians as a distinct
nation. Besides other indications, he observes that many places
in these islands were called Papay or Paplay, which, considering
their retired and pleasant situation,, and the venerable ruins which
some of them contain, seem to have been residences of clergy
men. There are two whole islands known by that name, Papay
Stronsay and Papay Westray, which are remarkable for ruins,
and bear strong marks of having been clerical or monastic pro
perty. (33) Dicuill, who has been mentioned already, says in his
book, (De mensura provinciariun orbis terrae) that thirty
years, prior to the time of writing it, he had got an account of
Thyle (Iceland) from some clergymen, who had returned from it
after having spent there from the first of February to the first of
August. (See Usher, p. 868.) Dicuill flourished in the late part of
the eighth and beginning of the ninth century. (Ware, Writers,
at Dicuill.) Usher places him (p. 729.) among the writers '
of the seventh ; but as he was living at the time of the North-
mannic, or as they are commonly called, Danish piracies, on ac
count of which, he says, (see Ware, Antiq. cap. 24.) several smdl
islands about our island of Ireland have not at present as much as
Q 2

AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
an anchoret in them, he must be assigned to the period, after
which said piracies began off the Irish coasts, and which was
somewhat later than 790. The date of Dicuill's work is now well
known ; for Mr. Walckenaer has published it together with Re.
cherches Geographiques et Phisiques on it, Paris, 1814. Ac
cording to his copy, Dicuill dates his work in 825. Accordingly
the thirtieth previous year, in which he had conversed with the
clergymen returned from Iceland, will bring us back to about
795. Nor is there any the least hint or any other reason to make
us think, that they were the first missionaries, who had gone from
Ireland to that country. It seems that the clergymen, who used
to be sent on that mission, were- occasionally relieved by others from
Ireland after a certain period of service.
(34) See Not. 32.
( 35) As to the Orkneys see ib. We have observed already,
(Chap.' xi. §. 14.) that Irish missionaries are said to have been in
those islands as early as the times of Columbkill. Dicuil states,
that in the Hethlandic, that is, the Shetland isles, there were liv
ing Irish hermits since about 100 yeaa-s prior to the time of his
writing. (See Usher, p. 729.)
$. v, St. Sedulius, abbot, and, according to some,
bishop at Ath-cliath, now called Dublin, is said "to
have died in 786. (36) If he was really a bishop,
he is the only one that ^Dublin can lay claim to before
the eleventh century; (37) and it is clear, that it
was not a regular episcopal see until said century.
This, however, does not prevent our admitting, that
Sedulius was raised to the episcopal rank, in the same
manner as many abbots, distinguished for their merit,
used to be in Ireland -without attaching permanent
sees to their places of residence, and as his neighbour
and contemporary, Ferfugill, was at Clondalkiu. (38)
Nothing further is known concerning this St. Sedu
lius, than that he was the son of one Luat, and de
parted this life on the 12th of February. A very
learned and holy man, Colga, alias Coelchu, Colcu,
(in Latin Colcus) surnamed the Wise, presided in
these times over the great school of Clonmacnois.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 229
(39) He was of the family of the Hua-Dunechda,
and had, it seems, studied at that school. Through
his great application, particularly to the Epistles of
St. Paul, whom he venerated as his patron, he acquired
such a degree of ecclesiastical knowledge that he
was looked upon as the most learned man in Ireland,
and was styled the Scribe or doctor of all the Scots.
His piety was equally great, and accordingly he was
raised to the priesthood. At what time he began to
teach at Clonmacnois, we are not informed ; but lie
remained there until his death in 792, on, it seems,
the 20th February, the day at which his name is
marked in the calendars. He left some tracts, one
of which, of a devotional kind, has been preserved.
(40) This distinguished man was undoubtedly the
lecturer and blessed master Colcu, with whom Alcuin
carried on a correspondence, and who had an ex
traordinary respect for him, as appears from one of
his letters to Colcu, which is still extant. (41)
After giving him some news relating to the state
of the continent, he styles him most holy father,
and calls himself his son. (42) He then men
tions one Joseph as an humble servant of Colcu,
who, as well as all his other friends then living in
France, was serving God in a state of prosperity.
(43) Next he tells him that an unfortunate quarrel
had broke out between king Charles and the Mercian
king Offa, and that it was said that he himself was to
be sent to England for the purpose of negociating a
peace between them, as in fact he was in 790, not
long after his writing this letter. (44) He requests
Colcu's prayers, that God may protect him, whether
he should go or not, and laments that he had not
received any letter from him for a considerable time.
Alcuin adds an account of some presents, which he
had forwarded to him, such as oil, then a scarce arti
cle, to be distributed among the bishops ; a certain
sum of money, partly from the king Charles, and
partly from himself, for the brethren (of Clonmacnois);
another sum, not so large, from them also, and from

230 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX,
another person, for the Southern brethren of Bald-
huninega ; (45) and some small sums for certain
anchorets ; requesting that all those persons may pray
for himself and for king Charles.
(36) The date of the 4 Masters (ap. AA. SS.p.3\5.) is 785,
i. e. 786.
(37) The 4 Masters call Sedulius only abbot; but the Martyr.
Tamtoct. and Marian Gorman give him the title of bishop. Ware
(Bishops of Dublin ) omits him, whereas, according to the old
documents of that church, Donat, who lived in the 11 th century,
was its first bishop. Yet Harris has admitted him, as well as
others for whom there is much less foundation- Burke (Office qf
St. Rumoldus ) goes still further, telling us, what it would be hard to
guess where he found, that Pope Stephen III. on St. Rumoldus'
resigning into his hands the see of Dublin, made it over to Se
dulius. This is a patched up story, not worth refutation ; for how
can it be proved, that St. Rumold ever held said see ? (See Chap.
xix. §. 15.
(38) Seeib. §. 16. It is not improbable, that Sedulius' pro
motion was in consequence of the death of Ferfugill in 785, as it
was requisite that there should be a bishop somewhere in that
neighbourhood to exercise the necessary episcopal functions. Per
haps both of them were only chorepiscopi,
(39) Colgan has the Acts of St. Colga at 20 Feb.;?. 378. seqq.
(40) Colgan had a copy of it under the title of Scuap chrabhaigh,
Scopa devotionis, or Sweeping brush qf devotion. He represents
- it as a collection of most fervent prayers, breathing extraordinary
piety. Ware ( Writers) has overlooked Colga, but Harris has not.
(41) This letter was published by Usher from two very ancient
MSS. of the Cottonian library, in the Ep. Hib. Syll. No. 18., and
thence republished by Colgan among the Acts of St. Colga or
Colcu. It is headfed, " Albini magistri ad Colcum lectorem in
Scotia; then comes the address, " Benedicto Magistro et pio patri
Colcu, Alcuine humilis Levita salutem." Harris ( Writers, p. 51.) fell
into a monstrous mistake in attributing this letter to the Irishman,
called Albin, the companion of Clemens, of whom we have treated
above. He might have learned' not only from the address of it,
but likewise from Usher and Colgan, to whom he strangely refers
the reader, that it was written by Alcuin.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 231
(42) It is not to be concluded from these and other similar ex
pressions in the letter, that Alcuin had studied under Colcu. For
it does not appear, that he had ever been in Ireland. But, as the
reputation of both of them was very great, they had heard of each
other, and entered into a correspondence. A person might call
another Master, or Doctor, and himself his son, without having
btjen under his direction. Mabillon concludes (Annal. Ben. ad A.
790) from the highly respectful manner, in which Colcu is ad
dressed and spoken of by Alcuin, that he must have been a very
distinguished man. He then conjectures, that he was perhaps a
teacher in Hy. Had he looked into Colgan's A A. SS. a work,
which he seems to have been little acquainted with, he would have
easily found, that Colcu belonged to Clonmacnois. On this point
Mabillon imitated some older Benedictine writers, who, when at a
joss with regard to the places, whence some celebrated Irishmen
had come, usually recur to Hy, as if that were the greatest of all
the Irish schools. Now, from at least the times of Adamnan, it
was far from being so, and, although it did not cease to flourish,
seems to have been much inferior to some in Ireland, particu
larly those of Armagh, Clonmacnois, Lismore, Bangor, and
Clonard. (43) This Joseph, who is mentioned in Alcuin's works, (see
Letter 67.) had been a scholar of Colcu, as appears from a letter
written to him by Alcuin, which Usher found in the MSS. whence
he took that to Colcu. (See Ep. Hib. Recens ad. No. 18.) In it Al
cuin says to him ; " Your master Colcu is well." Alcuin had got
this information from Ireland, and most probably through a letter
from Colcu himself. His adding your to the word master, plainly
shows that he meant more than giving the title of master, in gene
ral, to Colcu, and that Joseph had studied under him. Hence it
may be justly inferred, - that Joseph was an Irish/nan. Colgan
enumerates (AA. SS.p. 381.) several persons of said name dis
tinguished at that periodln Ireland. It was probably through that
Joseph, or some of the other friends of Colcu spoken of by Alcuin,
who also appear to have been personally acquainted with him, and
consequently are to be- presumed natives of Ireland, that an epis
tolary intercourse took place between those two great men.
(44) See Mabillon, Annal. SfC. ad. A. 790. Accordingly the
letter was written about two years prior to the death of Colcu.'

232 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
which occurred in 792. For the date, 791, marked by Colgan
from the 4 Masters, must, following the usual rule, be considered
the same as 792.
(45) In Colgan's edition, among other errata, this name is
spelled Balthuminega, and, in a note, Baldhunnega, both which
have been copied by .Harris (Writers, p. 51.). Colgan conjec
tured that it ought to read Bailechuinnig, so as_ to mean a town or
place of St. Cannech, perhaps Kilkenny or Aghaboe. But, be
sides the great difference between Baldhuinega and Bailechuinnig,
or rather Bailecannich, as Colgan in framing this new name should
liave spelled it, Alcuin's calling the brethren of that place southern
ought naturally to be understood as referring to a part of Ireland
more to the south of Clonmacnois than is either Aghaboe or Kil
kenny. I can scarcely doubt that Baldhuninega, the town or place
Dhunineghi was the same as Lismore, the old Irish name of which
.jgwas Dunsginne, (see Not. 195. to Chap, xiv.) or Dunsginna. A
y/ copyist, unacquainted with the Irish language, might have easily
made a mistake in writing this name. Lismore was greatly re
sorted to .by English students; (see Chap. xiv. §. 14. Not. 197.)
and it is prQbable, that Alcuin's reason for sending money to that
^establishment was to show his gratitude for the attention, with
which his countrymen were treated there.
§. vi. St. Moelruan, abbot and bishop at Tallaght,
or Tallagh, about five miles from Dublin, who died
on the 7th of July A. D. 788, (46) is also to be
reckoned among the learned men of those times, and
was one, and probably the first, of the authors of the
celebrated martyrology called Tamlactense, or of
Tallaght. (47) Concerning his transactions I can
find nothing further except that he governed his
monastery according to the primitive rules of monas
tic discipline, and had for several years among his
monks the "great hagiologist Aengus.
Suibhne the second, abbot of Hy, who died either
in 768 or 772, (48) was succeeded by Bressal, son
of one Segen, whose administration lasted until 797»
the year of his death. (49) During it died at Hy,
in 787, Artgal, sop of Cathald, who had been king of

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND.. 233
Connaught. Resigning his crown in 779 he became
a monk, and in the following year retired to Hy,
where he piously spent the remainder of his
life. (50)
In these times there seem to have been various
contests for the see of Armagh. Foendelach, who
is said to have become archbishop in 768, (51) is
stated to have held it only three years, although we
are told that he lived until 795. (52) Next after
him is mentioned Dubdalethe, whose incumbency
lasted fifteen years, (53) and accordingly, reckoning
from 771, the year of his accession, ended in 786.
Next after him are mentioned Arectac, who ruled
only one year, (54) and Cudiniscus who held the see
four years and consequently until 791. (55) He was
succeeded by Conmach, to whom are assigned four
teen years. (56) As to the succession in other Irish
sees there is a deplorable vacuum in the history of
this period, with scarcely any exception, saving that
of Emly. Cuan, who was bishop there, and in all
probability the immediate successor of Senchai, died
in 784 or 786 ; (57) and next after him we find in
that see Sectabrat, who lived until 819. (58) Instead
of a succession of bishops in some of our distinguished
sees we are furnished with that of abbots in said
places, for instance at Ferns and Kildare, (59)
although it is difficult to think that-the line of bishops
was interrupted. (60)
(46) 4 Masters, ap. AA. SS. p. 583. I have added a year to
their date 587. They call him bishop, as does also Colgan, (ib.
p. 741.) although elsewhere he gives him only the title of abbot.
(47) The title of this work, which Colgan represents as excel
lent, and the most copious he ever met with of that kind written
in any country, is Martyrologium Aengusii JUii Hua-obhlenii et
Moelruani. Aengus, of whom hereafter, lived for some years in
the monastery of Tallaght under Moelruan. As they both be
longed to that place, Colgan has, with good reason, called it
Tamlactense. (See AA. SS. p. 5. and 581.) It might have been

234 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
composed jointly by both of them, or what seems more probable,
had been first undertaken by Moelruan, and continued by Aengus,
who, from his name being placed first, seems to have written the
greater part of it. He adds that a Martyrologium Tamlactense is
mentioned by an old Scholiast on the Festilogium of Marian Gor
man, and that there is every appearance of its having been the
same as that entitled, Aengus, &c. Concerning it more will be
seen lower down.
(48) See Chap. xix. §.. 14. Not. 162. /
(49) See Tr. Th.p.500. Smith in his catalogue of the abbots
of Hy (Append, to Life of St. Col.) inserts, between Suibhne and
Bressal, a St. Muredach as abbot, because he found him called by
the 4 Masters prior of Hy. He ought to have known that the
priors of Hy were different from the abbots. The office of prior,
which is kept up to this very day in large monasteries, is inferior to
that of abbot. It is like that of a vice-president. Muredach died
in 778.
(50) 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th. ib. I have added a year to their'
dates. f51) See Chap. xix. §. 14. and ih. Not. 160. 161.
(52) The Psalter of' Cashel (ap. Tr. Th. p. 292.) allows three
years for the incumbency of Foendelach. But the 4 Masters (ib.
p. 294.) who, instead of him, make Cudiniscus the immediate
successor of Ferdachrich, assign his death to A. 794 (795) after
observing that he had a contest concerning the see, first with
Dubdalethe and afterwards with Gormgal.
(53) Ware (Bishops at Armagh) from the catalogue of the
Psalter of Cashel.
(54) See said catalogue ap. Tr. Th. p. 292. Ware has Affiat
or Arectac. But in the now mentioned catalogue there is no
Affiat. The Ulster annals and the 4 Masters call him bishop of
Armagh, and state that he died on the same night:with Arectac
Hua-Foelain abbot Of Armagh, in 793 (794.) According to this
account, Arectac was not bishop, unless we should suppose that,
having held the see for some time, he was pushed out by Affiat,
and reduced to the situation of abbot. As to his dying in 794,
it does not agree with the Psalter, which allows him only one year's
incumbency, and Consequently terminating in 787, except we are
to admit a similar supposition, viz. that he was deprived of the see

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 235
some years before his death. It is, however, useless to endeavour
to reconcile these jarring accounts, and I shall leave the whole
matter as it is given in said Psalter.
(55) It is remarkable that, notwithstanding the disagreement
with regard to the order of succession, the Ulster annals and the
4 Masters assign the death of Cudiniscus to A. D. 790, i. e. 791,
the very year to which the above catalogue leads us for the close of
his incumbency. Harris in his additions to Ware (at Cudiniscus)
has a strange jumble of dates. Although he says with Ware, that
the Annals of Ulster place his death in 791, he assigns his acces
sion to 794, and his demise to 798. Where he found these dates,
nobody, I believe, would be able to tell.
(56) Catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel.
(57) Ware, Bishops at Emly. For Settchai see Chap. xix.
$.16. (58) Ware, ib.
(59) For the series of abbots there and elsewhere see Archdall.
It will not be expected that I should transcribe them. It some
times, happens, as often remarked, that the same persons are
sometimes called abbots anfl sometimes bishops ; but it is not to
be thence presumed that every one, who is called abbot, ex. c. of
Ferns, were also bishops there. We have seen (Not. 180 to Chap.
xix.) an abbot of Kildare clearly distinguished from two bishops of
said place, who died in the same year with him. Our annalists
were usually attentive to give the title bishop to such abbots, as
were really both abbots and bishops.
(60) I suspect, however, that such an interruption might have
occurred in less distinguished sees or places, owing to the singular
practice in Ireland of raising persons to the episcopacy here and
there without confining such promotions to old established sees,
or places where there had been bishops in former days. The ap
pointment of a bishop in a new spot might have prevented the re
gular continuation of others in a contiguous place, which had
bishops before. For instance, there were some bishops at Cork
in the seventh and eighth centuries. Yet after Selbac, who died
in 773, we do not meet with another there until about the middle
of the tenth. The succession might have been interrupted in con
sequence of the episcopal dignity being conferred on some abbots
'n the neighbourhood.

236 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
§ vii. The year 795 is stated by some writers to
have been that, in which the Scandinavian free
booters, vulgarly called Danes, first infested the
coasts of Ireland, and particularly the small island
of Rechrann or Raghlin, which they laid waste. (6l)
To that year I first assigned the death of an abbot
of Rechrann, St. Feradach, son of Segen, (62)
which might have been occasioned by the proceed
ings of those marauders. Inis-patrick, now Holrn-
patrick, was plundered and devastated by them in
798. (63) In one of those early piratical expedi
tions, and probably the first of them, a sister of St.
Findan was carried off by a party of those North
men, who had landed somewhere on the coast of
Leinster. For Findan was a native of that pro
vince, (64) and it was there that his father, who was
a military man in the service of a Leinster prince,
resided. (65) On being sent by his father to the
Danes for the purpose of redeeming his sister, he
was near being detained as a prisoner ; but, as some
of the party remonstrated on the unfairness of thus
treating a person who had come on such an errand,
he was allowed to return home. Some time after,
through the treachery of certain enemies of his, he
was inveigled to go on an excursion near the sea,
whence, it appears, his habitation was not far distant,
and there fell into the hands of some of those Nor
man pirates, and, after various vicissitudes, was taken
to the Orkneys. Having stopped near one of its
uninhabited islands, several of the pirates landed
there and allowed Findan to accompany them.
Here he seized an opportunity of slipping away from
his Noman companions, and concealed himself un
der a rock, until the vessel sailed from that place.
Thinking that there was an inhabited country not
far distant, and having examined every outlet for
three days, living on herbs and water, he deter
mined on entrusting himself to Providence, and
promised that, if God should preserve him, he

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 237
would renounce all worldly pursuits, and spend the
remainder of his life in holy pilgrimage. He then
committed himself to the waves, and swam until he
reached land, on reconnoitring which he saw houses
and fires at no great distance from the shore.
This country was probably some part of Caithness
in North Britain. (66) After two days he met,
some persons, who conducted him to the bishop
of a neighbouring town, by whom he was very
kindly received. This bishop had [studied in Ire
land, understood the Irish language, and kept Fin
dan with him for two years. Findan, however,
wishing to proceed on his intended pilgrimage, left
that place with the bishop's permission, and taking
with him some • companions passed over to France,
visited St. Martin's of Tours, and, travelling on
foot, at length arrived at Rome. Having remained
there for some time, he went to Switzerland, and
stopping there spent four years in a clerical state
with a nobleman, (67) on the expiration of which
his superior in the monastery of Rhinaugia or Rhin-
gaw, (68) got him made a monk in the 51st year of
his age. The time assigned for Findan's monastic
profession is A. D. 800, a date, which does not
agree with that marked by some authors for the first
Danish attacks on. the coasts of Ireland, but which,
however, we have not sufficient authority to set
aside. (69) After five years of monastic observance
in the community, he became a recluse in a cell
adjoining the church and monastery, where he re
mained for 22 years, practising the most extraordi
nary austerities, particularly as to fasting. These were,
in all probability, the last years of his life, and ac
cordingly his death ought to be assigned to A. D.
827(70) Some remarkable circumstances are re
lated as having occurred to this saint on the fes
tivals of St. Patrick, (71) St. Brigid, St. Columba
(Columbkill), and St. Aidan (of Lindisfarne) ; and

238 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX;
certain Irish sentences, which he heard in visions
on these occasions, are repeated tin his Life. The
sanctity of Findan was reputed to be so very
great, that the monks of Rhingaw, although the
monastery was not founded by him, adopted him as
their patron (72) ; and his memory is revered there
on the 15th of November. (73)
(61) Ware, (Antiq. cap. 24.) referring to the Annals of Ulster.
Usher has (Ind. Chroni) these Danish depredations at A. 795,
but does say that they were the first. The 4 Masters (ap. Tr,
Th. p. 510.) assign a devastation of Rechrann to A. 790 (791.)
This date would, in the supposition that the Danes attacked other
parts of th£ Irish coasts in the same year, agree with the history
of St. Findan, of which a little lower down, better than that of the
Ulster annals. O'Flaherty follows Ware, (see Ogygia, Part 3.
cap. 93. at King Donnchad.) Usher was mistaken in adding to the
devastation of Rechrann in 795 th^t of the greatest part of Ire
land; a statement, which he took from a vague passage of Carodoc
of Lancarvan. (See Pr. p. 958.) It is clear from what Ware has
collected on this part of our history, that the Danes did not pene
trate into the interior of Ireland until several years later.
(62) Four Masters and Tr. Th. p. 510.
(63) The Ulster annals (ap. Johnston, App. &c) have ; A. 797
(798) Inis-patrich wasted by the Gals.
(64) In his Life he is called a Scot, and a citizen of the pro
vince of Leinster, " Findan genere Scottus,civis provinciae La-
ginensis."' This Life may be seen in Melchior Goldast's Rerum
Alemannicarum Scriptores, Tom. 1. p. 318. seqq. or, according to
another edition, Tom.l. p. 203. seqq. Although imperfect, it
contains a very good account of this saint's transactions, and is
written in a clear, sensible, and rational manner. .The author
lived not long after Findan, for he mentions a person still alive in
the monastery of Fore (in Fovariensi monasteris), to whom the
saint had related a vision that he had. (See cap. 8.) This per
son must. have seen Findan in Switzerland, but afterwards re
turned to Ireland. And it appears that the author was also an
Irishman, although, at the time of his writing, a monk in Switzer^
land. Besides his seeming to hint, that he had been in the mo-

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 239
nastery of Fore, he quotes several Irish passages. But I find no
reason for making him, as Ware does, ( Writers at 9th century) a
companion of Findan.
(65) Colgan, who was much inclined to make our saints sons
of kings, calls (AA. SS. p. 355.) Findan, or as he spells the
name, Fintan, an Irish prince. Ware (ib.) says that he was the
son of a Leinster prince. This is a strange assertion for an au
thor, who refers the reader to the Life published by Goldast. In it
we find quite the reverse ; for not only, is Findan called a citizen of
Leinster, but his father is represented as a military man, miles,
under a prince of that province, who was at variance with ano
ther Leinster prince. Which of them was his master, or whether
he belonged to North or South Leinster, we are not informed.
(66) There are some small islands in (the southern Orkneys, or
in the frith of Pentland, which may also be comprized under the
general name of Orcades (Orkneys), from one of which a good
swimmer might make his way to the mainland of Scotland. Or
the land, which Findan arrived at, might have been one of the
larger islands. Yet from other circumstances it seems more pro
bable, that the tract alluded to was in Caithness.
(67) In the Life it is said, that he remained four years with a
nobleman in clericatu. Does this mean that Findan acted as
chaplain to a nobleman ? If so, he was already a priest. But I
think that the passage ought to be understood of his leading a cle
rical life, preparatory to holy orders* or to the monastic profession,
while residing with that nobleman.
(68) Rhingaw, alias Rheinau, is an abbey near the town of said
name in the district of Thorgaw in Switzerland. Ware ( Writers,
at 9th century) was wrong in making Findan the founder of it.
He was only one of its first monks. The founder was, according
to Goldast,, the Count Wolfchard of Kyburg, who was, in all ap
pearance, that nobleman, under whom Findan spent four years,
and, perhaps, the same as the person called its senior or superior.
Mabillon, (Annal. fyc. ad A. 800.) admitting that Wolfchard was
th&founder, states that its first abbots were Wichramn, Wolwin,
and Antwart, under one or other of whom, he says, was placed
Findan. (69) This difficulty has been noticed by J. P. Murray, De Bri-
tan. atque Hibern. 8fe, Nov. Cbmm. R. S. Goetting. Tom. 2. and

240 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
De Coloniis Scandicis, ib. Tom. 3. The number of years, that
intervened between Findan's being carried off by the .Danes and
his becoming a monk in 800, leads us to an earlier date than 795.
Not to reckon the time that passed from his seizure to his
escape from the Orkneys, he spent two years with the good
bishop before he set out for France. For his journey through that
country and Italy to Rome, his delay in said city, and his journey
thence to Switzerland, another year, at the least, must be allowed.
Add the four years, which he passed with the worthy nobleman
previous to his monastic profession, and it will be found, that,
supposing the date 800 to be correct, Findan was captured before
795, and that the Danes began to infest the Irish coasts earlier
than is stated in the annals of Ulster. Now there are very gdod
reasons for believing, that said date is correct. The writer of the
Life was almost contemporary with Findan ; (see Not. 64.) he
lived in the monastery of Rhingaw, and had access to its docu
ments, among which there was undoubtedly a precise account of
the holy man's transactions, time of profession, &c. and accord
ingly ought to be considered as a very credible witness on these
points. The only evasion, that may be guessed at against the
truth of the date 800, is, that a transcriber might have mistaken
it for some other. But of this some proof should bfe adduced ; and
I do not find that any one has undertaken to do so. Said date is
followed by Mabillon ( Annal. ad 800.) ; and it is somewhat odd
that Ware, who had Fintan's Life before his eyes, did not hesitate
to lay down the year 795 as that of the commencement of the
Danish aggressions on our coasts ; and that Usher, who also had
said Life, has affixed (Ind. Chron.) Findan's captivity to that year.
I arn strongly of opinion that Ireland was annoyed by the Scandi
navians some years earlier, alhough the annals of Innisfallen as
sign their first appearance on our coasts to said year 795 ; and we
have seen (Not. 61.) that the 4 Masters bring them to Rechrann .
in 791. If that, or even 792 was the year in which Findan was
taken, no difficulty will remain as to what we read of his further
proceedings, and his having become a monk as early as A. D.
800. (70) See Mabillon, Annal.. at A. 827.
(71) What will Dr. Ledwich say, on hearing that the festival of
St. Patrick was kept at Rhingaw in the beginning of the ninth

IIKHH

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 241
century. Will he still maintain, that he had not been heard of
until the middle of it ?
(72) the author of the Life calls him our patron.
(73) AA. SS. p. 355.
§. viii. Donnchad, king of all Ireland, hay
ing reigned 27 years, (14,) and left an example
of great piety and repentance, (75) died in 797, (76)
and was succeeded , by Aidus, alias Aedan, alias
Hugh, surnamed Ordnidhe, a son of the king Niell
Frassach. This Aidus was the fifth monarch of that
name. (77) During his reign, which lasted 22
years, the ravages by the Scandinavians became more
frequent and dreadful. In 798 they attacked the
coasts of Ulster, (78) and in 802 set fire to the
monastery of Hy, (7y) on which occasion many of
the monks were consumed in the flames. They
again entered Hy in 806 ; and such was the extent
of their fury that the number of its members was re
duced to 64. (80) In 807 they effected a landing
in Ireland, and penetrating as far as Roscommon
destroyed it, and laid waste the surrounding country.
(81) But in 812 they were defeated with great
slaughter by the Irish, and forced to fly and return
to their own country. (82) About 815, or, as some
say, 818, the famous Norwegian Turgesius, of whom
more will be seen hereafter, made his first invasion of
Ireland. (83) The king Aidus Ordnidhe, having
become a great penitent, (81) lived until 819, (85)
and had for successor Conquovar, a Son of king
Donnchad, who is said to have reigned fourteen
years. (86) The next king was Niell Calne, son of
Aidus Ordnidhe, who after a reign of thirteen years
was drowned in the river Calluin, (87) when 55 years
of age, in 846. (88) He was succeeded by Mel-
seachlain, whose name has been latinized into Mala-
chias, a nephew pf king Conquovar by his brother
Malronius. His reign lasted sixteen years and some
months ; and his deatb is assigned to A. D. 863.'
VOL. III. it

242 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
(89) After him reigned Aidus, or Aedan, VI.
surnamed Finnliath, and son of king Niell Calne.
He held the throne for sixteen years, until his death
in the monastery of Druin-iniscluinn (Drumshallon)
A. 879.' (90) His successor was Flan Sinna, son of
the king Melseachlain, who reigned for abou J* 37
years, and accordingly until 916. (91) /
(74) See Chap. xix. §. 9. *
(75) Four Masters, and Tr. Th. p. 448. f%
(76) Ware (Antiq. cap. 4.) and O'Flaherty (Ogygia'/Part ill.
cap. 93.) Ware says that, according to some accounts, he was
killed in battle fighting against Aidus or Aedan, his successor, a
circumstance not mentioned either by the 4 Masters or O'Flaherty.
. Ware adds as certain, that two sons of Donnchad were after
wards killed contending' for the monarchy against the said Aidus.
(77) Colgan (Tr. Th. p. 448.) calls him Aldus the sixth, in
consequence of his having added a unit to the number of every
king of that name, beginning with Aidus, son of Anmireus, in the
sixth century, whom he calls Aidus thf second, while by others
he is called the first: _ ''JIt
(78) Ware, Antiq. cap. 24. He says that in 798 they infested
Ulster ; but this must be understood as relative to the coast, and
tb partial landings ; for from what follows it appears, that there
was no general landing, and that they did not advance far into
Ireland until 807-
(79) Annals of Ulster, op. Johnston at A. 801 (802), and 4
Masters (in Tr. Th.p. 500.) who mention an earlier conflagration
of Hyin 797(798).
(80) Annals of Ulster, ib. ad A, 805 (806). Smith (App. to
Life of St. C.) says, that in this havock 68 monks were killed
by th6se foreigners (Gals).
(81) Ware Antiq. cap. 24. and Annals of Ulster, ib.
(82) Eginhard, who is quoted by Usher (p. 73 L), has at A.
812; " Classis Nordmannorum Hiberniam Scotorum insulam
aggressa, commissoque cum Scotis prstelio, parte non raodica
Nordmannorum interfecta, turpiter fugiendo domum reversa est."
The same date and account are given by the chroniclers Rhe-
gino and Jfermannus Contractus. See Ware, ib. who adds, that.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 243
according to the Irish histories, the Danes were about these times
defeated in two engagements. One of them was, in all appear
ance, fought in 811, at which -the Ulster Annals, calling it 810,
mark, a slaughter of the Gals in Ulster.
(83) Ware ib. O'Flaherty (Ogygia, Part. in. cap. 93.) says,
that Turgesius arrived in 815, and that thenceforth the so called
Danes began to be settled in Ireland. Usher (Ind. Chron.) as
signs his arrival to 818; for thus his words must be understood,
whereas elsewhere (p. 860) reckoning the 30 years of the tyranny
of TurgesiuS he makes A. 848 the last of them. But the date 815,
or about it, suppose the beginning of 816, is probably more cor
rect ; and Usher seems to have had no other reason for marking
818, than his having read in Giral%s Cambrensis that Turgesius
devastated Ireland for about 30 years; which UShef explained as
exactly 30 years. Then finding that, in all probability, the last
year of that persecution was 848, he reckoned back merely to
818. Yet the about 30 years of Giraldus may be well supposed
to have been really 32 or 33 ; and Ware and O'Flaherty had, we
may be sure, some good reasons for the date 815. For, although
Ware mentions 818 as given, by some (meaning, I think, Usher),
yet he first lays down 815, or about jt.
(84) See TV. Th. p. 4,4,8.
(85) Ware Antiq. cap. 4. and OFlaherty, toe. cit. Ware adds,
that, according to some, he lived until 820.
(86) O'Flaherty, ib. Ware allows him only 12 years, and
places his death in 832, while O'Flaherty assigns it to 833.
(87) This river, which flows near Armagh, is now called Catten.
The 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 448.) say that, from having been
drowned in it Niell was surnamed Calne. >
(88) O'Flaherty, ib.Ware agrees with him as to this king's
death in 846.
(89) Ware (Ant. cap. 4.) has A. 862. He observes, that Mel-
seachlain was buried at Clonmacnois.
(90) Ware, having placed the accession of Aidus VI. in 862;
says that he reigned almost 17 years, and thus comes to the same
point with O'Flaherty in assigning his death to A. 879. He was
mistaken as to the situation of Druim-inisduinn, where the 4>
Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 448.) tell us that this king died. It was
not in Tirconnel, as he says, but in Conall-murtheimhne, and in the
n 2

244 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
now county of Louth, about three miles from Drogheda. (See Tr.
Th. p. 174. and Archdall at Drumshallon.) Owing to the name
Conall appearing in the denomination of those two territories,
they have sometimes been confounded together.
(91) O'Flaherty {ib.) gives thisking 37 years; Ware (Ant.cap.
4.) has 86 years, sue months, and five days, adding that he died at
Taken (famous for its sports) aged 68. Yet he affixes his death, as
well as O'Flaherty, to A. D. 916.
§. ix. During the reign of Aidus Ordnidhe, and
in the year 800, the Irish clergy obtained a privilege
of the greatest importance. The practice, so 'fatal
to ecclesiastical discipline, of compelling bishops and
abbots to attend kings in their military expeditions
had crept into Ireland. Aidus having, on occasion
of a quarrel with the people of Leinster, laid waste
that province, was determined to proceed still
further against them, and for that purpose raised in
that year a great army from all the other parts of
Ireland, and of all descriptions, not excepting even
the clergy. Among others he was accompanied by
Conmach, archbishop of Armagh, and Fothadius a
most learned and holy lecturer and writer of said
city, celebrated for his knowledge of the Canons, on
which account he was called Fothadius deCanonibus.
The army -being arrived at the frontiers of Leinster
and Meath, the clergy began to complain of their
being forced to perform military duty, and applied
to the king for an exemption from it. He answered,
that he would agree to whatever should be decided
on this point by Fothadius, who accordingly drew up
a statement, in which he maintained that the clergy
ought not to be charged with a service so unbecoming
their- profession, and which produced the wished for
effect. (92)
Fothadius is said to have presented a copy of this
tract to the hagiologist Aengus, from whom he had
received on this occasion a copy of one of his works*

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 245
viz. the Festilogium, which he had just completed.
This celebrated man, who, as we have seen, had
spent some years with St. Moelruan of Tallaght, (93)
was of an illustrious family descended from the
ancient princes of Dalaradia in Ulster. His father
was Aengavan, the son of Hoblen ; and accordingly
Aengus has been usually distinguished from others
of that name by the addition of the surname son qf
Hua- Hoblen. He embraced the monastic state in
the monastery of Clonenagh (Queen's county) under
the holy abbot Moelatgen, (94) and made great pro
gress in piety and learning. He was wont to spend
a great part of his time in a lonesome spot not far
distant from Clonenagh, and which from him has
been called Disert Aengus, where he occupied him
self in reading the psalms and in constant prayer.
His reputation for sanctity becoming very great, he
wished to withdraw from the scene of it and to hide
himself in some place, where he was not known.
Having heard of the strict and exemplary manner,
in which St. Moelruan governed his monastery, he
determined on placing himself under his direction,
and set out for Tallaght.
(92) See the 4 Masters, at A . 799 (800) ap. A A. SS. p. 583,
and Harris, Writers at Fothadius.
(9$) Above §. 6. Colgan has the Acts of St. Aengus at xi.
March. (94) According to the 4 Masters, (ap. A A. SS. p. 582.) Moel-
atgen died in 767 (768) and his memory was revered on the 21st
of October. §. x. When arrived there he concealed his name
and whatever clerical rank he had been raised to,
and requested to be received as a novice. (95) It is
said that he was employed for seven years in the most
laborious avocations, such as reaping, threshing, &c.
His humility and the austerity of his life were so
remarkable* that he was called Cele-De or Ceile-De

246 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
that is, a servant or companion of God. (96) At
length his rank and acquirements were discovered
by Moelruan in consequence of his having assisted
one of the school boys of the monastery in preparing
his task, at which he had been either dull or negli
gent, and who was afraid of being punished by
Moelruan. The boy hid himself in the barn, where
Aengus was working, who, taking compassion on
him, helped him so well that he was enabled to go
through his task to the great satisfaction of his
master, (97) who, surprized at this change, pressed
the boy to tell him how it had come to pass, and,
although Aengus had cautioned him to be silent,
compelled him to relate the whole circumstance.
Moelruan, who had hitherto considered Aengus as
an illiterate rustic, flew to the barn and embracing
him complained of his having so long concealed his
character, and expressed his deep regret for the
humble and abject manner, in which he had been
hitherto treated. ,Aengus, throwing himself at his
feet, begged pardon for what he had done. Hence
forth he was held by him in the greatest considera
tion ; and it is probable that he remained at Tallaght
until Moelruan's death in 788. He became after
wards abbot, apparently, of Clonenagh or of Disert-
Aengus, or probably of both places, (98) after he had
returned thither from Tallaght. Aengus was raised
also to the episcopal rank, without leaving the mo
nastery or monasteries, which he governed. (99) He
died on a Friday, the eleventh of March, but in
what year is not recorded, (100) and was buried at
Clonenagh. Several works are attributed to this saint. He is
named as one of the authors of the very copious
Martyrology of Tallaght, (101) which, it seems,
he began to labour at jointly with St. Moelruan after
he was recognized by him. Whether he finished
his part of it during Moelruan's life time it is difficult
to ascertain ; but the present text of this martyrology

CHAP. XX. OE IRELAND. 247
shows, that it has been augmented by some later
writer or writers. Besides its containing the festivals
of Aengus himself and of Moelruan, it has those of
other holy persons down to the close of the ninth
century. (102) From that large work, as far as it
went in his time, Aengus is stated to have extracted
his Festilogium, a small calendar written in Irish
verse, in which he mentions at each day only some
principal saints, and which he used for his private
devotion with regard to them. (103) He composed
another work on the saints of Ireland, divided into
five small books; 1. containing the names of .345
bishops, 299 priests and abbots, and 78 deacons ; 2.
entitled of Homonymous saints, or saints of the same
names, by some of which, ex. c. Colman, an ex
traordinary number was called ; (104) 3. the Book
of sons and daughters, giving an account of holy
persons born of the same parents, &c. 4 ; the
maternal genealogy of about 210 Irish saints ; 5. a
collection of litanies, in which are invoked groups of
saints, among whom are included several foreigners
that died in Ireland. (105) This work is sometimes
called Saltuirna-rann, that is the Metrical or Mul
tipartite Psalter. (106) There is another Saltuir
na-rann, a poetical work, written' also by Aengus,
comprizing the history of the Old Testament, which
he put into the form of prayers and praises to
Go'd. (107)
(95) Harris { Writers at Aengus) says that he was received as a
lay brother. Colgan indeed, from whom he took his account of
Aengus, seems to have thought so ; for he represents him as a
conversus, the term by which a lay brother is usually distinguished
from a clerical one. But, if this was Colgan's meaning, he was
certainly mistaken ; for the distinction between clerical and lay
monks or brethren, as it is now understood, was not known in
Ireland at that period, nor, it seems, any where until the eleventh
century, (See Fleury, Discours septieme surf Hist. Eccl. and Instit.
au Droit Eccl. Part. 1. ch. 25.) In older times some monks, it is

248 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORT CHAP. XX,
true, were raised more or less to the clerical rank, and the number
of such promotions appears to have increased with the course of
ages ; but there was not as yet any radical distinction of classes in
the religious institutions, so as that one of them was perpetually de
barred from any ecclesiastical promotion, and destined to toil in
the fields and elsewhere as subordinate to the other, and, in fact,
as servants of the clerical or higher class.
(96) Toland pretends, ( Nazarenus, Letter II. sect. 3.) that the
surname Ceile-De given to Aengus indicated an office or par
ticular sort of profession, and that he was one of that sort
of clergymen, who have been afterwards called Culdees. But
Aengus was a monk, whereas the Culdees, as will be seen else
where, were the secular canons of cathedrals or collegiate
churches, such as we call prebendaries. It is a palpable mistake
to suppose, that they were a monastic order. The title Ceile-De,
as applied to Aengus, had nothing to do with them, and it is
more than probable, that in his time there was not as yet any such
institution as that of those so much talked of Culdees. Aengus's
surname was peculiar to himself, unless it should be supposed that
all, that is said of his having been a monk, &c. is false. Many
Irish names began with Ceile, Cele, or, with the corresponding
word Gilla, followed by that of our Saviour or some saint. Thus
we find Cele-Christ, Cele-Peter, Gilla- Patrick, &c. i. e. servant of
Christ, &c.
(97) It is thus, I think, that the anecdote related in Aengus'
Acts ought to be understood. The boy's improvement is indeed
stated as miraculous, and as a supernatural consequence of his
having slept for a while on the bosom of Aengus. But it can be
well accounted for without recurring to a miracle.
(98) Another Aengus, who was almost contemporary with this
saint, and who has left an elegant poem in praise of him, from which
Colgan derived a great part of his Acts, hints that he was abbot
at Clonenagh, and also at Disert- Aengus. Colgan observes, that
his hints are stronger as to the latter place. But the matter can
be easily settled. As they were near each other, both lying in
the barony of Maryborough, Aengus might have been abbot of
the two establishments ; and that of Disert- Aengus, which com
menced with himself, may be considered as a cell to the old and
great monastery of Clonenagh! Archdall (at Clonenagh and Disert-

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 249
enos, Disert- Aengus) has inverted the order of the transactions of
Aengus. After making him found an abbey at Disert-Aengus he
sends him to Tallaght, where, he says, he died. Now it is clear
from his Acts, that he was no more than a simple monk, when he
removed to Tallaght j and as to the place of his death, it was not
Tallaght ; for, as we find in said Acts, he was buried at Clone
nagh. The Aengus, panegyrist of the saint, seems to have been,
as Colgan justly conjectures, the abbot Aengus, surnamed the
Wise, ofClonfert-molua, who died in 858 (859). (See A A. SS.
p. 582.
(99) In various Irish calendars he is expressly styled bishop.
Considering the Irish practice of promoting eminent abbots to the
episcopacy, we need not look for any other see for him than one
of the above mentioned monasteries.
(100) There being good reason to think that Aengus survived
the year 806, Colgan conjectures that the year of his death was
either 819, 824, or '830; whereas in each of them the 11th of
March fell on a Friday.
(101) See above Not. 47.
(102) Dr. Ledwich (Antiq. &c. p. 365) strives to show, that this
martyrology was first written in the 9th century, because it has the
names of Moelruan, Aengus and other later saints. It is true that,
considered in its present state, it was not completed until even the
end of that century ; but does it follow that Aengus and Moelruan
had no share in drawing it up ? He adds, that in its second pre
face it cites the martyrology of St. Jerome. Here the Doctor is
wrong ; for this martyrology is quoted not in any preface to the
martyrology of Tallaght, alias that of Aengus and Moelruan, but
in the second preface to the FestUogium of Aengus. (See A A. SS.
p. 581.) He then tells us that the martyrology called qf St. Je
rome was not known until about the ninth century ; but might
not about the ninth century be implied to take in part of the eighth,
prior to Aengus having been engaged in any of these works ? The
Doctor says that Launoy has proved, that this martyrology was
fabricated about the ninth century. Now in the passage, which
he refers to, Launoy has not even attempted to prove it ; and all
that he says, is that the martyrology called of St. Jerome cannot
be proved to have been written by that saint on any authority
prior to the reign of Charlemagne. But the Doctor cares nothing

250 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX;
about inaccuracies or misquotations, provided he could make the
reader believe, that martyrologies are not to be depended upon.
Yet Launoy was, in the little he has said, mistaken ; fbi^the mar
tyrology ascribed, to St. Jerome, or rather to Eusebius and St.
Jerome, as quoted by Aengus, is mentioned, more than once by
Bede,, who lived many years before Charlemagne. Thus he cites
(L. 2. in Marcum, cap. 26.) Martyr ologium Eusebii et Hiero-
nymi vocabulis insignitum ; and (Retract, in Act. Ap. cap.l.)
states, that Eusebius is said to have been the author, and Jerome
the translator. (See more in Bollandus' General Preface, cap. 4.
§ . 4. at 1 January). That Eusebius compiled a sort qf martyrology
is certain; (ib. cap., 1, §.3.) and the learned Bollandists Hens-
chenius ^nd Papebrochius ( Prolog, ad Martyrol. Bed. at March,
Tom. 2.) were inclined to think, that it was not only translated,
but likewise augmented, by St. Jerome. Be this as it may, it is
well known that what is now called the Martyrology of St. Jerome
was not written by him ; but it is supposed to have been originally
compiled not long after his time, and is considered by many very
learned men to be the oldest extant. D'Achery has published it,
( Spicileg. Tom. 4.) and in his Monitum states , from Henry Va
lois, that it was used by Gregory the greatj ,and existed many
years earlier. Since .those times some names have been added to
it, such as that of Gregory himself, which D'Achery has marked
in Italics. Among them .is that qf St. Patrick, and perhaps the
Doctor had heard so, on wbich account he wished to decry its
antiquity. Much more might be said on this subject, were this'
the place for doing so. Meanwhile the reader may consult also
Tillemont. Hist. Eccl. Tom. xii. at St. Jerome, art. 144.
(103) Besides the constant tradition of this tract having been
written by Aengus, and his having presented a copy of it to
Fothadius in 800, as asserted by, the Scholiast on it (A A. SS.p.
581.) it is to be observed, that in the first preface king Dunnchad
is spoken of as not long dead at the time the author was writing or
had finished it. Dunnchad died in 797.
(104) AA. SS. ib. and Preface.
(105) Colgan (ib. p. 539) gives a specimen of these litanies, in
wh|ch Aengus invokes Roman, Italian, Gallic, British, English,
and even Egyptian saints, whose remains he represented as in
Ireland, specifying the very places.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 2.51
(106) Under this title Colgan says (ib, p. 582.) that it appears
in some old I^ish MSS. and that he got a part of it with the in
scription, from Saltuir-na-rann composed by Aengus Cele-De.
He observes that the latest saint mentioned in it is St. Tigernach,
son of St. Mella, and founder of Doife-melle, (see Chap. xix. §.
13.) who died abbot of Kill-achad, in the now county of Cavan,
on the 4th of November, A. D. 805 (806). (See AA. SS. p. 796.
and Archdall at Killachad.) This is a strong proof of the asser
tion that Aengus was the author of this work.
(107) Colgan, A A. SS. p. 582. Harris ( Writers at Aengus)
says that some ascribe to Aengus a Psdter-na-rann, a miscellany
on Irish affairs, Aengus wrote no such work, and his only Psal
ter, or Saltuir-na-rann were those above mentioned. Harris got
his information either from Toland, or from some one who took it
from him. In his Nazarenus (Letter n. sect. 3.) Toland says that
Aengus wrote a chronicle, entitled Psalter-na-rann. This is a lie
invented by that impious writer, who did not wish to let it be
known, that Aengus was chiefly employed in treating of saints,
and that he uped to invoke them. And (ib. Chap. n. §. 8.) he tells
a still more monstrous lie, viz. that the Irish used not to pray to
saints. Now there is nothing more clear in our ecclesiastical his
tory than that the ancient Irish were in the habit of invoking them.
Dungal, a most learned Irishman of these times, defends this
practice against Claudius, as will be seen lower down. Brogan,
who in the seventh century wrote a life of St. Brigid in Irish verse,
(see Not. 18. to Chap, viii.) often inyokes her in the course of it
concluding with these words ; " There are two holy virgins in
heaven, who may undertake my protection, Mary and St. Brigid,
on whose patronage let each qf us depend." See also, to omit
many other proofs, Adamnan, Vit. S. Col. L. 2. c. 45. The prac
tice was so general in Ireland, and so well known to learned men,
who have dipped into our history, that Usher in his Discourse on
the Religion of the ancient Irish, found it expedient not to touch
on the invocation of saints.
( 108) Ware, Bishops at Armagh. He took this date from the
4 Masters, (ap. Tr. Th. p. 294.) who have A. 806, i. e. 807.
making no mention of the fourteen years, during which Conmach
held the see according to the catalogue of the Psalter of Cashel.
(Above §. 6.) Ware's reason for omitting these years must have

252 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
been his inability to reconcile the date 807 for his death with that
of 791 for the death of Cudiniscus, whereas between them there
were sixteen years. And indeed I do not know how they can be
reconciled, §. xi. Conmach, archbishop of Armagh, died
suddenly in, it is said, the year 807, (108) and
was succeeded by Focbach, son of one Gorman, and
a scribe and lecturer of Armagh. He was a native
of Kinel-Torbach, or Hua Kellach in the territory
of the Bregen^es, an eastern part of Meath, and held
the see only one year. (109) His successor was Nuad,
(110) called qf Loch-uama, (a lake in some part
of Breffny) either from his having been born near it,
or from his having led the life' of an anchoret in its
neighbourhood, (ill) He afterwards presided over
a monastery until he was raised in 808 to the see of
Armagh, which he governed for somewhat more
than three years, until his death oh the 19th of
February, A. D. 812. (112) Not long before, viz.
in 811, he made a visitation of some part of Con
naught, and on that occasion relieved some churches
there from an annual offering, which used to be
made to that of Armagh. (113) Next after him we
find Flangus, son of Longsech, to whom thirteen
years are assigned, and who died in 826. (114) Bressal
abbot of Hy, who died in 797> (1 15) was succeeded
by Conmach, a man of great learning, whose death
is assigned to the following year (116) The next
abbot was Kellach, son of Congal, who lived until
81 1. (117) He was, in all probability, the founder
of the church and monastery of Kells in the .year
807, (118) after the dreadful havock caused in Hy
by the Danes in 806. (119) His successor Diermit
carried off the shrine and remains of St. Columba to
the mainland of North Britain in 817, lest it should
fall into the hands of those pirates. (120) The time
of Diermit's death is not recorded ; but he was still
abbot of Hy, when St. Blaithmaic was killed there

CHAP. XX. OP IRELAND. 258
by the Diines'in. the year 824. This saint was a na
tive of Ireland and heir to a principality; (121)
but in opposition to his father and others, among
whom are mentioned a bishop and some abbots,
he withdrew from the world, and became a
monk and afterwards an abbot. Blaithmaic had an
ardent desire to visit some foreign parts ; but was
prevented by his friends and companions from
leaving Ireland. At length he passed over to Hy,
where he was not long when a party of Danes ap
proached the island. As he was anxious to receive
the crown of martyrdom, he determined to remain
there, whatever might come to pass, and by his
example induced some others to stay along with
him, advising those, who did not wish to encounter
the impending danger, to make their escape. While
celebrating mass, attended by his intrepid compa
nions, the Danes rushed into the church, and, hav
ing slaughtered the bystanders, came up to him and
asked for the precious metals, within which were
contained the holy remains of St. Columba. These,
having been brought back from North Britain, had
been concealed under ground ; but Blaithmaic did
not know in what particular spot. Accordingly he
answered, that he did not know where they were,
adding that, if he did, he would not point them
out to the Danes. They then put him to death on
the 19th of January, A. D. 824. (122)
(109) On this point tbe 4 Masters agree with the Cashel cata
logue. Colgan says, (Tr. Th.p. 294) that hirmemory was re
vered on the 16th of July, that is, the anniversary of his death.
(See AA. SS. p. 373.)
(110) Ware and Harris (Bishops at Armagh) call Nuad son of
Segen. . This is a mistake founded on a cursory reading of the
Acts of Nuad of Armagh ap. AA. SS. 19 Febr. Colgan happens
to mention among other Nuads, one who was son of Segen, and
who was killed by the Danes in 844, and observes, what Ware has

254 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
strangely overlooked* that he must not be confounded with the
archbishop, who died many years earlier.
(Ill) Nuad's Acts, cap. 2. Colgan observes that the lough or
lake Uama, i. e. the lake of the cave, is in Western Breffny or
O'Rourke's country, the now county of Leitrim, and that it some
times flows back into the cave, whence it issues.
(112) Acts, cap. 5. The catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel
allows three years for the incumbency of Nuad ; but these must be
understood with the addition of some months, reckoning from, as
Colgan (ib.) observes, the death of Torbach on the 16th of July,
A. 807 (808) to 19 February A. 811 (812).
(113) The date given by the 4 Masters for Nuad's journey to
Connaught is 810, that is, 811. Yet Ware and Harris have,
without any motive, retained 810. The English translator of Ware
has; spoiled his text by misplacing the date, 810, and making him
appear as stating that Nuad's incumbency began in said year.
(114) The 13 years for Flangus, alias Mac-Longsech, are
marked in the Cashel catalogue, (Tr. Th. p. 292) and the 4 Mas
ters (ib.p. 294) place his death in 825 (826), which agrees well
enough with the catalogue, if we suppose that some delay occurred
between the death of Nuad and the accession of Flangus. But
they speak (ib.) of Artrigius, as bishop of Armagh in 822 (828).
This has puzzled Ware and Harris ; for how could Flangus have
governed for 13 years, if Artrigius was the bishop in 823? And
from the manner in which these prelates are placed by the 4 Mas
ters, it would seem as if, according to them, Artrigius were bishop
before Flangus, although they assign his death to 833. O'Flaherty
(MS. not. ad Tr. Th. p. 294.) says that Artrigius was perhaps
coadjutor bishop in 823 to Flangus, who, he maintains, lived until
826. (115) Above §. 6. Colgan says (Tr. Th.p. 500.) that he was
commemorated either on 18 May or 30 September.
(116) Tr. Th. ib. It has A. 797, i. e. 798. Conmach's name
is in the Martyrol. Tamlact. at 10 May.
(117) lb. Its date is 810 (811). Kellach's memory was re
vered on the 1st of April.
(118) See Not. 107. to Chap. xi. (119) Above, §. 8.
(J20) Tr. Th. p. 500. The 4 Masters' date is 816 (817.)
(121) The Acts of St. Blaithmaic, written in verse by his con-

CHAP. XX,

OF IRELAND. 2,55

temporary Walafrid Strabo, may be seen in Colgan's A A. SS. at
19 January. Walafrid says, " Strabus ego, misit quem terra
Alemannica natu — Scribere disposui de vita et fine beati —
Blaithmaic, genuit quem dives Hibernia mundo," &c. And al
luding to his birth, he writes ; " Regali de stirpe satus, summum-
que decorem — Nobilitatis habens, florebat regius heres — Iste Dei
sanctus, vitam ducendo pudicam." In the Irish annals and ca
lendars his father is called Flann ; but it is not stated what princi
pality he had. Colgan conjectures that he was one of the Southern
Niells, princes of Meath, because tbe names Flann and Blaithmaic
were rather common in that family. Walafrid gives the epithet
rich to Ireland, and so it must have been at that time, as appears
from the various attacks made upon it by the Scandinavians. This
has been noticed by Simon, Essay on Irish coins, p. 2. where he
observes that money was the object sought for by the Ostmen and
Nordmen, and that they used to enter into piratical partnerships
for the purpose of acquiring it.
(122) The Irish annals agree in assigning his martyrdom to 823
(824). Colgan observes-that his name is marked in some Irish
calendars at 24 July, probably as the day of a translation of his re
mains. Mabillon was mistaken (Annal. &c. at A. 793) in affixing
his death to about said year, and in calling him abbot of Hy. He
did not consult Colgan's AA. SS.
§. xii. To these times are assigned the deaths of
some holy and distinguished persons in Ireland, ex. c.
St. Finnia, abbess of Kildare in 801 ; St. Blatmac
Hua Muirgeavair, abbot of Durrogh, in 808 ; Tua-
thal, a scribe or lecturer of Clonmacnois, in 811 ;
Joseph, a scribe of Roscommon, 808 ; St. Ar-
bertac, abbot of Kildare in 817; and Muredoc,
likewise abbot there, in 821. (123) Muredoc was
succeeded by Sedulius, who was, in all probabi
lity, the author of the Commentaries on the Epistles
of St. Paul, which are universally allowed to have
been written by an Irishman of that name. (124)
Some other works, under the name of Sedulius, were
probably written also by him. (125) He is called
the son of Feradach, and must not be confounded
with Sedulius, abbot and bishop of Roscommon, who

256 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
died in 814, (126) whereas the son of Feradach,
abbot of Kildare, lived until 829. (127)
Contemporary with this Sedulius was Dungal, one
of the most learned men of his times, an excellent
theologian, poet, and scholar. That he was a Scot,
is now admitted by all critics, and that he was an
Irish one will appear from what follows. (128) We
find him in France A. D. 811, in which year he
wrote his Epistle to Charlemagne on the two solar
eclipses of 810. He seems to have been then living
in the monastery of St. Denis, as a recluse. (129)
But he did not long remain a recluse ; for he is re
presented as an eminent teacher, instructing persons
of different ages and capacities. (130) There is a
very neat poem in praise of Charlemagne, while still
alive, the author of which calls himself an Irish exile,
and is supposed to have been Dungal. (131) Af
terwards he went to Italy, where he was appointed
teacher at Pavia of students from Milan, Brescia,
Lodi, Bergamo, Novara, Vercelli, Tortona, Acqui,
Genoa, Asti, and Como by Lotharius the first, in,
it seems, 823, the year in which this prince, having
been already associated in the government of the
empire with his father Lewis, was in Italy enacting
laws, and crowned emperor at Rome. (132)
(123) Ind. Chron. ad. Tr. Th. I have added a year to each
of Colgan's dates.
{124) Of these Commentaries, which are in the Bibliotheca
Patrum, (Lyons, A. 1677- Tom. 6.) I have had occasion to
treat already, Chap. 1. J. 8. That the author was the Sedulius of
Kildare seems unquestionable, particularly as he was living in 818,
at which year, as marked by Hepidanus the monk of St. Gall, a
Sedulius Scottus (or Irishman) was greatly distinguished. (See ib
Not. 68.)
(125) One of these works is the Collectaneum Sedulii in Ma-
thaeum ex diver sis Patribus excerptum; two Grammatical books,
attributed to Sedulius by Trithemius, one in majus volumen Pris-
ciani, and another in secundam editionem Donati ; besides a tract

CHAP. XX. of IRELAND. 257
entitled Sedulii Commentaries in artem Eutychii. (See Usher,
p. 780.) Ware (Writers at Sedulius the younger) attributes these
tracts rather to Sedulius, who was a bishop in Britain of Scottish
descent (de genere Scottorum) and attended at a synod of Rome
in the year 721. For this supposition he had no authority what
soever, except such as that of the liars Bale and Dempster ; and
nothing further is known of that bishop, than what I have now
mentioned. He might as well have ascribed them to any one of
six or seven other Seduliuses, who lived in Ireland in the eighth
and ninth centuries. (See AA. SS. p. 315.) But as we find a
Sedulius, whose reputation for learning was great in 818, why not
suppose that he was the author of them rather than one, of whose
learning we have no account
(126) See AA. SS. ib. The 4 Masters' date is 813. (814).
(127) Ib. and Tr. Th. p. 629- I have changed the date 828
into 829.
(128) Mabillon (Annal. Ben. ad A. 827.) says that Dungal was
perhaps a Scottus, that is, an Irishman, as his meaning is ex
plained by the Benedictine authors of the Histoire Litteraire,
( Tom. 4. at Dungal) who observes that in those times Ireland sent
many great men to France. The very name Dungal, which was
very common in Ireland, would alone be sufficient to show, that
he was a native of it.
(129) Muratori thought, (Antiq. Ital. Tom. in. Diss. 43.) that
Dungal was in Italy when he wrote it. He founds his argument
on Dungal's words " in ista terra, in qua nunc, Deo donante,
Franci dominantur," as if they were applicable to Lombardy,
which then belonged to Charlemagne. But they answer equally
well for France, and from other circumstances, such as Charle
magne having applied to the abbot of St. Denis to get Dungal to
write that tract, it is sufficiently clear that he was still in France.
It has been published by D'Achory, Spicileg. Tom. 10.
(130) Martene has published (Collect Ampliss. 8fc.) Tom. vi.
col. 811. seqq.) various poems written at that period, among
which is one in praise of Dungal, vulgarly called his Epitaph,
although written while he was alive and vigorous: In it we read ;
" Scripturas promit casto de pectore sacras — Edocet infirmos et
validos pariter — Lacte rigans pueros, et dat capientibus escam — .
VOL. III. S

258 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
Hinc lac ut capiant, inde cibum pariter, &c Then comes a prayer
for Pungal's long life and eternal happiness.
(131) The author says; " Hos Carolo regi versus Hibernicus
exsul," #c, This poem is the first in the collection just men
tioned, and is attributed to Dungal by the authors of the His
toire Litteraire, . who praise it as one of the best of those times-,
and think that he composed also some of the smaller pieces in
that collection.
(132) Muratori has published (Rer. Ital. Script. Tom. I. Part.
2. p. 152.) a Capitular of Lotharius, entitled, de Doctrina, part
of which is as follows ; " Primum in Papia conveniant ad Dun-
gallum de Mediolano de Brixia, de Laude, de Bergamo, de No-
varia, de Vercellis, de Derthona, de Aquis, de Genua, de Haste,
de Cuma. Muratori (ib. and Antiq. Ital. Tom. in. Dissert. 43.)
assigns this capitiflar to A.D. 823, in which year it is known
that Lotharius issued some edicts at Cortelona, a place about ten
miles from Pavia. Yet elsewhere (Annali d Italia at A. 829.) he
seems to doubt whether that was the precise year of said capitu
lar. But I find no sufficient reason for calling in question his
former opinion ; and from the time, in which Dungal wrote
against Claudius, it may be fairly concluded th^t Dungal was at
Pavia in 823. He then observes, that Dungal, who was settled
at Pavia, was- in all appearance the same as the writer Dungal,
who is Mentioned by Bellarmine, Dupin, Cave, and others, and
who had been in the monastery of St. Denis. Yet he doubts of
of his having been the Dungal, whom Mabillon suspected to be
a.recluse, and thinks there might have been two Dungalls, one a
recluse, and the other a teacher and Writer. This difficulty is easily
setiled ; for, although Dungal might have been a recluse when he
wrote on the eclipses, it does not follow that he continued as
such during the remainder of his Ufe ; nor is there any necessity
whatsoever for the bypothesis of the two Dungals. If Mabillon
had known that Dungal removed to Italy, he would have been
more exact in his account of him ; but this was first announced to
the literary world by Muratori.
§. xln. Dungal was for some years in Italy when
he set about writing his work against Claudius,., a
Spaniard and disciple of Felix of Urge], and whom

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 259
Lewis the> pious had made bishop of Turin. Clau
dius, who had enjoyed a great reputation, destroyed
or removed, soon after his accession to that see all
the images and crosses, which he found in the
churches of his diocese. Being blamed by his
friend the abbot Theodimir for this precipitate pro
ceeding, he wrote a treatise under the title of Apo
logy against Theodimir, in which he inveighed
against any veneration whatsoever of images or the
cross, and against the invocation of saints and the
celebration of their festivals. (133) Dungal had
for a considerable time often complained of the
proceedings and principles of Claudius ; but finding
the people of the country where he then lived, that
is the North of Italy, divided, some for, some
against Claudius, he thought it adviseable to publish
a work in refutation of his doctrines, which he en
titled Responsa contra perversas Claudii Turo-
nensis episcopi sententias, ( 1 34) It is usually sup
posed that he wrote it in 827,, a date which I do not
find any sufficient reason for controverting. (135)
In it he states that it had been agreed upon in a
conference held in the imperial palace, that nobody
should be such a fool as to pay divine honour to
angels, saints, or their images ; but that, however,
images should ™t be broken, defaced, or destroyed ;
aiid that the rules laid down by Gregory the great
in his letter to Serenus should be observed. He then
shows from many ancient authorities, particularly
the poems, of St. Paulinus of Nola, that images
were always , used in the Church. He maintains
that Claudius, by denying that saints ought to be
honoured, has renewed the errors of Eunomius and
Vigilantius. Then coming to the veneration of the
cross, he says that Christians, imitating the Apostle,
place their glory in it ; that our Saviour did not
intend that his passion should be concealed from the
faithful as ignominious, but that the remembrance
of it should be constantly cherished ; and proves,
a 2

260 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
from many authorities, that at all times of the
Church the cross has been honoured. As to the
invocation of saints, on which he observes that, " if
" the Apostles and Martyrs, while in this world,
" could pray for others, how much more so can
" they do it after their crowns, victories, and
" triumphs" ? he opposes to Claudius several pas
sages of the fathers according to his usual method,
which is, instead of much reasoning, to allege1 the
tradition and constant practice of the Church. He
concludes with saying that holy pictures, the cross,
and the reliques of saints, ought to be revered with
the honour suitable to them, without sacrificing to
them or offering them the worship, which is due to
God alone ; and asserts that Claudius, by rejecting
the cross, declares himself an enemy of the passion
and the incarnation. Accordingly, he adds, the
Jews praise him and call him the wisest of the
Christians, and he passes great encomiums on them
as also on the Saracens. How, says Dungal, can a
bishop, who abhors the cross of Jesus Christ, per
form the ecclesiastical functions, baptize, bless the
holy chrism, impose hands, give certain benedictions,
or celebrate mass? For, as St. Augustin observes,
none of these functions can be duly exercised
without making the sign of the cross. He then
makes some remarks on Claudius not allowing the
commemoration of saints in the litanies and other
offices of the Church, nor -the celebration of their
festivals ; his prohibiting the lighting of tapers by
clay in the churches, and the turning of one's eyes
towards the ground in prayer ; his being guilty of
several other impieties, which he would shudder to
mention, although he was informed of them by
persons worthy of credit ; (136) and his refusing to
attend at a council of bishops.
(133) See Fleury, Hist. Eccl. L. 47. §. 20.
(134) This work is in the Biblioth. Patr. of Lyons, A. 1677.

