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UNDER THE REIGNS OP

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LONDON :
PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTI.EY,
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ENGLAND

UNDER THE REIGNS OF

EDWARD VI. AND MARY,

WITH THE

CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF EUROPE,

ILLUSTRATED IN
A SERIES OF ORIGINAL LETTERS
NEVER BEFORE PRINTED.
WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS AND BIOGRAPHICAL
AND CRITICAL NOTES
BY PATRICK FRASER TYTLER, ESQ.
AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,'' ETC.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

LONDON :
RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,
$ubluil)tr in ©rtfinanj to fire Plajestj).
1839.

CONTENTS

THE SECOND VOLUME.

Letters.

Date.

Where preserved.

Class.

Page.

1 Mr. Whalley to
CecU

26 June
1551.

Original State
Paper Office

Domestic

21

2 Privy Council to
Justices of Peace

16 Oct.
1551.

Orig. Draft, St.
P. Off.

Domestic

33

3 Prisoners for the
Conspiracy of the
Duke of Somerset
and his adherents

Orig. Harleian,
249

37

4 Crane's information
against the Duke
of Somerset and
Earl of Arundell

Copy, St. P. Off.

Domestic*

38

5 Confession of the
Earl of Arundell

Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
43
6 
1551.
Orig St. P. Off.
Domestic
46
7 Pickering to Cecil
Paris,
27 Oct.
1551.
Orig. St. P. Off.
France
67
8 Sir Richard Mory-
sine to the Council
Augs-
bourg,
20 Oct.
1551.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Germany
79
9 Sir W. Pickering to
the Council
27 Oct.
1551.
Orig. St. P. Off.
France
86
10 Chamberlayne to
the Council .
16 Nov.
1551.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Flanders
94
1 1 The Council to the
Lord Admiral .
2 Dec.
1551.
Orig. Draft, St.
P. Off.
. . .
97
* Since compared with the original, which has been found.
VOL. II.* °
/i

CONTENTS.

Letteis.

Date.

Where preserve'!.

Class.

Page.

12 The Lord Admiral
to the Council .

15 Dec.
1551.

Orig. St. P. Off.

France

100

1 3 Northumberland to
Cecil

8 Jan.
1551-2.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Domestic

103

14 Northumberland to
Cecil

28 Jan.
1551-2.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Domestic

104

15 Sir Wm Pickering to
Sir W» Cecil .

12 Feb.
1551-2.

Orig. St. P. Off.

106

16 Northumberland to

Lord Chamber
lain
30 May
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
108
1 7 Northumberland to
30 May
Cecil
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
110
18 Northumberland to
31 May
Cecil
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
111
1 9 Northumberland to
Lord Chamber
1 June
lain
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
112.
20 Northumberland to
the Lord Cham
berlain and Sir
2 June
Wm. Cecil .
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
115
21 The Lord Clynton
15 June
to Sir Wm. Cecil
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
116
22 The Duchess of
June
Suffolk to Cecil
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
118
23 Northumberland to
28 Oct.
Cecil
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
142
24 Sir R. Morysine to
the Council
30 Nov.
1552.
Orig. Galba. B.
xi. f. 132.
Spires
145
25 Northumberland to
7 Dec.
Cecil
1552.
Orig. St. P. Off.
. . .
148
26 Northumberland to
3 Jan.
Cecil
1552-3.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
151
27 Wotton, Pickering,
and Challoner, to
16 May
the Council
1553.
Orig. St. P. Off.
France
156
CONTENTS.

Vll

Letters.

Date. Where preserved.

Class.

Page.

Germany

160

Domestic

169

France

178

Germany

182

. . .

192

Germany

220

. . .

230

Germany

235

France

247

France

249

Flanders

253

France

261

France

283

France

286

28 Bishop of Norwich,
Sir P. Hoby, and
Sir R. Morysine,
to the Council .
29 Lord Audley to
CecU
30 Wotton, Pickering,
and Challoner, to
the Council
31 The Bishop of Nor
wich, Sir P. Hoby,
and Sir R. Mory
sine, to the CouncU
32 "A brief note of
my submission and
of my doings" .
33 Christopher Mundt
to the CouncU .
34 The Confession of
John Duke of Nor
thumberland .
35 Bishop of Norwich,
Sir P. Hoby, Sir R.
Morysine, and Sir
Thomas Cheyne,
to the Queen .
36 Dr. Wotton to Sir
W. Petre
37 Dr. Wotton to the
Queen
38 Sir John Mason to
the CouncU
39 Dr. Wotton to the
CouncU
40 Wotton to Sir WU-
liam Petre
41 Dr. Wotton to the
Queen

9 June
1553.
9 May
1553.
16 May
1553.

9 June
1553.

15 Aug.
1553.

25 Aug.
1553.
26 Oet.
1553.
27 Oct.
1553.
28 Nov.
1553.
23 Dec.
1553.
26 Jan.
1553-4.12 Feb.
1553-4.

Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.

Orig. St. P. Off.
Original Lans
downe, 102.
F. 2.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. Harleian,
284. fol.127.

Orig. St. P. Off
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.

vm

CONTENTS.

Letters.

42 Simon Renard to
Charles the Fifth
43 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .
44 Secretary Bourne
and others to the
Council
45 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .
46 Simon Renard to
Philip Prince of
Spain
47 Simon Renard
the Emperor
48 Simon Renard
the Emperor
49 Simon Renard
the Emperor .
50 Dr. Wotton to the
Queen
51 Dr. Wotton to Sir
W. Petre
52 Renard to the Em
peror
53 Renard to the Em
peror
54 Paget to Renard .
55 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .
56 Mason to theQueen

to

to

to

Date.

20 Feb.
1553-4.
24 Feb.
1553-4.
25 Feb.
1553-4. *
8 March
1553-4.
13 Mar.
1553-4. 14 Mar.
1553-4.
22 Mar.
1553.
27 Mar.
1554.
31 Mar.
¦ 1554.
17 Apl.
1554.
22 Apl.
1554.
28 Apl.
1554.
April 1554.

1 May
1554.
5 May
1554.

Where preserved.

Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels

Orig. St. P. Off.
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels

Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. Mostly in
Cypher.
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels

Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Orig. St. P. Off.

Class.

Page.

Domestic

302306313
315

France

336342347
352370 371
378381383
387

CONTENTS.

IX

Letters.

57 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .
58 Renard to the Em
peror
59 Montmorency and
Renard to the
Emperor
60 Montmorency and
Renard to the
Emperor
61 Bedford and Fitz-
waters to the
CouncU

62 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .

63 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .

64 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .
65 Simon Renard to
the Emperor .
66 The Lord Admiral,
Sir Edward Has
tings, and Sir Tho
mas Comwaleys,
to the Queen .
67 Enclosure

Date.

6 May
1554, Lon
don.
13 May
1554.
25 May
1554, Lon
don.
4 June
1554,
Richmond
5 June
1554.
7 June
1554,
Rich
mond. 9 June
1554,
Rich mond.
14 June
1554.
Rich
mond.
15 June
1554.

1 1 Feb.
1553-4.

Where preserved.

Transcript from
Orig. at Brus
sels
Transcript from
Orig. Brussels
Transcript from
Orig. at Brus-

Transcript from
Orig. at Brus
sels

Orig. St. P. Off.

Transcript from
Orig. at Brus
sels

Transcript from
Orig. at Brus
sels

Transcript from
Orig. at Brus
sels

Orig. St. P. Off.
Orig. St. P. Off.

Class.

Page.

St. Jago

Domestic

388
392398 405408411
413415419

426
428

X

CONTENTS.

Letters.

Date.

Where preserved

Class.

Page.

68 Relation of what

passed at the ce
lebration of the
Transcript from
Marriage of PhUip
20 July
Orig. at Lou-
with the Queen .
1554.
Hever,
vain
. ¦ .
430
69 Anne of Cleves to
4 Aug.
the Queen
1554.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
433
70 Minutes of instruc
tions given to Lord
Pagetand the Mas
5 Nov.
Orig. Draft. St.
ter of the Horse
1554.
P. Off.
Germany
445
71 Lord Clinton to Sir
8 Nov.
William Petre .
1554.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Germany
448
72 Sir John Mason to
the King and the
9 Nov.
Queen
1554.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Germany
451
73 Lord Paget and Sir
Edward Hastings
13 Nov.
to the Queen .
1554.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Germany
457
74 Sir John Mason to
25 Dec.
the CouncU
1554.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Germany
462
75 Mason to the Coun
26 Apl.
cil .
1555.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Germany
466
76 Mason to Sir W.
3 May
Petre
1555.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Flanders
469
77 Martyn to the Earl
29 Apl.
of Devonshire .
1555.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
471
78 The Countess of
Exeter to the Earl
1 6 Apl.
of Devonshire .
1555.
Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
473
79 Earl of Devonshire
20 May
to the Queen .
1555.
Orig. St. P. Off.
...
474
80 Thomas Martyn
31 May
to the Earl of
1555,
Devonshire .
Calais. Orig. St. P. Off.
Domestic
477
CONTENTS.

XI

Letters.

Date.

Where preserved.

Class.

Page. 479

81 Thomas Martyn
to the Earl of
Devonshire .

8 June
1555,
Calais.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Domestic

82 Sir Edward Carne
to Mary

9 Sep.
1555.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Italian
States

480

83 Matters done and
expedited in the
Council from the
time of Philip's
departure .

Sept. 1555.

Orig. St. P. Off.

483

84 Minutes of Coun
cU transmitted
to PhiUp

Sept. 1555.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Domestic

485

85 Sir Edward Carne
to the Council

SONov. 1555.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Italian States

486

86 Sir John Abraham
to Sir William
Cecil

1 2Dec. 1556.

Original, Lans
downe. 3. 56.

489

87 Earl of Bedford to
Sir WiUiam CecU

3 Sep.
1557.

Orig. St. P. Off.

493

88 Sir PhUip Hoby
to Sir William
Cecil

30 Nov.
1557.

Orig. St. P. Off.

Domestic

494

ORIGINAL LETTERS,
ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH AND
CONTINENTAL HISTORY.

PERIOD SECOND Continued.
1551—1553.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
England. France. Germany. Spain. Scotland. Pope.
Edward VI. Henry II. Charles V. Charles V. Mary. Julius III.
Mary. We are now arrived in the course of these letters,
at an event of great interest ; the second fall ofthe
Duke of Somerset, his trial and execution. It is a
subject which, equally with the history of his first
troubles and deposition, is involved in much obscu
rity, and upon which historians have formed Very
contrary opinions. Was he guilty or innocent of
the crimes for which he was arraigned and brought
to the scaffold ? In reply to this question, Hume,
after having consulted the best printed authorities,
and evidently guided in his opinion by the narra
tive of Burnet and Carte, exculpates him. Dr.
Lingard, on the other hand, who it is to be regret-
VOL. n. B

2 EDWARD'S JOURNAL. 1551.
ted had not access, in this part of his work, to any
new sources of evidence, has condemned him ; and
this historian observes, in a note, that they who
attempt his justification are compelled to make gra
tuitous suppositions, which are unsupported by con
temporary evidence, f I propose to examine this
point, and to give some new evidence which, if I do
not overrate its weight, will set the question at rest.
It can be shown, I think, on conclusive grounds,
that Somerset was unjustly condemned; that he
was innocent of the only serious charges brought
against him ; and that his ruin was the result of a
conspiracy of the Duke of Northumberland, who
felt that he might yet cross his path and bridle
his ambition.
Let us first look at the contemporary account of
the accusation as it is given by Edward himself in
his journal : I extract it as he has inserted it from
day to day.
" October 7. Sir Thomas Palmer J came to the
Earl of Warwick, since that time Duke of Nor
thumberland, to deliver him his chain, being a very
fair one ; * * * whereupon, in my [Lord's] garden,
he declared a conspiracy. How, at St. George's Day
t Lingard, History of England, vol. vii. p. 96.
$ In the original Journal by Edward,§ there are here interpo
lated, in a minute contemporary hand, certainly not the King's,
the word, " hating the Duke, and hated of him." The words
are scored through, but so as to be perfectly legible.

§ Cotton. MSS. Nero, c. x.

1551. PALMER'S CONFESSION. 3
last,* my Lord of Somerset, who then was going to
the north, if the Master of the Horse, Sir Wm.
Herbert, had not assured him on his honour that
he should have no hurt, to raise the people ;
and the Lord Gray before, to know who were
his friends. Afterwards a device was made to call
the Earl of Warwick to a banquet,f with the
Marquis of Northampton and divers other, and to
cut off their heads. Also, if he found a bare com
pany about them, by the way to set upon them."
Nothing more seems to have happened till the
11th of October, when Edward resumes his journal.
" 1 1th. He [Palmer] declared also that Mr.
Vane had two thousand men in readiness. Sir
Thomas Arundel had assured my Lord that the
Tower was safe ; Mr. Partridge should raise Lon
don, and take the great seal with the printesj
[prentices] of London ; Seymour and Hammond
should wait upon him, and all the horse of the
gens-d'armery should be slain."
On the 12th and 13th nothing particular occurs,
but on the 14th the King writes thus :§
* April 23, 1551.
t So in the original. Edward had first written the foure
[_Tower] ; then scoring it through, changed it to " a banket"
[banquet]. J So in the original.
§ In the Journal, immediately after the entry on the 11th,
he remarks, — " 15th. Removing to Westminster, because it was
thought this matter might easelier and surelier be dispatched
there, and likewise all other.'' Then he goes on to the 14th.
B 2

4 SOMERSET SENT TO THE TOWER. 1551.
" 14th. The Duke [of Somerset] sent for the Se
cretary Cecil to tell him he suspected some ill. Mr.
Cecil answered that, if he were not guilty, he might
be of good courage ; if he were, he had nothing to
say but to lament him. Whereupon the Duke sent
him a letter of defiance, and called Palmer, who,
after denial made of his declaration, was let go."
The King now passes over the events of two days,
but on the 16th Oct. he thus writes :
" 16th. This morning none was at Westminster
of the conspirators. The first was the Duke, who
came later than he was wont of himself ; after din
ner he was apprehended : Sir Thomas Palmer, on
the terrace, walking there ; Hammond, passing by
Mr. Vice-chamberlain's door, was called in by John
Piers to make a match at shooting, and so taken.
Newdigates was called for as from my Lord his
master, and taken. Likewise were John Seimour
and Davy Seymour. Arundel also was taken, and
the Lord Grey, coming out of the country. Vane,
upon two sendings. He said my Lord was not
stout ; and, if he could get home he cared for none
of them all, he was so strong. But, after, he was
found by John Piers, in a stable of his man's at
Lambeth, under the straw."
" These went with the Duke to the Tower this
night, saving Palmer, Arundel, and Vane, who were
kept in chambers here apart.
" 17. The Duchess, Crane and his wife, with the
chamber-keeper, were sent to the Tower for de
vising these treasons; James Wingfield also for

1551. NOTES OF PALMER'S HE-EXAMINATION. 5
casting out of bills seditiously ; also Mr. Partridge
was attached, and Sir James Holcroft.
" 18. Mr. Banister and Mr. Vaughan were at
tached and sent to the Tower, and so was Mr.
Stanhope. " 19. Sir Thomas Palmer confessed that the
gens-d'armes on the muster-day should be assaulted
by two thousand foot-men of Mr. Vane's, and my
Lord's hundred horse ; besides his friends which
stood by, and the idle people which took his part.
If he were overthrown, he would run through Lon
don and cry ' Liberty ! Liberty !' to raise the
prentices,* and if he could, he would go to the Isle
of Wight or to Pool."
" On the 22nd and 23rd, the young King men
tions the arrival ofthe Queen Dowager of Scotland,
who was magnificently received and entertained.
On the 24th he thus resumes the accounts of the
proceedings against his uncle.
" 24. The Lords sat in the Star Chamber, and
there declared the matters and accusations laid
against the Duke, meaning to stay the minds of the
people. On the next day, 25th, the King's journal is oc
cupied with an account of the proposals made to
him by the confederacy of Protestant Princes ; who,
by their envoy, desired aid in the cause of religion
* In the Journal, as printed in Burnet's Appendix, (Oxford
Edit. 1829,) the letter R has been interpolated here, so as to
read, "and raise the apprentices and R," which many might be
apt to construe Romanists. No such letter occurs in the original.

6 THE QUEEN DOWAGER ENTERTAINED. 1551.
against the attacks of the Emperor, and whose
petition was intrusted to the consideration of the
Secretary Petre and Sir William Cecil.
The 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st of October are oc
cupied almost wholly with the King's account of the
movements ofthe Queen Dowager ; but, on the 31st,
a notice is added, informing us that the command
of the Tower had been taken from Sir John Mark
ham, " who had sufFered the Duke to walk abroad,"
without making any of the Council privy to it,
and committed to Sir Arthur Darcy. He then cor
rects an omission in his journal under the date, 17th
Oct. the same day on which Crane and the Duchess
of Somerset had been sent to the Tower ; informing
us that, on this day, " there were letters sent to
all pari'Msa,* emperors, kings, ambassadors, noble
men, and chief-men, into countries, of the late con
spiracy." Edward next proceeds to a minute de
scription of the entertainments given to the Queen
Dowager on the 31st Oct. and the lst, 2nd, 3rd, 4th,
5th, and 6th of November. These appear to have
been most sumptuous, and are dwelt upon by the
young King with great complacency ; but, in the
midst of his descriptions of galas and pageants, he
* So in original. Edward had first meant to write that
such letters were sent to all parishes, which appears to have
been the case ; but, on second thoughts, he scores it out, and
only- mentions the letters sent to kings and emperors. It is
to these letters, in which the Council exaggerated the guilt of
Somerset, that we must ascribe the inaccurate accounts of
some foreign historians, De Thou, Sleidan, and others.

1551. NOTES OF CRANE'S CONFESSION. 7
bethinks himself of an omission in his journal of the
26th Oct. and thus supplies it, reverting with great
equanimity to his uncle, now a prisoner in the
Tower. " 26 Oct. Crane confessed the most part, even as
Palmer did before, and more also. How that the
place where the nobles should have been banquet
ed, and their heads stricken off, was the Lord
Paget's house ; and how the Earl of Arundel knew
of the matter as well as he, by Stanhop, who was a
messenger between them ; also some part how he
went to London to get friends, once in O Se August*
last, feigning himself sick. Hammond also confessed
the watch he kept in his chamber at night. Bren
also confessed much of this matter. The Lord
Strange confessed how the Duke willed him to stir
me to marry his third daughter, the Lady Jane ;
and willed him to be his spy in all matters of my
doings and sayings, and to know when some of my
Council spoke secretly with me. This he confessed
of himself."
In the month of November, Edward gives us no
additional information regarding the subject of the
Duke's alleged guilt, except a notice that on the
8th ofthat month the Earl of Arundel was commit
ted to the Tower, with Stroadly and St. Alban,
* So in original. The King had first meant to write Oct.
and only wrote O ; then he meant to write September, and got
the length of Se ; then finally he scored both out, and wrote
August.

THE TRIAL.

1551.

his men, because Crane did more and more confess
of him ; he adds an intimation that, on the 23rd,
the Lord Treasurer was appointed High Steward for
the arraignment of the Duke of Somerset ; that on
the 30th of the same month, " twenty-two peers and
nobles, besides the Council, heard Sir Thomas
Palmer, Mr. Hammond, Mr. Crane, and Newdigate
swear that their confession was true ;" and he ob
serves, " they did say that that was said without any
kind of compulsion, force, envy, or displeasure, but
as favourably to the Duke, as they would swear to
with safe conscience." On the lst of December, the
King gives the following account of the trial and
condemnation of his uncle.
" lst Decern. The Duke of Somerset came to his
trial at Westminster Hall. The Lord Treasurer
(Paulet, Marquis of Winchester,) sat as High Stew
ard of England, under the cloth of estate, on a
bench between two posts, three degrees high. All
the Lords to the number of twenty-six, viz.

Dukes.

Bath.

Latimer.

Suffolk.

Sussex.

Burough.

Northumberland. Marquis.
Northampton. Earls.

Worcester. Pembroke. Visct. Hereford. Barons.

Souch.
Stafford.
Wentworth.Darcy. Stourton.

Derby. Bedford. Huntingdon.Rutland.

Bargavenny. Audley. Wharton. Evres.

Windsor. Cromwell.Cobham.
Bray.

These," he adds.

"sat a degree under, and heard the

1551. SOMERSET'S DEFENCE. 9
matter debated. First, after the indictments read,
five in number, the learned counsel laid to my
Lord of Somerset, Palmer's confession. To which
he answered, that he never minded to raise the
north ; and declared all ill he could devise of
Palmer: but he was afeard for bruits, and that
moved him to send to Sir William Herbert ; re
plied it was again, that the worse Palmer was,
the more he served his purpose.
" For the banquet, first he sware it was untrue,
and required more witnesses; whence Crane's con
fession was read, he would have had him come
face to face. For London, he meant nothing for
hurt of any Lord, but for his own defence. For the
gens-d'armery, it were but a mad matter for him to
enterprise with his one hundred against nine hun
dred. For having men in his chamber at Green
wich, confessed by Partridge, it seemed he meant
no harm ; because, when he could have done harm,
he did it not. My Lord Strange's confession, he
sware it was untrue ; and the Lord Strange took
his oath it was true. Newdigate's, Hammond's, and
Alex. Seymour's confessions he denied, because they
were his men.
" The lawyers rehearsed, how to raise men at his
house for an ill intent, as to kill the Duke of Nor
thumberland, was treason by an Act, anno 3°. of
my reign, against unlawful assemblies ; for to de
vise the death of the Lords was felony ; to mind
resisting his attachment, was felony ; to raise Lon-

10 SOMERSET FOUND GUILTY. 1551.
don, was treason ; and to take assault the Lords,
was felony* He answered, he did not intend to raise
London, and sware that the witnesses were not
there : this assembling of men was but for his own
defence. He did not determine to kill the Duke of
Northumberland, the Marquis, &c. but spake of it,
and determined after the contrary : and yet seemed
to confess he went about their death."
Such is the account of the accusation, the argu
ments of the crown lawyers, and the defence of
the Duke, as given by the King. He next briefly
states the result.
" The Lords," says he, " went together. The
Duke of Northumberland would not agree that any
searching of his death should be treason ; so the
Lords acquitted him of high treason, and con
demned him of treason felonious : and so he was
adjudged to be hanged. He gave thanks to the
Lords for their open trial, and cried mercy of the
Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis of North
ampton, and the Earl of Pembroke, for his ill mean
ing against them, and made suit for his life, wife,
children, servants, and debts, and so departed
without the axe of the Tower. The people know^-
ing not the matter, shouted half-a-dozen times
so loud, that from the palace hall-door it was
heard at Charing-cross plain, and rumours went
that he was quit of all.'
* The King was probably about to write, " to take counsel
to assault the Lords was felony;" but he had only written
" take," which he scores out.

1551. SOMERSET EXECUTED. 11
An interval of nearly two months now took place,
for the unfortunate Duke did not suffer till the
22nd of January ; on which day his royal nephew
thus laconically takes leave of him.
" January 22nd. The Duke of Somerset had his
head cut off on Tower Hill, between eight and
nine o'clock in the morning."*
Such is the account given by King Edward of
the whole " case" of the Duke of Somerset ; em
bracing the period between the first accusation by
Palmer, on the 7th Oct. 1551, to his execution on
the 22nd January 1551-52. Nothing can exceed
the cold heartlessness with which the story is told :f
but we have already seen that, three years before,
the youthful monarch had declared that he looked
upon the death of his uncle the Protector as a de
sirable event ; and increasing years do not appear
to have altered his notions upon this subject.
Returning, however, to the question of Somer
set's guilt or innocence, let us examine for a mo
ment the evidence against him, as it is given in
this Journal. Sir Thomas Palmer, a man, accord
ing to his own account, of a profligate and aban
doned life, comes to Northumberland, then the
Earl of Warwick, on the 7th of October, in his
garden, and reveals a conspiracy for his assassi-
* Cotton MSS. orig. Nero, c. x. fol. 40 to 48.
t Immediately after his notice of his uncle's decapitation, he
goes on to supply an omission, under date of the 16th, thus : —
" 16th. Sir W. Pickering delivered a token to the Lady
Elizabeth, — a fair diamond."