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 261
Tom. xiv. That it was written in Italy is evident from the Preface
ex. c. his saying that from the very time he had come to the
country, in which he was writing,, he had opposed Claudius ;
" Jamdudum ex quo in banc terrain advenerim, occasio mihi co-
" piosa hoc de re reclamandi occurrit." That country could not
be France, where Dungal had been several years before Claudius
attacked the images, &c. Then his observing that the people of
the country (regio) in which he was, were divided on those points,
shows that he was then living not far from Turin, and assuredly
not at Paris, or in its neighbourhood, where the people at large
did not trouble themselves about Claudius' opinions. Mabillon
not being acquainted with Dungal's removal to Italy, was therefore
mistaken in supposing that he composed this work in Paris ; and
Muratori was right (locc. citt.) in stating it as his opinion, that it
was written in Italy, and apparently at Pavia. It is added that
Tiraboschi (Storia Litteraria, &c. Tom. in. L. 3. cap. 1.) conjec
tured, that Dungal wrote it before he went to Italy. One would
imagine that he wished to appear as understanding these subjects
better than Muratori !
(135) See Mabillon, Annal. &c. ad A. 827. and Fleury, Hist.
&c. L. 47. §¦ 21. It was certainly written, prior to 830 ; for
Dungal, speaking in round numbers, mentions the year 820 as
already elapsed.
(136) It is probable that Dungal alluded to the Arian doc
trines, which, as was afterwards discovered, were held by Clau
dius. See Fleury, L. 48. §. 7.
§. xiv. This treatise is very well written, and
shows that Dungal was deeply versed in theological
studies and in polite literature, including a great
knowledge of the Christian poets. (137) He had a
valuable and large collection of books, as appears
from the catalogue of those, which he bequeathed to
the monastery of Bobio. (138) It is probable that he
spent the last part of his life in that monastery ; ( 1 39)
but at what time he died I cannot discover. (140)
Dungal is usually called a deacon, although he does
not assume that title in any of his works. As to the
part of Ireland, of which he was a native, no ac-

262 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
count remains ; but it is somewhat probable that he
belonged to the community of Bangor, and that he
left Ireland in consequence of that place being ter
ribly infested by the Danes. (1 41)
Claudius, the bishop of Turin, against whom
Dungal wrote, is supposed by several very learned
men to have been the same as the author of some
commentaries on various pirts of the holy Scriptures,
whom others represent as an Irishman and quite dis
tinct from the bishop, who was a Spaniard. (142)
As the former opinion seems to me far better
founded than the latter, which, I believe, originated
chiefly in a Claudius having been confounded with
the Irishman Clemens ; (143) and as Claudius of
Turin had applied particularly to the study and ex
planation of the Scriptures, ( 1 44) I cannot but con
clude that there was at that time only one learned
Claudius in France, and that he was the author of
those commentaries, and the person who was after
wards raised to the see of Turin. (145)
In those times there lived in Ireland a learned
man, named Gildas, who is said to have been born
in Wales, and the son of an Irish Scot. It is added
that he studied in Ireland, (146) and some writers
state that he was a monk of Bangor in Down. (147)
He has. left a work entitled De Computo, which he
addressed to the celebrated Raban of Fulda, before
he became abbot of this monastery, and consequently
prior to A. D. 822. (14S) Other tracts have been
attributed to him, but some of them certainly, and
all of them probably, without foundation. (149)
(137) Muratori in his note on Dungal, (Rer.Ital. Sjc.) above
referred to, says ; " Caeterum liber ille Dungali hominem erudi-
tum sacrisque etiam litteris ornatum prodit, at simul in grammati
cal! foro ac Prisciani deliciis enutritum, ut legenti constabit."
(138) This catalogue has been published by Muratori, (Antiq.-
Ital. Tom. in. Dissert. 43.) and to it is prefixed a note stating
that they are the books, quos Dungalus praecipuus Scottorum ob-

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. '263
tulit beatissimo Columbano. They are now, at least, in great
part, in the Ambrosian library of Milan, whither they were re
moved by Cardinal Frederic Borromeo. Among them were
three Antiphonaries, one of which was perhaps the Antiphonarium
Benchorense, or of Bangor in Ireland, concerning which see Chap.
n. § . 8. and also Dungal's work against Claudius.
(139) Muratori (ib.) mentions a MS. of the Ambrosian library,
in which arc these lin<;s ;
" Sancta Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola Dungal
Traditit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur r
Qui legis ergo, Deus pretium sit muneris, ora."
Dungal here calls Coliimbanus Columba, which was in fact his
real name, (See Not. 1. to Chap. xm.).and a Scot, that is an
Irishman ; for every one knows that St. Columbanus of Bobio was
a native of Ireland. From his styling himself an incola of this
saint, Muratori thought that he had lived for some time in his mo
nastery, which, according to a usual manner of speaking, he de
signated by the name of the founder. It is indeed very probable,
that ^Dungal retired to it in the latter part of his life, and ended
his days there, which seems to be confirmed by his having left so
many books to it. Yet incola may be understood of his having
been only an occasional resident. Could it mean countryman or
compatriot ? His adding Scotto to the saint's name seems to point
out something of that kind.
(140) I find his death marked at A. 834 in Herault's AbYege
Chronol. at the reign of Lewis the pious. -This means, at most,
that he was still alive in that year, aud rests on no foundation ex
cept a conjecture of Mabillon, that the recluse, to whom Ebbo,
archbishop of Rheims repaired on the restoration of Lewis in
said year, was perhaps Dungal. But Dungal had left France
many years, prior to that date,
(141) If it could be proved, that the Antiphonarium Ben
chorense was, as Muratori supposed, (See Not. 31 to Chap, n.)
presented to the monastery of Bobio by Dungal, it might be in
ferred that he had been a member of the house of Bangor,
which, together with its neighbourhood, was at the time of
his leaving Ireland greatly infested by the Danes. Dungal ap
pears to have been an involuntary- absentee from his country ;

264 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
for he calls himself an Irish exile. To conclude our account of
him, I shall add a few words concerning some mistakes of Tira
boschi (loc. cit. Not. 134). He strives to distinguish two Dun-
gals, one who remained in France and who wrote on the eclipse,
and was author of the poems (see Not. 130) ; the other, who was
stationed at Pavia, wrote against Claudius, and left books to
Bobio. The former, he says, was an Irishman, the Hibernicus
exsul ; the other a Scotchman, because Dungal, that gave the
books, is called a Scottus. Then Tiraboschi alleges this learned
argument, viz. that the same man could not be called a Hi
bernian exile and Scot, " because Ireland and Scotland could
not be called one kingdom, and because Great Britain was then
divided into many small kingdoms, and accordingly the inha
bitants of Ireland and Scotland could not be called promiscuously
Irish and Scotch." The ignorance of the history of our islands
displayed in this passage is astonishing. What had the division
of Great Britain into many small kingdoms to do with Ireland,
which never did or could form a part of it ? And Tiraboschi, a
man who lived in our own days, did not know, what he might have
met with in hundreds of writers, that Ireland was known by two
names, Hibernia and Scotia, just as France was by Gallia and
Francia, and that the modern Scotland did not get the name of
Scotia until a period long subsequent to the times of Dungal!
The natives of Ireland were constantly called Scotti, and scarcely
ever Hiberni, at least in the times we are now treating of. We
find, however, an Irish Scot, now and then named with the ad
dition of de Hibernia or Hibernicus, as ex. c. Dungal himself.
From the very lines Tiraboschi read in Muratori (see Not. 139)
he might have discovered that Irishmen were called Scotti ; for
St. Columbanus appeai-s there as a Scottus.
(142) Usher has published (Ep. Hib. Syll. Num. 19 and 20,)
two fragments from Claudius' preface, written about A.D. 815,
to his commentary on St. Matthew, and addressed to the abbot
Justus ; and from his preface to his commentary on the Epistle to
the Galatians in the form of a letter- to the abbot Drueterann.
There is nothing in either of them to show that this Claudius was
an Irishman, except a head prefixed to the former in these words ;
" Claudii Scoti presbyteri ad Justum abbatem." But Scoti was
jn all probability added by some one, who thought, as some old

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 0.65
writers did, that this Claudius was an Irishman ; and such was
particularly the opinion of those, who confounded him with Cle
mens. (See above Not. 20.) Mabillon, quoting (Annal. Ben. ad
A. 815) part of said preface or letter to Justus, has not Scoti,
but Claudius peccator. Ware and Harris ( Writers at Claudius or
Claude) followed Usher as to this Claudius having been a native
of Ireland ; and Colgan (AA. SS. p. 703.) maintains the same
opinion. If he was, he cannot be confounded with Claudius of
Turin, who, as appears from the work of Jonas, bishop of Orleans,
written against him, and as is universally acknowledged, was un
doubtedly a Spaniard. Labbe undertook (Dissert, in Bellarmin.
fyc. De Scriptor. fyc. Tom. 1.) to show that the author of the com
mentaries and prefaces was much more probably Claudius of Turin
than an Irishman, and has been followed by the editors of the
Bibliolk. Patrum, (Tom. xiv. A. 1677.) in a note prefixed to their
publication of the Commentary to the Epistle to the Galatians.
Mabillon (ib.) lays it down as certain, and, besides many others,
so does Fleury, Hist. Eccl. L. 48. §. 7.
(143) To what has been said already (Not. 20.) concerning this
confusion I shall only add, that the Spaniard Claudius, who after
wards became bishop of Turin, had taught in the same place with
Clemens. His department was to explain the Scriptures, while
Clemens lectured on the -Belles Lettres. (See Fleury, Hist. fyc.
L. 4,5. § . 18.) As their names were accordingly often associated,
it is no wonder that some one mistook them as one and the same
person. (144) Besides what has been now observed of Claudius' biblical
pursuits, we have also the authority of Jonas of Orleans, who says
that he was endowed with some scriptural knowledge, " in expla-
nandis Sacrorum Evangeliorum lectionibus quantulacumque no-
titia." (145) Colgan (A A. SS. p. 703.) adduces a very unchronolo-
gical argument to show that Claudius of Turin was different from
the commentator. He says that he lived after the reign of Lewis
the pious, during which the commentator flourished. Now the
fact is that he died before that sovereign. (Fleury, L. 48. §. 7.)
It is true that Jonas of Orleans did not publish his work against
him until some short time after the death of Lewis, and a still
longer one after that of Claudius. Jonas himself died in 843.

266 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
(146) See Usher, Ep. Hib. Syll. Not. ad Ep. 21. Ware and
Harris, Writers, Book n*ch. 1.
(147) See Colgan, AA. SS. p. 201.
(148) Usher (ib. num. 21.) has published from the MS. in the
Cottonian library, consisting 'of 99 chapters, the preface to it,
which lias been republished by Colgan, ¦ (ib. p. 202.) Its address
is, " Dileeto fratri Rabano . monacho Gildas peccator in , Christo
salutem." (149) See Colgan, Ware, and Harris, -focc. citf.
§ xv. Indrect, bishop of Kilmacduach, died in
815.(150) He must not be confounded with St.
Indrect, who is said to have been the son of an Irish
king, and to have been killed about a hundred years
prior to these times, together with his sister Domi
nica and some Irish companions, not far from Glas
tonbury by some West-Saxons robbers. (151) Eocha,
son of Tuathal, anchoret, bishop, and abbot of
Louth, died in 821, and in 824 Cuana, surnamed
the wise, who was also bishop there* ( 1 52) To 825 is
assigned the deMh of Rutmel, who is called prince
and bishop of Clottfert, as likewise of Flan Mac-
Famchellaic bishop of Emly. (153) Cormac, son of
Suibhne, abbot of Clonard and a writer and bishop,
died in 829, (154) as did Tuadear, bishop of Kil
dare, in 833. (155)
Flangus Mac-Lonsech,. archbishop of Armagh,
lived, as we have seen, until 826. It is probable that
he was assisted during part of his administration by
Artrigius as his coadjutor bishop* (156) For we find
this Artrigius acting as bishop for that see in the
year 823, in which, as related in the Irish Annals,
"the law of St. Patrick was propagated through
out Munster by Feidhlim, son of Crimthan, king
of Munster, and Artrigius, bishop of Armagh."
(157) This wais an archiepiscopal visitation of that
province, in which the metropolitical rights of the
see of Armagh, ^which at that time were extended
all over Ireland, were enforced, after having been

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 267
probably disregarded for some time, owing perhaps
to the contentions which had prevailed concerning
the right to the possessions of said see. (158) The
law of St. Patrick comprized also certain dues, that
used to be paid to the church of Armagh as the
chair of our Apostle, and which had been established
in earlier times ; (159) and hence we understand
why it was necessary for the king Feidhlim to inter
fere on this occasion. Two years later, in 825, Ar
trigius went to Connaught, and enforced the said
law throughout its three parts or territories. (160)
He is placed as successor to Flangus for two years,
after which Eugene, surnamed Monaster, (perhaps
from having been abbot of the monastery of Ar
magh) is stated to have held the see of Armagh for
eight years. (161) But it appears very probable,
that the incumbencies of Artrigius and Eugene,
united together, lasted only eight years, during two
of which Artrigius seized upon the see, after which
he was put out to make way for the legitimate bi
shop Eugene. (162) Artrigius, having lost the see,
lived until 833 ; and Eugene died in 834; (163)
in which year Farannan became archbishop, and go
verned Armagh for fourteen years, without being
disturbed by a competitor, until he was expelled in
848 by Turgesius. (164) During these times some
other distinguished ecclesiastics died in Ireland,
among whom, as scarcely any thing is known con
cerning them except their names, I need mention
only two, Aidan Hua Condumha, a scribe or learned
man of Durrogh (King's county) in 828 ; and Ka-
thernac, a scribe, priest, and wise man of Armagh in
830. (165)
(150) AA. SS. p. 254, and Ware, Bishops at Kilmacduach.
Their date is 814, i. e. 815.
(151) Colgan (ib.) treats of these saints after Capgrave and
others. Their history is rather involved and beset with chrono
logical difficulties.

268 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XX.
(152) 4 Masters ap. A A. SS. p:136, I have added a year to
their dates.
(153) Ware, Bishops at Clonfert and Emly.
(154) 4 Masters, ap. A A. SS. p. 360. They have A. 828 (829.)
(155) Ware, Bishops at Kildare.
(156) See above Not. 114.
(157) 4 Masters, ap. Tr. Th. p. 294. Their date is 822
(823). (158) It 'w odd, that Usher has been represented by some
writers, among others Colgan (ib.) and Harris, (Bishops at Ar
trigius) as understanding the law of St. Patrick as a Monastic rule.
Usher- says no such thing. He mentions (p. 919) a rule not a
law of St. Patrick, and then happens to speak of other rules (Mo
nastic) such as that of St. Brendan, concerning which he says
elsewhere, (p. 1050.) that it was the rule called the Law qf Ciaran
and Brendan. But he does not treat of the law of St. Patrick.
If Colgan had read Usher's words with more attention, he would
not have fallen into that mistake nor led others into it.
(159) Keating relates (Book 2. p. 47.) that an interview had
' been held at Tirdaglas in Ormond between Hugh Ollain, king of
all Ireland, and Cathal Mac-Fingin, king of Munster, in which
methods were concerted for advancing the annual revenue of St.
Patrick throughout Ireland,, and that they established a particular
law for that purpose. Hugh Ollain died in 743. (See Chap. xix.
§. 9.) He makes mention (ib. p. 52.) also of a similar tax levied
on Munster by the king Feidhlim son of Crimthan and Artrigius of
Armagh, viz. the persons above spoken of.
(160) 4 Masters, ap. Tr. Th.p. 294. at A. 824 (825.)
(161) Catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel.
(162) O'Flaherty (MS. Not. ad Tr. Th. p. 294.) states that
the real successor of Flangus, who died in 826, was Eugene ; but
that he was in 827 pushed out of the see by Artrigius, who kept
it for some time.
(163) 4 Masters, ap. Tr. Th. p. 295.
(164) See Usher, p. 860, and Ind. Chron. ad A. 834 and
848. The 4 Masters at A. 834 (835) and some following years,
(ap. Tr. Th. p. 295) who have been followed by Ware, (Bishops
at Farannan) say that there were great disputes from the begin
ning concerning the possession of the see between Farannan and

CHAP. XX. OF IRELAND. 269
Diermit Hua Tigernaich, and that one held it for a while, and
the other for another. O'Flaherty (MS. notes, ib.) rejects the
whole of these statements, and maintains that Farannan held the
see without competition until 848. In fact, the Cashel catalogue,
the best authority on the subject, allows 14 years for Farannan,
and places after him (that is, not after his death) Diermit for four
years. (165) See Ind. Chron. to Tr. Th. I have added a year to the
dates.

CHAP. XXI.

Horrid depredations of the Scandinavian pirates
in Ireland — Several monasteries plundered and
numbers qf monks and others qf the clergy mur
dered — Diermid abbot of Hy brings the reliques
of Columba to Ireland — is succeeded by Indrecht
— Joseph qfRosmor, a bishop and excellent writer
— Death qfOrthanac, bishop qf Kildare — Several
Irish bishops and priests took shelter in foreign
countries during the troubles caused by the Danish
invasion — A synod held in England interdicting
the Scottish priests from administering the sacra
ments — Death of St. Ferdomnach — and qfFeidh-
lim son of Crimthann king qf Munster — Emly
laid waste — Olchobhair bishop qf Emly raised to
the throne qf Munster — Turgesius expels the
primate Farannan and all the religious and stu
dents from Armagh — Turgesius killed, and the
Danes defeated and expelled by the Irish — Maol-
seachlin sends ambassadors to the French King,
Charles the bald, to form an alliance with him—
Return of the Danes — Fin-galls and Dubh-galls.
— St. Donatus bishop Fiesole — Brigid, a holy
virgin, sister of St. Donatus, settles in Italy —
Mark an Irish bishop, Moengal and others,

270 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
settle at St. Gall in , Switzerland — Several other
learned. Irishmen, settle, in the Continent.— John
Sc&tus;' Erigena — writes on predestination — his
work -condemned by- the third Council qf Valence
-*T*ac count of different tracts written by him —
John bishop of Mecklenburgh an Irishman —
John of Malmesbury— Macarius an Irish philo
sopher in,Ffanee-~-The abbot Patrick of Glaston
bury — "The learned priest Probus— Deaths qf va
rious bishops and abbots in Ireland, and in Hy —
Ireland harassed by the Danes and intestine
feuds — Irish schools and religious houses not so
much disturbed as in the time of Turgesius—
Deaths of many scribes and learned men — Deaths
qf Irish Saints in the ninth century.
SECT. I.
MEANWHILE the Scandinavian pirates, having
landed in various parts of Ireland, were committing
horrid depredations. In 821 they plundered and
laid waste Cork, Lismore, and the monastery of Inis-
damle, (l) and in 823 treated in like manner that of
Bangor, (2) which, it seems, they had already plun
dered some years earlier. '(3) The devastation of
823 was probably that, in which it is related that
the abbot and a great number of the monks were
killed, and -the rich shrine of St. Comgall broke
open. (4) Whether it was the same as the one, on
occasion of which those pirates are said to have mur
dered nine hundred monks of Bangor in one day,
(5) I am not able to ascertain. In 824 they pil
laged again the monastery of Inisdamle, burned that
of Maghbile, and in 826 ravaged and destroyed that
ofLusk. (6) In 831 they entered Armagh, and'
plundered it three times in the course of one month.
This was the first time that Armagh was occupied by
foreigners. (7) In the same year they despoiled the
church of Duleek, the monastery of Monaghan, and

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 271
the towns, &c. of Connor (8) and Louth. (9) In
834 Glendaloch and Slane were plundered in like
manner; (10) and in the following year they ran
sacked and burned Ferns, the monastery of Clon
more (in the county of Wexford), and several
churches in Munster. (ll) In this year, viz. 835,
a great host of them, commanded by Turgesius, de
stroyed almost all Connaught, together with some
parts of Leinster and Meath, and within the three
following years subdued a great part of Ulster, de
molishing churches and persecuting the faithful. (12)
In 836 a party of the Danes marched from Inver-
dega, or Inverdee, now called Wicklow, (13) to
Kildare, which they ravaged, and set fire to the
church, one half of which was consumed. (14) This
happened after Feidhlim Mac Crimthann,kingof Mun
ster, had in the same year takeu forcible possession
of Kildare and carried off the clergy at the time that
Farannan, archbishop of Armagh, was there with
some of his ecclesiastics. (15) In 837 two large
fleets of the Northmen arrived in the Boyne and
LifFey, who spreading themselves over the plains,
through which these rivers flow, plundered in all di
rections churches, monasteries, and the habitations
of all sorts of people, carrying off flocks, herds, &c.
(16) In 839 they burned Cork, Ferns, and Clonfert,
killing the religious, and destroyed the church of
Slane; (17) and in 840 a party of them, coming
from the neighbourhood of Lough Neagh, plundered
Louth, and carried off many bishops, wise, learned,
and distinguished men, some of whom they put to
death. (18) In the same year they set fire to Ar
magh, and burned its cathedral and other sacred
edifices. (19) In 842 they plundered ' the monas
teries of Clonmacnois, Birr, Saigir, and the church
of Ferns ; (20) and in 844 burned Clonmacnois and
Lothra (Lorragh), besides ravaging the monastery
of Tirdaglas. (2l) One of the churches, which
Turgesius destroyed and burned, when in Connaught,

272 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
probably in the expedition of 835, was that belong
ing to the English at Mayg. (22) Many other
churches and monasteries, such as Taghmon, Timo-
lin, &c. are mentioned as having been pillaged or
ruined during this period by those merciless in
vaders ; and let it suffice to say, that almost every
part of Ireland suffered more or less from their fury.
(23) Every where they carried away sacred uten
sils, destroyed libraries, persecuted holy and learned
men, many of whom they killed. Among these are
particularly mentioned Aidus, abbot of Tirdaglas,
whom they put to death in 844 ; and Kethernac prior
of Kildare, whom with many others they slaugh
tered in said year at Dunamase. (24) To this year
is assigned also the martyrdom of Nuad, son of Se
gen, during the pillaging of the church of Killachad
(in the county of Cavan) by a band of Northmen,
who had proceeded from Dublin. (25)
(1) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad. A. 820 (821). For Inisdamle see
Not. 69 to Chap. x. As it was an island in the Suir, it was very
convenient for an attack by the Danes, as were also Cork and Lis- ,
more by their situation near the Lee and Blackwater.
(21 Ib. p. 633. The date marked is 822 (823) ; yet in the Ind.
Chron. it is 821, owing, I suppose to a typographical error.
(3) I find mention made of a devastation of Bangor by the
Danes in 812. See Archdall at Bangor.
(4) Keating (History, &c. Book 2. p. 50.) mentions these cir
cumstances at about this period. The year in which they occurred
seems to have been 823, to which also the annals of Ulster affix a
plundering of Bangor, and the scattering of the reliques of St.
Congall. (5) See St. Bernard's Life of St. Malachy, cap. 5.
(6) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad A. 823 (824) and 825 (826).
(7) 4 Masters, ap. Tr. Th.p. 295. at A.D. 830 (831). The
Ulster Annals have A. 831. What will Dr. Ledwich say to this ?
He wished to persuade us, that St. Patrick had been brought to
Armagh by the Danes ; (see Chap. n. §. 16. ) now it is clear from
what has been said of the law qf St. Patrick as having existed be
fore they, ever reached that city, that he was known there long

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 273
prior to their depredations. And he calls himself an Irish an
tiquary! ! !
(8) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad. A. 830(831) That there was an
old monastery at Monaghan is well known ; and Colgan mentions
(A A. SS.px713 ) as abbot of it (perhaps founder) St. Moeldod,
a member of the great house of the dynasts of Orgiel, but does not
mark at what time he lived. The Annals of Ulster have a prior
spoliation of Duleek by the Danes at A. 824.
(9) 4 Masters, and Archdall at Louth.
(10) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad. A. 833 (834).
(11) Ib. and Annals of Ulster at A. 834 (835). Clonmore is
said to have been pillaged two or three times before. (See Archdall
at Clonmore.
(12) Ware, Antiq. cap. 24. (13) See Chap. v. §. 1.
(14) Annals of Ulster, and 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th. p. 629. ad
A. 835 (836).
(15) 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th. p. 295, and 629. ad A. 835 (836).
Archdall (at Armagh) in his careless manner says, that it was For-
annan and his clergy, who were carried off. Keating relates that
Feidhlim being provoked by certain proceedings of some of the more
northern people of Ireland, laid waste the country extending from
Bin- to Tarah. "Thus, while the common enemy was in their
country, the unhappy Irish were destroying each other. Keating
is wrong in stating that Feidhlim became archbishop of Leath Mo-
gha, or the Southern half of Ireland. He never was a bishop, but
in the latter part of his life gave himself up to piety, and lived as an
anchoret. He reigned 27 years, (see Keating B. ii. p. 54.) the
first of which was, according to the Annals of Innisfallen (Harris'
copy) A. D. 819, but (according to Mr. O'Reilly's) 820.
( 16) Tr. Th. p. 629 ad. A. 836 (837) In this place he speaks >
of these fleets as consisting of thirty ships each, and yet, (ib.
p. 111.) referring to the same authority, (the 4 Masters) he tells
us that each of them was of sixty. Then in the Ind. Chr. instead
of A. D. 836, he has 838. In both these positions he has been
followed by Ware (Antiq. cap. 24.) But O'Flaherty (MS. not. Tr.
Th. at p. Ill) observes, that the true date is 836 (837). That
of 838 is mentioned by Giraldus Cambrensis. The Annals of
Innisfallen have 836, and state that each of those Northern fleets
consisted of sixty ships.
VOL. III. T

274 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
. ^(17) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad 838 (839) and Annals of Innis
fallen at A. 839.
(18) A A. SS. p. 736. from die 4 Masters at A. .839 (840)
This devastation, &c. is mentioned also in the Ulster annals at
said year. In Johnston's Extracts Lough-neagh is, instead of
Loch-echa, called Loch-da-caoch.
(1-9) Tr. Th. p. 295. and Ind. Chron. ad 839 (840).
(20) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad A. 841 (842) and p. 634.
(21) Ib. Ind. Chron. ad A. 843 (844).
(22) See Usher Ind. Chron. at A. 818.
(23) Keating, Book it.p.50.
(24) See A A. SS. p. 370. and Tr. Th. p. 629. The date
marked is 843 (844) Aidus is called the son of Dubh-da-chrioch,
and is said to have been abbot also of Clonenagh; He was taken
at Dunamase and led away by the Danes to Munster, where they
put him to death on the 8th of July. (AA. SS. p. 356.)
(25) AA.SS.p.S73.
§ ii. Diermit, abbot of Hy, came to Ireland in
831, bringing with him the reliques of St. Columba.
(26) How long after he continued to gove.rn the
Columbian order I do not find recorded ; but it ap
pears that he was succeeded by Indrecht or Indrech-
taigh, who in 849 brought to Ireland some sanctified
things of St. Patrick. (27) Joseph of Rosmor, a
bishop, an excellent writer, and abbot of Clones and
othet monasteries, died in the year 840, (28) to
which- is assigned also the death of Orthanoc bishop
of Kildare. (S0) During the troubles caused by,
the Danes several Irish bishops and priests took
shelter in foreign countries. In a council held at
Chalons sur SaOnein 813 a decree was passed stat
ing, that there are in some parts of France Scots
(Irish), who. call themselves bishops, and ordain
priests and deacons without the permission of their
seigneurs, or of the superiors of said persons; and
declaring such ordinations null as being irregular
and mostly simoniacal. (30) It seems that some of
those emigrant bishops made use of their spiritual

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 275
power as a means of livelihood. The practice of
raising persons to the episcopacy without being at
tached to fixed sees had been carried so far in Ire
land, that it is not to be wondered at that some of
them might have made a trade of their rank. A
sweeping canon was passed by an English synod
held in 816 under Walfred, archbishop of Canter
bury, at Ce-licyth, interdicting the Scottish priests
in general from administering the sacraments, be
cause it was not known where or by whom they were
ordained. (31) It is probable that some Scoto-Irish
priests had, in their flight from Ireland, neglected
to bring testimonials of their ordination, and thus
contributed to afford an occasion for that canon.
St. Ferdomnach, a wise and learned scribe or doc
tor of the church of Armagh, died in 845, and his
memory was revered on the 10th of June. (32)
In the following year died on the 8th of August the
celebrated king of Munster Feidhlim, son of Crim-
thann, after having in the latter part of his life
atoned for his violent and cruel proceedings by a
very strict course of penance and great austerities.
(33) In the same year Emly was laid waste by the
Northmen. (34) Its abbot and bishop Olchobair Mac-
Kinede, the immediate successor, in all appearance,
of Flan Mac-Famchellaic, contrived on the death of
Feidhlim son of Crimthann, to get himself raised to
the throne of Cashel or Munster. (35) He is the
first of our princes, at least of great rank, in whom
I find the mitre and scepter united. This royal
bishop was of a warlike turn, and, being assisted by
Lorcan, king of Leinster, defeated the Danes in a
great battle fought in 848 at Sua-naght, in which
they lost 1200 men, and also in two others, same
year, in which about 1700 more of them were slain.
(36) Olchobair lived until 850. (37)
(26) Annals of Ulster in Johnstone's Extracts at A. 830 (831).
(27) lb. at A. 848 (849). Johnstone calls them " St. Pa-
T 2

276 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
trick's oaths or sanctified things." I suppose he mistook a word,
meaning vows for oaths. They were probably offerings, that had
been made by persons resorting to Hy in honour of St. Patrick.
Smith (App. to Life qf St. Columba, p. 166.) calls them Co-
lumkille's sacred things. Instead of Indrecht he has Jurastach ;
but. the abbot's real name was Indrecht. See A A. SS. p. 254.
(28) A A. SS. p. 308. Ware, led astray by the blundering com
piler of the third index to this work, has placed Joseph of Rosmor
at Clonmacnois, and has been followed by Harris. Archdall has
him at Clones, and so far he was right, but he ought not to have
placed him likewise at Clonmacnois. The 4 Masters' date for his
death is 839 (840).
(29) Tr. Th. p. 629. /
(30) See Fleury, Hist. Eccl. L. 46. §¦ 5.
(31) It is added that clergymen are not allowed by the canons
to officiate without the permission of the ordinary, and that this
rule-should be particularly enforced against foreigners, with whom
there was no metropolitan jurisdiction ; alluding, it seems, to the
Irish system, according to which there was no regular metropoliti-
cal see except the primatial one of Armagh. Celicyth or Calcuth
was somewhere in the kingdom of Mercia and in a central part of
England. (32) Tr. Th. p. 295 at 844 (845).
(33) Ib. p. 186 and Ind. Chron. ad A^ 84,5 (846) from the
4 Masters. The Annals of Innisfallen (Mr. O'Reilly's copy) as
sign his death to 847. Ware reckons this Feidlim or Feidlemid
among the Irish writers, observing that his works are lost. The
Ulster annals call him the best qf the Scots, a scribe and anchoret.
Compare with Not. 15.
(34 1 Tr. Th. Ind. Chron.
(35) Annals of Innisfallen, and Keating B. 11. p. 54.
(36) Ware, Antiq, cap 24. In the Annals of Innisfallen, at
A. 848. Scia-naght is called Scieth-Niachtain in the Decies, i. e.
either in the county of Waterford or southern part of Tipperary.
(Harris's copy) and Ware Bishops at Emly.
(37) Annals of Innisfallen.
§. 111. Turgesius entered Armagh in 848, and
expelled the primate Forannan together with all the

CHAP. XXI. OF 1KELAND. 277
religious and students. (38) Taking with him his
attendants and the church reliques he was sent to
the Danish ships at Limerick. (39) But this year
was fatal to Turgesius ; for in it he lost his life, hav
ing been defeated and made prisoner by Melseachlain,
king of Ireland, who drowned him in Loch-vair. (40)
The Irish then attacked the Northmen in all direc
tions, and drove great numbers of them out of their
country, so that the nation recovered its liberty,
after a devastation of about thirty years, and Mel
seachlain sent ambassadors with presents to the French
king, Charles the bald, for the purpose of forming
a bond of peace and friendship, and requesting per
mission to pass through France on his way to Rome.
(41) Forannan's place at Armagh was now occupied
by Diermit Hua- Tigernach, who is said to have gone
to Connaught for the object of enforcing the law of
St. Patrick. (42) The Northmen, although broken
and defeated, returned again in 849 with a powerful
fleet, and renewed the war. (43) As if to help
them, the Irish began to fight among themselves,
and their king Melseachlain not only made peace with
them in 850, but was assisted by them in gaining a
great victory over some enemies of his. (44) Dub
lin, which was already in possession of a description
of Northmen, called Fin-gals, or white-foreigners,
was attacked in 851 by another, called Dubh-gals,
or black foreigners, who made great havoc of the
Fin-gals and plundered the city. (45) In 852 a party
of these pagan Northmen entered Armagh, and laid
it waste on Easter Sunday, which was probably the
cause of the death of the primate Diermit, who died
in the same year, as. did also Forannan, who had
held the see before him. (46) Diermit, whose in
cumbency lasted four years, was succeeded by Fethgna,
who governed the see for 22 years. (47) Olchobair,
who died in 850, was succeeded at Emly by Maine
son of Huargusa. (48)

278 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAl\ XXI.
(38) Usher, p. 860. and Ind. Chron. at A. 848. The 4 Mas
ters ap. Tr. Th. p. 295, assign this expulsion to A. 843 (844) ;
but Usher's date is approved of by O'Flaherty,' (MS. Not. ad Tr.
Th. ib.) and agrees with the catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel.
See Not. 164 to Chap, xx.) Yet in Johnstone's Extracts from the
Annals of Ulster it is assigned to A. 844 (845). But Usher's
copy of them was probably more correct.
(39) Tr. Th. loc. cit. D. O'Connor, the wretched translator
of Keating, has quite misrepresented (jB. ii. p. 6.) his text as to
Forannan. He makes him say, that Forannan, who was then
primate of Armagh, retired from Cashel with his clergy to Emly,
and that in this solitude, protected by bogs and woods, did this pri
mate, together with them, take up his residence during the
tyranny of the Danes. Now Keating says no such thing, nor in
deed could he ; for besides Forafinan's having been sent to Lime
rick, he was not archbishop or bishop of Cashel. The substance
of Keating's original statement is as follows. Having, in opposi
tion to the concurrent testimonies of our ancient writers, taken
into his head, that the see of Emly was not marked by any pecu
liar distinction, and that Cashel was an archiepiscopal see in
those times, he then strives to show how it came to pass that
Emly was mistaken for an archbishopric by saying that the arch
bishop of Cashel retired thither with his clergy during the Danish
persecution. This is indeed a mere supposition, for there was at
that time no archbishop, nor, I believe, even a bishop of Cashel.
Nor do I mean to state that Emly was, properly speaking, an
archiepiscopal see, although it enjoyed a certain degree of honour
and preeminence. (See Not. 67 to Chap, vi.) Besides, there is
no foundation for Keating's hypothesis that the clergy of Cashel.
retired to Emly. They were more safe in the city than there,
and we have seen that Emly was ransacked by the Danes in 846.
Keating, to prop up his story of the Cashel clergy having been
driven thence by the Danes, and fled to Emly, represents it as cre
dible, because Forannan and his clergy had been expelled from
Armagh. This is truly a queer sort of argument ; as if from the
case of Forannan having been certainly driven from his see it were
to follow, that other bishops, &c. were also expelled. Enough as to
Keating himself ; but how strangely have his words been mistrans
lated^ as to bring Forannan, &c. to Cashel and Emly ?

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 279
(40) Usher (p. 860. and Ind. L'hron.) assigns, the downfal and
death of Turgesius to 848. But the Annals of Innisfallen mark
them at 845, before Melseachlain was king of Ireland. Also Ware
(Antiq. cap. 24.) seems to place them in 845, while Melseachlain
vvas king only of Meath, and before he was raised to the throne
of all Ireland in 846. (See Chap. xx. §. 8.) He mentions the
drowning of Turgesius in Lochvair, and afterwards states, that a
battle was fought in 848 between Melseachlain, when king of Ire
land, and the Danes (without naming Turgesius) at Fore, in which
they were defeated and lost 700 men. The 4 Masters (ap. AA.
SS.p. 509.) assign the drowning of Turgesius in that lough to 843
(844) while Melseachlain was still no more than king of Meath.
Neither they nor the Annals of Ulster or of Innisfallen have any
thing about the 15 beardless young men, who, according to Gi
raldus Cambrensis, killed Turgesius. If it-be true that Melseachlain
was king only of Meath at the time of his putting Turgesius to
death, the statement of the 4 Masters, or that of the Innisfallen
annals, must be more correct than that of Usher; whereas it is
universally allowed, that Melseachlain became king of all Ireland in
846 ; and it will follow that the expulsion of Forannan from Ar
magh by Turgesius was prior not only to 848, but likewise to 846.
(See above Not. 38.) Yet if we consider, that Usher's date (84S)
'or this expulsion rests on strong grounds, we must suppose that
Turgesius was still alive in said year, and that Melseachlain was
king of all Ireland, when he got him into his hands. Giraldus
Cambrensis, speaking of the downfal of Turgesius by means of
Melseachlain, calls the latter fang of Meath ; and hence perhaps
was derived the opinion, that he was not as yet sovereign of all
Ireland. Be this as it may, Usher shows (p. 860) from Norwe
gian chronicles that 848 was the year in which those invaders were
greatly humbled in Ireland and their power reduced. Now it is
natural to suppose," that the death of Turgesius was immediately
followed by the destruction and dispersion of his followers, and
consequently it appears most probable that it did not occur until
said year 848. Lochvair, in which Turgesius was drowned, is
placed by Seward (at Loch-uar) near Mullingar.
(41) Usher p. 860, and Ind. Chron. ad A. 848.
(42) The 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 295) assign Diermit's tour
to Connaught to A. 835 (836) at a time when, according to them,

280 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
he was contending against Forannan for the see of Armagh. (See
Not. 164- to Chap, xx.) But, as there was most probably no such
contention between them, Diermit's going to Connaught was after
848 ; or, if it was in 836, he went thither not as archbishop but
as deputed by Forannan.
(43) Ware, Antiq. cap. 24. The Annals of Ulster in Johnstone's
Extracts state at A. 848 (849) that they came in 140 ships, as do
also those of Innisfallen at A. 849.
(44J Ware, ib.
(4,5) Annals of Ulster at A. 850 (851), and Ware, ib. Also
Innisfallen Annals at A. 851.
(46) Usher, p. 860 and Ind. Chron. at A. 852. from the An
nals of Ulster. In said annals these two prelates are named heirs
(comorbans) of St. Patrick, and Diermit is called the wisest of all
the doctors qf Europe, while to Forannan are given the titles of
scribe, bishop, and anchoret.
(47) Catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel in Tr. Th.p. 292.
(48) Ware, Bishops at Emly.
§ iv. St Donatus, bishop of Fiesole in Tuscany,
flourished in those times. (49) He was a native of
Ireland, and, it seems, a bishop before he undertook
a pilgrimage to Rome. (50) A disciple of his
named Andrew, of a very illustrious family, (51)
whom he had instructed in Ireland, accompanied
him in this peregrination. They arrived at Rome
during the reign of Lewis the pious, but in what
year is uncertain. (52) Having remained there for
some time, and obtained the Pope's blessing, they
removed to Tuscany, where they visited some
churches. On arriving at Fiesole Donatus was re
ceived by the clergy and people of that then very
respectable city with great honour ; and, as the see
happened to be vacant, was requested to undertake
the government of it. At length he complied with
their wish, and acted, for a long time, the part of a
good pastor, until God was pleased to call him out
of this world on a 22d of October, some years after
A. D. 861. (53) Some tracts were written by St.

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 281
Donatus, but none of them, as far as I know, are
now extant, (54) except his own epitaph, and a
pretty little poem, which is prefixed as a prologue to
a poetical life of St. Brigid. (55) Andrew became
a deacon of Fiesole, and remained there for seve
ral years, until by order of Donatus he re-established
the church of St. Martin near the river Mensola,
which washes the feet of the Fiesole hills, where he
formed a monastery, in which he piously spent the
remainder of his days until having survived St. Do
natus, he died on, it seems, a 22d of August, but in
what year I do not find recorded. (56) Dempster,
with his usual effrontery, has forged the names of
certain tracts as if written by this saint. (57) A
sister of his, named Brigid, a very holy virgin,
whom he was very anxious to see before his death,
left Ireland to pay him a visit, and arrived in time
to find him still alive, although very near his end.
On his death she determined to remain, in Italy, and
retired to a forest above Fiesole at the foot of the
mountains, where, practising great austerities, she
led a solitary life and lived to a great age, most
highly esteemed by the people of the neighbourhood.
The year of her death is not known ; the day is
said to have been a first of February, the anniversary
of her great namesake St. Brigid of Kildare. After
her death a church was erected and dedicated under
her name on the spot, where she died, called Opa-
cus, which was, and perhaps is still greatly resorted
to on that day, in commemoration of her, by the in
habitants of the adjoining districts. (58)
(49) In Burke's Officio propria, fyc. there is at 22 October an
Office of St. Donatus, taken chiefly from that read at Fiesole.
Colgan had a very ancient Life of this saint, taken from a collection
of chronicles of that church. Ughelli treats of him (Italia Sacra,
Tom. 3. col. 213.) and calls him nobilis Scottus.
(50) That Donatus was an Irishman is clear not only from the
Office, in which he is stated to have been of a noble and orthodox

2M AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXL
family in the Old Scotia (Ireland), but likewise from his Life, as
quoted by Colgan, (AA. SS. p. 238.) where we read, that Ire
land,, the island of the Scots, sent him to Fiesole ; " Iste, fratres
mei,. iste beatus ille et vere praedicandus Christi sacerdos. B. Do
natus, quem nobis Hibernia. Scotorum insula transmisit." Colgan
calls him (ib. p. 236) a bishop, while still in Ireland.
(51) A Life of this Andrew has been written by Philip Villain,
who makes him a native of Ireland; " Fuit homo Dei Andreas
oriundus ex insula Hibernia, quae alio magis vulgari nomine Sco
tia appellatur, &c. (See A A. SS. p. 236.) Colgan (ib. p. 237)
mentions also an anonymous Life of Andrew, or St. Andrew,
upon which some notes were written by Constantine Caietano.
(52) In the anonymous Life of St. Andrew it is said, that Do
natus and Andrew came to Italy in the time of Lewis the pious,
and Cajetano marks the year as 816. (AA. SS. p. 237) But it
was probably some years later. At any rate the Office of Dona
tus is wrong in stating that they were at Rome in 802.
(53) Cajetano says, that he became bishop of Fiesole in thef
very year of his arrival in Italy, viz. as he thought, A. D. 816.
(See A A. SS. p. 239.) Ughelli also marks that as the year of his
promotion; but Coleti in a note observes., that it must have been
later than 826 ; for Grusolphus was bishop of Fiesole in that year
and attended at a synod then held at Rome. Donatus was cer
tainly bishop there before 844, in which year he was present at
the coronation of Lewis, the son of Lotharius, as king of Italy.
He was still its bishop in 861, whereas he was present at a Lateran
council that sat in this year under Pope Nicholas I. against John,
archbishop of Ravenna. (See Coletis' addition to Ughelli, ib.
Tom. 2. col. 350.) Tbe precise year of his death is not known.
He was buried in the cathedral, and on his monument were en
graved the following verses, which had been composed by himself;
Hie ego Donatus Scotorum sanguine eretus
Solus in hoc tumulo pulvere, venne, voror.
Regibus Italicis servivi pluribus annis,
Lothario magno, Ludovicoque bono,
Octenis luslris, septenis hisuper annis
Post Fesulana Praesul in urbe fui.

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 283
Gratuita discipulis dictabam scripta libellis
Schemata metrorum, dicta beata senum.
Parce viator adis, quisquis pro munera Christr ,
Te modo non pigeat cernere busta mea,
Atque precare Deum, residet qui culmina caeli,
Ut mihi concedat regna beata sua.
If the Octenis &c. is to be understood of the duration of his in
cumbency, as Ughelli understood it, he was bishop of Fiesole for
47 years. But he was dead before 877, in which year, as Coleti
remarks, Zenobius was its bishop. The Bollandists also (Com
ment, praev. at the Acts of St. Brigid of Fiesole, 1 Febr.) under
stood the Octenis Sic. as Ughelli did. They conjectured, that Do
natus did not become bishop of Fiesole until 841 or 842, and then,
assigning to him 47 years of episcopacy, concluded that he lived
until near 890. But this cannot agree with what Coleti says con
cerning Zenobius. lt is very probable that he was made bishop of
Fiesole soon after 826, perhaps in 827, whence reckoning 47
years, his death niay be affixed to about 873. The Bollandists
observe, that Donatus obtained from the above mentioned Lewis,
with whom he was very intimate, some favours and privileges at
Capua, and that the year, in which he obtained them, was appa
rently 866. Lewis was at this time, and for several years before
it, emperor, and is called Lewis the second. He was the Lewis,
who is distinguished in the epitaph by the epithet good, and died in
875, in which year he was succeeded, as emperor, by his uncle
Charles the bald. In all probability he survived St. Donatus ; for
otherwise would not the name of Charles, to whom the empire and
the kingdom of Italy devolved, have been mentioned in the epitaph?
In Burke's Office of St. Donatus, by a strange anachronism, he is
said to have died in 840.
From the epitaph it appears, that Donatus had been employed
in teaching gratuitously, and that he composed some tracts,
Gratuita discipulis dictabam scripta libellis, partly of a poetical
kind, Schemata metrorum, and partly theological, dicta beata
senum. (54) Dempster has made up some tracts for him, which are
mentioned,by Ware (Writers at Donat) merely on his authority,
yet it is certain, that he composed some works. (See Not. prec.)

284 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
(55) The ancient author of the Life of St. Donatus, quoted by
Colgan (AA. SS. p. 238. and Tr. Th. p. 255.) ascribes to him this
prologue, which Colgan has prefixed to the life of St. Brigid, said
to have been written by Chilien of Iniskeltra. (See Not. 18 to
Chap, vm.) Usher has given a part of it, Prim. p. 1060, but
with two or three variations. It begins thus .
Finibus occiduis describitur optima tellus
Nomine et antiquis Scotia dicta libris.
Insula dives opum, gemmarum, vestis, et auri ;
Commoda corporibus, aere, sole, solo.
Melle fluit pulchris et lacteis Scotia campis
Vestibus atque armis, frugibus, arte, viris.
Ursorum rabies nulla est ibi ; saeva leonum
Semina nee unquam Scotica terra tulit.
Nulla venena nocent, nee serpens serpit in herba
Nee conquesta canit garrula rana lacu.
In qua Scotorum gentes habitare merentur,
Inclyta gens hominum milite, pace, fide.
De qua nata fuit quondam sanctissima virgo
Brigida, Scotorum gloria, nomen, honor, &c.
After this description of Ireland it goes on as if prefatory to a
Life of St. Brigid ; and it really seems, that the author of it wrote
such a work. But it is not to be concluded, that the Life attri
buted to Chilien was written rather by Donatus ; for, as Colgan
observes, there are in some MSS. other prologues prefixed to said
Life ; yet if, as I see no reason to doubt, Donatus was the author
of the above one, it may, I think, be concluded that he drew up
a Life, probably not extant, of St. Brigid. Concerning the epitaph
see Not. 53.
(56) See A A. SS. p. 236, and 238.
(57) See Ware and Harris, Writers at Andrew.
(58) I have here given the substance of the Acts of this St. Brigid,
as made up from Ferrarius and others by Colgan, A A. SS. at 1.
February. The Bollandists have at said day, extracted a short
Life of her from Villanis' Life of St. Andrew. In consequence of
their having brought down the death of St. Donatus to near 890
(see Not. 53 ) and her having survived both him and Andrew,

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 285
they supposed she lived until about 900. This is, I believe, too
late ; probably she died about 880.
§. v. In 841 Mark, an Irish bishop, together
with Moengal, alias Marcellus, his sister's son, re
turning from Rome stopped at the monastery of St.
Gall, where the Irish were always well received as
being countrymen of that saint. And in fact it is
stated that it was as such that Mark visited that mo
nastery. They were requested to remain there for
some time, and at length agreed to do so. Mark
then dismissed his other companions and attendants,
to whom, being much displeased at his staying there,
he gave his horses and mules, some money &c. re
serving his books and some other articles for the use
of the monastery. Moengal was exceedingly learned
in sacred and human literature, and after some time
was placed over the interior schools of the cloister.
(59) It is probable that they both spent the re
mainder of their lives at St. Gall's ; (60) and it is
said that Moengal died in that monastery on a 30th
of September, but in what year is not mentioned.
(6 1) Among the persons instructed at St. Gall by
Moengal are reckoned Notker Balbulus, Ratpert,
and Tutilo ; (62) and to him is attributed a certain
tract on the lessons of the Gospel. (63)
In the same year 841 another countryman of St.
Gall, and consequently an Irish Scot, named Euse
bius, arrived at the same monastery and there be
came a monk. (64) Having remained for some
years in the monastery, he retired in 854 or 855 to
Mount St. Victor, where there was a church dedi
cated to the martyr of that name, in the part of the
now Grison country called Rhaetia Curiensis. There
he became a recluse and lived for 30 years in a most
pious, contemplative, and austere manner, until his
death on the 30th of January, A. D. 884. (65)
He is said have been endowed with the gift of pro
phecy, and used to be consulted as such by the

286 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
people of that country. The king Charles (66) had
so great an esteem for him, that, on his request, he
made a grant of Mount St. Victor to the monastery
of St. Gall.
(59) Ekkehard (De casibus monasterii S. Galli ap. Melch.
Goldast. R. Al. Scriptor. Tom. 1. p. 36.) writes; " Grimaldi
(abbot of St. Gall) temporibus Marcus quidam Scottigena episcopus
Galium tamquam campatriotam suum Roma rediens visitat. Cot
mitatur eum sororis filius Moengal, postea a nostris Marcellus
diminutive a Marco avunculo- suo sic nominatus. Hie erat in di-
vinis et humanis rebus eruditissimus. Rogatur episcopus loco nos
tra aliquamdiu stare," &c. See also Mabillon (Annal. Ben. ad A.
841). Harris (Writers at Moengal) makes them visit the abbot
Grimoald as their countryman, haying misunderstood Ekkehard's
words, who calls not him but St. G alius their compatriot.
(60) Mabillon (ib.) says, that Mark went, after having been
for some time at St. Gall's, to France on the invitation of Charles
the bald, and that he retired to the monastery of St. Medard at
Soissons. He adds that perhaps Moengal also removed to France.
But the bishop Mark of St. Medard must have been different from
the one of St. Gall, if we are to believe Eric of Auxerre, who tells
us (Demirac, S. Germani, L. 1. c.55.) that he was a Briton, al
though educated in Ireland ; while Ekkehard positively states,
that the Mark of St. Gall was an Irishman. And Mabillon him
self (ib. and Acta Bened. Sec. iv. Part. 2. p. 461.) represents
Mark and Moengal as countrymen of St. Gall and Irishmen.
(61) See Harris, Writers at Moengal.
(62) Mabillon, Acta Ben. ib. p. 462.
(63) See Han-is at Moengal.
(64) Colgan has the Acts pf St. Eusebius at 30 January, He
thinks that his real name was Euchedius, but gives no reason, ex
cept that this was an usual name in Ireland, whereas Eusebius
was not so. Be this as it may, he represents him as not arriving at
St. Gall until A. D. 854, in consequence of his having supposed.
that Eusebius became a recluse very soon after he reached that
place. For in that year or the following he withdrew from the
monastery and shut himself up. But Mabillon (Annal. Ben.)
assigns his arrival at St. Gall to 841. Eusebius is called by Rat-

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 287
pert of St. Gall (De origine et casibus S. Galli) Scotigena, and
hy Ekkehard, also of St. Gall (De casibus, &c.) sancti Galli com-
patrianus, that is an Irishman.
(65) Ratpert (ib.) has these dates for his death, but does not
mention his having died a martyr, as noted in the Necrologium of
St. Gall, which states, as quoted by Colgan and Bollandus, that
Eusebius was killed by one of the inhabitants, when remonstrating
with some of them on their bad conduct. Mabillon (Annal. &c.
at A. 841.) expresses strong doubts as to this martyrdom and says ;
" Sublestae fidei videntur, quae de ejus martyris referuntur apud
Bollandum." Had it taken place, would it not have been men
tioned by Ratpert ? The same Necrologium seems to make Eusebius
a recluse for near fifty years ; but, according to Ratpert, he was
such only for thirty. Colgan strives to explain the words of the
Necrologium as if relative to the whole life, and indicating that he
died in the 50th year of his age. This cannot agree with his hav
ing arrived at St. Gall in 841, at which time he would have been,
in this hypothesis, no more than about seven years old. A foolish
story related in the Necrologium as to Eusebius after his death
shows, that its authority is not worth attending to in what it has
concerning him.
(66) This Charles was, says Mabillon, (ib.) the son and suc
cessor of king Lewis. He must have meant Lewis the Germanic.
Consequently Charles was the one, that became emperor, and who
is called Charles the fat.
§ vi. Helias, likewise an Irishman, was bishop of
Angouleme during the reign of Charles the bald.
He had gone to France in the early part of the ninth
century ; for he was a disciple of Theodulf bishop
of Orleans, (67) who died in 821. He became a
very learned man and was an admirable teacher. (68)
One of his scholars was the celebrated Heric or Eric
of Auxerre. (69) Helias succeeded bishop Lau-
nus in the see of Angouleme, but in what year I do
not find stated. (70) In 862 he assisted at the sy
nod of Pistes, (71) which had been summoned by
Charles the bald, and in 866 at that of Soissons. (72)
His death is assigned to A. D. 875 or S76. (73)
Among the crowd of learned Irishmen, who went

288 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
over to France in those times, the most celebrated
was John Scotus Erigena. (74) He was of very
small size, but gifted with extraordinary genius.
His studies were chiefly classical and philosophical,
in which he excelled, considering the times he
lived in; but he was greatly deficient in theolo
gical learning, which he seems to have scarcely ap
plied to in his younger days, as he was not intended
for the church ; nor was he' ever in holy orders, nor
even a monk. He was a very good man, and irre
proachable in his conduct. His birth must be as
signed to the early part of the ninth century ; , for
he was a grown up and highly learned man when he
removed to France, which was before 847, as appears
from his having been connected there with Pruden-
tius before he became bishop of Troies. By his
learning, eloquence, and wit he became a singular
favourite with the king Charles the bald, who was
so pleased with him, that he kept him constantly
with himself, and did him the honour of having him
as a guest at his table. Their conversation was
sometimes of a jocose kind ; and although John
was not always sufficiently cautious not to give
offence in his jokes, yet the king used to put up
with, whatever he said. As he was well skilled in
Gl'eek, Charles commissioned him to translate into
Latin the works attributed to Dionysius the Areo-
pagite, (75) and accordingly he translated the four
books De caelesti Hierarchia, de ecclesiastica Hier-
archia, de Divinis nominibus, and de mystica theo-
logia, which he dedicated to the king. (76) This
translation was greatly admired for its accuracy, but
being too literal was considered obscure. (77) It
was published between 858 and 867 ; for it is men
tioned in a letter of Pope Nicholas I. to Charles the
bald. (78)
(67) In the chronicle of Ademar (ap. Labbe Nova Bibliotheca,
S?c.' Tom. 2. p. 159.) there is at A. 819. a series of teachers sue-

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 289
¦ ceeding each other, among whom is Theodulf as having taught
Heliam Scotigenam Engolismensem episcopum, and then Helias
as the master of Heiric or Heric (qf Auxerre) See also Sam-
marthan. Gallia Christiana ad Eccl. Engolism. Tom. 2. col.
984. (68) In the Historia pontificum Sf-c. Engolismensium (ap. Labbe,
ib. p. 251.) we read; " Defuncto Launo suscepit Helias Scoti-
gena cathedralem Engolismensem, qui in Gallia mirijice scholas
rexit. It has afterwards the series of teachers as in the chronicle
of Ademar. In the Gallia Christiana (he. cit.) Helias is styled
vir doctissimus.
(69) The Heiric, as called in the chronicle of Ademar, or
Henric, as in the Histor. Pontif. Engolism. was Heric of Aux
erre, as appears from its being added that Heiric taught Remigius,
&c. His having studied for some time under Helias helped to
make him well acquainted with learned Irishmen then in France,
and with that flock of philosophers, which, as he says in his pre
face to the Acts of St. Germanus, addressed" to Charles the bald,
had passed over from Ireland to France ; " Quid Hiberniam me-
morem, contempto pelagi discrimine, pene totam, cum grege phi-
.losophorum, ad littora nostra migrantem ? Quorum quisquis peri-
tior est ultro sibi indicit exilium, ut Salomoni sapientissimo famu-
letur ad votum." Helias, his master, was certainly one of those
persons, whom Heric had in view; and hence it is plain that by
Scotigena, as Helias is called, is to be understood a native of Ire
land, not of N. Britain ; for, had he been a British Scot, Heric
would not have mentioned Ireland alone.
(70) Claudius Roberti in his Gallia Christiana (at Episc En
golism.) says, that he was bishop of Angouleme during 40 years.
If so, he should have been raised to the see in 835 or 836. But
he could not have been bishop there before 853, in which year
Launus was alive. (Sammarthan ib. col. 983)
(71) Sammarthan. ib. col. 984. Pistes was a place near the
Seme, where it is joined by the Andelle. (See Fleury, Hist.
Eccl. L. 50. §. 20.)
(72) CI. Roberti, loc. cit. and Sammarthan, ib.
(73) The Sammarthani, (ib.) referring to the chronicle, of
Ademar, place his death in 875. But in that clironicle, accord
ing to Labbe's edition, the year marked for it is 876. In the
VOL. III. U

290 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP; XXI.
.Hjstoria Pantif. S(c- Engolism. it is said that Helias brought to
Ahgoulente the remains of the. martyr St. Benignus at the time
that' Charles the bald ascended the imperial throne. If this no
tation he correct, the death of Elias cannot be placed before 876.
For Charles was not emperor until the latter end of 875. Yet the
passage may perhaps be explained, as meaning about the time that
-Charles was crowned emperor. It adds that Helias died' during
his feign. As to the day of his death, a chronicle of Angouleme
marks the 22d of September. But as it is wrong with regard to
the year of it, it may be wrong also as to the day.
(74) It is surprizing that even at this day some writers pretend
that Erigena was a native of Scotland, for instance Chalmers, in
his Biographical Dictionary, and Rees' Encyclopedia, at Erigena,
notwithstanding the general consent of so many men of real learn
ing, who have had occasion to treat of him, that he was an Irish
man. Among the French, Dupin, Fleury, the authors of the
Histoire Litteraire, and a crowd of others ; Mosheim; J. P. Mur
ray, with other learned Germans, all agree on this point. The sur
name, Erigena, is alone sufficient to prove it, as it means a native
of Eri or Erin, that is, Ireland. Instead of Erigena, we sometimes
find him called Eringena, ex. c. in an old MS. written about 900
^years ago containing his translation of the works attributed to
Dionysius the AreOpagite. (See a Dissertation concerning him by
Father Paris of St. Genevieve in the Appendix to Perpetuity de
lafoi, Tom. 3. p. 20. In this dissertation he is positively stated
to have been an Irishman. It is to be observed, that this surname
was given tajjirfi by others; by some, as by Sigebert^ he was
called Erigena; and by some Eringena. Certain Scotch authors,
•according to their usual mode of robbing Ireland of many of
its distinguished men, would fain make us believe that Erigena
means a native of Air in the South-west of Scotland. But, if he
was from that place, would the name not have been Airgena or
Arigena? Qr how could he have Been called Eringena ; for
surely it will not be said that Air was the same as Erin. Besides,
what could Sigebert or other continental scholars of those days
know about Air in North Britain, a place which perhaps did not
then exist? These Scotch gentlemen seem to be unacquainted
with the history of their own country. They ought to know, that
Air, Airshire, &c. did' not, in the times of of John Scotus Eri
gena, belong to the Scots. They were part of the Strathcluyd

CHAP, XXI. OF IRELAND. 291
or Cumbrian kingdom of the Britons, and did not get into the
possession of the Scots until the year 946. (See Usher, Pr. p.
664 and Ind. Chron. ad A. 946. also Chalmers, Caledonia, Vol. i.
p. 353, seqq.) The country of the British Scots lay in Erigena's
days, as well as from their first arrival in Britain to the North of the
frith of Clyde; (see Usher, p. 611, 612, and Lloyd on Cfturck
government, ch. 1. §. 9. seqq.) and although in 843 by conquering
the Picts they extended their kingdom to the northward, they did
not enlarge it to the south of the frith until above 100* years later.
It is true that the Irish Scots are said to have seized upon, about
the beginning of the 9th century, the southern point of Scotland
called GaUoway from Gael, Irish. (Usher, p. 667 and Ind. Chron.
ad A. 800.) But this acquisition did not by any means extend as
for as Air. If Erigena was born at Air. he was a Briton ; but,
should the ancient Britoris claim him as their countryman, or
should any part of England, for this also has been attempted, do
die same, the national epithet, Scotus, is sufficient to decide the
question. The best account I have met with of this extraordinary
man, particularly of his works, is that given by the Benedictine
authors of the Histoire Litteraire, Tom. v. p. 416, seqq.
(75) These works were at that time considered in France as
of great importance, owing to the then prevalent opinion that
Dionysius the Areopagite was the same as St. Denis the first bishop
of Paris.
(76) 'Usher has published (Ep. Hib. Syll. Nos. 22, 23.) two of
these dedications, one in verse, the other in prose. The former
begins thus ;
" Hanc libam, sacro Graecorum nectare fartam,
Advena Johannes spondo meo Carolo.
Maxime Francigenum, cui regia stemmata fulgent,
Munera votiferi sint tibi grata tui."
In the latter John gives an account of Dionysius and of the
four books, concluding with some verses ;
" Lumine sidereo Dionysius auxit Athenas,
Areopagites, magnificusque sophos.
Primo commotus Phaebum subeunte Selena,
Tempore quo stauro fbcus erat Dominus," &c.
U 2

£92 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
Here, according to his usual practice in his poems, he inter
mixed some Greek words.
(77) Anastasius Bibliothecarius, in a letter written to Charles
the bald, and published by Usher (No. 24. Ep. Hib. Syll.) says ;
" It is wonderful how that barbarous man," (for every one not
a Greek or Roman was called barbarous) " who placed at the
" extremity of the world might, in proportion as he was remote
¦• from the rest of mankind, be supposed to be unacquainted with
" other languages, was able to comprehend such deep things and
" to render them in another tongue. I mean John the Scotigena,
" whom I have heard spoken of as a holy man in every respect.
" But he has greatly diminished the advantage, that might be de-
" rived from such an undertaking, having been over-cautious in
" giving word for word — which I think he had no other reason
" for than that, as he was an humble man, he did not presume
" to deviate from the precise meaning of the words, lest he might
" in any wise injure the truth of the text. But the consequence
«« has been^ that he has involved an author, sufficiently difficult
" in himself, in labyrinths, and has left him, whom he proposed
" to explain, so as still to require explanation."
(78) The pontificate of Nicholas I. began in 858, and ended
in 867. §. vii. Meanwhile John was engaged in teaching
philosophy, and, it seems, at least for some time,
at Paris. That which he explained to his disciples,
was of a mixed, and in great part, a very bad sort.
(79) Before the above mentioned translation ap
peared, he published a treatise on divine predesti
nation in 19 chapters. At this period there were
great'disputes in France concerning the mysteries of
predestination and grace, to which the opinions and
writings of the monk Gothescale had given rise.
This is not the place to give an account of that
celebrated controversy ; and it will be sufficient to
observe that, while Gothescale was defended by
Prudentius, bishop of Troies, Florus a deacon of
Lyons, Lupus of Ferrieres, Ratramn of Corbie, and

CHAP. XXt. OF IRELAND. 295
Remigius, archbishop of Lyons, he was opposed by
Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, Rabanus, arch
bishop of Mentz, and some others. A party of his
opponents were not content with having got him con
demned by one or two synods, but, with the over
bearing Hincmar at their head, procured to have
him cruelly flogged and thrown into prison in the
year 849. Gothescale was in this prison, when
Hincmar and Pardulus, bishop of Laon, finding his
doctrine abetted in tracts written by Prudentius,
Lupus, and Ratramn, applied to John to draw up a
treatise on predestination. He complied with their
request, and dedicated the work to them, some short
time before 852. In it he relied too much on logi
cal subtleties, and fell into various errors. Among
other strange opinions, which he is charged with
having held, striving to maintain that there is only
one predestination, viz. that of the elect, he ad
vanced that, sin and punishment being mere priva
tions, God cannot foresee them, nor, in consequence,
predestine to punishment ; that the pains of the
damned are only their sins, or the tormenting recol
lection of them ; that the damned will at length en
joy all natural advantages ; that the irregular move
ments of the will can be punished, but that our na
ture itself is not capable of punishment j and that
human nature is not subject to sin^ alluding to ori
ginal sin. As soon as this treatise was published,
Venilo, archbishop of Sens, sent extracts from it to
Prudentius, requesting him to refute the errors it
contained. Prudentius was shocked at finding in
them, as he thought, the bad principles of Pelagius
and Origen. Having procured the whole work, he
judged that it was of a downright Pelagian kind,
and in 852 set about refuting it, chapter by chapter,
and position by position. The same extracts being
sent also to Lyons, the deacon Florus was en-
gaged by the ecclesiastical authority of that city to