12 PALMER'S STORY EXAMINED. 1551.
nation at the house of Lord Paget, entered into
more than five months before by the Duke of So
merset, Sir Thomas Palmer himself, Lord Paget,
Lord Grey, Sir Thomas Arundel, Sir Ralph Vane,
and many others. Upon this, what is Northum
berland's conduct to Palmer ? Is the informer im
prisoned, and rigidly looked to ? Quite the con
trary. He is permitted to go at large, and four
days afterwards, on the 11th, is again examined ;
again convicted by his own declaration of being
party to an abominable conspiracy to massacre
the gens-d'armerie, raise London, seize the great
seal and the Tower ; and again, by Northumber
land, is permitted to walk away and enjoy himself
about the court till the 16th, on which day he was
apprehended. Does not such conduct strongly
demonstrate a collusion between Northumberland
and Palmer?
But let us look to Palmer's story. He stated
that, on St. George's day last, (23rd April,) the
Duke of Somerset, being on his journey towards.
the north, would have raised the people, unless
Sir William Herbert (since then created Earl of
Pembroke) had assured him that he would have re
ceived no harm. Now Palmer was notoriously an un
principled man, and unworthy of credit ; Sir Wil
liam Herbert, a nobleman and an unexceptionable
witness, — a word from him would have placed the
story beyond doubt :— but he is not called, nor is
any deposition of his read, or spoken of. Indeed,

1551. NEITHER GREY NOR PAGET EXAMINED. 13
to make it impossible for him to be called, he is
made to sit as one of the jury. Again, Palmer
said that the Duke had sent Lord Grey before, to
see who were his friends. Here was another oppor
tunity to confirm the tale, had it been true. Care,
however, is taken that Lord Grey shall neither be.
called nor examined. But farther, this conscientious
accomplice, who had quietly kept the conspiracy in
his breast for five months, asserted that Lord Paget
was to have received Northumberland and the
other victims into his house, where they were to
have been assassinated. Here was room for an
other corroboration, and yet, strange to say, Pa
get, at the time, was neither examined nor ar
rested. Nay, though we find that he was after
wards sent to the Tower, he was never tried for
this conspiracy. It was stated by Palmer that
Sir Thomas Arundel had assured the Tower;
that Sir Ralph Vane had two thousand men in
readiness to assault the gens-d'armes ; that Sir
Miles Partridge was to raise London and seize the
great seal; and that Sir Michael Stanhop was
privy to the plot for the assassination. It is cer
tain that on the scaffold every one of these unfortu
nate men solemnly called God to witness that Pal
mer's declarations were false ; they asserted that
they were guilty of no treason against the King,
and had never been parties to any plot for the
murder of the Lords of the Council*
* Carte, vol. iii. p. 264.

14 CRANE AND HAMMOND'S EVIDENCE. 1551.
As to Crane's evidence, Edward describes it, as
for the most part a mere echo of Palmer's ; but
there is in it one circumstance which seems to
show that even by Northumberland and his party
it was not believed. His confession was made on
•the 26th of October, and he directly accused the
Earl of Arundel of being an accomplice in the
plot for striking off the heads of the Council ;
yet this nobleman was suffered to go at large for
nearly two weeks. He was not committed to the
Tower till the 8th of November, ''because," says
Edward, " Crane did more and more confess of
him."* And even, after this reiterated accusation,
so little credit was attached to the credibility of
Crane, that Arundel was never brought to trial.
The only two remaining witnesses whom Ed
ward mentions as having deposed against his uncle,
are Hammond, and the Lord Strange ; but the
points to which they spoke were trifling, and, if true,
proved nothing against Somerset. Hammond said
the Duke kept a guard in his chamber, and Strange
affirmed that he wished the young King to marry
his daughter. It is for those writers who condemn
the Protector, to show by what process of reasoning
these offences can be construed into treason or
felony. But enough has been said of that vindication
which may be brought forward for Somerset, even
out of such imperfect evidence as has too hastily
* Journal. Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, pp. 39, 40.

1551. WHALLEY'S INTRIGUES. 15
been described as conclusive against him. I shall
now examine the story of his fall and death a
little more minutely, and bring to bear upon it
some new lights which have arisen out of my recent
researches. It appears that, in the month of February
1550-51, a busy imprudent man, Richard Whal
ley, a retainer of Somerset's, as we have already
seen, and also a correspondent of Cecil's,* had
engaged in some intrigues for the restoration ofthe
Duke to the office of Protector. " Some," says
Strype, " in the Lower House were consulting
among themselves for his restoration to the office
of Protector of the King's person, which was taken
away from him in his late troubles, but [they]
seemed to be prevented by the breaking up of the
session. Yet they intended the next session to
set about it. In the mean time, the Lords were
to be prepared ; and Whalley in particular, the re
ceiver of Yorkshire, endeavoured to persuade divers
noblemen to make the Duke Protector next par
liament." f
That Somerset himself was a party to these in
trigues, has not been shown by any evidence ;
but their existence at once roused Warwick. The
eyes and the emissaries of this subtle politician
were everywhere, and Whalley was brought before
* Strype, vol. ii. part i. p. 390. Edward's Journal in Bur
net, vol. ii. p. 22. Appendix.
f Supra, vol. i. p. 276.

16 THE EARL OF RUTLAND. 1551.
the Council on the 16th February ; upon which oc
casion, to use the words of the Council Book, " the
Earl of Rutland reported certain practices and
words used by him (Whalley) very seditious and
of great import : whereunto Whalley made denial ;
but, upon debating of the matter between them
face to face, it appeared that Mr. Whalley was
culpable, for the which he was committed to the
Fleet.* Two days after this, on the 18th Febru
ary, Sir Francis Leeke was summoned before the
Council, and examined as to a conversation al
leged to have been held with Whalley, in which
they debated (it was said) to which of the two
great parties in the state the Earl of Rutland
belonged, — whether he was a Somerset or a War
wick ; but Leeke denied that any such conversation
had taken place. He admitted that Rutland had
informed him of some foolish prattle of Whalley's,
but the examination brought out nothing against
Somerset; and on the 2nd of April 1551, Whalley,
upon finding bail, was discharged from the Fleet.*
I have noticed these minute matters, to show
with what lynx eyes the conduct of any one con
nected with the Duke of Somerset, or with his
party in the state, was watched by the opposite fac
tion of Northumberland; and to draw the infer
ence, which I think a legitimate one, that as we
find at this time no complaint made against him,
* MS. Privy Council Book, 16th Feb. 1550-51.
f MS. Privy Council Book, 2nd April 1551.

1551. RUMOURS OF A CONSPIRACY. 17
and no allegation that he was implicated in these
intrigues, we are entitled to conclude that up to
this date he was innocent of any grave offence.
It was to be expected, however, that the Duke
should be anxious to recover some portion of the
power which he had lost; it was natural that
Warwick, aware of the activity of his friends, and
jealous of his extreme popularity with the lower
classes, for this he never lost, should watch him
narrowly, exaggerate every fault, and hint that
his ambition once moie aimed at the Protecto
rate. In March and April 1551, rumours of a
conspiracy and intended rebellion began to be
circulated : Sir Ralph Vane, a follower of Somer
set, was sent to the Tower for resisting a party of
Warwick's retainers ;* and seditious bills, exciting
the people against the Council, were found scat
tered in the streets of the metropolis. It was
about ten days after this that Palmer, as we have
read in Edward's Journal, fixes the date of Somer
set's intended rebellion, viz. St. George's day,
which is the23rd April 1551.f We have already seen
how suspicious is this man's whole story, taking a ge
neral view of the facts stated by him ; but, fortunate
ly, the Privy Council Books enable us to put to the
test both the narrative of this witness and the
charges of the indictment. The indictment accuses
the Duke of a diabolical conspiracy, plotted on the
* MS. Privy Council Book, 12th April 1551.
t Nicolas' Chronology, p. 150.
VOL. II. C

18 EVIDENCE IN FAVOUR OF SOMERSET. 1551.
20th of April, in the parish of Holborn, for the de
position of the King from his royal dignity, the sei
zure of the government, and the imprisonment of
the Duke of Northumberland, then Earl of War
wick ; and, secondly, of a similar plot hatched, and
to be carried into execution a month later, on the
20th of May* Now we know, from the unchal
lengeable evidence of the Books of the Privy Coun
cil, that, on the 19th of April, when this alleged plot
must have been not merely in preparation, b*ut on
the very eve of breaking out, the leader of it sat
as usual in the Privy Council ; and that on St.
George's day, the fatal day when, if we are to
believe Palmer, he was to have risen in open rebel
lion, he was pacifically employed in attending the
feast of the Order, which was held with unusual
magnificence in honour of Henry the Second of
France, recently elected a Knight of the Garter.f
Next day, being the 24th, he again sat as a Privy
Councillor ; and, from the 24th April to the 10th
of May, he is found constantly taking his place in
the Council, being present, with a few exceptions,
every day it sits. On the 10th of May, an in
quiry took place, before him and the rest of the
Privy Councillors, regarding some seditious letters
which had been sent to one Kelloway, who was com
mitted to the Fleet; and, on the 17th of May, Tracy,
* Howel's State Trials, vol. i. pp. 518, 519.
f He, the Earl of Warwick, and others of the nobility, were
appointed to peruse and amend the Statutes of the Order. Ed-
ward'-s Journal. Burnet, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 25.

1551. PRESUMPTIONS IN HIS FAVOUR. 19
a person who had been discovered to have written a
letter to Kelloway, which tended to rebellion, was
committed to the Tower. Next day, the 18th of
May, being only two days before the indictment
charges the Duke with this conspiracy to raise a
rebellion in the realm, overturn the government,
and seize the Earl of Warwick, in what way do we
find the arch-traitor employed ? Does he, as was
a general practice in those times, when barons
were plotting against the state, does he absent
himself on pretended sickness, or some other af
fected excuse, from the court ? Is he found in
creasing his popularity by residing amongst his own
people in the country; or busy, through his depend
ants and friends, in collecting arms and making
secret musters ? Nothing of the kind. On the con
trary : for a guilty man, his conduct is the most
marvellous imaginable. He is discovered placing
himself daily, almost hourly, in the power of his
enemies ; he is seen taking his seat as usual at the
council-table ;* and, most strange to say, this is
the very time seized by the Privy Council to li
berate those associates who had adhered to him
in his first troubles. Sir Michael Stanhop, Mr.
Fisher, and Mr. Grey, his confidential servants,
who had been then sent to the Tower, and had
upon bail only procured a conditional liberty, were
now summarily discharged.! It may perhaps be
said that this conduct only proves Somerset's ex-
* MS. Privy Council Book, 18th May 1551. t Ibid.
C 2

20 RICHARD WHALLEY. 1551.
treme anxiety to blind the eyes of the Council to
the plots which he was hatching ; and, under a dif
ferent ruler or minister from Northumberland, the
reply might have some force. But we have already
met with proofs of the perfection to which the
system of secret information was carried by the
crafty Northumberland ; we know that the Duke of
Somerset and his friends were surrounded by his
spies. Is it credible, had there been the slightest
foundation for the charge in the indictment, or for
the story of Palmer, that the Council and Northum
berland, who then ruled them at his will, would have
acted as they did? And does not their conduct
involve a strong proof of the innocence of the Duke
and of the malice and falsehood of his enemies ?
We have seen that Mr. Richard Whalley,
who is well described by Sir John Hayward as
a " busy-headed man, and desirous to be set on
work," had been imprisoned by the Council for
some intrigues regarding the restoration of the
Duke of Somerset to the office of Protector.* On
the 26th of June, 1551, we find this same person
addressing the following letter to Secretary Cecil,
in which he gives a minute account of a confidential
conversation which had taken place on the preced
ing evening (June 25th) between the Earl of War
wick (afterwards the Duke of Northumberland)
and himself on the subject of Somerset. I shall
first give the letter, which is a remarkable one,
and then draw some inferences from it.
* Supra, p. J.6.

1551. WARWICK'S ARTFUL CONDUCT. 21
MR. WHALLEY TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 26th June 1551.
" Gentle Mr. Cycle. After most hearty com
mendations. It pleased my Lord of Warwick as
yesternight, after he had perused your letters, to
discourse with me, and that at great length, the
estate and proceedings of my Lord's Grace [/. e. So
merset], in sundry things; wherein, Mr. Cycle, it
hath seemed unto me that he is a most dear and
faithful friend unto my Lord's Grace ; for, like as in
expressing his mind in the premises, his whole na
ture, as I well perceived, was not only vehemently
troubled, and that with such carefulness and deep
consideration of his Grace's proceedings [enter
prised] of late ; then again, sundry times over
come (as methought) with the full remembrance
thereof, [he] showed most plainly the inward grief
of his heart with not a few tears.
" The sum of all was, that my Lord's Grace
hath so unadvisedly attempted the enlargement and
delivery of the Bishop of Winchester and the Arun-
dells, as also his Grace's late conference, as he
taketh it, with my Lord of Arundel, it pleased him,
I say, to be so plain with me herein, as he letted
not to say the whole Council doth much dislike his
late attempts ; yea, and partly also, the rest of his
proceedings in the Council, wherein his Grace (for
lack of good consideration in the order of his pro
ceedings therein) hath brought the whole of the

22 COMPLAINTS AGAINST SOMERSET. 1551.
Council in suspicion that he taketh and aspireth to
have the self and same overdue an authority to the
despatch and direction of the proceedings as his
Grace had, being Protector.
"And further [he] said, Alas ! Mr. Whalley, what
meaneth my Lord in this wise to discredit himself,
and why will he not see his own decay herein ?
Thinks he to rule and direct the whole Council as
he will, considering how his late governance is
yet misliked ? neither is he in that credit and best
opinion with the King's Majesty, as he believeth,
and is by some fondly persuaded. Truly, Mr.
Whalley, like as by discreet order and orderly suf
fering with the Council, he may both assuredly
have the King his good lord, and also all things
else that he can reasonably desire ; so, by the con
trary, taking private ways by himself, and attempt
ing such perilous causes as the said Bishop and the
.... * Arundells is, he will so far overthrow
himself as shall pass the power of his friends to
recover. " These, with a number more of such like effect,
it pleased his Lordship (I say) at large to discourse
of, and with such a careful spirit and love towards
my Lord as meseems ought to be weighed, and
taken as from a most dear friend.
" He declared in the end his good opinion of
you, in such sort as I may well say he is your very
singular good lord, and resolved that he would
* A word illegible.

1551. WARWICK'S PRAISE OF CECIL. 23
write at length his opinion unto you in the pre
mises ; and, besides, for the better stay unto my
Lord, would prevent his intended journey to the
court, with ... * speed ; minding, as I can judge, to
put in ure your articles for the said Bishop of Win
chester. In the device and most substantial hand
ling whereof, he did no less many times wonderfully
praise you than . . . . f For he plainly said, ye
had showed yourself therein such a faithful servant,
and by that, most witty councillor, unto the King's
Majesty and his proceedings, as was scarce the like
within his realm.
" Thus to end, in that ye best know, Mr. Cycle,
that in my wit and will there is too great a differ
ence so to serve his Grace as appertaineth, and as
my heart most desireth ; so, gentle Mr. Cycle, let
your better wisdom duly so consider for the best
preservation of his Grace's estate in these trouble
some times ; and never leave him until ye so tho
roughly persuade him to some better consideration
of his proceedings, and that he wittily and friendly
concur and continue with my Lord of Warwick,
who, as I perceive, will be very plain with him in
the premises at his coming to the court. Other
wise, to be plain, meseems peril great will ensue.
" And for that his Lordship is my very good
lord, and hath friendly promised his help in the
furtherance of my suit, I heartily pray you fail
not duly to remember the same : yea, and also,
* A word illegible. t A word illegible.

24 CRITICAL REMARKS. 1551.
when the time shall best serve, to move my Lord
Paget thereof in my behalf, who hath most faith
fully promised his assistance in the same.
" Thus, never ceasing to trouble you, I rest. At
Ware, this morning, Thursday, 26th June 1551.
" Your own assured, " R. Whalley.
"I trust, ye will advertise me by my servant,
whom I have appointed to attend you, in case my
Lord's Grace's journey shall be stayed upon any
respect hereafter, before my return.
" To the Right Worshipful Mr. Cycle,
with my Lord's Grace."
This seems to me a remarkable letter in the
story of Somerset's fall, and of Cecil's connection
with it. Whalley is no longer busy in his intrigues
to procure the restoration of the Duke to the Pro
tectorate. For these he had suffered imprisonment,
and been at length released, and when we next
meet him, he is the agent and confidant of his
great rival Warwick. Secretary Cecil, who was
now at court, and attendant upon the Duke of So
merset, had, it seems, written confidentially to
Warwick on the subject of Somerset's interference
in the affair of the Bishop of Winchester, and
had found fault with his conduct. After having
perused his letters, Warwick proceeds to dis
course on the same point. He professes the
* Edward's Journal. Burnet; vol. ii. Appendix.

1551. WARWICK AND CECIL. 25
warmest attachment to Somerset : he blames him
for having espoused the causa of Gardiner, the
deprived Bishop, applauds Cecil's " articles"
against that prelate, and proposes to put them
in practice immediately. He assures Whalley
that such perilous proceedings as Somerset had
lately been engaged in, occasioned a suspicion in
his mind, and in the rest of the Council, that he
still aspired to the Protectorate. He laments,
as Whalley says, even with tears, that he can
not moderate his ambition, but still will seek to
rule; he asserts that he is far from enjoying such
high credit with the King as many erroneously
believe ; he begs him not to hurry on his own
ruin, by taking private courses, but to concur with
the Council, and with himself, the Earl of War
wick, so as to have the King for his good lord,
and all things else that he could reasonably desire.
Warwick concludes, as we see, with pronouncing
the highest panegyric on the wisdom, diligence,
and fidelity of Cecil, for whom he professed the
warmest friendship, and to whom he promised to
write on the subject of the Duke of Somerset.
Whatever sincerity we attach to these profes
sions and proposals from the powerful and crafty
Warwick, we are entitled to draw from them one
inference. They evidently contain the worst that
at this moment could be said against Somerset;
and this, we see, amounts to nothing more than
such a general accusation as one powerful leader

26 INFERENCES. 1551-
or minister was likely to prefer against another.
If (as we must believe was the case) the Duke dis
approved of the proceedings of Warwick and Cecil
in the cause of the Bishop of Winchester, or dis
sented from their opinion in other matters con
nected with the government of the state, it was
allowable for him not only to declare his opinion,
but to endeavour to persuade others to adopt it.
Whalley's advice in this conjuncture, — namely,
that Cecil would persuade Somerset to forsake his
opposition, to concur " wittily and friendly with my
Lord of Warwick," and thus to avoid the " great
peril" likely to ensue, — shows exactly the relative
position of these two rivals ; but it shows also that
Warwick, in his complaint against the Duke, did
not accuse him of any designs subversive of the
government, or of any conspiracy against himself.
Up to this date, therefore, the 26th June 1551, So
merset seems to be acquitted of all such intentions
by the best of all evidence — that of Warwick him
self: and Cecil, by the same evidence, is proved to
have sided in this instance with Warwick against
the Duke.
It is of importance to examine the conduct of
Somerset subsequent to this communication of
Whalley to Cecil, and during the months of July,
August, and September, which immediately pre
ceded his trial and condemnation. Now, in July,
the Duke's proceedings, as far as we can follow
them by the light of the Privy Council Books, and

1551. FACTS IN FAVOUR OF SOMERSET. 27
of Edward's Journal, were of the most pacific de
scription ; and he appears to have been on perfectly
friendly terms with the King, the Privy Coun
cil, and the Earl of Warwick. The month of
July was almost entirely occupied with the embassy
of the Marshal St. Andr6 to England. He
brought with him to the King the insignia of the
Order of St. Michael (whom, by the way, with an
excess of puritanical feeling, Edward styles Mon
Seigneur Michael) ;* and whether we look to the en
tertainments given to the French ambassador and
his suite, or to the deliberations on the business of
the state in the Privy Council, we find Somerset
taking his share in both. Not a whisper is heard
of discontent ; no complaints are made against him.
During the succeeding months of August and Sep
tember, those deliberations took place regarding
the adherence of the Princess Mary to the Romish
faith, and the necessity of restraining her from the
private use of her mass, which so strongly mark
the intolerance of the time, and exhibit the young
monarch under the forbidding aspect of a harsh
and ungenerous persecutor. Amid these transac
tions, Somerset, as we know from the records, at
tended the deliberations of the Privy Council ; and,
in common with the Earl of Warwick and the rest
of the councillors, gave his consent to the measures
which were adopted. Here, it will be allowed,
there is every appearance of amity: and it is well
* Edward's Journal, in Burnet, vol. ii. p. 28-31.

28 WARDEN OF THE NORTH. 1551.
worthy of remark, that so completely had the
Duk# regained the confidence of the young King
and the Privy Council, that in the end of August
he was intrusted with the task of putting down a
conspiracy ; a task which he successfully accom
plished, by seizing and executing the leaders. Of
the particulars of the plot, or the object with which
it was set on foot, we know nothing ; but the follow
ing entry in Edward's Journal proves the fact.
"31st August.^ The Duke of Somerset, taking
certain that began a new conspiracy for the de
struction of the gentlemen at Okingham, two days
past, executed them with death for their offence."*
Up to this date, therefore, namely, the last day
in August, we find that Somerset, so far from being
himself accused of any plots against the King, the
government, or the Earl of Warwick, was employed
by the Council as the guardian of the state. The
Council were occupied, during the whole month of *
September and in the commencement of October,
by deliberations regarding the coin. They had to
dispose also of the complaints made by the French
ambassador against the unjust proceedings of the
Emperor; and were busy with preparations for the
reduction of the northern borders, which, under
the too lenient wardenship of the Marquis of Dor
set, had fallen into a state of grievous confusion
and disorder. Dorset, however, having surren
dered his charge, the Earl of Warwick was ap-
* Journal. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 33. Appendix.

1551. HIS GREAT POWER. 29,
pointed to succeed him, with the usual powers of
appointing his deputy-wardens. Great as was his
authority before, this high office infinitely increased
his strength. It placed at his disposal the most
warlike portion of the country, and made him al
most sole dictator in England. Now, on consult
ing the Privy Council record, it might at first ap
pear a suspicious circumstance, that during the
month of September, the period immediately pre
ceding his arrest, the Duke of Somerset does not
once take his seat at the Council ; but his absence
can be satisfactorily explained. The dreadful dis
ease called the sweating sickness, which we have
already noticed, though at this time much abated,
does not appear to have completely ceased in Eng
land. One of Somerset's household had died of it;
and, on the 30th of September, the Council address
ed a letter to the Duke, " in which they prayed
him, seeing now no danger of sickness from his ser
vant's death is like to ensue, to make no matter of
absence thereof, but to repair at his convenient
leisure to the court."*
The Duke accordingly did repair to court, and took
his place at the Council on the 4th of October,
on which day some proceedings occurred which
demand notice. Sir Thomas Arundel, as we have
already seen, was a friend and supporter of Somer
set; and we know, from Whalley's letter to Cecil,
that the Earl of Warwick had resented the
* MS. Book of Privy Council, 30th Sept. 1551.