294 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
draw up an answer to them, which he did much in
the same manner as Prudentius had. (80) The
19 chapters of John were condemned by the third
council of Valence, held in 855, which represents
them as conclusions of impertinent syllogisms con
taining inventions of the devil rather than any pro
position of faith. (81) This condemnation was con-
finned in 859 by a council of Langres, and in the
same year, it is said, by Pope Nicholas I. (82) Be
sides the errors of which he was guilty in this tract,
John has been charged with often contradicting him
self, and now starting an assertion and now unsay
ing it. (83)
(79) Mosheim says (Eccl. History at 9th century, Part 2. ch.
1.) that John taught the philosophy of Aristotle ; but as Brucker
shows, and will be seen lower down, it was rather of the new Pla-
tonists of the Alexandrian school.
(80} See Fleury, L. 48. §. 58. These works of Prudentius and
Floras, as also that of John, to which they replied, may be seen
in the interesting collection (published by G. Mauguin) Veterum
auctorum, qui nono seculo de praedestinatione et gratia scripse-
runt. Usher has published in his History of the Gothescaleian
controvery (p. 115. seqq.) an old synopsis of John's chapters.
(81) In quibus commentum diaboli potius quam argumentum
aliquod fidei deprehenditur'.' See Fleury, L. 49. $.23.
(82) Annal. Bertiniani, and Fleury, ib. J. 48.
(83) Prudentius states (cap. 19.) that John pronounces eternal
misery to the damned, to whom he had a little higher up pro
mised joy, &c. at a certain period; " Ecce consuetissima tibi
contrarietate miseriam aeternam indicis, quibus Paulo -ante gau
dium, putchritudinem, gloriam, fulgoremque cpntuleras.'* Floras
brings the same charge against him ; " Mirandum est nimis, quo-
modo dicat omnium impiorum et Angelorum et hominum corpora
aeterni ignis supplieium perpessura, quod superius tarn aperte et
tarn mulfipliciter negavit; quod utique in hoc loco aut fide et do
lose conf essus est; et abominabilis est Deo, qui de fide ejus in corde
tenet mendacium, et in ore vult quasi prqferre veritatem ; aut si

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND- . 2!?5
vere ipsa rei veritate, et timore qffensionis Ecclesiae superatus ne
omnino infidelis judicaretur, hoc confessus est, vacua est oninino
et cassa talis confessio, quam superius tanta et tarn multiplex
ipraecessit negatio." He says also that,, after his, having lajd down
that: prescience and predestination were ,the same> he aftetjyvarcls
confessed that they were different; " Qui kactenus praescientiam
et praedestinationem unum adstruxeras, nunc differre, quamvis
subdole, confiteris." In fact, John's work is written in such a
manner, and in such a constant run of syllogistical acuteness, that
it is often difficult to catch at the real meaning of his context.
Besides, he uses some words in a sense peculiar to himself, par
ticularly the term nature. ' He lays down that human nature
cannot be corrupted by sin, and accordingly cannot be pun
ished; but that it is the will that is capable of sinning, and con
sequently of punishment. Thus, treating of original sin, he says
(cap. 17. §• 3.) that in the first man the generality of nature did
not sin, but the individul will of every one, (for he states that this
individual will of every one was contained in that of Adam)' and
that it would be unjust to punish any one for the sin of another ;
" Non itaque in eo (primo homine) peccavit naturae generalitas,
sed unicujusque individua voluntas — in illo (primo homine) per se
ipsum singulus quisque potuit proprium cpmmittere delictum ; in
nullo quippe vindicatur juste alterius peccaturn. It appeal's almost
certain, that he did not acknowledge any corruption or erifeeble-
ment not only of human nature, but even of the will as caused by
the sin of Adam ; but, for fear of being considered as a professed
Pelagian, and a denier of original sin, he recurred to "the extra
vagant hypothesis, that every one, that is, every descendant of
Adam, committed the same actudl sin, and at the same time, that
Adam did. Thus the sin of Adam, as committed by him alone,
did not affect his posterity ; for, as he says, it Would be unjust to
punish any one for another person's sin ; but every one committed
an actual sin on that occasion. Now this hypothesis, if admitted,
might stand without the necessity of admitting what the Church
has always considered as original sin, or of supposing that either
human nature or any of its faculties has been impaired by it. Then
he adds that nature is not at all punished, because it is from God,
and does not sin ; but that a voluntary movement making a libi
dinous use of the good of nature is justly punished ; " Proinde in

296 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXif.
nullo natura punitur, quia ex Deo est et non peccat; motus autem
voluntarius libidinose utens naturae dono merito punitur'' The
constant perfection of nature is one of his great principles, and
another is, that no nature can be punished by another. Thence
he concludes, that God has not . made any punishment, and that
the punishment of sinners are nothing else than the sins them"
selves. Accordingly he heads the 16th chapter with these words;
" De eo quod nulla naturam punit, et nihil aliud essepoenas pec-
catorum nisi peccata eorum." — Then, going on with his dialectics,
he says ; " Proculdubio igitur tenendum nullam naturam ab alia
natura puniri, ac per hoc nullam poenam a Deo esse factam;"
whence he deduces that no punishment has been foreknown or
predestined by God; " subindeque nee ab eo (ipoenam)praescitam nee
praedestinatam-'' It is a general axiom of his that God cannot
foresee any tiling, of which he is not the author, and therefore he
maintains that he does not foresee sin or evil. Thus, besides many
other passages to this purport, he says (cap. 10.) " Sicut Deus
mali auctor non est, ita nee praescius mall nee praedestinans est."
This is strange doetrine indeed, as if God could not foresee ne
gations or aberrations from bis laws. From these principles he
comes to the main point, which he was endeavouring to prove,
viz. that-there is no predestination of the dSmned, i. e. that1 the
Almighty has not, in consequence of his foreknowledge of sins,
predetermined and prepared punishments for the perpetrators of
them ; for, if he does not foresee sins, nor make punishments, how
can there be a predestination of this sort. He concludes the work
with, in a very audacious and consequential manner, anathema
tizing all those, who hold more than one predestination, that of
the blessed ; for, he says, there is only one, viz. as to things that
exist, but not as to those that do not. Connected with this theory
is his maxim, that predestination is nothing else than foreseeing ;
thus we read (cap. 1 8 .) ; " Non aliud igitur praedestinare quam
praevidere." Here and there we meet with some very singular
notions ; for instance, speaking (cap. 17.) of the fire of the future
state, he says, that it is not a punishment, and that in it will dwell
the happy as well as the miserable, " non minus habitabunt beati
quam miser i" but that, as light is pleasing to some eyes, and to
others hurtful and pernicious, as food is agreeable to some and to
others destructive, &c. in like manner said fire will be chewing to

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND* 29?
the blessed and doleful to the damned. In the 19th chapter he
tells us, that the bodies of the saints will be changed into an aethe-
real quality, as likewise those of the damned who will enjoy all
the goods of nature except beatitude, which, he adds, is from
grace. Here he seems to state, that there will be no difference
between the blessed and the unblessed, except that the former
will enjoy heavenly beatitude, while the latter will be left in a sort
of tranquil state of nature. It does not appear to me, that John
was so liable to contradict himself as Prudentius and Floras
imagined ; but I allow, that the art, with which he manages his
terms and reasonings, is apt to make one think, that he sometimes
falls into contradictions. On the whole, his book is full of bad
and dangerous opinions, and is much more philosophical than
truly theological. And how could it be otherwise? He com
menced it by announcing, that every question is solved by the
four rules of philosophy; " Quadruvio regular urn totius philo-
sophiae quatuor omnem quaestionem solvi." But theology is
founded on revelation, and is not to be mangled by the Quadru-
vium. He sometimes quotes the Fathers, particularly St. Au-
gustin, but in the quibbling and clipping mode of captious pole
mical disputants. John was certainly not a learned divine, as Mo-
sheim calls him, (at 9th cent?. 'Part 2. ch. 2.) although it must be
allowed that, as Mosheim adds, he was of uncommon sagacity and
genius; and I agree with this author (ib. ch. 1.) that he was the
first, who joined scholastic with mystic theology. For, the scho
lastic theology, which the world could have done very well with
out, had been practised in Ireland some time before John flou
rished, as Mosheim observes, (at 8th cent". Part. 2. ch. 3.) where
he says that the Irish, who were distinguished beyond all other
European nations for knowledge, were the first teachers of scho
lastic theology. Whether what he adds concerning their spurning
at authority in theological matters at that period be true or not, I
shall not stop to inquire. I may, however, remark, whatever may
be thought of John, that Dungal; who was not long prior to him,
and who was a real theologian, had a great, respect for authority
relatively to theological questions, as we have seen (Chap. xx.
§. 13.) from his treatise againt Claudius of Turin.
§. viii. Many of the erroneous opinions, into

%9& AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXL
which his sort of philosophy led him, are to be
found in his work On Natures, -a-ipl pus-tiw, written
ihfojrnLGf a dialogue, and divided into five books^
(84);': Itifoegins with a division of natures into four
sorts; I; That, which creates and is not created ;
2. That, which creates and is created ; 8. That,
which does not create and is created ; 4. That.
which neither creates nor is created. In the three
first. books John treats of the three first sorts, and
in the two fallowing he explains the return of the
created natures into the increated one. He says,
that God has created from all eternity' in his Son
the primordial causes of all things, goodness by itself,
essence by itself, life by itself greatness by itself,
peace by itself, and so on as to the other Platonic
ideas. He teaches, that the humanity of our Lord
has been entirely changed into his divinity after his
resurrection ; that the wickedness and punishments
of devils, and of- all the damned in general, will end
at some time ; that at the general resurrection all
sensible and corporeal, things will pass into the
human nature ; that the body of man will be trans
formed, into his soul ; that the soul will pass into the
primordial causes, and these into God, sd that, as
before the existence of the world there was nothing
but God and the causes of all things in God, there
will be after its end nothing else than God and the
causes of all things in God. To this he applies a
passage of Solomon, All that was, that which will be,
as if, he adds, " Solomon plainly said, that God
alone .arid the causes <}f all things in him was before
the world ; and that afterwards he, and the causes
of all things in him, will be alone." (85) On va
rious occasions John speaks like a downright Pan
theist, and a member of the school of Pseudo-Dio-
nysius and the new Platonists. He states that, when
it is said that God makes all things, this means that,
he is in all things, i. e. that the essence of all things
subsists — that in God there is no accident, and that

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 299
therefore it was not an accident in God to create the
universe, and consequently that he was not subsisting
before he did create it. (86) He says, that all things
are God, and God all things — that God is the
maker of all things and made in all. (8,7): Then
we find him advancing some strange positions of
another kind, ex. c. that the division of human na
ture into sexes was a consequence of sin, as foreseen
by God, that the souls of beasts cannot perish, &c.
(88) (84) This work has been called by some s-sgi Quo-iav fitpefiS, or
qf the division qf Natures. F. Paris (see above Not. 74f) suspects,
that ftietTftS was added by some one that wished to skreen the. Cha.
racter qf John, as if, in case he should be charged with the. here
sies, in which the s-sg/ qvwm abounds, it might be answered that
this was not his work, but the one with the addition ^sg^S, 'This
is a far fetched conjecture, and, I believe, quite unfounded ; for
that addition might have been made to the title on account of the
division of natures being treated of in the work, and some old
writers make mention of it sometimes with and sometimes without
that addition. F. Paris had closely examined it, . and has , given
a summary of its doctrines in the first article of his dissertation. • I
shall follow his account of them, together with that "given .by
Brucker in his history of philosophy, as I have not .at, hand, the edi
tion published by Thomas Gale at Oxford; in; .1681..
(85). See the dissertation by F. Paris.
(86) In Deo non est accidens ; itaque non est, Deo accidens
universitatem condere. Non erga Deus erat subsistens antequam
universitatem crearat." ::.
(87) " Omnia esse Deum, et Deum esse .omnia— Deum esse
omnium faetorem, et in omnibus factum." . .
(88) Compare with Brucker Histor.. Philosoph. Tom. m. p.
621, seqq. where more may be seen concerning his extravagant
and indeed antichristian doctrines. Brucker does not, hesitate t&
call him a Pantheist. •-
§. ix. John also wrote a metaphysical tract On the
vision qfGod; but what doctrine he laid down in it

300 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXL
I am not able to tell. His book on the Eucharist
appeared before 861 or 862. (89) It is not extant,
the copies of it having disappeared since it was con
demned by the council of Vercelli in 1050. (90)
Hence it is impossible to discover his precise system
on that mystery ; some thinking that he admitted
the real presence, denying transubstantiation ; and
others, that he denied both. (9l) That this tract
contained, or was at that time supposed to contain,
some errors, appears from an answer by Adrevald,
a monk of Fleury, who in his treatise, Contra inep-
tias, Johannis Scoti, brought forward passages from
the Fathers in opposition to it. (92) Yet it seems
that it was not easy to ascertain in what particular
doctrine John meant to insinuate, or whether he
really denied the real presence, although Ascelin,
who lived in the eleventh century, and who had read
his treatise, thought that his real object was to do so.
(93) If be did, which by the bye we are not bound
to believe, he certainly deviated from the doctrine
held in Ireland concerning the holy Eucharist,
which was evidently that of the real presence. (94)
Nor is there any sufficient reason to think; that it
was on account of this tract that Pope Nicholas I.
in his letter to Charles the bald concerning John's
translation of Dionysius Areopagites, which, he says,
ought to have been sent to the Holy see for its ap
probation, observes that John had been reported by
many to have formerly held some bad doctrines. It
can scarcely be doubted, that the errors alluded
to by the Pope were those contained in the book on
predestination, and which the said Pope is said to
have condemned in 859. (95) The story of John's
having left France in consequence of being accused
of heresy, and of his taking shelter with Alfred the
great English king, is as unfounded as any thing can
be. (96) John was probably never in England, ex
cept that perhaps he passed through it on his way to
France. During the pontificate of John VIII. which

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 301
did not begin until the latter end of 872, he was
still in France, as appears from some Greek and Latin
verses addressed by him to the king Charles, after
which he has others, in which that Pope is praised.
(97) It is more than probable, as will be soon seen,
that he was dead before he could have been received
by Alfred. If there was any time, at which John
would have gone to England in consequence of wish
ing to shun persecution in the continent, it should
have been during the pontificate of Nicholas I. after
his propositions had been condemned by the councils
of Valence and Langres, and after Nicholas had
written concerning him to Charles the bald. Now
Alfred, with whom, according to the story, he took
refuge, was not king until after the death of Pope
Nicholas ; and, after he became king, he was too
much engaged in his Danish wars to set about pro
moting learning and encouraging learned men, which
in fact he did not apply to until about 883. Some
English writers, aware of this difficulty, have deferred
John's reception by Alfred until said year 883 ; (98)
but this is a ridiculous supposition, for which there
is not the least authority in the genuine and coeval
accounts that remain of Alfred's proceedings. As-
serius, his friend and biographer, makes no mention
of Jobn, notwithstanding the particular care he took
in describing the literary men, whom Alfred en
couraged and had at his court. He speaks indeed of
a John, who, invited by Alfred, went over to him
from France in 884. This John was quite different
from John Scotus ; for, as Asserius informs us, he
was an Eald-Saxon, that is, apparently a continental
Saxon, a priest and monk, and became abbot of
Aetheling or Athelingey. (99) The other John was
an Irishman, nor was he ever either a priest or monk.
Yet, strange to say, to prop up the fable of John
Scotus having been with Alfred, he has been con
founded with John of Aetheling. It would be a
waste of words to enlarge on this subject, and I shall

302 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
only add that this John lived in his monastery until
895, about which year he was killed by two hired
assassins. (100)
. (S9)- Histoire Litteraire, (Tom. 5. at Erigena. Mabillon thought
ihatiit was iwrilten before 859, the year in which Hincmar ad
dressed his: second treatise on predestination to Charles the bald.
(See Acta Ben. Sec. 4. Part. 2. pref § . 8.) ¦
(90)' Some learned men, and particularly .Ei Paris (Dissertation,
fyc). have endeavoured to prove, that the famous tract De corpore
et ¦ sanguine Domini, published under the name of Bertram, is
the identical work of John. It is strange, that they could have
thought so ; for there is' a marked difference between the style of
this treatise and that of John's real writings. His style is strong,
nervous, and of a close, bold, authoritative kind. That of De
corpore, &c. is. rather diffuse, and withal often involved and ob
scure, besides not being quite as correct as John's. But it is now
universally admitted, that said tract was written by Ratramn the
celebrated monk of Corbie, who was contemporary with John.
This has been proved from writers who lived above 800 years ago,
by Mabillon (Annal. Ben. ad A. 8^8. and Pref. ad Acta. Ben.
See: 4. Par. 2,§. 6. seqq.) and after him by others. (See Hist.
better, ib. at Ratramne.) If it had been written by John, he
could not be accused of having denied the real presence in the
.Eucharist or even transubstantiation. For, besides James Boileau
jDoctor of Sorbonne, Mabillon, and the authors of Hist. Letter.
have clearly shown, that it does not contain any such denial ; and,
notwithstanding all the noise raised by the Calvinists who supposed
that it favoured their system, the very Centuriators of Magdeburg
state, that it contained the seeds of transubstantiation.
(91) See Hist. Letter, ib. at Erigena-
(92) Mabillon, Annal. Ben. ad A. 858. It is a small tract,
consisting of a tissue of passages from Saints Jerome, Augustin and
Gregory, explanatory of the true doctrine of the Eucharist. The
author does not quote any of John's words, nor does he enter into
reasonings. It has been published by f>'Achery, Spicileg. Tom-
12. al: 1. afrd-siaid to have been written about 870.
(93) Ascelin says that a person could not at first perceive what
was John's meaning as to the mystery of the Eucharist, because,

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 303
like ta. poisoner, he presented some things apparently sweet,
but which would produce death ; and that, although . he alleged
passages of the Fathers, he spoiled them by hi* glosses..: Thus
having quoted from the Missal of St. Gregory the following
prayer, " Berfieidnt in nobis tua, Domine,. sacranienta quad con
tinent, ut, quae nunc specie gerimus, re-rum veritate capiamus."
On this John added ; " Specie geruntur non veritate." Ascelin,
Epist. ad Berengar. in notis ad Vit. Lanfr. Hence he deduced
that John intended to show, that what is consecrated on the
altar is not truly the body or blood of Christ. But with Ascelin's '
leave, John might have written these few words without meaning
to deny the real presence. His object might have been to state,
that although the holy Eucharist appears under the form of bread
and wine, yet it is not really bread and wine, but only apparently
so. Ratramn quotes the same prayer, and makes the same Ob
servation on it as that of John ; yet it is certain, that in doing so
did not mean to impugnt he real presence. Some other proofs should
be adduced to show clearly that John really denied that doctrine,
andl greatly, doubt whether they can be found. Hincmar in his
second treatise on predestination,, addressed to Charles the bald in
859, says, that some persons in his time held various errors, among
which he mentions that of the sacrament of the altar not being the
true body and the true blood of the Lord, but only the memory of
them ; " quod sacramenta altaris non verum corpus et verus san
guis sit Domini ; sed tantum memoria veri corporis ei sanguinis."
It is usually supposed that he alluded to John, because some of the
other errors, which he marks, are found in John's treatise on -pre
destination or in the work on Natures. This, however, is not certain .
and, even admitting it was the case, Hincmar might have misunder
stood his meaning in the same manner as a great number of persons
have misunderstood that of Ratramn. John might haye said in a very
orthodox sense, that the sacrament of the altar is a memory or com
memoration of the true body and blood of Christ, supposing at the
same time that they were really present, although not in the same
form or manner as they were during our Saviour's mission on earth,
: when he was visible, and appeared in human shape, with dictinct
limbs, • &c. If it be true, that John stated that the sacrament of
thfe: altar is not the true body and the true blood of the Lord, he
might have understood the word true relatively to the system of
Pascasius Radbertus, who held that the body of Christ in the

304 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
Eucharist, although invisible to us, is in the same form as it proceed
ed' from his blessed Mother, as it suffered on the cross, and as it
rose from the dead. According to him, the phrase true body,
meant a palpable body, such as our Saviour had during his mission
on earth, and such as he has in heaven. Now other learned
men, and very good Catholics, maintained that the body and blood
of Christ, although really and substantially present in the sacra
ment of the altar, are not there under the form of a true body and
blood, as meant by Pascasius, but in a spiritual, and not in a cor
poreal or carnal manner. Veron says, (Regula fidei Cathol. cap.
2. J. 11.) " that the body of Christ under, the symbols not only
can be called spiritual and Christ himself Spirit, but likewise
"be said to be under the symbols in a spiritual manner or spi
ritually, and not in an animal or corporeal manner or corporeally
or carnally? He then gives his proofs ; " Probatur, quia est
ibi ad modum spiritus multipliciter,- scilicet sicut angelus est hie
vel ibi invisibilis, impatibilis ; et totus in toto, et totus in qualibet
parte ; est enim indivisibilis, et non frangibilis : ita Corpus
Christi, seu Christus, est sub symbolis invisibilis. impatibilis, et
totus in toto, et totus sub qualibet parte, quia ibi est indivisibilis et
non frangibilis. Modus vero existendi corporalis, seu corporali-
ter et carnaliter existere, est existere visibiliter, patibiliter secun
dum extensionem ad totum, seu totum in toto, et partem in parte,
etfrangibiliter ; ergo corpus Christi, seu Christus, est in symbo
lis spirituali modo seu spiritualiter, et non corporali seu carnali,
nee corporaliter seu carnaliter in dicto sensu, &c. Veron proves,
that this doctrine is perfectly consonant with that of the council of
Trent, sess. 13. If John, speaking of the commemoration of the
true body and true blood of the Lord, had said that the body and
blood were not present in any manner, he could be justly charged
with having denied the real presence. But Hincmar does not say
that he did ; and perhaps Hincmar was a follower of Paschasiusr
and consequently supposed that those, who opposed him as to the
mode of Christ's presence in the Eucharist (for as to the substance
and reality of the presence there was no question) were in error.
Nor is there any sufficient authority for making John say, that in
the eucharistical commemoration the body and blood of Christ
are absent. This has been asserted by Mosheim, who writes (ad
Sec. ix. Part. 2. cap. 3. §. 20.) that John taught " panem et

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 305
vinum absentis corporis et sanguinis Christi esse signs et imagines,"
Mosheim gives us no voucher for this position, nor, I believe,
could he. Any declaration of this kind made by John would have
roused the whole world against him ; for, as Mosheim himself,
when entering on the history of the Pascasian controversy, ob
serves, it had been hitherto the unanimous opinion of the Church
that the body and blood of Christ were administered to those, who
received the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and that they were
really present in that holy institution ; but as to the mode of this
presence there were various opinions, and there was not as yet
any decision of the Church on this subject. Now the question ex
cited by the work of Pascasius was relative merely to the mode or
form, in which the body and blood of Christ are present in the sa
crament of the altar, and not to the presence itself. It was said
work that gave occasion to John to draw up his treatise ; and
I have not as yet met with any decisive proof that he went farther
in it than merely to impugn the system of Pascasius relative to
the mode of Christ's presence. Yet, as the question was of a very
nice and intricate nature, he probably used certain expressions,
which some persons might have considered as heterodox.
(94) The very phrases used by the old Irish writers, when
speaking of the celebration of Mass, are alone sufficient to show,
what was the general belief on this point. They call it the sacri
fice, the sacrifice of salvation, the mysteries of the sacrifice, the
sacrificial mystery, the sacred mysteries of the Eucharist, the mys
teries of the sacred Eucharist; sacrificium salutis, sacrificii mys
teria, sacrificate mysterium, sacra Eucharistiae mysteria, sacrae
Eucharistiae mysteria. (See St. Gall us ap. Wat. Strab. V.S.G.
L. I.e. 18. Cumineus, Life of St. Columba, cap. 4. and Adam
nan, L. 1. c. 40. L. 2. c. 1. L. 3. c. 12. and 17. &c.) Strong,
however, as these expressions are, which could not be used were
the body and blood of Christ supposed not to be really present,
we find still stronger ones. Thus, the celebration of Mass is ex
pressed by the making of the body of Christ. Adamnan relates,
(L. I.e. 44.) that on a Sunday St. Columba ordered Cronan, whom,
although a bishop, he thought to be only a priest, Christi corpus
ex more conficere. (See above Not. 182. to Chap, xi.) The con
secration of the Eucharist is called by those writers, immolation of
the euti host or qf the sacred Lord'j sacrifice; and the sacramen.-
VOL. III. X

$06 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
tal communion is expressed by the phrase, receiving the body and
blood qf Christ or of the Lo'rd. In the ancient Life of St. Ita we
read (cap. 1*7.) that on a solemn day, wishing to receive from t!he
hand of a worthy priest the body and blood of Christ, she went to
Clonmacnois and there received in a secret manner the body and
Uqod of the Lord. It is added that the clergy, not knowing what
was become of the body and blood dfthe Lord, were greatly
alarmed and fasted together with the people until it was dis
covered, that Ita had received it. Then the priest, who had im
molated the host, (immolavit hostiam) which St. Ita received,
went to see her, &c. (See above Chap. xi. }. 3.) Cogitosus, de
scribing ( Vit. S. Brigidae, cap. 35.) the church of Kildkre, says
that by one door the bishop entered with his clergy to immolate
the sacred Lord's sacrifice, sacra et Dominica immolare sacrificia ;
and, that by another the abbess and her nuns entered, that they
might enjoy the banquet of the body and blood of Jesus Christ,
ut convivio corporis et sanguinis fruantur Jesu Christi. Another
phrase for the celebration of Mass was, with the old Irish, the
offering of Christ's body. In the first Life of St. Kieran of Saigir
. (cap. 25.) it is said, that on every Christmas night, after his com
munity had received the sacrificefrom his hand, he used to go to
the nunnery of St. Cocchea there to offer the body of Christ, ut
. corpus Christi offerret. Whenever the viaticum received before
death is mentioned in the* lives of our saints, it is usually called the
sacred body and blood of the Lord ; thus we read of St. Fursey
..(Life, L. I.e. 39.^ that he died post sacri corporis et sanguinis
svmptam vivificationem; and of St. Fechin (Life, cap. 48.) that,
sacrosancti corporis et sanguinis Dominici sacramentis munitus,
he gave up his spirit to his Creator.
Besides the use of these phrases, we find some of our ancient
writers positively asserting that the body and blood of Christ are in
^he Eucharist. St. Columbanus of Bobbio, in his tract Depoeni-
tentiaricm mensura taxanda, (ap. Bibl. Pair. Tom. 12.) lays down
Ab. 42. that confession be required deiigently before Mass, lest a
person should receive unworthily ; for, he says, the altar is the
tribunal of Christ, and his body, which is there with his blood, '
marks out those who approach in an unworthy state ; tribunal enim
Christi altare, el corpus suum inibi cum sanguine indicat indignos
accedentes. Sedulius, the commentator of St, Paul, in a note after

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 307
.the word, Take and eat; this is my body; (1 Cor. Xi, 24.) says;
" As if Paul said, Beware not to eat that body unworthily, wbereas
it is the body of Christ; Quasi Paulus, Cavete ne Mud corpus
indigne comedatis, a\um corpus Christi est." Usher, endeayour-
'ng (Discourse on the religion qf the ancient Irish) to squeeze
something against the real presence out of this Sedulius, has very
uubecomingly omitted the now quoted passage, but gives us ano
ther, that comes just after it, in whiqh Sedulius remarks on the
.words, in remembrance qf me, (ib.) that .Christ " left a memory , of
himself unto us, just as if one, that was going on a distant journey,
should leave some token with him whom he loved ; that as often
as he beheld it he might call to his remembrance his benefits and
friendship." How this passage militates against the doctrine of the
real presence I cannot discover, especially after Sedulius haying
Said what we have seen abput the body of Christ. Any Catholic
might speak in that manner, if treating of the institution of the
holy sacrament, which is certainly commemorative of Christ's
passion and the benefits received through it. It is accordingly £
token ,of Christ's love for us ; but this does not .exclude his being
really present in it, although in a manner different from thit, in
which he appeared on the cross. At this very day the Catholics
use expressions similar to that of Sedulius. In a lesson, written
by St. Thomas of Aquino, of the office for Corpus Christi day it
Is stated, that in the sacrament " is kept up the memory of that
" most excellent charity, which Christ showed in his passion —
" and that in the last supper, when, having celebrated the Pasch
" with his disciples, he was about to pass from .this world to his
" Father* he instituted this sacrament as a perpetual memorial of
" his passion, a fulfilment of the ancient, figures, the greatest of
" the miracles wrought by him, and thus left a singular comfort
" to the persons grieved for his absence." Would any one quote
this passage in opposition to the doctrine of the real presence,
on account of said doctrine not being expressly mentioned in it ?
But, it may be said, that doctrine is laid down in a former lesson.
taken from the said tract of §t. Thomas. To this I reply, that
Sedulius had in like manner expressed that doctrine immediately
before the words quoted by Usher, who, had he wished to act
fairly, shouldhave produced both passages. He alleges also what
Sedulius has concerning " our offering daily (in the Mass) for the
X 2

S08 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
commemoration of • the Lord's passion, once performed, and our
own salvation." What has this to do with the question ? What
ever some divines may have speculated about the nature of the
sacrifice of the Mass, it is certainly commemorative of the Lord's
passion, and derives all its virtue from the one passion on the cross ;
and it is far from being an article of Catholic belief, that in the
celebration of Mass there is any such thing as a new passion of
Christ. " What is," says Bossuet, ( Hist, des Variations, L. vi.
1 §. 37.) " the sacrifice, (of the Mass) except Jesus Christ present
in the sacrament of the Eucharist, and representing himself to his
Father as the victim, by which he has been appeased ?" (See also
ib. §. 23.) For, to be a truly commemorative sacrifice, it is neces
sary that Christ be really present ; otherwise how could the Mass,
or the essential part of it, have been called the sacrifice of the Lord,
as it has constantly been ? (See Veron, Regul.fidei, &c. cap. 2.
§. 14-) Usher was equally wrong in appealing to the poet Se
dulius. He quotes a passage, in which the poet, alluding to the
offering of Melchisedec, mentions corn and wine, segetis fructus
et gaudia vitis. But said passage is relative not to the Lord's sup
per, but to the one leper, who, out of ten, returned to thank
Christ. Luke xvii. 15. Sedulius is very clear on the real pre
sence, where he alludes to the Eucharist. Of these passages,
which have been very uncandidly omitted by Usher, although he
had read them, one is in the Carmen Paschale, Lib. 4. as follows j '
" Nee Dominum latuere doli, scelerisque futuri
Prodidit auctorem, panem cui tradidit ipse^
Qui panis tradendus erat ; nam corporis atque
Sanguinis ille sui post quam duo munera sanxit,
Atque cibum potumque dedit, quo perpete nunquam
Esuriant sitiantque animae sine labe fideles,"
And ib. another lower down ;
" Corpus, sanguis, aqua, tria vitae munera nostrae :
Fonte renascentes, membris et sanguine Christi
Vescimur, atque ideo templum Deitatis habemur;
Quod servare Deus nos annuat immaculatum,
Et faciat tenues tanto mansore capaces,"

chap. xxi. of Ireland. 309
tJ
In the corresponding part of his prose work (L. 5- c 18.) on
the same subject he says ; " Omnes enim, qui Christo duce in
aquarum fonte renachnur, ejus corpus et sanguinem sumentes edi-
mus et potamus, ut Sancti Spiritus templum esse njereamur, &c.
AU toe, viho under our chief Christ are born again in the
fountain of ixater, taking do eat and drink his body and blood,
that tue may deserve to be the temple of the Holy Ghost." Sedu
lius alluded to the practice of the ancient Church, according to ,
which the Eucharist was given to persons just after their baptism.
This was Observed even with regard to infants, and continued
down to as late as the 9th century. Alcuin says ; " After an infant
is baptized, let him be clothed. If the bishop be present, he is
to be immediately confirmed with chrism, and then receive the
communion ; but, if the bishop be absent, let him receive the
communion from a priest." Jesse, bishop of Amiens, in a letter
de ordine baptismi writes ; " After the three immersions let the bi
shop confirm the child with chrism in the forehead ; and lastly let
him be confirmed or communicated with the body and blood of
Christ that he may become a member of Christ." (See Bingham,
Origines, &c. B. xii. ch. 1. sect. 2.) Usher recurs also to the com
mentator Claudius, whom he supposed to be an Irishman. But,
as he was not, (see Chap. xx. §. 14.) v.e might overlook what
Usher strove to extort from him. The fact is, that the passage,
which he quotes from Claudius, is quite opposite to his theory,
notwithstanding the quibbles he uses to make him appear favour
able to it. If ever there was an author, who clearly announced
the doctrine of the real presence and the sacrifice of the Mass,
Claudius was one, and that in a passage quoted by Usher himself
(Ep. Hib. Syll. Not. ad No. 20.) from his commentary on Leviti
cus. These are his words ; " Christus in cruce carnem suam fecit
" nobis esibilem. Nisi enim fuisset crucifixus, sacrificium corpo-
" ris ejus minime comederetur. Comeditur autem nunc in me-
" moria Dominicae passionis. Crucem tamen praeveniens in
" Coena Apostolorum seipsum immolavit, qui post resurrection em
" in caeli tabernaculum suum sanguinem introduxit, portans cica-
" trices passionum. Christ on the cross made his flesh eatable
"for us. For, unless he had been crucified, the sacrificce qf his
" body would not be eaten. But it is eaten at present in memory
" of the Lord's passion. Yet anticipating the cross, he in the

310 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI
" supper of the Apostles immolated himself, he ixho after his re-
" surrection introduced- his blood into the tabernacle of heaven,
" bearing with him the scars of his sufferings''
In the passages, which Usher collected on this subject, and in
those whence he undertook to prove that the Irish practised com
munion under both kinds, he found the Eucharist often called
the body and blood of Christ. . To evade the Strength and plain
meaning o'f these expressions he recurs to dialectical and Calvin-
istical quibbles for the purpose of showing, that it would be ab
surd to suppose, that the body and blood -are really and truly con
tained under the appearance of bread and wine. Here he deviated
entirely from the purpose of his discourse ; whereas the question
which he affected to discuss was merely historical, viz. what did
the ancient Irish actually believe as to the nature of the Eucha
rist, and hot whether what they believed was absurd and antiphilo-
sophical or not. But pressed by plain words and facts he took
shelter under scholastic wrangling, in which he was well versed,
although far from being so in real arid staunch theology, great as
he undoubtedly was in histoiy, chronology, and antiquities. With
considerable art he takes hold of the school opinions of some di
vines, such as the Rhemish ones, and then argues as if they were
those of the whole Catholic church ; but after all he does not
clearly explain his own doctrine, which, there is every reason to
think, was rather Calvinistical than conforrnable to that of the
Church of England. As to the communion under both kinds, he
might have saved himself the trouble of collecting passages con
cerning it ; for it is not denied that in old times it was practised in
Ireland as well as every where else. Yet there were cases, in
which that of the cup was withheld ; and we meet with a very re
markable one in the Poenitentiale of St. Columbanus, Which is
annexed to his monastic rule. He prescribes, that novices do not
approach the cup ; rtovitii, quia indocti et inexperti, ad calicem
non accedant. (See Mabillon, Annal. Ben. ad A. 596.)
Long as this note already is, I cannot but make a few observations
on certain notes which Toland adduces (Nazarenus, Letter 2. sect.
1 .) as annexed to a MS. copy of the four Gospels written at Armagh.
The writer or transcriber was one Maolbriglide, and it isnoW iii the
Harleian library. Toland says that Simon, although on Other
points quite mistaken as to this MS. was prettty right in his Bi-

CHAP. X.\l. OF IRELAND. 311
Uiotheque Critique at guessing it to be 800 years old, which would
bring its age at present to more than 900. But as Toland was
versed both in the Irish language and in the history of Ireland, he
must have known that it is much more modern, as appears from
various facts, dates, and names of princes, clergymen, &c. men
tioned in it, and from which Dr. O'Conor, (Prolegom. Part. 2. p.
clxi. seqq. ad Rerum Hibern. Scriptores) very learnedly proves,
, that it was written in the year 1 138. Now who is there so ignorant
as not to admit, that the doctrine of the reaj presence against
which Toland urges these notes, was universally held in the
Western Church, Ireland included, at that period ? Lest, how
ever, it may be said that the notes quoted by Toland, were co
pied from a text of older times, I shall lay them before the
reader. I must indeed take his word for the genuineness of them, as
I have not access to said MS. He has left out some parts of them,
which might help to elucidate the author's meaning ; but, even as
he has given them, they prove nothing against the belief in the
real presence. The first is, that " the reason for blessing the
Lord's supper, was, that it might mystically be made his body ;"
after which occur these words ; " This bread is spiritually the
Church, which is the body of Christ ; vt mystice^ corpus ejus
fieret — ipiritualiter panis hie Ecclesiae est, quae Corpus Christi."
Now the former words, instead of meaning what ToJand wished
to insinuate prove the reverse. The phrase, to be made his body,
conveys the idea of the real presence. Its being said that this is
done mystically is just as if wo should say that it is done in a
mysterious manner, and surely this is held and spoken of by every
Catholic. Instead of mystically, it is usual at present, in ex
pressing the effect of the consecration of the elements, to say
sacramentally. Thus the council of Trent, (Sess. 13. cap. 1.)
after having laid down " that Christ is truly, really and sub
stantially present in the sacrament of the Eucharist under the ap
pearance of bread and wine," adds,. " that there is nothing re
pugnant in believing that our Saviour himself is always seated in
heaven at the right hand of the Father according to the natural
mode of existing, and that nevertheless he is in many other places
sacramentally present to us with his substance.'' As to the latter
words, This bread is spiritually, fyc, they do not affect the ques
tion concerning the real presence, and merely express a Very usual

SI1? AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
metaphorical allusion to the Church. Were they to be understood
strictly, it would follow that Christ had no real human body. The
second note is apparently more difficult, but^probably would not
be so, had Toland given us the whole of it. In this note the Eu
charist is called " the mystery and figure of the body of Christ-^he
first figure of the New Testament — this figure is daily reiterated, is
received in faith, &c.'' Mysterium et figura Corporis Christi —
prima Novi Testamenti figura — Haec vero figura quotidie itera-
tur, accipitur in fide, &c. These words would not indicate the
least doubt as to Christ being really and substantialy present in the
Eucharist, were it not for the quibbling use which the Calvinists
made of the term figure. Many of the most firm abettors of the
real presence have not scrupled to speak in a similar manner.
Bellarmine, who often has sucb phrases, gives us a summary of
them in his General Index, where he says; " Eucharistia est
" signum, symbolum, repraesentatio, ac typus mortis Christi, seu
" carnis et sanguinis, ut visibiliter in cruce ilia suffixa, ille effusus
" est. The Eucharist is a sign, symbol, representation, and type
" of the death of Christ, or qf the flesh and blood according as
" the one was affixed to the cross and the other shed." This man
ner of speaking does not by any means exclude the actual pre
sence of Christ's flesh and blood in the Eucharist. St. John
Chrysostom says, (Horn. 1 7 in Ep. ad Hebr.) that the Eucharist
is a type or figure of the sacrifice of the cross, and yet in the
same place asserts, that the same Christ, who was then offered, is
now offered. And surely the whole action, by which the sacra
ment of the altar is consecrated, is a representation of the death
of Christ on the cross. The distinction of the elements of bread
and wine, and the repeating of the mysterious words separately
over them represent his passion and death, in which the blood
flowed out of his body ; not that Christ dies again in the sacra
ment, but that he places himself in it as the victim who has died,
and consequently as the sacrifice of redemption and salvation. It
is therefore a very silly and indeed unlearned practice to argue
from such phrases as above against the doctrine of the real pre
sence. In the great work, PerpetuitS de la Foy, by Arnauld
and Nicole, it is observed (Tom. 1. Liv. x. ch. 4.) that such terms
as figure, type, &c. have been, even since the time of the Beren-
garian controversy, applied to the Eucharist by writers, who are

CHAP. XXI. , OF IRELAND. 313
universally allowed to have been strenuous supporters of that doc
trine. No objection will, I suppose, be raised from the words of
the note, received in^faith ; for it is certainly a mystery, which
requires faith both for believing in it and for receiving it worthily.
Bellarmine says in the above quoted Index ; " Hoc mysterium
( Eucharisti a) sola fide comprehenditur, this mystery is compre
hended by faith alone.'' The third note, so far from favouring
the system of Toland, is in direct opposition to it. Remarking on
the words of our Saviour, This is my body, it has ; " Et hoc
dixit, ne nostra dubitaret fides de sacrificio quotidiano in Eccle-
sia, quasi corpus Christi esset, quoniam Christus in dextra Dei
sedet." Toland has translated the passage in such a manner as
to make it appear contrary to the belief- of the real presence. He
renders it thus; " This he said, lest our faith should stagger
about the daily sacrifice in the Church, as if it were the body of
Christ, since Christ sits On the right hand of God." Now to ex
press the author's meaning in English, instead of were the body,
the translation should be were not the body, or the whole should
be be given as follows; "And Christ said these words, this is
my body, lest our faith might doubt of the daily sacrifice in the
Church being the body of Christ in consequence of Christ's sitting
at the right hand of God." Surely no man of common sense
would or could state, that Christ said the words, this is my body,
for the purpose of cautioning us not to believe that it is in the daily
sacrifice. Are not, on the contrary, these the words, which have
induced all antiquity to believe that it really is in said sacrifice ?
The words, which forced Luther, eager as he was to vex the Ca
tholics, to continue in that belief, and to defend it ? Those, which
all the impugners of the real presence have never been able to
get over, or to explain in any rational manner different from that
of said doctrine ? The author's meaning is perfectly clear. His
object was to show, that, whereas Christ sits at the right hand of
the Father, doubts might arise concerning his body being in the
daily sacrifice ; but that, to expel such doubts, Christ announced
those plain and peremptory words, This is my body.
I shall not enlarge further on these points, as my purpose is not
controversy, but merely to prove that the ancient Irish did ac
tually and unequivocally hold the doctrine of the real presence, of
the sacrifice of the Mass, &c- just as they are held at this day by

314 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP* XXI.
the Catholics. And indeed it would be very strange if they did
not, for otherwise how could they have been in communion with
the English Christians, whose greatest man Bede never accused
them of any error as to the Eucharist, with the Romans, Ita
lians, French, &c. all of whom undoubtedly professed those
doctrine^ ?
(95) See above §. 7. In the Pope's letter, which, according
to Mauguin, was written about 865, we read ; " Relatum est
" Apostolatui nostro, quod opus B. Dionysii Areopagitae, quod de
" Divinis nominibus, vel caelestibus ordinibus Graeco descripsit
" eloquio, quidam vir Johannes, genere Scotus, super in Latinum
" transtulerit, quod juxta morem nobis mitti et jiostro debuit
" judicio approbari, praesertim cum idem Joannes, licet multae
" scientiae esse praedicetur, olim non sane sapere in quibusdamfre-
" quenti rumore diceretur. Itaque quod hactenus omissum est vestra
" industria suppleat, et nobis praefatum opus sine ulla cuncta-
" tione mittat, quatenus, dum a nostri Apostolatus judicio fuerit
" approbatum, ab omnibus incunctaneter nostra auctoritate accep-
" tius habeatur/' Some writers have said that the Pope had
required that John should be sent to Rome, or banished from
Paris, of whose school he was the capital. This is founded on
an alteration made in the Pope's letter after diceretur, or, as in
said corrupted letter, dicatur. Balaerus (Hist. Univers. Paris.
Tom. i. p. 184.) has published this letter in its altered form from
certain Collectanea of Naudacus. But the phrase Capital (head)
of the school of Paris was not used until, at least, 300 years after
the death of Pope Nicholas. Would Anastasius have, a few years
after said letter was written, spoken in the gentle manner he did
concerning John (see Not. 77-) had the Pope been so displeased
with him as that story insinuates. Besides, the Pope himself does
not positively charge John with maintaining errors, merely saying
that it was reported that he formerly had.
(96) This fable has been propagated chiefly by William of
Malmesbury, from whom others have copied it, which is indeed
surprizing, to this very day. We meet with it, among several
gross mistakes concerning John's transactions, in Rees' Cyclo-
poedia. William has it De gestis regum Anglomm, L. 2. c. 4.
and De pontifidbus, L.5. From him it was taken with other
stories by Simeon of Durham, Hoveden, &c. He was so ill in-

CHAP. XXI. ( OF IRELAND. 315
formed of John's proceedings, that he makes Florus write against
his work On natures. Now we have seen that it was the treatise
on predestination, which was answered by Florus.
(97 ) See Hist. Letter. Tom. 5. at Erigena. These verses have
been published by Du Canga.
(98 j Ex. c. Hoveden, Annal. ad. A. 883. Matthew of West
minster, &c. Thus Turner says, (History qf the Anglosaxons,<.
B. 12. ch. 4.) that John went to England after the death of king
Charles. (99) Asserius says, that Alfred diversi generis monachos in
eodem monasterio congregare studuit : primitus Joannem pres-
byterum et monachum, scilicet Ealdsaxonum genere, abbatem
constituit." (100) See Mabillon, Annal. Ben. ad A. 895. Strange that
Turner (ib.) strives to support the paradox of John Scotus having
been the same as John of Aetheling.
§. x. Our John has been confounded also with
another person of that name, who was in the twelfth
century considered as a martyr at Malmesbury, and
who is said to have been killed there by his school-
boj^s with their writing styles. That such a circum
stances occurred at Malmesbury is very doubtful;
but whether true or false, it is an idle conjecture to
suppose, that this John called martyr was the same
as John Scotus. (101) The fact is, that John
Scotus remained in France and died there previous,
in all probability, to the death of his protector
Charles the bald, (102) which occurred in 877.
And it appears certain, that his death was prior to
875, the year in which Anastasius wrote to Charles
concerning the translation of Dionysius Areopa-
gites. (103) For Anastasius speaks of John in such
a manner as if he were already dead. (104)
Besides the works already mentioned, John
drew up a translation of, at least in part, the
Greek scholia of St. Maximus on difficult passages
of St. Gregory Nazianzen. (105) He is usually
supposed to have been the John, who compiled the

316 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
Excerpta concerning the differences and agreements
qf the Greek and Latin verbs, which are found
among the writings of Macrobius. (106) Seven
Latin poems of his, mixed with Greek lines, but
different from the Greek and Latin verses above
mentioned, are still extant ; (107) but whether they
have been published as yet 1 am not able to tell.
Some other works have been attributed to him
without sufficient proof or authority, except a
homily on the beginning of the Gospel of St.
John. (108) ,.;
(101) This story comes also from William of Malmesbury (ib.)
who, after telling us that John Scotus was induced by the muni
ficence of Alfred to go to England, and that he taught at Malmes
bury, makes him be killed there by boys. He gives the epitaph,
which was to be seen in that place ;
Clauditur hoc tumulo sanctus sophista Joannes,
Qui ditatus erat jam vivens dogmate miro.
Martyrio tandem Christi conscendere regnunj,
Quo, meruit, sancti regnant per secula cuncti.
What has this to do ^with John Scotus? Would Asserius have
been ignorant of John Scotus' martyrdom at Malmesbury, he who
mentions so particularly the murder of John of Aetheling? None
of the many old writers, prior to William, who speak so often of
John Scotus, ever call him a martyr, not even the Berengarius his
great admirer and defender. The fable of John Scotus having
been the same as John of Malmesbury is still kept up by some
superficial writers ; but, like certain other stuff of theirs relative to
him, it is not worth further consideration.
(102) See Mabillon, Annal. Ben. Tom. 3 p. 242. and Hist.
Letter, at Erigena.
(103) This letter (see above Not. 77.) is stated in a MS. copy
of it, which was in the Jesuits' library at Bourges, to have been "
written on the 23d of March, 8th Indiction, that is A. D. 875,
six years after the eighth General council, which is mentioned in

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 317
the latter part of it. (See Dissert, on John Scotus by F. Paris.
Art. 6.)
(104) Anastasius remarking on John's method of translation
says, that he was an humble man. Were John then alive, he
would have said is, not was. He observes that John would not
have received the gift of tongues had he not been burning with the
fire of charity, and uses some other verbs in past tenses strongly
indicating that John had ere that time left this world. Some
writers have said, that he returned to Ireland in his latter days and
died there. This is a mere conjecture without any foundation.
Had he died in Ireland, there would be some mention of him in
the Irish annals.
(105) Hist. Letter, ib. It has been published by Gale at the
end of the work On Natures.
(106) See ib- and Usher, Ep. Hib. Syll. Not. to No. 23.
(107 ) Hist. Letter. Avertissement to Tom. 5. p. xix.
(108) Ib. at Erigena. The fabulous Bale says that John
translated Aristotelis Moralia de secretis secretorum, seu recto
regimine principum into Chaldaic, Arabic, and Latin. He founded
this nonsense on a story patched up by some old Scotch writers,
and still retained by some new ones, viz. that John, when very
young, travelled to Athens and there studied the Greek, Chaldaic,
and Arabic languages. What a shame to advance such fooleries !
§. xi. Much has been said about John's name
having been in the Roman martyrology at 10 No
vember. It would be very strange if it had been
placed in it by the authority of any Pope, consider
ing that his book on the Eucharist had been con
demned by the council of Versalli, and that his doc
trines on predestination had been also condemned
long before ; to which may be added that there has
been a great and rather general prejudice against his
character with regard to orthodoxy. To clear up
this matter, it is to be observed that the name of the
John, who is said to have been killed at Malmes
bury, was in some Anglican calendars at 10 No
vember and got into the edition of the Roman Mar
tyrology published by order of Pope Gregory xiii.

318 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
at Antwerp in 15&6. (109) This was owing to the
said John having been confounded with John bishop
of Meckleribwtfgh, who was a real martyr, and who
suffered on the 10th of November, A. D. 1065.
This John was a Scotus, or irishman, and, having
hem appointed bishop of MegMenburgh, was sent to
preach in Slavonia, bhart; is, the old >Slavonia lying
between the Elbe and the Vistula, which Wsas inha
bited iby itlbe Vandals, Vinuli, &c. He was most
.cruelly treated in that country, and barbarously put
to death in their chief town Retime at the time
now mentioned. (110) Considering all these cir
cumstances, it may <be fairly concluded that the
matter stood as follows. There was buried at Mal-
meshury a John, surnamed the Wise, but not called
martyr by older writers. (11 1 ) This surname gave
xise to a notion that he was the. same as the renowned
John Scotus j and thus it became necessary to sup-
posse that John Scotus was at Malmesbury. Then,
to account for his having ibeen there, was made up
the story, of his going over to Alfred, &c. Mean
while the cruel, death of John of Aetheling, caused
byjrepeated wounds inflicted at the instigation of
some of his monks, was much spoken of in England.
Some of the good people of Malmesbury took it into
the. ir heads, that this murdered John was no other
than their John -the Wise; but, as it would have
been aukward to make him appear as killed by, or
through the means. of monks, the blame of his death
was thrown upon the poor schoolboys. (112) One
circumstance was still wanting, viz. the day of the
martyrdom, whereas WiUiam of Malmesbury and
his followers had not marked it. Luckily some one
found the martyrdom of John Scotus assigned to the
10th of November, and without troubling himself
.about Mecklenburgh, of which he had been bishop,
or Slavonia,, where he was killed, identified him with
John of Malmesbury ; and hence for this John the
,10th of November was marked in some English ca-

CHAP. XXI. OP IRELAND. 3l9
lendars, &c. Thus by putting various Johns in re
quisition the history of John Scotus Erigena has been
egregiously mangled and distorted. (113)
(109) In that martyrology are these words ; " Eodem die
(10th. November) S. -Joamtis Scoti, qui graphiis puerorum con-
fossus martyrii coronam adeptus est." Dupin states (at 9th cen
tury Vol.2. p. 87. English ed.) that they are not in any i other
edition of the 'Roman martyrology ; and Mabillon makes mention
of:only the Antwerp edition of 1586 as containing the name-of
John Scotus. i(See Acta Ben. Sec. 4. Par. 2. y>. -51&) Yet
Fitzsimon says ( Catalog, praecip. sanctorum Hiberniae, Liege A.
1619.) that it was in an edition of 1583, and declares that it
was Baronius, who expunged it from the Martyrology. " 1
know," he adds, " that there was ready an apology for John
Scotus approved of by the suffrages of great Popes, Cardinals,
&c." Such an apology has not yet seen the light nor probably
ever will. As, to the year 1583^ mentioned by Fitzsimon, either
it is: a mistake for 1586, or he confounded the Roman Martyro
logy: with. an edition of that of Usuard published at Antwerp in
1583, in the appendix to which Molanus, led astray by iHector
Boethius, inserted the name of John -Scotus. Arnold Wion also
-fell into this mistake. (See F. Paris, Dissertation, &c. Art. 7.)
By the bye, F. Paris was wrong- in denying, that the name of John
Scotus was in any Roman Martyrology published at Antwerp in
1586, and maintaining that there was no such edition. But there
certainly was, and printed by Chr. Plantinus. There is a copy of
it in the library of Trinity College Dublin, with John's name -as
above* which got into it from the appendix to that of Usuard by
Molanus. Although that Antwerp edition was printed by order of
Gregory xin. it does not follow that he approved of it or of the
insertion of John's name ; nor indeed could he, whereas he was
dead since the 10th April of the preceding year 1585.
(110) See Fleury L. 61. §. 17. John of Mecklenburg^ is
praised more than once by Adam of Bremen. See also Colgan,
AA. SS.p.W. and below Chap. xxv. §.3.
(lll)Gotzelin, who wrote some time before William of Malmes
bury published his De gestis, &c. makes mention (Catalogue
of 'saints' buried in England) of 'John tbe Wise, whose ^remains,

320 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
as well as those of Aldhelm, were in the church of Malmesbury.
(See the Dissertation by F. Paris, art. 6.)
(112) In the epitaph (above Not. 101.) which was written before
the times of William of Malmesbury, but after John the Wise had
been confounded with John of Aetheling, there is no mention of
those schoolboys. Were the martyrdom caused by them, would
not some riotice have been taken of such a circumstance as greatly
heightening the account of the martyr's sufferings ? It is also worth
observation, that in said epitaph John is not called Scotus ; whence
we may infer, that the opinion of his having been the same as John
Scotus was not prevalent at the time it was written ; otherwise,
there would assuredly be something in it to indicate, that he was
the far famed John Scotus.
(113) See Mabillon and Dupin, locc. citt. ad Not. 9. and [Har
ris, ( Writers at Erigena)
§. xii. At the same time with John, or perhaps
somewhat earlier, there was another Irish philoso
pher in France, named Macarius, originally, I sup
pose Mecher or Meagher, who disseminated an error,
afterwards maintained by Averroes, viz. that all men
had but one soul. From him it was taken by a monk
of Corbie, against whom Ratramn wrote a treatise on
that subject. (114) A monk, Columbanus, who from
his name may be fairly supposed to have been an
Irishman, flourished also in France in these times.
By order of Charles the bald he put in verse an old
genealogy of emperors, kings, and French lords,
which had been drawn up by that sovereign. (115)
Among the Capitulars of this Charles there is one,
taken from the Acts of the council of Meaux held
in 845, relative to the hospitals founded by pious
Irishmen in France, for persons belonging to their ,
nation. In it the king is informed that they were
usurped by strangers, and reduced to a state of de
solation, so that not only persons applying for ad
mission were not received, but likewise those, who
had from their infancy served God in them, were
driven out and forced to beg from door to door.

CHAP. XXI. OP IRELAND. 821
(116) Whether the king took care to have a stop
put to this abuse, we are not informed. To this pe
riod belonged the abbot Patrick, who is said to have
flourished in 850, and to have left Ireland about th at
time, retiring to Glastonbury, where he died on a
24th of August. His history has been greatly ob
scured by his having been confounded by some
Glastonian scribblers with our great apostle. (117)
It does not appear that he became abbot of Glaston
bury ; but he had been an abbot in Ireland, and
perhaps a bishop. He was apparently one of those,
who fled from the fury of the Northmen ; and it
may be plausibly conjectured, that he was the same
as Moel-Patrick, son of Fianchon, a bishop, an
chorite, and abbot elect of Armagh, who died in
862, (118) There is no foundation for the opinion of
some writers, that the abbot Patrick was the insti-
tutor of Patrick's Purgatory in Lough Derg; (119)
and as to some writings attributed to him, the autho
rity, on which they are, is such as to render them
not worth inquiring into. (120)
Among the Irish emigrants of these times I find a
pious and learned priest, named Probus, who must
not be confounded with Probus the biographer of
St. Patrick ( 1 2 1 ) He retired to the monastery of
St. Alban of Mentz, where he died on the 26th of
May, A. D. 859. He was very fond of classical
studies, insomuch so that his friend Lupus of Fef-
rieres thought that he applied to them more than
became an ecclesiastic, and composed many tractsi
several of which seem to have been poetical. None
of his works appear to be now extant. He is praised
in the Annals bf Fulda as a man of pure doctrine
and holy life, who was an honour to the church of
JMentz. (122)
(114) Mabillon says (Annal. Ben. ad. A. 867.) that Macarius,
whose error was that there is but, one soul in all men, was, perhaps,
the Macarius to whom Rabanus dedicated his book De Compute,:
VOL. III. Y

S22 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
Ratramn gave him the nickname Buccharius. Ratramn's tract
against his disciple of Corbie was in an old MS. of the monastery
of St. Eligius of Noyon. Harris in his incorrect account of Ma
carius ( Writers) has changed it into a tract written by Macarius
himself. But no account remains of any writings of Macarius,
although he was a teacher.
(115) Hist. Letter. Tom. v.p. 513-
(116) This Capitular may be seen in Sirmond's collection under
the head of 6th Capitular. It is also in Baluze's Capitulari, Tom,
2. col. 34. The hospitals are called Hospital ia Scott arum, that is,
says Sirmond, Hibernorum, as he proves in his note, which has
been copied by Baluze, ib. col. 731. See also Fleury, Hist. Eccl.
Liv. 48. $.30.
(117) See Chap. vii. andii. Not. 20.
(118) 4, Masters ap. A A. SS. p. 366. Their date is 861. yet,
as Patrick of Glastonbury is said to have belonged to Rosdela,
(see NoU 18 and 20 to Chap, vii.) it seems moreprobable, thathe
was different from Moel Patrick.
(119) See Chap. vn. $.14.
( 120) See Ware and Harris, Writers at Patrick abbot.
(121) We have already seen, (Chap. in. §. 3.) that the au
thor of the Life of St. Patrick, whose original name was Coenea-
chair, lived in the tenth century. Probably that was also the
Irish name of the Probus we are now treating of.
(122) See Histoire Letter. Tom. v. p. 209. seqq, at Probus,
and Mabillon* Annal. &c. at A. 836.
§* xiii. Of the ecclesiastical affairs of Ireland for
matiy years after about 852 very imperfect accounts
remain. Mane, son of Huargusa, who became bishop
of Kmly in 850, (123) died in 857, and was suc
ceeded by Coenfeolad who was also king of Cashel
and lived until 872.(154) Aedgeh surnamed Brito,
apparently a Briton, scribe^ anchoret, and bishop of
Kildare, died in the 1 1 6th year of his age on the l8th
of December, 863. (125) He was succeeded by
Moengal, who lived until 870, -and after whom
was Robaitach Mac-Naserda, who died in 874,
and whose memory was revered on the 15th of ja«

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 323
nuary. (126) Another bishop of Kildare, Lasran
Mac-Mochtighern, is said to have died in the same
year. Cathald Mac-Corbmac, bishop of Clonfert, a
distinguished and eminent man died in 862. (127)
A namesake of his was in these times bishop and ab
bot of Clondalkin, whose death is assigned to 876
(877). (128) Manchen, bishop of Leighlin, died
in 864. (129) To the year 866 are affixed the
deaths of St. Conall son of Fkchna prince of East
Meath, und of the royal blood of Ireland, and bishop
at Killskire five miles from Kells in Meath and the
only bishop we meet with in that place ; of St. Cor
mac Hua Liathain, an anchoret, abbot, and bishop,
whose see I cannot discover ; of Aidhechar a bishop
and chronographer and abbot of Connor and Lann-
ela ; and of Robertach likewise a chronographer and
bishop of Finglas. (130) Cormac Mac-Eladac, a
scribe, abbot, and bishop of Saigir, died in 868, and
in 872 Coenchamrac, bishop and abbot of Louth.
(131) Fachtna, or rather Fethgna, who had suc
ceeded Diermit at Armagh in 852, died on the 12th
of February .or 6th of October, 874. (132) In some
of our annals he is -styled " -Comorban (heir) of St.
Patrick and head of the religion (primate) of all Ire
land," -whence it may be concluded that, whatever
opposition there was to the exercise of the rights of
Armagh during the contests for the possession of
that see, they were universally acknowledged in his
time. He was succeeded by Anmire, who held the
see only nine months, and died in 874 or 875.
(133) After him was Cathasach Mac-Robertach,
whom we find called prince of Armagh. His in
cumbency .lasted four years, and he died some time
in &79, before the end of which year Moelcoba
Mac<Crunnvail was archbishop of Armagh. For he
\is styled hy that title, when in said year he was,
(together with Mochta or Mocteus, a lecturer of Ar
magh, made prisoner .by the Northmen. (134)
He is stated to have held the see for five years,
V 2

324 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
which agrees with his death being assigned to 8S5,
or 886. (135)
(123) Above ,§.3. (124) Ware, Bishops at Emly.
(125) Idem at Kildare from the 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th.p. 629.
Their date is 862 (863).
(126) See Ware ib. and 4 Masters, ib. who add that Robar-
tach had been also a scribe, or doctor, and abbot of Achonry.
They observe that Inis-Robartach, or the island qf Robartach,
got its name from him. Harris says, in his addition to Ware, that
he did not know the situation of it. Perhaps it was the tract now
called the island of Allen and surrounded by the bog of said name
in the county of Kildare. There is a place in it called Roberts-
town 21 miles from Dublin.
(127) 4 Masters ap. A A. p. 544 at A. 861 (862)
(128) Ib.
(129) Ib. p. 332. ad A. 863 (864). Ware (at Leighlin) has
A. 865.
(130) 4 Masters ap. AA. SS. p. 784. Besides Cormac Hua
Liathain they have (ib. p. 360.) two other bishops Cormac prior
to him, one a scribe and bishop at Kill-Fobric (barony of Ibrickan,
county of Clare,) who died in 837 (838); and another a writer and
bishop at Laithrigh-briuin in the country of the O'Foelans (see ib.
p. 541.) and now county -of Waterford, whose death they assign
to 854 (855). Colgan (Ind. Chron. ib.) calls Aidhecar abbot of
Kill-elensis; but this means the same as Lann-ela, whereas the
Welsh word Lan or Llan, which was much used by the ancient
Irish, corresponds to our Kill or Kille. Of these bishops Conal
is the only one particularly treated of by Colgan, viz. at 28 March
the, anniversary of his death.
(131) 4 Masters ib. p. 360 and 473 ad A. 867 (868), and p.
736 ad. A. 871 (872). There were some other minor bishops in
these times; but the names of almost all of them are unknown.
(132) See Ware at Armagh and Tr. Th. p. 295 ad. A. 873
(874j. ) Colgan says that his memory was revered on the 12th of
February. O'Flaherty (MS. not. ib.) remarks that he should have
said 6th of October. But even supposing that Fethgna died on
that day, his commemoration might have been on the day marked

CrfAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 325
by Colgan. Yet Colgan adds, that Fethgna died on the 12th of
February. (133) Ware and Tr. Th. locc. citt. The Cashel catalogue al
lows him one year, as it avoids fractional parts of the years.
(134) Usher, Jnrf. Chron. ad- A. 879 from the Annals of Ulster.
(135) 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th. p. 296 at A. 885 (886) I have
here followed the series of the catalogue from the Psalter of Ca
shel, which is preferred by Ware and Colgan. Harris has added
certain dates for Cathasach and Moelcoba, which make Ware's
statement appear very confused. The Annals of Ulster differ from
the Cashel catalogue as to the succession of Anmire &c. For they
place Anmire after Moelcoba. Then in the 4 Masters we find
dates disagreeing with those of other accounts, and which Colgan
considers as wrong. Not being able to reconcile these jarring
statements, I shall merely lay before the reader a system drawn up
by O'Flaherty, which I find in a MS. note to Tr. Th. p. 292. It
is this : Fethgna, who died in 874, was succeeded by Moelcoba,
who having held the see until 879 was taken by the Northmen.
In consequence of his captivity, Anmire was placed on the chair of
Armagh, and after nine months possession died in said year 879,
in which he was succeeded by Cathasach, who ruled for four years
and died in 883. In another MS. note (ib. p. 319.) he says that
Moelcoba lived after his captivity until 888.
§. xiv. Indrect, who was abhot of Hy in S19 (136)
and a very wise man, suffered martyrdom through
some Anglo Saxons on the' 12th of March, A. D. 853.
(137) What was the cause, or on what occasion, or
where he was killed I cannot discover ; but it could
hardly have been on account of his faith, as the
Anglo-Saxons were then Christians. Perhaps he
was murdered by robbers ; and it is known that in
those times holy and distinguished men, so put to
death, used to be called martyrs. His next succes
sor at Hy was, in all appearance, Kellach, son of
Alild, Who was also abbot of Kildare, and who died
in the country of the Picts in 865. (138) After
him the abbot of Hy was Feradach, son of Cormac,
who lived until 880. (139) During his administra-

£26 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
tion, and in the year 878, the shrine and re
lics of St. Columba were brought to Ireland, lest
these might fall into thd hands of the Danes. (140)
It can scarcely be doubted that it was on this occa
sion that the remains of St. Cbhrmba were depo
sited at Doivn, where those of St. Patrick had been
from the beginning, and whither those of St.
Bridget had be&l removed some not long time be
fore. (141)
Duririg this period Ireland herself had been
greatly harassed by the Northmen. In 853 Ant-
lave, olios' Atiliffe or Olave, a Norwegian prince,
accompanied by two brothers of his, Sifric and
Ivar, alias lobhar, came to Ireland, and all the
Northmen submitted to him, and he exacted con
tributions from the Irish. (142) Amlave took pos
session of Dublin, and Ivar of Limerick^ which he
built or rather enlarged ; (143) and Sitric is said fo
have built Waterford. (144) In 856 a sharp war was
carried on between them and MaelseachKn, king of
Ireland, in which great numbers were slain on both
sides; and in 857 there was fighting in Muttster,
during which Carthan Fionn with the Irish and
Danes of his party were defeated by Ivar and Am
lave, who afterwards in 859 ravaged Meath. (145)
In 860 Maelseachlin defeated the Danes of Dublin,
and in the same year a party of Danes assisted Aldus
or Aedan Finnliath, son of the former king Niall
Calrie, in another devastation of Meath. It was
through the assistance of Amlave and his followers
that this Aidus was raised to the throne of Ireland
in 863. (146) Yet he afterwards quarrelled with the
Northmen, and joined Kieran son of Ronan and the
Kinel-Edgain (the people of Tyrone) in a battle
against them in 866, near Lough Foyle, in which
they came off triumphant with the heads of 240
of the Northmen chiefs. (147) In 869 Amlave
plundered Armagh, burned the town and all its
sacred edifices, &c. and killed or made prisoners

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 327
about 1000 persons. (148) While in the year 870
.. he and Ivar were absent in North Britain, where
they destroyed Alcluith or Dunbarton, the Irish
king Aidus Finnlkth laid waste Leinster from Dub
lin to Gowran, and soon after their return to Ireland
in 871, with 200 ships, Amlave died. (149) Ivar
then became king of all the Northmen in Ireland,
but died in 873, in which year, while Donogh, son
of Dubhdavoirean king of Cashel, and Carrol prince
of Ossory, were devastating Connaught, the Danes
of Dublin plundered Munster. (150) Then we find
the Northmen fighting among themselves, as like
wise the Irish* for instance, the Momonians against
the people of Meath in 880.
(136) See above §.. 2.
(137), AA. SS. p. 254. from the 4 Masters at A. 852 (853.)
(138) Annals of Ulster at A. 864 (865). The 4 Masters ap.
Tr. TLp. 500. and 629. have A. 863 (864).
(139) Annals of Ulster at A. 879 (880). According to the 4
Masters, (Tr. Th. p. 500.) Feradach died in 877 (878).
(140) Ib. at A. 877 (878). The 4 Masters, (loc cit.) assign
this removal to 875 (876). What I call reliques, Johnstone, (Ex
tracts, Sfc.) calls oaths. See O'Reilly's Irish Dictionary. Com
pare with Not. 27. above.
(141) As to the time of the removal of St. Brigid's remains to
Down, see Not. 18. to Chap. viii. Colgan conjectures (Tr. Th. p.
566.) that the person, who removed them, was Keallach abbot of
Kildare and Hy, who, as we- have just seen, died in 865. With
regard to those of St. Columba, O'Donnel relates (Life qf St.
Col. B. 3. ch. 78.) that they were brought to Down in the time of
Mander the son of a Danish king, who was laying waste the
northern parts of Britain and the island of Hy. He has a story,
which we may pass by, about how the Danes threw the sarcopha
gus containing them into the sea, and how it floated to Down,
where it was opened by the abbot of that place, &c. O'Flaherty.
(MS. Not. ad loc. Tr. Th. p. 446.) marks A. 875 as the year
of this removal to Down, meaning the 875 (876) of the 4 Mas.
ters, for the transferring of the shrine, &c. to Ireland, which,
however, the Annals of Ulster assign to 878.