30 CECIL IS KNIGHTED. 1551.
favour shown to him by the Duke.* On this day,
however, the Council commanded Arundel to be
brought from the Tower ; and, after an admonition,
restored him to liberty.f Is it to be believed that,
had there been at this moment the slightest suspi
cion entertained of Somerset's treasons, the Earl of
Warwick, who now ruled the Council at his will,
would have liberated Arundel, one of the Duke's
most attached followers ? Yet this was only three
days before the meeting between Palmer and
Northumberland, in which, we have seen, the disco
very was made of Somerset's alleged conspiracy to
assassinate his enemies and overturn the govern
ment. . On this same day, the 4th of October, the King
communicated to the Council his intention of rais
ing Warwick to the dignity of Duke of North
umberland, and of conferring the dukedom of Suf
folk upon the Marquis of Dorset. Paulet, Earl of
Wiltshire, was at the same time to be made Mar
quis of Winchester ; and Sir William Herbert, Earl
of Pembroke. These promotions accordingly took
place on the 11th ; and, on the same occasion, Secre
tary Cecil, and Mr. Cheek, the King's tutor, re
ceived the honour of knighthood. On the 5th and
6th of October, Somerset,— although he must have
felt that every day increased the power of his ene
mies,— with what appears to me the fearlessness of
* Supra, p. 21,22.
f MS. Privy Council Books, 4th October 1551.

1551. CECIL AND SOMERSET. 31
an innocent man, took his place at the Privy Coun
cil.* On the 7th, Sir Thomas Palmer accused him
of that treasonable conspiracy for which he suffer
ed ; but, the matter having been kept secret from
him, he with the rest of the nobility attended the
Council at Hampton Court on the 11th, on the
12th, and on the 13th.f On the 14th he began to
suspect that depositions had been sworn against
him, and challenged Palmer with the fact, who de
nied it. He then, as we know, had recourse for
advice to one whom his patronage had raised from
an inferior condition to a high and influential sta
tion — to Secretary, now Sir William Cecil; but
here he met with a reception for which he was
little prepared. " The Duke," says the King in his
Journal, " sent for the Secretary Cecil to tell him
he suspected some ill. Mr. Cecil answered, that if
he were not guilty„he might be of good courage ; if
he were, he had nothing to say, but to lament
him." This reply, so cold, measured, and unkind,
had the worst effect upon the generous and impa
tient temper of Somerset. It threw him into a fit
of passionate bitterness. He wrote a letter of defi
ance to Cecil, whom he now accounted his enemy ;
whether on any other ground than his keeping
aloof from him under his misfortunes, I have no
documents which enable me to discover. Indeed,
at this moment, when one or two original letters
* MS. Privy Council Books, 5th and 6th October 1551.
f Ibid, under these dates.

32 SOMERSET IN THE TOWER. 1551.
would be invaluable in this investigation, there
occurs the most lamentable hiatus. One fact, how
ever, is certain from Cecil's reply. It was un
doubtedly meant to assure the Duke that he must
rest on his own innocence, and his own exertions,
and look for no help from him. And this at once
awoke him to the full extent of his danger. He
felt that a blow was meditated against him ; he
knew, perhaps, that in hours of disappointment or
irritation, when he believed that none but friends
were near him, expressions of resentment, or vague
and unformed ideas of revenge, had escaped his
lips, which his enemies might easily wrest to his
destruction. Under the circumstances in which he
stood, a guilty man would assuredly have fled ;
a timid man might have been tempted to do the
same ; but Somerset remained firm, and struggled
against the toils which, although still invisible, he
was conscious were daily gathering round him.
He seems to have disdained all idea of escape ; and
on the 16th of October, after having again come to
court and taken his seat at the Council, he was,
as we have seen, arrested in the afternoon, and in
stantly sent to the Tower. Now, pausing here for
an instant, let me remark, that the result of this
whole examination of Somerset's proceedings, from
February to October, that is, from the first com
plaints against him to the day of his arrest, as we
have been able to trace them in the authentic Re
cord of the Privy Council Books, is entirely in his

1551. LETTER OF THE COUNCIL. 33
favour; and that there is not only no proof
against him, but the strongest presumption of
his innocence.
On the same day on which Somerset was arrest
ed, the Privy Council addressed this letter to the
justices of peace throughout England.
Orig. Draft. St. P. Off. Domestic. 16 th Oct. 1551.
" After our hearty commendation. You shall
understand that we — having knowledge, by God's
goodness, of certain heinous and detestable at
tempts purposed, and almost put in execution, by
the Duke of Somerset, with a great confederacy of
his adherents, against the state of the realm and
governance of the King's Majesty, to the evident
peril and damage of his Highness' person, and to
the destruction of divers of the nobility, of the only
seeking his private singular government, — have for
the surety of his Majesty's person, the preservation
of the realm, and for the discharge of our duties to
God and the world, so secretly and circumspectly
travailed therein, that we have quietly committed
him by the King's Majesty's commandment to the
Tower, with certain of his adherents, as the Lord
Grey, and some others. And altho' Sir Ralph
Fane, one of the confederates, hereupon fled, yet is
he this day with good diligence taken.
" We be most sorry that the said Duke's evil heart
and discontented nature hath prevailed in him to
VOL. II. D

34 MANUFACTURE OF EVIDENCE. 1551.
be so great a troubler and shame to his country,
and to such a peril, as we could none otherwise
avoid than thus in doing our duties.
" This matter being of such weight and import
ance as it is of, we thought meet to impart with
you, being the justice of peace in those parts, and
governor of that portion of the commonwealth
committed to your charge, to study and labour by
all the means we can possibly to avoid the same ; so
you, for your parts also, may endeavour yourselves
ito see good order and quiet observed within the
limits of your precinct accordingly. So fare you
well. From Westminster, the [16th] day of Octo
ber 1551.* " Your loving friends."
That manufacture of evidence, so commonly re
sorted to in these iron times, is familiar to those
who have examined our more ancient criminal
records, and has been well described by a late
author. " In state prosecutions," says he, " of all kinds,
occurring previously to the Commonwealth, the evi
dence exhibited to the jury consisted almost en
tirely of written depositions and examinations
* This draft letter is endorsed, (but evidently by a mistake
of the clerk,) 27 Novembris A". 1551. The date is fixed by
the statement which the letter makes, that on the day it was
written Sir Ralph Vane was apprehended; Edward's Jour
nal mentioning that he was apprehended on the 16th of
October.

1551. COKE'S PRIVATE NOTES. 35
taken before members of the Privy Council, or
commissioners especially appointed for that purpose,
in the absence of the prisoner who was to be incul
pated by them. The whole process of manufac
turing this kind of evidence may be seen at the
State Paper Office, where a vast number of origi
nal depositions are preserved. In the first place,
the interrogatories to be exhibited to the different
witnesses were prepared by the law officers of
the crown, under the superintendence of the Privy
Council ; upon the * answers' to these, interrogato
ries were then framed, to be administered to the
party accused. The statements, if not extracted
by actual torture, [there is no evidence that in
Somerset's trial this horrible engine was used,]
were generally given under the extreme fear of
it, or under a greater or less degree of pres
sure. * * * The statements thus procured from the
prisoners were perused and examined by the counsel
for the crown previously to the trial ; and each de
position being dissected into paragraphs, which
were distinguished by letters on the margin, was
carefully marked with directions to the officer of
the court, to read only certain selected passages.
Thus, in the margins of the depositions examined
by Sir Edward Coke, who was perhaps the most
zealous and laborious Attorney-General who ever
held the office, such notes as these constantly oc
cur in his hand-writing. ' Read A and B only.'
d2

36 state of the LAW. 1551.
' Read not this.' ' Cave: — (Beware. ) ' Hucus*
que: — (Thus far.) &c. The prisoner, therefore,
was not only subjected to the gross injustice of an
accusation made behind his back, but, by this skil
ful pruning of the depositions, was effectually pre
cluded from detecting and pointing out to the
jury any inconsistencies in the accusations so
made."* This instructive passage, although it de
scribes the state of the criminal law in the time of
Elizabeth and James the First, may be taken as
still more applicable to its condition under the
more despotic reigns of Henry the Eighth and Ed
ward the Sixth ; and there is every reason to be
lieve, from all that we know of Northumberland and
his agents, that the process of manufacturing evi
dence, which is above described, now began to be
practised against Somerset with great success and
activity. We know, in the first place, that no less
than thirty-nine persons were apprehended previ
ous to his being brought to trial. Their names
appear in the following paper, which is an original,
and endorsed with the single word " Prisoners" in
a hand- writing which either is Cecil's, or is very
similar to it.
* Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 27.

1551.

ARRESTS.

37

PRISONERS FOR THE CONSPIRACY OF THE DUKE
OF SOMERSET AND HIS ADHERENTS.

Orig. Harleian. 249.

1.
2. 3.4.5.

The Duke of Somerset.
The Duchess of Somerset.
The Earl of Arundell.
The Lord Paget,
The Lord Grey.
6. Sir Thomas Arundell.
7. Sir Michael Stanhop.
8. Sir Thomas Holcroft.
9. Sir Thomas Palmer.
10. Sir Miles Partridge.
11. Sir Rauf Vane. 
24. Serjeant Evans.
25. Miles, the Lord Grey's
man.
Fyscher of the Wood-
yard.
Fyscher, the Merchant.
28. Brett.
29. Clerk, Vane's son-in-law.
37. Ravyse Clerk.
38. Symonds.
39. Alexander Ste . . *
Endorsed. " Prisoners."
These arrests having been made, the examina
tions of the various witnesses were taken ; but it
is unfortunate that, with a few exceptions, none of
these examinations are to be found in the State
* The paper here is injured by fire.

26.

27

12. Whalley.
13. David Seymour.
14. Hammond.
15. Neudigate.
16. John Seymour.
17. George Vaughan.
18. Crane and his wife.
19. Brande.
20. Banister.
21. Sir Nicholas Poyntz.
22. Tracey.
23. Thomas David.
30. Sir Thomas Stradling.
31. St. Albin.
32. Pelham.
33. Jones, Holcroft's man.
34. Sir John Thynne.
35. Herbert, man-of arms.
36. Barteville.

38 ORIGINAL DEPOSITIONS. 1551.
Paper Office or in the British Museum. We are
thus deprived of the only direct sources of evidence
by which we could positively have determined the
guilt or innocence of Somerset. Yet I have been
so far fortunate as to find some original depositions
and notes, which corroborate in the strongest man
ner the arguments already used, and show, that the
design of assassinating the Duke of Northumber
land and the Privy Councillors, or of raising a
rebellion in the country, imputed to him by Sir
Thomas Palmer, was a mere fabrication of his
enemies. Such is, I think, a fair inference, from
the following paper. It proves that the utmost
extent of the Duke's guilt was, the having enter
tained at one time an idea of apprehending the Lords
of the Privy Council who were most obnoxious to
him. This was talked of by himself, and amongst
his friends ; but after a little consideration he dis
missed it from his thoughts, as either unadvisable
or impracticable. We have already seen that
Crane was a principal witness against the Duke.
CRANE'S INFORMATION AGAINST THE DUKE OF
SOMERSET AND THE EARL OF ARUNDELL.
Copy. St. P. Off. Domestic.
" Crane affirmeth that the Duke of Somerset
did bid him to tell the Duchess, his wife, that he
would no further meddle with the apprehension of

1551. CRANE'S INFORMATION. 39
any of the Council ; and commanded that the said
Duchess should bid Stanhop to meddle no more
in talk with the Earl of Arundell.
" Crane deposeth that the Earl of Arundell said
he would have a Parliament so soon as the appre
hension was done, to establish things therein ;
lest, peradventure, of one evil might happen a
worse. " Crane also deposeth that the Duke of Somer
set said to him, that he was sorry he had gone so
far with the Earl of Arundell.
" Crane affirmeth that the Duke of Somerset and
the Earl of Arundell had talk of the apprehension
of the Lords of the Council, of whom the Earl of
Pembroke was one ; and the Earl of Arundell said
that the Earl of Pembroke was an honest man, and
would be conformable enough if the others were
taken. " Crane saith that the Duke and the Earl agreed
that religion should stand as it now doth ; and that
there was privy to the apprehension, the Duke, the
Duchess, and the Earl of Arundell.
" Crane saith that the Duke of Somerset and the
Earl of Arundell had great conference in the gar
den of Somerset-house, four or five days before the
Duke's going into the west parts, touching the re
formation of the estate of the realm.
" Item. — The Earl of Arundell at that time
promised the said Duke to take such part as he

40 CRANE'S INFORMATION. 1551-
did ; and there oft he did desire him by his pro
mise. And their device was for the reformation of
the estate, &c. and to apprehend the Duke of
Northumberland and the Marquis of Northamp
ton. « Item.  The Duke of Somerset and the Earl of
Arundell agreed that my Lord of Northumberland
and the Marquis of Northampton should go to
the Tower ; and to be used there, as they were
when they were there.
" John Seymour proveth the coming of the Earl
of Arundell to the Duke of Somerset's house, divers
times to Somerset-place ; and that he came in a
black cloak.
" Crane and Palmer affirm the same.
" The Duke of Somerset told the Duchess, his
wife, that the Earl of Arundell would never confess
his doings, if they were revealed. Proved by Crane
in his examination before Sir Thomas Moyle, &c.
" Item. — The Earl of Arundell refused Mr.
Cycell and Crane, and chose Stanhop, as the Duke
told Crane, to be the trusty messenger betwixt the
Duke and the Earl, &c.
" And after the Duke told Crane how the Earl
of Arundell had devised, that, before the apprehen
sion of the Lords, he would have Sir John Yorke
to be taken, because he could tell many pretty
things concerning the Mint.
" Palmer saith that the Duke desired much to

1551. CRITICAL REMARKS. 41
have assured unto him the Earl of Arundell and
others. " The Earl of Arundell, upon the question
what he and the Duke meant to have done with
the Lord Great Master, the Lord Chamberlain,
and the Earl of Pembroke ; whereunto the Earl
answered, that, for his part, he meant no hurt to
their bodies, but we would have called them to an
swer and reform things."
This paper is of much importance, if we con
sider its character and its contents. It seems
to be a note, drawn up probably by some of the
crown lawyers, of such evidence against Somerset
as could be collected from the depositions not only
of Crane, but of Sir Thomas Palmer, of the Earl of
Arundel, and of John Seymour. And how utterly
trifling is the evidence it contains of the actual
guilt of Somerset ! — how completely does it support
his own assertions made on the trial, that the whole
story of a conspiracy to assassinate Northumber
land and the members of the Council at a banquet,
was a fabrication, and that the measures he had
taken in having armed men in his house were solely
for his own defence ! It would appear that, having
talked with the Earl of Arundel of the apprehen
sion of some of the Lords of the Council, he was
afterwards sorry that he had gone so far, and re
solved to meddle no more with the matter. And

42 ARUNDEL EXAMINED. 1551.
this, making allowance for the probable exaggera
tions of his enemies, and the misapprehensions
which may have taken place in Edward's mind, ac
counts for the young King's assertion, that, as to his
determination to kill the Duke of Northumberland
and the Lords, " he only spoke of it, and determin
ed after the contrary, and yet he seemed to confess
he went about their death." *
We have seen that the Earl of Arundel, who was
accused by Crane as a main accomplice of the
Duke, was sent to the Tower on the 8th of Novem-
ber.f It appears that, by command of the King,
his confession was taken in the Tower by the Duke
of Northumberland and the Marquis of Northamp
ton. The following paper is this original confes
sion, which I have found in the State Paper Office ;
and I may state explicitly, since much vague and
erroneous assertion has been hazarded on this point
by our best English historians, that it is the only
confession or deposition hitherto given in this
question; the only original piece of evidence
upon which, in determining the guilt or inno
cence of the Duke of Somerset, we are entitled
to rest, and to argue with confidence. It is not
dated either in the body of the paper, or, as often
happens, in the endorsement, which is merely
"Comes Arundelia;" but the confession must have
* Edward's Journal, p. 42. Burnet's Appendix, vol. ii.
t Ibid. p. 40.

1551. HIS CONFESSION. 43
been made between the 8th of November, when
Arundel was sent to the Tower, and the lst of De
cember, when Somerset was brought to trial.
CONFESSION OF THE EARL OF ARUNDELL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic.
" At such time as the Duke of Northumberland
and the Lord Marquis of Northampton were ap
pointed by the King's Majesty's commandment to
hear the confession of the Earl of Arundell in the
Tower ; of whom, when he was brought before
them, and demanded what he had to«say, they de
clared also, how, upon his own suit and request,
they were sent unto him for that purpose. Who,
after some protestations, with much difficulty, as a
man loath to say any thing that might touch him
self, finally confessed these words hereafter follow
ing, or the like, to the very same effect.
" ' My Lords, I cannot deny that I have had talk
and communication with the Duke of Somerset, and
he with me, touching both your apprehensions ; and,
to be plain, we determined to have apprehended you,
but, by the passion of God !' quoth he, ' for no harm
to your bodies.' And when they asked him how he
would have apprehended them, he said, ' In the
Council.' And when he was demanded how oft the
Duke and he had met. together about these mat
ters, he said, ' But once.'
" And after they had showed him (which was
known by the Duke's own confession) that the

44 ARUNDEL'S CONFESSION. 1551.
Duke and he met sundry times together for that
purpose, as well at Sion, as at Somerset-place in
London ; with that he sighed, lifting up his hands
from the board, and said, ' They knew all.'
"And being demanded whether he did at any
time send any message to the Duchess of Somerset
by Stanhop, the effect whereof was, that she and
the Duke should beware whom they trusted ; for he
had been of late at Barnard's Castle with the Earl
of Pembroke, and did perceive by his talk that he
had some intelligence of these matters ; but, if they
would keep their own counsel, he, for his part,
would never confess any thing to die for it; he
seemed to be much troubled with this demand, and
with great oaths began to swear that he never sent
no such message to the Duchess by no living crea
ture. And being answered, it might be that he
sent the message to the Duke, he sware faintly, ' By
the passion of God, no !' But being farther charged
by the said Duke and Marquis with the matter, he,
perceiving that they had some knowledge of it,
finally confessed that he did warn the Duke of the
premises by Stanhop, but not the Duchess.
"And afterwards, when Hampton, one of the
clerks of the Council, was sent unto him to write
all the whole matter, he would in a manner have
gone from all again ; and, in especial, from the last;
saying, he did not will Stanhop to warn the Duke,
but only told it to Stanhop. Whereupon the said
Duke of Northumberland and the Marquis were

1551. DEDUCTIONS FROM IT. 45
eftsoons sent to him again, in the company of the
Lord Privy Seal and the Earl of Pembroke ; at
which time he did, by circumstances, confess the
whole premises, saving the sending of Stanhop to
the Duke ; but, nevertheless, he said that he de
clared it to Stanhop to the Duke, to the intent he
should warn the Duke of it, but in no wise he
would confess again that he sent him.
" Northumberland. J. Bedford.
" Wm. Northampton. Penbroke."
Endorsed.
" Comes Arundelie."
I need hardly point out to the critical reader
how completely this confession of the Earl of Arun
del confirms the statements of the former paper,
entitled " Crane's Information ;" and how fully the
story told by this nobleman, and recorded by North
umberland, Somerset's great enemy, supports the
Duke's innocence of any conspiracy to excite a re
bellion in the country, and assassinate the Privy
Councillors at a banquet to be given by Lord
Paget. The confession, in short, entitles us to
assert, that the utmost which could be proved
against Somerset was the intention to apprehend
the Duke of Northumberland and some of his asso
ciates in the Council. It is stated in another paper,
which gives us Arundel's confession in a more con
densed shape,* that when this nobleman was asked
* This paper is also an original, signed by Northumberland,
Northampton, Bedford, the Lord Privy Seal, Penbroke, and

46 PREPARATION OF EVIDENCE. 1551.
what he meant to have done with the Lords if he
had got them into his power, he answered, " For my
part, I meant no hurt to your bodies ; but we would
have called you to answer and refortn things."
Having examined and taken the confessions of
their various witnesses, the next step, as we have
seen, according to the mode of conducting a crimi
nal prosecution in these times, was to prepare from
the depositions the questions to be put to the pri
soner. From these questions, where they have been
preserved, we may form a pretty correct notion, not
indeed of his real guilt, but of the extent of the
charges made against him ; and in the present case,
where, out of five indictments, only one has sur
vived destruction, it is of consequence to ascertain
Philip Hoby. I did not think it necessary to print it in the
text, as it was almost word for word a recapitulation of the
confession of the Earl of Arundel, there given ; but in the ex
treme penury of originals bearing upon this portion of our his
tory, it may be right to give it in a note. It is as follows :
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 1551.
" < Upon suit made by the Earl of Arundell, the Lord Great
Master and the Lord Great Chamberlain were willed by the
King's Majesty to repair to the Tower to him ; at which time
the said Earl, amongst other things, spake these words, or
others of like effect.
" ' I cannot deny but that the Duke of Somerset and I have
had conference together of the state, and have misliked the
order of things. And being asked what he meant to have done
with the said Lord Great Master, the Lord Great Chamberlain,
and the Earl of Pembroke, if they had had them in their power,
the Earl of Arundel answered,

1551. DESTRUCTION OF ORIGINALS. 47
this. Now, fortunately for the truth, the questions
put to Somerset were 4 found by Sir Henry Ellis
amongst the Cotton Charters. They were and
are now in a state of extreme decay, almost of de
composition, from damp ; and this author, anxious
to preserve every little plank in that shipwreck
of original letters which has been long, and is
still going on in this country, has printed them,
and arrested their contents before they were lost
for ever. Truth has been said to be the daugh
ter of Time, but in England it would be more just
to call her his victim. Leaving her, however,
in his gripe, I must remark that these "ques
tions," although hitherto passed over without com
ment, are of extreme historical value; they seem
to me to establish beyond a doubt this fact, — that
Northumberland had abandoned, as utterly hope
less, the charge of assassinating the Lords of the
"'For my part, I meant no hurt to your bodies; but we
would have called you to answer and reform things.' And
being asked at the same time whether he had not sent Sir Mi
chael Stanhop in message at any time to the Duchess of So
merset, and for what purpose he had sent the said Stanhop,
the said Earl of Arundel answered, that he never sent Stan
hop to the Duchess, but to the Duke. (Said he), ' I have sent
him, willing him to take good heed, for his counsel and secrets
were come abroad.' The said Earl of Arundell did also at one
other time speak the like words in the presence of the said
Lords, and of us, the Lord Privy Seal, the Earl of Pembroke,
and Sir Philip Hobbie.
" Penbroke. Northumberland. W. Northt.
" J. Bedford. Phelyp Hoby."
Endorsed. " Sir Michael Stanhop."