328 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXI.
(142) Annals of Ulster at 852 (853). They call Amlave
king of the Lochlanach. In the annals of Innisfallen we read,
according to Mr. O'Reilly's translation ; " A. 853. A.uliffe the
king of Norway's son came this year into Ireland, accompanied in
that expedition by his two brothers Sitric and lobhar. The
Danes and Norwegians submitted to him, and he was also paid tri
bute by the Irish."
(143) Were we to believe Giraldus Cambrensis, Sitric was the
founder of Limerick. But we have seen (above §. 3.) that it was
already a tow", ,>r, at least, a village, where Danish ships were sta
tioned in the ame of Turgesius. And hence also it appears, that
the Northmen were in possession of it before 855, the year marked
by Ferrar, History of Limerick, p. 5. He refers to Ware, who
says nothing about the yeaj 855. Ware indeed (Antiq. cap. 24. at
A. 853.) quotes a passage from Giraldus, in which that author
states, that Amlave built Dublin, Ivar, Limerick, &c. As to this
building of Dublin, Giraldus was quite wrong ; for from what has
been seen (above §. 1. and 3.) it is plain that it was inhabited by
the Northmen several years previous to the arrival of Amlave i
and the Annals of Innisfallen affix their first taking possession of
it to A. D. 837. It is, however, true that both Dublin and Li
merick, which were inconsiderable places, before they were first
occupied by the Northmen, were probably much enlarged by Am
lave and Ivar. ,
(144) That Sitric was the founder of Waterford, as Giraldus
says, seems to be universally allowed. Smith (History qf Water
ford, ch. 4.) assigns the foundation of it to A. 853. But it was
probably somewhat later.
(145) Annals of Innisfallen, and Ware, Antiq. cap. 24.
(146) Annals of Innisfallen. Compare with Chap.xx. §.8.
(147) lb. at "A. 866.'
(148) Ib. at A. 869. and Ware Antiq. cap. 24. The Annals
of Ulster (Johnstone's Extracts) and the 4 Masters, (ap. Tr. Th.p.
295.) assign this destruction of Armagh to A. 867 (868).
(149) See Annals of Innisfallen at 870, (871) and compare with
Ware ib.
(150) Ib. at A. 873. Ware assigns the death of Ivar to
872.

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELANDi 329
§. xv. While this miserable state of affairs con
tinued it might seem that studies of every sort were
neglected in Ireland. But it does not appear that,
with the exception of Armagh and Hy, the religious
establishments and schools were much disturbed or
nearly as much harassed as they had been in the times
of Turgesius. And in fact, besides some learned
men already mentioned, we find : several others, who
were distinguished in this period as scribes or doctors
and writers. Luacharen a scribe of Clonmacnois died
in 864 ; Martin of the same place and another Mar
tin, scribe of Devenish, in 868; (151) Cobhtach Mac-
Muredach, abbotof Kildare, andfamous for his wisdom,
in 869 ; (152) Dubthach scribe of Kill-achaid (county
of Cavan) in 870 ; Robartach, a monk and scribe of
Durrow (King's county) and a very exact chrono
grapher in 871 ; Aidus scribe of Roscommon, and
Torpadius of Tallaght in 873 ; Robartach O'Kearta
scribe of Kill-achaid in 874 ; Domnald scribe of
Cork in 875 ; Moelpatrick scribe of Trevet (Meath)
in 885 ; Suibhne a gelebrated doctor of Clonmacnois'
in 8p0, to whom we may add Soerbrethach of Cork,
who died in 892. (152) Concerning these persons
I do not find any thing particular related, and I have
made mention of them merely to show that, not
withstanding the misfortunes of that period, schools
were still kept up, and that Ireland could then boast
not only of the learned men, who removed to foreign
countries, but likewise of many others that remained
at home.
Among the distinguished persons of the latter part
of the ninth century, marked as saints in the Irish
calendars, we meet with Suibhne O'Fionnachta, bishop
of Kildare, who died in 879 ; Scannal, likewise
bishop of Kildare, who died in 882 ; (154) Mure
dach son of Bran, a king of Leinster, and abbot of
Kildare, whose death is assigned to 883, (155} as
is also that of Tulelatia, abbess of its nunnery ; and
Moeldar, bishop of Clonmacnois, who died in 887.

330 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP, XXI.
(156) But the most celebrated saint of this period
was Corbre, or Corpreus, surnamed Cram, that is
crooked pr bent, who succeeded Moeldar in the
see of Clonmacnois. His reputation was so great,
that ¦ he was called the head qf the religious
of almost all the Irish of his time. As no Acts
of his are extant, I can only add, that he died
in 900 on the 6th of March, the anniversary of
which was celebrated as a festival at Clonmacnois.
(157) (151) Tr. Th.p. 632. and Ind. Chron.
(152) Ib. p. 629.
( 153) See ib. p. 632. and Ind. Chronr I have added a year to
each of its dates. Suibne of Clonmacnois is spoken of under
the name of Swifne, by some English annalists at A. 891, as the
most skilful doctor of the Scoti or Irish, and tbe Annals of Ulster,
marking bis death, call him an anchoret and an excellent scribe.
(See Usher, p. 732.) He was in all appearance the person,
whom Caradoc of Lancarvan, quoted by Usher (ib.) callk Sub-
man Cubin, and who, he says, being the greatest of the doctors of
Scotia (Ireland) died in 889. Caradoc took this date from some
Irish document, and it is the very one given for Suibhe's death
by the 4 Masters, which, according to the usual method, I have
changed into 890. It differs only by one yeat from that of those*
English annals. Florence of Worcester has a date different from
both, viz. A. 892.
(154) 4 Masters, op. Tr. Th. p. 629 at A. 878 (879) and 881
(882). Ware, (Bishops at Kildare) assigns the death of Suibhne
O'Fionnachta to 880, and that of Scannal to 884.
(155) Tr. Th. ib. A. 882 (883). Archdall (Monast. at Kildare)
has Muredach at A. 882 ; but he had him before at A. 870, where
he calls him Moreigh Mc. Broyn, without any authority, although
he strangely refers to Tr. Th. p>. 629, where no such person is
mentioned at that year. He says that Moreigh, i. e. Muredach,
had been king of Leinster ; but this is a mistake founded upon a
typographical error in Tr. Th. ib. where rex appears instead of
regis. And it is clear from the Catalogue of the kings of Leinster,

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 331
(ib. p. 596.)' that there was no Muredach, or Moreigh, son of Bran,
or Broyn, among them.
(156) Four Masters: ap. A A. SS. p. 509. ad 886 (887.)
(157) See A A. SS. ad 6 Mart, where Colgan treats of St.
Corpreus. I have added a year to his date from the 4 Masters.
He relates a curious anecdote, which indeed we are not bound to
believe, of Maelsechlain, who had been king of Ireland, appearing
to the saint, and telling him that be was in purgatory together with
the priest, who had been his confessor during bis lifetime. It is
added, that Corpreus prayed for the deliverance of the king, while
his priests p>'ayed for that of the quondam confessor, and that they
were both freed from purgatory in the course of a year/ What
ever may be thought of this narrative, it shows the practice of the
times as to praying for the dead, which was observed in Ireland at
much earlier periods. It is very odd, that Usher undertook (Dis
course qf the Religion, Sfc. ch. 3.) the hopeless task of endeavour
ing to prove that the ancient Irish did not pray for the dead ; for,
historically speaking, whether they were right or wrong, there is no
thing more certain or more easily demonstrated than that they did*
As to what he has about Patrick's Purgatory in Lough Derg not
being as ancient as some had imagined, I agree with him ; but,
although he does not clearly explain himself, he must have known
that said Purgatory was not considered as a habitation or re
ceptacle of departed souls, but as a place where living persons
might be purged from their sins. (See Not. 154 to Chap, vii.)
Accordingly it has nothing to do with the question relative to any
future state of mankind or to prayers for the dead. The passage
quoted by Usher from the book De tribus habitacidis, ascribed U>
St. Patrick, proves nothing on either side of this question. It
states that there are three regular habitations established by God,
viz. heaven, earth, and hell ; that the just are placed in heaven,
the wicked in hell, and that on the earth there is a mixture of good
and bad persons, and that out of it the two other places are sup
plied. What has this to do with what the Catholics call Pwrga-i
tory, which not to enter into school questions as to locality, Sec
was never supposed to be a regular or permanent habitation 6r
state, but a passage, through which some souls should pass before
their entering the kingdom of heaven, and which neither was nor
is visited by the far greatest part of mankind. The author says,

322 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXfr
that the just are raised to heaven, but does not state that they afe
so immediately on their exit from this life. Now this is the great
point at issue, viz. whether all the just, that is, all those who die
in the state of grace, without considering their greater or lesser
degrees of perfection, proceed indiscriminately to heaven as soon
as they leave this world. , Concerning this point there is nothing
in that passage ; and accordingly, as I said, it affords no argument
on either side. This observation equally applies to some short
passages quoted by Usher from other writers, which are quite irre
levant to the question concerning prayers for the dead, and which
I shall not trouble the reader with examining. It was very unfair
for Usher to refer to the Greeks against Purgatory ; for he well
knew that, although they do not admit purgatorial fire, which,
however, did not prevent their union with the Latins at the
council of Florence, they have always prayed and do still pray for
the dead- As to what he has against Bellarmine concerning an
argument in favour of Purgatory from the visions of St. Fursey I
shall not dwell on it, merely observing that he himself gives a
passage from them, which certainly seems to confirm that doctrine.
To get rid bf said passage he tells us, that God's justice was suffi
ciently satisfied by the sufferings of Christ, and that man need not
give further satisfaction thereunto by penal works or sufferings
either here, or in the other world. This is a glorious doctrine for
sinners, as if, because Christ suffered for them, they should not
make any atonement for their transgressions. It is true, that every
exertion of man to satisfy the divine justice would be useless, had
not Christ by his sufferings appeased his heavenly father, and thus
enabled man to appear before the throne of mercy in the confident
hope that, through the merits of Christ, his works and peniten
tial feelings and sufferings may -procure for him forgiveness from his
Creator. But in Usher's system the sinner may sit down quiet and
easy, and do no more than merely cease to sin, saying to himself;
Christ has Suffered for me ; I am not bound to give myself the
trouble of any atonement or penitential task ; I need not pray, fas\,
8fC. Why then has the Christian church from its very commence
ment constantly held that, notwithstanding all that our Saviour has
done for us, sinners should make some atonement for their trans
gressions, which might serve as a laborious cleansing of their souls,
a proof- of their conversion, and an antidote against relapse ? Why

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND, 333
has there been established during the whole course of the Church
such a multitude of penitential regulations to be observed by re
pentant sinners ? Usher was well acquainted with them, but must
have looked up to them as useless, nay unjust. For, infect, his prin
ciple was the monstrous tenet of imputed righteousness, that bane
of true Christianity and morality, a doctrine which excludes the
necessity of any penitential sufferings or mortification on the part
of man, as it does also the existence of a state of purgation after
death. For, to quote a passage from a tract, which 1 wrote some
years ago, (Introduction, by Irenaeus, to the Protestant Apology
for the Roman Catholic Church) " if a person be reputed just
" only by outward imputation, there can be no gradation of sanc-
" tity ; whatever may be the habits of different persons, their
" justification must be the same, because no sentiments or deeds
" of their own are at all looked to or required in the work of
" righteousness, as being not inherent in their [souls, but simply
" an external remission of sin. Thus Christians of every sort are
" placed on one level, and they are either absolutely and uncon-
" ditionaliy pardoned, or not pardoned at all. Accordingly after
" death they must proceed straight forward either to heaven or
" hell. If no process for cleansing the soul, by penitential suffer-
" ings and actions indicating real repentance, be requisite upon
" earth, it is not to be supposed that it will take place in the
" other world." Usher well understood the tendency of this
doctrine towards the denial of any purgation of souls after death ;
for he says that it is upon the opposite doctrine, viz. that which
requires penal works or sufferings from man, notwithstanding the
sufferings of Christ, that the Romanists, as he calls them, do lay
the frame of their purgatory.
He was obh'ged to acknowledge that the ancient Irish used to
offer the sacrifice, i. e. celebrate Mass for departed souls ; but he pre
tends that this was done only for such souls as were supposed to be
in a state of bliss, and that it was a sacrifice of thanksgiving for
their salvation rather than of propitiation for their sins. If such
was the only object the Irish had in view, when offering the sa
crifice for the dead, or commemorating them in their prayers, they
differed from all other Christians in the world. For, as even Bing
ham (Origines, &c. B. xv. ch. 3.) admits, notwithstanding his
evasions, even the souls of persons called sinners, that is, not great

334 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP, XXI.
sinners but imperfect Christians, were prayed for both in public
and private. Thus St. John Chiysostom, (Horn. 41. in I. Cor.)
who is quoted by Bingham, speaking against immoderate sorrow
for the death of sinners says ; " they are not so much to be la-
" mented, as succoured with prayers, supplications, alms, and
" oblations. For these things were not designed in vain, neither
" is it without reason that we make mention of the deceased in
" the holy mysteries, interceding for them to the Lamb that is
" slain to take away the sins of the world ; but that some conso-
" lation may hence arise to them. Neither is it in vain that he,
" who stands at the altar when the tremendous mysteries are ce-
" lebrated, cries ; We offer unto thee for all those that are asleep
" in Christ, and all that make commemorations for them. For
" if there were no commemorations made for them, these things
" would not be said.— Let us not therefore grow weary in giving
" them our assistance, and offering prayers for them. For the
" common propitiation of the whole world is now before us. There-
" fore -we now pray for the whole world and name them with
" martyrs, with confessors, with .priests ; for we are all one body,
" thovjgh one member be more excellent than another, -and we
" may obtain a general par don for them by our -prayers, by our
'' alms, by the help qf those that are named together with them."
Who, but a fool, could imagine that Chiysostom did not mean a
sacrifice -and prayers df propitiation ? -Or what is to be thought of
the following plain words of St. Augustin (Enchirid. cap. 110)?
¦" When the sacrifices of the altar or alms are offeredfor all the
" deceased, who had been baptized, they are for the very good
" thanksgivings, and for those, who were not very bad, they are
" propitiations." St. Cyprian distinguishes oblations and sacri
fices of thanksgivings, >as, ex. c. for the martyrs, from those of
' supplications and prayers ;for the less -perfect departed souls.
When Tertullian «ays (De Monogamiu, cap. 10.) that " every
woman prays for the soul of her deceased husband, and -meanwhile
requests relief for ihim and a share m 'the first resurrection, and
makes offerings for /him on the anniversaries of his death," -who is
the polemic bigoted or silly enough to tell us, that her prayers
and offerings were of thanksgiving, not of propitiation ? Were I
arguing controversially, I could say a great deal more on these
subjects ; but I have stated this much merely to show, how Usher

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. - 335
has misrepresented the practice and doctrine of the ancient Irish
church. The ttuth is that the Irish had, like all other Christians, sacri
fices and prayers, both of thanksgiving and of propitiation. Some
of the cases referred to by Usher were relative to thanksgiving,
although not all of them, particularly that of Magnus, concerning
whom he quotes these words addressed by him a little before his
death to Tozzo bishop of Augsburg : " Do not weep, reverend
" prelate, because thou beholdest me labouring in So many storms
'' of worldly troubles ; because I believe in the mercy of God,
" that my soul shall rejoice in the freedom of immortality. Yet
« / beseech thee, that thou wilt not cease to help me a sinner and,
" my soul with thy holy prayers." So far from this passage favouring
Usher's thanksgiving system, it is evidently against it ; for it fe
plain that Magnus alluded to prayers to be saM for him after his
death. Now the prayers, which he requested, were, as is, clear
from the import of the" words, those of propitiation ; and indeed it
would be very odd were they not ; for who would presume to call
for a thanksgiving to be made for him after his death, as if he were
absolutely certain of enjoying eternal happiness ? As to what oc
curred after the death of Magnus, and the nature of the salutary
sacrifices offered for him, it is not necessary to inquire ; for, if
Usher had produced fifty cases of sacrifices and prayers of thanks
giving, they would not exclude those also of propitiation. He al
lows, that prayers for the dead, and masses for the repose of de
parted souls, or, as he calls them, Requiem masses, used to be
observed in those times ; and yet he states in a confidential tone,
that they had no necessary relation to the belief of Purgatory.
How he quibbles, in his usual way on the name Pttrg'atoVy®
Had he said, that they had no relation to the school questions
concerning where or how Purgatory is or is not constituted, the h&-
tnee of its punishments, its duration, &c. or to the question be
tween the Greeks and Latins as to purgatorial fire, nobody would
quarrel with him ; but his real intention was not merely to reject
that name, but likewise what it was framed to signify, viz. a state,
in which some souls are detained before they are allowed to enter
the kingdom of heaven. How then could he have reconciled bis
admitting the practice of Requiem masses, that is, Masses, in
which, as >is clear from the prayers contained in them* the relief

336

AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXL

of the deceased was actually prayed for, with his opinion that no
such relief was wanted? The Irish had such Masses from a very
ancient period, and we find them spoken of in the Penitential of
Cumean, »( Cap. 14.) which was written most probably in the se
venth century. (See to Not. 55 Chap, xv.) In it various days are
marked for those Masses according as the deceased were monks
or lay persons. They are also in a very ancient Missal, which
Mabillon found at Bobio, and which he published in the first vo
lume of his Musaeum Italicum. He calls it Sacramentarium
Gallicanum, although he acknowledges that it differs in some re
spects, from the old Gallican Missal as it does in many, from the
Roman, Ambrosian, &c; He thought that it was used in the pro
vince, of which Besancon was the capital, and in which was si
tuated St. Columbanus' monastery of Luxeu.1 There can scarcely be
a doubt, of its having been written by an Irishman, as Dr. O'Conbr
shows (Ep. Nuncupator, fyc. ad Rer. Hibern. Scriptor. p. cxxx.
seqq.) from the orthography and the form of the letters being
exactly the same as what we find in old MSS. which are well
known to be Irish. He thinks it was a portable Missal for the
Irish of -Luxeu and Bobbio. Be this as it may, we may be sure
from its having been copied by an Irishman, that it was used by
Irish priests. Mabillon pronounced it to be a thousand years old
before his time ; and it appears very probable that it was written
before the death of St. Columbanus, whose name does not occur
in it, as in all appearance it would had he been then dead. We
find in it various prayers containing supplications to God for the
pardon of the deceased, for the remission, of their sins and debts,
indulgence. towards them, &c. Thus in a Mass for the dead, en
titled " Pro defunctis," these words occur in the prayer, called
Contestatio; " Tribuos ei (famulo tuo defuncto) Domine delic-
torum suorum veniam in illo secreto receptacolo, ubi jam non est
locus poenitentiae  Tu autem Christe recipe animam famoli tui
ill. quam dedisti, et demitte ejus debita magis quam ille demisit
debitoribus suis.'' And in a Mass for both the living and dead,
Pro vivis et defunctis', we read in the first prayer ; " Concede pro-
pitius, ut haec sacra oblatio mortuis prosit ad veniam, et vivis
proficiat ad salutem. And in the Contestatio the priest asks, both
for the dead and living,. " remissionem peccatorum, indulgentiam
quam semper, optaverunt," &c. But of this Missal see more below.

CHAP. XXI. OF IRELAND. 337
Chap, xxxii. §. 10. Among the canons of the Synod,. called of
St. Patrick, the 12th (see Ware's Opusc. S. P. p. 34.) is entitled
Of the oblation for the dead, and is thus expressed: " Hear the
" Apostle saying, there is a sin unto death, I do not say that for
" it any one do pray. And the Lord ; Do not give the holy to
" dogs. For he, who will not deserve to receive the sacrifice
" during his life, how can it help him after his death?" This
canon most clearly shows, that the sacrifice used to be offered as
propitiatory towards the relief of the deceased, and of all such as
were supposed, while alive, to be worthy of being admitted to the
holy communion. It was celebrated for the purpose of helping
them ; but, according to the universal practice of the Church, it
was not offered for those, whom it could not help, that is, impenitent
sinners, who were unworthy of receiving it during their lifetime.
Usher, well knowing that this canon was directly contrary to his
system of the sacrifice not being offered for the dead, except by way
of thanksgiving, took care not to quote it He understood these
matters better than poor Harris, who (Bishops, p. 26.) thought
that it furnished an additional proof to those of Usher against
prayers for the dead. It certainly furnishes a proof against pray
ing for the damned, while at the same time it supplies us with an
incontrovertible one to show, that the Irish used to offer the sa
crifice and pray for such deceased persons as were not supposed to
be in hell. We read in the very ancient Life of St. Ita, who lived
in the sixth century, that she prayed during a considerable time
for the soul of her uncle, who was suffering in the lower regions,
while his sons were giving alms towards the same object. (See
Chap. xi. $ . 2. ) Would Usher say, that these prayers and alms
were by way of thanksgiving ? When St. Pulcherius, as is stated
in his also ancient Life, and who died in the seventh century, used
to pray for the repose of the soul of Ronan chieftain of Ele, and
recommend it to the prayers of the people, although, by the bye,
he was not distinguished as a holy man, (see -Chap. xvn. § . 5.
and the Life of Pulcherius, eap. 18.) will it be said that these
were prayers of thanksgiving? I might appeal also to a Life of St.
Brendan, in which, as Usher himself quotes, alluding to the re
lief of deceased persons from torments, it is stated that the prayer
of the living doth profit much the dead. As to said Life contain
ing some fables, that is not the question ; and the only inquiry
VOL. III. Z

338 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
should be, what was, whether amidst fabulous narratives or not,
the belief and practice of tbe ancient Irish with regard to offering
the sacrifice and praying for deceased persons. Now, what en
tirely overturns Usher's quibbles with regard to reducing all such
payers to thanksgivings, we have a canon of -an Irish synod prior
to the eighth century, in whioh the oblations for departed souls
are expressly distinguished, according to the circumstances of the
souls, into those of thanksgiving and into others for obtaining full
remission for them, or for lightening their sufferings. This canon
may be seen at full below Chap, xxxii.' §. 12.' and ib. Not. 103.
Not wishing to enlarge more on this subject, I shall now leave the
reader to judge for himself.

CHAP. XXII.
Succession of kings of Cashel — Deatlis qf bishops of
different sees in Ireland — and of abbots ofHy—
Ernulph and' Buo, Irishmen, distinguish them
selves by their zeal for religion in Iceland— Se
veral religious houses devastated and plundered
by the Danes— Cormac Mac Cuilinan king and
¦ bishop of Cashel — Cashel not an episcopal see be-
¦forethe time of this prelate — FlahertaCh abbot of
Iniscathy — Cormac' 's chapel at Cashel — Succession
of the bishops of Emly still kept up after Cashel
had become a bishop's see — Several illustrious
Irishmen in the Continent— Sealbhach secretary to
Cormac Mac Cuilionan — Succession of Irish mo
narchs— Deaths of several bishops, abbots, and
learned men in the Wth century — Devastations
and plunders by the Danes in Ireland in that
century— -Conversion qf the Danes of Dublin to
Christianity— Foundation qf the Abbey of St.
Mary's, Dublin — Danes defeated in several en-
gageiri&hts by the Irish— Deaths of more bishops,
abbots, and learned men— -Brian Boroimhe king
of Munster — seizes on Mac-Giolla-Patrick— de
feats the Danes in several battles— Hy plundered,
and fifteen of the elders put to death by the Danes.

CHAP. XXIIj OF IRELAND. 8S9

SECT. I.
GOENFOELAD, bishop of Emly, and king of
Cashel, who died in 872, (1 ) was succeeded by Rud-
gal Mac-Fingail, (2) whose death is assigned to
882, and next after whom was Concenmathair, who
died in 887, and had for successor Eugene Mac-
Cenfoelad, who is called prince of Emly and was
killed in 889. (3) After him we must place Mael-
brigid, the son of one Prolech, a holy man, to whom
some have given the title of archbishop of Munster.
His death is marked- at A. D. 896. (4) He was
succeeded by Miscel, who died in 898. (5) Cormac,
bishop of Duleek, and abbot of Clonard, died in
883. (6) Largis, bishop of Kildare, was killed by
the Danes in 886. (7) This was most probably the
last year of Moelcoba Mac-Crunnvail, archbishop of
Armagh, (8) whose immediate successor was, ac
cording to some of onr annalists, Mocta ; but there
is much better reason to believe, that his next suc
cessor was Maelbrigid. (9) This prelate, who is
reckoned among the Irish saints, was son of Tornan
or Dornan of the royal house of Niall, and a
descendant of Conal Gulbanius. He had been abbot,
apparently of Derry, and abbot also of Raphoe,
before he was raised to the see of Armagh. (10)
A great riot and fight having occurred on Whit-
sundayin the year 890(11) between the Kiriel-
Eogains, or Tyronians, and the Ulidians, or East
Ulster men, in the cathedral of Armagh/ Maelbrigid
had influence enough to put a stop to it, and to in
duce both parties to make due compensation for the
crime of having profaned the church. It is related
of him, that on a certain occasion he went as far as
Munster for the purpose of procuring the deliverance
of a British stranger from prison. His reputation for
piety was so great, that he was called the head of re
ligion, that is, the most religious person, not only of
z 2

340 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
all Ireland, but of the greater part of Europe. He
held the see until his death, which occurred on the
22d of February in, according to one account, 926,
and, according to another 927. (12) Thus his in
cumbency must have lasted about 40 years. (13)
Alild, a scribe, abbot, and bishop of Clogher, died in
898, (14) a,s did in the very last year of the century
Dungal Mac-Baithen, abbot and bishop of Glenda-
loch. (15)
(1) See Chap. xxi. §. 13.
(2) I strongly suspect that Rudgal Mac-Fingail was either a con
verted Northman or the son of one. Fingail, or White foreigners
was the well known appellative of a certain description of them,
and is still retained in a tract of country possessed by them near
Dublin. And the name Rudgal is much more Northmannic than
it is Irish. Although the bulk of the Northmen settled in Ireland
were still pagans, yet we may rationally suppose, that some of them
became Christians, were they no others.than the sons of such as
had been taken in battle, many of whom were most probably about
Emly and Cashel after the victories of Olchobar. Rudgal is the
first person bearing a Northmannic name, whom I have met with
as a Christian in our history.
(3) Ware, Bishops at Emly.
(4) 4, Masters ap.AA. SS. p. 387, at A. 895 (896). Ware
has not Maejbrigid among the bishops of Emly, but Harris has
added him to his list. The 4 Masters do not place him at Emly,
but by styling him archbishop of Munster they must have meant
that see, as in those times no other Munster prelates were, even
by courtesy, ever honoured with that title except those of Emly.
(5) Ware at Emly.
(6) ,4 Masters ap. AA. SS. p. 360 at A. 882 (883.) Harris
has this bishop at Meath, p. 139.
(7) Tr. Th. p. ?29. at A. 885 (886.) The Annals of Innis-
fallen assign his death to A. 888.
(8) See Chap. xxi. §. 13.
(9) Ware observes, (Bishops at Armagh) that some Irish an
nalists have the .following succession after Moelcoba; 1. Mocta,
who died in 889 ; 2. Moelathgen, who died in 890 ; 3. Kellach

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 341
Mac-Saorgus, who died in 898, or, as others say, in 903 ; 4.
Moel-Kiaran Mac-Eogain, who died in 914 or 915. He adds,
that these are not reckoned by others among the, archbishops of
Armagh, and that they were considered only as suffragans of
Maelbrigid. The 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p, 296:) have Mocta,
whom they call bishop, anchoret, and scribe of Armagh. Colgan
leaves the matter undecided; but O'Flaherty in a MS. note (ib.)
asserts, that Mocta was not a bishop. This Mocta was, in all
appearance, the person, who was taken by the Danes together with
Moelcoba Mac-Crumvail. (See Chap. xxi. § . 13. They have also
Moelathgen as bishop of Armagh, and assign- his death to 890
(891). Yet they had just before spoken of Maelbrigid as bishop
and comorban of St. Patrick in 889 (890) and hence Colgan con
cludes that Moelathgen was only a suffragan or coadjutor of his.
O'Flaherty (MS. note) holds that Moelathgen was a real bishop
of Armagh, and that he was the immediate predecessor of Mael
brigid, placing his death in 891. The 4 Masters next have Kel
lach Mac-Saorgus, but not Moel-Kiaran, and afterwards treat of
Maelbrigid. Amidst this confusion the best rule to follow is the
catalogue from the Psalter oi Cashel, which places Maelbrigid.
immediately after Maelcoba. Colgan himself prefers its autho
rity to that of the annalists, particularly where he treats of Mael
brigid or St. Maelbrigid, AA. SS. ad 22 Februar.
(10) The 4 Masters call Maelbrigid comorban, (Le successor)
of saints Patrick, Columba, and Adamnan. As to- his- being a
successor of Columba, Colgan, at his Acts, refers it to Derry, and,
I think, with good reason. For it cannot be supposed that he was
at any time abbot of Hy. We have seen (Chap. xxi. §. 14.) that
the successor of Kellach at Hy was Feradach, who lived until
880, after whom the Annals of Ulster, which are very particular
as to the succession at Hy, make mention of Flan Mac-Maoledrin,
who was abbot there until 891. Now in this year Maelbrigid was
already archbishop of Armagh, and being in that rank could not be
invested with the government of Hy, which was always reserved to
a priest. Nor do the said annals exhibit Maelbrigid as having been
there, notwithstanding their also making him a comorban of Co
lumba. It may be said that Maelbrigid, although he had not been
abbot of Hy, was a successor of Columba, not at Derry but at
Durrow, (King's county) the other chief monastery of that saint in

342 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
Ireland. Yet considering that Maelbrigid was also at Raphoe, it
is much more probable, considering its being not far from Derry,-
that this was the place, of which he had been abbot. It is odd
that Colgan, in his account of the abbots and other distinguished
persons of Hy, reckons ( Tr. TL p. 509.) Maelbrigid among them,
notwithstanding what he says of him in his Acts. He does not
indeed call him abbot of Hy ; but he should not have placed him
there at all. Yet he has been followed by Smith, Append, to Life
of St. C. p. 167. Maelbrigid'* being called successor also of
Adamnan is relative to his having been abbot of Raphoe, of whose
monastery Adamnan had been the founder and was the patron
saint. Harris had no right to make him bishop of Raphoe (Bishops
at Armagh, p. 46. and at Raphoe p. 270) on the supposition that
its monastery had been already raised to an episcopal see by St.
Eunan. For this he had no authority whatsoever ; nor does any
one know at what time St. Eunan lived. (Compare with Not. 59.
to Chap, xviii.)
(11) Four Master ap. Tr. Th. p. 290. at A. 889 (890). O'Fla
herty (MS. note ib.) assigns it to 892. I suspect that his only
reason for this date was, that the placing of the riot in 890 would
not agree with his hypothesis of making Moelathgen archbishop
of Armagh predecessor of Maelbrigid. (See Not. 9.)
(12) The 4 Masters (ib.) have 925 (926) ; and the Ulster An
nals (ap. Ware at Armagh) 926 (927).
(13) Colgan, (Acts 22 Febr.) gives him exactly 40 years, which
he reckoned from 885 (886) to 925 (926). But in the Cashel ca
talogue for his administration we find marked only 29 years. Harris
(Bishops at Maelbrigid) conjectures, that there is an erratum in
the xxix of said catalogue, arid that, instead of i, we should read
x, thus making the whole xxxx. This is certainly a probable cor
rection. ,
(14) Ware (at Clogker) from the annals of Ulster. Yet Colgan
AA. SS. p. 742.) places, as if from the 4 Masters, Alild's death
at 867 (868). There seems to be some mistake in in his printed
text; for after Alild we find the death of one Moran, abbot of
Clogher, affixed to A. 841 (842).'.
(15) Four Masters (ap. A A. SS. p. 257.) at A. 899 (900) ; and
Harris (Bishops at Glendalbch).

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND., 343
§ . ii. The abbot of Hy Feradaeh, son of Cormac,
who, as we have seen, (16) died in .880, was suc
ceeded by Flan Mac-Maol-edrin, who died in 891.
(17) He was a descendant of Conal Gulbanius,
the ancestor of St. Columba; and his memory. was
revered on the 24th of April. (18) After Flan I
find mentioned not as abbot, but as coadjutor of the
abbot of Hy, Aengus, son of Murchertach, who is
styled, a choice anchoret, and who died in 936 ; after
whom occurs in the list Caincomrach, who is ex
pressly called abbot of Hy, and whose death is as
signed to 946. (19)
In, as it is said, the latter end of the ninth cen
tury, that is, after 874, when the Norwegians were
in possession of Iceland, (20) two Irishmen, Ernulph
and Buo, distinguished themselves in that island by
their zeal for religion. (21) It is not known whe
ther they were clergymen or not, and it is probable
that they had been taken to Iceland as captives by
some Norwegian pirates. All that I find stated con
cerning them is as follows : " Helgo, surnamed
" Biola, a descendant of Norwegian barons, who
" dwelt in the province of Kialarn, was not favour-
" able to the pagan religion ; for he received into
" his neighbourhood an Irish christian an exile,
" named Ernulph, together with his families, and
" not only, received him but allowed him to erect a
" church under the name of St. Columbus (Colum-
" ba) in the village of Esiuberg. Buo, a young man
" also qfthe same province, burned a famous fane
" of human victims and all its gods." (22)
Three Irishmen, or Scots of Ireland* are parti
cularly noticed by various English annalists as having
set out from Ireland in 89 1 or 892 in a leathern
boat without a sail or any equipment, taking with
them a week's provision, and as providentially ar
riving, after seven days, in Cornwall, whence they
proceeded te pay a visit to king Alfred, by whom
they were most graciously received. Their names

344 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
were Dufflan, Macheathath and Magilmunen, who
is represented as a man of extraordinary merit, and
a celebrated master of the Scots or Irish. ' (23) Af
terwards they went to Rome, intending to proceed
thence to Jerusalem. One of them died during their
excursions, 'and some miracles are mentioned as hav
ing been wrought in consequence of his death. (24)
(16) Chap. xxi. §. 14.
-,(17) Annals of Ulster in Johnstone's Extracts. The 4 Mas
ters, who call him son of Malduin, assign (ap. Tr. Th. p. 500) his
death to A. 887 (888).
(18) Tr. Th. p. 481.
(19) Ib. p. 500. I have added a year to the dates. Could
Caincomrach have been the immediate successor of Flan ? If so,
he. must have governed Hy for 55 years from 891 to 946. Or was
there, between them an abbot, whose name has not reached us,
and for whom Aengus acted as coadjutor ? Smith (App. to Life
qfSt.C. p. 167.) makes mention of Dubhard, comorban of Co
lumbkill and Adamnan, who died in 937. But his being called
comorban of Columbkill, does not prove, that he was abbot of
Hy, no more than it does that of Maolbrigid, archbishop of Ar
magh, had been such ; and we meet with, at a later period, a Mu
redach, likewise called comorban of Columbkill, and Adamnan,
who was certainly not abbot of Hy. By that title was meant, I
believe, one who was abbot both of Deny and Raphoe. In the
Annals pf Ulster the real abbots of Hy are always named as such.
The 4 Masters have not Dubharfl among them.
(20) See Not. 32 to Chap. xx.
(21) Colgan treats of Ernulph at the 2d, and of Buo at the 5th
of February. His reason for treating of the former at the 2d was
not, that he knew on what day he died, or whether his name was
in any calendar or not, but because a St. Erlulph, martyr, bishop
of Verdun, whom he thought a native of Ireland, is marked in a
German calendar at that day. .. Accordingly, on account of the
similarity of the name, he has Ernulph, as well as Erlulph at 2d
Febr. As to Erlulph having been an Irishman, there is no suffi
cient proof, although Crantz says that he was either a Scot or an
Englishman. He was killed by the Northmen at Ebbeckstorp, not

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 345
far from Hamburgh, in, it is said, the year 856. The accounts
given of him are rather obscure, and unsupported by ancient do
cuments. (See the Bollandists at 2 February.) With regard to
Ernulph, were we to judge from the name, it might seem that he
was not an Irishman ; but he is expressly so called, and probably
his real name was Ernuf or Ernubh, which, conformably to
a Northern termination, was changed into Ernulph in the same
manner as Mailduf, or Maildubh, was changed into Maildulpk.
(See Not. 62 to Chap, xvm.) Why Buo should be marked at 5
February or styled a saint, Colgan gives us no other authority than
that of Camerarius on a Scotch martyrology and of Dempster.
(22) Acts qf Ernulph and Buo from Arngrim Jonas. Although
Colgan, with others makes Buo an Irishman, yet Arngrim's words,
also qf the same province, may be conjectured to refer not to
Ireland but to the Icelandic province of Kialarn. But the stress
intimated by also, quoque, leads us to think, that the author's
meaning was to point out Buo as a countryman of Ernulph. It
is going rather too far to call Ernulph and Buo the Apostles of
Iceland. The little that is known of them does not authorize us
to give them that title, which was bestowed on them by the above-
mentioned Scotch writers, who, in spite of Arngrim, pretended
that they were Scotchmen. We have seen (Chap. xx. §. 4.) that
there were Christians and Irish missionaries in Iceland a long time
before either of them was born. And as to the re-establishment
of Christianity in Iceland after its occupation by the Norwegians,
Ara states, (Schedae, SfC. ch. 7.) that it was introduced during the
reign of Olaus Tryggvon, king of Norway, a great grandson of
Harold Harfagre, by persons, among whom he makes no men
tion either of Ernulph or of Buo. Olaus was killed in battle A. D.
1000. Whether Colgan and those whom he followed were right
in making the times of Ernulph, Buo, and Helgo Biola as early
as about 890 it is not worth while to inquire. The Bollandists (at
2 Febr.) omit Ernulph, and observe (ib. p. 267.) that some more
certain information, relative to him, was requisite than that sup
plied by Dempster and Colgan. And (at 5 Febr. p. 593.) speaking
of Buo, whom also they omit, they say that there is as little
clear or authentic known concerning him as there is about
Ernulph. Dempster, with his usual imposture, makes Buo author
of Homiliae ad Islandos. ( See Harris. Writers at Buo.)

346 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
(23) It is thus they are mentioned by Fabius Ethelwerd,
(Chron. ud A. 891, or89&) who says of Magilmunen that he was
" artibus,frondens,-,Htteradoetus, magister insignis Scottorunt"
Florence of Worcester (at A. 892.) calls them Dusblan, Mahbetk,
and Mulmulin. He says, that they left Ireland for the -purpose
of leading a bfe of pilgrimage. > Pe*hapg> they were obliged to fly
by the Northmen ; and hence we may account for theirgoing'in
a sorry boat without proper equipment. Matthew of Westminster
assigns their departure to A. 891. Ethelwerd speaking, in his bad1
Latin, of their visit to Alfred, sgys ; " Aelfredum- -adeunt regent,
in quorum advectum cunt rege pariter sinelitus ovat." Ledwich*
whose hatred of the old Irish has made him advance so much non
sense, pretends (Antiq. p. 1 80.) : that the names of these three
Irishmen intimates Danish or Norwegian extraction. Now, if
there ever were true Irish names, surely theirs were such. Can
any name be more Irish than Dufflan,- Black Flan? Or does the
Mac of the other names, -'or heathath, &c. indicate a Danish ori
gin? Did the Doctor ever look into a Danish dictionary?
(24) I have endeavoured topick out what is said of this death
from the barbarous style of Ethelward ; but I am not sure of hav
ing hit upon his real meaning.
§. in. The troubles caused by the Northmen still
continued. In 884 they plundered Kildare, and
carried off to their ships the prior Suibhne, son of
Duibhdabhaireann, besides 280 other persons. (25)
In 887 they laid waste- and pillaged Ardbraccan in
Meath ; (26) and in the following year, as some say,
or, as others, in 886 a great battle was fought be
tween Flan, king of Ireland, and the Dane? of Dub
lin, who, it is said, gained a bloody victory, while
there fell on the part of the Irish, Aedh, son of
Conor, king of Connaught, Largis, or Leargus, bi
shop of Kildare, and Donogh son of Maoldum,
prince of Kill-Dealga, (27) kildare was again de
vastated by the Danes in 888 ; and in the following
year Clonard. (28) According to one account; the
Danes of Dublin, proceeded ih 891 to Armagh,
and, having plundered the city and destroyed various

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 347
sacked buildings, took with them 7i0 captives } but
another account assigns this transaetidti to A. D.
895. (29) It is added that it was pillaged again in
894 by Nprthmen, who came from Lough-foyle ;
yet it is more probable, that this happened in 898.
(30) In the year 896 the Northmen of Tirconnel
suffered a dreadful defeat, in which two of their
chiefs, Auliffe son of Ivar, and Gluntradna son of
Gluniaran, besides 800 of thfeir followers, were,
killed by *be Irish commanded by Aiteid son of
Laghan. (31) The power of these marauders was
gradually diminishing, and would have declined still
faster, were not the Irish quarreling among them
selves. In 902 they were slaughtered by the. people
of Leinster, and the whole of them were driven out
of Ireland. (32) Those of Dublin Were expelled by
the men of Bregh, headed by Maol-Finia (or Fin
nian) son of Flanagan, who had been killed in 896,
(33) and by the inhabitants of Leinster commanded
by Carrol. (34) It was, in all probability, after this
exploit that Maol-Finnian became a monk and abbot
of Inis-Patrick (Holmpatrick), where he died in
great reputation of sanctity, A. D. 903, (35) on the
6th of February, at which day his name occurs in
various calendars both Irish and foreign. (36)
(251 Four Masters, ap. Tr. Th.p. 629. at 883 (884).
(26) Ib. p. 663 and Ind. Chron. at A. 886 (887).
(27) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 888. They are followed by
Ware, (Antiq. cap 24). The 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 629)
assign this battle to 885 (886). Largis has been mentioned above
J. I.
(28) Four Masters (ib.) A. 887 (888). and in A A. SS. p. 407. at
A. 888 (889).
(29) The 4 Masters (ib. p. 296.) have A. 890 (891) while the
Annals of Ulster have A. 894 (895), and are followed by Ware,
(loc. cet.)who, however, tells us elsewhere (Bishops of Armagh at
Maelbrigid) that Armagh was plundered by the Danes in 890.
But he took this from what he found in Colgan from the 4 Masters,

S48 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII,
to whose date I should prefer those of the Ulster Annals. As to
the 710 captives, who, according to the 4 Masters, were taken at
Armagh, the Annals of Ulster do not mention this circumstance,
but state that in the year 895 (896) Gluniarn, a Northman chief>:
gained a victory, but where we are not told, in which he made
710 prisoners.
(30) The 4 Masters, ib. have A. 893 (894), Neither in the
Annals of Ulster, nor in Ware, (Antiq.) is this devastation men
tioned, although (at Bishops loc. cit.) following Colgan as before,
he says that the Danes plundered Armagh also in 893. That
some Northmen, who came from Lough-foyle, sacked Armagh
cannot be denied ; but, considering that this occurred after the
plundering by the Dublin Danes, which, in all probability, was in
895, it must be placed later than marked by the 4 Masters ; and,,
in fact, the Annals of Innisfallen assign it to A. 898.
(31) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 896. This victory is men
tioned also in the Ulster Annals, which have at 895 (896) ; " The
Gals defeated by the men of Tirconnel under Mac-Laigur (for
son of Laghan), who killed Auliffe son of Ivar.'' At said year
these annals state, that Flanagan, king of Bregh (the country
stretching from Dublin to Drogheda) was killed by the North
men. (32) Annals of Innisfallen A. 902, and of Ulster at A. 901
(902.) (33) See Not. 31 . (34) Annals of Ulster, ib.
(35) Ib. at A. 902 (903).
(36) Colgan touching on him (AA. SS. at 6 Febr. p. 268.)
calls him St. Finnian or Moelfinnian, who, from prince of Bregh
became a monk, &c. The 4 Masters, whom he quotes, assign
his death to 898 (899) ; but this cannot agree with his having
fought against the Danes in 902, It is odd that the dates of the
4 Masters are usually earlier by some years than those of the an
nals both of Ulster and Innisfallen. To the many instances we
have met with I may here add that for the death of Bressal, a lec
turer of Armagh, which (ap. Tr. Th. p. 296.) they assign to A.
894 (895) ; whereas, according to the Ulster Annals (ap. Usher,
Pr. p. 861.) he died in 898 (899).
§. iv. By far the most celebrated man of these

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 349
times in Ireland was Cormac Mac-Culinan, who was
not only bishop of Cashel, but likewise king there,
that is, of all Munster, of which that city was the
capital. He was not the first who united the scepter
of that province with the episcopacy ; for, as we have
seen, Olchobar and Coenfoelad, bishops of Emly, had
been also kings of Cashel or of Munster. Little is
known concerning the earlier part of Cormac's life.
I find that he was born in 837 ; (37) and it is al
lowed on all hands, that he was of the Eugenian
branch of the royal house of Munster. That he
wa,s educated for the ecclesiastical state is evident
from his having been possessed of great learning, for
the acquisition of which he must have Spent a great
part of his time amidst the tranquillity of college or
xeligious establishments. It is said that he had been
instructed by Snegdus a learned and pious abbot of
Castledermot ; (38) and it is certain that he was a
bishop before he became a king. But how or where
he was raised to the mitre it is not easy to under
stand. Before his time Cashel was not an episcopal
see, having been, notwithstanding some idle conjec
tures to the contrary, still comprized in the diocese
of Emly. How then did Cormac become bishop of
Cashel? The see of Emly continued to exist, as
usual, and had its bishops, distinct from those of
Cashel, in his time and for centuries later. There
was no quarrel or schism between Emly and Cashel,
and Cormac, while bishop and king, was on the best
terms with the bishop of Emly. I think it probable,
that he was bishop of Lismore before he removed to
Cashel. For a Cormac, son of CulinaU; is stated to
have been bishop there in those times ; and I do not
find any sufficient reason for supposing, that we are
to admit two bishops Cormac, both sons of Culinans,
and contemporaries, one at Cashel and the other at
Lismore. (39) It may be, however, that he was
originally made bishop at Cashel on account of his
extraordinary merit, according to the Irish system of

350 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
raising distiRguashed'lieysons to the episcopal rank
in places^, where/previously there had been no bishops.
Then, in, consequence of the great respect in which
his memtiry; was. .held, -Gashel probably became a
permanent aid:megular see; and there is good reason
t@ tbiflk thflt,rasrthe capital of Munster, its follow
ing; bishops. gradually acquired, even before it be
came a really tnetropolitical see, the ascendancy
which had been formerly enjoyed by the church of
Emly. (37) Annals of Jnnisfallen, at A. 837.
(38). See O'Conor's Dissertations, sect. 17. and the 4 Masters
at A. 885, amd below Not. 56.
(39) Colgan (A A. SS. p. 36O0'has, from the 4 Masters, as dif
ferent persons Cormac Mac-Culinan king and bishop of Cashel,
whose death they assign to 903 (904), and Cormac Mac-Culinan,
bishop- of Lismore, whom they call prince of the. Desies, and who,
they say, died in 918 (919), If these dates were correct, it would
follow that there were two distinct Cbrmacs Mac-Culinan. But, at
least, the former one is not; ; for the Cormac of Cashel died in
908 ; and as to 918 for the one of Lismore it is perhaps a mis
take for 908. The 4 Masters, when searching in old annals and
documents, might. have found Cormac Mc. Culinan called in some
bishop of Lismore,.. and. in others of Cashel, and thence supposed
that they were different. Their calling Cormac of Lismore prince
qf the Desies .does not furnish an argument against his having
been the same as Cprmac.of Cashel ; whereas, in consequence, of
being bishpp of that great see, situated in the Desies country,, he
might while there have got that title,'.in the same manner assomebi-
shops.ofEmly,ar. c, Eugene Mac-Cenfoelad, (see above §. l.).were
styled princes qf Emly. I suspect that die epithet Theasalescop,
which has been applied to Cormac (Not. prec.) before he became
king of Cashel, alludes to a see more southerly than Cashel, such
as loMuore is, Perhaps it was usualto distinguish Lismore by call
ing it the southern .place or establishment much in the same way
as Alcuin spoke of it in his letter to Colcu. (See Not. 45. to Chap.
xx.)

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 351
§. v. The greatest part of what is known con
cerning the transactions of Cormac is relative more
to the civil than to the ecclesiastical history of Ire
land. The occasion of his being.raised to me throne
was, that Kinngeagan, who had got; possession of it
in 895 (40) was dethroned in .901, and Cormac
was called to it by his opponents. (41) Yet some
time elapsed before he was peaceably seated on it ;
and it is stated, that Fionngakie, who is called son
of Gorman king of Cashel, was killed in 902 dur
ing the contest by his own people. (42) It was in
90S that Cormac became king, without opposition.
(43) While he was governing his kingdom in
peace, Flann, surnamed Sionna, king of all Ireland,
and Cearbhal, son of Muregan, king of Leinster,
marched with an army towards Munster, and laid
waste the whole country between Gowran and Lime
rick. (44) But in the following year Cormac, ac
companied by Flathertach Mac-Ionmunain' abbot of
Inniscatthy, a man of a very military disposition, set
out with the forces of Munster, and, arriving in the
plains of Magh-leana in the now King's county*' gave
battle to Flann and his confederates of Leath-Cuinn
(the northern half of Ireland) and defeated them
with great loss, particularly of the Nialls, among
whom Maolchraobha son of Cathalan king of Kinel-
Eogain (Tyrone) was killed. Flann being forced
to submit and give hostages to Cormac, the Munster
army advanced to Maighe-na-Ceurradh (apparently
the Kierrigia of Roscommon) and there compelled
the Conacians and some of the Nialls to give hos
tages, after which they plundered the islands of
Lough-ree and a fleet that lay there ; and then Leath-
cuinn became tributary tp an ecclesiastic. (45) Flann
and his adherents did not long submit to this de
gradation, but, together with Cearbhal of Leinster,
the princes of Leath-cuinn, Cathal son of Conor
king of Connaught, &c. raised a great army, which
was met, in 906, at Beallach Mughna (Ballymoon

352 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
in Idrone, county of Carlow) by Cormac at the head
of the forces of Munster and Ossory under their va
rious chiefs and many of ~ their principal nobility.
A desperate battle then took places in which
Cormac was killed by one Fiacha, and along with
him several other princes and nobles, besides
about 6000 of their followers. (46) This battle
is said to have been fought on the 16th of August;
(47) and some writers place the scene of it at Moy-
albe or the White field. This, however, does not
imply any difference of situation ; for Moyalbe was
near Beallach-Mughna, being in the vicinity of Old
Leighlin. (48) It has been foolishly said, that Cor
mac was killed not in this battle but by the Danes, a
story quite in opposition to the most respectable au
thorities and to the then state of Ireland. (49)
Others tell us, that his death was occasioned by a
fall from his horse during the heat of the battle ;
and, according to another account, he did not engage
in the battle at all, but was praying apart for the
success of his army, when a herdsman coming up put
him to death (50)
(40) Annals of Innisfallen, as ap. Harris.
(41) Ib. at A, 891 (Mr. O'Reilly's copy).
(42) Ib. ad. A. 902. Colgan says, (Tr. Th. p. 186.) that
Fionngaine was son of Kinngeagan ; but how will this agree with
his being called in the Innisfallen annals son qf Gorman ? O'Fla
herty (MS. not.ib.) asserts that Fionngaine was the same as Kinn
geagan. If so, it is odd that in the course of two or three lines
the same persons should be called in those annals first Kinn
geagan and next Fionngaine. I do not presume to judge on a
matter of this kind, which I have touched upon merely to show,
that -there was a contest for the throne of Cashel after the nomi
nation of Cormac.
(43) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 903. The 4 Masters have
earlier dates for these transactions ; butt heir authority is not equal,
particularly with regard to the affairs of Munster. .
(44) Ib. ad A. 906. (45) Ib. ad A. 907.

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 353
(46) Ib. ad A. 908. I cannot guess what reason, Dr. Milner
had ( Tour in Ireland, Letter 14.) for suspecting, in direct
opposition to our Annals, that Cormac lived at a much later
period. (47) Ware, Antiq. cap. 21. and Archbishops qf Cashel, at
Cormac. (48) See Not. 36. to Chap. xv.
(49) The fable of Cormac having been killed by the Danes is not
to be found in any Irish annals or document that I know of. It
is in the chronicle of Caradoc of Lhancarvan, who, calls Cormac
" Carmot, the son of Cukeman, king and bishop qf Ireland" The
mighty antiquary Ledwich (Antiq. fyc. p. 148.) follows Caradoc ;
for, in fact, he prefers eveiy authority to that of Irish histoiy,
which indeed is not to be wondered at, as he knows so little about
it. Speaking of Cormac, he says that " Irish romantic history
tells us • that he was descended from Olioll Olum king of Munster
of the Eugenian race, &c" The reader will please to observe,
that he calls the Irish history of even the tenth century romantic.
Then to show Iris learning he says that Olioll Olum was of the
Eugenian race. Pray how could that be ? For Eugbnius, from
whom that race was denominated, and from whom the Mac
Carthys, &c. descend, was a son of Olioll Olum, who was the
ancestor also of the Dalcassian princes, to whom the O'Briens, &c.
belonged. If the Doctor had looked only into Keating's pedi
grees, he would not have insulted the public with such blunders.
Our antiquary adds ; " I rely more on the testimony of Caradoc
of Lhancarvan for his (Cormac's) existence than the plausible fic
tions of national writers ; and I think what this Welsh chronicler
relates of his being slain by the Danes most likely ; for at
this time they were ravaging every part of the kingdom." The in
solence of this ignorant man is really intolerable. To represent
what our annalists, historians, and the constant tradition of all
Ireland have concerning the existence of Cormac as plausible fic
tions shows such a perverse carelessness of truth with regard to Irish
history, that the proposer of such nonsense is not worth arguing
against. What object could our national writers have had in in
venting an account of Cormac's existence ? But see what this sage
critic relies on for it. The testimony of Caradoc! a testimony
VOL. III. A A

354 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
which woiildbe unintelligible had not Cormac really existed. For
who otherwise could discover, who was Carmot son of Cukeman,
&c. ? As to his following Caradoc on Cormac's having been killed
by the Danes, it would have been more to the honour of Ireland
and of its clergy had such been the case ; nor would our annalists
have attributed the death of a king and bishop, so highly esteemed,
to his own countrymen, or have so particularly mentioned their
names, if they had not been the authors of it. But the fact is,
that Cormac could not have been killed at that time by the Danes ;
for, although neither Caradoc nor his humble follower the Doctor
knew it, there were no Danes then in Ireland, against whom Cor
mac could have fought. For, as we have seen (above §. 3.) they
had been driven out in 902, and, although they returned after
wards, yet they did not come back, at least in any considerable
force, until some years later than 908, the year in which Cormac
was killed.
(50) For these various statements see Keating B. 2. where he
treats largely of Cormac, and Ware and Harris, Archbishops of,
Cashel, at Cormac.
§. vi. Cormac was accompanied in this unfortu
nate expedition by several ecclesiastics, some of
whom actually fought in the battle. Among the
slain are reckoned Olioll Mac-Eogan, abbot of Cork,
and Colman, abbot of Kinnity. (51) The chief
fomenter of it and encourager of Cormac to meet
the enemy out of his own country, in opposition to
his wish to compromise matters, as he loved peace
and is said to have had a foreknowledge of his death
in case of an engagement taking place, is stated to
have been the furious Flathertach abbot of Innis-
cathy, who was one of the principal commanders in
the battle., (52) This martial spirit, which unluckily
insinuated itself among the Irish clergy, and whieh
was so' contrary to the feelings and principles of their
predecessors, (53), originated in the contests against
the pagan Northmen* in which they were much in
volved, and some of them almost forced to take up
arms to defend themselves and their establishments

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 355
against those barbarous and savage invaders. But,
whatever apology may be made for the churchmen
who fought against them, or for Cormac who, as a
king, was bound to protect his subjects, whosoever
the enemies might be, none can be found for such
conduct as that of Flathertach, if what is said of him
be true. Tiobruide, bishop of Emly, and who is
called the religious successor qf Ailbe, also accom
panied Cormac ; (54) but whether he mixed in the
battle or not I do not find recorded. Previous to the
engagement Cormac made his confession to Comhgall
his confessor, and made his will, in which he be
queathed various sacred ornaments and utensils, be
sides gold and silver, to divers churches and religious
places, such as of Cashel, Lismore, Emly, Armagh,
Kildare, Glendaloch, &c. (55) It is said that his body
was brought to Cashel and interred there ; but, ac
cording to another account, it has been supposed that
he was buried at Castle-derm ot. (56) His reputa
tion for piety, wisdom, and learning was so great;
that he has been considered as the most eminent man
of his times in Ireland. (57) He wrote the cele
brated work, entitled, the. Psalter of Cashel, (58)
in whifch he treated of the history and antiquities of
Ireland. It has been considered as of the highest
authority, and was still extant entire in the 17th
century, and is probably so somewhere at present,
although I know only of some parts of it, which are
to be found. (59) To him is usually attributed the
Irish glossary or Etymological dictionary, called
Sanasan Cormac ; (60) and he is said to have written
a book on the genealogies of the Irish saints. (61)
The beautiful small church, now called Cormac's
Chapel, on the rock of Cashel, and perhaps the oldest
ecclesiastial building of stone now remaining in Ire
land, is universally allowed to have been erected by
this king and bishop. (62) This church could not
at any time have been the cathedral of Cashel, as
a a 2

3.56 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
some writers have supposed ; for it was quite too
small for that purpose ; and I can scarcely doubt
that it was merely a royal church or chapel annexed
to the king's palace or castle, which was situated on
the summit of the rock. (63)
(51) For Olioll see Annals of Innisfallen at A. 908, and for
Colman, Keating. Kinnity is in that part -of the King's county,
which formerly belonged to Munster.
(52) Keating, ib. (53) See Chap. xx. §. 9.
(54) Keating, ib. (55) Keating, ib.
(56) According to Ware (loc. cit.) he was buried at Cashel.;
but Keating (ib.) asserts that he ordered to have his remains de
posited in Cloyne, where St. Colman son of Lenir had been
buried, or if that could not be done, in Disert Dermod (Castle-
dermot), where he had resided for some years in his youth, and
received his education, viz. I suppose, under the abbot Snegdus.
But I do- not find that Keating makes him be actually interred at.
Castledermot. (57) In the Annals of Innisfallen (at A 908.) Conhacis styled
the most learned in knowledge and science, and the most holy and
pious in his time in Ireland. The 4 Masters (ap. A A. SS. p.
360,) call him king, bishop, anchoret a wise man, and 'writer.
(58) It is usually supposed that this work was called Psalter
on account of its having been written in verse, in the same man
ner as there was the Psalter of Tara, and as to one or two works
of Aengus Cele-de was given the name of Psalter-na-rann. (See
Chap. xx. §. 10.) But my deceased worthy friend General Val-
lancey informed me that this was a mistake, as the original title of
the work; was Saltair, which, he said, signifies chronicle ; and so
he has stated in his Prospectus qf-a dictionary of. the ancient Irish
at Taireac. Yet Saltair signifies also Psalter, and the Psalter
ot*Saltair-na-rann was not a chronicle.
(59) Ware makes mention of it (Antiq. cap. 21. and Arch*-
bishops of Cashel at Cormac) as extant in his time and in great
esteem. He says that he had some collections out of it. Keating
had a copy of it, which he often quotes, and speaks of it more
than once in his Preface as a work to be seen in his days. Col
gan also touches on it (A A. SS. p. 5.) as actually existing; and

CHAP. -XXII.

OF IRELAND. 357

Lhuyd (Archaeologia, catalogue of Irish MSS.) Nicholson
(Irish Histor. Library, ch. 2) and Dr. O'Conor (Ep. Nuncup.
8fc. p. 65.) tells us, that there is a part of it in an old MS. of
the Bodleian library at Oxford. Some writers pretend that Cor
mac was not the author of it, and that it was compiled after his
times. In fact, there are some circumstances mentioned as taken
from it, which belong to a later period; for instance, the latter part
of the catalogues of the archbishops of Armagh (ap. Tr. Th. p~
292.) which comes down to the latter end of the eleventh cen
tury. But this proves nothing more than that some addition&have
been made to the original work of Cormac, as has^ been the case
with regard to numbers of historical works, particularly those
written in the middle ages. The mighty Ledwich, not content
with denying (Antiq. fyc. p. 154.) that Cormac was the author, of
it, makes some puny efforts to undermine the author's veracity.
In his great reading he found, that Stillingfleet (Antiq. of the
British churches, ch. 5.) quoted and remarked on some silly old
stories related by Peter Walsh (Prospect of Ireland) from the
Psalter of Cashel. Walsh had copied them from Keating, to whom
he refers ; but Stillingfleet either had not Keating's work, or could
not understand it, as it was then only in Irish. Is it, however,
because such stories were found in the Psalter, to be concluded
that the author was neglectful of truth, as the Doctor, distorting'
Stillingfleet's meaning, insinuates ?,Who will say that Keating
himself was a liar, because he has given many foolish things, which
he did not wish the reader to believe, from certain old documents ?
Or will the Doctor question the veracity of Usher, in whose
Primordia we meet with heaps of fables ? In like manner why
bring such a charge against the author of the Psalter for having
copied matters not worthy of belief? Surely no historian was ever
judged in this manner, unless he professed to make us consider as
true every thing inserted in his work. As for a real want of vera
city, the reader will find an instance in the Doctor's said page,
where he says that Stillingfleet affirms the Psalter of Cashel to be
a collection of poetical fictions, and that it was compiled in the
13th century. Now Stillingfleet has not affirmed nor even hinted
at such things, nor has he denied that Cormac was the author of the
Psalter. (60) See Harris, Writers at Cormac Mac Ctdinan, Dr. Led-

358 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
wich has (loc. cit.) some grumbling also about this Glossary. He
could not deny that such a work exists ; for General Vallancey
had a copy of it, which he often quotes under the name of Cormac
Mac Culinan, and Lhuyd had one, which he copied from an
old Irish MS. O'Brien makes mention of it in his Dictionary at
Bealtinne, Where he calls it simply an old glossary copied by Mr.
Lhuyd. I believe there are at present many copies of it to be
found. Mr. O'lteiDy has one. (See the Prospectus to his Dic
tionary qf the Irish language.) The Doctor says ; " Supposing
the glossary genuine, would it now be intelligible ?" Strange
that a man, who set up as an Irish antiquary, should ask
such a question, as if the Irish of the 9th or 10th century could
not be understood by our Irish scholars at present. Surely, al
though the Doctor could not understand it, he must have known
that those, who are really versed in the language, find scarcely any
difficulty in translating Irish documents still more ancient than the
ninth century, as may be seen in Colgan's works, &c. But I am
going out of my way, and shall only add, that I wish some genuine
Irish scholar and antiquary would give the Doctor a bit of good
advice as to his "meddling with matters, which he knows nothing
about.
i;> (61 ) Colgan, A A. SS.p. 5. Nicholson fell into a great mistake(/?\
Hist. Libr. Append. No. 1.) in ascribing to Cormac Mac Culinan
a political tract, which is said to have been composed by Cormac
Ulfada a king of Ireland in the third century. He strangely con
founded this king, who lived in pagan timds, with the bishop and
king of Cashel. This mistake, which has been remarked upon by
Harris, (Writers, ch. 1.) shows, that Nicholson was very poorly ac
quainted with Irish history.
(62) Here again we meet with Ledwich. He allows that this
church or chapel is a very curious fabric, but strives to make us
believe, that it was built after Cormac's times. This he was not
able to prove from the style of its architecture, which, he says, (p.
152) was prior to the introduction of the Noijman or Gothic styles.
He has some bungling about a Saxon style, and tells us that Cor
mac's chapel bears a great " resemblance to the church of St. Peter
atvOxford; which is supposed to be the oldest stone church in
England, and said to be built by Grymbald about the endof the
9th century." As I have often seen this chapel, I may add that
the Doctor is right as to its style being antecedent to that vulgarly

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 359
called Gothic, and that it is similar to the low Roman or Italian
style, which appears in some churches in Italy, particularly at Pavia,
that were erected in -the 7th, 8th, or 9th century. But, waving
architecture, let us see how he endeavours to show that it was
built after Cormac's times. He lays down, (p. 150.) merely
from his own head, that it was erected for the purpose of re
ceiving Cormac's remains. Then he says that, if it was built
by Cormac himself, he must have foreknown that he was to be
cannonized and dubbed the 'patron saint of CasheL This is truly
ridiculous nonsense. In the first place, even supposing that Cor.
mac wished to be buried in it, might he not have erected it with
out presuming to think, that he would become a patron saint?
How many hundreds of powerful persons have erected churches or
chapels, in which their remains should be deposited, who, how
ever, never imagined that they should be canonized ? Did Fitz-
Adelm de Burgo, when founding the religious house of Athassell
near Cashel, in which he was afterwards buried, expect to be
called saint ? Next we have seen, that doubts have been enter
tained concerning the place of Cormac's interment, which could
not have existed, had the chapel been built for the purpose men
tioned by the Doctor. But who told him, that Cormac has been
dubbed the patron of Cashel ? I have some right to know more
about that city than he can, and I am able to tell him that its in
habitants, so far from considering him as their patron, do not give
him even the title of saint, always speaking of him by the simple
name of Cormac Mac Culinan ; nor do they ever invoke him, or ce
lebrate his memory in any manner whatsoever as usual with re
gard to persons reputed saints.
I have said that Cormac's chapel is perhaps the oldest ecclesi
astical stone building in Ireland. Yet I will not contend that
some of the ruins of those of Glendaloch and the small church of
St. Doulach in the barony of Coolock in the district of Fingal,
county of Dublin, or at least a part of it, may not be of equal
antiquity. By the bye, the Doctor had no right to rob the
Irish nation of St. Doulach, and to give him to the Danes,
as he does p. 147, where he says that Doulach is a corruption
of St. Olave, and thence concludes, that St. Doulach's church
could not ha,ve been built before the 11th century. But St.
Doulach, or rather Dulech, was an Irishman, son of Amalgad
the son of Sinell, &c. and his memory was revered on the 17th of

360 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
November in the very spot, anciently called Clochar, on which
the church is situated. (See AA. SS. p. 598.) The Doctor might
have learned this much even from Archdall (at St. Doulough)
without introducing his favourite Danes, and on inquiry he could
have found, that St. Doulach must have lived a veiy long time
before St. Olave was born. He refers to Harris, (History of
Dublin, p. 86) who says that there was a St. Olave's church, at
the end of Fishamble-street, vulgarly called St. TuUoch's, or he
adds, St. Doolach's. But Harris makes no mention of St. Dou-
lach's in Fingal, with which place the vulgarly named St. Tul-
lock's had nothing to do.
(63) Ware speaks of it (Antiq. cap. 29.) in such a manner as
to seem to state, that it was at some time the cathedral of Cashel,
and the same is hinted by Harris (at Archbishops of Cashel).
But who can imagine that a chapel, the nave of which is only 30
feet in length and 18 in breadth, could have been a cathedral, par
ticularly of a city which was the capital of Munster ? Cashel was
certainly as populous in Cormac's time as it was about 260 years
after his death, when a new cathedral was erected on its rock ad
joining Cormac's chapel, and which it was found necessary to make,
at least, ten times larger than the chapel. The old cathedral must
have been somewhere in the city at the foot of the rock, on which
was the king's palace or castle during the period that kings re
sided at Cashel. It was there that Failbhe Fland had his habita
tion and court. (See the Life of St. Pulcherius, cap. 21. and
above Chap. xvii. §. 5.) The rock was not originally applied to
a religious Christian purpose, however it " might have been an
ciently to a Pagan one, although Dr. Ledwich makes us laugh
with telling us, (Ant. p. 150.) that Cashel (meaning the rock)
was an ancient Mandra, that is, as he should have explained to
his readers, inhabited by monks. Hear how he proves it; " There
is a wall surrounding the summit of the rock ; therefore monks
dwelt there." He might as well maintain, that eveiy old garden
with a wall around it was a Mandra. The wall surrounding the
summit of that rock is far from being ancient, and, supposing it to
be ever so old, is it anywise strange, that a spot, on which was
the king's castle, should be environed by a wall ? It is, however,
true that there was, as expressly mentioned, a wall around it in
ancient times, whereas the royal residence was also a fortress.
(See Life of St. Pulcherius, loc. cii.) Another argument is, that

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 36l
the rock is elevated, and that the monastic spirit prevailed in Ire
land ; therefore the rock of Cashel was a Mandra. What pro
digious antiquarian penetration ! To follow up his theory, he ought
to have added, that every high place, eveiy mountain and hill, in
Ireland was a Mandra. As he has made use of that Greek word,
whence has come the title of Archimandrite, which we find given
to some superiors of monks, he ought to have previously under
stood its ecclesiastical meaning. For it was not on account of sur
rounding walls, or inclosures of ground, as he supposed, that cer
tain communities of monks got the name of Mandra. There were
no such walls in the deserts of Egypt, and yet they contained
Mandras and Archimandrites. But this is not the place to enter
into these disquisitions.
§. vii. lt is usually supposed that henceforth
Cashel became a regular episcopal see ; but the
names of his successors are not known until about
180 years after the death of Cormac. The succes
sion at Emly was still kept up, and Miscel, who died
in 898, (64<) was succeeded by Flan Mac-Conail,
whose death is assigned to 903, after whom was
Tiobruide, or Tibraid Mac-Moelfin, who had accom
panied Cormac in his last expedition, and whom we
find called prince of Emly. He died in 912, and
next after him is mentioned Edchada Mac-Scan-
lain, who lived until 911. (65) Cormac, bishop of
Saigir, died in 908. (66) In the same year a sacri-
legius transaction occurred at Armagh. One Ker-
nachan,. son of Dulgen, dragged a captive out of the
cathedral, where he had taken refuge, and drowned
him in Lough Kirr near the city to the West. But
he was soon punished by Niell Glundubh, then king
of Ulster, and afterwards of all Ireland, who seized
upon Kernachan and drowned him in the same
lough (67)
About these times the body of St. Maimbodus, who
is called martyr, because he was killed by robbers,
was removed by order of Berengarius bishop of
Besan^n, to Monbelliard. (68) He was a native

86% AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
of Ireland, (69) of a distinguished and wealthy fa
mily, and belonged to the clerical order. Having
left his country for the sake of pilgrimage, he vi
sited holy places, and led a very austere life. Ar
riving0 in Burgundy, he was entertained for some
time by1 a nobleman, who Conceiving a great esteem
for him, on account of his sanctity, pressed him to
accept of some presents. But Maimbodus refused
to take any thing, except a pair of gloves in me
mory of him, and blessing him and his family took
his leave. He stopped to pray in a church called St.
Peter's, in the village of Domnipetra, eight miles dis
tant from Besan^on, where some robbers, observing
that he wore gloves, thought that he had money about
him, and waylaid him outside the village. They
attacked him, and striving to extort money, which
in fact he had not, beat and wounded him in such a
manner that he died oh the spot. His body being
found by some faithful was buried in the above men
tioned church, whence after some time it was re
moved to Monbelliard, and the bishop Berengarius
decreed that the memory of St. Maimbodus should
be celebrated in the diocese of Besanc/tn on the 23d
of January, the anniversary of his death, as it has
been since that time. Several miracles are said to
have been wrought at the tomb of this saint. (70)
Another Irish saint, still more revered in that dio
cese, but whose times are more uncertain, was Ana
tolius (71) That he was a Scot is constantly asserted
by the many writers, who have touched upon his
history; and that he was an Irish one appears from
his: being described as a countryman of St. Colum
banus of Luxeu, St. Deicolus, &c. (72) He was
a bishop before he left Ireland. (73) Of his trans
actions, until a short time before his death, I find no
thing more recorded than that returning from Rome
he stopped at a mountain or rock over the valley and
city\of Salinae (Salins), in the diocese of Besancofij
on which he prayed, in an oratory called from St.

GHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 363
Symphorian, martyr of Autun ; that he liked the
place, determined on remaining there, and died a
few days after. (74) As to the time of his death I
find nothing, that can enable us even to guess at it,
except that his natalis, or the anniversary of it, was
kept on the third of February. (75) Although St.
Anatolius was a bishop, he was not attached to any
see in France, nor does he appear to have even
exercised episcopal functions in that country. (76)
His memory is very famous for miracles said to have
been wrought at his tomb, and has been greatly cele
brated in the diocese of Besan^n, particularly at
Salins. (77) Besides his festival on the third of
February, another is kept on the first of September,
in commemoration of a translation of his remains.
(78) (64) Above, §. I. (65) Ware, Bishops at Emly.
(66) A A. SS. p. 4-73 ad A. 907 (908). Owing to an erratum,
we there find 997 instead of 907, by which Ware was led astray
so as to place (Bishops of Ossdry) Cormac's death in 997 ; but
this mistake has been corrected by Harris.
(67) Tr. Th. p. 296. at A. 907 (908), and Harris, Arch
bishops qf Armagh at Maelbrigid.
(68) Bollandus has published (at 23 January) the Acts of St.
Maimbodus from Chifflet and a MS. of the church of Besancon.
They have been republished by Colgan at said day. The time
in which the saint lived is not mentioned, andean only be guessed
at by its seeming, that.it was not long before his remains were
removed by order of Berengarius, who, as Bollandus and others
state, lived about A. D. 900.
(69) This is clear from the Scotia, whence the Acts bring hven,
being represented as that, which was the country; of St. Colum
banus, St. Deicolus, and St. Cqlumbinus, who had distinguished
themselves in Burgundy. Colgan remarks that, instead pf Maim
bodus, some have called him Maingohis, and that Maingol wasa
common name among the ancient Irish.
(70) See the Acts and the notes to them.
(71) Colgan treats of St. Anatolius at 3d February, as do the

364 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
Bollandists much more diffusely. They have, besides their own
observations, a short old Life by an anonymous author, and a
sketch of one drawn up by Father ChifHet.
(72) . In the Acts of St. Maimbodus after St. Columbanus and
other saints from Scotia (Ireland), who had illustrated Burgundy,
is mentioned Anatolius from the Scotia. " Post hos vero cele-
berrimum confessorem praedicamus Anatolium ex Scotia ibidem
genitum, lumen tibi a Domino destinatum."
(73) In the anonymous Life (ap. Bolland.) we read of him ;
" Fuit igitur vir iste Scoticae regionis oriundus, poniificali officio,
ut fert priorum assertio, praeditus."
(74) Ib.
(75) According to an opinion of ChifHet in his little sketch of
the Life of Anatolius, he should have lived early in the 5th centu
ry; but in that case he would have been a Greek or a Cilician.
There was an Anatolius bishop of Adana in Cilicia, who took part
with St- John Chrysostom against Theophilus of Alexandria, and
ofwhom Palladius (Dialog, de Vit. S. Chrys.) says, that it was
reported he had withdrawn to Gaul. ChifHet took it into his head,
that he was the Anatolius so famous at Salins. And then to ac
count for his having been universally called a Scotus, he says that
he might been so denominated in the same manner as all foreigners
were in old times vulgarly called Scoti in France. This is a truly
pitiful evasion ; for, in the first place ChifHet could not have proved
this position ; whereas, although there were in the middle ages
very many Irish there, yet we know from the French writers of
those times that all foreigners were not indiscriminately called
Scoti. Were Alcuin, Theodulf, Claudius, Prudentius, &e.
reckoned among the Scoti by the French ? But, whatever vulgar
mode of speaking as to foreigners might have prevailed after the
sixth century, when the Irish began to be so generally known in
prance, surely it cannot be supposed that an oriental bishop, who
lived before St. Patrick preached in Ireland, would have been
called a Scotus by the inhabitants of Gaul. The Bollandists, wish
ing to pay a compliment to ChifHet, state that his opinion is pro
bable ; yet they lay down that the other of Anatolius having been
a Scotus, ought not to be rashly disturbed after a possession of a
long line of centuries. Camerarius ( Menol. Scot.) and Dempster
(Hist. Eccl) have some fooleries concerning Anatolius of Salins'

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 365
in whieh he is confounded with Anatolius bishop of Laodicea, who
lived in the third century and wrote on the Paschal cycle, or with
Anatolius a patriarch of Constantinople in the fifth. It may be
said, that Anatolius is not an Irish name. But might not this
saint, being in the continent, have assumed it, as of more easy
pronunciation, instead of his original one, which perhaps had the
same meaning ? Or, it might have been inflected by the foreigners,
among whom he lived, from his real name beginning perhaps with
Ana, but which they could not well pronounce. We have already
seen, that many Irishmen were known in the continent by names,
which they did not bear in Ireland.
(76) Molanus and Ferrarius thought that Anatolius was bishop
of Besan^on. Colgan and the Bollandists have shown that this is
a mistake ; and it is clear from the anonymous Life, that he had
no see in France.
(77) The chief coUegiate church of Salins, of which he is the
patron saint, is called by his name, as is also one of the four parish
churches of that city, on the mountain at the South side of which
is the hermitage of St. Anatolius.
(78) In the 1 1th century the body of St. Anatolius was re
moved from the original tomb and placed in the principal church
of Salins. About 200 years later, Nicholas, who was bishop of
Besancon from A. 1229 to 1235, got it moved on a 1st of Sep
tember into an elegant shrine in the same church.
§ viii. In the early part of the tenth century is
said to have flourished Sealbach, who is called secre
tary to Cormac Mac-Culinan. He is represented as
a man of great piety and learning, and is said to
have written a genealogical tract on the saints of Ire
land. (79) Sealbach must have survived Cormac,
if it be true that he wrote an account of his^death
and virtues, and even for many years after, if he was
the author of that tract, or if it has not been con
tinued by others. Although the Northmen, or, at
least, the greatest part of them, had been driven out
of Ireland in 902, (80) yet we meet with them again
after some years. In 914 a party of them landed at
Waterford, but were slaughtered by a prince or

366 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
chieftain who is called of Idrona. (81) In 915 they
plundered Cbrkj Lismore, and Aghaboe. (82)
Flann Sinna, king of all Ireland, having died in
916, (83) was succeeded by Niell Glundubh (black-
kneed-) son of Aidus, or Edan Finnliath. Having
reigned scarcely three years, Niell was killed ina
great battle near Dublin by the Danes commanded
by Ivar and Sitric. In this battle fell also Conor
O'Maselsea.chlin, king of Meath, Aodh, Aidus, or
Hugh, son of Eochagan king of Ulster, and many •
other princes and nobles. (84) Previous to this
hattie the Danes had sorely afflicted in 916 the peo
ple of Leinster, and among many others killed An-
garv, son of Olioll king of that province. (85) But
in the same year great slaughter was made of them
in Munster; (86) and in the following year (917)
they were defeated at Emly. (87) The battle, in
which Niell Glundubh lost his life, was fought in
919 ; (88 ) and he was immediately succeeded by
Dunchad or Donogh, son of Flann Sinna, who in
the next year routed the Danes in so complete a man
ner that a greater number of them were slain than
had been of the Irish in the former battle near Dub
lin. (89) Donogh was the second monarch of his
name, and reigned 15 years until he died suddenly
in 944. Next after him was Congelac or Congal
II. son of Melmith a descendant of Congal, who was
uncle to the king Cined or Kineth, that reigned in
724. Congal II. was killed, fighting against the
Danes of Dublin, in 956, after a reign of 1 2 years.
His successor was Domnald O'Niell, son of Murcher
tach and grandson of Niell Glundubh. He reigned
24 years, died at Armagh in 980, and was suc
ceeded by Maelseachlin or Malachy II. a grandson of
Dunchad or Donogh II. by his . father Domnald.
(90) This king, having reigned more than 20 years,
surrendered the kingdom to Brian Boroimhe, as will
be seen hereafter.

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 367
(79) See Colgan, A A. SS.p. 5. and Hartis,' Writers at Set
back. Colgan says, that this work is supposed to be the excellent
old metrical Menelogium Genealogicum consisting of 22 chapters,
which he often quotes.
(80) Above, $. 3.
(81) Annals of Innisfallen (Mr. O'Reilly's copy) at A. 914,.
This Idrona could scarcely have been the Idrone of the county of
Carlow. There was a district not far from Waterford, called
Idrona or Drona.
(82) Ib. These plunderings are assigned to A. 913 (914) in the
Chronological index'to Tr. Th.
(83) See Chap. xx. §. 8.
(84) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 916. See also Ware, Antiq.
cap. 4. and O'Flaherty, Ogyg. Part m. cap. 93.
(85) Annals of Innisfallen ib. and Ware Antiq. cap. 24. Col
gan ( Tr. Th. p. 598) calls this prince Augurius.
(86) Ib.
(87) Annals of Ulster, ap. Johnstone, at A. 916 (917).
(88) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 919. Ware says, (Antiq. cap.
24) that this battle occurred in 918 on the 15th of September.
Yet elsewhere (ib. cap. 4.) he assigns the death of Niell Glundubh
to 919, as does also O'Flaherty, loc. cit.
(89) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 920.
(90) The Annals of Innisfallen (at A. 980) and Ware (Antiq.
cap. 4.) confound this Domnald with Domnald O'Niell, the king
who preceded Maelsechlin. But the 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p.
448) and O'Flaherty (loc. cit.) distinguish them.
§ ix. During the above mentioned devastation
of Leinster in 916, and for some time after, Leigh
lin was plundered in §17.(91) Kells in Meath
was ravaged in 919, in which year died Scanlan, a
scribe or learned man of Roscrea. (92) In 921
Godfrid, king of the Danes of Dublin, marched
into Ulster, and plundered Armagh in the month of
November. (93) He is said, however, to have spared
the Churches, the Colidei (the officiating clergy of
the cathedral) and the sick. (94) To the year 9110
is assigned the death of a celebrated abbot of Derry

368 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
and Drumcliff, Kinaed or Kineth, who was consi
dered as the great supporter of religion in Tircon
nel ; (95) and to 921 that of Paulinus or Mal-
Paulinus, who is styled a bishop, anchoret, chief
scribe of Leth-cuinn (the northern half of Ireland)
and abbot of Indenen, (96) and who was, ih all pro
bability, the Paulinus to whom Probus addressed his
Life of St. Patrick. (97) In the same year 921 died
Cormac Aedan or Mac- Aedan, bishop of Clonfert.(98)
Dubliterius of Kill-slepte, or Killevey, a priest of
Armagh, was killed in 922 by the Northmen, and
in the same year died Maeltul, a scholastic or teacher
of Clonmacnois. (99) To 925 is assigned the death,
on the 7th of February, of Colman Mac-Alild, a
very wise doctor, who, besides being abbot of
Clonard and Clonmacnois, was also a bishop. He
erected a great church in the latter place, and is
said to have been of a family of the Conals Mur-
theuihne in the now county of Louth. (100) Next
prior to him I find mentioned a bishop of Clonard,
Rumond or Rumold son of Cathasach, who also is
praised for his wisdom or learning, and is said
to have died in 920. (101) Among the distin
guished men of this period are likewise reckoned
Mainach Mac-Siedul, abbot of Bangor, who is jstyled
a most skilful writer, and Carpre Mac-Feredach
abbot of Disert Dermod (Castledermot) to whom is
given the title of anchoret and chief of religion in
Leinster. The same year 920 is marked for the
death of both these abbots. Another abbot of Ban
gor, Kelius Dabali, who is called bishop, writer,
preacher, and celebrated doctor, is said to have died
at Rome in 926 or 927. (102)
(91) Ind. Chron. to Tr. Th. at A. 916 (917).
(92) Ib. ad A. 918 (919)
(93) Annals of Ulster^t A. 920 (921), of Innisfallen at 921,
and Ware, Ant. cap. 24. The .4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 296.)

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 369
assign tins devastation to A. 919 (920); but the other now quoted
annals form better authority. Yet Ware, in contradiction to him
self, following the 4 Masters and Colgan, (Bishops, Armagh,
Maelbrigid) places a plundering of Armagh in 919, meaning the
one by Godfridfand ArchdaU (at Armagh) likewise following
them, marked it at the same year. A devastation of Clonenagh is
affixed by the 4 Masters (ib. p. 633J to said year 919 (920).
(94) 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th. p. 296.
<95) Ib. p. 503 ad A..919 (920).
(96) lb. p. 64 ad A. 920 (921.) (97) See Chap. ni. §. 3.
(98 ) Annals of Innisfallen (Harris's copy), and Ware, Bishops
at Clonfert,
(99) Four Masters, (ap. Tr. Th. p. 296. and 632.) at A. 921
(922). (100) A A. SS. p. 407. at A. 924 (925) and Ware, Bishops
at Meath and Clonmacnois.
(101) Four Masters ap. AA. SS.p. 107. at 919 (920). It is
odd, that Colgap has not this bishop at p. 407. where he expressly
gives a list of the pjrelates and other distinguished ecclesiastics of
Clonard. Ware, not finding him in said list, has omitted him (at
Meath) ; but Harris has added him to it.
(102) Ib. p.107. at A. 919(920). and for Kelius, ib. Not. 18-
§. x. St. Maelbrigid of Armagh, who died in 926,
or more probably in 927, (103) was succeeded by
Joseph, styled prince of Armagh, a man of great
learning, who having held the see for nine years,
died in 936. (104) In the Irish annals he is repre
sented as a scribe, anchoret, and very wise man. His
successor Patrick, or Moelpatrick, a son of Maoltule,
and who also is called prince of Armagh and a wise
man, died in the same year after an incumbency of
only five months (105) Next after Patrick was Ca
thasach the, second, son of one Dulgan of Drumtor-
raig, who governed the see for 20 years and died in
957. (106) In these times I find three bishops of
Derry, notwithstanding its being usually supposed
that there was no regular and permanent see in that
city until some time in the 12th century. This,
VOL. iil b B -

370 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
however, does not prevent there having been some
bishops there occasionally, as was the case in many
places, which never became regular sees. Those
three were, 1. Cainchomrac MacMaeluidhir, bishop
and abbot, who died in 928 ; 2. Finnachta Mac-Kel-
lach, bishop and abbot, a man deeply skilled in Irish
antiquities, whose death is assigned to 938 ; and 3.
Moelfinnian, who is simply called bishop and died
in 949. (107) Kenfail, son of Lorcan, who died in
930, is called comorban of Clones and Clogher, and
hence ought to be reckoned among the bishops of
those places. (108) In the same year 930 died
Crunnmoel, bishop of Kildare, whose memory was
revered on the 11th of December. (109) Laidgnen,
who is called comorban of Ferns and Tallaght, was,
I dare say, a bishop, and, at least, of Ferns. He
died in 938, (110) and is the only person on record,
who. may with some degree of certainty be considered
as bishop of Ferns between Killen, who died in 714,
and Diermit Hua-Rodachan,wholived in the eleventh
century. Yet it can scarcely be supposed, that the
episcopal succession was not kept up in that see, not
withstanding all that it suffered from the North
mannic devastations. Ferns was not in those times
the chief see, that is, in an honorary degree, of Lein
ster, whereas that rank had been transferred to Kil
dare, as early, at least, as the beginning of the ninth
century, and the time in which Cogitosus lived ; (111)
nor dojes it seem to have ever been restored to Ferns.
(112), About these times died Malduin Mac-Kinn-
falaid, bishop of Raphoe, and the first of whom I
find any clear mention made as really bishop of that
see ; and after him I meet with another there, Aengus
Hua Lapain, whose death is assigned to 957 (9^8).
(113) Condja Mac-Dunecan, who is called bishop
and prince of Leighlin, died in 943, as did in 955
Maelbrigid a comorban of St. Macnesse, that is bishop
of Connor. (114) Besides some scribes, or men of
letters, already mentioned, several others are named '

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 371
as belonging to this period, ex. c. Moelmoedoc of
Gleannussen (King's county), who died in 916;
Joseph of Armagh, in 937 ; Moelmochta of Clo
nard, in 941 ; Dubtach of said place, in 943, as also
Angal in 952 ; Cathasach of Armagh, in 946 ; Dun
gal of Clonmacnois in 949 ; Moelpatrick Mac-Coscan
of Armagh, in 952 ; and Moelnach, likewise of Ar
magh, in 955. (115) To these we may add Coe-
nachair, or Probus, the author of the Life of St.
Patrick, who had been chief master of the school of
Slane, and was burned to death by the Danes in 949
or perhaps 950. (116) A holy abbess of Kildare,
Muirionn, or Murenna died in 917 on the 26th of
May, or, according to another account, of April.
(117) (103) Above §. 1.
(104) The catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel allows 9 years
for Joseph, and not only the 4 Masters but likewise the Annals
of Ulster place his death in 935 (936). Hence it appears that
his accession to the see was in 927.
(105) Tr. Th. p. 296. and Ware, Bishops at Armagh.
(106) Ware, ib. Colgan fell (Tr. Th. p. 297.) into a great mis
take concerning this Cathasach. Having found a Cathasach, bishop
of Kinel-eogan (Tyrone), whose death is marked at 946, he con
founded him with Cathasach of Armagh, and then strove to explain
why he was called bishop of Kinel-eogan. Next he'strangely tells us,
that the 20 years, allowed by the Cashel catalogue for Cathasach of
.Armagh elapsed exactly between 936, in which Patrick died, and
946 ; as if a child did not know that this was an interval of only
ten years. But, as O'Flaherty remarks (MS. Not. ib.) Colgan
overlooked the real Cathasach of Armagh, who died, according to
the 4 Masters, in 957, and accordingly committed not only this
blunder, but likewise others with regard to the following succes
sion and dates, Ware was so judicious as to pass by what Colgan
has about Cathasach of Kinel-eogan ; but Harris picked it up, and
although he places, with Ware, the death of Cathasach of Armagh
in 957, yet he confounds him with the one of Kinel-eogan, and
then follows Colgan in the silly reason to show how he could be
B B 2

372 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
called bishop of that district. Yet Harris had -no right to intro
duce the 4 Masters as making the two Cathasachs one and the
same person (a mistake to be left at Colgan's door), and stating
that he, that is, the one of Kinel-eogain died in 956, whereas their
date for his death is 946.
(107) 4 Masters, ap. Tr. Th. p. 503. I have added a year to
their dates. See also Ware, Bishops at Derry.
(108) He is mentioned by the 4 Masters, (ap. AA. SS. p. 742)
at A. 929 (930). Ware has him among the bishops of Clogher.
Clones, of which also he was bishop, had sometimes prelates of its
own, and was at other times united with Clogher. We have seen
(Chap. ix. §. 2.) that as far back as the early part of the sixth
century St. Tigernach was bishop of both these sees ; and thus
Kenfail was his comorban or successor.
(109) Tr. Th. p. 630. at A. 929 (930).
(110) AA. SS.p. 223 ad A. 937 (938) and Harris, Bishops at
Ferns. Ware has omitted Laidgnen, because he did not find him
expressly styled bishop; but I think that_tbe title comorban is
alone sufficient to show that he was, and that it was used to indi
cate that be was in every respect a successor of St. Moedoc. Had
he been only abbot of Ferns, why not designate him as such in the
same manner as many others beforehand after him are in Colgan's
list (ib.) from the 4 Masters ? Whether Laidgnen were bishop
also of Tallaght is not equally probable, because it was not a
regular see, and he might have been merely abbot of its mo
nastery. (Ill) See Not. 18. to Chap. viii.
(112) The sort of ecclesiastical primacy observed in Leinster
was first attached to the see of Sletty, whence it was removed to
Ferns upon the ordination of St. Moedoc about the latter end of
the sixth century. Next, but at what precise time cannot be as
certained, it was granted to Kildare. Colgan thought ( Tr. Th.
p. 308. and AA. SS. p. 218.) that it had been at Kildare earlier
than at Ferns ; but his only reason for this opinion was his erro
neous supposition that Cogitosus, in whose time it was certainly at
Kildare, flourished before A. D. 590. According to his system
it would have been moved from Sletty to Kildare, then to Ferns,
and afterwards back again to Kildare. But, as Cogitosus lived a
long time after St. Moedoc, Colgan's hypothesis falls to the ground.

CHAP. XXII. Of IRELAND. 373
That said primacy returned at any time from Kildare to Ferns
there is no authority whatever to prove. It was still at Kildare in
the latter end of the eleventh century. But of this more else
where. (113) Tr. Th. p. 509. Ware and Harris, Bishops at Raphoe.
(114) Ware, ib. at Leighlin for Conala ; and for Maolbrigid
see AA. SS. p. 387 at A. 954 (955) and Harris, Bishops at
Connor. ,
(115) Tr. Th. p. 632. I have added -a year to each date*
(116) See Chap. in. §. 3. and compare with below Not. 140.
(117) Colgan's text (ib. p. 630.) has Murenna's death at 919,
as if from the 4 Masters. But tbis must be an erratum ; for
O'Flaherty (MS. not. ib.) says, that they assign it to 916 (917).
The day marked by them is May 26 ; but he observes, that the
book of Clonmacnois has the 26th of April. According to
Keating, she was abbes of Kildare at the time of Cormac Mac-
Culinan's death in 908. If so, there is a mistake, (ib. p. 629.)
where Colgan places before her the abbess Cobflatia as dying in
914 (915).
§. xi. The Northmen still continue to plunder
and destroy various religious establishments. In
926 Kildare was despoiled first by those of Water
ford, and afterwards by those of Dublin. (118) This
town was a great object of their cupidity ; for it
was plundered again in 927 by the Danes of Water
ford commanded by a son of Godfred, and after
wards in 928 on St. Brigid's day by Godfred him
self. (119) Leinster was not as well defended as
some other parts of Ireland. Auliffe, a son of God
fred, I suppose the same as the one just mentioned,
was defeated in 926 by Murtogh Mac-Neill' (a son
of the king Neill Glundubh) and his Ulster men, who
killed 800 Northmen, among whom were three of
their chiefs Abdean, Aufer, and Harold. (120) Yet
they afterwards penetrated into that province, and
the same Auliffe, assisted by the Northmen of Loch-
cuain (Strangford-lough) plundered Armagh about
St. Martin's festival 932.(121) A party of them

374 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
pillaged Clonmacnois in 935 ; and in the same year
they burned the monastery of Mungret. In 937
they plundered the church of Kilcullen, and in the
following year burned the monastery of Killachad
and ravaged Clonenagh. (122) In 940 they pil
laged the church of Tnis-mochta, (123) and in 941
laid Waste Ardbraccan, at which year is marked also
a plundering of Down and a conflagration of Clon
macnois. (124) vIn the same year the celebrated
prince Ceallachan or Callaghan Cashel, at the head
of the forces of Munster, defeated the North
men in two battles, one in the Desies country
and the other in Ossory, in which 2000 of their
troops were killed. (125) In 942 Down, Clonard,
Kildare, and the adjacent districts, were overrun by
several of their armies ; ( 1 26) and in 943 those of
Limerick laid waste a part of Ossory. (127) In the
same year the gallant Murtogh or Murchertach, son
of Niall Glunndubh, and prince of Aileacb, was
killed on the 26th of March fighting at Athfera
against the Northman king Blacar, a son of Godfred
and brother of Auliffe, and consequently on the
following day the Northmen plundered Armagh.
(128) In 944 Congall II. king of all Ireland, at
the head of the' people of Bregh (now Fingal, &c),
and assisted by Bran Mac-Maolmordha and his La-
genians, took Dublin, plundered and exterminated
the Danish inhabitants, and burning the town car
ried off much booty and treasure. (129) In the
following year Ceallachan Cashel presented to the
see and monastery of Clonfert plunder, which he
had taken from the Northmen, and Blacar, having
got some reinforcements, recovered Dublin, which
he repaired. ( 1 30) In 946 Jomhar or Ivar, a North
man chieftain, arrived at Limerick, and, proceeding
on the Shannon with his followers, set fire to the es
tablishments of Muicinis, Iniskeltra in Lough-derg,
Clonmacnois, and those of the islands of Lough-ree,
&c. and thence marching into Meath devastated a

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 375
great tract of country. (131) In 947 some North
men, probably those of Dublin, plundered the
church of Slane ; (132) and it was perhaps on this
occasion that they were in said year attacked and
routed by Congall II. (133) This king defeated
them in another battle, the following year 948, ih
which their king Blacar and ICOO of his men lost
their lives. (134)
(118) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 926. The 4 Masters (ap.
Tr. Th. p. 630.) assign this devastation to 924 (925).
(119) 4 Masters, ib. at 926 (927) and 927 (928)
(120) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 926. and Ware, Antiq.
cap. 24.
(121) Four Masters, ap. Tr. Th. p. 296, at A. 931 (932).
(122) Ind. Chron. to Tr. Th. I have added a year to the
dates. The Annals of Innisfallen assign this devastation of Kil-
lachad and Clonenagh, together with that of Meath in general
from its southern parts to as far as Clonard, to the year 639.
They charge with it not only the Northmen, but likewise the fa
mous Ceallachan or Callaghan Cashel, who, they state, was as
sisted by the Danes. The Killachad here mentioned could not
have been that of the now county of Cavan, as laid down by
Archdall (at Killachad), because this Killachad lay far to the
North of Clonard. It was the Killachad-dromfoda, now Killeigh
in the King's county, which had been founded by St. Sinell or
Senchell. "*(See Chap. ix. §. 3.)
(123) Tr. Th. ib. at 939 (940). Archdall places Inis-mochta
in the county of Louth for no other reason, I suppose, than that
St. Mochteus or Mochta lived ih that country. But it is more
probable, that it was the place now called Inismouthy, a vicarage
in the barony of Slane, co. Meath. (See Seward ad loc.)
(124) Tr. Th. ib. at 940 (941).
(125) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 941.
(126) Ware, Antiq. cap. 24.
(127) Annals of Innifallen at A. 943.
(128) Ib. at A. 943. and 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 296. J who
assign this battle to 941 (942). Ware says, (Ant. cap. 24- at A-
943.) that Murtoch was killed on the 26th of February. His

376 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII*
English translator has rendered his words in such a manner as to
make him seem to say, that Murtogh was killed not by the Danes
but by the people of Ulster. Aileach, whence that brave prince
had his title, was a castle of the Nialls three miles N. of Derry.
As to Ath-ferd, it must have been not far from 'Armagh, which
was entered by the Northmen on the day after the battle.
(129) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 944.
(130) Ib. at A. 945. and Ware, Ant. cap. 24.
(131) Ib. at A. 946. Colgan has (Tr. Th. p: 633.) from the
4 Master at A. 944 (945) a devastation of Clonmacnois, which,
we may be sure, was the same as that now mentioned, although
they place it a year earlier. At the same date they have a plun*
dering, by Northmen, of the church of Kilcullen.
(132) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad A. 946 (947).
(133) See Ware, Antiq. cap. 24. at A. 947-
(134) Annals df Innisfallen at A. 948.
§. xii. These disasters of the Danes of Dublifl
probably contributed in some degree to their conver
sion to the Christian religion, which, it is said, oc
curred in the same year 948. (135) They were the
first of their nation in Ireland, who, at least in any
large body, received the divine doctrines of the
Gospel, which, however, did not prevent them from
afterwards practising ravages in the same manner as
their predecessors had done. It has been conjec
tured, that Godfrid, who after the death of Blacar
became head or king of the Irish Northmen, (136)"
was himself a Christian. He was the son of Sitric,
who, according to this conjecture, was the Sitric
king of Northumberland, to whom Athelstan king
of England, gave his sister Editha in marriage on
condition of his embracing the Christian faith.
This Sitric had three sons, Reginald, Anlaf, or
Auliffe, and Godfrid, the two latter of whom are
allowed to have been born of a former marriage.
Yet it has been thought probable, that Godfrid, in
imitation of his father, also became a Christian.
(137) Be this as i,t may, I find no reason to doubt

chap. Xxu. of Ireland. 377
that the Danish inhabitants of Dublin received Chris
tianity at this time, but, generally speaking, not
earlier ; (138) yet it is not to be supposed, that the
abbey of St. Mary, which is said to have been ori
ginally of the Benedictine order, was founded as
early as the very first year of their conversion. (139)
These new converts did not imbibe the meekness
prescribed by the Gospel ; for in 950 the Danes of
Dublin plundered and burned Slane, so that many
persons assembled in its belfrey, perished in the
flames. (140) In the same year Godfrid was de
feated at a place, called Muine-Brecain, by Ru-
raidhe or Roderic O'Cannanain, prince of Lethcuinn
(the northern half of Ireland) and, having lostlOOO
men, was forced to fly ; but Roderick was killed in
this battle. (141) To said year is assigned a de
vastation of Clonfert by the Northmen ; (142) and
also an expedition of Godfrid in the southern parts
of Munster as far as Ross, in which he was assisted
by a considerable fleet. (143) In 951 Godfrid took
Dublin, ravaged Kells and Domnach-Patrick about
four miles distant from it, Ardbraccan, Tullen, Kill-
skire, and some other religious places in Meath ;
but on his return he and his army were surprized by
the Irish, routed, and obliged to leave their plun
der behind. This was the last year of Godfrid's
depredations ; for, having proceeded to the Desies,
he was killed, together with 500 of his followers
(chiefly, I suppose, the Danes of Waterford, ) by the
united Munstermen, both Eugenians and Dalcas-
sians. (144) Other Northmen still continued to
plunder religious establishments. They pillaged
Clonmacnois in 952, at which year is marked also a
devastation of Inisdamle. (145)
(135) lb. where they have; " This year the Danes of Dublin
received the Christian religion and were baptized." Instead of
Dublin, Ware (loc. cit. at A. 948.J has Ireland. But this is a
mistake j and it is clear, from the subseqifent history of Ireland,

378 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
that the conversion of the Danes was far from being general until
a later period ; nor would the annalist have confined the conver
sion in 948 to those of Dublin, had the Danes in other parts of
Ireland become Christians at the same time.
(136) Ware (ib.) speaks of Godfrid as king of the Danes of
Dublin ; but I think he ought rather to be called king of those of
all Ireland. For we shall see him fighting in Ulster and in Mun
ster, in which province he was killed. Such circumstances do not
agree with his having been king only of Dublin.
(137) See J. P. Murray, De coloniis Scandicis in insults Bri-
tannicis, et maxime in Hibernia, §. 14. 15. in Nov. Comment.
Soe. R: Goetting. Vol. 3.
(138) Keder (Num. in Hibernia-cusorum Indagatio, p. 7.)
and Murray (loc. cit.) were wrong in making Ware attribute a
coin of a christian king Anlaf to Anlaf king of Dublin, who died
in 941. Ware merely calls it (Antiq. cap. 25..) " the silver coin
of Aulaf or Anlaf king of Dublin,'' without stating which of the
Anlafs he meant. For there were other Anlafs, at a later time,
kings of Dublin ; nor could Ware have alluded to the Anlaf, who
died in 941, whereas he does not mention any conversion of the
Danes previous to 948, The figure of the cross in two ' or three
parts of it shows, that it was struck by order of an Anlaf a Chris
tian. There was an Anlaf, king of Dublin, who retired to Hy in
the year 980, and died there. He was the father of Sitric, king
of Dublin, whose son Anlaf became king there in 1029. To either
of these Anlafs that coin may be referred, without recurring, as
some have done, to an Anlaf of Northumberland. For it is suf
ficiently clear, that it was struck in Dublin, as the name of the
monetarius or mint-man marked on it is Farman or Faereman,
which we find also on a coin (with the cross) of Sitric with the
addition Dyfiin. This Sitric was undoubtedly the one, who be
came king of Dublin in 989, and who was the son of one Anlaf,
and father of another. It is remarkable that there is also a coin
qf Ethelred, king of England, with the same addition and the name
of the said monetarious, having on one side Aedelred Rex Anglo,
and, on the reverse, Foereman Mo Dyfii. Had Ethelred no mint
of his own, and accordingly was obliged to get money coined in
Dublin? (See Simon on Irish coins, p. 6, 7. and 9.) There is a
coin, likewise with a cross, which Simon (ib. p. 6.) supposes to

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 3f9
be of a king Ivar, and whom he makes the same as Ivar, who died
in 872. This is a downright mistake ; for this Ivar, who had come
from Norway in 853 with his brothers Anlaf or Amlaf and Sitric,
was not a Christian. The coin is so worn, that it is almost impos
sible to explain it. Simon thought that it has the letters R. Yflii,
which he interprets Rex Dyflin. I cannot perceive them in this
order. In what he calls Yflii I see no L, but something like /
three times ; and, instead of F the letter is G. ( Compare with
Coin 7. Tab. 4. in Camden's Britan. col. cxcv. Gibson's ed.)
The whole word might have been Largy, the old name of Water
ford. Even the name Ivar is not sufficiently plain, excepting the
two first letters I F. There was an Ivar king of Waterford, who
died in 1000. (Ware, ib. cap. 24.) Should it be insisted that this
coin belonged to Dublin, we find an Ivar governor or viceroy of
the Danes of Dublin in 1038, ( Annals of Innisfallen) to whom it
may be fairly referred. Ware does not mention this Ivar ; but who
will be seen elsewhere. (Below Not. 130 to Chap, xxiii.) Led-
wich (Antiq. fyc.p. 126.) makes mention of this coin from Simon,
anckwith strange confidence speaks of it, as if the words, Ifarus
re Dyjtin, were plainly discernible on it. Now even his own
figure of it proves, that this is not the case. He follows Simon in
attributing it to the Ivar, who came to Ireland in 853, and thence
concludes that, as the cross appears on it, the Danes were then
Christians, and that Ware was wrong in dating their conversion a
hundred years later. But did he know that Ware was not the au
thor of that date, which he took from the Annals of Innisfallen ?
(See above Not. 135.) Perhaps he did not ; for Ware, according
to a practice, in which he indulged too much, did not refer to his
authority ; and on the other hand the mighty antiquary did not
trouble himself about Irish annals. He considered this as a most
important discovery, and founded on it a heap of rubbish, which
he has often here and there about St. Patrick having been brought
to Armagh by the Danes or Ostmen in the 9th century, their in
troducing reliques in the 9th century, erecting stone chapels in the
9th century, and so on. Now, independently of the positive tes
timony of the quoted annals, we find the Ostmen of Ireland still
called gentiles or pagans after the death of Ledwich's pretended
Christian king Ivar. Thus the Ulster annals have ; " Anno 878
(879) Maelcobus filius Crumvaili antistes Armachanus, et Moc-

380 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXlI.
theus lector, capti stint a Gentilibus. ( Vsker, Pr. p. 860. and Ind.
Chron. ad A. 879.
(139) Ware treats of this abbey, Antiq. cap. 2 k at, A. 948,
and cap. 26. but in a rathier unsatisfactory manner. He has a story
about its having been founded by king Maelseachlin I. who died in
862. But the Irish of those days had no Benedictines. Nor
was it founded as early as S48; for, as Ware states, its fourth
abbot did not die until April, A. D. 1131 ; and it cannot be sup
posed that four abbots could have filled up the long interval be
tween this year and 948. In 1 139 the monks of this house adopted
the reform of the Cistercian institution.
(140) Ware, ib. cap. 2'4. This was undoubtedly the confla
gration marked by Colgan from the 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p.
219. and Ind. Chron.) at A. 948 (949), in which he says, that
Coenachair, or Probus, above mentioned (see Chap. in. j. 2.)
and many others were burned to death in a tower. Ware men
tions that they were burned in the church; but he should have
said in the belfrey. Coenachair is called by him Cinaus, and re
presented as a learned man and chief lecturer of Slane, by which
title the 4 Masters designate Coenachair. Ware's date for this
conflagration is more correct than Colgan's ; whereas the Annals
of Ulster, quoted by Dr. O'Conor (Rer. Hib. Scriptores, 1 Proleg.
p. 32.) assign it to A. 949 i. e. 950. He observes also, that the
4 Masters mark it at the same year, so that there is a mistake in
Colgan's reference to them. Instead of tower he ought to have
said belfrey, for the word used by the 4 Masters and in the Ulster
annals is Cloicteach, which literally means bell-house. Colgan's
tower might lead one to believe, that it was an edifice of stone,
which it could not have been ; for it was burned itself, and ac
cordingly was of wood. According to both Annals it was in said
Cloicteach that Coenachair and his companions were burned to
death. (141) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 950. The 4 Masters (ap.
Tr. Th. p. 449.) assign this battle to 948 (949). They swell the
number of the Northmen, that fell, to 6000, too great a multi
tude, I think, for the battles of those times. Where Muine Bre-
caine was situated I wish that either they or Colgan had informed
us. (142) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad A. 949 (950).

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 381
(143) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 950.
(144) Ib. at A. 951.
(145) See Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. ad 951 (952). For Inisdamle
see Not. 1. to Chap. xxi.
§. 13. Edchada Mac-Scanlain, bishop of Emly,
who died in 941, (146) was succeeded by Huarach,
who held the see until 953, and after him we find
Mael-Kellach, who lived until 957. (147) Mael-
finan, bishop of Kildare, died in 949 or 950. (148)
A succession of bishops was still kept up at Louth,
as appears from there being assigned to A.D. 949
the death of Finnacta Mac-Ectigern, who is styled
bishop, scribe, and abbot of Louth, and the chief
procurator of the church of Armagh in the southern
parts ; and before him is mentioned another bishop
there, Moelpatric Mac-Bran, who died in 937. (149)
One Cathmogan is named as bishop of Cork in these
times, and he is said to have died in 961. (150)
A Cormac, bishop of Tallaght, died in 963 ; but a
more celebrated prelate of this period was Cormac
Hua Killene, bishop and abbot of Clonmacnois,
abbot also of Tomgrany (in Clare) and of Roscom
mon, who erected a church and steeple at Tom
grany, and, having lived to a very great age, died
in 965. (151) St. Adhland, abbot of Derry, is
greatly praised for his charity and liberality to the
poor. He was a descendant of Conall Gulbanius and
died in 951. (152) As abbot of Derry, he has been
called a comorban of Columb-kille, and hence it has
been erroneously supposed that he was abbot of Hy.
(153) After Caincomrach, who died in 946, (154)
the next, whom I find strictly called abbot of Hy, is
Fiachra Hua-Hartaguin, who lived until 977. (155)
A bishop of Hy, who must not be confounded with the
abbot, named Fingin, and from his sanctity styled
anchoret, died in 965, and his memory was revered
on the 5th of March. (156) Kelius, an anchoret of
Armagh^ died in 951, to which year is assigned also
the death of a celebrated Irish chronographer Flann

382 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII,
Hua Becain, archdeacon of Drumcliffe ; and in 952
Colga likewise an anchoret of Armagh. (157) I
shall close this series of distinguished ecclesiastics
with the holy Alild Mac-Moenach bishop of Swords
and Lusk, who died in 966, and Muredach O'Con
nor, bishop and abbot of Clonenagh, who died in
971, prior to whom I find two other bishops there,
Tiprad and Kellach, whose deaths fell within said
century in 910 and 941. (158) Henceforth and
down to the beginning of the twelfth century the
accounts of the succession to the see of Armagh are
greatly confused and very obscure. It had already
got into the possession of one powerful family, the
members of which held it for about 200 years, rec
koning from the death of St. Maelbrigid, who died
in 926, or 927, until the accession of the great St.
Malachy. (159) This family was most probably that
of the dynasts of the district of Armagh, whose an-
cester Daire had granted to St. Patrick the ground,
on which the church and xOther religious buildings,
&c of that city had been erected. (160) And it is
remarkable, that the two first bishops of this long
succession, viz. Joseph and Moelpatrick are styled
princes qf Armagh; (161) a title, which strongly
indicates, that they were really chieftains as well as
bishops of that city. (162) After them' care was
taken that the see should not be conferred except on
members of that ruling family. This pernicious
system gradually produced horrid abuses, insomuch
so, that during this Usurpation eight married men,
who, although not illiterate, were not in holy orders,
assumed the title, rank, and prerogatives of the arch
bishop of Armagh ; and thus, although there were
at times no clergymen beldnging to that family, yet
it gave to the see persons called bishops. (163) It
seems, however, that these lay usurpers retained re
gular bishops to act for them as suffragans, while
they enjoyed the church livings ; and hence we find
in the subsequent period several persons called by

CHAP. XXIIi OF IRELAND. 383
some writers bishops of Armagh and omitted by
others ; whereby it becomes very difficult and, I
may say, impossible to arrange the succession in a
correct manner ; to which must be added the diver
sity of dates, that occur in our old writers as to the
duration of the incumbencies of said bishops, whether
real ones or not. (l6l<)
(146) Above $.7. (147) Ware Bishops at Emly.
(148) Idem at Kildare.
(149) 4 Masters ap. AA. SS. p. 736. I have added a year to
their dates.
(150) Ware, Bishops at Cork.
(151) 4 Masters ap. AA. SS.p. 360, at A. 962 (963), and A.
964 (965). Ware and Harris have Cormac Hua Killeme at Bi
shops at Clonmacnois. He is called comorban of Kieran and
Coman, alluding to Clonmacnois and Roscommon, and also of
Cronan, whence Harris deduced that he seems to have been
abbot likewise of Roscrea. But I believe that he was so styled
relatively to Tomgrany, of which he is expressly called abbot,
without any mention of Roscrea. And hence we may infer, that
Tomgrany, the origin of which has been hitherto obscure, was
founded by St. Cronan. For we know, (see Chap. xvii. §. 2.)
that this saint had been on the West side of the Shannon, and
had formed some rehgious establishments, before he had ' settled
at Roscrea. Harris was wrong in saying, that Cormac was the
founder of the Church of Tomgrany. There was a church there
very long before his time, and all he did was to build a new one.
(152) Tr. Th.p. 480 and 503. AA. SS. p. 107. at A. 950
(951). (153) Colgan speaks of him (Tr. Th.p. 480.) as abbot of Hy,
but elsewhere calls him abbot only of Derry.
(154) Above, §. 2.
(155) 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th.p. 500.) at .4.976.(977). The
Annals of Ulster have at 958 (959) Dubhduin a comorban of Co
lumbkill ; but from this title it does not follow, that he was abbot
of Hy. He was probably abbot of Derry and the immediate suc
cessor Of St. Adhland.
' (156) Tr. Th. ib. at A. 964 (965).

384 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
(157) lb. Ind. Chron. adding a year to the dates.
(158) For AIM see ^,-and p. 509. at A. 965 (966). Accord
ing to some accounts we should admit six bishops of Lusk, in the
9th and 10th centuries, prior to Alild. Archdall has their names
at Lusk. I find nothing about them in Colgan's works. For the
bishops at Clonenagh see A A. SS. p. 356.
(159) See above §. 10. St. Bernard says in the Life of St.
Malachy (cap. 7. al. 10.) that said family retained the see for
about 200 years, after having observed that there were about 15
generations of them. If this is to be understood, as seems most
probable, of natural generations, each of them must be com
puted as consisting of only 14 years. Some have supposed his
meaning to be, that there were 15 successive bishops, or persons
calling themselves bishops, of that family. Colgan has endea
voured (Tr. Th.p. 302.,) to make out a catalogue of 15 bishops; ,
but his list does not exactly agree with the catalogue from the
Psalter of Cashel, as one of those, whom he mentions, is omitted
in it. (160) I agree with Colgan, (ib. p. 303.) that this is the most
probable opinion, and that the chieftains of that tract seem to have
claimed a right to the see as if an advowson -of their family. He
observes that said family of usurpers could not have been that of
the Neills, or Mac Mahons, or Maguir^s, or O'Hanlons, as some
had conjectured, whereas St. Bernard, who severely inveighs
against it, states ( Vit. S. Mai. cap, 8.) that it was extinct at the
time he was writing.
(161) Above § 10.
(162) A predecessor of Joseph, Cathasach Mac-Robattach is
also called Prince qf Armagh. (See Chap. xxi. §. 13.) Ware
thought, that this title was given to him merely as bishop. But
if that were the reason of it, why was it not given likewise to
every other bishop of that see ? Or if it was given to indicate, as
Mac Mahon states, (Jus Prim. Armac.§-. 336.) the primatial pre
rogative, why has it been confined to no more than three prelates
of Armagh ? I think it much more probable, that it meant, ac ¦
cording to its obvious signification, a person invested with civil
authority, and that Cathasach, &c. were really chieftains of Ar
magh. Peter Talbot of Dublin, against whom Mac Mahon was
arguing, says that the title of prince was given to those bishops in
consequence of the usurpation of 15 generations, as St. Bernard

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 385
calls it. But this is a mistake ; for Cathasach, who was not a
usurper, and between whom and Joseph there were, at least, two
bishops of Armagh, is marked by the same title. Nor can Jo
seph, the first bishop of that uninterrupted line and the successor
of St. Maelbrigid, who was of a quite different family, (above §.
1 .) be called a usurper, if we consider how highly he is praised in
the Irish annals. Perhaps Maelpatrick deserves that appellation.
I may here observe,- that two bishops of Emly, Eugene Mac-Cen-
feolad and Tiobruide, who are styled princes qf Emly, (above §-.
1 and 7.) were probably so called for a similar reason, i.e. as they
might have been temporal lords of that district.
(163) St. Bernard writes; (ib. cap. 7. al. 10.) " Et eo usque
firmaverat sibi jus p'ravum, imo omni morte puniendam injuriam,
generatio mala et adultera, ut, etsi interdum defecis3ent -clerici
de sanguine, illo, sed episcopi nunquam. Denique jam octo ex-
titerant ante Celsum viri uxorati et absque ordinibus, literati
•tamen." The archliar Toland, having quoted this passage (Na-
zarenus, Letter 2. §. 12.) adds, that the Irish clergy derived
ordination from those lay, so called, archbishops. This he knew to
be false. And as they had no orders themselves, how could they
have conferred them on others.
(164) With regard to the points now alluded to the 4 Maste'rs
often" differ from the catalogue of the Psalter of Cashel, and Colgan
himself is very obscure, Tr. Th. p. 297. seqq. Nor do the Ulster
annals sufficiently agree with that catalogue, which is nearly fol
lowed by Ware, yet with some variations. O'Flaherty in a long
MS note (opposite to p. 319. Tr. Th.) has a catalogue of the
bishops of Armagh taken from his unpublished and, I am afraid,
lost worK Ogygia Christiana. As to the series of the usurping
bishops it is almost the same as that of Ware. According as we
proceed, I shall touch upon some of these differences, without
entering deeply into them, partly because they are scarcely worth
the trouble of doing so, and partly because, as far as I can judge,
not one of said catalogues is on the whole correct.
§ . xiv. The great abuse of mere laymen calling
themselves archbishops of Armagh did not begin in
the early part of the usurpation, nor is there any ap
pearance of it until the commencement of the ele-
vol. in. c c

386 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
venth century. Cathasach the second, who died in
957, (165) was a real bishop, and so was his successor
Muredach Mac- Fergus, who is said to have held the
see for nine years ; after which he was deposed in
966. (166) After him was Dubdalethe the second,
who died on the 2d of June, A. D. 998. in the 83d
year of his age, and thirty-third of his consecration.
(I67) It is very remarkable, that Dubdalethe was
electedin 989, by the Columbians both of Ireland
and. North Britain supreme ruler of all, their monas
teries ; and hence he has been called comorban not
only of St. Patrick but likewise of St. Columba.
(168) "Hence it appears, that the Columbians must
have by this time departed from, or at least dispensed
with, their primitive and long observed system of
not allowing any one, except a priest, to be abbot of
Hy or chief superior of the order. And in fact I
find mentioned after Fiachra Hua Hartagain, who
died in 977, a doctor and bishop Mugron, who, un
less there be some mistake in the matter, is called
abbot qf Hy, and whose death is assigned to A. D.
979. (169) But neither among .the former abbots,
noe among those who lived after Dubdalethe, is there
one to be found, who as long as he remained abbot
was also a bishop.
St* Moelfinnian Mac Huactain was bishop of
Kells in the latter half of this century. He is
called also comorban of St. Ultan and of St. Car-
nech ; and his death is assigned to 968. (170) Tua-
thal, bishop and abbot of Clonmacnois, died in 969.
(171 ) as did also Daniel, . bishop of Leighlin, and
Eugene Mac-Cleirig, who is called bishop of Con
naught, and hence supposed to have been of Tuam.
(172) Becan Mac Lachtnan.who died in 972, is styled
comorban of St. Finnian of Clonard ; but whether he
was such as bishop or only as abbot, I shall not pre
tend to decide. (173) Mael-Kellach, bishop of
Emly, having died in 957, was succeeded by Foelan,
son of Cellaid, who lived until»981 ; and after him

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 387
we find Cenfada, who died in 990.(174) The
blessed Anmchad, bishop of Kildare, died at an
advanced age in $81, and his successor Muredach
Mac-Flann in 986. (175) Columba MaC-Ciaracain,
bishop of Cork, and perhaps the immediate successor
of Cathmogan, who died in 961, lived until 990.
(176) Prior to these prelates, I find at length, a
bishop of Dromore, Maolbrigid Mac-Cathasagh, who
died in 973. (177) Among the many ecclesiastics,
who were killed in the course of this century by the
Northmen, are mentioned,- besides some already
spoken of, the names of Bran Mac-Colman, abbot of
Roscrea in 930; Ardmed, abbot of Coleraine, in
931 -, Suibhne Mac-COnbrettan, abbot of Slane, in
939 ; Tanud Mac-Uder, abbot of Bangor, in 957 ;
Mured Mac-Foilan of the royal house of Leinster,
and abbot of Kildare, in 966 ; Ferdalac, abbot of
the island of Raghlin, in 974 ; and Maelkieran
O'Maigne, abbot of Derry, who was cruelly put
to death in 986 by the garrison consisting of Danes
from Dublin. (178)
(165) Above, §. 10.
(166) The Cashel catalogue, which is followed by Ware, allows
9 years for Muredach, and thus his incumbency would have
lasted until 966. But O'Flaherty says in the quoted MS. cata
logue, that he resigned the see after seven years, and accordingly
in 964, adding that he died in the 9th year of his consecration.
(167) Ware at Dubdalethe ll. Here again O'Flaherty, in con
sequence of what he has about Muredach, differs from Ware, and
assigns (ib,.) the accession of Dubdalethe to 964, yet placing his
death in 993 by allowing him 33 complete years of incumbency.
The Cashel catalogue marks for him the number xxxm ; but its
numbers are not always complete. The 4> Masters (ap. Tr. Th.
p. 297.) have in these times two Dubdalethes, one, who is named
at A. 988 (989), and appears as succeeded by two bishops, after
whom comes also a Dubdalethe, whose death is assigned to 998.
But from a circumstance which they mention of both Dubdalethes
being called comorbans of Columbkill it is clear, that they were
C C 2

388 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
not -different persons. O'Flaherty has made some MS. notes on
these confused statements ;but it is not worthwhile to touble the,
reader with any thing further about them.
(168) See Tr. Th. ib. and p. 503. at A. 988 (989).
(169) Ib. p. 500 ad A. 978 (979). I strongly suspect, that
there is « mistake in calling Mugron abbot of Hy. The title
given to him in Smith's catalogue (Append, to Life of St. Col.)
is Conrb (comorban) qf Columbkill in Ireland and Scotland. He
might have been abbot of Derry, and thus like some others, styled
comorban • of Columbkill ; besides which place he might have
governed a Columbian house in the mainland of Scotland. The title
Comorban qf St. Columba has been more than once misunderstood
as meaning abbot bf Hy, when in faet it applied merely to abbots
of Derry, as, for instance, in the cases of St. Maelbrigid and St.
Adhland. (See above Notes 10 and 153.) If Mugron was abbot
of Derry, we shall have, as he was likewise a bishop, one more
to add to the three bishops, whom we have met with there in the
century we are now treating of. (See abotfe §. 10.)
(170) Ib. p. 508 ad A. 967 (968). As to his. being comorban
of St. Ultan, this must refer to his hayjng presided also over Ard-
braccan either as bishop or abbot ; and his being called comorban
of St. Carnach shows, that he was abbot of Tulen, where a St.
Carnech founded a monastery in the 5th or 6th century. ( AA.
SS. p. 783.) Harris has not this monastery ; but it certainly ex
isted and to a late period. Archdall, calling it Tuileim, (where
he found this name I cannot tell) places it in the King's county.
But it is clear from the Annals of Innisfallen, that it was some
where not far distant from Kells. At A. 951. they reckon among
other religious places, which Godfrid, son of Sitric, plundered, be
sides Kells, &c. Tullen as in that range of country ; (see above
§ . 12.) and at A. 1 170 they make mention of it as plundered and
burned, together with Kells, Slane, &c. by Mac-Murrogh and
Strongbow. .If I am not mistaken, it was the place now called
Duleene or Dulane in the barony of Kells, and lying not far
from the town of Kells on one side, nor from Killskyre on the.
other. (171) Colgan, AA. SS. p. 106. from the Annals of Clonmac
nois, and Ware, Bishops at Clonmacnois.
(172) Ware at Leighlin and Tuam.