48 QUESTIONS PUT TO SOMERSET. 1551.
Council, which Dr. Lingard and Mr. Turner con
sider to be proved against Somerset. The ques
tions are as follows :
QUESTIONS PUT TO THE DUKE OF SOMERSET.
" 1. Whether did Palmer, the Lord Grey, or both,
move you first to keep the field, and to draw north
wards? " 2. What moved you to credit Partridge, when
you followed his counsel to remove from Sion, and
came to London, contrary to the opinion of some
others ?
" 3. To how many did you declare your mind,
what time you came to Ely Place to apprehend the
Duke of Northumberland, then Earl of Warwick ;
and who did give you first advice thereunto, and to
whom did you repent the not doing of it ?
" 4. Whether did Partridge, or any other, give
you advice to promise the people their mass, holy-
water, with such other, rather than to remain so
unquieted ?
" 5. With how many did you confer concerning
the taking of the Isle of Wight, and the fortifying
of Poole, or any other place ?
" 6. How many times had you any message or
intelligence from Vane, he being in the Tower ; and
by whom, and whose means ?
"7. Whether did you mistrust, after you had
spoken secretly with Sir Thomas Arundel, lest he
had been purposely set awork to undermine you ;

1551. QUESTIONS PUT TO SOMERSET. 49
and to whom did you wish that you had not gone
so far with him ?
" 8. What was the uttermost talk that did pass
between you and Sir Thomas Arundel at that
time ; and [by] how many noblemen and others
he would be assisted ?
"9. Whether did you consent that Vane should
labour the Lady Elizabeth's Grace to be offended
with the Duke of Northumberland, then Earl of
Warwick, the Lord Marquis, the Earl of Pem
broke, then Master of the Horse, or any others of
the Council ; and how and by whom had you intel
ligence of Vane's proceedings in that behalf?
" 10. How oftentimes have you conferred with
the Earl of Arundel, and he with you, of the mis-
liking of the state and government; and what did
you conclude to be the reformation thereof?
"11. Whether have you yourself, or any other
for you, at any time conferred with the Lord Pa
get to the like effect ; and how did you perceive or
know his inclination thereunto ?
" 12. Whether did it proceed first from yourself,
or from the said Earl of Arundel, to have a Par
liament immediately upon the attaining of your
purposes ; and what matters would you have set
forth at the said Parliament ?
" 13. With how many have you conferred for the
setting forth of the proclamation to persuade the
people to mislike the government, and to be of
fended with the Council ; and specially the doings
vol. 11. E

50 QUESTIONS PUT TO SOMERSET. 1551.
of the Duke of Northumberland, the Earl of Pem
broke, and the Marquis of Northampton ; doing.
them to understand that they went about to destroy
the commonwealth, and also had caused the King
to be displeased with the Lady Mary's Grace, the
King's sister ?
" 14. What was the effect of the message that
Stanhop brought from the Earl of Arundel to you,
or to my Lady, concerning of distrust he had con
ceived of the disclosing of some of the secret points
or conferences that had passed between you ?
" 15. What was the effect of the talk that passed
between you and Stanhop alone, and between you
and Stanhop and my Lady, at your last being at
Beddington ; and how often has Stanhop devised
with you upon the misliking of the King's Ma
jesty's Council, and specially of the foresaid Lords ;
what advice he would give you for the reformation
of the same, and whether he would himself offer to
take such part as you did ; and what other friends
he would offer to assist you withal ?"
It has unfortunately happened that the Duke's
answers to these questions put to him in the
Tower are not to be found ; but, judging from
the questions themselves, it is remarkable that
we have not a single interrogatory as to any pur
pose of assassinating Northumberland and others of
the Privy Council. Does not this nearly amount
to proof that the whole story was discovered to be
a fabrication, and abandoned as such by his ac
cusers ?

1551. PRACTICES AGAINST SOMERSET. 51
But, looking a little more narrowly into the ques
tions, we can discover, I think, something of the se
cret history of this tragedy. His enemies were de
termined to ruin him, to urge him to adopt some
measures which might be wrested into treason or
felony. For this purpose, Carte informs us that
they kept him in a constant state of suspicion and
alarm. " To prepare the way for his destruction," says
this author,* " reports were raised of him as a proud
and aspiring person, whose ambition had no other
bounds than the crown itself; and common rumours
were spread abroad that some of his followers had
proclaimed him King in several places, to discover
how the people stood affected to his elevation.
His doors were watched, and notice taken of all
that went in or out ; his words were observed, —
made worse by telling, and aggravated by odious
circumstances, to his disadvantage ; and no arts of
fraud or treachery left unpractised that might bring
him into suspicion with the King, and obloquy with
the common people. The Duke's friends easily
imagined that these practices were a prelude to his
and their ruin ; but the difficulty was how to guard
against adversaries that outdid them in cunning,
and were infinitely superior to them in power. It
is not unlikely that, in the consultations upon this
subject, some hot inconsiderate person, or pretend
ed friend in the pay of his enemy, might propose a
* Carte, History of England, vol. iii. p. 261.
E 2

52 REMARKS. 1551.
violent attempt against the Duke of Northumber
land." This passage seems to me to contain a
true account of the matter, and it is completely
supported by these questions put to the Duke.
They show in a striking manner the state of a man
kept in alarm by the knowledge of plots being car
ried on for his destruction, and balancing between
the necessity of self-preservation and a* desire to
act uprightly : they show, still more, a man worked
on by his friends, rather than working Upon them.
Is there a design to take the field and move north
wards ? — It is not the Duke who originated it ; but
either Palmer, his pretended friend, who afterwards
betrayed him,* and showed himself a mere tool of
Northumberland, or Lord Grey. Does he appear
to have had an intention of leaving Sion-house, his
own residence, and coming to London ? — It was by
the counsel of Sir Miles Partridge.-)- Is he accused
of alluring the people by a promise of restoring to
them the mass, and advised not to endure any
longer the state of unquietness in which his enemies
kept him? — This project for gaining popularity
originated, it seems, either with Partridge or some
other; J and so on, through many ofthe remaining
questions. The most important interrogatory, how-
* " Whether did Palmer, the Lord Grey, or both, move you
first to keep the field ?"
t " What moved you to credit Partridge when you followed
his counsel to remove from Sion ?"
I "Whether did Partridge, or any other, give you advice to
promise the people their mass ?"

1551. REMARKS CONTINUED. 53
ever, is the third ;* and it corroborates in the strong
est manner the defence made by the Duke upon his
trial, proving that the utmost extent of his guilt
was a plan to apprehend, not to assassinate, North
umberland at Ely-house ; formed, as his enemies
suspected, by others, not by himself, and afterwards
abandoned. It is unfortunate that the Duke's an
swers to these questions cannot now be found, al
though we must hope they may yet be discovered.
But, meanwhile, it may be remarked that the re
maining charges against him, as they are to be ga
thered from the questions, are of a minor descrip
tion, and cannot by any ingenuity be brought un
der treason or felony. To have supposed that Sir
Thomas Arundel was employed by his enemies to
undermine him ; to have regretted that he had gone
so far with him ; to have been aware that Vane en
deavoured to prepossess the Lady Elizabeth against
Northumberland and his associates; to have ex
pressed to Arundel or Paget a mislike of the go
vernment as managed by this powerful nobleman,
and a desire for some reformation ; to have talked
over the best method of persuading the people,
whether by a proclamation or otherwise, to be dis
satisfied with Northumberland and the Council ; to
have expressed a fear lest the private conferences
* " To how many did you declare your mind, what time you
came to Ely Place to apprehend the Duke of Northumberland,
then Earl of Warwick ; and who did give you first advice
thereunto, and to whom did you repent the not doing of it?"

54 VAGUE ACCUSATIONS. 155L
between himself and the Earl of Arundel should
have been revealed to his opponents ; — all these
fears, and regrets, and dislikes, and vague conver
sations, amount to nothing. Even taking it for
granted that Somerset had answered the questions
affirmatively, so far from constituting the crimes of
treason or felony, they do not imply any higher
offence in a minister or statesman than that of
being dissatisfied with the state of things ; annoy
ed at his own exclusion from power, and anxious to
regain it by the means then commonly in use.
Having thus far examined and presented to the
reader the only authentic evidence which now
exists against the Duke, it will be unnecessary
to go critically through, what I must call, the
legal farce of his trial. It took place in West
minster-hall, on the 1st of December ; not with
out great precautions lest the people, by whom
he was much beloved, should attempt a rescue.
" On the 30th, and last of November," says
Stowe, " by commandment from the King's Coun
cil, order was taken in London that every house
holder should see to his family and keep his house,
having in a readiness that day a man in harness in
every house, but not to go abroad till they should
be called, if need were ; and further, that, on the
night following, there should be kept a good and
substantial watch of householders in every ward :
which was so done. And on the next morning,
being the lst of December, the Duke of Somerset

1551. PROCEEDINGS ON THE TRIAL. 55
was had from the Tower of London by water, and
shot London-bridge at five of the clock in the
morning ; and so went to Westminster, where was
made ready a great scaffold in Westminster-hall ;
and there the said Duke appeared before the Lords
and Peers of the realm ; the Lord William Poulet,
Marquis of Winchester, and Lord High Treasurer
of England, that day sitting under the cloth of
Estate as High Steward of England."*
It was well known that the Duke of North
umberland, the Marquis of Northampton, and
the Earl of Pembroke were the personal enemies
of Somerset ; yet, with that flagrant disregard of
justice which characterizes the law of these times,
they took their place amongst the twenty-seven
Peers who were his judges. The indictments,
being five in number, but of which only, one has
been preserved, were then read ; and, the deposi
tions of the witnesses having been produced, the
Duke, after a deliberation of six hours, was ac
quitted of the treasons, but found guilty of the
felony, and had sentence of death. And here,
in passing, I must again, for a moment, allude to
Dr. Lingard's account of this trial, and the sentence
which he has pronounced against the Duke. How
highly all who have studied this historian's works
must respect his learning and acuteness, it is need
less to say ; but such rare qualities only make us
the more regret a degree of bias which occasion-
* Stowe, p. 606.
VOL. II. B 4

56 SOMERSET'S TRIAL. 1551.
ally infects his mind and prevents the detection of
the truth. In his remarks on the trial of Somerset,
it seems to me, that he does not write with his
usual caution ; and his statement of the evidence
against the Duke is calculated to mislead the reader.
" The indictment," says he, " which had been
found at Guildhall by the grand jury of the City,
accused the Duke of traitorously conspiring with
divers others to depose the King from his royal
estate, and of feloniously inciting several of the
King's subjects to take and imprison the Earl of
Warwick, one of the Privy Councillors. The wit
nesses, instead of an examination in open court,
were called, on the day preceding the trial, before
the Lords of the Council and twenty-two Peers and
Noblemen, in whose presence they made oath that
they were not influenced by force or fear, envy or
malice ; that they had deposed to nothing which
was not true, and that they had shown to the Duke
of Somerset as much favour as their consciences
would allow. From their depositions, if they may be
credited, it seems to have been the plan of the con
spirators that the Lord Grey should levy forces in
the northern counties, — that Lord Paget should in
vite Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke
to dine with him at his house in the Strand, —that
Somerset's band of one hundred cavalry should
intercept them in the way, or, if they were nume
rously attended, should assassinate them at table,
—and that the Duke, having raised the City, should

1551. DR. LINGARDS ACCOUNT. 57
lead his horsemen, 2000 infantry under Crane,* and
the populace, to attack the gens-d'armes of the
guard. In addition, it appeared that he kept near
his chamber, at Greenwich, a watch of twenty
armed men to prevent his arrest.
" The Duke, in his defence, contended that the
evidence of some of the witnesses ought to be ex
punged, because they were his men, and bound to
him by oaths of fealty; he required, but in vain,
that Crane should be confronted with him ; he de
nied that he ever meant to levy men in the north,
or to raise the City of London ; he asserted that
the guard at Greenwich was intended only as a pro
tection from illegal violence ; and maintained that
the idea of charging the gens-d'armes was too ex
travagant to enter into the head of any man whose
intellect was not deranged. But on that part of
the charge which touched him more nearly, the de
sign of assassinating the Lords, he appeared to he
sitate. It was indeed true, he said, that he had
spoken of it; he had even entertained the notion:
but he solemnly declared that, after mature consi
deration, he had rejected it for ever. The Peers
deliberated for some time on their verdict. They ac
quitted him of treason, but unanimously found him
guilty of having conspired to seize and imprison the
Earl of Warwick, one of the Privy Councillors ; an
offence which, by an act of the third of the King,
had been made felony without benefit of clergy.
* An evident misprint for Vane.

58 LINGARD AND BURNET. 1551.
As soon as the sentence had been pronounced, So
merset fell on his knees, thanked the Lords for their
impartial conduct during the trial, asked pardon
of Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke,
whose lives he confessed that he had sought to
take, begged them to solicit the King for mercy in
his behalf, and recommended his wife and children
to the pity of his nephew."*
Such is Dr. Lingard's narrative; and the autho
rities on which it is founded are stated to be
Edward's Journal, the King's letter to Barnaby
Fitzpatrick in Fuller's Church History, and
Coke's Entries, which contain the indictment.
He then sums up his opinion against the Protector
in these words : " Those who, in despite of these
authorities, persist, like Burnet, in asserting the
innocence of the Duke, are compelled to make a
number of gratuitous suppositions, not one of
which receives any support from contemporary
evidence." Now what, is the general impression left upon
any reader's mind by this account ? Burnet repre
sents the Duke of Somerset not as innocent of every
charge made against him, for this historian admits
that the intention of imprisoning a Peer was prov
ed ;f but he contends that he was guiltless of the
* Lingard, vol. vii. pp. 94, 95, 96.
f " All people thought, that being acquitted of treason, and
there being no felonious action done by him, but only an inten
tion of one, and that only of imprisoning a Peer, proved, that

1551. CRITICAL REMARKS. 59
more aggravated charge of an intention to kill Nor
thumberland and the Lords. To maintain this,
argues Dr. Lingard, is to make a gratuitous suppo
sition contrary to contemporary evidence. And
why ? — Because, says he, by the depositions of the
witnesses, if they are to be credited, it is proved that
Paget was to invite Northumberland and the Lords
to his house, where Somerset was to assassinate
them. We have here the depositions ofthe witnesses
relied on as the grounds of the historian's opinion ;
and any reader would infer, I think, from the words
employed, that the writer had read and weighed
these depositions, and in this way had arrived at
the conclusion that they contain absolute proof
of Somerset's guilt ; the only question being, whe
ther they were worthy of credit or not. But in so
doing he would fall into a material error ; and it
is to be regretted that Dr. Lingard's account of
the trial leads him directly into it. At the time
this author wrote his history, no depositions of any
witnesses had been discovered. The historian does
not affirm that he had seen any such depositions,
and I think I may state, that no other historian
ever did. Depositions certainly were taken at the
time, sworn to on the day preceding the trial, and
read at the trial, and of these I have recently dis
covered two, which the reader has already seen, and
one so nearly joined to the King in blood would never be put
to death on such an occasion." — Burnet's Reformation, vol.
ii. p. 181.

60 SOURCES OF ERROR. 1551.
which strongly support the innocence of Somerset ;
as to the rest, could we now either see the originals,
or any copy, or had we even an account of their
contents from any author who states that he had
seen them, much light might be elicited on this
obscure subject. But they are lost, — apparently
irrecoverably lost. To speak of them as pieces of
evidence to be credited or discredited, — to quote
facts as if from them, and on these facts to decide
against the Duke, — is unfair to that unfortunate
man, and leads the reader to condemn him upon
very insufficient grounds. Dr. Lingard was pro
bably misled by the inaccurate language employed
by Carte, and more recently by the compiler of
Howell's State Trials, who gives* what he denomi
nates Sir Thomas Palmer's First Examination, and
quotes other evidence under the title of his Se
cond Examination; adding complacently what he
styles Crane's Examination, and Hammond's Exami
nation. These alleged examinations, the historian
has, perhaps, mistaken (and Mr. Sharon Turner has
followed hira in the error) for the depositions of
these witnesses ; but the State Trials took them
verbatim from Burnet, and Burnet took them from
Edward's Journal, into which, without a word
added more or less, they all resolve. Now Ed
ward nowhere says that he had read or heard
the depositions ; and there cannot be a doubt, I
think, that the narrative of Edward was the story
told him by Northumberland as to Palmer's verbal

1551. CRITICAL REMARKS. 61
declaration in the garden, and Crane's and others'
confessions. Edward, I must repeat, does not men
tion that the confessions were made in his presence,
or that he had seen any written declarations. To
what then does this whole argument amount ? If we
may believe the story of Somerset's great enemy,
told in the manner most favourable to himself, So
merset was guilty. This is clearly no argument
at all.
If we attentively consider the trial, it will appear,
I think, that the utmost which could be proved
against Somerset, and the utmost which he con
fessed, was an intention, afterwards abandoned, of
imprisoning Northumberland, and others of his ene
mies. " But no," says Dr. Lingard : " he confessed
during the trial that he had entertained the notion
of assassinating Northumberland ; and, after sen
tence was pronounced, he again confessed that he
had sought to take their lives." In support of these
assertions, he quotes Edward's Journal, and Ed
ward's letter to Barnaby Fitzpatrick. Let us look
first at the letter of Edward to his friend Barnaby.
What does it say ?
" After debating the matter from nine of the
clock till three, the Lords * * * acquitted him
of high treason and condemned him of felony, and
which he seemed to have confessed. He hearing
the judgment, fell down on his knees, and thanked
them for his open trial. After, he asked pardon of
the Duke of Northumberland, the Marquis, &c.

62 EDWARD'S CONTRADICTIONS. 1551.
whom he confessed he meant to destroy, althd be
fore he swore vehemently to the contrary:' *
Now this letter of Edward, when fairly weighed,
instead of supporting, contradicts Dr. Lingard's
statement. The historian says, the Duke confessed
the intention of assassinating Northumberland, both
during the trial and after it. The King says, he
vehemently denied the intention of destroying
Northumberland during the trial, or before sen
tence had passed, though he seemed to have
confessed the felony, — that is, the plot for the
imprisonment of Northumberland ; but he confess
ed afterwards that he meant to destroy him. Let
us look now to what Edward says in his Jour
nal ; and here we find how little dependance
ought to be placed on the evidence of the young
monarch, surrounded as he was by the enemies
of his uncle, and apparently acting under their
influence. In his Journal, again, so far from cor
roborating, he seems to run counter to his letter.
In the letter it is stated, as we have just seen,
that during the trial he vehemently denied an
intent to kill Northumberland ; in the Journal it is
stated that, during the trial, he said he spoke of
killing him and the Lords, and seemed to con
fess he went about their deaths : but as to what
took place after the trial, the Journal says not
a word of the confession mentioned in the letter,
* Fuller's Church History, vol. ii. p. 341.

1551. WINCHESTER'S DECISIVE LETTER. 63
about killing the Lords, but uses words which seem
to apply to his design of imprisoning them. It
is very evident, therefore, that either the one or
other of these contradictory pieces of evidence is
erroneous in its statements, and must be rejected :
to found on both, as has been done by Dr. Lingard,
is not allowable.
But I can bring evidence to show that Edward
was misinformed on this point, and it is with this
view that I have reserved for this place an extract
from an original letter of the Marquis of Win
chester, who sat as High Steward in this trial,
and who was an enemy of Somerset's ; it seems to
me decisive of the point, that Somerset, neither
during the trial nor after the sentence, made any
confession of an intent to kill Northumberland and
the Lords. In a letter addressed on the 2nd of
December, the day after the trial, by this nobleman
and the Lords of the Privy Council to the Lord
Admiral Clinton, then in France, we find the fol
lowing passage :
" Your Lordship shall further understand, that
yesterday the Duke of Somerset was arraigned of ii
[two] several high treasons, and of the procurement
of certain other treasons, which crime is in the case
of a felony as touching the judgment ; of which three
several crimes he was before indicted in three
several shires. At. his arraignment, I the Lord
Treasurer, by the King's Majesty, was appointed

64 WINCHESTER'S LETTER. 1551.
High Steward ; and we, the Duke of Northumber
land and all other Lords of Council, being Barons of
Parliament, with the other Nobles of the realm,
being Lords of Parliament, to the number in all of
26, were as his Peers in the trial ; of whom we had
such consideration to eschew rigour and extremity,
declining ourselves to as much equity as might any
wise be devised, that altho' the crimes of the trea
sons were alleged, not only by such as had conti
nual company with him, but also by his own men
nighest to him, as Crane, Neudigate, Hammond,
upon their free confession without compulsion, yet
was he by us his Peers found guilty but of the pro
curement of certain treasons, which was so mani
festly and fully proved by many witnesses as in no
reason could be answered or excused. Amongst
other things of his crimes against the state of the
realm, it was avowed to his face in the presence of
judgment, by the Lord Strange, that he the Duke
had divers times moved the said Lord Strange to
practise with the King's Majesty for the marriage
of his daughter to the King; and, indeed, true it is
the said Lord Strange had so done, and that since
the last treaty for marriage with the French King,
altho' altogether in vain : and yet thereby the said
Duke hath showed himself not only presumptuous,
but also of little consideration of the King's Ma
jesty's honour, and good meaning towards the
wealth of the realm. For the crimes whereof he is
found guilty ; he is adjudged to be hanged, and so
forfeit as in cases of felony.

1552. WINCHESTER'S LETTER. 65
" Truly, if we his Peers had but applied our
selves to the justice of the laws in these the Duke's
cases, as we did bend ourselves to show charity and
even so to judge of him as we would that God
shall judge us at the last day of the Lord, he had
been charged and condemned of the other two prin
cipal treasons.
" Hereof we thought meet to advertise your
Lordship, to the intent ye may take occasion to de
clare the same there as you have opportunity."
Let it be remembered that Winchester was
Northumberland's great ally, and Somerset's de
termined enemy ;* that this letter was written the
day after the trial ; and that the object with which
it was written was to furnish the English ambas
sador with all the facts against Somerset, — with
everything that could justify his condemnation.
Had the accused confessed the intention of assassi
nating the Lords, would Winchester have omitted
it ? It seems to me impossible.
Were we not now discussing an affair of life and
death, in which a man was sacrificed for a crime of
which he was guiltless, one might be inclined to
smile at the cant of these noble judges, who plume
* Knox, who was then in England, describes Winchester
under the title of Shebna. " Who was most frank and ready
to destroy Somerset and set up Northumberland? Was it
not Shebna?" Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in
England, p. 53.
VOL. II. F

66 REMARKS. 1552.
themselves upon their lenity. Their argument is
an odd one. The Duke, say they, was arraigned
for two acts of treason, and one of felony. We
found him guilty of the last, and condemned him
to be hanged ; but we let him off on the first two,
and so he won't be beheaded. Thus we eschewed
rigour and declined to equity.
We have seen that Cecil was at this time in
high favour with Northumberland ; he had been
recently knighted, and, as Secretary of State, must
have possessed great influence. Whether his in
terference in Somerset's favour could have pro
cured a gentler fate for his former patron, is a
doubtful point : the probability seems to be, that
he saw he was a lost man, — a sheep, as Fuller
says, condemned for the slaughter. To interfere,
might have implicated himself, and could not have
saved the Duke ; so he left him to his fate. Yet
this was not done without some trepidation lest
their former intimate friendship and connexion
might be found to cast suspicion upon him. So
at least we may infer from the following letter
of Pickering to Cecil, written from Paris on the
27th of October, a few days before Somerset's trial ;
in which he congratulates the Secretary on his
" good fortune in being found undefiled with the
folly of the unfortunate Duke."

1552. CECIL'S PRUDENT RESOLUTION. 67
PICKERING TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. Paris, 27th Oct. 1551.
" Your last letters liked me much ; the better
to find therein the form of your good fortune to
be found undefiled with the folly of this unfortu
nate Duke, whose unlucky and unlooked-for loss
I lament, as charity chargeth ; whose disloyal do
ings I detest, as duty directeth ; whose pernicious
purposes proved, 1 have good right and reason to re
joice, understanding thereby the most happy evition
[evitation] of that dreadful danger wherein our
blessed and most innocent King and commonwealth
was covertly compassed. The King's path, which
you have taken you to travel in, is the right line
that leadeth to that life that is most laudable ;
and altho' sometimes a terrible tempest do trou
ble the traveller in that trade, yet the incompa
rable comfort of an uncorrupt conscience can
not be so stirred with no storm to scare out of
that way, but holdeth fast by the firm faith that
he hath found in God, to be relieved at length for
his truth's sake. Thus, leaving you with this liv
ing Lord, I take my leave : and, if what I may
can stand you in stead, spare not to speak, — for
speed is at hand." * * *
Somerset was a great favourite with the people ;
and, whilst his trial was proceeding in Westminster
Hall, an immense crowd waited the result without.
F 2

68 SOMERSET'S POPULARITY. 1552.
It was then the practice, when a prisoner was
found guilty of treason, to have the axe carried
before him ; a gloomy ceremonial, which was omit
ted in the event of his being convicted of felony.
When the Duke appeared, it was observed that
the axe was removed ; and the people, believing
him acquitted, gave such a shout, hurling their caps
into the air, that their cry was heard to the Long
Acre beyond Charing Cross. A few moments, how
ever, explained the mistake, and their clamours
sunk into a melancholy silence.*
I have already pointed out the early preposses
sions entertained by Edward against his uncle, and
the extraordinary coldness and apathy with which
he tells the story of his misfortunes. Hume has
justly observed, that care seems to have been
taken by Northumberland's emissaries to prepossess
the young King against his uncle ; that, lest he
should relent, no access was given to the Duke's
friends ; and that he was kept from reflection by a
constant series of occupations and amusements :f
but, had the heart been warm or generous, it could
scarcely have been so easily stifled in its young
impulses. In the Cotton Collection there is a
paper in the hand-writing of the young King,
dated 18th January, only four days before Somer
set's execution. It is entitled by him, " Certain
* Stowe, p. 606.
f.Hume, p. 369. Edition of 1832, in one volume. See
Cooper's Chronicle, p. 353.

1552. EDWARD ADVISES HIS EXECUTION. 69
points of weighty matters to be immediately con
cluded on by my Council ;" and of these matters
the third is as follows.
" The matter for the Duke of Somerset and
his confederates to be considered, as appertaineth
to our surety and the quietness of our realm ; that
by their punishment and execution, according to
the laws, example may be shown to others."
On the back of this paper a memorandum is
added by Cecil, in his own hand, to this effect.
" These remembrances within written were de
livered by the King's Majesty to his Privy Coun
cil at Greenwich, in his Majesty's inner Privy
Chamber, the Monday being the 19th of January
1551 [1552], A°5 of his Majesty's reign. They were
written with his Majesty's own hand, and received
of his Majesty's own hands by the Marquis of Win
chester, being then Lord Treasurer ; being present
these following :
"The L. Treasurer, L. Admiral, Mr. Comptroller,
" Lord Great Master, L. Chamberlain, Mr. Vice-Chamber-
" Duke of Suffolk, L. Cobham, lain Gates,
" L. Great Chamberlain, The two Secretaries,
" Earl of Pembroke, Mr. Sadler,
« L. Privy Seal, Mr. Masone,
Mr. Bowes."
This minute memorandum seems to have been
drawn up by Cecil, who was himself present, as a
precaution in case any reflections might have been

70 HOPES OF A PARDON. 1552.
afterwards made by the King on the subject of
his uncle's death. It stamped the originality of the
paper, proved that it was delivered to his Council
by the young King himself, and proved also, I am
sorry to add, that his uncle's execution was fixed at
Edward's own request, and without, as far as we
can discover, a word being uttered in his favour.
The rest of this melancholy story is soon told.
On the 22nd of January the Duke suffered on
Tower Hill, at nine o'clock in the morning. He
was attended on the scaffold by Dr. Coxe, the
young King's tutor ; and met his fate with remark
able courage, devotion, and serenity. He addressr
ed the people and asserted his innocence, declar
ing himself a true man to the King's Majesty and
the realm ; but observed, at the same time, that
as he was condemned by the law, whereunto all
were subject, he was content to die to show his
obedience. To the last the crowd clung to the
hope that Edward would extend mercy to his
uncle, and an affecting circumstance occurred to
show it. Whilst Somerset was speaking, Sir An
thony Brown was observed gallopping towards the
scaffold. The instant the people were aware of
his approach, they shouted "A pardon! a par
don !" tossing up their caps and cloaks in the air,
and crying, "God save the'King! God save the
King!" " The good Duke all this while," I use
the words of an eye-witness, " stayed, and with his
cap in his hand waved the people to come toge
ther, saying these words to their words of pardon :

1552. SOMERSET'S EXECUTION. 71
' There is no such thing, good people, there is no
such thing ; it is the ordinance of God thus for to
die, wherewith we must be content ; and I pray you
now let us pray together for the King's Majesty,
to whose Grace I have always been a faithful,
true, and most loving subject.' * * At which
words the people answered, ' Yea, yea, yea ; ' and
some said, ' It is found now too true.' " f
Fox, the Martyrologist, informs us that he re
ceived his account of the behaviour of the Duke
of Somerset in his last moments from a nobleman
who stood near him on the scaffold. The last pas
sages in it are minute and pathetic.
" After this," says he, " turning himself again
about like a meek lamb, the Duke kneeled down
upon his knees ; and Dr. Coxe, who was there pre
sent to counsel and advise him, delivered a certain
scroll into his hand, wherein was contained a brief
confession unto God ; which being read, he stood
up again on his feet without any trouble of mind,
as it appeared, and first bade the sheriffs farewell,
then the Lieutenant of the Tower and others, tak
ing them all by the hand that were on the scaf
fold with him. Then he gave the hangman cer
tain money ; which done, he put off his gown, and
kneeling down again in the straw untied his shirt-
strings ; and, after that, the hangman coming unto
him turned down his collar round about his neck,
and all other things which did let or hinder them.
Then lifting up his eyes to heaven, where his only
f Ellis Letters, vol. ii. Second Series, p. 216.

72 ERRORS OF HISTORIANS. 1552.
hope remained, and covering his face with his
own handkerchief, he laid himself down alongv
showing no manner of token of trouble or fear,
neither did his countenance change, but that before
his eyes were covered there began to appear a red
colour in the midst of his cheeks.
" Thus this most meek and gentle Duke, lying
along and looking for the stroke, because his dou
blet covered his neck, he was commanded to rise
up and put it off ; and then laying himself down
again upon the block, and calling thrice upon the
name of Jesus, saying, ' Lord Jesus, save me ! ' as
he was the third time repeating the same, even as
the name of Jesus was in uttering, in a moment he
was bereft both of head and life, and slept in the
Lord Jesus."*
So fondly beloved was Somerset by the people*
that many of them crowded round the scaffold, dip
ped their handkerchiefs in his blood, and preserved
them as relics.
. To conclude the subject of this unfortunate
Duke, I trust I have shown that the terms in which
he has been spoken of by Mr. Turner and by Dr.
Lingard,f are unmerited and unjust. The first au
thor compares him to Cesar Borgia; the second
considers the intention of assassinating Northum
berland as proved against him. To me it appears
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 99.
t Turner, Modern History of England, vol. iii. p. 289 —
Lingard, vol. vii. pp. 95, 96.

1552. SIR EDWARD COKE'S ARGUMENT. 73
that he fell an almost innocent victim to the ambi
tion and craft of Northumberland and his faction :
and it is worthy of notice, that Camden observes
that he lost his life " for a slight crime, and that,
too, contrived by the treachery of his enemies."*
Sir Edward Coke has argued that, even admitting
the evidence against him to be true, he was guilty
neither of treason nor felony, comparing the charges
of the indictment with the clauses of the act on
which it is founded ; because there had been no
proclamation commanding the Duke and his friends
to disperse, and of course no refusal to disperse
after such proclamation. The same argument has
been adopted by Burnet and Sir James Macin
tosh,! an^ controverted by Collier and Dr. Lin
gard.;}; I do not pretend to decide upon this legal
objection. It is enough for me to have shown that
there is no evidence to convict him of that flagrant
crime of which he has been pronounced guilty, in
such positive terms by some able historians, — a
conspiracy to assassinate Northumberland ; and
that the utmost extent of guilt proved by the
few original documents which I have discovered
was an intention to apprehend this dangerous
rival, and wrest from him the power which he
found incompatible with his own safety.
* Camden's Britannia, by Gibson, vol. i. p. 98.
t Burnet, Hist, of Refor. vol. ii. p. 180. — Macintosh, Hist.
of England, vol. ii. p. 265.
% Collier, vol. ii. p. 315. — Lingard, vol. vii. pp. 95, 96.

74 CECIL'S CONDUCT. 1552.
The greatest stain upon Somerset was his violent
and interested dilapidation of the property of the
church ; one of the greatest stains upon Cecil seems
to me to be his desertion of Somerset. An accusa
tion has been made by a Romish writer,* who was his
contemporary, that the Secretary not only forsook
him, but betrayed him. Of this, however, I have
found no direct proof. It appears, indeed, in Crane's
Information,! that when the Duke of Somerset and
the Earl of Arundel were secretly intriguing for
the apprehension of Northumberland, Somerset had
recommended Cecil or Crane to be the messenger
between them ; upon which, Arundel refused to em
ploy Cecil, and chose Sir Michael Stanhope, who
was afterwards executed as an accomplice of the
Duke. From this we are entitled to infer that
Somerset, almost to the last, trusted Cecil in his
most secret matters ; we know also, from Picker
ing's letter, already quoted, that Cecil and his
friends thought it great good fortune that, when so
many were brought into suspicion, he should have
escaped undefiled with the folly of the unfortunate
Duke ; we know that he was in habits of intimate
correspondence with Whalley, a principal witness
against Somerset, and that the Duke considered Ce*
cil's conduct so base, that, just when the storm was
* See a rare Tract entitled " An Advertisement written to a
Secretary of my Lord Treasurer's of England by an English
Intelligencer. — British Museum, 698, c. 2.
f Supra, p. 40.

1552. THE SUBJECT CONCLUDED. 75
bursting on him, he wrote him a letter of defiance :
to this we must add, that on the 11th of October, a
few days before Somerset was sent to the Tower,
Cecil is found in the highest favour with Northum
berland and his faction, and for his services receiving
the honour of knighthood ; whilst, after the fall and
execution of this unfortunate man, his power, and the
confidence with which he was treated, continued to
increase : all these are suspicious circumstances, but
it is quite possible they might be explained had we
been able to recover more original evidence. These
facts are undeniable ; that Cecil's earliest, warmest,
and firmest patron was Somerset ; that he left him
in the toils at his hour of utmost need ; and that he
devoted himself with the utmost zeal to the ser
vice of his destroyer, the lofty and all-grasping
Northumberland. We shall soon see that the ser
vice was a dangerous one, and conducted him to the
very brink of a precipice. But it is time to leave
these reflections, and resume our foreign letters.
Having now concluded a disquisition which has
necessarily carried the story forwards to the 22nd
of January, the day of Somerset's execution, the
reader must pardon an anachronism, and permit us
to carry him back a few months, to observe what has
been going on at the court of the Emperor. To
which end we cannot have a better guide than Sir
Richard Morysine ; who, on the 20th October 1551,
addressed to the Council an interesting letter from
Augsbourg.

76 STATE OF HUNGARY. 1551.
At this moment Hungary was the seat of a war
between Ferdinand King of the Romans, assisted
by his brother Charles the Fifth, and Isabella, the
widow of John Zapolski, who had entered into
a league with the Turkish Sultan, and had sub
sidised a large Infidel force. One of the most ex
traordinary actors in these scenes was George Mar-
tinhausen, who had raised himself from a low
origin to be prime-minister to Zapolski, the late
King of Hungary. Zapolski, on the death of
Louis King of Hungary, in the battle of Mo-
hatz, in 1526, had been chosen to fill the throne
by one party of the Hungarian nobles, Ferdi
nand by another ; and this Prince, having de
feated his rival, Zapolski threw himself into the
arms of the Ottoman Porte, and opened Hun
gary to the Infidels, who warmly espoused his
quarrel. On the death of Zapolski, Isabella his
widow claimed the throne for her son Stephen*
whilst Ferdinand prepared to secure it for him
self. Isabella, dreading the power of such a rival,
imitated her husband in obtaining the assistance
of the Turks ; upon which Martinhausen desert
ed her, from disgust, as he alleged, at her selfish
and sacrilegious conduct in exposing Christen
dom to the ravages of the Infidels. Those, how
ever, who knew him best, suspected that personal
ambition, rather than a zeal for the true faith,
regulated his politics ; and Ferdinand looked on him.

1551. POLICY OF THE EMPEROR. 77
with suspicion, though he did not deem it prudent
to reject the advances of so powerful an ally. John
Baptist Castaldo, whom Morysine mentions in his
letter, was sent by the Emperor Charles the Fifth
to take the chief command in the Austrian terri
tories in Hungary, and was instructed to co-ope
rate with Martinhausen in the conduct of the war.
Petrovitz, whom he also mentions, was a Hunga
rian Lord, and a relation of Zapolski, the late
King. He commanded a portion of the army of
Isabella. *
In the following passage of a letter to the Coun
cil, dated the 6th of October, Morysine gives us
some hints of the motives which at this time
swayed the decisions of the Emperor. Rightly
to -understand his allusions, it must be remem
bered that the Council of Trent had resumed
its sittings on the lst of May. Pope Paul the
Third, having died in the preceding year (1550),
had been succeeded by Julius the Third in the
papal chair ; the beginning of whose pontificate
was signalised by a new convocation of this cele
brated Council. The bull which he issued for this
purpose was far from conciliatory. It was appa
rent, from the terms he employed, that the holy
father proposed to sit in judgment upon the Pro
testants as culprits, — not to negotiate with them
as subjects or children ; and even the Emperor de^
precated its severe and imperious style.
* De Thou, book ix. p. 423.

78 MORYSINE'S REFLECTIONS. 1551.
* * * « Yesterday," says Morysine, " we
had all warning that the Emperor within an eight
days would go to Inspruck, and so towards Italy.
* * * The Emperor, by his going to In
spruck, shall be within two days' journey of Trent,
and so give stomach to those that be there to do
anything, rather than . . . . f once to mean that
they ought.
" It is also noised that the King of the Romans
will meet with his brother at Inspruck, but few do
believe it : that the Turkish Bassa, Beglierbey,
with might and main cometh again into Hungary.
The Kingj as they say here, hath a fifty thousand
good fighting men. * * * The Turks are al
most, if men say true, in number  to Fer
dinand his host. Men think they will pitch a field
and .... | bloody battle. If the King have the
better, he shall be in rest the next year ; but if, as
God forbid, the victory should sway on the other
side, all Christendom is shortly like to feel that the
Bishop of Ro[me] hath chosen a wrong time to set
Christian princes together by the [ears],
"Poor men may mislike things that be amiss,
and be sorry that they that may amend them will
not ; but, when we have done all that pertaineth to
us, we may at the last repose ourselves, and fall
asleep in Christ's lap, and assure ourselves, how evil
soever things do appear to us, God can and will
t Here the letter has sufFered from fire.
% Here, and in the former place, the words have been burnt
away.

1551. THE ELECTOR MAURICE. 79
turn the worst of them to his glory, and the com
modity and comfort of such as be rightly his. God
send us a nap with John, while others strive who
may do most harm." * * * f
These embarrassments in Hungary, as well as
his constant occupation with the affairs of the Ge
neral Council, rendered the Emperor unsuspicious of
the intrigues of the Elector Maurice, whom he still
believed his best friend, but who was now secretly
organising against him the most formidable opposi
tion which he had ever encountered.
This extraordinary man had already concluded
a league with the King of Denmark, the Duke of
Mechlenbourg, the Margrave Albert of Branden
bourg, and the son of the Landgrave of Hesse,
against Charles the Fifth ; and with the same object
had, on the 5th of October, entered into a secret
treaty with Henry the Second of France. Mory
sine, as we see by the following letter, was not
aware of these transactions, which Maurice had the
address to conceal till the last moment. The blow
came with stunning force upon the Emperor.
SIR RICHARD MORYSINE TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. Augsbourg. 20th Oct. 1551.
" Please your good Lordships, our days of rer
moving are so oft deferred, that tho' every man here
looketh to see the Emperor on horseback upon
Thursday next, yet I must see him gone ere I can
f Orig. Galba, B. xi. f. 58.

80 NEWS FROM TRANSYLVANIA. 1551.
tell whether he will go. It cannot be but he
meaneth to go, and that shortly ; he having left
himself almost but such stuff as of necessity must
go in his company, the rest is already at Inspruck.
* * * Yesterday he should have gone, and then
to-day, and now two days hence. For my part, I
wish still new causes to force him to tarry till new-
come money make me able to travel with him.
" Here have been cold rumours that there should
be a battle fought in Transilvania, between Ferdi-
nando's men and the Turks, and that the King
should have the better : but this talk is utterly
ceased, and other news in place ; which are, that
the Turks have taken two castles,f that were Pe-
trovitz's, and are about the third ; yea, some say
they have taken three, and are about the fourth,
and that they are so many as that Castaldo dareth
not try the matter by a fought field. No, they
now say he would what he can not to come to any
battle, the match being so unequal.
" Yesterday, Duke Maurice's men, that have lien
in company with the others all this while at Xone-
vert, came to town. They say the rest tarry for the
King of Denmark's ambassador, and that they will
be here shortly. More than I have already written
I cannot know, they meaning (as such say that have
been with them) to tell their ambassade first to the
Emperor ; and after, as much to others as they con-
t Weisenberg and Dalmatz were two of the castles al
luded to.

1551. ENVOY FROM ROME. 81
veniently may. It may be, the matter for the
Bishoprick of Bream, between the King of Den
mark and the Duke of Brunswick, be some cause
of the King of Denmark's sending hither.
" Yesterday there came a gentleman of the
Bishop of Rome's chamber hither. He must be
longer here ere all his errand can be known.
They say, that may talk with him, he talketh very
stoutly, even as though the Bishop were like to do
what he meaneth against France. The Bishop, he
saith, maketh in Rome 8000 footmen, and 2000
more in Bologna. The Spaniards that be at
Sienna, which are counted a 1500, go to Parma
by the Emperor's appointment ; and those 2000,
that be gathered up at Bologna, go by the Bishop's
appointment to Vienna, in three places. .The Em
peror also maketh 1500 horsemen more hereabouts
at this present.
"Cardinal Vesali is by this almost in France;
one being sent after him with some new instruc
tions, even when this his chamberlain came from
his Holowness.* Here is a talk that the Bishop
is in hand with the Venetians to borrow money of
them, upon one or two of his towns, Imola, Faenza,
Ravenna, or Cervia ; which, a forty years since, the
Venetians were in possession of. It is thought the
French King doth make them a far better offer ;
that is, to help them to all these, and more, without
* Hollowness  Morysine, who is a wit, writes ' Hollowness'
for ' Holiness.'
VOL. II. <*

82 COUNCIL OF TRENT. 1551.
disbursing of so great sums of money as the Bishop
would have for one of them. Thus there are ways
daily and hourly sought out to make the Venetians
declare themselves friends either to the one side or
the other. If the Turk bar them of such corn as
they of necessity must have out of his country, men
guess they must go, and will, where he appointeth
them. " These of Trent, that would men should take
this their conspiracy against God and his word for
a Council General, be doing, and have made an
swer to the French King's protestation. The copy
is either not yet come hither, or only come to the
Bishop's nuncio this last night. I trust, by the next,
to get it. The Imperials say, the Turk's navy is
gone towards Constantinople, and will winter at
home. Few do think the news true, for that the
time serveth ill now to seek new havens. * * *
Here was news risen that the young Scottish
Queen should be dead ; but since there is come a
post out of Flanders, to tell the Emperor that his
sister, the French Queen, is like to die. He hath
in all haste sent a gentleman of his chamber, called
Workern, to visit and comfort her.
" The Prior of Capua is now thought to be
parted in earnest from the French King's service,
for that he hath written letters which do declare
just causes of his going away; alleging this as one,
that the Constable of France hath sought many
ways to have him killed. Some think Mirandola

1551. MIRANDOLA IN DANGER. 83
will be in great hazard if the French King do not
levy the siege the sooner.* They have, as we
say here, great want of all things but of corn.
Their wine is almost spent, their flesh eaten, their
salt and oil consumed. Yea, th' Imperials say they
were driven of late to send out their horses, for
that they have neither meat to feed them with, nor
salt to powder them in. Of late, they sent out
two soldiers of theirs appareled like market-men ;
they had their panniers and capons, such as called
and cried when they forced them so to do : which
noise when Alessandro Vitelli's men heard, they
thought there was cheer at hand for them ; but
while they thus fondly sought capon's flesh, they
lost their own flesh. A 25 of Alessandro's best sol
diers slain in this bickering ; the rest, content to
avoid their hurt, by seeing their fellows' harm,
would trouble the market-men no longer.
" I send your Lordships an Italian letter, which
telleth wonders of great companies of wolves that
have been, and yet are, about Pistoja and Flo
rence. If he that wrote it writeth truly, these
wolves, no doubt thereof, are as apt a figure to set
out the cruelty of this time as can be devised. For,
besides that in cattle they kill as many as come in
their way, they wax familiar and come into men's
houses, and devour young children, even in their
* Mirandola was at this time held by the French, and be
sieged by the Emperor's forces. — De Thou, book vii. sub anno
1551.
G2

84 COURT OF FRANCE. 1551.
cradles. The like company of wolves was seen in
Italy in the year 1525, when the French King was
taken at Pavia.
" I have heard it oft, that Francisco Sforza, the
Duke of Milan,f was fain to promise by proclama
tion four crowns to every one that did bring to him
a wolf; and found the charges to be such, as he
came after to revoke his proclamation, with pro^
mise to give a ducat for a piece. He was weary of
this price also, and came at the last to a testoon ;
and then they brought him no more wolves, nor he
gave them no more money.
" And being now come to the end of this letter,
we have constant word brought us that the Duke
of Saxony hath warning to depart to-morrow with
his band of Spaniards towards Inspruck ; and that
the Emperor himself, to-morrow, will also set for
ward on his journey. * * * From Augusta,-
20th October 1551. " Richard Morysine."
We must now turn our eyes once more to the
court of France, which we shall find enlivened by a
royal christening, and connected with it an English
embassy extraordinary. Catherine of Medicis had
brought the King a son in 1551, who afterwards
ascended the throne by the title of Henry the
t Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan, born 25th July 1401, an
illegitimate son of James Sforza, surnamed the Great, and
Lucia Trezana. He died in 1466.

1551. BARNABY FITZPATRICK. 85
Third. Soon after his birth, Henry the Second,
who, as we have seen, was at this moment desirous
of maintaining the most friendly relations with
England, requested its young monarch to stand
godfather to the child : he consented ; and, early in
November, sent the Lord Clinton into France to
act as his representative at the christening.
The King sent in Clinton's suite a young gentle
man named Barnaby Fitzpatrick, who had been
educated along with Edward, and to whom he
appears to have been much attached. Fuller terms
him the King's p?*oxy for correction; a quaint
phrase, by which we are to gather that, when Ed
ward broke Priscian's head, Sir John Cheeke, his
worshipful tutor, broke Barnaby's : yet he adds,
when such execution was done, as Fitzpatrick was
beaten for the Prince, the Prince was beaten in
Fitzpatrick.* Barnaby commenced life under the
fairest auspices : the young King drew up, with his
own hand, instructions for his conduct when abroad ;
and some letters from Edward to Fitzpatrick, with
others from the young favorite to his master, have
been published by Fuller and Walpole. Cecil,
also, corresponded with Barnaby, and watched over
his education ; whilst the French Monarch received
him graciously, and took him into his household.
The death of Edward, however, overcast all these
fair prospects. — Clinton was an able naval com
mander and statesman, and in both capacities
* Fuller, vol. ii. p. 342.