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 389
(173) See the 4 Masters ap A A. SS. p. 407. ad A. 971 (972).
Ware (at Meath) reckons Becan among the bishops of Clonard in
consequence of his being called comorban qf Finnian. This de
duction should be admitted, were it certain, as Ware supposed,
that Finnian had been a bishop. But we have seen, (Chap. x.
>). ').)¦ that this is rather a doubtful matter.
(174) Ware at Emly.
(175) Tr. Th. p. 630. at A. 980 (981) and 985(986). Ware
(at Kildare) has changed the date 980 into 981, but for what rea
son I know not, retained 985.
(176) Ware at Cork?
(177)" AA. SS. p. 387. at A. 972 (973. ) Ware (at Dromore),
has not this bishop ; but Harris makes mention of him.
(178), AA.SS.p. 107. I have added a year to. each date.
§.. xv. To the said, century belonged a very dis
tinguished saint, Dunchad O'Braoin. (179) He
was of an illustrious family of the Nialls, and born
in the district called Breghmuine (now barony of
Brawny) in Westmeath: He embraced the monastic
state at Clonmacnois, where he made wonderful pro
gress in piety and learning. Being very fond of re
tirement, and wishing to shun the applauses of men,
he secreted himself as much as he could, leading the
life of an anchoret. But on the death, in 969, of
Tuathal, who had been both abbot and bishop of
Clonmacnois, Dunchad was fixed upon as his suc
cessor to the abbacy, and being dragged from his
retreat, was forced to accept of it. He was not,
however, raised to the episcopacy, (ISO) but go
verned the monastery for some time merely as abbot;.
until, longing for a more retired state, he withdrew
from the management of it, and, to be out of the
way of the persons, by whom he was much admired
in that part of Ireland, repaired to Armagh in the
year 97* there to remain sequestered and unnoticed.
But his reputation was soon spread throughout that
city, and so much respect was paid to him that he
determined on leaving it. His iutention being dis-

390 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXII.
covered, the principal inhabitants deputed some ve
nerable persons to request of him that he would stay
with them for one year longer. He complied with
their wish ; but when at the end of the year he was
bent on departing, a similar request was made, and
so on annually, until at length he died there on the
16th of January, A. D. 987. It is said that through
his prayers the Almighty restored to life an infant
son of a woman, who, having1 left the dead child at
the entrance of the saint's cell, retired apart so as
not to be seen, hoping that he would pray for the
infant's resuscitation, as in fact it is stated that he
did. (181)
Several lecturers of various school,s are named in
the Irish annals as having died in the second half of
this century, for instance, Colman of Kildare in
963; Cronmail of Tallaght in 965; Conchovar of
Kildare in 966 ; Flann of Clonmacnois in 978; (182)
Muredach Hua Flannagain of Armagh in 984;
(183) Fogartach of Devenish in 985 ; Longsech of
Clonmacnois in 989 ; Diermit of Kildare in 992 ;
Dunchad O'Huactain of Kells in 993 ; and Odran
of Clonmacnois in 995. (184) Hence, and from
what we have seen heretofore, it is clear that learn
ing continued to be cultivated during this whole pe
riod, notwithstanding its having been dreadfully
troubled by almost constant wars between the Irish
and the Danes, or between the Irish themselves.
Amidst this havock divers religious establishments
were plundered by the Danes, and some even by^the
Irish while devastating the places where they were
situated. The monastery of Devenish waspillaged
by the Northmen or Danes in 962 ; (185) and either
in the following year or in 964 those of Dublin ra
vaged Kildare unmercifully, making a great number
of ecclesiastics and others captives, of whom very
many were ransomed by Neill Oherluibh (186) In
968 and again in 969 Kells was plundered by the
Leinster men and Danes united. (181) In 979 the

CHAP. XXII. OF IRELAND. 391
people of Ossory burned Lismore, and plundered
Cloyne and Leighlin. (188) They Were punished
not long after for these proceedings. Brian Bo-
roimhe, then king of Munster, entered Ossory in
980, seized upon the prince Mac-giolIa-Patrick
(Fitzpatrick), and compelled all the chieftains of that
country to give him hostages. (189) Brian had
succeeded in 976 his gallant brother Mahon, who
after having, together with Brian, defeated the
Danes of Limerick, Cork, and Waterford on many
occasions, particularly in the great battle of Sulchoid
not far from Limerick A. D. 968, was murdered in
said year 976 by some dynasts of the now county of
Cork, although he was under the protection of Co
lumba Mac-Ciaracain, bishop of Cork, who accord
ingly issued a malediction against all those, that were
concerned in bringing about the king's death. (190)
Another instance of the devastation of religious
places was that of Hy by Northmen on Christmas
eve in 986, on which occasion the abbot, whose
name is not recorded^ and fifteen of the .elders were
put to death. But in tbe following year those North
men paid dearly for their atrocities, as 360 of them
were killed, by whom, however, we are not partir
cularly informed. (191) In 990 some Northmen
plundered Derry, and again in 997, in which year
the Danes of Dublin pillaged Kells, and in 999 also
Kildare. (192) Other instances of similar depre
dations might be adduced ; but these are sufficient
to show, with what calamities Ireland was afflicted.
(179) Colgan has the Acts of this saint at 16 January from a
short Life in the possession of Mac-Carthy Riabhach and^ from a
still shorter one in the chronicle of Clonmacnois.
(180) Harris (Bishops at Clonmacnois) thought that Dun
chad was also bishop there For this opinion there is no founda
tion whatsoever, and some words, which he quotes from Colgan,
prove nothing more than that Dunchad was placed over the mo
nastery as abbot. Throughout his Acts, or wherever else he is

332 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP- XXII.
spoken of, Dunchad is never called bishop, but merely abbot and
anchoret. At Clonmacnois, as well as in some other great monastic
institutions, the abbots were not always bishops, nor vice versa
were the bishops regularly abbots. Thus Moeldar and his succes
sor St. Corpreus, bishop of Clonmacnois, (see Chap. xxi. §. 15.)
do not appear to have been abbots there; and Archdall, mis
quoting Colgan, was wrong in giving them that title, while he
omitted their real ones.
(181) This miracle is alluded to by Tigernach, author of the
Annals of Clonmacnois, who lived in the eleventh century. He
says, that Dunchad was until his time the last of the Irish saints,
through whose intercesson God restored a dead person to life.
(See Dunchad's Acts.)
(182) Tr. Th. p. 632. adding a year to the dates.
(183) Ib. p. 297. at A. 983. (984).
(184) Ib. p. 632. and Ind. Chron. adding a year, as usuak
(185) Ib. Ind. Chron. ad A. 961 (962).
(186) Ib. p. 630. ad A. 962 (963) The Annals of Innisfal
len assign this devastation to A. 964.
(187) Ib.p. 508. at A. 967 (968) and 968 (969).
ri88) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 978.
(189) Ib. at A. 980.
(190) Ib. at A. 976. For the battle of Sulchoid see ib. at A.
968, where it is stated, that three thousand of the Danes were
killed, and Limerick afterwards burned and pillaged.
(191) See the 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th.p. 501) at A. 985 (986)
and 986 (987).
(192) Ib. p. 503, 508, and 630. adding a year to the dates.

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 39S

CHAP. XXIII.
Irish support their character for piety and learning,
notwithstanding the troubles occasioned by the
Danes — at the same time a priest could not be
found in England capable qf writing or translat
ing a Latin letter — For the restoration qf learn
ing in England some erudite Irishmen formed a
community at Glastonbury — St. Dunstan edu
cated by them — St. Maccallin, an Irishman, in
France — St. Cadroe, a British Scot, in France
— Columbanus, an Irish abbot, dies in the monas
tery qf Ghent — Duncan, an Irish bishop, distin
guished in France— St. Maccallin founder qfthe
monastery qfWalciadorus — St. Forunn, who had
been archbishop of Armagh, became fourth abbot
of Walciodorus and continued so till his death on
30th April, A.D. 982. — Several illustrious Irish
men who flourished on the Continent at that pe
riod — St. Fingen abbot qf St. Felix at Metz—
died in the year 1004 — succeeded by his disciple
Richard, dean qf the diocese of Rheims — St.
Gerard, an Irishman, bishop of Toul, gave in
985 a retreat in his diocese to some Greeks, who,
mixed zvith Irishmen, performed the Church ser
vice in their own language — Succession of bishops
in Ireland, particularly those qf Armagh, Emly,
and Cork— Deaths qf several remarkable persons
in Ireland— the Danes defeated in several
battles by Brian Boroimhe— Brian compels the
Lagenians to give him hostages — Maelseaghlin
plunders the Dalcassians — Brian marches against
him, and forces him to acknowledge his sove
reignty over Leath Mhogha — After several bat
tles with various success Maelseaghlain is de
throned and Brian becomes monarch of Ireland
in the year 1001 — Several acts of Brian — Total
overthrow of the Danes, and death of Brian at

394, AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
the battle qf Clontarf in 1014— Interment of
Briafi in Armagh's—dispute between the Eugenian
and Dalcassian tribes — Maelseachlain restored to
the Monarchy — Interregnum under the govern
ment of Cuan O* Leochan the poet, andCorcran
aclergyman — Christian religion gradually spread
over the remaining Danes qf Ireland-^Mael-
muire MachEochad, archbishop qf Armagh, suc-
.peeded by Amaigaid, who was said to be a lay
man— ^Amalgaid's visitation of Munster — Dub
dalethe III. succeeds Amaigaid — Deaths qf se
veral bishops>-~Several learned men who flou
rished in Ireland during this period— Deaths qf
several illustrious persons who had been distin
guished for their learning, piety., t%c.—>~Some
Danes still continue to commit depredations on
religious establishments in Ireland — Donatus first
.bishop qf DubUn — Church of the Holy Trinity,
DubUn, built— -and endowed by Sitric, Danish
king of Dublin— No proof that Donatus was con
secrated by Lanfranc archbishop of Canterbury,
as sometimes stated**-See qf Dublin confined to
the city until the Synod qf Kells under cardinal
Papiro — Death of St. Gormgal, abbot of Ard-
oilean. SECT. I.
WHILE the Irish were struggling at home against
the impeediments, which the misfortunes of the
times opposed to the cultivation of piety and learn
ing, and while they upheld their character in these
respects even during that century, which is usually
called obscure, and indeed justly so, if we look to
the corruption of morals and ecclesiastical discipline,
and the shameful ignorance hy which said century
has been rendered infamous in some other parts of
Europe, many of them highly distinguished them
selves in foreign countries by their sanctity, Chris-

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 395
tian zeal, and knowledge, both sacred and literary.
In that age we find numbers of them teaching in
England, where after the death of Alfred down to
the times of St. Dunstan, learning had so declined,
owing, it seems, to the troubles caused by the
Danes, that at length a priest could not be found
capable of either writing or translating a Latin letter.
(l) The monastic institutions, which Alfred had
endeavoured partly to restore, having ceased to
exist, there were no public scbools established in
their stead, and hence it is not to be wondered at
that ignorance became so universal. Some time be
fore 940 it happened providentially for the restora
tion of learning, and consequently, of religious im
provement, that several Irishmen, remarkably skilled
in every department of science and erudition sacred
and profane, retired to Glastonbury, and there
formed a community. For the purpose of contri
buting towards their support they received -young
noblemen under their care, whom they instructed in
the liberal studies, and among others Dunstan the
most celebrated of their pupils. With the help of
these masters he acquired a great degree not only of
classical and philosophical knowledge, but likewise of
ecclesiastical learning, and remained with them
until being well accomplished even in the line arts,
such as music, painting, &c. he was introduced by
his uncle Athelm, archbishop of Canterbury, to the
king Ethelstan. (3) The exertions of this great
and holy man were afterwards of most essential ser
vice to religion and learning in England.
(1) Mabillon, Annal. Bened. at A. 940. from Spelman.
(2) Osbern, Life of St. Dunstan, ap. Wharton, Anglia Sadra,
Vol. n.p. 91. : Having observed that at said period the monastic
observances were scarcely heard of in England, Osbern adds that,
if any one wished to lead a life of mortification, he used to go to
some foreign country. He then takes occasion to state thiit it had
been and was in Iris time quite usual and, as it were, natural for

396 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIlL
the Irish to go on pilgrimages in foreign parts, and then treats of
those who were settled at Glastonbury, &c. As the passage is
curious-,. I shall here quote as much of it as is connected with the
present subject ; " Hicque mos cum plerosque turn vehemenler
adhuc manet Hihernos ; quia, quod aliis bona voluntas in -consue-
tudinem, hoc illis consuetudo vertit ki naturam. Quorum mulli
atque illustres viri, divinis ac secularibus Uteris nobiliter eruditi,
dum relicta Hibernia in terra Anglorum peregrinaturi venissent,
locum habitalionis suae Glestpniam de/egerunt, propterea quod
esset a civili multitudine sequestratus, et hwmanis usibus aceom-
modus, et (quod maxime qffectabant peregrini) Patricii religiosa
veneratione gloriosus. — Cum ergo hi- tales viri tali bus de causis
Glestoniam venissent, nee tamen quicquid si/ii necessarium erat
sufficientissime in loco reperissent, susxfcpiunt filios wtobiUum- li-
beralibus studiis imbuendos ; ut, quod minus ad usum loci uber-
tas exhiberet, eorum quos docebant liberalitate redundaret. Adest
ergo nobilissimus in Christo puer Dunstanus, inter alios unus,
immo prae aliis. solus, ubi paullo dilgentius quam imbecilla atlas
ferre posset Uterarum studio intentus," &c. Then he tells' us how'
Dunstan fell sick, &c. This, by the bye, was not_the first time,
in which there were distinguished Irishmen at Glastonbury ; many
of them had been there long before.
(3) See Mr. Lingard's Anglo-Saxon church, ch. 12,
§. ii. St. Maccallin, or, as some call him, Mac-
callan, Makallin, or Malcallan, an Irishman^ was in
France, together with St. Cadroc and some others,
in, it seems, 945 or 946 (4) His history is much
connected with that of St. Cadroe, on which accord
ingly, although he was not an Irish but, a British
Scot, I must say a few words. (5) Cadroe was of
the royal house of the Scots of North Britain, and
was placed at an early age under the direction of a
very piou? relative, named Bean, who instructed him
in religion and watched over his morals. When
grown up, it was thought adviseable to give him what
would be now called a university education ; andy
as there were then no schools in Scotland, in which
it could be acquired, Bean sent him to Armagh. (6)

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 39?
There he applied himself to the classical and philo
sophical studies, including natural history, astrono
my, &c. and, as he was gifted with a fine genius, be
came a great proficient in them. Having finished his
literary and scientific course he recrossed the sea, (7)
and returned to his cousin Bean. Being full of zeal
for the instruction of his countrymen, he set about
teaching them so as to form school-masters for every
part of Scotland, all of whom were indebted to him
for their knowledge. (8) While Cadroe was thus
employed in teaching what are called the liberal arts,
without thinking of- retiring from the world, it is
said that both he and Bean had visions, in which it
was announced that he should quit his native countiy,
remove to foreign parts, and exercise himself in mo
nastic discipline, as it was the will of God that he
should become the spiritual father of others. He
determined on obeying the summons, and was pre
paring to set out, when the people of every condition,
and even the king Constantine (9) requested him
not to leave his country, remonstrating with him on
the injury which his departure would cause to all
Scotland, where he was doing so much good. These
expostulations made such an impression on him, that
he delayed for some time ; but afterwards returning
to his former determination he opposed all their ex
ertions to detain him, until at length it was agreed
upon to let him go abroad and even to supply him
with money, clothes, horses, and every thing ne
cessary for his journey. Having passed the frontiers
of the then Scottish kingdom, he entered the
British one of Cumbria lying to the south of the
Clyde, (10) where he was very kindly received by
its king Dovenald, (11) a relation of his, , who,
having kept him for some time at his court, con
ducted him to the city of Loida, situated at the
boundary of the Cumbrians and Normans, where
Cadroe was received by Gunderic, a nobleman, who
accompanied him to York and introduced him to

AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
the king Eric, whose wife was related to him. (12)
Thence he went to London, and proceeded to Win
chester, where, fee was treated with honour by king
Edmund, who got him conducted to a harbour called
Hymen. After some delay there caused by bad
weather, he sent back to Scotland some of his com
panions,, among whom was a nephew of his, and
haying embarked arrived safely at Boulogne. Thence
he went to St. Fursey's monastery of Perorine,
where he prayed to God that he would, through
the merits of St. Fursey, point out to him a place,
where he should stop. On the ' following night
the saint appeared to him in a vision and told him,
that he must go to some other spot.
(4) Colgan has made up some Acts for St. Maccalin, or as he
names him, Malcallan, at 21 January. The Bollandists treat of
him at said day. There is an account of him also in the Acta
Bened. Sec. v. p. 548. He is expressly called an Irishman,
natione Hibernus in the Appendix to the chronicle of Frodoard
at A. 978. and in the Anglican martyrology; and that lie was the
Bollandists maintain, both at 21 January and 6 March, in their
observations on the Life of St. Cadroe, where they state that the
Scotch have no argument in favour of making him their country
man. Yet in the Benedictine account, either by Dachory or Ma
billon, it is said that he was rather a British than an Irish Scot,
notwithstanding the authority of the Appendix to Frodoard there
quoted. For this opinion no reason is assigned, nor, I believe,
could there, except that Maccallin happened to be in France to-
togethef with Cadroe, who was certainly a native of N. Britain.
But this, as will be soon seen, is far from affording any proof of it.
As to .the time of Cadroe's arrival in France, it is universally al
lowed that it was about 945.
(5) There is a rather large Life of St. Cadroe, or Cathroe, as
Colgan thought he ought to be called, written by one Reiman or
Ousman, seemingly a French or German monk, .not very long
after the saint's death. It has been published by Colgan at 6
March, at which day it is also in the collection of the Bollandists,
who omitted as useless some stuff in the beginning of it relative to

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 399
certain migrations of the primitive Scots. Thence it was repub
lished in the Acta Bened. Sec. v. Colgan has lost his time in en
deavouring to show, that Cadroe was an Irish Scot, whereas it is
quite clear that he was a British one ; and accordingly he is con
sidered, as such by the Bollandists and Mabillon.
(6) It is remarked by Mabillon, Annal. Ben. ad A. 944.) that
the reason, why Cadroe was sent to Armagh, was that studies
were at that time neglected in Scotland. Compare with Not. 27
to Chap. xx.
(7) Aequore remenso. (Life, cap. 12.) Colgan struggles to
explain these words as if meaning, that he sailed on a lake or cross
ed the Shannon on his return to some part of Ireland, in which
as Colgan imagined, his relatives lived. But the author of the
Life understood Latin sufficiently well not to call a lake or a river
aequor. (8 ) It is observed in the Life, (ib) by allusion to the words of
St. Paul 1 Cor. iv. 15. that, although Scotland might have thou
sands of pedagogues yet it had npt many fkthers, whereas Cadroe
was the person, who begat them ; in disciplinis enim- artium hie
illos genuit ; and that from the time of his arrival (or return to his
country) none of the wise men had crossed the sea but still lived
in Ireland. This is marked to prove, that Cadroe was then the
only great teacher in Scotland. It is strange, that Colgan could,
with such circumstances before Iris eyes, have persisted in making
Cadroe an Irishman, and living and teaching in Ireland ; as if there
had not been numberless great masters or fathers in Ireland for
centuries before Cadroe was bom, or as if he could have been
called the only father in Ireland, while the very persons or fathers,
by whom he himself had been taught, at Armagh, not to mention
so many others elsewhere, were still alive.
(9) This was Constantine III. son of Ethus, who, having re
signed the throne in 943, became superior of the Culdees of St.
Andrews. (Buchanan, Rer. Scot, ad Reg. 75. and Usher, Ind.
Chron. ad A. 943.) Colgan strives to get rid of this argument in
favour of Cadroe having been a British Scot by introducing a Con
stantine O'Neill, who was chieftain of Inishowen some time in the
tenth century ; as if Inishowen could be supposed to be a large
kingdom, such as the author of the Life alludes to.
( 10) Compare with Not. 74 to Chap. xxi.

400 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
(11) This Dovenald was the king, whom old English writers
call Dunmail, and whose country the English king Edmund made
over to Malcolm I. king of the British Scots in 946, and accord
ingly after Cadroe had travelled through it. (See Usher, p. 664
and Ind. Chron. at A. 946.) What Colgan has concerning him
is so confused, that it is not worth remarking upon.
(12) Life, cap. 17. In this narrative there are some points
well worthy the attention of British antiquaries. As it is not my
business to enlarge on them, I shall only observe that the people
called by the author Normans > were the Northumbrians, who
were then ruled by Norman or Danish kings, of whom Eric was
one. § . ni. Not far distant from Peronne there lived
a pious, wealthy, and noble matron, named Her-
sendis, who was very kind to pilgrims. On hearing
that some such persons had arrived in her neigh
bourhood, she sent to them requesting that they
would call to see her. They complied with her wish,
and on conversing vvith her said that all they wanted
was a retired place, where living by their labour
they might serve God. She then gladly showed
them a spot in the forest called Theorascensis near
the river Oise in the diocese of Laon and adjoining
the frontiers of Hainault, ( 1 3) and where -there was
a church under the name of St. Michael. They
liked the place, and Hersendis got the church en
larged and habitations erected for their use. Among
these pilgrims, who in all were thirteen, was Mac
callin, a man of superior goodness, (14) and whose
name now occurs for the first time. Where he met
with Cadroe We are not informed, nor whether he
had travelled with him all the way from Scotland,
although it is not improbable that he had. (15) For
there was a great intercourse between the Scots of
Ireland and those of N. Britain, so that many of
the former were to be found in the latter country,
and vice versa. Wheresoever these two worthy men
first met, they and their companions being settled

CHAP. XXIII. OP, IRELAND. 401
at St. Michael's, it was proposed to appoint a supe
rior, and Cadroe was fixed upon for that purpose.
But, as he could not be induced to accept of that
office, Maccallin was then compelled to submit to it.
Having lived for some time in this manner, assisted
by the munificence of Hersendis, Maccallin and
Cadroe were seized with a desire to become Bene^
dictine monks. For the attainment of this object
they were helped by Hersendis, ,who directed Mac
callin to Gorzia, a monastery in the diocese of Metz,
recommending him to the abbot Agenald, and Ca
droe to the celebrated monastery of Fleury sur Loire,
then governed by Erchembald a very religious man.
When Maccallin had received the monastic habit,
Hersendis sent to Agenald, requesting that he would
permit him to proceed to the place, which had been
already intended for him. This place was Walcio-
dorus, now Vassor, near the Meuse between Dinant
and Givet, where Filbert, the husband of Hersen
dis, had erected a monastery about A. 945, and about
the same time that Hersendis had formed the estab
lishment of St. Michael's. (16) Maccallin, on his
return, was placed as abbot over Walciodorus, 'still
retaining the management of St. Michael's. Hav
ing sent for Cadroe, he appointed him prior of the
monastery. After some time Maccallin, finding
that the direction of two establishments was too much
for" his strength, begged of Cadroe to become abbot
of Walciodorus. With great difficulty Cadroe agreed
to this proposal, having been pressed to do so by
Otho, king of Germany, who was afterwards em
peror. This occurred about 950. (17) Cadroe was
afterwards abbot of the monastery of St. Clement,
alias St. Felix at Metz, and died A. D. 975 or 976,
after the 70th year of his age and 30th of his pere
grination or abode in a foreign country. (18) He
was buried in the church of his monastery at Metz,
and his memory was revered on the 6th of March.
VOL. III. d d

402 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
Maccallin, having returned to St. Michael's in the
forest Thearascensis, spent the remainder of his life
there until his death on the 21st of January in the
year 978. He was buried in the church of St.
Michael, and his name is mentioned with great praise
by old writers and in various martyrologies. (19)
(13) See Bollandus at 21 January, where he treats of St. Mac
callin. Colgan was mistaken in assigning that place to the diocese
of Verdun.
(14) Life of St. Cadroe, cap. 20.
(15) The author of Cadroe's Life calls (ib.) Maccallin a com
panion of Cadroe's pilgrimage. This may seem to insinuate, that
they had gone together from Scotland. Yet they might have first
met in England, or perhaps in France, where many Irishmen were
then to be found ; and in either hypothesis Maccallin might still be
called a companion of Cadroe's pilgrimage (peregrinatio), which,
strictly speaking, did not begin until they were settled, as pious
foreigners, at St. Michael's. For, as far as I have been able to
observe, the acceptation of peregrinatio, which so often occurs in
lives of saints of those times, is not so much travelling as living
for pious motives in a foreign land. For instance in the pas
sage from Osbern, (above Not. 2.) 'the words, relicta Hibernia
in terra Anglorum preregrinaturi venissent, plainly mean that the
persons there alluded to left Ireland for the purpose of leading a life
of.peregrination, that is, absence from their own country, in Eng
land. Our English word, pilgrimage, does not exactly corres
pond with the peregrinatio of the writers of the middle ages.
(16 ) See the Bollandists at St. Cadroe, 6 March.
(17) Ib.
(18) Life of St. Cadroe cap. 25. Compare with Mabillon,
Observ. praev. at said Life in Acta Bened. Sed v. ,
•(19) We read in the Appendix to Frodoard's chronicle;
" Anno 978 wV Domini Malcallinus natione Hibernicus in vigilia
S. Vincentii Levitae et martyris vitam transitoriam, quam habebat
exosam, desemit, et cum Domino', cui indesinenter, dum adhuc
viveret, serviverat, vivere feliciter inchoavit. Qui praefatus abbas
'n corpore humatus quiescitin ecclesia B. Michaelis archangel!,
cujus abbatiam, dum corporaliter in hoc seculo maneret, pio mo-

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 403
deramine rexit." The words vir Domini, or as in the MS. vir
dni, have been mistaken for Virduni, and hence some have said
that Macallin was abbot of St. Michael's at Verdun, and that he
died in that townv But there was no such monastery at Verdun.
In a history of the foundation of Walciodorus it is mentioned,
that he died in 990 ; but the other is the true date and is fol
lowed by the Bollandists and Benedictines.
§. 4V An Irish abbot, named Columbanus, shut
himself up and became & recluse on the 2d of Fe
bruary, A.D. 957, in the cemetery of the monastery
of Ghent, and remained there until his death on the
15th of February in 959- (20) Whether the mo
nastery, which he had governed, was in Ireland or
in the continent, is not sufficiently known ; but it is
universally allowed that he was an Irishman. (21)
His remains are in St. Bavo's church at Ghent, and
his memory is famous in Belgium, where his name
occurs among those of other saints in a litany of the
Belgic churches. Israel, an Irish bishop, but I know
not of what diocese, (22) lived in the eastern part of
France during the first half of the 10th century.
He assisted at a synod held at Verdun in 947, (23)
at which was present also the celebrated Bruno, bro
ther of the king, and afterwards emperor Otho.
Bruno was then abbot, but a few years later became
archbishop of Cologne. One of the masters of this
great and learned prelate was Israel, concerning
whom I do not find any further account. Duncan,
likewise an Irish bishop, was distinguished as a
teacher in France some time in the said century.
It is not known whether he was consecrated there or
ih Ireland. He taught in the monastery of St. He-
migius at Rheims, (24) and wrote for the use of his
students a Commentary on the nine books of Mar-
tianus Capella on the liberal arts, in the title of which
he is called an Irish bishop. A copy of this work
was transcribed by one Gifardus, and was in the li
brary of said monastery, but is now among the royal
dd2

404 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
MSS. in the British Museum. Duncan wrote also
Observations on the first book of Pomponius Mela
on the situation of the earth, which likewise are still
extant.' (25)
St. Forannan, (26) who had been consecrated at
Armagh bishop of a place, called Domnach-mor,
arrived at Walciodorus 23 years later than St. Mac
callin had become its abbot, and accordingly in 970,
reckoning from 947 the year, in which, according
to every appearance, Maccallin, Cadroe, and some
Irish monks began to live there. (27) It is there
fore a great mistake to suppose, as some writers have
done, that Forannan had been in that place before
Maccallin, and that he was the founder of the mo
nastery. (28) From what we have seen above it is
evident, that Macallin was the first abbot of Walcio
dorus, Tivho, on his resignation, was succeeded by
Cadroe in about 950. On Cadroe's removing to Metz
in 954 or 955 he left an abbot there, whose name is
unknown, but who is said to have permitted a re
laxation of discipline. After his death Forannan
was appointed abbot. (29) Thus Forannan was, in
fact, the fourth abbot of Walciodorus, which he
governed until his death on the 30th of April in
982, (SO) having re-established the vigour of mo
nastic discipline, and left a great reputation for
sanctity. (20) Colgan treats of this "St. Columbanus at' 2 February, and
the Bollandists more probably at 15 of said month.
(21) Dempster, with his usual effrontery, making him a Scotch
man and a writer, says that he always lived in Scotland, and refers
to Molanus, who has not a word of what that liar pretended to
take from him. (See A A. SS. p. 238.) The Belgic writers
agree that he was a native of Ireland. By them he is called
abbas Hibernicis, without telling us whether in Ireland or else
where ; but Menard understood that appellation as meaning, that
he had been an abbot in Ireland.
(22) Fleury in one place (Hist. Eccl. L. 55. §. 35.) calls him a

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 405
bishop of Great Britain, and in another (ib. §. 43.) a Scotch
bishop, eveque Ecossois. But the Benedictine authors of the
Histoire Letteraire, who were better acquainted with the history
of those times, expressly state, ( Tom. vi. p. 305.) that he was an
Irish bishop.
(23) Fleury, ib. §. 35.
(24) Dr. Ledwich very learnedly brings (Ant.Sfc.p. 165.) the
monastery of St. Itemigius to Down, and makes Duncan teach
there. There was no monastery of St. Remigius in Ireland. But
the Doctor, or some one before him, had stumbled on a passage in
Usher (Pr. p. 910, or London ed. 172.) where he speaks of this
work of Duncan, alias Dunchat, as being in the library of the
church of Worcester with the following title ; " Commentum
Dunchat pontificis Hiberniensis, quod contulit suis discipulis in mo-
nasterio S. Remigii douns, super astrologia Martiani Capellae
Varronis." Usher left this title, as he found or thought he found
it, imagining, as appears from his making d a capital letter, that
douns was a local or proper name. Thence it was deduced, that
it meant Down in Ireland. But there can be no doubt, that douns
is an erratum for docens, which I should rather ascribe to the
copyist of said title than to Usher's being mistaken in the spelling
of the words as he met with it.
(25) See Histoire Letteraire, Tom. vi. p. 549. and Warton's
History of English poetry, Vol. il. p. 75.
(26) The Bollandists have a Life of St. Forannan at 30 April,
and from them it has been republished in the Acta Ben. Sec. v.
p. 586 seqq. »
(27) See the Bollandists, Notes at St. Forannan, ib.. p. 819,
820. (28) Among others Colgan fell into this mistake, and premised
to prove at 30 April, that Forannan had preceded Maccallin. (See
AA. SS. p. 153 and 238.) How he could have endeavoured to
prove it I do not know, as he did not live long enongh to publish
Forannan's Life at said day.
(29) See the Bollandists, ib. and p. 808. and at St. Cadroe, 6
Mart. p. 471.
(30) This is the date marked for it by Mabillon, (Annal. Ben.
ad A. 982.) and, as it is probably the true one, further inquiries
may be omitted.

406 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
| v. About these times there was also an Irish
monastery at Cologne. Warinus, archbishop of Co
logne, built or repaired a monastery of the Scots
(Irish) in an island of the Rhine near the city, over
which he placed Mimborin, who is said to have go
verned it for fifteen years. (31) Marianus Scotus
says, that in 975 Erberger, archbishop of Cologne,
made over to the Scots, for ever, this monastery called
St. Martin's, and that its first abbot was Mimborin, a
Scotus, who. presided over it for twelve years,
reckoning, I suppose, from the date of the perpetual
grant made by Erberger. Accordingly Mimborin's
death, which occurred on the 18th of July, must be
assigned either to 987, or, if the twelve years were
, not complete, to 986. (32) He was succeeded by
Kilian likewise an Irishman, after whom, as it was
an Irish establishment, we find it governed by St.
Helias," (33) who had belonged to the monastery of
Monaghan, and of whom more will be seen else
where. A very celebrated Irish abbot was Fingen, (34)
who succeeded St. Cadroe as abbot of St, Felix, alias
St. Clement, at Metz, in about the year 976. Be
sides the government of this monastery he was in
vested also with that of St. Symphorian, likewise at
Metz, in the jear 991. This old abbey was rebuilt
by Adalbero II. then bishop of Metz, who, having
a great esteem for Fingen, placed him over it, and,
with the assistance of the empress dowager Adel-
haid a protectress of Fingen and the Irish Benedic
tines, and grandmother of Otho III. as yet only
king, obtained from this sovereign a confirmation of
the rights and possessions of this establishment on
condition, that the Irishman Fingen, its first abbot,
and his successors,, should not have any other than
Irish monks as long as they could be found, but,
in case they c6uld not, allowing the admittance
of monks of any other nation ; and that prayers
should be constantly offered there for < the king's

CH AP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 407
soul, those of his parents, and of the then bishop
and his successors. This deed was signed by the'
king at Frankfort on the 25th of January, A. 2X
992, in the ninth year of his reign. (35f Not long
after Fingen was sent to re-establish the monastery
of St. Peter and St. Vitonus, now St. Vannes,
at Verdun, where he fixed some Irish monks, of
whom seven were there under his direction, when
the celebrated Richard, dean of the diocese of
Rheims, and Frederic, who had been count of Ver
dun, applied to him in 1001 for permission to be
come members of this house. (36) As they were
persons of high rank in the world, he was at first
loth to receive them, being afraid that they would
not put up with the poverty and discipline of t)he
monastery. At length, however, he complied with
their request, (37) and instructed and trained them
so well, that they became, especially Richard, two of
the greatest and most useful men of their times. St.
Fingen died in the year 1004, and was succeeded by
his holy disciple Richard. (38) There is a short letter
of his, still extant, in the library of St. Remigius of
Rheims, to Fastradis a nun, concerning a monk
named Guilier (39)
To this account of Irish ecclesiastics distinguished
in foreign countries during the tenth century, I shall
add only a curious circumstance related of St. Ge
rard, bishop of Toul, who in 986 gave a retreat in
his diocese to several Greeks, who, mixed with
Irishmen, performed the Church service in their
own language, and according to the Greek rite. (40)
Hence we see, that the Irish still continued to culti
vate Greek literature.
(31) Mabillon, ib. ad A. 974.
(32) Florence cf Worcester places it in 986.
(33) See Mabillon, loc. cit.aad Colgan A A. SS.p. 107.
(34) Colgan treats of St. Fingen at 5 February. His account of
him is very imperfect. The Bollandists have omitted him, placing

408 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
him among the Praetermissi at 5 February, and observing that
Colgan had not a sufficient reason for giving him the title- of beatus,
as he had found him called only virtuosus. But the Fingen, styled
virtuosus, was in all probability different from the one we are now
treating of; nor did Colgan state that they were the same, al
though the cause of his placing St Fingen at 5 February was,
that the name of a Fingen, the virtuous son qf Odran Fedhla,
occurs at said day in some Irish calendars. Mabillon did not
scruple to consider Fingen as a saint, and often speaks of him as
a most religious man, ex. c. Antial. Ben. ad A. 1001. And the
authors of the Histoire Letteraire expressly call him St. Fingen
an Irishman, &c. {Tom. vi. p. 437.) where they tell us, that
there was a large account of him in a Life of Thierri, bishop of
Metz, which unfortunately has been lost.
(35) Colgan, having got a copy of this diploma from the
archives of the church of Metz through the kindness of Meuris,
bishop of that see, has annexed it to the Acts of Fingen. It
begins ^hus ; " In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Otto
divina favente dementia rex." After three or four lines it pro
ceeds ; " Quapropter omnium fidelium nostrorum praesentium sci
licet et futurorum noverit industria, quomodo Adalbero Metensis
ecclesiae venerabilis episcopus ad nos -venit, dicens quod abbatiam
quamdam, foras muros Metis civitatis sitam, jam longo tempore
destructam, pro Dei amore et sancti Symphoriani martyris novi-
ter coepit reaedificare, humiliter deprecans nostram cxcellentiam,
ut eamdem abbatiam cum suis pertinentiis nostrae authoritatis
praeceptione confirmemus. Nos vero ob interventum dilectae aviae
nostrae, Adalheidis videlicet imperatricis Augustae, piae petitioni
illius benignum assensum praebenles, eidem abbatiae S. Symphor
riani omnia loca a regibus, vel imperatoribus, vel aliis religiosis
personis antea unquam tradita, vel qua iam ipse dilectus Adalbero
episcopus illic. moderno tempore adauxit et adhuc addere deside-
rat, aliorumque Dei fidelium bona voluntas adiungere studuerit,
regia denuo nostra munificentia donamus, atque confirmamus, ea
videlicet xralione, ut abbas primus nomine Fingenius Hiberniensis
natione, quem ipse praelibatus episcopus nunc temporis ibi con-
stituit, suique successores Hibernienses monachos, habeant, quam-
diu sic esse poterit ; et si defuerint ibi monachi de Hibernia, de
quibuscumque nationibus semper ibi monachi Jiabeantur ; et nostri.

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 409
nominis, animaeque nostrae, parentumque nostorum, et praesentis
episcopi successorumque illius memoria ibi nunquam deficiat."
Then after a few words comes the signature, &e. See also Ma
billon, Annal. Ben. ad A. 991. Fleury could not have seen these
Annals at the time he was writing the history of those times ; but
it is odd, that he seems to have been ignorant of the now quoted
diploma, whereas otherwise he would not (Liv. 58. §. 60.) have
called Fingen an Ecossois, Scotchman. Mabillon adds, that
Otho confirmed also the possessions, &c. of the monastery of St.
Felix. (36) Mabillon ib. and at A. 1 001.
(37) An anonymous author of a Life of Richard pretends, that
on his and Frederic's first going, to Fingen's monastery of St.
Vannes they did not find the regular' observance, which they ex-
pected to see, and that they went to Cftigni to consult St. Odilo
on what they should do, who, however, advised them to return
thither, as they accordingly did. Mabillon (ib. at A. 1001.) re
jects this story about the defect of regular observance, and shows
that Fingen was a very holy man, who could not be deficient in
enforcing regularity. And, in fact, following the story itself,
would Odilo have counselled them to place themselves urider Fin
gen, were his discipline not strict ? Fleury (loc. cit.) picked up
this story among other mistakes concerning Fingen and his Irish
monks, whom he calls Ecossois. His saying that Odilon sent
Richard and Frederic back to St. Vannes under the persuasion,
that they would reform the establishment, is a poor evasion ; for
how could they expect to do so, while they remained simple
monks ? The truth is, that Richard's and Frederick's reason for
having consulted Odilo was, that on their first going to Verdun
they found another monastery there lately founded by bishop
Wigfrid, which seemed to them more convenient, although the
monastic observance was not as regular as in Fingen's of St. Van
nes, which was small and deficient in buildings. On applying to
Odilo to learn from him which they shoidd prefer, he gave them
the above mentioned advice.
(38) Mabillon, ib. ad A. 1004. Another mistake of Fleury,
(loc. cit.) is his stating, that Fingen died about three months after
he had received Richard into the monastery. He should have
said, about three years ; for Richard's reception was in 1001. It is

410 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
singular, that in the Irish annals the death of a Fingen, called
abbot of Roscrea, is marked at A. 1005. (A A. SS. p. 258.) The
date comes so near that of the death of St. Fingen, that it might
be suspected they were one and the same person. Might it be
that Fingen had gone from Roscrea to superintend the establish
ment pf St. Felix at Metz ? The'day of his death was probably the
8th of October, at which he is praised in the Necrologium of St.
Clement of Metz, as abbot, &c. and buried, in its church.
(39) Mabillon, ib.
(40) Histoire Letteraire, Tom. vi. p. 638.
§. vi. Cenfada, bishop of Emly, who died in 990,
(41) was succeeded by Columba Mac-Lagenan, who
held the see until 1003. After him was Serbrethae,
who lived until 1O27. (42) From these times for
ward we find what appears to be a regular account of
the succession in the see of Cork ; and accordingly
it is very probable, that Columba Mac-Ciaracain, who
died in 990, (43) had as immediate successor Cellach
Hua-Sealbaigh, a very wise and learned man, who,
having lived to a great age, died, it is said, in pil
grimage A. D. 1026. (44) Dubdalethe II. arch
bishop of Armagh, -who died in 998, (45) was suc
ceeded by Muregan, who after three years' incum
bency, or rather in the third year, resigned the see in
1001. (46) He had made a visitation of the north
ern parts of Ireland, and in his stead was placed
Maelmury, that is, servant of Mary, the son of
Eochad, while, according to another account, the
Maelmury, his immediate successor, was the son of
Scanlan (47) Be this as it may, Maelmur, the sou
of Eochad, was certainly archbishop of Armagh,
and he is usually said to have held the see for 1 9
years. (48) His death, which occurred on the 3d
of June, A. D. 1020, is" supposed to have been
caused by grief for the destruction of a great part of
the city by fire in said year. (49) This prelate is
spoken of in terms of high approbation, being styled
the head of the clergy qf western Europe, the^chief

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 411
of the holy orders qf the West^ and a most wise
Doctor. (50) Hence it is clear that he was not, as
soine have imagined, one of those lay usurpers, who
arrogated to themselves the title of archbishop qf
Armagh, but really in holy orders and a real bishop.
(50) There is some reason to think, that Amai
gaid, who is called his successor, belonged to that
class ; but of this more hereafter. Maelbrigid, Hua-
Rimed, abbot of Hy, died in 1005, and was, it
seems, suceeded by Flann- Abhra, who! lived until
1025 or 1026. (52)
Some persons, eminent for piety or learning, are
marked as having died in the early part of the ele
venth century. Aengus abbot of Aghaboe, who had
retired to Armagh, died there Jn 1004. (53) , To
the same year is assigned the death of Eochad O'Fla-
nagan, the chief and best antiquary of Ireland ; (54)
but where he lived or died I do not find recorded.
Aidus or Aedh, abbot of Trefbt (Trevet in Meath
not far from Tara) had also retired to Armagh. He
is called a scholastic or lecturer, bishop, and wise
man. Having led a very holy life he died in 1005,
and was buried there with great honour. (55) Mu
redach Mac-Crichan, a comorban of St. Columba
and St. Adamnan, that is, abbot of Derry and
Raphoe, died also at Armagh on the 28th of De
cember, A. D. 101 1. in the 74th year of his age.
He was a bishop, and lecturer of theology at Ar
magh. Owing to his great reputation, his remains
were deposited with great solemnity near the great
altar in the cathedral of that city. (56) In the next
year a great pestilence broke out at Armagh, which
raged from All-saints day until May following, and
carried off Kennfaelad of Saball or Saul, a bishop
aud anchoret, Maelbrigid Mac-an-Gobhann, a lecturer
of Armagh, Scholag-Mac-Clerchen, a distinguished
priest, and a vast number of elders and students.
(57)

412 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
(41) See Chap. xxu. § . 14.
(42) Ware, Bishops at Emly. Harris has inserted between
Columba and Serbrethae a bishop Cormac Hua-Finn, but with
out sufficient authority. He is called by the 4 Masters, who mark
his death at 1020, (ap. A'A. SS. p. 360.) merely the most erudite
bishop qf the Momonians. It does not hence follow, that he was
bishop of Emly, as the words seem to mean nothing more than
that he was a very learned man and bishop somewhere in
Munster, or that he was the most learned of the Momonians..
Ware's catalogue of the prelates of Emly, which, is well kept up,
must not be departed from on slight grounds,
(43) Chap. xxu. §. 14.
(44) This is the date marked by Ware, Bishops at Cork. In
Colgan's text (AA. SS.p. 335.) The date is, as if from the 4
Masters 1036. This is probably a typographical error. At any
rate it is wrong ; for there were other bishops of Cork between
Cellach's death and 1036. The 4 Masters do not mention his
dying in pilgrimage, but call him bishop, comorban of St. Barr,.
(45) Chap. xxu. §. 14.
(46) The catalogue from the Psalter of Cashel allows for Mu-
tegan three, seemingly incomplete, years, not four as Harris says
in his additions to Ware. Colgan thought (Tr. Th.p. 302<) that
Muregan was one of the lay usurpers not really bishops. (See
Chap. xxu. §. 13.) But his argument is a very poor one. He
met' with a Muredach, prior of Armagh, who is called son of Mu
regan, and who died in 982 or 983. He then supposed that this
Muregan was the same as the one styled archbishop. Might not
there have been divers Muregans ? Or why suppose, that a man,
who died in 982, was the son of a person, who was not called
archbishop of Armagh until 998, and who, after he had resigned,.
lived until 1006 ? Or admitting that the archbishop Muregan was
the father of said Muredach, will it follow that he was still a lay
man in 998 ? The fact is, that it is impossible to identify all those
laymen so called archbishops. I believe that they were chiefly
among those, whose names do not occur in the Cashel cata
logue, but who are mentioned by the 4 Masters.
(47) The 4 Masters have both these Maelmurs, as bishops of

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 413
Armagh, placing the son of Scanlan before the other. (See Tr.
Th. p. 297, 298.) In the Cashel catalogue only one Maelmur is
mentioned without the addition of his father's name. Ware omits
the son of Scanlan, as does also O'Flaherty in his MS. catalogue
(at Tr. Th. p. 319.) Yet it is highly probable, that he was for
some time in possession of the see ; and perhaps he was one of
the lay usurpers. The dates marked for him and for some others
under the title of ^bishops of Armagh by the 4 Masters, are so
confused, that they cannot be reconciled with those of the Cashel
catalogue or of Ware, &c. They have also one Hermedac, whom
they call bishop and scribe of Armagh, and whom they assign to
part of the time, during which, according to others, Maelmur
son of Eochad was the actual bishop.
(48) The Cashel catalogue marks 19 years for Maelmur simply
so called. The Maelmur meant in it was, in all appearance, the
son of Eochad. If there was any other bishop, or person called
bishop of Armagh during part of these 19 year's, it might have
overlooked them.
(49) Ware (at Maelmur) assigns his death to 1021 ; but it must
have been in 1020, whereas it is marked by the 4 Masters (ap.
Tr. Th. p. 298.) at this year, as having fallen on the Friday be
fore Pentecost. Now in the year 1020 Pentecost or Whitsunday,
was on the 5th of June. In said year about a month earlier that
great fire happened, in which the cathedral and some other
churches, besides a great number of houses and much property,
were consumed. Yet, according to the 4 Masters, it was not
universal as Ware says ; for in one of the four quarters of the city
the "only edifice destroyed was the library.
(50) 4 Masters, ib.
(51) Colgan striving (Tr. Th- p. 302) to find the eight mar
ried laymen so called bishops among the persons mentioned in the
Cashel catalogue, reckons as one of them, Maelmur, son of Eo
chad. And why ? Because Dubdalethe III. whose accession was
in 1049, is called son of one Maelmur. But was the son of
Eochad the only Maelmur in Ireland ? And, supposing that Dub
dalethe III. was the son of a man called bishop, might not his
father have been the Maelmur son of Scanlan? (See Not. 47.) It
is odd, that Colgan could have supposed that the son of Eochad

414 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
was not in holy orders, notwithstanding his having been distin
guished by the title of chief of the holy orders, Sfc. Ware did
not follow Colgan in his hypothesis concerning this Maelmur
and Dubdalethe III. ; but Harris has added something relative
to it.,
(52) Tr. Tk.p. 501. at A. 1004 (1005) and 1025 the date of
the 4 Masters, not 1015 as appears ib. through an erratum.
Smith (App. to Life qf St. Columba) has copied this mistake.
, I am doubtful whether 1025 ought to be changed into 1026; for
about these times the 4 Masters begin not to differ as much as
usual from the generally received Christian- era. Thus we have
seen (Not. 49) that their date 1020 for the death of bishop Mael
mur is correct; whereas those of a few years earlier are sometimes
not so, for instance, that for the battle of Clontarf, which they
assign to A. 1013, although it is, certain that said battle was
fought in 1014.
(53) Ib.p. 297 ad A. 1003 (1004).
(54) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1004.
(55) Tr. Th. p. 297 ad A. 1004 (1005).
(56) Ib. and p. 298 ad A. 1010 (1011).
(57) Ib.ad A. 1011 (1012).
§. vh. Meanwhile a great political change had
taken place in Ireland. Hitherto we have seen the
monarchy of all Ireland retained in the house of
the Nialls of one branch or another down to Mael-
seachlin II. whose reign began in 980. (58) Be
tween this sovereign and Brian Boroimhe, who
became king of Munster in 976, (59) various wars
had been carried on, in which Brian was generally
victorious. Sometimes, however, they united against
the Danes, or against other enemies. Brian was
perpetually engaged in humbling his opponents. In
977 he defeated the Danes of Limerick at Innis-
catthy, plundered all the islands which they possessed
in the Shannon, and overthrew with dreadful
slaughter in Hy-figente (in the now county of Li
merick) Donovan dynast of that territory and his
allies the Danes of Munster. In this battle Auliffe,

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 415
king of those Danes, and Donovan were killed. In
978 the Eugenians, who opposed him as being a
Dalcassian, having joined against him under Maol-
mhuadh together with the Munster Danes, he fought
the great battle of Beallach -Leach ta, somewhere it
seems between Mallow and Macroom, in which the
allies were worsted, and besides Maolmhuadh and a
great number of the Irish, 1200 Danes lost their
lives. Having settled matters with the Eugenians,
Brian was attacked in 979 by Donall O'Faolan,
prince of the Desies, assisted by the Danes of
Waterford. He came up with them at a place called
Fanmaccurra, and putting them to flight pursued
them into Waterford, where great slaughter was
made of the Danes. On this occasion. O'Faolan
was killed. After this exploit he got hostages from
all the princes and chiefs of Munster ; and every
part of the province submitted to his authority. (60)
In 980 he made Mac-Gilla-Patrick prisoner, and
compelled all the Ossoriaiv chieftains to deliver up
hostages to him. In said year the king Maelseachlin
II. defeated at Tara the Danes of Dublin, com
manded by the sons of Auliffe or Anlaf their king.
In this battle there was a dreadful slaughter of them,
and among others were killed Reginald the king's
eldest son, and Irlavra the governor of Dublin.
This disaster affected Anlaf so much, that he retired
to Hy, where he died in the course of this year. (61)
In 981 Brian reduced the Lagenians to the neces
sity of giving him hostages ; and the two kings of
that province submitted to him. In 982 Maelseachlin
plundered Dalgais, the hereditary property of Brian,
and cut down the famous tree in the plain of Adair,
under which the Dalcassian princes used to be
inaugurated ; and in the following year he ravaged
Leinster then under the protection of Brian. In
censed by these proceedings, Brian marched against
Maelseachlin and forced him to agree to a treaty, by
which it was stipulated that Brian should be recog-

416 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
nized king of Leath-Mogha, or the southern half of
Ireland, the other half to beheld by Maelseachlin,
and that Donald Claon, king of Leinster and the
Danes of Dublin should be subject to Brian. (62)
(58) See Chap. xxu. §. 8. (59) lb. §.15.
(60) Annals of Innifallen at A. 977-978-979.
(61) Ib. at A. 980. and Ware, Antiq. cap. 24. His English
translator has greatly confused his" meaning, making him say that
the battle of Tara was not fought by Maelseachlin, but by the mo
narch his predecessor. But the Annals of Innisfallen, which he
follows, expressly state, that Maelseachlin was the commander,
and when king of Ireland. For Anlaf compare with Not. 138 to
Chap. 22.
(62) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 981,-982-983.
§. viii. After various battles and depredations,
such as that of Connaught by Maelseachlin in 985 ;
the defeat of the Momonians -and Danes of Water
ford by the Connacians in 988, in which year Brian
plundered Meath and part of Connaught ; the defeat
of the Danes of Dublin by Maelseachlin in 989 ; and
some other fighting here and there, Maelseachlin
ravaged Connaught again in 991, upon which Brian
at the head of the Munster and Connaught troops laid
waste a great part of Meath. Yet in 994 Mael
seachlin gained a victory over Brian, who retaliated
on him in the following year by a complete one, in
consequence of which peace was concluded between
them in 997, and Maelseachlin was again obliged to
recognize Brian's title to the sovereignty of Leath-
Mogha. These two kings then united, and, having
forced the Danes of various parts to give them
hostages, marched into Connaught in 998, whence
also they took hostages, and then attacked the Danes
of Dublin, whom they routed with great slaughter
and the loss of their principal chiefs, Artulacson of
Sitric, Harold son of Auliffe, &c. &c. (63) Not
withstanding this defeat, the Dublin Danes assisted

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 41 7
in 999 Maelmurry, son of Murchard, in compelling
Donogh, king of Leinster, to resign his crown to
him, and plundered Kildare ;. upon which Brian
marched to Dublin, punished them severely, burned
many of their houses, banished their king Sitric,
and, having remained there a week, carried off much
booty. (64) In the same year Maelseachlin com
mitted depredations in Leinster, and this was pro
bably one of the reasons why Brian determined to
wage a serious war against him. Accordingly he
raised in 1000 a very considerable army composed
of Munstermen, southern Connacians, Ossorians,
Lagenians, and Dublin Danes, with whom he marched
towards Tara, having sent forward a corps of Danish
cavalry, who skirmished with the enemy. On Brian's
coming up with his main force, Maelseachlin found it
adviseable hot to risk a battle, and yielding to Brian's
terms promised to give him hostages. It seems that
Maelseachlin did not fulfil his engagements ; for
Brian with the same army marched again in the*
following year, and arriving at Tara compelled him
not only to submit and give hostages, but likewise to
resign the throne of Ireland to Brian, and to content
himself with his principality, of Meath. Thus
Brian became king of all Ireland in the year
1001. (65)
(63) lb. from A. 984. to 998.
(64) Ih. at A. .999. and Ware, Antiq. cap. 24.
(65) Said Annals at A. 1000-1001. The 4 Masters also (ap.
Tr. Th. p. 448. J assign Brian's accession to this year. They say that
Maelseachlin had reigned 23 years ; but it is to be observed that
they place the commencement of his reign not in 980 but in 978.
§» ix. In 1002 Brian proceeded to Connaught,
where he received hostages, and returning through
Meath got some there also from Maelseachlin. He
then marched at the head of his numerous forces,
_to which were now added those of Meath commanded
VOL. III. E E

418 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
by Maelseachlin, as far as Dundalk, where he was
submitted to by all the princes and chieftains of
Ulster, who gave him hostages. Afterwards we find
him engaged in checking some attempts at revolt or
disobedience particularly in the North. On one of
these occasions he stopped for a week at Armagh in
the year 1004, (66) and left a gold collar, weighing
20 ounces, on the great altar of the cathedral as an
offering. Thence he went with his army to Rath-mor-
muighe, the royal seat of the Dalriedans in the now
county of Antrim, whence he brought hostages.
But it .would be too long, and not within my plan,
to follow all the movements of this great king; yet,
as a matter belonging to our ecclesiastical history,
I must not forget, that being in 101 1 with a great
army and a number of Irish princes in the now
county of Louth, where he again received hostages
from the chiefs of Ulster, to which he assigned two
kings, he and the assembled .princesj &c. granted
glebe lands to the churches of Ireland, (67) thus
repairing part of the ravages committed by the
Northmen: A great storm was now gathering, the
cause of which was as follows. Maelmurry Mac-
Morogb, or the son of Murchart, who, as we have
seen, usurped the crown of Leinster in 999, marched
into Meath in 1013 at the head of a powerful army
of Lagenians and Danes of Dublin, and ravaged
some parts of it. Maelseachlin, in retaliation, set
fire to the neighbouring districts of Leinster as far
as the hill of : Hoath, but being met by Maelmurry
and Sitric king of Dublin, was defeated with con
siderable. Iossj He then called upon Brian at his
residence* and requested Assistance from him against'
the united Lagenians and Danes, who were in /the
habit of plundering his principality. Accordingly
Brian set out with a great army, and, having on his
way laid waste Ossory, detached his son Morogh
with a lai-ge party towards Glendaloc'h, who plun
dered the country as he went along and brought

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 419
many prisoners and much spoil to Brian then en
camped at Kilmainham near Dublin, where he re
mained from the beginning of August until Christ
mas without being able to bring either the Danes or
Lagenians to battle, and consequently returned to
Munster. Meanwhile a new fleet of Northmen
arrived and burned Cork ; and there was much fight
ing here and there between those foreigners and the
Irish. {68)
(66) Ib. at A. 1004. The same year is marked also by the
4 Masters, and must not be changed into 100.5.
(67) Ii. at A. 1011. (68) Ib. at A. 1013.
§ x. The Danes and Lagenians, availing them
selves of Brian's absence, used the utmost exertions
to collect troops and auxiliaries from every quarter
that they could. A great number of Northmen
came to their assistance from Norway and other
parts of Scandinavia, from Scotland, the Orkneys,
Hebrides, &c. and from the isle of Man, who
were joined also by Britons, from Cornwall and else
where. Brian marched to oppose them, taking with
him Maelseachlin, who, however, intended to betray
him. For this purpose he sent to Maelmurry, to
inform him, that Brian had dispatched his son Do
nogh, at the head of the Dalcassian troops and of a
third part of the Eugenian forces, to ravage Leinster
and Hy-Kinselagh, and that he himself with his
1.000 Meath-men would desert Brian on the day of
battle. Accordingly it was determined to attack
Brian before Donogh could come up. He was then
encamped on the plain near Dublin with a smaller
army than he otherwise should have had. His op
ponents formed themselves into three divisions ; the
first consisting of 1000 Northmen, covered with
coats of mail, commanded by two Norwegian princes
Charles and Henry, and of Dublin Danes under
Dolat and Conmaol, The second division consisted
E E 2

420 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII..
of Lagenians, about 9000 strong, commanded by.
their king Maelmurry, and under him by some mi
nor princes, such as Mac-Tuathal or Toole of the
Liffey territory, the prince of Hyrfalgy, &c. toge
ther with a large body of Danes. The third divi
sion was formed of the Northmen collected from the
islands, from Scotland, &c. and of Britons. It was
commanded by Lodar, earl of the Orkneys, and
Bruadair admiral of the fleet, which had brought
the auxiliary Northmen, &c. to Ireland. Brian was
not dismayed by this mighty force, and depending
on Providence and the bravery "of his troops, pre»
pared for battle, dividing his. army likewise into
three divisions ; one to oppose the enemy's first
division under his son Morogh, who had along
with him his son Turlogh and a select body of the
brave Dalgais, besides four other sons of Brian,
Teige^ Donald, Conor, and Flann, and various
chieftains, Donchuan, Lonargan, &c. together
with a body of men from Conmacne-Mara, a wes
tern part of Connaught. To this division Mael
seachlin was ordered to join his followers. Over the
division, which was to fight the^second of the ene
my, Brian placed Cian and Donald, two princes of
the. Eugenian line, under whom were the forces of
Desmond and other parts of the South of Ireland,
including the now county of Kerry, the most of
those of Cork and Limerick, and that of Waterford, .
headed by their respective chiefs. To this division
belonged also O'Carrol. and his troops of Ely
O'Carrol, and it was joined by another O'Carrol
prince of Orgiel in Ulster and Maguire prince of ,,
Fermanagh. The division opposed to the third of
their antagonists consisted chiefly of Conacians, un
der O'Conor as chief commander, with whom were'
O'Heyn, O' Kelly, O'Flaherty, O'Cadhla, &c. and
their forces, assisted by various bodies of men from
divers parts of Tipperary, Limerick, Clare, &c.

CHAP. XXIII. OP IRELAND. 421
commanded by their chieftains, Fogartach, O'Doyle,
Mac Donagan, Mac Dermot, &c. (69)
(69) Ib. at A. 1014.
§. xi. I have been more minute, than perhaps my
object being ecclesiastical would allow, merely to
show that greater unanimity prevailed among the Irish
on this occasion than for a long time preceding. In
fact it was absolutely necessary for the preservation
both of the country and of religion. For the inten
tion of the Northmen, who were still half pagans, w^g
to become masters of all Ireland. (70) Brian and
the majority of the Irish princes, who, with a view
to the encouragement of foreign trade, had very im
prudently permitted parties of them to continue in
Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, Cork, &c. instead of
driving them entirely out of the country, as they
might have donfe, perceived at last, that nothing less
would do than to crush them in such a manner as
would prevent their being afterwards able to disturb
the tranquillity of Ireland. This they would, in all
probability, have been able to accomplish effectually,
had not Maelmurry and the people of Leinster en-
terred into an unnatural confederacy with those fo
reigners. The Northmen from the islands, &c. who
had arrived under Bruadair at Dublin on Palm-sunday
A. D. 1014, insisted on the battle being fought on
Good Friday, which fell on the 23d of April, a day
on which,' on account of its sanctity, Brian would
have wished to avoid fighting. (71) Yet he was de
termined to defend himself even on that day, and
holding the Crucifix in his left hand, and his sword
in the right, rode with his son Morogh through
the ranks, encouraging his army to put an end for
ever to the oppressions of those tyrants and usurpers,
who had committed so many cruelties and sacrileges
in Ireland, so that the day, on which Christ suffered
death for our sake, should be the last of their power

422 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
in this country, and declaring that he was willing
to lose his life in so just and honourable a cause. As
soon as the engagement began, Maelseachlin with.his
Meath men withdrew from the scene of action, and
remained as a mere looker on. His defection did not
disconcert Brian and the other Irish, who fought
like heroes from sunrise until the dusk of the even
ing, and gained a complete victory, which has been
and ever will be memorable in Irish history under
the name of that of Clontarf. (72) According to
one account the Northmen lost between , killed and
drowned 13000 men, and the Lagenians 3000.
(73) The 1000 men that wore coats of mail, are
said to have been all cut to pieces, together with their
commanders Charles and Henry, besides Dolat and
Conmaol. (74) Among the slain were also Bruadair
and two of the Danish princes of Dublin, to whom
we have to. add Maelmurry king of Leinster, the
prince of Hy-falgy, &c. (75) But this was a dearly
purchased victory j for, besides a great number of
the Irish troops, Brian, his son Morogh, and his
grandson Turlogh fell on this memorahle day, (76)
together. with many chieftains of Munster' and Con-;
naught. Brian was in the 88th year of his age, ancl
Morogh in the 63d. (77) Although almost con
stantly engaged in military expeditions," Brian was of
a very religious disposition, (78) and is praised as
having erected or rebuilt churches, <ex. q. those of
Killaloe and Iniskeltra, religious houses, schools,
&c. He indemnified the institutions and families,
which had been plundered by the Northmen, with
lands of which he dispossessed them, established a
system of just administration, put a stop to robberies,
fortified the royal residence of Cashel and several
other places, and improved the internal communica
tion throughout his kingdom by means of roads,
bridges, &c. (79)
(70) In the chronicle of Ademar monk of St. Eparchius of An-

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 423
gouleme (ap. Labbe, Nova Bibl. MSS. libr. Tom. 2.) there is a
curious passage (p, 177.) relative to the views of the Northmen at
that time, in which it is stated that they came with an immense
fleet, meaning to extinguish the Irish, and to get possession of that
most wealthy country, which had twelve cities, great bishoprics
&c. " His temporibus Normanni supradicti, quod patres eorum
nunquam perpetrasse ausi sunt, cum innumera classe Hiberniam
insulam, qiiae Irlanda dicitur, ingressi sunt una cum uxoribus, et
liberis, et captivis Christianis, quos fecerant sibi servos, ut, Hir-
landis extinctis, ipsi pro ipsis inhabitarent opulentissimajn terram,
quae xii civitates cum amplissimis episcopatibus et unum regem
habet, ac propriam linguam, sed Latinas literas; quam S. Patri-
cius Romanus ad fidem convertit," &c. Ademar, as appears from
the sequel, alludes to the preparations for the battle of Clontarf,
which it is plain was the one that he meant ; for just after his ac
count of it he speaks of Canute the great, and his. coming to Eng
land, which was about the same time. Labbe thinks, that this
chronicle was written before 1031 ; if so, it is the oldest ducu-
ment I know of, in which the^name Irlanda, Ireland, is to be found.
Compare with Usher, Pr.p. 734.
(71) The Niala Saga in Johnstone's Ant. Celto-Scand. has
(p. 120. seqq.) a curious account of the battle of Clontarf. In it
are mentioned the above circumstances, and it is stated, that Brua-
dair had been informed by a sort of pagan oracle, that, should
the battle be fought on Friday, the Northmen would be victo
rious. (72) That this was a real and great victory is attested, in the
Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1014. and in the best Irish documents.
Yet Ware (Ant. cap. 24.) has some doubts on this point, as if to
wards the end of it the Danes became uppermost. Without en
tering into further particulars, I shall oppose to these doubts.
the testimony of the Niala Saga, which represents the North
men as flying in all directions, and large parties of them totally
destroyed. And in Ademar's chronicle, after the words quoted
(Not. 70.^, it is represented as even greater than it really was ;
for it is said that all the Northmen were killed, and it is added
that crowds of their women threw themselves into the sea. Yet it
is true, that of some of their divisions not a man was left alive.