86 PICKERING TO THE COUNCIL. 1551.
had already been employed in services of high
moment. Having been ill before setting out, he was
seized on his arrival with a relapse, which rendered
it impossible for him to fulfil one of the objects for
which he had been sent, — to deliver his Majesty's
token to the Princess Elizabeth, being a fair
diamond in a ring.
These remarks will enable the reader to enter
into the spirit of the following letter from Sir Wm.
Pickering to the Council : at the time it was writ
ten, Somerset, it will be seen by the account given
of the conspiracy, was still alive, and a prisoner in
the Tower. This slight anachronism must be par
doned ; as it was necessary, in discussing the ques
tion of the Protector's guilt, to throw all the letters
directly illustrative of the subject into one series.
SIR. W. PICKERING TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 27th Oct. 1551.
" Please it your Lordships to be advertised
that your letters of the date of the last of Sept.
came to my hands the 12th of Oct. inclosed in a
letter of the Constable's ; and the 24th of this inst.
Francisco arrived at Melun with your Lordships'
letters of the 16th of the same ; so that I had spoken
with the Constable not past three days before, con
cerning the effect of your first letters. * * * Upon
the receipt of your Lordships' last letters of the
date of the 16th, delivered me at Melun by Fran
cisco, I repaired with all convenient speed towards

1551. HENRY THE SECOND. 87
the court, the King being then newly arrived at
Chantilly, good forty English miles from Melun ;
and the same night I came to Paris, from whence
I sent my man in post with my letters unto the
Constable, for the knowing of the King's pleasure
for my repair to his presence.
" Upon Friday, my man returned again with
his answer, that the King had so appointed his
hunting and pastime abroad, that, as he thought,
it would be Sunday before I might have him
at any convenient leisure. Nevertheless, the Con
stable willed me to repair to a fair town called
St. Lies, distant from Chantilly two leagues ;
where he said I should find good lodging, and
be well intreated. According to his appointment
I came thither the same day, and found nei
ther of both. Upon Saturday, early in the morn
ing, I sent my man to him again to show him
that I was already there, abiding the King's Ma
jesty's will and pleasure. He sent me word that
the King was that morning ready to go a l'assem-
bl6e, (as he was, indeed, by my man's report,) and
therefore prayed me that I would come to him on
Sunday to dinner ; which I did, and was accompa
nied with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and marvellously
feasted. Then was I brought to the King's presence ;
where, after the King's Majesty's right hearty com
mendations, I declared how the King my master
did congratulate his Majesty on the birth ofthe
young Prince, his son, and that he prayed God to

88 INTERVIEW WITH HENRY. 1551"
send him many such fruits of ripe and hoary years,
accepting most thankfully his good brother's- re
quest in choosing him his Christian compere, where
unto I said his Highness was no less ready than his
Majesty desirous to require him to the same ; and
for this intent I told him that my Lord Admiral
prepared his journey towards these parts with as
much speed as he might conveniently to supply the
King's Majesty's room as his deputy in that behalf.
" From this I came to the contents of your
Lordships' last letters, and told him that the King
my master would communicate with his Majesty,
not only all his prosperous success as occasion serv
ed, but those hard adventures also that chanced
unto him much contrary unto his Grace's expecta
tion ; for so, I said, required the strait amity be
twixt their Majesties. Wherefore I told him that I
was commanded to open unto him a perilous con
spiracy lately purposed in England, very dangerous
to the King's Majestie : howbeit God, that ever pre
served the same in other perils, had not likewise
forsaken him in this jeopardy, of all other most
dangerous ; for, by his most merciful favour, the
thing was revealed in time, and the chief attempt-
ers already, by his Highness' commandment, com
mitted to prison. And thus I entered, according to
your Lordships' commandment, how the Duke of
Somerset, seeking his private sole governance, pur
posed, and almost put in execution, certain heinous
and detestable attempts, with the confederacy of his

1551. SOMERSET'S CONSPIRACY. 89
adherents, against the state and governance of the
King's Highness and of his realm, to the evident
peril and danger of his Majesty's person, and to the
destruction of divers the nobility of his realm ; for
avoiding of which enormities he is now committed
by the King's Majesty's commandment, with certain
of his adherents, as the Lord Grey and others, to
the Tower of London ; and Mr. Vane, one of the
same confederates, was apprehended with great di
ligence, as he thought to have escaped away, and is
now forthcoming among the rest.
" The King, seeming amused * of this matter,
paused a great while ; and at length answered, that
he was right sorry to understand of any such mis
demeanor amongst his good brother's subjects ; and
specially that he, which ought by all good right to
have been the most earnest defender bf his Prince,
and the chiefest upholder of his country, should by
any means pretend the hurt of the one, or the
overthrow of the other ; and marvelled much that
neither God's laws, nor man's laws, nor yet the law
of nature, could move the stony heart of the Duke,
not from doing, but from thinking, any such perni
cious thing against the Prince and commonweal,
wherein he hath much overpassed both the limits of
reason and nature. Nevertheless, he said, that, on
the other part, he most heartily rejoiced to perceive
how, by the singular provision of Almighty God and
your Lordships' good and diligent circumspection,
* In a muse, a reverie.

90 HENRY'S GOOD WISHES. 1551.
his good brother and son was so well preserved^ and
his realm in so good time delivered from such immi
nent danger. By means whereof he trusted that
this scourge, though it were grievous for a time,
should be for the best, and none other thing than
a good admonition to the King's Highness and to
your Lordships hereafter to look more warily to
yourselves, and to the good governance of the
realm ; and called God to witness that, if any thing
had happened to the King's Highness otherwise
than well, (that God forbid at any time !) the same
should have been unto him no less grief than if it
had chanced to any of his own natural children.
" Sir, quoth I, his Highness hath that for so fully
persuaded, that I dare boldly assure your Majesty
that he standeth in the like terms of sincere affec
tion and brotherly love towards you, and wisheth to
you the same good luck he desireth to himself. In
conclusion he wished, for the more surety of the
King's Majesty's person, that, like as the chief at-
tempter was forthcoming in a sure place, even so
might the rest of his adherents with no less dili
gence be weeded out and brought to light. Thus,
after his rejoicing that the mischievous purpose of
the King's Majesty's enemies was espied out in good
season, he commanded me to do his most affectu-
ous recommendations to his good brother and son,
and so entered into other purposes.
" He told me of a picture of the King his good

1551. NEWS OF THE EMPEROR. 91
brother's, that Mons. Gerniacque* brought with him
out of England, and said that it was very excellent;
and yet that the natural, as he was persuaded,
much exceeded the artificial. Here he asked me
what news I had of the Emperor, which he never
faileth at every mine access to his presence. Sir,
quoth I, I have none other but that I hear he pass
eth towards Trent, and so determineth his journey
into Italy. — Nay, quoth he, that is not so ; for he
intendeth to repair shortly into his Low Countries. —
Sir, quoth I, it may well be ; for I received these un
certain news but of a courier of the King my mas
ter's, that came long since out of the quarters
where he now remaineth. — Well, quoth he, let him
come when he will ; he is prepared for, and shall
be received. Thus, after other communication of
small importance, his Majesty licensed me to de
part. " After this, taking my leave on the Constable,
I demanded of him if he had any news that he
would participate with the King my master, and
with the Lords of his Council. Monsieur l'Ambas-
sadeur, quoth he, as for news, we have no great store
at this present, but that our men have given an
overthrow to the Spaniards about Asta in Pied
mont, and slain of them to the number of two hun
dred at least.
" Here he entered once again, as he had done be-
* Jarnac.

92 INTERVIEW WITH MONTMORENCY. 155L
fore, into communication of the Duke ; and said, if
the King my master had need of men or arms to
suppress or punish the wickedness of his evil-willers
within his realm, that there is good store in France,
which he assured me should be ready at his Ma
jesty's beck and commandment.
" I gave him thanks, on the King's Majesty's
part and your Lordships', of his gentle offer in his
master's behalf, and that herein he showed himself
no less than he was well known and holden for in
England ; howbeit, I told him that your Lordships'
vigilant and discreet governance was ever such that
we should have no need of foreign aid for the admi
nistration of justice in our realm for punishment of
offenders according to their demerits.
" Well, quoth he, let my Lords of the Council be
ware that the Emperor be not a part in those mat
ters ; for, saith he, he searcheth very often to. sow
the mischievous seeds of discord in divers places,
and the commodity serveth him right well in Eng
land, by the means of some that are nearer of im-
dred unto the King than the Duke. Here I pressed
him, as much as reason would, to declare more
plainly what his meaning was therein ; requiring him,
if he had intelligence of any of these matters, to
show himself as he was taken and esteemed of my
master; and, if it pleased him to utter the same to
me, I would serve him as his secretary in English,
and [his] instrument, to advertise the King's Majesty
of his mind and opinion therein. Other thing I could

1551. EUROPEAN NEWS. 93
not get at his hands of any precise ^knowledge,
otherwise than that he mistrusted the Emperor's
tromperie in every business. And therefore would
he, he said, that we, his master's dear friends, should
be well ware of him, his friends, and all his kins
folks in England. Here, after my leave-taking of
him, he returned to the King, and committed me to
Mons. Maury and Mons. Lansacque ; commanding
them to show me his esquiery, his armoury, and all
other commodities and pleasures about Chantilly.
" Since my last letters to your Lordships these
be our occurrents. Pedro Strozzi arrived here by
post, and will shortly depart hence again. The
Cardinal, that I wrote to your Lordships of, cometh
not yet hitherward, as I can hear. There is one
Ludovici depesched from hence to Malta for the
revocation of [the] Prior de Capua, but it is thought
that he will not return hither again. The Turk's
galleys were lately dispersed into divers coasts;
some to Previzi, Figaro, and some to Valona.
Divers of them perished by reason of a great tem
pest, insomuch that the common judgment here is
that they shall not be able by this great disorder
ing to do any thing of importance this next year.
" This day the King removeth from Chantilly to
Equoan, whereas he intendeth to keep the feast of
All Saints ; and within two days after he cometh to
Paris, and from thence within two other days to
Fontainbleau, where he will attend my Lord Admi
ral's arrival for this baptism.

94 CHAMBERLAYNE TO THE COUNCIL. 1551.
" Thus, having none other occurrents to write at
this present, but that I feel your Lordships' present
sorrow my most just grief, I beseech the Lord to
comfort you, and bring all things to your Lordships
good desired end and purpose.
" At Paris, the 27th of October.
" Your Lordships' most humble to command,
" W. Pykerynge."
Whilst the miserable tragedy of Somerset's trial
and death was acting in England, the preparations
for that great contest between the Emperor and the
Protestant Princes led by the Elector Maurice, be
gan to develope themselves more openly than be
fore. In the following letter from Chamberlayne,
who was at this time resident ambassador in the
Netherlands, we have the first intimation of that
famous league or coalition which Maurice the Elec
tor had secretly organised against his former friend
and patron the Emperor.
CHAMBERLAYNE TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Flanders. Nov. 16th, 1551.
" Pleaseth your most honourable Lordships to
be advertised. Since the time that I did last write
of my proceedings here with the Queen about the
molestations done unto the merchants, I have had
no matter of moment to certify until now, that I
have secretly learned that these folks have dis
covered somewhat of a confederacy between Duke

1551. THE ELECTOR MAURICE. 95
Maurice, Duke Albert of Brandenburg, and divers
others,* pretending for to seek the Landsgrave's
liberty by force ; and some will say that Maurice
hath levied his siege beside Magdeburgh, having
been within the town and banquetted with them,
and [they] are thought to be all in one confederacy ;
wherewithal it is said that the Emperor is very per
plexed, and doth travail with the Switzers all that
he may for to induce them to his side, but, as it is
thought, all in vain. Mons. D'Aremberg and one
Barlement, of this Council, are depesched in post
* When the Elector Maurice was secretly forming this con
federacy of the Protestant Princes of Europe against the des
potic designs of the Emperor, he sent an envoy to England,
soliciting Edward the Sixth to join the league. (Carte, vol. iii.
p. 258.) The following paper contains Edward's reply, declin
ing to become a party; and, as it is drawn up in the handwriting
of Cecil, I give it, (although hurriedly composed, and in some
places false in its latinity,) as containing the best account ofthe
King's answer to this important message. The Protestant
Princes had not authorised their envoy to enter into a treaty,
his mission being only to sound Edward's inclination ; and it is
not improbable that the request he made at the same time, for
an advance of four hundred thousand dollars, rather cooled the
zeal of the English Council. The paper furnishes us also with
another proof of the confidence reposed in Cecil by the young
King and Northumberland at this moment.
Orig. 19 Nov. Anno 5 Edwardi VI. 1551. Germany. St. P. Off:
"Responsio R. Maj. ad Oratorem Ducis Mauritii Electoris,
Joannis March. Brand, et Ducis Megalopolensis, missum ad
R. Maj--
" Regia Majestas optime afFecta est, quod causam hance
promovendi Evangelii libertatem susceptum est, quicquid

96 FRENCH NAVAL VICTORY. 1551.
towards Gueldres and Friseland,— men think, for
that the said Maurice and the other had gotten
the same into their confederacy, for the better
agreeing of their purpose. Whatsoever there is,
it is some great matter that is in hand, wherewith
these people are perplexed, and do not make much
talk thereof.
" It is told me that there hath been a battle
foughten in Hungary, the particulars of which I
cannot yet learn.
" The French galleys at Marseilles, as it is said,
have taken eight rich ships coming out of Spain
towards Genoa, with the King and Queen of Bohe
mia's treasure and stuff. The saying goeth here,
bona cum ratione excogitari possit, ad tuendum liberam confes^
sionem Evangelii, Romanique Pontificis tyrannidem propellen-
dam, non solum e suis finibus, verum etiam a reliqua Christiana
R. P. *
" Verum quoniam Maj. sua intelligit, oratorem hunc legatum
esse tantum a tribus Principibus, sciatque certd magnum esse
numerum Principum in GermaniS., qui antehac protestationes
ediderunt adversus csecam illam et immanem tyrannidem R.
Ecclesiae, et adhuc, ut spes est, causam tam piam non deserue-
runt, consultum esse duxit — ut priusquam foedus aliquod inea-
tur, clare, perspicue, et certe intelligi possit qui reliqui Princi
pes, sive Reges, sive Duces, sive Marchiones, sive Comites*
sive Civitates et Respub. expectandi atque accessendi sint ad
hanc communitatem, societatemque foederis tam pii, tamque
magni momenti et ponderis, ut, quo causa sit gravior, eo majore
prudentia sit prosequendum ; nam qui prudentiam serpentis
simplicitati columbinae miscuerit, is neque ex prudentia malig-
nitatem, neque ex simplicitate stultitiam, sentiet. Multoque
consilio salus inest, ut ait ille."
* Republica,

1551. THE COUNCIL TO THE ADMIRAL. 97
that the Frenchmen have made courses into the
land of Liege, by reason whereof the Bishop hath
called the states of the country together; which
have granted to contribute towards the wars, and
take the Emperor's part against the French King.
Marry, I have no great belief that the bruit should
be true. * * * * " Thomas Chamberlayne."
THE COUNCIL TO THE LORD ADMIRAL, BEING
IN FRANCE FOR TO CHRISTEN THE FRENCH
KING'S SON.
Orig. Draft. St. P. Off. 2nd Dec. 1551.
" After our hearty commendations to your good
Lordship : the same shall understand that Francisco
the courier arrived here with your letters upon Mon
day in the forenoon ; and, being empesched with
other great businesses, we could not return the mes
senger before this time.
" Touching the letters of Mr. Pickering, we com
mend his wisdom and diligence. And for that your
Lordship moves us to know our opinions whether
it were best for yourself to go with the King's
Majesty's token to the Lady Elizabeth who is at
Blois, distant from Fontainbleau the space of sixty
miles, we think, if your Lordship's estate for your
sickness might commodibusly suffer you so to do,
the same were very necessary, considering what she
is now to the King's Majesty our master; and, what
honour soever your Lordship shall do to her Grace,
vol. n. h

98 THE CHRISTENING FIXED. 1551.
the same shall redound to his Majesty's good conten
tation. Marry, if your sickness shall so increase
and grow upon your Lordship that you cannot
without your great trouble take the journey upon
you, then we think it convenient that your excuse
be so made as it may evidently appear the same to
be the cause of your not going ; adding thereto
also, if your Lordship shall think meet, the respect
ye have to forbear the coming to her Grace, and the
rest of the King's Majesty's the French King's
children, with the ague being upon you ; and upon
that excuse, ye may, we think, send the King's
Majesty's token by Mr. Pickering. * * * *
" This day the French ambassador is here, who,
upon Monday at night late, advertised us of certain
letters sent to him from the French King his master,
signifying to him that upon the first day of Decem
ber, which was the next day, that is to say, yester
day, the christening should be of the French King's
son, and the treaty ratified by the said King that
present day, whereof he did advertise us to the in
tent the like might be here for the ratification of
the King's Majesty's part; but, upon knowledge that
he had himself of the affairs the next day, he offer
ed the putting off that day until this day, for the
which purpose he is now come hither; and, after din
ner, himself first hath made collation of the treaty,
with the very treaty sealed by the commissioners
and ambassadors of the French King ; finding the
same to agree, received it of the King's Majesty in

1551. MONSIEUR L'AUBESPINE. 99
the presence of all of us his Majesty's Council, with
a number of others of the nobles of the realm.
" Furthermore, the King's Majesty sendeth pre
sently by this bearer a chain of gold of the value of
three hundred crowns and upwards, which his High^
ness' pleasure is your Lordship shall cause to be
delivered unto Monsieur L'Aubespine the French
King's Secretary,* as in present from his Majesty,
with also his Highness' thanks for the said Mons.
L'Aubespine's goodwill and diligence always used
towards the affairs of this realm." * * *
Although Clinton was unable to visit the fair Prin
cess who had been espoused to his young master, he
so far recovered strength as to deliver his credentials
in person to her father the King. Sir Wm. Picker
ing, in a letter to the Council, dated at Melun, on
the 8th December, informs them that the Lord Ad
miral "had been well welcomed and right honorably
received, and much better had been if the quahty
of his fervent disease had not let their purpose
therein. Uppon Sunday at night," he continues,
"his Lordship was sumptuously feasted with the
King, where it pleased his Grace also to place me
at his own board, and the rest of the- gentlemen at
* Claude de l'Aubespine, Lord of Chateauneuf, successively;
Secretary of State to Francis the First, Henry the Second,
Francis the Second, and Charles the Ninth. He was much
trusted by Catherine of Medicis. On the day in which the
news of the battle of St. Denis reached the court, she came
to his bedside, he being too weak to rise, and consulted with
him. He died next day. H 2

100 THE ADMIRAL TO THE COUNCIL. 1551.
a side table. Mr. Granado hath taken his leave,
and hath in reward three chains, one of the King, (
the Queen, and Dolphin, in value by estimation
viii0 (800) crownes. The King's Ma,ie shall have
sent him from hence 6 cortalls, 3 Spanishe horses,
one turke, a barbery, one courser, and two little
mules. Thus, after my most humble recommen
dations, &c." *
On the 15th December, Clinton addressed the fol
lowing letter from St. Denis to the Council.
THE LORD ADMIRAL LORD CLINTON TO THE
COUNCIL.
¦Orig. St. P. Off. France. 15th Dec. 1551.
¦" After my most humble commendations unto
your good Lordship. It may please you to be ad
vertised that, upon Monday was se'enight, I departed
from the court of France, and in Paris I have re
posed myself these six days, in hope to have re
covered some health to have been able to have pre
sented the King's Majesty's token, and done his
Highness' most hearty commendation to Madame
Elizabeth, being at Blois, according to the King's
Majesty's commandment. But I find so little
amendment that I shall scant be able to maintain
my journey into England, being most heartily sorry
that my fortune is so evil that I am not able to do
my duty in that commission committed to me. I
* Orig. St. P. OfF. France. 1 Ith Dec. 1551.

1551. A PAPAL LEGATE IN PARIS. 101
have delivered Sir Wm. Pickering, according to
your Lordships' pleasure (signified unto me in your
last letter), the King's Majesty's token, and declared
unto him his Highness' most hearty commendations
and message ; and also required him to declare my
infirmity, and let of doing my duty, according to
my commission from the King's Highness ; and
incontinently he will depart towards Blois to ac
complish the same. I have been, ever since my
coming hither, at the French King's charge for my
table only, and most favourably and courteously
used, with offer of all pleasure and commodity that
might be had within this town by the French King's
special commandment, for the King's Majesty's his
good brother's sake. And Mons. de Geye and
Mons. de Lensec hath still accompanied me. And,
as touching the gift which the French King sent
me, [it] is in value three thousand four hundred
crowns, all in gilt plate, saving two small cups of
gold which maketh up the just sum aforesaid.
; " I have no news to advertise your Lordships
worthy the writing, other than that the Legate
which came from Rome lyeth here in Paris, tarry
ing a larger commission to come from the Bishop
Of Rome, to treat of the peace between the French
King and the said Bishop. This day I have taken
my journey towards Calais, being evil able to tra
vel, having a double quartan ; trusting your Lord
ships will consider what small service I am able to
do, being in this case, touching the commission I

102 NORTHUMBERLAND AND CECIL. 1551.
have for the view and taking order at Calice and
Guysnes, so that my hope is your Lordships will
discharge me thereof, and appoint some other more
apt and able man for that purpose. Beseeching
vour good Lordships that your pleasure therein may
be signified unto me by the bearer. And thus, be
seeching Almighty God to send your Lordships
long life, with much honour, I humbly take my
leave ofthe same.
" From St. Denis, the 15th of Dec. 1551.
" E. Clynton."
The letters addressed by the Duke of North
umberland to Sir William Cecil from the time
of the second fall of the Duke of Somerset, to the
death of Edward the Sixth, on July 6th, 1553, de
monstrate that Northumberland entirely managed
the government, and that Cecil, as Secretary of
State, enjoyed under him a large share of power
and favour. Although numerous, these letters do
not possess any great interest, but relate chiefly to
the distribution of offices and the common routine
of state business. The two which follow may serve
as a specimen of the correspondence. It is evident
from them, that in all principal affairs the Duke's
will was supreme, and that the Secretary, like
most of his colleagues in the Council, enjoyed office
at the price of being entirely subservient to North
umberland; who, although the most courteous of
correspondents when permitted to direct all accord-

1552. CECIL'S TRAMMELS. 103
ing to his own will, was impetuous and violent in
the extreme if opposed. So completely did Cecil
feel this, that, in a remarkable entry in his private
diary, he describes himself as having no will of
his own under Edward, and as only recovering
the rights of a free agent by the death of the
young King, — " Libertatem adeptus sum morte Re
gis, et ex misero aulico factus liber et mei juris" *
NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 8th January 1551-2.
" After my hearty commendations. These be
even so to require you to have in remembrance
the letters to be sent unto the Lord Conyers for his
repair unto the parliament ; and also the other
letters to be sent unto Sir Ingram Clifford for to
repair unto Carlisle, and there to remain for the
time for the supplying of the place of the Captain
ship of the town of Carlisle, and Deputy-warden of
the West Marches, in the absence of the Lord
Conyers, and till such time as the King's Ma
jesty's pleasure shall be to him farther known in
that behalf.
"And forasmuch also as the Lord Deputy of
Calais hath wilfully proceeded in the matter be
tween him and my brother, contrary to my Lords
of the Council's late letters, and to the renewing of
* Private Journal. Lansdowne, 118. Of this Journal, which
is exceeding brief, Dr. Nares has given a fac-simile. — Life of
Burleigh, vol. i. p. 60.

104 THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 1552.
more unquietness between them and their reti
nues, which is to be eschewed and removed, lest
farther displeasure might rise and grow between
them; methinketh now my Lords have good
cause, upon this new matter of unquietness which
he hath made, notwithstanding their letters written
in the King's Majesty's name, and also his device
for demanding the rearages of the rents during the
time of the wars past, without first making my
Lords of the Council privy thereunto ; — their
Lordships hath now, in mine opinion, just cause to
look upon such indiscreet dealing, rather than
to suffer the man's wilfulness to be occasion of
greater inconvenience; which I pray you to set
forth as shall seem good to your wisdom. And so I
bid you most heartily well to fare. From Ely
Place, the 8th of January 1551.
" Your assured loving friend,
" Northumberland."
THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND TO SECRE
TARY CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 28th Jan. 1551-2.
" The ambassador of France mindeth to be here
this afternoon, for that he had no leisure, as he
saith, the other day to accomplish such things as he
had to declare to the Lords ; wherefore either the
Lords must mind to come immediately after dinner
from the Star Chamber hither, or else he must
have word respiting his coming till to-morrow,

1552. THE COURT OF STAR CHAMBER. 105
which, if the affairs in the Star Chamber after din
ner requireth any time, I think it best to be so.
Wherefore I would you move this to the rest of the
Lords that do sit to-day there. And so send me
word if they will have him deferred till to-morrow,
and thereupon I will send one purposely to stay
him for this time.
" His secretary also showed me that  Paris,
who brought the present, desireth his depesche ;
and therefore it were well done that you came
hither to put these things in order, (  )*
and the rather to defer th' ambassador's coming
till to-morrow : wherefore send me word forthwith.
" Your assured friend,
" Northumberland."
Endorsed  "28th Jan. 1551.
" The Duke of Northumberland to
Sir W. Cecil."
In a letter written at this time by Pickering to
Cecil, Barnaby the King's favourite, whom he had
sent to improve himself in the court of France,
again makes his appearance. His allowances from
England seem to have been scanty ; and his " en
tertainment" by Henry the Second, who, out of
compliment to Edward, had taken him into his ser
vice, was apparently still more parsimonious. Ce
cil had meanwhile given him all he could afford,
— "wise letters of good counsel."
* Here the letter is torn.

106 BARNABY IN WANT OF MONEY. 1552.
SIR WILLIAM PICKERING TO SIR WILLIAM CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. 12th February 1551-2.
" Sir. — For your good news of the beginning of
the parliament, and of the good expectation all
men have in the proceedings of the same, I would
requite you with th' occurrents of this court, if I
were not more than certain that ye should fully un
derstand them by my Lords of the Council. There
fore, leaving the same as rather superfluous than
needful, I assure you that I look with great de
sire to hear that a good conclusion were annexed
unto the first parts of your syllogism, which I trust
shall be so perfect, that it shall lack neither in
form nor in metal, or else my patience will be soon
spent. I am right sorry that the courier used you
so evil in the delivery of your books. His promise
to me was much otherwise. I wish him therefore
the worst I can — a rope for reward.
" Mr. Barnabie standeth [in] great need of a good
solicitor to procure the augmenting of his enter
tainment here, and specially as the season now
serveth, to the end he may compare fellowlike in
these wars with his equals ; otherwise it should be
a reproach to the place he cometh from, and a dis
couraging, peradventure, to his forwardness, that
meriteth in my judgment any preferment. Where
fore, knowing you his very good friend by the dili
gent care you have in oft advising him, as your
wise letters of good counsel to him do well witness,

1552. LORD PAGET'S TROUBLES. 107
I beseech you likewise to assay what may be done
for the setting forth of his person, as reason re-
quireth, in this time. Three hundred pounds will
stand him in small stead, tho' his horses be sent
him out of England. The dearth of all things,
and specially belonging to war, are such, that a
great deal maketh a small muster in these quarters.
" Thus far entered in making you a solicitor, I
most heartily require you to have this bearer, my
servant Morgan's long suit, recommended. His
greatest business is Mr. Barnaby's matters, which I
would he should well despatch before his return,
and then it may please you to hasten him hither
again. " Thus, after my hearty recommendations, I wish
you health. At Paris, the 12th of February, at
four of the clock, afternoon. " Yours to command,
" W. Pykerynge,"
" To the Rigid Honourable Sir W. Cecill, fyc"
The execution of the Duke of Somerset was not
long afterwards followed by the disgrace of Lord
Paget. We have seen him sent to the Tower as
an accomplice in the alleged plot for the assassina
tion of Northumberland, which, as some of the wit
nesses are said to have affirmed, was to be perpe
trated at his house ; yet it is worthy of observation,
that, when Paget's turn came to be punished, the
charge against him was not a design or attempt to

108 PAGET FINED AND DEGRADED. 1552.
assassinate Northumberland, or any ofthe Council,
but malversation in his office as Chancellor of the
Duchy of Lancaster. He was tried in the court
of Star Chamber, confessed his guilt, paid a
heavy fine, and was degraded from the order of the
Garter.* " None of the Duke of Somerset's friends
or followers," says Carte,f " had stuck to him in all
his troubles with so much fidelity as the Lord
Paget," — a most erroneous panegyric. We have
seen that Paget betrayed him in his first fall;
and there is strong reason to believe that he had
some hand in involving him in his final troubles,
which ended in his death.!
NORTHUMBERLAND TO THE LORD CHAM
BERLAIN.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 30th May 1552.
" This shall be to advertise your Lordship that
I have received your letters, together with the se
veral submissions of the Lord Paget, and also the
late Master of the Rolls; finding a great variety
and difference between the first and second submis
sion of the said Lord Paget : and like as your
Lordship, and others my Lords, have in my opinion
done right honourably in the refusal of his first sub
mission, which indeed was farsed [stuffed] with sub-
tilty and dissimulation, only to abuse the King's
* Stowe, p. 608. f Carte, vol. iii. p. 264.
\ Strype's Memor. vol. ii. part i. p. 537.

1552. BEAUMONT'S SUBMISSION. 109
Majesty's clemency and your Lordships' goodnesses,
as by his latter submission it doth and may right
well appear ; so for my part I do think it very re
quisite that the submissions of Beaumont, both the
first and second, should be better set forth in arti
cles by some of the King's learned counsel, more
especially declaring and setting forth the nature of
his several offences, in such manner and form as
the said Lord Paget's latter submission is. And as
touching the setting at liberty of the Countess of
Sussex and Harlypoole's wife, methinketh by your
Lordship's better advice that matter would be
somewhat better tried and searched ; the rather
for that she is charged to have spoken and said
that one of King Edward's sons should be yet liv
ing. And as touching Brett and Fisher, I am of
your Lordship's opinion, that for their offences
they have been sufficiently punished. Marry, by
the Duke's own confession to me, he declared Brett
to be of a very evil nature. He sought all the
ways he could to irritate the said Duke against me;
whereby it should seem he cared not to have had
a ruffling world : nevertheless, I trust this punish
ment will be a warning to him for [ever]. And
thus, with my right hearty commendations to your
good Lordship, I commit the same to the tuition
of the Almighty. From Otford in Kent, this 30th
of May 1552. " Your Lordship's own assuredly,
" Northumberland."
" To my very good Lord my Lord Chamberlain, this!'

110 RICHARD CECIL. 1552:
The friendship between Cecil and the lofty and
magnificent Northumberland, whose train in his
progress was too great to admit of its burdening
any private house, is strongly marked in the two
following letters. The Duke's promise to visit
Richard Cecil, the Secretary's father, were it only
to drink a cup of wine with him at the door, and
Sir William Cecil's anxiety to attend him in
person, are worthy of notice as marking devoted-
ness and intimacy. NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 30th May 1552.
" I have received your two sundry letters, the
one by my Lord of Huntington, the other by a
post ; marvelling that in neither of them it appear
eth that you have received mine of the 28th of this
present, wherein was inclosed a letter which I then
received from my brother. And as touching the
several submissions of the Lord Paget and the late
Master of the Rolls, it seemeth to me that the
learned counsel have more seriously proceeded by
special articles to the Lord Paget than to Beau
mont, as I have partly written to my Lord Cham
berlain ; and I am of opinion that it is requisite that
Beaumont's submission should be particular and
special as the other is.
" And for your gentle and most friendly request
to have me to your father's in my way northwards,
I do even so semblably render my hearty thanks

1552. NORTHUMBERLAND'S GREAT STATE. Ill
unto you, assuring you I will not omit to see him
as I go by him, though I do but drink a cup of
wine with him at the door ; for I will not trouble
no friend's house of mine otherwise in this journey,
my train is so great, and will be, whether I will or
not. And for your own being there, like as I think
myself much beholden to you that would take so
much pains, and to me a singular pleasure to
have so much of your company ; so could I rejoice,
for your own health, that you might have such a
cantell of recreation. And even so, with my hearty
commendations and like thanks for your overpaid
friendship always towards me, I leave the rest of
this conclusion until our next meeting; praying you
I may be commended to Mr. Secretary Petre.
" At Otford, this last of May,
" Your assured loving friend,
" Northumberland."
Endorsed. — " Ultimo Maii 1552.
" To my very loving friend,
" Sir Wm. Cycyll, fyc"
NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. May 31, 1552.
" After my most hearty commendations.
Herewith I do return again, as well the letter writ
ten from my Lords to the Lord Conyers, which in
my mind cannot be amended ; and also the letter
which I have written to the Greemes, being liked by
my said Lords. Other I have not at this present ;

H2 LORD COBHAM ILL. 1552.
but trusting to see you at the court upon Saturday
noon-time of the day, or on Monday before dinner,
God willing.
" My Lord Marquis hath been with me, I thank
him ; and some good fellows with him : we have
been merry. To-morrow he departeth from me by
five of the clock in the morning towards my Lord
Cobham's, who, as I understand from them this
day, is in no little peril of life. Thus I leave, wish
ing to you the good that your own gentle heart
can desire.
" At Otford, this last of May, at ten in the night.
" Your assured faithful friend,
" Northumberland."
Endorsed.—" Ultimo Maii, 1552.
" To my very loving friend,
Sir Wm. Cecil."
We have already become acquainted with Whal
ley under various lights,— as an intimate correspon
dent of Cecil, a tool of Northumberland, a busy ad
viser of Somerset, and lastly, a witness against him :
he is now stript of his office, (which may have been
the reward of his taking part against the Duke,)
for divers notable misdemeanors.
NORTHUMBERLAND TO THE LORD CHAM
BERLAIN.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic, lst June 1552.
" After my most hearty commendations to your
good Lordship, with the like to you Mr. Vice-

1552. AMBROSE DUDLEY. 113
Chamberlain. And whereas it hath pleased the
King's Majesty to be so gracious Lord unto this
bearer, John Fisher, one of his Grace's pensioners,
to give the reversion of the receivership of York
shire, which Whalley had, who for divers notable
evil demeanors, as well in his office as else, is
thought unworthy any longer to occupy the same ;
beseeching you both, and all the rest of my Lords,
that this his Majesty's honest servant may enjoy
the gift which his Highness hath appointed unto
him ; for whom I dare be bound in all the land I
have, he shall honestly and truly serve in it.
" And where it hath pleased God to call out of
this life the wife of my son Ambrose, and hath left
no child alive, her next heir now is the son of one
Harwood, whose father was my servant, and slain
at Musselburgh Field, and held his lands of me.
Now, by the death of my said son's wife, he is ward
to the King's Majesty for such lands as he shall
have after my son Ambrose's life, which he holdeth
by curtesy of England, because he had a child by
her. " It may therefore please you, at this my re
quest, to move his Majesty only if I may have of
his Highness the preferment of the child ; which
child, before the death of this woman, was my
ward : and thus I cease not to molest you both in
all my pursuits, which I know not how to recom
pense but with my faithful goodwill and friendship,
VOL. II. i

114 NORTHUMBERLAND'S CHARACTER. 1552.
as knoweth God, who grant you the desires of both
your own gentle hearts.
" From Otforde, the lst of June 1552.
" Your Lordship's,
" and your assured faithful friend,
" Northumberland."
" To my very good Lord, my Lord
Chamberlain; and my very loving
friend, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain."
The following letter is curious, as containing a
minute account by Northumberland of the symp
toms of that awful scourge called the sweating
sickness. It is strange, that not a word of sor
row escapes the lips of the father who saw his
little daughter hurried in a few hours from the
midst of thejoyousness of childhood into the grasp
of this fell disease ; and yet it would be hard to
blame him, for the deepest is often the stillest grief.
At this moment, indeed, Dudley's mind had much to
engross it, for he was about to set out on his splen
did progress ; * and Clinton, the Lord Admiral, as
we see from his letter which follows, proposed to
meet his Grace and Sir Wm. Cecil between Bume,
Cecil's native village, and Richard Cecil's house.
It must have gratified old Richard Cecil to see the
boy who had left his father's roof with no such
bright prospects, return to it Secretary of State,
and friend and confidant of the first man in the
* Supra, p. 111.

1552. THE SWEATING SICKNESS. 115
state. But had he known the cares and dangers of
the office, he would have hesitated to change his
own cloth of frieze for his son's cloth of gold.
NORTHUMBERLAND TO THE LORD CHAMBER
LAIN AND SIR. WM. CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. June 2, 1552.
" After my most hearty commendations. —
Whereas I perceive by your letter of this instant,
that, except the death of my daughter might seem
dangerous and infectious, the King's Majesty's
pleasure is that neither I should absent myself nor
stay my son ; whereupon I have thought good to
signify unto you what moveth me to suspect ihfec-'
tion in the disease whereof my daughter died.
First, the night before she died, she was as merry
as any child could be, and sickened about three in
the morning, and was in a sweat, and within a
while after she had a desire to the stool ; and the
indiscreet woman that attended upon her let her
rise, and after that, she fell to swooning, and then,
with such things as they ministered to her, brought
her again to remembrance, and so she seemed for a
time to be meetly well revived, and so continued
till it was noon, and still in a great sweating; and
about twelve of the clock she began to alter again,
and so in continual pangs and fits till six ofthe
clock, at what time she left this life. And this
morning she was looked upon, and between the
shoulders it was very black, and also upon the one
i 2

116 LORD CLINTON TO CECIL. 1552.
side of her cheek ; which thing, with the suddenty,
and also [that] she could brook nothing that was
ministered to her from the beginning, moveth me to
think that either it must be the sweat or worse, for
she had the measles a month or five weeks before,
and very well recovered, but a certain hoarseness
and a cough remained with her still. This [is]
as much as I am able to express, and even thus it
was : wherefore I think it not my duty to presume
to make my repair to his Majesty's presence till
further be seen what may ensue of it ; neither
my son, nor none that is in my house, except his
Majesty, shall command the contrary, or that your
Lordships' wisdom shall think it without peril, be
ing no more nor no less than before is declared ;
requiring your Lordships' farther answer hereupon,
and accordingly I will [endeavour] myself.
" Thus I commit your good Lordships to the
tuition of the Almighty.
" From Oteforde in Kent, this 2d of June.
" Your own most assured,
" Northumberland."
THE LORD CLYNTON TO SIR WM. CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 15th June 1552.
" After my hearty commendations unto you,
These shall be to desire you that you will send me
word by the bringer hereof, as near as you can,
what time my Lord of Northumberland's Grace
will be at your father's ; and whether he mindeth to

1552. NORTHUMBERLAND'S PROGRESS. 117
dine there, and about what time, and what way he
will come to my house.
" Burne, in my opinion, is his best way, and
therefore am minded to meet his Grace between
that and your father's house ; whereof because I
would be loath to be disappointed, I most heartily
desire you to advertise me what you think therein.
" I trust you will accompany his Grace hither to
my house. Thus you shall do me great pleasure,
which I will not fail to requite. From Sempring-
ham, the 19th of June 1552.
" Your loving friend,
" E. Clynton.
" I pray you let my Lord's Grace be guided
thro' Boron, [Bume,] which is his Grace's next
way, and so shall I be sure to meet his Grace ; or
else I may be disappointed, which I would be very
sorry to be. If his Grace dine in any place by the
way, I pray you send me word of it."
It is pleasant once more to meet with so agree
able a lady as the Duchess of Suffolk, and to find
Sir William Cecil in her company, cased, not as
usual in his Secretary's robes, but in a hunting-
jacket, meditating the death of a buck. Latimer,
it appears, had been desirous of having a venison
pasty at the feast of his wife's churching; but "wild
things," as the Duchess says, " be not ready at com
mandment," and he was forced to go without it.

118 CECIL'S HUNTING. 1552.
THE DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. June 1552.
" By the late coming of this buck to you, you
shall perceive that wild things be not ready at
commandment ; for truly I have caused my keeper,
yea, and went forth with him myself on Saturday
at night after I came home, (which was a marvel
for me,) but so desirous was I to have had one for
Mr. Latimer to have sent after him to his wife's
churching ; but there is no remedy but she must be
churched without it. For I have, ever since you
wrote for yours, besides both my keepers, had
 * about it, and yet could not
prevail afore this morning ; and now I pray God it
be any thing worth.
" But, as touching your hunting here, I would
be sorry you should leave it undone on any such
respects as you spoke of, for I am not so uncha
ritable but I can well suffer them to come and
hunt in your company ; yea, and gladly would
wish, not for any great need, I thank God, that I
have of them, but for goodwill, that they would so
neighbourly use me to hunt with my licence, tho'
they leave not hunting whilst they left not one
deer in my park ; for their honest behaviour, being
my neighbours and the worshipful of the shire,
should be more pleasant to me than any sport that
* Some words here are not to be made out. Indeed, both
the spelling and writing of the Duchess are very bad.

1552. DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK'S LIBERALITY. 119
any wild beast in all ihe world could make me.
Yea, and were it not more for the pleasures of
such, than for my own commodity, profit, or plea
sure, I would not leave one such beast about me as
might make any neighbour I have fall out with me ;
and that were now soon adone, for, I assure you, I
have not to my knowledge two bucks more in my
park. But that must not discharge you from hunt
ing ; for, if it please not you to take the pains to
kill them, I am sure I get them not, unless I kill
them out of hand : wherefore I would desire you to
take the pains, and take your part of them ; and
also you may have as good sport at the red-deer,
and I pray you take it, for I am very glad when
any of my friends may have their pastime here,
and nothing grieves me but when I carinot make
the pastime with them ; and therefore at your plea
sure come, and bring with you whom you will, and
you shall be welcome, and they also for your sake.
And so, with my hearty commendations to yourself,
your wife, your father and your mother, I bid you
all farewell in the Lord. From Grimsthorp, this
present Wednesday, at six o'clock in the morning ;
and, like a sluggard, in my bed.
" Your assured to my power,
" K. Suffolk.
" Master Bertie is at London, to conclude if he
can with the heirs ; for I would gladly discharge the
trust wherein my Lord did leave me, before I did,
for any man's pleasure, any thing else."
" To my very friend, Mr. Secretary Cecil."

120 ROGER ASCHAM. 1550.
Sir Richard Morysine, in. his embassy to the Em
peror in 1550,* and during his residence at the im
perial court, in 1551 and 1552, was accompanied by
.one who, although then in the inferior situation of his
Secretary, has become better known to the world of
letters than the ambassador. This was the noted,
.miable, facetious, and learned Roger Ascham, the
Latin tutor of Elizabeth, the friend of Cecil, Sad
dler, Cheek, Smith, and, we might almost say, of
every able statesman or honest scholar in England.
His "Report and Discourse upon the affairs of
Germany," which has been frequently printed, is
perhaps one of the most graphic, spirited, and
amusing dissertations on that country, ever given
to the world. Unlike the common laborious state
papers of this time, (or indeed, we might add, of
every other time,) it is neither dry nor tedious ;
but, with much valuable information, is relieved by
anecdote, sparkles with kind and gentle wit, and
abounds in such minute portraits of the eminent
men of that age as are nowhere else to be found.
Ascham was in truth no common man. I know
not where we shall find a better description of
what a gobd history ought to be, than in this
brief sentence. " When you and I" (he is writing
to his old schoolfellow John Astely) " read Livy
together, if you do remember, after some reasoning
we concluded both what was in our opinion to be
looked for at his hand that would well and advi-
See supra, vol. i. p. 342.

1550. HINTS ON HISTORY. 121
sedly write a history. The first point was, to write
nothing false. Next, to be bold to say any truth,
whereby is avoided two great faults, flattery and
hatred ; for which two points Caasar is read to his
great praise, and Jovius the Italian to his juJ>r
reproach. Then, to mark diligently the causes^
counsels, acts, and issues in all great attempts : and
in causes, what is just or unjust ; in counsels, what
is proposed wisely or rashly ; iri acts, what is done
courageously or faintly ; and of every issue, to
note some general lesson of wisdom or wariness for
like matters in time to come, wherein Polybius in
Greek, and Philip Comines in French, have done
the duties of wise and worthy writers. Diligence
also must be used in keeping truly the order of
time, and of describing livelily both the site of
places and nature of persons, not only for the out
ward shape of the body, but also for the inward dis
position ofthe mind, as Thucydides doth ir>v many
places very trimly, and Homer everywhere and
that always most excellently." *
Ascham, who, as will be seen by some passages
of the letters now published, was a zealous Protes
tant, could scarcely expect to rise in the reign of
Mary, although many of his more accommodating
brethren contrived to get over this obstacle ; but it
is strange that, when his pupil Elizabeth came to
the throne, we should not find him again emerging
into notice; and it is certain that he died poor,
* Ascham's English Works, by Bennett, p. 5.

122 A DINNER AT CECIL'S. 1563.
leaving little to his orphans and widow but a high
reputation and an empty purse. It may be feared
that, with all his classical and statesman-like attain
ments, there is too much truth in the assertion of
Camden,* that he was much addicted to dice and
cock-fighting, — two strange pursuits for the most
learned scholar of his age. It may be suspected
also, from his naif eloge upon the Rhenish wine,f
and the gusto with which he describes the fat capons
of Bruges, that honest Roger was a sincere admirer
of old wine, as well as of old books and old coins.
One of his most delightful works, " The School
master," took its origin from a dinner at Lord Bur
leigh's, (then Sir William Cecil,) given when the
Queen was at Windsor, in 1563. The party con
sisted of ten, most of them men of eminence : Sir
William Petre, Sir John Mason, Dr. Wotton, Sir
Richard Sackville, Sir Walter Mildmay, Mr. Had
don, Mr. Astley, Mr. Hampton, Mr. Nicasius, and
Roger Ascham. At dinner, Cecil observed that
strange news had come from Eton ; that several
scholars, in consequence of the extreme severity of
the masters who had over-whipped them, had run
away from school. Upon this, Petre, a severe old
fellow, called them presumptuous little dogs, and
pleaded warmly for the use of the rod. Dr. Wot
ton in a gentle voice supported Cecil, who had
blamed the masters, and disapproved of such seve-
* Annals of Elizabeth. Kennett, vol. ii. p. 416.
t English Works of Ascham, by Bennet, p. 372.

1568. ORIGIN OF " THE SCHOOLMASTER." 123
rity in education. Haddon sternly seconded Petre's
views, and asserted that the best schoolmaster then
in England was the " greatest beater." Sir John
Mason bantered both sides, but adhered to neither.
(This was exactly the plan the same gentleman
adopted in more serious questions.) At last, Ro
ger Ascham deemed it his time to say something ;
and, to the praise of his good heart, taking the boys'
part, remarked, in answer to Haddon, that if the
smartest scholars were those who had smarted most
under the birch, he ascribed it rather to the supe
riority of the mental, than the flea-ing of the mate
rial, parts of these young gentlemen. With this
view Cecil and Sackville were mightily pleased ;
and Saekville having afterwards found Ascham in
the Queen's private apartment, where her Majesty
had been reading with him an oration of Demos
thenes, entreated him to write something on the
subject ; observing that, although he had said no
thing at dinner, he had felt the subject deeply,
having had all love of learning fairly birched out of
him at fourteen, — a course he was determined to
avoid in the education of his little grandson Ro
bert. From this conversation arose " The School
master" of Ascham.
One of the most amusing letters of Ascham's is
a kind of daily journal, written on the road, but
addressed from Augsbourg to Mr. Raven and
others of his dear college friends and cronies, de-

124 ASCHAM'S JOURNAL. 1550.
tailing all the wonders he had met with in his
travels, and introducing personal descriptions of
the Emperor, his son Philip, Ferdinand, King of
the Romans, the Electors, John Frederick and
Maurice, with many other noted persons. A consi
derable portion of this letter has been printed by
Mr. Bennett in his edition of Ascham's English
works,* but a large part has been omitted ; and
what is given appears to have been taken from a
mutilated and imperfect copy made by Dr. Birch f
from a manuscript of Mr. Baker's. An original
draft, in a handwriting which I suspect is that of
Ascham himself, is in the Lansdowne, 98. No. 10;
and from this the reader will be pleased to see
some interesting passages not hitherto printed. On
arriving at Brussels, he had an opportunity of see
ing Eleanor, the French Queen Dowager, widow of
Francis the First, and sister to Charles the Fifth ;
and is minute in his observations.
Orig. Lansdowne, 98. 10.
" 5th. Oct. — We tarried," says he, " at Brussels
all Sunday : I went to the mass, more to see than for
devotion, will some of you think. The Regent was
with the Emperor at August [Augsbourg] ; but the
French Queen, the Emperor's sister, was, there: she
came to mass clad very solemnly all in white cam
bric, a robe gathered in plaits wrought very fair as
need be with needle white work, as white as a dove.
* London, 4to.l761. t Brit. Mus. Ayscough, 4164.