424 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII
Ademar makes the battle last for three days ; but this does not
agree with other accounts.
(73) Annals of Innisfallen, ib. But those of Ulster, (ap. John
stone) without mentioning the loss of the Lagenians, state that,
besides many chiefs, among whom is reckoned Bruadair, about
•6000 of the*Danes were killed or drowned.
(74) Annals of Innisfallen, ib. In the Niala Saga a northern
prince is introduced asking some time after the battle, what had
become of his men. The answer was that the£ were all killed.
This seems to allude to the division in coats of mail.
(75) See ib. The Niala Saga states that not only Broder
(Bruadair) but likewise all his pirates (the sea-faring Northmen)
were killed.
(76) The person, who kille<LBrian, was Bruadair, and among
the various accounts of how he chanced to get the king into ' his
power, the best is perhaps that of the Niala Saga, according to
which Bruadair, who had fled into a wood with a party of his fol
lowers, happened to see the. king in a retired spot attended by
only a few men, and rushed upon him unawares, after which he
was soon after killed himself. Morogh was, say the Annals of
Innisfallen, treacherously stabbed by the Norwegian Henry, who
was lying on the ground and in the act of being relieved by Moragh.
This brave prince had just time to make his confession and receive
the holy Viaticum.
p7) Annals of Innisfallen at A.' 1014.
(78) Marianus Scotus, mentioning his death, has these words ;
" Brianus rex Hiberniae Parasceve Paschae, sexta feria 9 Calen-
das Maii, manibus et mente ad Deum intentus necatur."
(79) See Keating, Book 2.
§. xii. After the battle was over Teige, son of
Brian, withdrew with the remnant of the Irish army
to the camp at Kilmainham. On the next day, Holy
Saturday, Donogh arrived, bringing with him great
booty from various parts of Leinster, and on the
same day the inhabitants of Swords came up and
took the body of Brian for the purpose of having it
interred at Armagh, whither Donogh sent many
rich offerings. From Swords it was brought to

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 425
Duleek, and thence by the people of that place to
Louth, whither Maelmur Mac-Eochad, archbishop
of Armagh, came with his clergy and many others,
bearing reliques, to meet it and convey it to Ar
magh. (80) Along with it was carried also the body
of Morogh, beside the head of Conaing, a nephew
of Brian by his brother Dunchuan, and, according
to another account, (81) that of Mothla prince of the
Desies. The funeral obsequies were celebrated with
great pomp, constant watching and the exposure of
the reliques of St. Patrick, during twelve days and
nights. (82) Brian's remains were deposited in a
stone coffin at the North side of the cathedral, those
of Morogh, &c. being placed at the South side. (83)
A dispute, of that kind so common between the
Eugenian and Dalcassian lines, soon occurred in
consequence of Brian's demise. The Eugenian
prince Cian claimed a right to the throne of Mun
ster, in virtue of the old compact of alternate suc
cession, in those branches of the royal house, alleg
ing also that he was older than either Donogh or
Teige. Donogh "refused to acknowledge this claim,
and, as Cian was not able to enforce it, marched off
quietly with his troops for Munster, meeting with
no opposition except, when passing through Ossory,
a show of opposition on the part of Fitzpatrick.
But before the end of the same year he and his
brother Teige quarrelled among themselves, and a
battle was fought between them and their parties, in
which Donogh was defeated. (84) Meanwhile
Maelseachlin was again saluted king of all Ireland, a
title which, as far as I can judge, was not recog
nized by the O'Brian's and people of Munster.
This prince, notwithstanding his not having fought
against the Danes at Clontarf, was still a deter
mined enemy of theirs. In 1015 he attacked the
remnant of those of Dublin, and burned almost the
whole city ; and in 1016, after predatory and incen
diary excursions of the said Danes, commanded by

426 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
their king Sitric, against Kildare, Glendaloch, Clo
nard, Swords, and Armagh, he defeated them with
much loss. (85) The Lagenians soon found, what
little dependance could be placed on the friendship
of .that people; for their king Bran, son of Mael
murry, had his eyes put out in Dublin by Sitric in
the year 1018. (86) Roused to a feeling of patri
otism, Augurius or Ugair, son of Dunluing, and
king of Leinster, overthrew Sitric -and his Danes
with great slaughter at Delgany in 1021 or 1022.
(87) In this year 1Q22 Maelseachlin died on the 2d of
September, in the monastery of the Island of Inis-
aingin, after having some time before retired from
the world to do penance for his sins and make his
peace with God. (88) After him there was no
king recognized as of all Ireland for many years ;
but his principality of Meath and, it seems, some
adjoining districts fell, after his death, under the
administration of Cuan O'Leochain, arch-poet and
chief antiquary of Ireland, and of Cprcran a clergy
man. Their power did not last long, whereas Cuan
was killed by the Lagenians in 1024, and Corcran
is said to have become an anchoret, and to have
died at Lismore in 1040. (89) With regard to the
other parts of Ireland* let it suffice to mention, that
Donogh O'Brian, son of Brian Boroimhe, became
king of Leth-mogha (the southern half of Ireland)
in 1026. (90)
(80) While the Annals of Innisfallen represent the archbishop
Maelmur, &c. as having advanced no farther than Louth, the 4
Masters (ap. Tr. Th.p. 298.) tell us that they^ proceeded all the
way to Swords. The other statement is, I am sure, the true one.
(81) That of the 4 Masters, ib.
(82) Inisfallen and Ulster Annals at A. 1014.
(83) Annals of Innisfallen, ib. (84) Ib.
(85) lb. at A. 1015- 1016.
(86) Ib. at A. 1018. Ware (Antiq. cap. 24.) has added a
j^ar to this date, but, I think, without reason. Instead of the

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 427
name Bran, which was the real one, and rather usual in the
royal house of Leinster, he has Brienus or Brennus, rendered
Brien by his translator, thus causing a confusion with the Mun
ster Briens or rather Brians.
(87) 4 Masters ap. AA. SS. p. 313. and Ware loc. cit.
(88) 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 298.) and Annals of Innisfallen
at A. 102% which have Lough-Ainin, that is, I think, Inisain-
gin, or the Island of All Saints, in Lough-ree. See also O'Fla
herty, Ogyg. Part. m. cap. 93. Ware was wrong (Ant. cap. 4.)
in adding a year to this date, placing Maelseachlin's death in 1 023.
(89) See O'Flaherty, ib. cap. 94. I. very much dpubt, whe
ther he is right in making this Corcran the same as the anchoret
and theologian of Lismore.
' (90) Annals of Innisfallen at 1026.
§. xiii. From this detail of political occurrences,
which I have been forced to enter into, it appears
that a real revolution took place in Ireland at this
period. The anciently established system of suc
cession to the throne of the whole kingdom was
overturned, and there remained no paramount power
authorized to controul the provincial kings or minor
chieftains. Amidst those wars one good effect was
obtained, viz. the humiliation of the Northmen,
who, although numbers of them still remained in
various parts of Ireland, were much weakened, and
henceforth attempted fewer depredations than in
former times. But unluckily the Irish were, during
a great part of this century, the eleventh, engaged
here and there in wars between themselves, and we
find now and then one or other party of them as
sisted by the Danes, as they, are usually called, set
tled in Dublin or elsewhere. The Christian' reli
gion became no longer confined to those of Dublin,
by whom it began to be better observed, but gradu
ally spread among the other Danes of Ireland.
Maelmur Mac-Eochad archbishop of Armagh,
who died in 1020, (9l) was succeeded by Amaigaid,
who is stated to have visited Munster in 1021. (9g)

428 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CfiffP. XXIII.
He was present in 1022 at the death of king Mael-
seachlin. (93) It is said that he was one of the lay
men who assumed the title of Archbishops of Armagh j
whereas among his successors we find Maelisa
and Domnald, who are called sons of Amalgadius.
(94.) Yet the matter is not certain j and if it be
true, that Amaigaid administered the sacrament of
Extreme Unction to Maelseachlin,-he must have been
more than a layman. (95) It may also be objected,
that his visitation of Munster implied real archiepis
copal power ; but it must be observed, that it was pro
bably relative merely to the exaction of certain dues,
which used to be paid to the church of Armagh ac
cording to the regulation called the Law of St. Pa
trick. Whether he was a real or nominal .archbi-
shop, he held that title 29 years until his death in
1049. (96) During his time Moeltule, who is called
bishop of Armagh, died in 1032 ; but it is probable,
that he was merely a suffragan bishop ; (97) and
hence an additional argument may be deduced to
suppose, that Amaigaid was not a real bishop, but
that Moeltule officiated in his stead. On the very
day of Amalgaid's death Dubdalethe III. son of one
Maelmur, (98) and professor of theology at Ar
magh, was appointed his successor. (99)
(91) Above $.6.
(92) 4 Masters ap. Tr. Th. p. 298. (93) Ib.
(94) Colgan (Tr. Th.p. 302.) insists- upon this circumstance
as a proof that the Amaigaid was an unordained so called arch
bishop. But supposing that he was the same as the Amaigaid,
father of Maelisa and Domnald, might they not have been born
before he got that title ? Ware has (at Amaigaid) a passage,
which seems to favour Colgan's opinion.' It is 'taken from the
Annals of jthe Priory of the island of All Saints at A. I04f), and
runs thus ; " Amaigaid, comorban of St. Patrick, having spent
29 years in this principality, rested penitentially in Christ." The
word, principality, seems to allude to his having been rather a
prince than a real bishop. The title comorban of St. Patrick, is

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 429
not sufficient to show, that Amaigaid was in holy orders, for, as
will be seen more fully elsewhere, in the later times of the Irish
church, and perhaps from the period we are now treating of, the
name comorban was sometimes given to laymen, who kept pos
session of the church lands belonging to sees and monasteries.
(95) To this Colgan replies, that. Maelseachlin was indeed
anointed, while in the hands or arms of Amaigaid ; but that it is
not Stated, that the ceremony was performed by him.
(96) This is the date marked not only by the 4 masters (ap.
Tr. Th. p. 298.) but likewise by the above quoted Annals (Not-
94.) and O'Flaherty in his MS. catalogue ; and accordingly, as is
marked in said authorities, the incumbency of Amaigaid lasted
29 years. Yet the Cashel catalogue allows for it thirty, which
must be understood of his having died in the 30th year ; for in
said catalogue incomplete years are reckoned as complete.
(97) See Tr. Th.p. 298. and Ware, Bishops at Amaigaid.
Moeltule' s name is not in the Cashel catalogue.
(98) See above Not. 51. (99) Tr. Th.p. 298.
§ . xiv. With regard to the other sees of Ireland,
I shall here give the names of such bishops, whose
deaths I find marked before about A. D. 1050.
Carmacan O'Muilcashel, bishop of Killaloe, the
first of that place, whom I meet with after St. Flan
nan, died in 1019.(100) Neil O'Malduibh, of
Cork, the successor of Ceallach Hua-Sealbaigh, (101)
died in 1027, and after him Airtri Sairt in 1028, suc
ceeded by Cathal, whose death is assigned to 1034.
(102) O'Mail-Sluaig," bishop of Lismore, died in
1025, as did his successor, Moriertach O'Selbach
in 1034. (103) Tuathal O'Dunluing, bishop of
Clonard, died in 1028 or 1029. (104) The
death of Maelmartin, of Kildare, was, according
to one account, in 1028, and according to another,
in 1030. (105) His successor Maelbrigid lived
until 1042. (106) Murchad O'Nioc, bishop of
Tuam, died in 1033. (107) Maelfinan of Emly,
most probably the immediate successor of Saerbreth-
ach, (108) died in 1040, as did after him O'Flan-
chuain in 1047, and Clothna Muimnech in IO49.

430 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII,
(109) Flahertach, bishop of Down, died in T043,
and Moehnacte of Louth in 1044. (110) Cleiric
O'Muinid, bishop of Leighlin, -died in 1048, and
to: the same year is assigned the death of Ceili, bi
shop of Ardagh. (Ill) In the same year some'
plat!kf the death df Dieririit O'Rodachan, bishop of
Feriis, which others affix to 1050. (112) It can
scarcely be doubted that Dunchad O'Kelechuir,
who is'dalled comorban of St. Kieran of Saigfr, who
died in 1048, vvas bishop of that place. (113) From.
these instances it may be inferred, that the episcopal
succession' was kept up, as regularly as the state of
the times would allow, in the now mentioned sees,
and it is very probable that it was maintained also
in other old sees, although the names of their pre
lates are very seldom to be met with. For example
Dungal, a bishop of Ross (iri the county of Cork)
is marked as the 27th in succession after St. Facht-
nan, the founder of that see, (114) who lived in the
sikth' century. As to bishops appointed occasionally
in places, which were not permanent sees, we may
be certairi that there were,' as usual, some of this de
scription irt 'the first half of the century we are now
treating of. Thus we find a bishop at Swords Ma
rian O'Crinen, who is called a wise man, and whose
death is assigned to 1025. (115)
(100) Ware, Bishops at Killaloe. (101 ) Above §. 6.
(102) Ware at Cork. (103) Idem at Lismore. 1
(104) Idem at Meath. See Harris' addition.
(185) Ware (at Kildare) has 1028; the 4 Masters (ap. fr.
Th. p. 630.) Imve 1030.
(l66) Ib.Ib. (107) Ware at Tuam.
(108) See above §. 6. (109) Ware at Emly:
(110) For Flahertach, see Ware at Down. He was the first
bishop of that ' see whom Ware met , with from the times of St.
Fergus, who died in the sixth century. (See Chap. xii. §. 1.)
But Harris, referring to the 4 Masters, adds that a Fingen, bishop
of Down, is mentioned as having died in 962. For Moelmocte
see AA. SS. p. 736.

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 431
(111) Ware at Leighlin and Ardagh.
(112) Ware at Ferns. The 4 Masters (dp) AA- SS. p. 223.)
have A. 1050.
(113) See AA. SS. p. 473. Ware has omitted him at Ossory ;
but he is marked by Harris.
(114) See Harris, Bishops, at Ross.
(115) Tr. Th.p. 509.
§. xv. Learning continued to be still cul
tivated, and many distinguished scholastics or
doctors are mentioned as having belonged to
this period. Dunchad, scholastic of Clonmac
nois died in 1005 and Coenchomrac of Gleann-
ussen in 1015. Flann O'Tegain of Durrow
(King's county,) a man, celebrated for his know
ledge, died in 1022, as did also Cathasach, a
scholastic or teacher at Clonmacnois ; and Chris
tian of Devenish in 1025.(116) Eochad Mac-
Cethenin, who is called comorban of St. Tiger
nach, and the wisest doctor in Ireland, died at Ar
magh in 1030. (117) Moelodar, scholastic of Kil
lachad, died in 1032 ; and Aengus of Clonmacnois
in 1034 ; and Macnias O'Huactain of Kells in
1035. (118) Flanagan, scholastic of Kildare, Cun-
den of Connor, and Alill of Durrow, died in 1038.
(119) The death of Corcran, an anchoret and a
very eminent and pious theologian of Lismore, and
of Dunchad .O'Hanchanige, a celebrated lecturer
of Armagh, is assigned to 1040 ; and that of Mael-
petrus O'Hailechain, likewise a lecturer there and
chief director of the students, to 1043. (120)
Longsech, scholastic of Clonard, and EochagaU,
archdeacon of Slane, lecturer at Swords, and a
chronographer, died in 1042. (121) Three scho
lastics of Kells are mentioned as having died not
long after each other ; Maelmartin in 1045 ; Cudul
Mac-Gaithen in 1047 ; and Moelan in 1050. (122)
At the year 1046 is marked the death of a very dis
tinguished and holy man Moelpatrick O'Beloige, the

432 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
chief lecturer and director of the schools of Ar
magh. (123)!. O'Ballen, scholastic of Roscrea, and
Gilla-molaisse of Louth died in 1047. (124) There
were undoubtedly in these times many „ other lec
turers and teachers in the other establishments and
schools of Ireland ; and to this period are assigned
the deaths of two eminent antiquaries. One was
Mac-Liag, who is called an Ollamh, that is a Doc
tor and man of letters, and who wrote some works, ,
among which was a Life of Brian Boroimhe. He
died in 1016. (125) The other was Macbeth, son
of Anmire, and chief antiquary of Armagh, who
died in 1041. (126) A pious prince, Cathald, son
of Roderic, arid chieftain of West Connaught,
who had retired to Armagh in 1037, for the
purpose of leading the life of a pilgrim, died there
in 1043. (127) The spirit of pilgrimage spread.
itself among the Danes of Dublin, and Sitric their
king set out for Rome with a view to that object,
but died on his way in 1029. (128) His son Amtaf,
or Auliffe, also king of Dublin, undertook a pil
grimage to Rome in 1035, but was killed in Eng
land. (129) He was succeeded by another Sitric,
his son, who went beyond sea, probably to Rome,
in 1036, and left the government of Dublin in
the hands of one Eachmharcach, after whom we find
an Ivar governor of Dublin in 1038. (130) Sitric
returned to Ireland and died- in 1041 or 1042.
(131) (116) lb. Ind. Chron.
(117) Ib. p. 298. The title comorban of St. Tigernach, is ex
plained by Colgan *as meaning abbot qf Clones. But, if the St.
Tigernach, whose comorban Eochad was, were the one of Clones,
I should think that Eochad was rather a bishop ; for St. Tiger
nach had been bishop of Clones as well as of Clogher.
(118) Ib. Ind. Chron. (119) lb. p. 632.
(120) See AA. SS. p. 206. and Tr. Th. p. 298.
(121) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. and p. 509.

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 433
(122) Ib. p. 508. ( 123) Ib. p. 298.
(124) Ib. Ind. Chron.
(125) See Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1016. and Harris,
Writers at Mac-Liag.
(126) Tr. Th. p. 298. (127) lb.
(128) Ware, Antiq. cap. 24. Yet the Annals of Innisfallen,
after mentioning his departure for Rome in 1028, state that he
returned to Ireland, and exhibit him as plundering Ardbraccan
in 1031.
(129) Ware, ib. The Annals of Innisfallen, instead of 1035,
have 1034. I suspect that Ware, has added a year to dates at
times when he should not have done so.
(130) Annals of Innisfallen . at A. 1036 and 1038. Ware
makes no mention of the absence of Sitric, nor of Eachmharcach
or Ivar. This is the Ivar, governor of the Danes of Dublin, to
whom I alluded in apart of Not. 138. to Chap. xxu. Ware's
silence concerning those persons and circumstances forms no ar
gument against the statement of the Annals.
(131) Wareei.
§. xvi. Notwithstanding a certain progress made
by the Danes in piety and religious practices, yet
we find them now and then, even during this period,
committing depredations in religious places. Besides
some already alluded to, ( 1 32) they plundered Kells
in 1018, and Duleek in 1023 and again in 1037,
(133) besides Ardbraccan in 1031, whence they
brought -much booty and many prisoners. (134) But
on the whole it appears, that their manners became
gradually much softened, of which we have a very
strong proof in the memorable fact of a bishop being
for the first time appointed for the^Danes of Dublin
about the year 1 040. This bishop, whose real name
seems to have been Dunan, or perhaps Donaght
-although it has been latinized into Donatus, (135)
was, judging from the name, most probably an Irish
man. Sitric, king of Dublin, had already returned
from his tour, or perhaps pilgrimage, during which
he had probably planned the erection of" this new see.
, VOL. III. F F

434 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
In the Black book of the church of the Holy Trinity,
commonly called Christ-church in Dublin, there is a
document, which runs thus ; " Sitricus king of Dub
lin, son of Ableb (Anlaf) earl of Dublin, gave to
the Holy Trinity, and to Donatus first bishop of,
Dublin, a place, where the arches or vaults were
founded, to build the church of the Holy Trinity
on, together with the following lands ; viz. Beal-
dulek, Rechen, Portrahern, with their villains, cat
tle, and corn. He also contributed gold and silver
enough, wherewith to build the church and the whole
court thereof." (136) This must have occurred
about 1040 (137) before the death of Sitric, and
about the time that Donatus was named to this see.
It has been said, that Donatus was consecrated by
the archbishop of Canterbury ; but of this I meet
with no proof whatsoever, unless it should be con
sidered as such, that some of his successors were con
secrated in that city. Now this system, according to
which the bishops of Dublin acknowledged them
selves subject to the see of Canterbury, did not, as
far as I can discover, begin until the time of the
archbishop Lanfranc, who came over to England
during the reign of William the Conqueror many
years after the appointment of Donatus ; and which
system was introduced for two reasons ; first, because
William and his Normans, being masters of England
from the year 1066, were considered by the Irish
Danes as their countrymen ; and second, because
Lanfranc's reputation was so great, that, when the
Dublin Danes found it necessary that their bishop
should be subject to some metropolitan, they made
choice of him for that purpose. (138) This new see
was confined to the city, and did not extend beyond
its walls until later than the synod of Kells under
Cardinal Paparo, held in 1152, as will be seen in its
proper place. Donatus having built the church,
erected also an episcopal palace adjoining it, on the
site, where the late Four Courts stood, and a chapel,

CHAP. XXIII. OF IRELAND. 435
which was called St. Michael's. He lived until
A. D. 1074. (139) I shall conclude this chapter
with just mentioning the death of a very holy abbot,
who belonged to the period, of which we have been
now treating. St. Gormgal, abbot of Ardoilen, one
of the Arran islands, who was considered the chief
spiritual director of all Ireland, and who died in
1017 on the 5th of August, the anniversary of which
was sacred to his memory. (140)
(132) Concerning those of the year 1016 see above §. 12.
(133) Tr. Th. Ind. Chron.
(134) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1031.
(135) Usher quotes (Not. ad Ep. 25. Sylloge, 8(c) a passage
from the Annals of Dublin, in which he is called Dunan. This
is a well known Irish name, and certainly not Danish. It is
highly probable, that the Danes had as yet scarcely any clergy
men of their nation in Ireland.
(136) See Ware, Bishops at Dublin, and Antiq. cap. 24. and
29. Bealdulek, Rechen, and Portrahem were, I suppose, the
places, now called Baldoyle, Ratheny, and Portrane, all lying at
the North side of Dublin, where the Danes possessed lands.
(137) Ware says, about 1038; but it is probable, that Sitric
had not yet returned to Ireland in said year, in which we have
seen that Ivar was governor of Dublin. Camden was mistaken
(col. 1368) in referring the erection of the church, &c. as related
by Ware, to about 1012. There was indeed a Sitric son of An
laf at that time ; but, as Donatus held the see until 1074, is it to
be supposed that he was a bishop since 1012 ? Nor, if that deed
be genuine, can it be attributed to a Sitric later than the one, that
died in 1041 or J 042 ; for there was not after him any other Si
tric king of Dublin during the life time of Donatus.
(138) Usher and Ware, who are the best authorities on the sub
ject of Donatus, have not a word concerning his having been con
secrated by an archbishop of Canterbury ; nor indeed could they,
as not even an allusion is to be found relative to such a circum
stance. And it will be seen lower down, that Patrick, the imme
diate successor of Donatus, was the first bishop of Dublin, who was
consecrated by an archbishop of that see, or who, at least from the
F F 2

436 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIII.
time of his appointment, had promised canonical obedience to
him. To me it seems more than probable, that Donatus was a
bishop, perhaps of some monastery, before he was placed over
Dublin. Usher (Discourse on the Religion, fyc. ch. 8.) states, that
the Ostmen or Danes of Ireland did not begin to have any con
nexion with Canterbury until after William the conqueror became
possessed of England, that is, until after 1066. He is there re
marking on a most ignorant assertion of Campion, which, however,
has been followed by other English writers, viz. that persons ap
pointed to sees in Ireland used to be directed to the archbishop of
Canterbury, to be consecrated by him. On this Usher observes
that it is wrongly extended by him to the bishops of all Ireland,
whereas it was peculiar " to the Ostmann strangers, that possessed
" the three cities of Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick.. For these
" being a colony of the Norwegians and Livonians, and so country-
" men to the Normans, when they had seen England subdued by
" the Conqueror, and Normans advanced to the chief arch-
" bishopric there, would needs now assume to themselves the name
" qf Normans also, and cause their bishops to receive their conse-
" crationfrom no other metropolitan but the archbishop qf Can-
" terbury. And forasmuch as they were confined within the
" walls of their own cities, the bishops, which they made, had
" no other diocess to exercise their jurisdiction in, but only the
" bare circuit of those cities," &c. And in the same chapter he
attributes the forbearance, for some time, of the Irish hierarchy
with regard to the bishops of the Danish towns being connected
with Canterbury, to the esteem they had for Lanfranc and Anselm,
" with whom" they themselves, were desirous to hold all good cor
respondence ;" yet, he adds, they could not well brook this sys
tem, which they considered derogatory to the dignity of their own
primate. But of this more elsewhere. Meanwhile it is plain
that Usher knew nothing about any dependance of the see of
Dublin on Canterbury until the times of Lanfranc, as in reality
there was not.
(139) Ware, Bishops of Dublin. See also Harris's additions.
p. 301. (140) A A. SS. p. 141. and 715.

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 437

CHAP. XXIV.
Various distinguished Irishmen still continue lo visit
foreign countries — Colman and others leave Ire
land with intent to visit Jerusalem — taken up as a
spy and put to death — honoured as a martyr, and
his body deposited with great pomp in the church
yard qf Stockereau in Austria — Marianus Scotus,
Helias, Anmchad and several other learned and
pious Irishmen in the Continent — Dubhdaleithe
II I. archbishop qf Armagh, said to have been a lay
man — was a learned man and wrote annals qf Ire
land, and an account of the archbishops qf Armagh
down to his own time — Eight married bishops
qf Armagh — Succession and deaths of bishops in
several sees in Ireland — Ferdomnach called
bishop of Leinster — Domnald 0' Heine bishop qf
Cashel — Death of Donatbishop of Dublin — Clergy
and people qf Dublin elect for his successor
Patrick, a Priest, and send him to Lanfranc arch
bishop of Canterbury to be consecrated — Letter qf
the clergy and people qf Dublin to Lanfranc —
Patrick professes obedience to Lanfranc, and is
consecrated by him — this profession a new prac
tice — Practice of giving the holy Eucharist to in
fants after baptism — Archbishops qf Canterbury
never possessed a metropolitan power over the
Irish church — Ireland not included in the grant
qf Legatine jurisdiction granted by the pope to
Augustine— "Donogh son " qf Brian Boroimhe,
king qf Leth-Mogha, dethroned by his nephew
Torlogh — goes, to Rome and there dies a great
penitent— Torlogh proclaimed king — extends his
kingdom — Pope Gregory VII. writes to Tor
logh — Laiifranc's letter to Torlogh — Chorepis-
copi consecrated by a single bishop — Baptizing
without chrism — Patrick, bishop of Dublin, ship-
„ wrecked and drowned — succeeded by Donogh

438 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
O'Haingly, who was elected by Torlogh and the
people qf Dublin, and consecrated by Lanfranc
—-Death of Torlogh — succeeded by his son Mor-
togh — Mortogh dethroned, and his brother Der-
mod placed over Munster in his stead— -Mortogh
took holy orders, and died in the Monastery qf
Derry — Distinguished ecclesiastics at the close
qf the llth century — >Moeliosa O'Brolchain—
Tigernach O'Braoin, the annalist — Ireland still
famous for learning — English resort to Ireland
for education— Several religious establishments
plundered and destroyed both by Irish and
Danes. SECT. I.

VARIOUS distinguished Irishmen still continued
to visit foreign countries. Colman, or as usually
called by continental writers, Coloman, who is
styled patron of Austria, (1) left Ireland early ii^
the eleventh century, (2) together with some other
persons, for the purpose of a pious visit to Jerusa
lem. (3) He arrived A.D. 1022. in the eastern
part of Norica, now Lower Austria. Its inhabi
tants were then at variance with the neighbouring
nations of Bohemians, Moravians, &c. On Col
man's stopping at the small town of Stockerau he
was seized as a spy sent by the enemies of Austria,
artd thrown into prison. On the next day he was
strictly examined, but although he told the plain
truth, would not be believed. He was then most
cruelly tortured, and at length, on his persisting in
declaring his innocence, was hung from an old tree
together with ' two robbers. While his body re
mained suspended from his gibbet, it continued
sound and entire ; and it is said that his hair and
nails continued to grow. The hay or twig rope, by.
by which his head was fastened, and even the old,
tree, are stated to have bloomed and revived. These *

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 439
extraordinary phenomena excited great attention,
which was much enhanced by the circumstance of
blood flowing from his body on occasion of a part of
his flesh having been cut off for the purpose of
being used in effecting a certain cure. It was now
concluded, that Colman was a truly holy man, and
that he had been unjustly put to death. Accord
ingly he was honored as a martyr, and his body was
taken down and deposited with great pouip in the
churchyard of Stockerau. Several miracles are said
to have attested his sanctity, and Henry, marquis of
Austria, was so moved by them, that he had the
body removed to his residence Medlicum, alias
Medlica, or Mellica, now Melck. (4) On its
removal it was found entire, and was placed in St.
Peter's church of that town on the 7th of October
A. D. 1015, three years after Colman had been
murdered. A Benedictine monastery was soon es
tablished there in honour of this saint, which has
become very famous and still exists in great splendor.
Erchinfrid, who has written the Acts of Colman, (5)
was the third abbot of this monastery. He relates,
in addition to what has been hitherto stated, several
miracles wrought after his death, which it would be
too tedious to repeat. He constantly calls him a
Scotus, by whicli appellation, although he does not
make mention of Ireland, or name the land of his
birth, it may, -considering that the Irish were then
universally called Scoti, and that they were greatly
in the habit of going abroad on pilgrimages, be fairly
presumed that Colman was an Irishman. Erchinfrid
has nothing about his having been of royal parentage,
as some later writers have announced. (6) The
name of this saint as a martyr is in the Roman mar
tyrology at 13 October.
(1) Colgan (AA. SS, p. 105.) calls him apostle qf Austria ;
but there is no reason for giving this title ; for, besides Austria
having been a Christian country before the arrival of Colman, it

440 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
does not appear that he preached there, or that he had even time
to do so. Nor do I find, that Colman was an ecclesiastic. The
title given to him by German writers is that of patron of Austria.
The most detailed account of him is that by the abbot Erchinfrid,
who was contemporary with him, or very nearly so, and which
has been published by Lambecius, Commentariorum de Bibliothecg,
Caesar. Vindobon. Lib. u. cap. 8. Colman is treated of also by
Ditmar and other chroniclers, by Baronius, Annal &c. at A. 1012,
and other writers.
(2) According to ErchinfHd's account Colman's departure from
his own country must have been only a short time before his death,
which occurred in 1012.. Colgan says, (ib. p. 107.) that he had
left Ireland before the close of the tenth century. I wish he had
told us, where this information is to be found.
(3) Baronius was mistaken in saying, that Colman had been
often at Jerusalem. But he had not seen the narrative of Erchin
frid. (4) Mabillon says (Annal. Ben. ad A. 1017.) that Colman's
body was buried at Melck,_ which he calls Mez'elikim, by order of
the then emperor. This is a mistake, grounded on authority in
ferior to that of Erchinfrid, who positively states, that Henry,
marquis of Austria, was the prince, by whose order that was done.
He was also wrong in assigning Colman's death to said year
1017. (5) See above Not. 1. The miraculous circumstances -relative
to Colman's remains are attested also by Ditmar, who was bishop
of Mersburg and a contemporary of his, as he died in 1019.
(6) Surius has at 13 October an ode written in honour of St.
Colman by John Stabius, historiographer of the emperor Maximi
lian I. It begins thus :
Austriae sanctus canitur patronus,
Fulgidum sidus radians ab Areto,
Scoticae gentis Colomannus acer
Regia proles.
Ille dum sanctam Solymorum urbem
Transiit, dulcem patriam relincjuens,
Regios fastus, trabeam, coronam,
Sceptrac|ue tempsit.

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 441
Propter et Christum peregrinus exul
Factus in terris alienis ultro
Caelicam pura meditatus aulam
Mente fideque.
Then comes an account of Colman's transactions much in the
manner as related by Erchinfrid ; for instance,
Austriae terras agitabat amens
Tunc furor : fortes Moravos, Bohemos,
Pannones bello simul implicabat .
Interns hostis.
Ergo dum sanctum hospitio recepit
Oppidum nostro Stockheran vocatum
Patrio ritu, &c.
It was, I dare say, on the authority of this ode that Baronius
said that Colman was of a royal family. Dempster, wishing to
make Colman, a Scotch prince, fabricated a story of his having
been a son of Malcolm I. king of Scotland. To that shameless
liar it is sufficient to oppose the silence of Buchanan, who, al
though he makes mention of more than one son of Malcolm, has
nothing about this celebrated St. Colman. Harris^ ( Writers at
Colman qf Lindifarne) remarking on Dempster's assumption,
fell, as indeed some others had before him, into a strange mistake,
confounding Colman of Austria with the one of Lindisfarne. He
did not know that the former was killed in 1012, whereas the
latter lived in the seventh century.
§.n. St. Helias, or Elias, an Irishman, who has
been mentioned already, (7) was in the year 1022
abbot of St. Martin's of Cologne and also of the
monastery of St. Pantaleon in said city. He was the
third abbot of the former establishment, and the fifth
of the latter. St. Heribert, archbishop of Cologne,
who had an extraordinary esteem for Helias, insisted
on being attended by him, when on his death bed in
1021, as he accordingly was.- Helias had been at
Rome, and vvas the first who brought thence the

442 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
Roman note or Church music' to Cologne. (8)
Piligrin, the successor of St. Heribert, was induced
to conceive a dislike for Helias and his Irish monks,
and accordingly intended to expel them, in the year
1035. His dislike was chiefly occasioned by his sup
posing, that the discipline maintained by them was
too strict. Piligrin was then absent from the city ;
but, on the Irish being informed of his intention,
Helias and his companions said ; " If Christ is in us
foreigners, may Piligrin not return alive to Cologne."
And in fact it turned out so ; for Piligrin died soon
after. (9) Helias was a rigid observer of monastic
discipline, which he carried soYar that, a French
monk of St. Pantaleon having written, without hav
ing asked permission to do so, a neat copy of the
Missal for the use of the community, he burned it,
lest others should presume to act without previous
licence. (10) According to the usage of that period,
he is called, as well as Colman, a Scotus, that is,
an Irish one, as is clear from his having belonged to
the monastery of Monaghan before he went to the
continent. He died in great reputation of sanctity
on the 12th of April, A. D. 1042, (11) at which
day his name is marked in various calendars. His
immediate successor was probably Molanus, or Molua,
who, according io Florence of Worcester, died in
1061. A monastery was erected for the Irish at
Erford in Germany by the bishhp Walter de Glysberg
in 1036. (12) In these times there were many
Irish monks at Fulda, ( 1 3) the most celebrated of
whom was St. Amnichad or rather Anmchad. (14)
It is probable, that he was of the family of the
Siolnanmchad and of the district of said name, now
called the barony of Longford in the county of Gal
way, adjoining the Shannon. (15) This district lies
not far from the island of Iniskeltra (in Lough Derg)
in which Amnichad was a monk. The occasion of
his leaving Ireland was as follows. Being entrusted
with the care of strangers, he happened on a certain

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 443
oceasion to entertain some brethren with the permis
sion of his superior, whose name was Corcran. (16)
After they had taken food, and some of them had
retired, others, who remained sitting near the fire,
asked him to drink something. ( 1 7) He refused,
alleging that he could not without obtaining leave.
At length, being much solicited by them, he con
sented to do so, but previously sent some of the drink
to the superior to be blessed by him. On the next
day Corcran inquired of him, why he had sent him
that drink, and on Amnichad's telling him the whole
of what had occurred he immediately, slight as the
transgression might appear, ordered him to quit
Ireland. Amnichad obeyed, and went to Fulda,
where, becoming a recluse, be led a very holy life
until his death on the 30th of January, A. D. 1043.
Marianus Scotus, from whom this narrative is taken,
(18) adds that he got the account of it from his own
superior Tigernach (19) on occasion of his having
committed some small fault. He relates, that lights
were seen and psalmody heard over Amnichad's
tomb in the monastery of Fulda, and that, when a
recluse there, he celebrated mass over it every day for
ten years. He then states, that a most religious
monk, named William, did, in his hearing, pray to
Amnichad, who was already buried, to bless him,
and that the saint did so that same night in a vision,
as the monk assured him, while Marianus himself
during that night felt a very sweet and delicious
scent. The reputation of St. Amnichad has been
very great, and his name is in divers calendars at 30
January, (7) Chap, xxiii- §¦ 5.
(8) See Mabillon, Annal. Bened. ad A. 1021-1022.
(9) Marianus Scotus writes at A. 1035 ; " Propter religionem
districtam disciplinamque nimiam, et propter aliquos Scotus quos
secum habebat ^Helias Scotus abbas, qui monasterium S. Panta-
leonis et S. Martini in Colonia pariter regebat, Piligrinus Colonien-

444 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
sis archiepiscopus invidiosis viris instigatus Heliam abbatem vo-
luit expellere et omnes Scotos monachos, quos secum habebat.
Helias Scotus abbas statim, cum de aula regia revertisset, dixit
cum caeteris Scotis ; Si Christus in nobis peregrinis est, nunquam
vivus ad Coloniam veniat Piligrinus. Et ita Deus complevit.
See also Mabillon, ib. ad A. 1035.
(10) Florence of Worcester, at A. 1042.
(11) Marianus Scotus has at A. 1042. " Helias Scotus obiit
2. id Aprilis, vir prudens et religiosus." Florence of Worcester, fol
lowing him as usual, has the same. In various Irish annals, quoted
by Colgan, (AA. SS.p. 107.) we read at said year; " Elias or
Elill, from the monastery of Monaghan, head of the Irish monks,
died at Cologne."
(12) See the Bollandists at Marianus and Murcherat, 9 Fe
bruary, where they have an excellent dissertation concerning the
Scot or Irish monasteries founded in Germany in the 1 lth and
12th centuries. They prove, that all those monasteries were in
habited by Irishmen, with scarcely an exception, although in later
times, when the Irish ceased to crowd to foreign countries, they were
usurped by the Scotch in consequence of ,the equivocation of the
name Scots. Of this more hereafter.
(13) Marianus Scotus, having mentioned the death of Richardj
abbot of Fulda, in 1039, adds, " Hie etiam multos Scotus secum
habebat." (14) Colgan and Bollandus treat of this saint at 30 January.
(15) Colgan observes, • that Siolnanmchadha signifies the
race of Anmchad, a chieftain, from whom that noble family
descended. Harris says (Antiq. ch. 7-) that it was called also
Silanchia, and that the district was the country of the
O'Maddens. (16) This Corcran wrote a tract concerning the relics and
virtues of St. Gormgal, who died in 1017, (see Chap. xxui. §.
16.) which Colgan, who had a copy of it, calls divine. He thinks
that he was the same as the celebrated Corcran. who died at Lis
more in 1010. (See ib. §. 15.) But Corcran of Lismore is not
called an abbot, nor even a monk. He is indeed styled anchoret ;
but, considering the manner in which he is spoken of as a dis
tinguished ecelesiastes and chief master, or public professor, he
was in all probability a secular priest.

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 445
(17) Bibere ab eo pelierunt. Colgan explains these words as
if the strangers had asked him to take part of what they had be
fore them. Yet they might be understood as meaning that, al
though the meal was over, they applied to him for some drink, a
demand which was probably not conformable to the discipline of
the house.
(18) At A. 1043. The whole of it is not in any printed copy
of Marianus' chronicle, that I have seen ; but it is quoted from
his text by Florence of Worcester at said year.
(19) Who this Tigernach was will be inquired lower down.
§ iii. The same Marianus relates, that there was
in these tiihes a very famous man in Ireland, and of
an extraordinary way of acting with regard to reli
gion, Alderic, or rather Aidus, surnamed barbosus,
or the bearded. (20) He used to tonsure women
and little boys like clergymen, and to announce that
converted women ought not to wear veils. Of them,
and of girls, boys, and laymen he had a great
school. On account of these singularities he was
obliged to leave Ireland in 1C153. (21) Whither
he went we are not informed, nor why some have
reckoned him among the Irish writers. (22)
At the year 1058 he gives us an account of the
extraordinary conduct of Paternus a Scot, that is,
most probably an Irish monk and recluse of a mo
nastery of Paderborn. There were two monasteries
in that city, one annexted to the cathedral, and the
other consisting merely of monks (9.8) in which was
Paternus, who had lived there as a recluse for many
years. A fire broke out in Paderborn on the
Friday before Palm Sunday, which was in said year
the 10th of April. It had been foretold by Pater
nus, and seems to have continued for some days.
By it the whole city and the two monasteries were
consumed ; but, while it was raging, Paternus could
not by any means be induced to quit his cell, and
remained there for the purpose of obtaining, as he

446 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
supposed, the crown of martyrdom. Whether he
was right in this notion is a very questionable point ;
unless it be maintained, that the vow, which he had
made of never leaving his cell, may be considered
as an apology for his determination to let himself be
burned to death, as in fact he was. Be this as it
may, some persons looked upon him as "a real mar
tyr ; and one of them was Marianus himself, who
set out from Cologne not many days after, viz. on
the Monday after Low Sunday, for Paderborn, and
having visited his tomb on account of the good
things that were said of it, prayed on the very mat,
on which Paternus had been burned. Thence Ma
rianus went to Fulda together with the abbot of that
monastery, who, it seems, had visited Paderborn
for a similar purpose. (24)
Marianus, now referred to, who is surnamed
Scotus, according to the style of the times, was a
native of Ireland and born in 1028. (25) He re
tired from the world in 1052, and became a monk
in, as seems very probable, the monastery of Clo
nard ; for he makes mention of one Tigernach as
superior of the establishment he belonged to, before
he left Ireland. Clonard was governed from the
year 1055 until 1061 by Tigernach Borchech, the
successor of Tuathal O'Fellarmuin. (26) Tigernach
was a very holy man, (27) and there is great reason
to think, that he was the superior (28) who, as we
have seen above, related to Marianus the reason
of St. Amnichad's having gone abroad, and which
probably induced him also to quit his country, as he
did in 1056, in which year he joined, on the 1st of
August, the Irish monks of St. Martin at Cologne.
There he remained, until 1058, when he visited Pa
derborn, and thence went to Fulda. Somewhat
early in 1059, he was ordained priest at Wurtz
burg, and not long after became' a "recluse at
Fulda, in which state he spent there ten years.

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 447
(29) Concerning this great man more will be
seen hereafter.
(20) Florence of Worcestester (at A. 1054) calls him Aedd
clericus barbosus, or bearded clerk. See also Ware and Harris
( Writers at the eleventh century).
(21) At said year Marianus has ; " Atdericus'' (an erratum, it
seems, for Aidus) " barbosus in Hibernia, vir valde famosus et
mirae religionis ; ipse enim foeminas et puerulos more clerico-
rum coronando tondebat ; et coronas et non velata capita foemi
nas conversas debere praedicabat ; earumque scholam et puella-
rum et puerorum et laicorum multam scholam habebat. Ob id ex
Hibernia projectus est." The words, mirae religionis, are rather
equivocal ; for it is difficult to suppose, that Marianus meant to ex
hibit him as a man of wonderful true religion. Perhaps his
meaning was, that said Aidus led a very austere life, or, what
seems more probable, that he had some strange superstitious no
tion relative to the utility of the tonsure. The notorious liar
Bale, quoted by Harris adds, what Marianus does not even hint at,
that he clothed the females in boys apparel for the purpose of carry
ing on intrigues with them. 'Ry foeminas conversas, converted fe
males, Marianus meant the same class as that which the French
call converties, and the Italians convertite,. who wear a peculiar
sort of dress, and live retired in establishments similar to our
asylums. That there were institutions for persons of this sort
in Ireland at that period may be collected from this narrative.
(22) See Ware and Harris, ib.
(23) Mabillon (Annal. Ben ad A. 1058.) calls it monasterium
Abdinchofense. (24) See Marianus' chronicle at A. 1058, and compare with
Florence of Worcester at said year, and Mabillon, loc. cit.
(25) He tells us himself at A. 1028, that this was the year of
his birth. It would be superfluous to enter into a long argument
to prove, that Marianus was an Irishman. This is attested 'by
his follower Florence of Worcester, who has (Chron. ad A. 1028) ;
iC Hoc anno natus est Marianus Hibernensis probabilis Scotus ;
cuius studio et labore haec chronica praecellens est de diversis li-
bris coadunata." Florence was partly contemporary with Maria-

448 AlT ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
nus, who died in 1086, whereas Florence did not live beyond
1118. Usher quotes (Pr. p. 735.) from a chronicle of the Cot
tonian library a passage of the same import ; " Anno 1028. Ma
rianus chronographus Hibernensis Scottus natus est, qui Chro-
nicam Chronicorum composuit." The Scotch themselves for
merly allowed, that Marianus was an Irish Scot, as Usher shows
¦ (ii.) from the allegation of John de Merton in the year 1301.
But in later times some Scotch writers, actuated by a silly national
vanity, have pretended that he was a British Scot. And as such
he is treated of by Mackenzie, Lives qf the Writers qf the Scots
nation, Vol l.p. 99, seqq. in a rhapsody not worth animadverting
upon. What are we to think of an author, who makes even Ra
banus Maurus a Scotchman ? Labbe, De Scriptor. Eccles. Dupin,
and the editors of Moreri, not to mention others, hold that Ma
rianus was a native of Ireland.
(26) See Harris (Bishops qf Meath, p. 140.) and Archdall at
Clonard. (27 ) In the Annals of Clonmacnois, followed by the 4 Mas
ters, on occasion of mentioning the death of Tigernach Bor-
chech in 1061 it is stated, that he was a great spiritual director,
an anchoret, and comorban of St. Finnian. (See AA. SS. p. 206.)
Colgan adds, that his name is in some Irish calendars at 13 March.
His being called comorban of St. Finnian might lead one to
think, that he was bishop of Clonard ; but, as I have observed
elsewhere, it is doubtful whether Finnian was a bishop ; and it is
remarkable, that in the list of the superiors of Clonard (ib. p. 407.)
some are called bishops and others only comorbans. If those co-
morbans had been all bishops, why were they not styled so ?
(28) It might be suspected, that Tigernach the superior of Ma
rianus was the celebrated abbot and chronographer of Clonmac
nois. But, besides his having outlived Marianus, it is to be ob
served that he was not abbot before Marianus left Ireland.
(29) For these respective dates, &c. see his chronicle and that
of Florence of Worcester.
§. iv. Dubdalethe III., who was appointed arch
bishop of Armagh in 1049, (30) was succeeded in
his professor's chair by Aidus or Hugh O'Fairreth.
It is said, that Dubdalethe was only a nominal arch-

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 449
bishop and one of the eight laymen, mentioned by
St. Bernard, who enjoyed the emoluments of the
see, although not in holy orders. (31) This sup-'
position seems to be confirmed by the circumstance
of Aidus O'Foirreth having been made bishop and
called bishop of Armagh until his death on the 18th
of June, A. D. 1056. (32) To reconcile this with
Dubdalethe's being then in possession of the see, it
must be supposed that Aidus was only a suffragan,
and acting as such, probably, in consequence of Dub-
.dalethe's not being authorized to exercise spiritual
functions. Add, that Dubdalethe is stated to have
died a great penitent, as if he had been guilty of some
serious fault, perhaps the usurpation - of the archier
piscopal title and rights. ¦ And it appears certain,
that he resigned, at least in part, the see three years
before his death, which occurred on the 1 st .of Sep
tember in 1064. -(33) For, although some Irish
annals bring down his incumbency to the now men
tioned date, thus allowing for it 15 years, another
account gives him but twelve, and places next after
him Cumascach as archbishop of Armagh, to whom it
assigns three years. (34) Dubdalethe was a man of
learning, and wrote certain annals of the affairs of
Ireland, besides an account of the archbishops of Ar
magh down to his own times. (35) On his death in
1064, and apparently on Cumascach's withdrawing
himself from the government of the diocese, Moeliosa
(servant of Jesus) son of Amaigaid, that is, as usually
supposed, the archbishop of that name, (36) took
possession of the See according to the expression of
the Annals of Ulster. (37) whereby an allusion seems
to be made to his having been a merely nominal arch
bishop. And it can scarely be doubted, that he was
one of the eight married laymen above spoken of, (38)
Yet in 1068 he visited Munster and made a circuit
through it, the object of which must have been to
exact the dues formerly established conformably to
the so called Law of St. Patrick. He is, however,.
VOL. III. o G

450 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
expressly reckoned among the archbishopsof Armagh,
and held that title for 27 years. (39)
(30) Chap, xxiii. §. 13. v
(31 ) Colgan was of this opinion ; but the only argument, which
he adduces (Tr. Th. p. 302. ) is, that Dubdalethe was, as he sup
posed, the father of one Aidus, archdeacon of Armagh, who died
in 1108, and who is called son of Dubdalethe. This Aidus was,
had he lived longer, expected to be raised to the see. These are,
however, not better thanjxmjectural proofs.
(32) Tr. Th. p. 298. Aidus OToirreth is not in the catalogue
from the Psalter of Cashel, He died in the 75th year of his age,
and was buried at Armagh. In his epitaph, written in Irish, he is
styled an excellent elder and a modest bishop.
(33) Ware was mistaken (Bishops at Dubdalethe III ) in chang
ing 1064 into 1065. O'Flaherty (MS. catalogue) has retained
the 1064 of the Ulster annals ; for the rule of adding a year to
their dates does not generally apply to this period. Add, that the
Annals of Innisfallen assign Dubdalethe's death to A. 1064.
(S*) The Cashel catalogue ap. Tr. Th. p. 292. Cumascach
is not mentionedin the annals either of Ulster or of the 4 Masters
as archbishop of Armagh ; but in the latter I find Cumascach
O'Heradhain, who is called abbot of Armagh, and died in 1075.
(See ib. p. 298.) O'Flaherty also has left Cumascach out of his
catalogue. Yet it is difficult to believe, that his name would ap
pear in the Cashel catalogue without any foundation ; and the
Annals of Innisfallen state, that Cumascach O'Heradhain was in
1060 substituted in place of Dubdalethe. The probability is that,
although Dubdalethe might have been honoured with the title
until his death, Cumascach, acting as his suffragan, exercised such
extensive powers during the last three or four years of Ihs incum
bency, that he might have been considered as the real archbishop.
Harris strove (Additions to Ware) to reconcile the Cashel cata-^
logue, as to the 12 years for Dubdalethe, with the Annals, which
allow him fifteen, by introducing one Gilla- Patrick Mac-Doinnald,
who died in 1052, and by making him archbishop before Dubda
lethe. But this is contrary to every other account ; nor do the 4
Masters, as Harris asserts, or Colgan, when expressly treating of
Armagh, call Gilia- Patrick archbishop of Armagh ; they give him

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 451
only the title of Prior of Armagh. (See Tr. Th. p. 289. and Ind.
Chron) It is true, that in AA. SS. p. 200 said Gilla-Patrick is
named as archbishop. This must be a mistake ; for, had he been
such, this title would appear somewhere in Tr. Th. ex. c. p.
302. (35) See Ware (Bishops and Writers at Dubdalethe III.) and
Colgan, loc. cit.
(36) See Chap. xxui. $'. 13.
• (37) See Ware, Bishops at Dubdalethe III.
(38) See Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 302. St. Celsus, who became
archbishop of Armagh early in the 12th century, was a grandson of
Moeliosa, and a Flanagan, son of Moeliosa, is marked as having died
in 1113, after, as was supposed, he was to be appointed abbot of
Armagh. (39) Catalogue' from the Psalter of Cashel, and Ware, Bishops
at Moeliosa. §. v. As to the other old and regular sees, the
accounts of the succession of their prelates during
the second half of this century are in general far
from being perfect. One O'Gernidider, bishop of
Killaloe, died in 1055; Mugron O'Mutan of Cork
was murdered, it seems, by robbers in 1057. Mac-
Airthir, bishop of Lismore, died in 1064, and
Celecairof Clonmacnois in IO67. (40) Maelmorda,
bishop of Emly and successor of Clothna Muimnech,
(41) died in 1075 and was succeeded by Maeliosa
O'Hafactain, who lived until 1093. (42) At length
we meet with bishops of Ardfert. Tl\e bishop
Dermot, son of Maol-Brenan, died in 1075, and his
successor Mac-Craith O'Hearodain in 1099. (43)
Kellach Ramhar, or the fat, bishop of Saigjr and
abbot of Birr, died in 1079. (44) Another bishop
of Killaloe, Thady O'Thady, died in 1083. (45)
The death of Aidus or Hugh O'Hoisin, bishop of
Tuam, is marked at 1085, and at 1086 that of his
successor Erchad O'Maelomair, who was succeeded
by Cormac O'Cairill, who died in 1091. (46) The
episcopal succession seems to have been l-egulariy
G G 2

452 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
kept up at Glendaloch. A very distinguished bishop
of this see wasGilda-na-Naomh, ( the servant of the
saints J or Nehemias. He was a native of Leinster,
and after some time, resigning his see, became abbot
of the monks (Irish) of Wurtzburg, where he died
on the 7th of April A. D. 1085. (47) To the same
year is assigned the death of a bishop of Cork,
Clerech O'Selbaic, (4^) and that of Fin Mac-Gussan,
bishop of Kildare. (49) Fin must have been suc
ceeded by Ferdomnach, who was certainly bishop of
Kildare in 1096, (50) and seems to have resigned
the see in said year. For, the death of Moelbrigid
O'Brolcan, who is called bishop of Kildare and
Leinster, and a celebrated man, is marked at 1097,
although it is known that Ferdomnach lived until
1101. The title of bishop of Leinster had been
assumed also by Ferdomnach in consequence of
Kildare having been then considered the. most
respectable see in that province. After Moelbrigid
O'Brolcan the next bishop was Aidus O'Heremoin,
who died in 1100, and then is mentioned at 1101
the death of Ferdomnach. (51) Another bishop of
Lismore, Maelduin O'Rebecain, died in 1091, and
O' Mai vain of Cloyne in 1095, in which year died
also Carbre O'Kethernuigh (Kearney) bishop of
Ferns. (52) One O'Burgus, who died in 1081, is
called comorban of Inniscatthy ; (53) but I cannot
decide whether he were bishop of that place, as I
think I could, were he styled comorban of St. Senan
its first bishop Idunan, who together with some
others signed, in 1096, a letter, of which lower down,
to St. Anselm archbishop of Canterbury, styling
himself bishop of Meath, (54) was in all probability
bishop of Clonard, and, it seems, the first of that see
who assumed the title of Meath, which after some
time became the usual one of his successors. (55)
Concerning Idunan I cannot find any thing further,.
nor even the year of his death. In the same manner
as he called himself bishop of Meath, so I meet with

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 453
a bishop under the title of Leinster in general, Kelius
son of Donagan, who is represented as a distinguished
elder among those of Ireland, and died in the reputa
tion of sanctity at Glendaloch in 1076. (56) It
might seem, that he was bishop of Kildare, as Fer
domnach was who gave himself said title ; but it is
to be observed, that his name does not occur in the
catalogues expressly drawn up of the prelates of
Kildare, (57) and it is probable that the title, bishop
of Leinster, means no more than that he was a
Leinster bishop, and that he was so called in con
sequence cf there not remaining any record of the
particular see or place, which he governed.
(40) Ware, Bishops at the respective sees. Harris has added
two bishops of Clonmacnois in these times, viz Ectigern O'Ergain,
who died in 1052, and Alild O'Harretaigh, who died in 1070. He
found them in A A. SS. p. 407, under the title of comorbans of
St. Kieran of Clonmacnois, and as having both died in pilgrimage
at Clonard. But he had no right to make them bishops ; for, co
morban of St Kieran, &c. means only abbot qf Clonmacnois,
whereas that St. Kieran had not been a bishop.
(41) See Chap. xxiv. J. 14. (42) Ware at Emly.
(43) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1075 and 1099; and Ware at
Ardfert. In said Annals I find under A. 1010 these words;
" The primate of Ireland in Aghadoe died." Have they a re
ference to some Kerry bishop of that period ? I am equally at a
loss to understand another passage at said year ; " Marcan son of
Kennedy, supreme head of the clergy of Munster, died." I find
no Marcan at Emly during that period, and I am much inclined
to think, that Marcan was bishop of Cashel, which see had,
partly as the civil metropolis of Munster, and partly in memory of
Cormac Mac Culinan, probably acquired an ecclesiastical ascen
dancy. Marcan's being called son bf Kennedy in the very part
of those annals, where Brian (Boroimhe) is so often named as son
of Kennedy, seems to indicate, that he was a brother of his;
(See Chap. xxu. §. 4.) For Marcan see more below, Not. 120.
(44) He is called comorban of Kieran of Saigir, and hence

454 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
may be supposed to have been a bishop. See AA. SS. p. 473,
and Harris, Bishops, at Ossory.
(45) Ware and Harris, Bishops at Killaloe.
(46) Ib. at Tuam, and Tr. Th. p. 308.
(47) A A. SS- p. 200. where Colgan calls him Nehemias, and
Harris, Bishops at Glendaloch. Harris next before him makes
mention of Cormac, son of Fithbran, not Fitzbran as he has, who
died in 925. He doubts whether he were bishop of Glendaloch ;
and indeed justly ; for, as f&r as I know, all that is said of him is
what the 4 Masters have (ap. A A. SS. p. 386) ; Cormac of
Glendaloch, son qf Fithbran, died in 925. Of the Irish monas
tery of Wurtzburg more will be seen hereafter.
(48) Ware and Harris at Cork. Ware has added, but I be
lieve without sufficient reason, a year to the date 1085 of the An
nals of Loughkee.
(49) Colgan says, (Tr. Th. p. 630.) that this bishop died in
the church of Killachad. Ware (Bishops at Kildare) has
Achonry. I think that he should have rather said Killeigh (in the
King's county), where there was, as we have often seen, a very
ancient and famous monastery, and where Ware himself tells us
that a bishop of Kildare died in 1160.
(50) Usher, Ind. Chron. ad A. 1096.
(51) Tr. Th. p. 630. Ware (Bishops at Kildare) says, I
know not on what authority, that Ferdomnach returned again to
the see, meaning after the death of Aidus O'Heremoin. Is it
because, where his death is marked at 1101, he is called bishop
of Kildare ? But he might have been called so without having
resumed the office, remaining, as we would say, an ex-bishop. I
suspect, that Ware was mistaken in changing the date 1 101 into
1102. (52) "Ware, Bishops at said sees, and A A. SS. p. 223.
(53) A A. SS.p. 542. and Harris, Bishops p. 502.
(54) See Ep. 34. in Usher's Ep. Hib. Syll.
(55) See Ware, Bishops at Meath. Were we to allow that,
persons, called comorbans of Finian of Clonard, were bishops, we
should add for that see in those times Tuathal O'Follanmuin, who
died in 1055, and one or two more, whose names are mentioned
by Colgan, A A. SS.p. 407. and Ware and Harris, Bishops ib.
But they were probably only abbots. (See above Not. 27.)

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 455
(56) 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 308.
(57) Kelius is not mentioned in Colgan's minute list of the pre
lates, &c. of Kildare, (Tr. Th. p. 229. seqq.) and consequently is
omitted by Ware and Harris.
§. vi. A very illustrious prelate of this period was
Domnald O' Heine (58) bishop, or, as some have
called him, archbishop of Cashel. He was of the
royal house of the Dalcassians, and is most highly
praised in our annals as an excellent bishop, ex
ceedingly learned, pious, and charitable. He died
on the 1st of December, A. D. 1098, in the 70th
year of his age. (59) He was succeeded by Moel-
murry O'Dunain, who is also called archbishop.
.But of this title more elsewhere. Domnald was
undoubtedly the Irish bishop Domnald, to whom
there is extant a letter or answer of Lanfranc, arch
bishop of Canterbury, written in 1081. (60) And
hence it appears that those were highly mistaken,
who thought, that this Domnald was archbishop of
Armagh, as likewise others, who confounded him
with Donatus bishop of Dublin. (61) Domnald
had, together with some other persons, written a
letter to Lanfranc, in which, as appears from the
answer, he expressed a wish to know, whether it were
true that in England and some other countries an
opinion was held, that infants, although baptized,
could not be saved without actually receiving
eucharistical communion. It seems, that, as the
practice of giving the holy Eucharist to infants after
baptism continued for many centuries, as was certainly
the case in some parts of France down to perhaps the
tenth, there was a question in the Irish schools con
cerning the necessity of that practice ; and accord
ingly Lanfranc was applied to as a theologian highly
capable both of deciding upon it and of declaring
the doctrine held in other countries on this point.
His answer, though short, is excellent ; and he shows,
that Eucharistical communion is not in all cases

456 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
whatsoever necessary for eternal salvation. With
regard to some literary topics, . which Domnald had
proposed to him, Lanfranc observes that he had
given up studies of this nature since he became
charged with pastoral duties. Domnald was also,
as will be seen, one of the persons, who signed the
letter to St. Anselm in 1096.
(58) Ware (at Archbishops qf Cashel) says, that he was called
O'Hene or Buahein. This Buahein is a droll mistake for Hua-
Hein, or OHein, which was Domnald's real surname, or, as in
the Annals of Innisfallen, O' Heine.
(59) The 4 Masters (ap. Tr. Th. p. 308.) have; "A 1098.
" Domnald Hua-Henne, of the Dalcassian family, a chief di-
" rector of consciences and a noble bishop, second to no Irishman
" in wisdom or piety, source of religion to Western Europe, the
" most able doctor of the Irish in the Roman or Canon law,
" ended this life on the 1st of December, in the 70th year of his
" age." And at the same year we! read in the annals fof Innis-
'fallen ; '* Donald O'Heine, - archbishop of Cashel, and the most
" celebrated for piety, wisdom, and charity throughout the whole
" kingdom, died." It is odd, that Ware assigns his death to 109O
or 1097- I wish he had hot neglected, as he too often does, to
give us his authority for either of these dates.
(60) This letter was published by Usher in the Ep. Hib. Syll.
(No. 28.) and afterwards by Dachery among the works of St. Lan
franc, where it is marked Ep. 33. Usher observes from the An
nals of Canterbury, in which the name Domnald is expressly
mentioned, that it was written in the eleventh year of Lanfranc's
episcopacy, which was A. D. 1081.
(61) Usher himself in his note on said letter fell into ther error
pf supposing, that Domnald, to whom it was addressed, was arch
bishop of Armagh. He seems not to have known, or to have
forgot, that Domnald of Armagh was not archbishop there until
1091. Even Ware (at Domnald or Donald pf Armagh) has
committed the same mistake, notwithstanding his having marked
the year of Domnald's accession ; but he seems to have overlooked
the date of the letter. Harris (ib.) has copied this,mistake. Da
chery says, that- Domnald was either of Armagh or of Dublin, as

CHAP* XXIV* OF IRELAND. 457
a metropolitan of Ireland ; but Lanfranc does not give him any
such title ; -nor was the bishop of Dublin at that time a metropo
litan. This, together with some other points touched upon by Da-
chery in his note, shows that he was very little acquainted with
the ecclesiastical state of Ireland in old times. Some English
writers make Domnald the same as Donatus bishop of Dublin,
in consequence, it seems, of the name Domnald not being, in some
MSS., written full at the head of the letter, but, instead of it,
only the capital D. Had they reflected on what Usher qiioted from
the Annals of Canterbury, they would have found, that D. stood
for Domnald, a very different name from that of Donatus, which
was originally Dunan or perhaps Donagh. (See Chap, xxiii. §. 16.)
Next it is evident that, as it was written in 1081, it could not have
been directed to Donatus of Dublin, who died in 1074. Wilkins,
who published it, (Concil. M- Br. §c. Vol. 1. p. 361.) as if ad
dressed to Donatus, has given it, seemingly to ward off this diffi
culty, a wrong date, viz. A. 1073. Harris, although he had fol
lowed Ware in confounding Domnald with the one of Armagh,
yet, elsewhere (Bishops qf Dublin at Donat) joins Wilkins in mak
ing him the same as Donatus. All this bungling would have been
avoided, had due attention been paid to what the Irish annals state
concerning Domnald of Cashel. He was the only bishop, at least
of any note, in Ireland, of that name, in the year 1081.
§. vii. Donatus, or rather Dunan, (62) bishop of
Dublin, died on the 6th of May, A. D. 107 'A, and
was buried in his cathedral of the Holy Trinity near
the great altar at the right side of it. (63) The
clergy and people of Dublin then elected as his suc
cessor a priest, named Patrick, who, in all probability,
was not, as is usually said, a Dane but an Irishman.
(61) He had been recommended to them by Gothric,
then king of Dublin, (65) who is supposed to have
been the same as Godred, surnamed Crouan, king
of the Isle of Mann, who, sometime before, had
conquered, Dublin and part of Leinster. (66)
Patrick was sent by Gothric to Lanfranc, to be
consecrated by him, bearing a letter from tbe clergy
and people of Dublin in these terms ; (67) " To tlie

458 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
" venerable metropolitan of the holy church qf
" Canterbury Lanfranc the clergy and people qf
" the church of Dublin offer due obedience. It is
" known to your paternity, that the church of
" Dublin, which is the metropolis of the island of
" Ireland, (68) is bereft of its pastor and destitute
" of a ruler. We have therefore chosen a priest,
" named Patrick, very well known to us, of noble
" birth and conduct, versed in apostolical and ec-
" clesiastical discipline, in faith a Catholic, cautious
" as to the meaning of the Scriptures, and well
" trained in ecclesiastical dogmas ; who, we request,
" may be ordained bishop for us as soon as possible,
" that under the authority of God he may be able
" to preside over us regularly and be useful to us,
" and that under his government we may be able to
" combat with advantage, For the integrity of
" superiors constitutes the safety of the subjects,
*' and, where there is the healthfulneSs of obedience,
" there the form of instruction is salutary." On
his arrival Patrick was examined, as usual, by Lan
franc, and, being found well qualified for the episcopal
office, was consecrated by him in St. Paul's church,
London, (69) after having previously made the fol
lowing profession of obedience. (70) " Whoever
" presides over others ought not to scorn to be
" subject to others, but rather make it his study to
" humbly render, in God's name, to his superiors
" the obedience, which he expects from those, who
" are placed under him. On this account I Patrick,
" elected prelate to govern Dublin the metropolis of
" Ireland clo, reverend father Lanfranc, primate of
" the Britains, (71) and archbishop of the holy
" church of Canterbury, offer to thee this charter of
" my profession ; and I promise to obey thee and
" thy successors in all things appertaining to the
" Christian religion." The preamble to this pro
fession sufficiently indicates, that it was a new prac
tice, and that Patrick was the first bishop of Dublin,

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 459
who, at least previous to his consecration, declared
his obedience to the archbishop of Canterbury.
What necessity would there have been for such
parade about not scorning to be subject to others,
and talking of offering a charter , of profession, if
such a circumstance had occurred before ? For, if
it had, Patrick would have been obliged, whether he
would or not, to declare his obedience in the simple
aud positive form used by such of his predecessors as
remained subject to Canterbury. (72)
(62) See Chap. xxm. §. 16.
(63) Annals of Dublin, ap. Usher (Syll. Not. ad Ep. 25.) and
Ware Bishops qf Dublin at Donatus.
(64) Ware represents him (ib. at Patrick) as an Ostman or
Dane in like manner as he had Donatus, of whom we have seen
already. For this he had, as far as I can discover, no authority
except the mere supposition, that the bishop of a Danish city
must have been himself a. Dane. But this would prove too
much ; for the two O'Hanlys, who succeeded Patrick in the see
of Dublin, are acknowledged to have been Irishmen, as their
name sufficiently proves, that is, of old Irish, not Danish fami
lies. And it is in this sense that I say, that both Donatus and
Patrick were probably Irish ; for according to another acceptation
the Danes themselves of these times, settled in Ireland, might
be called Irish, as having been born in this country. It is also
to be observed, that Dublin was not quite so much a Danish city
but that there were families of the old Irish stock living in it.
And it appears to me highly probable, that its clergy were at this
period chiefly, if not universally, Irish. The Danes were too
much occupied in commerce, piracy, and wars to spare persons
for the ecclesiastical state ; and I believe, that in the same man
ner as in Gaul, Italy and Spain, after- they were conquered
by the barbarians of the North, and after these barbarians be
came Christians and Catholips, the clergy consisted for a consi
derable time of members of the old families of said countries ;
the clergy also of Ireland that lived among the converted Danes,
were usually chosen in the early times of their conversion, from
the families strictly called Irish. We shall gee an instance of

460 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
this practice in the case of Malchus, the first bishop of Water
ford. To return to Patrick, his name is certainly Irish, not
Scandinavian; and to make it appear more strongly so, he is
called Gilla or Gilla-Patrick in the annals, of the 4 Masters at
A. 1084 ap AA. SS. p. 200.
(65) Annals of Dublin ap Usher, loc. cit.
(66) In the Chronicon Manniae ap. Johnstone (App. to Antiq.
Celto-Scand.' ifc.) Godred Crouan is said to have been son of
Harald the black of Iceland. He subdued Mann, and after
wards attacked Dublin, which he got possession of together with,
according to said chronicle, a great part of Leinster. His words
are ; " Godredus subjugavit sibi Dubliniaih et magnam partem
de Laynesiir — Regnavit autem sexdecim annos, et mortuus est in
insula, quae vocatur Yle" Usher, who quotes this passage
( Syll. Sfc. Not. ad Ep. 26.) places this conquest of Dublin in
1066, as does also Ware (Antiq. cap. 24.) who however (Bi.
shops qf Dublin at Patrick) assigns it to 1070. There is some
reason to think that Gothric, who was king of Dublin in 1074,
was diffeient from Godred, Crouan, although Usher and Ware
thought otherwise. For in the first place he is called son not of
Harald but of Regnal, as the Ulster annals have, or of Ranold,
as he is called in those of Innisfallen. In the latter annals we
read, that in the year 1073 Godfrey (Gothric) son of Ranold, and
king of the Danes of Dublin, attended at the residence of Tur-
lough O'Brian, king of Ireland, and submitted to him as bis para
mount sovereign, acknowledging himself as a vassal prince.
Then they state, that in 1075 he was banished beyond sea by
Turlogh, and that returning soon after to Ireland with a great
fleet he died. This does not agree with what the Chronicle of
Mann has concerning the death of Godred CrOuan, which it
places in Yle, that is, Hay, an-island of the Hebrides. The state
ment of this chronicle as to Godred Crouan having reigned 16
years, cannot be understood of his having reigned so long over
Dublin ; for he did not conquer Dublin until 1066, whereas the
Danish king of said city, whether the same as Godred Crouan
or not, died in 1075, as is marked also in the Annals of Ulster,
which, as above observed, call him son of Regnal, alias Ranold
or Reginald. By the bye, Ware had no right to change the date
1075 into 1076; for it is that also of, the Annals, of Innisfallen.

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 461
The 16 years of Godred Crouan 's reign must therefore be under
stood of a reign over Mann and some of the Hebrides. And
one might be induced to suspect, that his conquest. of Dublin
and of a great part of Leinster, as the Chronicle of Mann men
tions, was merely temporary, and that the permanent king of
Dublin, who was there in 1074 and died in 1075, was a dif
ferent person. A further inquiry into this matter may be worth
the attention of some of our antiquaries.
(67) This letter is the 25th in Usher's Sylloge, and the 36th
among Lanfranc' s letters in Dachery's edition of his works.
(68) It must be considered a great stretch of presumption in
the Danes of those times to call Dublin the metropolis of Ireland.
The most they could have said of it was, that it was the chief city
of the Danes in this country. It might seem that these words are
an interpolation of some late transcriber of the letter, introduced
at a time when Dublin was really the metropolis, and for the pur
pose of directing the reader not to confound Dublinensis with some
other name, ex. c. Dunelmensis, as has happened on a certain oc
casion, of which elsewhere. But we find a similar expression in
Patrick's profession of obedience. Yet it is to be remarked, that
it does not occur in those of his successors, in which is merely
said of Dublin, that it is situated in Ireland.
(69) See Usher's note on said letter, Sylloge, &c.
(70) The original of this profession may be seen ib. towards the
end, together with other professions of some bishops of Dublin,
Waterford, and Limerick, collected by Usher. It is also in Ware's
Bishops of Dublin at-Patrick, and in Wharton's Anglia Sacra,
VoL I. p. 80.
(71) The English translator of Ware (ib.) had no right to ren
der Britanniarum by the British isles Harris has mistranslated
it in a similar manner. That name means nothing more than
Great Britain, as is clear from the other professions ap. Usher, in
which the archbishop of Canterbury pro tempore is addressed as
tqtius Britanniae primas, primate qf all Britain. Now Ireland
was never considered as a part of Britain, although it has been
sometimes comprized under the general denomination of the Bri
tish islands ; nor did. the primacy of Canterbury ever extend to any
portion of Ireland, except the three Danish towns above men
tioned. It was very usual with old writers to call G. Britain Bri-

462 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIVj
tnnniae, without the least allusion to Ireland, in the same manner
as Gaul was called Galliae. Thus Catullus has said ; Hunc Galliae
timent, timeni Britanniae. Dr. Milner, who would fain make the
world believe, that the whole Irish church was in former times
subject to the see of Canterbury, says, (Inquiry, fyc. or Tout in
Ireland, p. 164.) that Poiybius and Ptolemy understand by Bri
tanniae both G. Britain and Ireland. He copied this from Cressy,
B. xm. ch. 14. But both of them should have said, that they
called them the British islands, (see Polybus, Hist. L. 3. p. 209
Cuaub. and Ptolemy, Geogr. L. 2, and 8. (a name not to be con
founded with Britanniae, . which, together with many other writers,
Bede applies to G. Britain alone, ex. c. L. v. cap. 24. where he has
Britannias twice, as when he says, that the emperor Claudius
" Britannias adiens plurimam insulae partem in deditionem re-
cepit;" and he has (ib.) also Britanniarum in the same limited
acceptation, alluding to his having, more or less, given an account
of the ecclesiastical history and state Of every part of G. Britain as
well Northern as Southern. I need scarcely tell the reader, that
the division of Britain, when under the Romans, into provinces,
such as Britannia prima, Britannia secunda, &c. gave rise to the
plural name Britanniae. It is true that Ptolemy in one place calls
Ireland Little Britain, and that Apuleius, translating from a
Greek passage, in which the two British islands are mentioned,
has Britanniae duae. (See Usher, p. 723, 724.) . But an odd in
stance of this^ sort is not sufficient to overturn the fact, that in
Bede's time, and both long before it and ever since, Ireland was
not comprized under the name Britanniae. Accordingly Lan-
franc's being styled primate of the Britains signifies merely, that
he was primate of all G. Britain, a title which had been opposed
by Thomas, archbishop of York, and which was introduced into
Patrick's profession probably for no other reason than to attest the
superiority of Canterbury over York. It would be ridiculous to
suppose, that Lanfranc was considered bs primate also of Ireland.
which had then, and for ages before, a primate of her own ; nor
does there appear in any of his transactions even a hint at his claim
ing such a prerogative. .Dr. Ledwich (Antiq. ifc. p. 428) has swal
lowed the mistranslation of Britanniarum Xn the English text of
Ware. (72) In the other professions of obedience to the archbishop of

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 463
Canterbury, collected by Usher in the Sylloge, we find merely aa
absolute promise of submission, without any reason being assigned
for it. We have seen already, (Not. 138 to Chap, xxm.) that the
{ecclesiastical connexion between the Danes of Ireland and Canter
bury did not begin until after the Norman conquest in 1066. And
in fact how could it have begun sooner? Is it to be supposed, that
they would have placed themselves under the prelates of that see
while the Anglo- Saxons, a nation with whom they were as much
at variance as with the Irish, ruled England ? Perhaps it may be
said,, that they united themselves with Canterbury, prior to the
reign of Edward the Confessor in 1042, while England was sub
ject to the Danish kings for somewhat more than 20 years. But
of this there does not exist any proof whatsoever, and it would be
idle to speculate on a circumstance, which is not mentioned in any
document. The most that may be conjectured is, that, after the
conquest in 1066, perhaps Donatus entered into some engage
ment with the see of Canterbury, and that it was arranged before
his death, that his successor should be consecrated by its arch
bishop. But "even for this no voucher is to be found. There are
two or three words in Lanfranc's letter to Gothric, king of Dub
lin, which may seem to insinuate, -that Patrick was not the first
bishop of Dublin consecrated at Canterbury. Having said that
he had consecrated Patrick, he adds ; " we have sent him back
to his see with letters of attestation according to the practice of
our predecessors, more antecessorum nostrorum. One might ima
gine, that Lanfranc alluded to similar letters having been given
to other bishops of Dublin by former archbishops of Canterbury;
and, in fact, said words are placed in the Annals of Dublin (ap.
Usher, Not. ad Ep. 25. Syll. ) so as apparently to convey this
meaning. But this could not have been the intention of Lan
franc ; for, where can any account of such letters be met with ?
And then who were those predecessors, who could have given them?
At most there should have been only one predecessor, whereas
there was only one bishop of Dublin before Patrick. Lanfranc's
words must therefore be understood as signifying that, inasmuch
as it was the practice of the archbishops of Canterbury to furnish
such bishops, whoever they were, as they had consecrated, with
testimonial letters, he followed that practice with regard to Patrick.
It was requisite to inform the Danes of this custom, as they were

464 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
hitherto unacquainted with the forms observed by metropolitans
in such cases.
•§¦• viil But this is a : question of little import
ance compared with the extravagant position laid
down- by some writers, chiefly English, that the
archbishops of Canterbury possessed a metropolitan,
or, at least, a legatine jurisdiction over the Irish
church at large, ever since the days of the monk
Augustin down to these times and even later. It is
strange, how such a notion could have been enter
tained, whereas in the whole range of our ecclesias
tical history there is not a single instance of the
exercise of such power on the part of Canterbury,
nor even of a pretension to such a claim with regard
to any part of Ireland, except Dublin, Waterford,
and Limerick, when after the Norman conquest of
England the Danes of these cities subjected their
bishops to that see. It was after that great event,
that, as far as I can discover, the idea of Canter
bury having at any time enjoyed a metropolitan or
primatial jurisdiction over Irelend was first started
in England. This was in a council held at Win
chester A. Di 1072, in the presence of William the
conqueror, for the purpose of deciding on the ques
tion of the primacy between Canterbury and York.
In it Bede's authority was alleged to make it ap
pear, that until his times Canterbury was possessed
of a primatial authority not only over Great Bri
tain but likewise over Ireland. (73) This ridiculous
assumption, for which, speaking of "primatial or me
tropolitan power, there is not a single argument or
even hint in Bede's works, has been picked up by
certain authors, who brought down that pretended
jurisdiction over Ireland to a later period, and have
imposed on seme otherwise learned writers. (74)
As this nonsense was found to be untenable, an at
tempt has been made to uphold some sort of predo
minance of the see of Canterbury over the whole

CHAP. XXIV. of IRELAND. 465
Irish church, and hence has arisen the fable that
the archbishops of that see had constantly claimed,
from the times of Augustin, a legatine power over
Ireland. (75) The chief foundation, on which it is
built, is the supposition that Pope Gregory the
great had included Ireland among the countries,
over which he conferred a legatine jurisdiction
to the missionary Augustin. ("6) Now, admitting
for a while that he had done so, what has this to do
with the rights of Augustine's successors at Can
terbury ? Surely the legatine power does not of
itself descend to the successors of such bishops as
may have been invested with it. Every one any
way acquainted with the Canon law knows, that
it is usually a temporary and not permanent sort of
power attached to any see. Gregory did not de
clare, that it was his intention that the successors of
Augustin should be invested with said power, nor
in the words, by which he granted it to him, has he
even alluded to them. Accordingly, whatsoever
were the places or countries comprized in the Pope's
grant to Augustin, the legatine jurisdiction was pe
culiar to Augustin himself ; nor could his successors
claim it as a right inseparable from the archbishopric
of Canterbury. Hence it follows that, supposing
even that Ireland was included within the sphere of
Augustin's jurisdiction as legate, his successors were
not invested with any power relative to it. (77)
(73) See Fleury, Hist. Eccl. L. 61 §.51. The assertion made
in that council was false even as to a considerable part of Great
Britain. For the jurisdiction of- Canterbury did not in former
times extend to such parts of North Britain as had not belonged
to the Anglo-Saxons. It was not recognized by the British Scots
or by the Northern Picts, whose primate was for centuries no other
than the abbot of Hy. But I am not writing the Church history
of Scotland.
(74) Among the abettors of that foolish position were Campion
VOL. H)[. H H

466 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
and Hanmer, the former of whom was well chastised by Usher
(see Not. 138. to Chap, xxm.) and the latter excited the in
dignation of honest Keating (History, Sfc. B. 2. p. 100. Dublin
ed). For an answer to similar petty writers I refer the reader to
Harris, Bishops, p. 312 and 526. Cressy has the same stuff
(Chunk history, ifc. B. xm. ch. 14.) founding it on Lanfranc's
letter above mentioned to Gothric, and on the letter, relative to
the see of Waterford, written to Anselm in 1096 ; as if all Ire
land consisted only of Dublin and Waterford. But I was greatly
surprized to find so learned a man as Dachery abetting this ab
surdity.- In a note to Lanfranc's Ep. 3. he says, that the
Irish bishops were subject to the see of Canterbury, and
as a proof of it refers to the professions of obedience col
lected by Usher in the Sylloge, not knowing that Usher
had shown elesewhere, that such professions were confined to
Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick. And in a note to Ep. 33. he
states, that the metropolitan of Ireland was subject to that of
Canterbury. How ignorant Dachery was of our ecclesiastical
system appears from his applying (ib.) to Ireland what Bede has
(Hist. fyc. L. c. 4.) concerning the bishops of North Pictland being
subject to the abbot of Hy.
(75) Who was the inventor of this story I do not know ; but
Dr. Milner has retailed it to us in the place quoted above (Not.
71.) thus modifying the system of his favourite Cressy. But some
of his arguments, being similar to those of Cressy, would, if
good for any thing, prove that said supposed jurisdiction was notr
merely legatine, but likewise metropolitan.
(76) Dr. Milner says, that the archbishops of Canterbury
claimed this jurisdiction " ever since the time of St. Augustine,
by virtue of the authority over. all the Britains, conferred by St.
Gregory upon this our apostle." Instead of over all the Britains,
he should have written, over all the bishops of the Britains ; for
Gregory's words, as in Bede, (L. 1. c. 27.) and which are quoted
by Dr. Milner himself, are ; " Britanniarum vero omnes episcopos
tuae fraternitati committimus." For the word Britanniarum see
above N-ot. 71.
(77) It is extraordinary, that Dr. Milner could have argued
from the legatine power having been conferred upon Augustin,

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 467
that it was derived to all his successors. He cannot be ignotant
of the nature of that sort of power; and as to the fact of its
being exercised or claimed by a$l the archbishops of Canterbury,
it would be a hopeless task to attempt to prove it. We have had
legates apostolic in Ireland, the first of whom was Gillebert
bishop of Limerick. Have the subsequent bishops of Limerick
therefore pretended, that they also were invested with the lega
tine jurisdiction ? Or have the successors of St. Malachy of Ar
magh, or of St. Lawrence of Dublin, both legates apostolic,
claimed that dignity? It is true, that with regard to England,
whenever a Pope thought fit to appoint a legate for that country,
a traditional rule was observed that the archbishop of Canterbury
should be the person ; and hence it was that Guy, archbishop of
Vienne, who in the year 1100 came to England as legate apos
tolic, would not be received as such. But this was a system
very different from that, which would make every archbishop of
Canterbury an apostolic legate. If such were the case, a new act
bf the Pope would not have been necessary for granting the le
gatine power to an archbishop of that see. Now it is certain
that it was ; and we find, that even Lanfranc did not enjoy it
until about a year after he was actually archbishop of Canter
bury, when he received it, and relatively to England alone, from
Pope Alexander III. (See Fleury, L. 61. §. 36.)
§. ix. The truth, however, is, that Ireland was
not included in the grant of the legatine jurisdiction
made by Pope Gregory to Augustine. The first le
gate ever placed over this country was Gillebert,
bishop of Limerick, who flourished in the close of
the eleventh and the early part of the twelfth cen
tury. (78) No argument whatsoever occurs to show,
that Augustin received such authority with regard to
Ireland, except the misinterpretation of one word,
Britanniarum, which, instead of being understood,
as it ought, of Great Britain alone, has been made
to comprehend likewise Ireland. (79) Augustin's
legatine power was confined to G. Britain, oyer all
whose bishops the Pope gave him an authoritative
j-ight of inspection and superintendence, and that
H h 2

468 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
for a very good reason, viz. that, in consequence of
the Saxon invasion and devastations, religion, eccle-
siastial discipline, and morality had greatly declined
among the Britons. (80) On the contrary the Irish
church was at that period in a most flourishing state,
abounding in saints and learned men, as we have
seen in the history of the sixth and seventh centuries, .
And as must have been well known by Augustin, who
vvas then so near us, and by Pope Gregory himself,
had he even no further proof of it than the extraor
dinary sanctity and reputation of St. Columbanus and
his companions, who were already in the continent..
The Irish bishops and clergy of those days were so
attentive to their duties, that there was no neeessity
for placing a superintendent. over them. So far from
Augustin having meddled with the ecclesiastical af
fairs of Ireland, it is clear that he did not enter into
any communications or correspondence with the Irish
prelates or abbots, &c. (81) Had he thought him
self invested with any jurisdiction over the bishops
of Ireland, he certainly would, at least, have ap
prized them of his possessing it. Nor, although
some of our old writers have mentioned certain perr
sons as having been at early times apostolical legates
for Ireland, such as David, an archbishop of Ar
magh, and St. Laserian of Leighlin, (82) yet not,
a word is to be found in any Irish document of Au
gustin having evei- exercised or thought of exercising
such jurisdiction, or of his having beert so styled,
with regard to Ireland.
(78) See St. Bernard, Vita S. Malachiae, cap. 7.
(79) Among other questions Augustin had asked of the Pope how
he should act with regard to the bishops of the Gauls and of the Bri
tains ; " Qunliter debemus cum Galliarum Britanniarumque epis-
copis agere ?" The Pope answers, that he gives him no authority
whatsoever over the bishops of the Gauls, but tells him that, if he
should 'happen to go to the Gauls, and that he find any
bishops guilty of misconduct, he may admonish and advise them

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 469
to reform themselves, without, however, assuming any sort of
jurisdiction over them. For, he says, if the exercise of authority
be necessary to recal such bishops to their duty, you must treat
with the bishop of Aries as the person invested with power over the
Gauls, and excite him to act with vigour. " But we entrust all
the bishops of the Britains (Britanniarum vero omnes episcopos)
to your fraternity, that the unlearned may be instructed, the weak
strengthened by persuasion, and the perverse corrected by autho
rity. (See Interrog. vn. ap. Bede, L. 1- c. 27.) Here- there is
not a word relative to Ireland, and it is a pitiful quibble to lay
any stress upon Augustin's and consequently Gregory's having
called Great Britain by the plural name Britanniarum in the
same manner as they gave to Gaul that of Galliarum. Of what
consequence is it, that one or two writers, touching on the topo
graphy of these islands, may have in a loose manner called them
Britanniae? The question is what did Augustin, and accordingly
Gregory, mean in using that name on an occasion, in which particu
lar precision was requisite. If they had Ireland -at all in view,
surely they would, according to the general phraseeiogy of the -
times, have added Scotia, or mentioned the bishops pf the Scots
who inhabit Ireland, as Bede does, (L. 2. c. 4.) where he speaks
of the letter of Laurentius, &c. to the bishops of Scotia or Ire
land. And if there was any idea of Ireland being included under
the Britanniarum of Augustin and Gregory, Bede would cer
tainly have made some observation, on it ; but such a notion never
struck him, and he himself used that word as also Britannias for
Great Britain alone. (See above Not. 71.)
(80) Fleury, who had no idea of Dr. Milnjsr's interpretation of
Britanniarum, having stated, (L. 36- §. 38.) that the Pope
granted a jurisdiction to Augustin over the bishops of Britain,
adds ; " C'etoit les gveques des Bretons, anciens habitans de l'ile,
Chretiens dCpuis long-temps, mais tombes dans l'ignorance et la
corruption des mceurs."
(81) This is sufficiently clear from the letter of Laurence, &c.
to the Irish bishops and abbots ap. Bede L. 2. c. 4. (see Not. 233
to Chap, xiv.) ; for in it they say, that they did not know that the
Irish followed ecclesiastical practices not different from those of
the Britons, until they learned it through the bishop Dagan after
his arrival in Britain. If Augustin, who was dead at this time,

470 AN ECCLESIASTIC AL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV*
had had any correspondence with the Irish prelates, this want of
information could not have continued until the interview took
place between Laurence &c. and Dagan.
(82) For David see Chap.x. $.13. As for Laserian having
been styled legatus apostolicui, it meant originally nothing mora
than that he had been deputed to- Rome as a messenger or agent
relatively to the Paschal question. (See Chap. xv. §. 9.)
§ . x. Another argument in favour of the pretended
power of the archbishops of Canterbury has been
squeezed from the circumstance of Laurence, the
successor of Augustine, having written, together
with Mellitus and Justus, to the bishops and abbots
of Ireland concerning certain Irish practices, which
they thought wrong, and from an observation of
Bede that Laurence, by so doing, extended his pas
toral solicitude to the people of Ireland. (S3) But
neither in said letter nor in Bede's remark is there
any thing to make it appear, that Laurence acted in
the capacity of an apostolic legate, or that he pre
tended to any jurisdiction over the Irish church.
From the little of it that remains it is evident, that
it was a letter merely of exhortation and advice,
such as every bishop or number of bishops might
write to other bishops without claiming any authority
over them. Innumerable letters of this kind are to
be met with in ecclesiastical history, and many of
them written even to Popes. Laurence assumes no
title indicating a special power with regard to the
Irish clergy, and calls himself, Mellitus, and Justus,
simply bishops. Were it to follow from the writing
of the letter that Laurence was invested with juris
diction over the bishops of Ireland, it should be
allowed that so were also Mellitus and Justus. And
as to Bede's expression of extending pastoral solici
tude, it would be ridiculous to deduce from it, that
he alluded to the exercise or to an act of legatine
power ; for, were such words to be understood in
this manner, some thousands of bishops, who have

CHAP. XXIV. ©F IRELAND. 471
interfered in a similar way with those of otherpro-
vinces, should be styled legates apostolic. If Bede
meant to exhibit Laurence as acting in a legatine
capacity, he would not have failed to tell us, that
he was invested with a particular jurisdiction of that
sort. (84)
To prop up this tottering system an argument of
a strange kind has been patched up, founded on a
hypothesis, for which there is not the least foundation.
It is, that the reason, for which Pope Eugenius III.
sent four palls to Ireland by Cardinal Paparo in the
year 1 152, was to protect the Irish church against
the claims of the archbishops of Canterbury, and
that thereby it should be recognized us independent
of any foreign jurisdiction except that of the see of
Rome. This must be the invention of some modern
stickler for English ecclesiastical predominance over
Ireland ; for there is not even a hint at such a
motive for palls having been sent to Ireland in any
genuine account of those times relative to said
transaction ; nor are any pretensions of Canterbury
at all spoken of as having had any thing to do with
the granting of said palls. (85) But of them, and
how and why they were granted, more in the proper
place. (83) Bede L. 2. c. 4. where the reader will find the beginning
ot said letter, which has been mentioned above, Not. 79 and
81. (84) It must have been on a misinterpretation of these words of
Bede that the pretended claim of the see of Canterbury to prima
tial jurisdiction over Ireland, alleged in the council of 1072 at
Winchester, (see above §. 8.) was cliiefly founded. Dr. Milner
confines the meaning of them to the legatine power over Ireland^
But I think I have sufficiently shown, that they do not mean either
the one or the other. The fact is, that Laurence &c. in writing
to the Irish prelates conducted themselves in a manner quite si
milar to that, in which Gregory the great told Augustin that he
might act with regard to the bishops of the Gauls, viz. by way of

472 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
admonition and advice, without, liowever, pretending to any au
thority oyer them ; (See Not. 79.) and indeed, every bishop' may
do, the same. Dr.- Milner then brings forward, from CressyjLan-
franc's jurisdiction oyer Patrick, bishop of Dublin, and the letter
to Anselm. (See Not. 74.) But of these arguments enough'.has
been said already ; and I shall only add that, if they could prove
any, thing with regard to a jurisdiction over all Ireland, it would
be that Lanfranc and Anselm were really our primates as well as
of England.
(85) Dr Milner has (loc, cit.) this paradoxical statement, which
I cpnfess I never heard of before. He must have taken it from
some English writer; but who he was we are not informed^ Dr.
Milner was answering some ridiculous and false positions of Led-
wich with regard to Paparo having come to Ireland, brought
palls, &c. for the purpose of extinguishing our ancient doctrines
and discipline. (See'his Antiq. 8f_c. p. 444.) ItwotfkJ have been
easy to refute and expose Ledwich's nonsense; but Dr. , Milner
contents himself with saying, that " the bestowing of >palls— -wasnot
" in fact, nor was it considered any subjection of the Church of"
" Ireland to that of Rome.. On the contrary, it was a dignity
"and an immunity from foreign, jurisdiction conferred upon it; in
" as much as the archbishop of Canterbury for the time being^had
" claimed a legatine jurisdiction over Ireland ever since the time
" of St. Augustine," &c. Then he adds ; " Accordingly, the Irish
" prelates, and St. Malachy in particular, had earnestly solicited
" the court of Rome to send certain palls to the Church of Ireland
" as the proof of her immediate dependance on the see apostolic."
This is surely a strange'sort of refutation, to which poor Ledwich
might have made a puzzling reply, if he were acquainted with the
subject. Where, in the name of wonder, did Dr. Milner find,
that St. Malachy 's reason for applying for the pall was to get rid
of the claims of Canterbury? In the whole of his Life by St.
Bernard there is not a word about Canterbury' or its archbishops,
not even where an account is given (cap. xi.) of St. . Malachy s
conversation with, Pope Innocent II- concerning the palls, which,
he requested to get for Armagh and Cashel. There is a good
deal said-by Keating (B. 2.) and by Colgan ( AA. SS. ,p-65i
and 775, seqq.) with quotations from old Annals, about the. p^lls
brought by Paparo ; but not even an allusion is made to their

CHAP. XXIV. oF IRELAND. 473
having been sent as marks of protection against Canterbury or
atay other see in the world. Dr. Milner tells us that Hoveden
complains at A. 1151, that the granting of the four palls to the
Irish metropolitans was contrary to the ancient custom and the
dignity of the church of Canterbury, and quotes, as from him,
these words ; " Hoc factum est contra antiquam consuetudinem et
dignitatem Cantuarensis ecclesiae." Now Hoveden has not made
any such complaint, nor has he said words at A. 1151. All that
he says in substance at said year is, that four palls were sent to
Ireland, to which palls had never been brought before. But he
makes no observation on that occurrence. Somebody, no matter
who, may have said what Dr. Milner ascribes to Hoveden ; yet his
meaning might have been relative merely to the church of Dublin,
which, in consequence of its being distinguished by the pall, be-
. came exempt from the jurisdiction of Canterbury. ,
§. xi. Not to enlarge further on this subject, the
fact is that the power exercised by Lanfranc, in
consecrating Patrick and receiving his profession of
canonical Obedience, was not of the legatine but of
the metropolitan kind according to the then general
practice of the church, which Patrick, having become
a suffragan of the see of Canterbury, submitted to.
On his returning to Ireland, Lanfranc gave him
testimonial letters, as usual, attesting his consecra
tion, .(86) together with two private letters, one for
Gothric, king of Dublin, and the other for Ter-
delvac, who is 'styled the magnificent king of Ire
land. (87) Gothric, although called king, was at
this time a vassal of Terdelvac, or, as he is usually
named, Turlogh, having submitted to him as his
Ijege sovereign in 1073. (88) Turlogh was son of
Teige, or Thaddaeus, a son of Brian Boroimhe, who
was killed in 1023 at the instigation of his own
brother Donoghu (89) We have seen that Donogh
became king of Leth-Mogha in 1026. (90) Among.
many other wars, in which he was engaged during
his'lrtagn,'"he had often to contend against his ne
phew Turlogh, who was a very valiant prince. His

474 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIT-
kingdom was gradually reduced to Munster, which
also he lost in 1064, havingjjeen dethroned ; upon
which he went to Rome, where he died, seemingly
not long after, a great penitent in the monastery of
St. Stephen. (90 Turlogh was immediately pro
claimed king of Munster, and after some short time
entered into a league with the celebrated king Of
Leinster Dermod Mac-Maol-na-mbo, thus confirming
their mutual power until 1072, in which year
Dermod was killed in the battle of Odhba in Meath,
fiehting against Connor O'Maolseachhn king ot
Meathf Mac-Gilla-Patrick, O'Ferral, &e.<92) After
this event Turlogh marched into Ossory, Hy-
Kins^lagh, and other parts of Leinster, and, having
received hostages from all parts of that province,
became master also of Dublin, (93) whose king or
prince Godfrey, or Gothric did, as above mentioned,
in the following year acknowledge himself his vassal.
Turlogh continued gradually to add to his pre
ponderance over the remaining parts of Ireland. In
1073 and 1074 he brought Meath under his vassal
age in 1075 and 1076 Connaught and BrefFny, and
in 1079 and 1082 finally Ulster, (94) so that by
this time he might be justly styled king of all Ire
land, as indeed he has been. And as such he was
known in the continent, as appears from a letter
written to him by Pope Gregory VII. Lanff&nc in
his letter to him praises him most highly, and con
gratulates the people of Ireland on their being
blessed by God with so good a king. " Our brother
" and fellow bishop Patrick" he adds, "has related
" so many and such great good things concerning
" the pious humility of your grandeur towards the
" good, strict severity against the bad, and your
" most discreet equity with regard to every de-
" scription of persons, that, although we have
" never seen You, yet we love You as if we had*>
" and wish "to consult your interest and to render

CHAP. XXIV, OF IRELAND. 47,£
'* You our most sincere service, as if we had seen
" You and intimately known You."
(86) See above Not. 72.
(87) Usher seems (Discourse of the Religion, %c. ck 8.) to
confound these two letters with the testimonial letters mentioned
by Lanfranc in the one to Gothric. But from the text of this letter
it is plain, that they were different. He calls them commenda
tory letters. That to Gothric is such ; but the other to Turlogh
contains no direct recommendation of Patrick. They are in the
Sylloge at Nos. 26 and 27- and in Lanfranc's Works under Ep.
37 and 38. Harris has given them in English at Patrick, Bishops
qf Dublin, But he followed Baronius' edition of them, which is
not as correct as Usher's.
(88) See Not. 66.
(89) Annals of Innisfiillen at A. 1023.
(90) See Chap, xxiii. §. 12.
(91) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1064. I do not understand,
why Dr. O'Conor (Cotumbanus' 2d Letter, p. 80.) places Donogh's
dethronement and flight to Rome in 1047, whereas the Annals
now quoted, which are allowed to be the best authority for the
affairs of Munster, positively assign it to 1064, at which year they
mark also the accession of his successor Turlogh. Besides, they
frequently make mention of him as being in Ireland several year*
later than 1047, and exhibit him as fighting even in 1063 against
Turlogh. The Dr. says, (ib. p. 81. and 85) that Donogh died in
1064. Perhaps he did ; but that was certainly likewise the year
of his departure for Rome. Keating says, (B. 2. a httle after the
beginning) that about 77 years before the English invasion Donogh
went to Rome with a commission from the principal nobility and
gentry to offer themselves as subjects to that see. His chronology
•s not worth attending to ; for, at the time he mentions, Donogh
should have been about 100 years of age. But, passing by other
absurdities, Donogh had no such offer to make, as if a man, so
mueh disliked as he was in Ireland, and who was expelled from his
provincial kingdom, would have been invested with a commission
of that kind. And as to his offering all Ireland to Rome, it is too
ridiculous a story to be at all listened to.

*476 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HIST0HY CHAP. XXIV^
(92) Said Annals at A. 1072. Ware ( Antiq. cap. 4.) has 107S
according to his mode of adding without necessity a year to dates.
He represents Dermod as king of all Ireland ; but the quoted an
nals do not, calling him king of Leinster ; nor does O'Flaherty,
who makes mention of him in the Ogygia (Part. hi. cap. 94.) as a
prince Sometimes called, by a sort of courtesy, king of Ireland.
Besides being ting of Leinster, Dermod was, according to these
annals (ib) sovereign of Dublin and of the Danish isles, which
must, I suppose, be understood of his having possessed a supreme
power over the Danish kings or princes as his vassals and de
pendents. (93) Said Annals, ib.
(94) See said Annals at the respective dates.
§. xii. Lanfranc then says, that among many
things, which pleased him, he was informed of some
that did not, viz. 1 .that in Terdel vac's kingdom men
quit their lawful wives without any canonical cause,
and take to themselves others, although near to
them or to the deserted wives in consanguinity, and
even women who had been in like manner abandoned
.by their husbands. He makes the same complaint
in his letter to Gothric as to his kingdom, that is,
Dublin ; and it is the only one he particularizes in
it, where he further observes that some men used to
exchange wives. There is every reason 'to think,
that these abuses were confined chiefly to the Danes,
whose Scandinavian ancestors and brethren, even of
these times, were known to be very loose in this
respect ; and, although Lanfranc speaks of Ter-
delvaG's kingdom, yet we may fairly suppose that, as
to these abominations, he alluded to that part of it,
which was held by Gothric under him. (95) For it
can hardly be imagined, that the kings or clergy of
Ireland at large would have tolerated practices so
contrary to the canons of their church, which canons,
being considered as enacted by St. Patrick, were
held in the greatest respect. (96) Yet with regard
to one point touched upon by Lanfranc, viz. mar-

CHAP. XXIV. . OF IRELAND. 477
rying within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity
and affinity, some of the Irish clergy seem not to
have extended said degrees as1 far as the Canon law
then generally followed required, but to have been
content with those laid down in the I8th chapter of
Leviticus.^ (97) The other practices, which dis
pleased Lanfranc, were, 2. That bishops were con
secrated by one bishop. 3. That infants were bap
tized without consecrated chrism. 4. That holy
orders were given by bishops for money. He re
presents these, together with the abominations under
No. 1, as abuses contrary to Evangelical and Apos
tolical authority, to the injunctions of the sacred
canons, and to the institutions of all the orthodox
Fathers. The fourth is certainly repugnant to
every authority, divine and human, and was a
disgrace to the Irish church as well as to many
other churches of those times ; but not so the
second and third, which, had Lanfranc known the
reason of them, would have appeared to him per
fectly harmless. There is nothing contrary , to
Evangelical and Apostolical authority in a bishop's
being consecrated by one only bisbop, a circum
stance which has often occurred, and which must
have frequently taken place in the times of the
Apostles, and in the commencement of missions,
when there happened to be one bishop alone
employed in founding new churches. But Lan
franc was not aware, that the Irish still retained
the order of Chorepiscopi, a description of eccle
siastics, which was kept up longer in Ireland than
in any other part of Christendom, although this
fact was unknown to many eminent church his
torians and canonists. Now the persons, called
bishops by Lanfranc, who used to be consecrated by
only one bishop, were in reality chorepiscopi, whom
the Irish were wont to style bishops in the same
manner as' they called the ordinaries of regillar sees.
As long as that order existed, it was lawful, in virtue

478 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
of a standing canon of the Church, for a ^"l1?
bishop to consecrate the members of it. (98) "With
regard to baptizing without chrism, Lanfranc was
greatly mistaken in supposing, that either the Apos
tles or Evangelists, or all the Fathers and canons
had prescribed the use of chrism in baptism. In
itself it is not a rite at all essential to the validity of
this sacrament. Nor was it in early times practised
in baptism, but immediately after it as belonging to
Confirmation, which, as long as baptism continued
to be performed by bishops, or if a bishop . were
present, used to be administered by them to the
persons just baptized. (99) But after the duty of
baptizing devolved chiefly, and almost universally on
priests, a custom was gradually introduced into the
Western church of using chrism among the cere
monies of baptism itself, as an imitation of its use by
the bishop when confirming the baptised ; but with
this difference, that the priest applies the chrism to
the top of the head, whereas the bishop used to
apply it to the forehead of the baptized as a very
material rite of the sacrament of Confirmation. (100)
It seems, however, to have not been practised in
Ireland at any time prior to those we are now treating
of; whereas it was not considered as necessary, no
more than some other ceremonies, which in some
churches were added in the administratiou of baptism,
but which have since fallen into disuse. (101)
(95) Usher observes (Note' on the letter to Terdelvdc) that the
practice of dismissing wives prevailed also among the Anglo-saxons
and in Scotland. The abominable custom of selling wives still ktfpt
up in England is a remnant of it.
(96) The most that any Irish canon allowed was the dismissal
of a wife on account of adultery, and the injured husband's taking
another. In the 26th of what is called the Synod qfSt. Patrick
this is permitted; " Audi Dominum dicentem— -non licet viro di-
mittere uxorem nisi ob causam fornic^tionis ; ac si dicat, ob hanc
causam. Unde, si ducat alteram velut post mortem prioris, non

CHAP. XXIV. op IRELAND. 479
tetant." Y«?t in another, which is the 5th of those attributed to St.
Patrick alone, a man is prohibited from taking another wife as long
as the guilty one is living. It is added that, if she repent, he shall
receive her, and she shall serve him as a handmaid, and do pe
nance for a whole year in bread and water, and that by measure ;
but that they are not to remain in one bed ; " Si alicujus uxor for-
" nicata fuerit cum alio viro, non adducet aliam uxorem quamdiu
" viva fuerit uxor prima. Si forte conversa fuerit et agat poeniten-
" tiam, suscipiet earn, et serviet ei in vicem ancillae, et annum
" integrum in pane et aqua per mensuram poeniteaf, nee in uno
" lecto permaneant." As to women, who quitting their husbands
join themselves to other men, they were excommunicated, accord
ing to the 19th canon of the Synod of Patrick, Auxilius, and
Isserninus ; " Mulier Christiana, quae acceperit virum honestig
u nuptiis, et postmodum discesserit a primo, et junxerit se adul-
" terio, quae haec fecit excommunionis sit."
(97) The 29th canon of the so called Synod of St. Patrick is
entitled Of consanguinity in marriage, and runs thus ; " Under
stand what the Law speaks, not less nor more. But what is ob
served among us, that four kinds be divided, they say they have
neither seen nor read. Intelligite quid lex loquitur, non minus
nee plus. Quod autem observatur apud nos, ut quatuor genera
dividantur, nee vidisse dicunt. nee legisse." By those who say they
have not seen, &c. are apparently meant the persons who composed
that synod. What they call four kinds is the same as the four
degrees of the canonists ; (although, by the bye, they were more
than four in Lanfranc's time) and hence it appears, that the theory
of them was known in Ireland, and it looks as if they were at
tended to in practice by some persons. This shows, that St,
Patrick had nothing to do with said canon ; for in his time the
prohibited degrees did not extend so far. Whoever were the au
thors of it, they seem to have drawn it up for the purpose of re
straining the prohibited degrees within the bounds of Leviticus.
(98) See Not. 104. to Chap. xi.
(99) Of this practice we have seen a remarkable instance in
what St. Patrick has in his epistle against Coroticus. (See Chap.
vi. $.10. and ib. Not. 102.)
(100) Bellarmine, speaking of the ceremonies that follow bap
tism, (De Sacramento baptisme, cap. 27.) explains this matter

480 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
very well in a few words : " Secunda est, unctio chrismatis in ver-
tice ; quae quidem introducta videtur, quia non semper adest epis
copus, qui possit continuo dare post baptismum sacramentum con-
firmationis. Ideo enim interim ungitur baptizatus, non quidem in
fronte, sed in vertice, chrismate ab episcopo consecrato."
(101) It is laughable, although likewise vexatious, to hear cer
tain polemical pigmies of our days deducing a diversity of religious
tenets from a difference of practices in matters not at all essential.
Ledwich, who is constantly teazing : the reader with nonsense of
this sort, alleges, (p. 429.) as a proof of difference of tenets, that
the Romanists, as he calls them, used chrism, exorcism, and
other ceremonies in baptism, which the Irish and Britons did not.
In the first place it is false, that the Irish and Britons did not use
exorcism. And where did he find, that the Britons omitted
chrism? Perhaps they did; but he had no right to assert it. In
said page he has some horrid theological bungling in certain re
marks he makes on Lanfranc's letter to Domnald bishop of Cashel,
(of which above §. 6.) not Donat of Dublin, as he says. Having
observed that Lanfranc allows laical baptism in the article pf death,
(he should have said danger qf death) Ledwich pronounces, that
the Greek church and the Irish never admitted it. As to the Irish
church, nothing can be more false, as appears from that very let
ter, in which Lanfranc argues from the practice of lay-baptism in
cases of necessity, as a matter well known and admitted by Dom
nald, that baptism was considered sufficient for the salvation of in
fants without the eucharistical communion. .That the Greek church
did not admit it is equally false, and it does admit it at present,
although the Greeks are rather over-scrupulous in not easily per
mitting' baptism to be administered by a lay person. (See Re-
naudot in La Perpetuite de la Foy, Tom. v. L. 2. ch. 1, 2, 3.)
It was in urgent cases universally allowed in every part of the
Christian church, as Bingham states, (Origines, 8fC. B. n. ch. 20.
sect. 9. and B. xi. ch. 4. sect. 1.) although he mentions two or three
exceptions. Even Calvin, notwithstanding his not thinking it ne
cessary,' according to his new ideas of the nature of baptism, ac
knowledges that from the veny commencement of the Church jf;
was usual for lay persons to baptize, when there was danger of
death, in case a clergyman was not at hand; " Quod autem multit
abhinc seculis, adeoque ab ipso fere Ecclesiae exordio usu recep-

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 481
tarn fmt, tit in periculo mortis laid baptizarent, si minister in tem
pore non adesset," &c. (Instit. L. 4. cap. 15. §. 20.) So much
for Dr. Ledwich's theological erudition as to lay baptism. Another
false assertion (ib.) is, that from said letter " it is evident, that
the Irish believed the reception of the Eucharist immediately after
baptism indispensably necessary to salvation." Is it possible that
a man can be so barefaced as to advance such a position ? Dom
nald had merely inquired of Lanfranc, whether a similar opinion,
alluding to infants, was held any where in England or in the con
tinent. Surely it does not thence follow, that it was held by the
Irish church. Lanfranc's answer is very mild and polite, without
the least insinuation that Domnald or the Irish church erred on that
point. Ledwich adds, that said opinion was that " of the primi
tive church, though not of the Roman in Lanfranc's age.'' The
Doctor, who knows as little of theology as a Samoeide, stops at
nothing, provided he can abuse the Roman church. He refers
the reader to Bingham, B. xii. ch. 1. Now Bingham was too
learned to say any such thing. What he states, and indeed truly,
is (ib. sect. 3-) that the well known practice of giving the Eucharist
to infants after baptism was continued in the Church for several
ages. But he has not even a hint indicating, that this practice was
followed, because the church '.' believed it indispensably necessary
to salvation." It is thus that, as I can assure whoever will have
the patience to read Ledwich's book, he is constantly imposing
on the public, whensoever the Roman church falls in his way.
§. xiii. For the purpose of putting a stop to
these abuses (102) or what he thought were such,
Lanfranc advises Terdelvac to summon an assembly
of bishops and religious men, at which he and
his nobles would attend, that they might co
operate in exterminating said bad practices and all
others, that might be in opposition to the sacred
laws of the Church. Here -we may observe that
Lanfranc does not speak in a tone of authority,
nor did he issue any orders to the Irish bishops or
clergy to assemble or to act on this occasion, as he
certainly would have done had he conceived him
self invested with any jurisdiction over them. In
VOL. III. i i

482 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
his letter to Gothric he exhorts him to exert him
self in procuring the correction of the filthy prac
tices relative to the dismissal and changing of,
wives ; and, after praising" Patrick, advises Gothric
to listen to him with attention and to obey his
instructions. Patrick held the see of Dublin for
about ten years until, having been sent on some
business by Turlogh or TerdalVac, then sole master
of Dublin, to Lanfranc, he was, on his way over,
shipwrecked and drowned on the 10th of October,
A. D. 1084. (103) In the following year he was
succeeded by Donat or Donogh O'Haingly, who,
having made his studies in his own country, had
gone over to England and became a monk in
Lanfranc's monastery at Canterbury. He must
have returned to Ireland before his. promotion,
as appears from his having been elected by Turlogh
and the clergy and people of Dublin, ,with the
approbation of some Irish bishops, to whom ac
cordingly he must have been well known. This
is still more clear from the letter written on this
occasion by Turlogh and the clergy of Dublin to
Lanfranc, in which, among other things, Turlogh
states that, whereas Patrick did not arrive to give
him an account of how he had followed Lanfranc's
fatherly instructions (with regard to remedying the
abuses,) Donat will be able to give him the
necessary information. (104) He was consecrated
-in the cathedralof Canterbury by Lanfranc, (105)
to whom he made his profession of obedience in
the following terms ; " I Donatus, prelate of the
church of Dublin, which is situated -in Ireland,
promise canonical obedience to thee, O Lanfranc
archbishop of the holy church of Canterbury, and
to thy successors." (106) Lanfranc was much at
tached to this prelate, and gave him, ' on his re
turning to Dublin, some books and church orna
ments as presents for the church of the Holy

CHAP. XXIV. OP IRELAND. 4S3
Trinity. Donat lived until 1095, in which he died
of the great plague of that year on the 23d of No
vember, with the reputation of a good and learned
bishop. (107)
(102) Harris in his translation of the letter to Terdelvac (see
above Not. 87) has added another complaint of Lanfranc, viz.
that in several cities and towns there was more than one bishop
ordained. He took this from Baronius's edition, in which are
these words ; Quod in villis vel civitalibus plures ordinantwr ;
whence also they have been taken by Dachery in his edition of
said letter. '
(103) Ware and Harris, Bishops of Dublin, at Patrick. The
4 Masters (ap. AA. SS.p. 200.) have; « A. 1084. Gilda or
Gilla- Patrick, bishop of DubUn, was drowned."
(104) Harris has this letter (Bishops at Donat O'Haingley)
taken, he says, from the Annals of Ulster.
(105) Usher (Discorse, fyc. Chap, viii.) quotes the following
passage from the Annals of Dublin : " Anno Dom. 1085. Lan-
francus archiepfscopus Cantuar. ad regimen Dublinensis ecclesiae
sacravit Donatum monasterii sui monachum in sede metropoli
Cantuar. petentibus atque eligentibus eum Terdelvaco Hiberniae
rege, et episcopis Hiberniae regionis, atque clero et populo prae-
fatae civitatis."
(106) The original words are; " Ego Donatus, Dublinensis
ecclesiae antistes, quae in Hibernia sita est, canonicam obedien-
tiam tibi promitto et successoribus tuis, o Lanfrance, sanctae
Dorobernensis ecclesiae archiepiscope." In this profession there.
is nothing about Dublin being styled the metropolis of Ireland.
It is probable, that Turlogh put a stop to the assumption of that
title. Nor does it occur in any of the subsequent professions.
(Compare with Not. 68.) We may also observe, how much
more simple this profession is than that of Patrick. (See above
J- 7.)
(107) See Ware and Harris at Donat O'Haingly. That
terrible plague is mentioned in the Annals' of Innisfallen,
A. 1095.
§< xiv. There is extant a letter of Pope Gregory
1 12

484 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXtV.
VII. to the king Terdelvac, and to the archbishops,
bishops, abbots, nobles, and to all Christians inha
biting Ireland. It is dated from Sutri on the 24th
of February, without any year being marked. (108)
This letter is much in the . style of several others,
which he wrote to various kings, princes, &c. for
the purpose of claiming not only a spiritual but
likewise a temporal and political superiority over all
the kingdoms and principalities of Europe. (109)
Having insinuated his claim over Ireland, he con
cludes with giving directions to Terdelvac, &c. to
refer to him whatever affairs, the settling of which
may require his assistance. (110) How Terdelvac,
or Turlogh, and the people of Ireland acted in con
sequence of this letter we are not informed ; but this
much is certain, that Turlogh remained the inde
pendent king of Ireland until 1086, when he died
in a truly Christian-like manner at Ceanchora, one
of his chief residences, near Killaloe, in the 77th
year of his age, and 22d of his reign reckoning from
1064, in which he became king of Munster. (Ill)
He was buried at Killaloe, and succeeded by his son
Muriardach, alias Murcbardach, or Murtogh, not
as king of all Ireland but as king of Munster, (112)
his hereditary province. Yet Murtogh, after much
fighting against various enemies, and, among others,
against his own brother, Dermod O' Brian, enlarged
his territories, so that I find him called king also of
Connaught in 1092; (1 13) and in 1094 he became'
master of Dublin and banished the Danish king
Godfrey, who died in the following, year. (114) He
then assumed the title of king qf Ireland, as did at
the same time also Domnald Mac-Loghlin, an O'Neill,
the powerful sovereign of the northern half, while
Murtogh was considered as the sovereign of the
southern. (115) There were, however, some al
terations as to the extent of territories, according as
.either of these princes had .the upper hand, or as
some other princes endeavoured to maintain their in-

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 485
dependence. At length Murtogh was dethroned in
11 16, and his brother Dermod placed over Munster
in his stead. He then took holy orders, and died
at Lismore a great penitent on the festival of St.
Pulcherius, 13th March, A.D. 1119; being sur
vived by Domnald Mac-Lochlin, who died in the
monastery of Derry in 1121. (116) Murtogh was
buried, according to his wish, in the church of Kil
laloe, to which he had been a benefactor. (117)
This summary of the history of these princes, which
is here given by anticipation, will enable us better
to understand certain transactions, particularly of
Murtogh, connected with ecclesiastical affairs, of
which hereafter.
(108) Usher, who published this letter in the Sylloge, (No.
29.) having found it annexed to the Collection of Isidorus Mer-
cator, affixed it by conjecture to A. D. 1085, the last year of
Gregory's life. But it must have been written before that year,
in which Gregory was at Salerno, at least on the 24th of Fe
bruary. Accordingly, being dated at Sutri, it was written prior
to 1085.
(109) A summary of these letters and pretensions may be seen.
in Fleury (Hist. 8$c. L. 63. §. 11.) who seems to have been unac
quainted with that to Terdelvac or Turlogh, as otherwise he would
surely have made mention of it.
(110) " Si qua vero negotia penes vos emerserint, quae nostra
digna videantur auxilio, incunctanter ad nos dirigere studete .
et quod juste postulaveritis, Deo auxiliante impetrabitis." He
had said before ; " Hujus (Domini Jesu) auctoritas sanctam
Ecclesiam in solida petra fundavit, et beato Petro, a petra vene-
rabile nomen habenti, ejus jura commisit, quam etiam super
omnia mundi regria constituit ; cui principatus, et pot estates, et
quicquid in seculo sublime videtur esse, subjecit, illo Isaiae com
plete oraculo ; Venient, inquit, ad te qui detrahebant tibi, et ado-
rabunt vestigia pedum tuorum. Beato igitur Petro ejusque vica-
riis, inter quos dispensatio divina nostram quoque sortem annu-
merari disposuit, Orbis universus obedientem similiter et reve-

486 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXlf.
rentiam debet, quam mente devota sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae
exhibere reminiscimi," &c.
(Ill) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1086. O'Flaherty, Ogyg.
Part in. cap. 94. Ware, Antiq. cap. 4^ He was mistaken in
placing Ceanchora in the now King's county. It was in the now
county of Clare, and contained a palace of the ancient princes of
Thomond, of whose line was Turlogh, and is now called Cancora.
(See Seward at Cancora.)
(112) Said Annals, ib. (113) . Ib. ad A. 1 092.
(114) Ib. ad A. 1094 and 1095. This Godfrey was the one,
whom Ware (Antiq. cap. 24. ad A. 1095.) calls Godfrid Me-
ranagh. (115) O'Flaherty, Part iu. cap. 94. For Domnald's having
been an O'Neill see Tr. Th. p. 448.
(116) Said Annals at 1116, 1119, and 1121, compared with
O'Flaherty, loc. cit.
(117) Ware, Antiq. cap. 29. and Harris, Bishops qf Killaloe.
The Annals of Innisfallen also have Murtogh's interment in that
town. Harris is wrong in assigning the death of Murtagh to the
8th of March ; for the festival of St. Pulcherius marked by O'Fla
herty, was not the 8th but the 13th ; and both he and Ware
were mistaken in changing the year 1119, assigned for it, into
112Q. §. xv. I have endeavoured to trace a succession
of Irish bishops down to about the close of the
eleventh century. (118) It is now requisite to give
some account of other distinguished ecclesiastics of
that period, although little more is known concerning
the greatest part of them than their names. Yet
even this much will show, that our religious and
learned establishments were still kept up ; which is
indeed the chief object I had and have in view in
entering into such details. The first person, whom
I find expressly 'called abbot of Hy after Flann-
Abhra who died in 1025, (119) is Mac-Baithen,
who was killed in 1070. (120) Next after him we
meet with Dunchad, son of Moenach', who died in
1099. (121) As to learned clergymen and teachers

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 487
of this century, besides those who flourished in the
first half of it, (122) several others are mentioned,
such as Flann Mainistreach, that is, of the monas
tery, who died in 1056, and is represented as the
most celebrated writer among the Irish of his time,
both as an antiquary and poet. (123) Of Aidus
O'Foirreth, who died in the same year, we have seen
already. (124) Mugron, bishop of Gork, who was
murdered, in 1057, had been also a scholastic or
professor. (125) Kieran, lecturer of Kells, a man
famous for learning and wisdom, died in 1061 ;
(126) and in 1063 Mac-Donngal scholastic of
Kildare, and Eochad of Connor. (127) Colman
O'Criochain, professor of theology at Armagh, died
in 1065-; and in 1071 Christian O'Clothocain like
wise professor there, and styled the chief doctor of
Ireland. (1 28) Conchobran, scholastic of Gleann-
ussen died in 1082; (129) and to the year 1085 is
assigned the death of Gormgal Laigeach, a very
learned and pious doctor, who vvas comorban or
rector of St. Biigid's church at Armagh. (130)
In 1086 died on the 16th of January the very holy
and learned Moeliosa ("servant of Jesus J O'Bvolchan.
(131) He was a native of Inishowen, and of a dis
tinguished family, a branch of the Nialls. He was
educated in the monastery of Bothconuis in that
territory, and became a great proficient in piety and
in every sort of learning. (132) Owing to the loss
of documents, his transactions during life are involved
in obscurity ; but it is stated, that he composed
several works, many* fragments of which are still
extant, and that he" transcribed many others. (133)
In 1088 died the celebrated annalist Tigernach
O'Braoin, a native of the territory of' the Siol-
Muireadaigh, (134) or Murrays. He vvas abbot of
Clonmacnois and also of Killcoman, or probably
rather Roscommon, (135) and is most highly and
deservedly praised as a man of- very extensive know
ledge and an excellent teacher. He brought down

488 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV*
the annals of Ireland to the very year of his death,
and having died at Clonmacnois was buried there with
great solemnity. (136) Among other scholastics or
lecturers of these times Jet it suffice to add Ingnadan
of Clonard, who died in 1090, O'Kennedy of
Durrow (King's county), who died in 1 0Q5, and
Aidan of Roscommon, whose death is marked at
1097. (137)
(118) Above §. 5. seqq. (ll9) See Chap, xxiii. §. 6.
(120) Tr. Th. p. 501. and Annals of Ulster ap. Johnstone
$d A. 1070. Smith (Append, to Life qf St. Col.) places at
1057 the death of one Robhertach Mac-Donnell, whom he calls
Coarb (comorban) of Columbkill. Whoever he was, it does not
follow from his being so styled, that he was abbot of Hy. In;
like manner Smith has at 1009 another coarb of Columkill, Mar-
tan Mac-Cineadh, between Maelbrigid Hua- Rimed and Flann-
Abhra. I find this Martan also in Johnstone's Extracts from
the Ulster Annals (at A, 1009) or, as he calls him, Marcan Mac-
Cinach converb qf Iona. If said passage be correct, it would
appear, that he had been abbot of Hy. But Colgan has him,-
not in his list of those abbots from the 4 Masters, and, as I have
observed elsewhere, it seems we ought not to admit as abbots of
Hy any others than those who are expressly called stich. I am
convinced, that this Marcan Mac Cineadh, i. e. son of Ken
nedy, was no other than the Marcan, whom the Annals -of In
nisfallen mention as supreme, head of the clergy of Munster, and
whose death they assign to A. 1010, (see above NM% 43.) the
same year as the 1009 of the Annals of Ulster, in .which, the
deatb of Marcan was marked without; in all probability, any
mention of the place, to which he belonged. To supply this
deficiency, some amanuensis or semicritic added at his name
comorban qf Iona or of Columbkill, because the successors of
that, saint either at Iona or elsewhere are usually taken notice of
in said annals. Thus Marcan son of Kennedy, and apparently
a brother of Brian Boroimhe, was removed from Munster to
Iona or Hy; and both Johnstone and Smith have been led •
astray. In a similar manner from the additions of scholiasts,,

CHAP» XXIV. OF IRELAND. 489
&c hundreds of errors have crept into our ecclesiastical his
tory. (121) Tr. Th. ib. (122) See Chap, xxiii. §. 15.
(123) Innals of Innisfallen at A. 1056. Some of his works are
yet extant ; see Harris ( Writers at Mainestrec) and Dr. O'Conor.
(Rer. Hib. Scriptor. Ep. Hanc. p. 13.)
— (124) Above, $. 4.
(125) See Tr. Th.p. 632. and above §. 5.
(126) Ib. p. 508, (i27) Ib. p. 630 and 632.
(128) Ib. p. 298. (129) Ib.p.632.
(130) Ib. p. 299.
(131) He is reckoned among the Saints in some Irish calen
dars, and accordingly Colgan treats of him at 16 January.
(132) He is greatly praised in the Irish annals, among others in
those of Innisfallen, which have at A. 1086 ; " Maoliosa O'Brol-
lochain, the most venerable old man in all Ireland, and the most
learned in his time in wisdom and science, died in the grace of
God." (133) Colgan says, that he had some fragments of Moeliosa's
works, and that he knew where several others were in Ireland.
He adds that several books in his hand writing, which had be
longed to the monastery of Bothconuis, were still in that neigh
bourhood. (See also Harris, Writers at Brolcan.)
(134) The 4 Masters (ap. A A. SS. p. 206.) call him 0'Braoint
and hence Colgan (ib.p. 108.) makes him of the same family with
St. Dunchad O'Braoin, ,of whom we have treated Chap. xxu. §.
15. In the Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1088, in which I find him
called 0' Brain, he is said to have been of the Siol-Muireadhaigb,
j. e. of the sept so called, whose territory was an eastern part of
Connaught, chiefly, it seems in, the now county of Roscommon, as
appears from said Annals at A. 1095. (See also Seward at Siol-
Muiridh.) This country was near that, in which St. Dunchad had
been bom.
(135) Both the Annals just quoted make Tigernach comorban
or successor of St. Kieran and St. Coman. As successor of Co-
man, Colgan (AA. SS. p. 206.) calls him abbot of Killcoman,
meaning, perhaps, Kilcomin in the King's county, (of which see
Aot 41. to Chap, xv.) or Killcoeman in the plain of Gesille (now
barony of GeashiH in said county) .which is said (ib. p. 312.) fo

490 AN- ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
have been founded by a St. Coeman in the sixth century. Harrisi
( Writers at Tigernac) instead of Killcoman, has Roscommon ;
which seems more correct, as it does not appear that the establish
ments of Killcomin and Killcoeman continued to a late period.
(136) Annals of Innisfallen, ib.
(137) AA. SS. p. 409. and Tr. Th. Ind. Chron. Ware has
among the Irish writers Moeliosa O'Sair, a Munster man, who, he
says, wrote some philosophical treatises, and died, according to
the Ulster annals, in 1098. Whether he were an ecclesiastic or
not I cannot discover.
§. xvi. In fact, Ireland still retained its reputation
for learning and good schools, so that it . was, as well
as in former times, resorted to by foreign students.
Of this we have a remarkable instance in the case of
SulgCnus, who was bishop of St. David's about the
year 1070. In his youth, excited by a love of study,
he set out, in imitation of his ancestors and coun
trymen, for Ireland, which was celebrated to a won
derful degree for learning. But, while wishing to
see that nation so famous on account of its writings
and masters, he was driven back by a stonri to his
country, where he remained for five years. Still
determined on proceeding to Ireland, he went thither
and spent there ten or thirteen years in the study of
the holy Scriptures, in which he became a great pro
ficient, and thereby was afterwards of great service to
his countrymen. (138) That English students con
tinued to repair to Armagh may be collected from
the account given of a great conflagration of that
city in 1092, in which it is stated that a part of the
Trien-Saxon, or the division inhabited by the Saxons
(English) was destroyed. (139) This was an acci
dental fire, such as Irish history gives us many in
stances of in those times, both of towns and reli
gious houses, owing to the materials, mostly of
wood, chiefly used in building, as still practised
in some parts of Europe. Losses of this kind
were easily repaired, and were of no materia.!

CHAP. XXIV. OF IRELAND. 491
injury to studious pursuits, which I observe, lest
a person, looking over the lists of conflagrations in
those days, might imagine that they were destruc
tive of religious establishments, or generally designed
for that object. (140) Yet we meet with burnings
and devastations of ecclesiastical places designedly
undertaken, partly by the Danes, and partly by
Irish princes or chieftains. Thus, when a Sitric of
Dublin was, as we have seen, ravaging Ardbraccan
in 1031, an O'Ruairc plundered Ardfert, but was
dreadfully chastized for this sacrilege by Donogh
O'Brian then king of Leth-mogha. (141) Another
O'Ruairc and an O' Kelly, both Connaught chief
tains, plundered Clonmacnois and Clonfert in 1065,
but, being met on the following day by Hugh
O'Conor, were defeated by him. (142) Clon
macnois was particularly marked out as an object of
pillage for divers parties in those times, (143) whence
we may infer, that it was then rich. Gleannussen
was laid waste in 1041, Clonard in 1046, and Tnis-
clothra (in Loughree) in 1050. (144) These devas
tations were committed chiefly by the Irish them
selves ; but in the year 1081 the Danes or Northmen
alone, apparently those of Limerick or of some west
ern part of Ireland, plundered the island of Arran-
na-Naomh, or Arran of the saints, where was the
ancient and celebrated establishment of St. Enda.
In 1089 a party of -Danes totally destroyed the mo
nastery of Inisbofinde in Loughree. (145) These
were probably part of the army, with which the king
Murtogh O'Brian attacked and plundered in said
year various islands of Loughree, such as, besides
Inisbofinde, Inisclothra and Inisaingen, (or the island
of All-saints) "in which were religious houses, toge
ther with Cluainemhain, where there was at least a
church. (146) Soon after Murtogh and the people
of North Munster paid very dearly for these depre
dations. (147) In the same year Dermod O'Brian,
brother of Murtogh, sailing along the coast landed

492 AN ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY CHAP. XXIV.
near Cloyne, which he plundered, and carried off
some reliques of St. Barr from a church called Kill-
na-gCleiriogh. (148) In the preceding year 1088
he had joined Domnald Mac-Lochlin and Roderic
O'Conor, king of Connaught, in their dreadful ex
pedition -throughout a great part of Munster, in
which they destroyed Limerick, and attacked Mun
gret, Emly, &c, (149) Yet, notwithstanding such
and some other similar devastations, the ecclesiastical
and literary institutions .continued, with very few
exceptions, to exist ; and we find the habitual zeal
for acquiring knowledge still prevalent in Ireland.
(138) An account of Sulgenus was drawn up in verse by his son
John. Among some lines, quoted by Usher, (Praef. dd Ep. Hib.
Syll.) the following are quite apposite to our present subject;
" Exemplo patrum, commotus amore legend!,
Ivit ad Hibernos sophia mirabile claros.
Sed cumiam cimba voluisset adire revectus
Famosam gentem scripturis atque magistris,
Appulit ad patriam, ventorum flatibus actus,
Nomine quam noto perhibent Albania Ionge.
Ac remoratus ibi certe turn quinque per annos '
Indefessus agit votum, #c.
His ita digestis Scotorum visitat arva,
Ac mox scripturas multo meditamine sacras
Legis divinae scrutatur saepe retractans.
Ait ibi per denos tricens jam placidus annos
Congregat immensam pretioso pondere massam,
Protinus arguta thesaurum mente recondens.
Post haec ad patriam remeans jam dogmate clarus
Venit, et inventum multis jam dividit aurum," &c.
We may here remark, that the Irish were still called Scoti, aa
they were in the continent.
(139) Tr. Th.p, 299. Colgan observes, (ib.p. 300.) that Ai>
magh was divided into four parts. The first was Rath- Ar ama cha,
or the fort, castle, &c. The three others were Trian-mor, or the
great third part ; Trian-Massan, or the third part called Massan ;

CHAP. XXIV. . OF IRELAND. 493
and Trian-Saxon, the third part for the Saxons, by whom, in all
probability, were meant the English students.
(140) The reader will find a long catalogue of such conflagra
tions in Tr. Th. p. 633. seqq.
(141) Annals of Innisfallen at A. 1031.
(142) Ib. at A. 1065.
(143) Colgan states (Tr. Th. p. 633.) from the 4 Masters,
that .Clonmacnois was plundered in 1044 twice, in 1050 three
times, in 1060,' 1065, 1080, 1081, 1092, 1095, 1098. He does
not tell us by whom. From the Annals of Innisfallen I find that
the pillage bf 1092 was by a Munster fleet; and it is said that
the one of 1095 or 1094 was by the people of Brawney, the
O'Ruaircs, and the Mac-Coghlans. (See Archdall at Chmmnc.
nois.) (144) Tr. Th. ib.
(145) A A. SS. p. 423.
(146) See the annals of Innisfallen at A. 1089. Colgan says,
AA. SS. p. 339.) that Cluainemhain was in the county of Ros
common, and" that it had a church, when it was laid waste in
1089. Yet there had been a monastery there. (Archdall at
Chiainemuin.) ( 147) Said Annals, ib.
(148) lb. (149) Said Annals at A. 1088.

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