1550. THE FRENCH QUEEN DOWAGER. 125
A train of ladies followed her, as black and evil as
she was white. Her mass was sung in pricksong by
Frenchmen very cunningly, and a gentleman play
ed at the organs excellently. A French Whipit
Sir John bestirred himself so at the altar as I
wished Patrick by to have learned some of his
knacks. * * The Queen sat in a closet above ;
her ladies kneeled all abroad in the chapel among
us. The Regent of Flanders had left at Bruxelles
a sort of fair lusty young ladies : they came not
out, but were kept in mew for fear of gosshawks
of Spain and France ; yet they came to [view] and
stood above in windows, as well content to show
themselves as we to see them.
" They had on French gowns of black velvet,
guarded down right from the collar, with broad
guards, one with another, some of cloth of gold,
some of cloth of silver, great chains arr  [ar
ranged] with precious jewels. On their heads they
had glistering cauls of goldsmith work, and black
velvet caps above, [with] frills of great agletts of
gold, with white feathers round about the compass
of their caps. They seemed boys rather than ladies,
excellent to have played in tragedies. There was
not one well-favoured among them, save one young
lady, fair and well-favoured. The Queen went
from mass to dinner ; I followed her ; and because,
we were gentlemen of England, I and another was
admitted to come into her chamber where she sat
at dinner. She is served with no women, as great

126 THE QUEEN'S DINNER. 1550.
states are there in England ; but altogether with
men, having their caps on their heads whilst
they come into the chamber where she sits, and
there one takes off all their caps. I stood very
near the table and saw all.
" Men, as I said, served ; only two women stood
by the fire-side not far from the table, for the cham
ber was little, and talked very loud and lewdly
with whom they would, as methought.
" This Queen's service, compared with my Lady
Elizabeth's my mistress, is not so princelike nor
honourably handled. Her first course was apples,
pears, plums, grapes, nuts ; and with this meat she
began. Then she had bacon and chickens almost
covered with sale onions, that all the chamber
smelled of it. She had a roast caponet, and a pasty
of wild-boar ; and I, thus marking all the behaviour,
was content to lose the second course, lest I should
have lost mine own dinner at home.
" After dinner, Mr. Berwick's brother, which
dwells with Mr. Chamberlayne, came to me, and
gently led me to see the city ; for this ye must con
sider, in every town I come in, as leisure will serve,
I went in to see all abbeys, friaries, churches, libra
ries, stationers for books, goldsmiths for old coins.
I marked the manners, order, and raiment of each
age : I marked the site, the building, the strength,
the walls, the ditches, gates, ports, and havens of
every town, and what opportunities either by water
or land each town stood by.

1550. THE QUEEN OF HUNGARY. 127
" These matters cannot be well packed up in a
small leaf of paper ; but, if I were with you at a Pro-
blemf fire, I could make you partakers of a great
deal of my journey. If I had had one Mr. Helande
or Ed. Raven with me, to have used freely the
company of his legs, eyes, ears, and tongue in this
journey, I had seen and known both more than I
do, or more than most part of men do that have
journeyed this way. Our young gentlemen care
not for this knowledge. * * *
"At this town's [Tongres] end we met the
Queen of Hungary posting from Augusta into
Flanders, having a thirty in her company, for she
had outridden and wearied all the rest, passing that
journey in thirteen days, that a man can scarce do
in seventeen. She is a virago : she is never so
well as when she is flinging on horseback, and hunt
ing all the night long.
" This Tongres is notable in Caesar's Commenta
ries ; the old walls of the old town be yet apparent
in the fields.
" 8th Oct. — From Tongres to Maestricht, called
Trajectum, nine miles. A fair city standing on the
river Mosa, as good as Trent. In the midst of this
stand mills betwixt two boats that never lack water.
I marvel that Tongres hath not the like ; and here,
at a goldsmith's shop, I saw the first old coin after
I came out of England. The goldsmith told me
that a great sort were found at Tongres, which we
past from the day before.
t So in the original.

128 maestricht. 1550.
" 10th Oct. — As we rode out of Maestricht, there
stood in a shop fair white bread to be sold, the
loaves being bigger than ever I saw two loaves at
Cambridge. My lady sent her footman to buy a
stiver's worth, which is twopence. At the first word>
the maid proffered him thirty-two for his stiver ;
and he, having as many as either his conscience
could require, or his lap could hold, would ask no
more. " This day we rode to Vulick, called in Latin
Fuliacum of J. C. [Julius Cajsar] the founder. The
country, by the way, may compare with Cambridge
shire for corn.
" This know, there is no country here to be
compared for all things with England. Beef is
little, lean, tough, and dear. Mutton likewise ; a
rare thing to see a hundred sheep in a flock. Ca
pons be lean and little. Pigeons naught ; par
tridge, black, ill, and tough ; corn everywhere, and
most wheat. Here is never no dearth, except corn
fail. The people generally be much like the old
Persians that Xenophon describes, content to live
with bread, roots, and water ; for this matter,
ye shall see round about the walls of every city,
half a mile compass from the walls, gardens full of
herbs and roots, whereby the cities most part do
live. No herb is stolen, such justice is exercised;
These countries be rich by labour and continuance
of men, not by goodness of soil.
" If only London would use, about the void places

1550. THE DUKE OF CLEVES. 129
of the city, these gardens full of herbs, and if it
were but to serve the strangers that would live
with these herbs, beside a multitude whom need,
covetousness, or temperance would in few years
bring to the same, all England should have victuals
better cheap.
" I think also there is more wine indeed drunk
in England, where none grows, than even there from
whence it cometh. It is pity that London hath not
one goodman to begin this husbandry and tempe
rance. " At Bruges in Flanders we had as fat and good
great mutton, and fatter, better, and greater capons
than ever I saw in Kent ; but nowhere else. But
now let us come to Onlick, a town of the Duke of
Cleves, standing in Guelderland, burned of late
years by the Emperor, having goodly deep ditches
and strong walls, with a great marsh of the one
side the town : yet the Duke of Cleves is building
it anew again, enlarging the town three hundred
feet round about from the old walls ; making so
broad and deep a ditch, so strong and thick a wall,
with so many scouring bulwarks point to point,
every one answering other, with vaults under the
ground to serve infinite loopholes for great pieces,
scouring and sweeping within two foot of the earth
the whole country about ; having within, to back
the wall, such a broad rampart of earth as nothing
can burst down, that to my judgment neither the
strength of Calais or Antwerp doth pass it. At the
VOL. II. K

130 COLOGNE. 1550.
east side of the town is building a castle so fair and
large as the Emperor might dwell in; so strong [as]
to repulse the Great Turk.
" I told myself, about this little town, five and
thirty brick-kilns. The Duke, hereby, will be so
strong as be once able again to bide the Emperor
basse [sic] ; but the Emperor is a wise prince, which
can suffer men to beat themselves with their own
purses. " 11th Oct. — From this town to [Colen] is eigh
teen miles. We left Aquisgrave, where the Emperor
is crowned, on the right hand. This day's journey
was much through woods, jeopardsome for thieves
called snaphanses, in complete harness. There is
one vale so good for corn as no piece of Cam
bridgeshire is like.
" When we came nigh Colen, being a fair day,
there fell such a mist, because Rhenus fluvius was
so nigh, that we lost the view both of the country
and also of the city. Coleyne is not so well build
ed, by my judgment, as the towns in Brabant and
Flanders, nor as here Surnia et Rhetia. We, enter
ing the town, had thought every man had been a
butcher, for almost in every shop there hung an ox
and half a dozen sheep. The manner is, at this
time to kill their store for the whole year, and, at
killing of his ox, he makes a feast to his kinsfolks
both of the country and city.
"Arnold Brickman, Mr. SperingV kinsman,
showed me much gentleness; and I made him again

1650. SAINT URSULA. 181
good cheer at my Lord's table, and b,y him I wrote
into England. * * * Ye will not believe how
constantly every one doth talk here of Reynold of
Mount Aborie, one of the sons of Hamon, which is
said to have wrought at this church more for a
penny than other seven could ; and so, for envy, was
slain sleeping, and cast into the Rhine, and found
and buried there as a good irian> and now here
taken as a saint, and for his death, they say, the
work could never go forward. Some of you have
read the story. Ye may believe it as much as you
list, for I only tell you what men here generally Say
and do talk. The Three Kings be not so rich, I be
lieve, as was the Lady of Walsingham.
"If I could have. tarried in Coleyn, I would have
sought out them, and written now to you what cer
tain old monuments of writing they ,have at Co
leyn for the bringing thither of these , three kings.
" St. Ursula there, with the 1 1,000 virgins, be
more to be marvelled at. A, nun showed us the
church ettid relics; there is in the church no stalls,
but five-and-thirty dpuble stone graves, one upon
another, made like troughs, and covered oyer with
stone. In an inner chapel stood St. Ursula, form
ed down to the .middle, all of silver, not massy, but
hollpw, standing within a hollow tabemacje.' Jn
tlie wall about her, in the same order and height,
stood ladies and noblemen, (the King's son of. Bra
bant, which should have been her husband, stood
next lier,) to the number of fourscore or more,
k 2

132 INSTRUCTIONS TO MORYSINE. 1551,
made even after the same sort, of silver, or sawle
[mc], which have many of them great wounds.
There be heads clothed in velvet and satin, set in
lockers orderly, with so many bones, couched* [sic]
likewise in order, that books §tand not fairer in a
study, as I ween two carts would scarcely carry
them. There be also many' heads of children, new
born, or else ripped out of their mothers' womb, for
they were not all maids, but many of them noble
men's wives." (20th Jan. 1550-51.)
The Council in their instructions, sent about this
time to Sir Richard Morysine, the English ambas
sador at the Emperor's court, had directed him,
in the account which he should give of his interview,
to recount not only all that the Emperor said, but
to mark minutely his gestures, behaviour, and ge
neral manner, so that they might understand, from
the exhibition he made of his "passions of joy and
grief," the exact temper in which he received their
communication. These instructions will be found
in the British Museum, Galba, B. xii. fol. 233.
Lord Hardwickef has printed Morysine's reply to
the English Council, in which he informs them of
the manner in which he had fulfilled their com
mission. It is long, and in many places uninter
esting ; but the following passage, in which he de
scribes his hospitable reception by D'Arras, the
* Couched — perhaps " lying."
t State Papers, vol. i. p. 32.

1552. THE BISHOP OF ARRAS. 133
prime minister, and proceeds to recount with cha
racteristic minuteness his interview with the Em
peror, is worth inserting. Granvelle was Bishop of
Arras. " The Bishop said he would let me alone till I
had changed my apparel: while my men brought
me such things as I did mind to wear, his servants
did fetch me a brush, water for mine hands ;
and, after this, they cast a couple of napkins upon
the table, and brought in a pasty of red-deer, and
said there was a couple of partridges at the fire,
and would shortly be ready. I told them that I
had dined at Spires ; and yet the Bishop, now
knowing that my men had done with me, came
again, and willed me to taste of the venison, that I
might taste of his wine. I saw a dish of olives, and
so did eat one of them ; and brought him good-
luck in a cup of wine, which he would needs I should
taste : the kindness was very great, in comparison
of any that ever I received in this court ; and I
thought my good-lucks came together, for Ber-
nardine was gone that morning toward England,
as he told divers, and I was thus certain of the
Bishop at afternoon ; which both were such news to
me, and so welcome, that I wist not whether I was
gladder that Bernardine was gone from this court,
or for this my rare entertainment with D' Arras.
" But I must on in order with my matter. I,
for that I had more list to talk than to eat, would
no venison ; and therefore the pasty was carried to

134 ADRIAN OF THE CHAMBER. 1552,
my men; and they much made of. He and I fell to
talking again ; he. groping to know mine errand,
and I keeping it for th' Emperor. He asked me
whether the ports were shut up in England, as he
had word from Flanders, or no. I said, I neither
knew of, any cause why they should be kept, or
heard of any keeping of them more than that he
had said.
" And while we .thus talked* his chamberlain
came from the court, and told him that the Em
peror did now look for -me. D'Arras* seeing my
horse without a foot-cloth, did offer me his mule,
but I gave him thanks; and, saving your Honours, in
buskins and spurs, and other short appareL made
my horse serve me Well enough ; and going, I said,
I knew well mine errand would not be long hid
from him. He brbught me forth of his house, and
tarried abroad till I was on horseback; then also
courteously, with his cap in hand, taking leave of
me. Ahd thus* being come to the court, I found
Adrian of th'e Chamber waiting for me, who was so
ready to bring me in. to the Emperor, that I was
fain to intreat him to give me leave to breathe me
a little, for that I had run apace up a long ipair
of stairs."Upon this short pause I followed Adrian,* aiid
* This Adrian was a Groom of his Chamber, and a special fa
vourite with Charles. Pedro Mexia, speaking of Charles' ha
bits, observes, " After dinner he gave audience, and some
times, retiring himself into some Secret place, he passed his time

1552. CHARLES THE FIFTH. 135
found the Emperor at a bare table, without a car
pet or any thing else upon it, saving his cloak, his
brush, his spectacles, and his picktooth. At my
coming in I offered to stand at the side of his Ma
jesty which was next to the door, but, it being on
his left hand, he willed me to go almost round
about the table, that I might stand on his right
side, perhaps for that he heareth better on th' one
side than on the other ; but, as I took it, he did it
to li[onojir] the King my master. Here, after the
delivery of the King's Highness' letters, [which]
his Majesty received very gently, putting his hand
to his bennet and uncovering the upper part of his
head, I did efforce myself with as gpod counte
nance as I could, and with as good words as my
wit would serve me to devise in the riding of
almost twenty English miles, to show the glad
ness] of the King my master, both that for his
Majesty in so long and painful a journey either
had his health continually, or was, by being some
time sore accrased, soon brought to perfecter
health. I did say besides much more, there could
be few that did more rejoice at his Majesty's sp
honourable and fortunate approaching towards the
Low Countries than did the King my master, which
in drawing the plot of some fortress, or other edifice ; but most
commonly he used to jest with a Polonian dwarf which he had,
or with one Adrian, a Groom of his Chamber." — Pedro Mexia's
Imperial History, p. 636. Translated by W. T. and published
with a Continuation, by Edward Grimstone.

136 DESCRIPTION OF CHARLES. 1552.
did repute all his Majesty's good successes to be as
his own. ******
" He did not suffer me to go on, but, on the
least pause that I could make, he did utter unto
me in gentle words that he took the King his good
brother's letters in very thankful part ; * * say
ing as well as he could, (for he was newly rid of
his gout and fever, and therefore his nether lip was
in two places broken out, and he forced to keep a
green leaf within his mouth at his tongue's end, — a
remedy, as I took it, against such his dryness as
in his talk did increase upon him,)— saying, there
fore, as well as he could, he neither had nor
could forget the King's Majesty's father's love at
sundry times showed unto him, nor deceive that
trust which at his death he put him in, recom
mending unto his trust the King his son. He
had not forgot the amity that so many years had
lasted between the realm of England and the house
of Burgundy ; he trusted the King his brother had
in these his young years found friendship, and no
....*, at his hands ; and that he had seen a desire
in him perpetually to preserve this ancient amity,
using this sentence, ' that old amities, which had
been long tried and found good, are to be made of;'
and this he spake a little louder than he did the
rest, as tho' he would indeed have me [think] that
he did earnestly mean that he said : and yet hath
he a face unwont to disclose any hid affection of
* Here the original has been injured by fire.

1552. CHARLES' GENERAL MANNER. 137
his heart, as any face that ever I met with in all
my life ; for where all white colours (which, in
changing themselves, are wont in others to bring a
man certain word how his errand is liked or mis
liked,) have no place in his countenance, his eyes
only do betray as much as can be picked out of him.
He maketh me oft think of Solomon's saying, ' Hea
ven is high; the earth is deep ; a King's heart is un
searchable.' There is in him almost nothing that
speaks beside his tongue ; and that at this time, by
reason of his leaf and soreness of his lip, and his
accustomed softness in speaking, did but so-so utter
things to be well understand, without great care to
be given to his words: and yet he did so use his
eyes, so move his head, and order his countenance,
as I might well perceive his great desire was that I
should think all a good deal better meant than he
could speak it."
Morysine proceeds to detail the message which
he brought from Edward the Sixth, which was an
offer to combine with the Emperor against the
Turk, the common enemy of Christendom, whose
" successes in Hungary began to threaten the peace
of Europe, and to alarm all good Christian princes."
Charles, as the ambassador describes it, listened
kindly but coldly, saying nothing ; "thinking," to use
the words of the letter, " in very deed, as I might
perceive, tohave heard somewhat of joining forces
against another enemy of his, to whom he beareth

138 DIPLOMATIC CRAFT. 1552.
as little good-will as to the Turk ; and here," (adds
the ambassador,) "he having so good an occasion
to have said somewhat of the French King, whe
ther it was for that he spake with some pain, or
whether he would that I should speak first against
him, did not so much as once name him." * * *
Charles soon after putting his hand as he could to
his cap, the ambassador took his leave for that time.
The Emperor afterwards sent a message, through
his prime minister, to the English ambassador,
and seemed anxious to hear whether he brought
no other commission from his master. Mory
sine answered, none as ambassador ; neither was
it possible for him to say a word beyond his
instructions : but, if D'Arras pleased, he would
talk with him on the state of matters in Europe,
not as an ambassador, but "privately, as a poor
friend might speak with an Emperor's great coun
cillor." He then argued that the Turk could do
no hurt to Christendom, if Christian princes did
not back Mm,; "and here," says he in his letter,
" D'Arras said enough against the French King,
and said he would show me a pretty way of writing
news; and going to a coffer of his, he brought .out
a couple of blanksf sent by D'Arramont from ,C onr
t This mode of sending blanks signed by particular persons,
to be filled up with such facts or communications as were most
•likely to mislead and render abortive the measures of a rival
power, was much practised in the crafty diplomacy of the times.
We find it used by Mary of Guise during her regency in
Scotland.

1552. NEWS FROM ROME. 139
stantinople to the French King, wherein might be
written such news as might serve the French
King's purpose, and be taken for news come from
the Turk's court, because D'Arramont had sub-
Scribed both the blanks with his hand and name.
I saw both the blanks ; but whether they were
D'Arramofit's, or like to be his, I know not."f
In the foUowing extract from a letter of Mory-
sine's we have a glance at the state of the Papal
Court in Oct. 1552.
Orig. G alba, B.xi.f. 129. 26th Oct. 1552. Spira.
* * " Of late, the Bishop, meaning, as men
guess, to enjoy his papacy and live like a Pope,
hath wound hiraself out of ail business, leaving the
ehaacge of his whole *k»ngs to five Cardinals, wifcb.
power absolute to do what they shall think good ;
only requiring them that, as occurrents happen, he
may hear of them.
"II Cardinal di Moaate is appointed to coversee tiie
Bishop's revenues, and to take order for things of his
Holiness' Chamber. Cardinal ;Piggbin [Pigghirii]
is appointed to matters of judgment, for to appoint
consistories and such Mke. Cardinal Cicada hath
in charge to look'to the Bishopps lands andeastles,
such as are not appointed to legates already.
Cardinal Mignanelli, or rather Mangiagnelli, is
f The feltersis dated Spire, 7th Oct. 4*552. It »is in'Gsilba,
B. xi. fol. 117, and in several places !has ;been injured by fire.

140 CARDINAL DANDINO. 1552*.
made superintendent, to see that religion amend in
no place where he hath to do.* But Cardinal
Dandino is he that hath to do in matters of state-
in things between the Bishop and Princes of Christ
tendom ; and it is thought Dandino will do his best
to deserve such pensions as the French King giveth
unto him, and fail ofthat he seeketh if he get not
some more. * * It is like the Bishop meaneth
to make his excuse by these five Cardinals, in case
any thing be done that the Emperor may mis
like. He that wrote the news from Rome saith,
that his Holiness is not in so extreme love with
Cardinal di Monte as he was." * * * f
The late Dr. M'Crie, in his Life of Knox, men
tions two conflicting statements as to the manner
in which this celebrated reformer procured his li
berty from imprisonment on board the French gal
leys : one, that the galley on board which he was
confined was taken by the English ; the other, that
he was delivered from his long servitude by orders
of the French King.f This last account we have
already shown to be the true one.
The moment he procured his freedom Knox passed
over to England, where he was favourably received
by Cranmer and the English Council, and sent to
officiate as a preacher at Berwick. This was in
* Mignanelli.— Morysine puns on Mignanelli and Mangiag-
nelli (lamb-eater). The Cardinal was probably a gourmand.
t Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 75.

1552. JOHN KNOX. 141
1549. In April 1550, he publicly disputed against
the Mass, at Newcastle, before the Council and con
gregation ; amongst whom were the Bishop of Dur
ham, the learned and amiable Tunstal, and his doc
tors.* In the month of Dec. 1551, he was made one
of King Edward's chaplains ; and, in Oct. 1552, was
employed in revising the Articles of Religion previ
ous to their ratification by Parliament.f It appears,
by the Book of the Privy Council, that on the 27th
of this same month he received forty pounds as the
King's Majesty's reward.^ Beza has informed us
that the reformer refused a bishoprick ; and Knox
himself, in a manuscript letter which has been
quoted by Dr. M'Crie, alludes to the high promo
tions which had been offered him by Edward the
Sixth. § Neither the date of this offer, however,
nor the bishoprick which he was invited to fill, have
yet been discovered.
The following letter from Northumberland to
Cecil fixes both. The proffered see appears to have
been the bishoprick of Rochester, and the offer was
made and declined by Knox in the same month in
which he had been consulted upon the Articles of
Religion, and had received a reward, or, as Dr.
M'Crie thinks, a pension from the King. The ex
pected services of this stern partisan of Protestant-
* Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 85.
t MS. Privy Council Book. Oct. 2nd, 1552.
X Ibid. Oct. 27th, 1552.
§ Bezae Icones. — M'Crie, vol. i. pp. 100, 101.

142 KNOX TO. BE MADE A BISHOP. 1552.
ism, — the hope expressed by Northumberland that
he would operate as a whetstone to the gentler Cran
mer, and as a hammer against the furious Anabap
tists, — are not the least characteristic parts of this
letter. NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 28th Oct. 1552.
" I would to God it might please the King's
Majesty to appoint Mr. Knocks to the office of
Rochester bishoprick 4 which, for three purposes,
should do very well. The first, he would not only
be a whetstone, to quicken and sharp the Bishop
of Canterbury, whereof he hath need; but also he
would be a great confounder of the Anabaptists
lately sprung. up in Kent.
" Secondly, he: should :not continue the ministra
tion in the North, contrary to this set forth here.
Thirdly, the family ofthe Scots, nom inhabiting in
Newcastle ehiefly jfor ihis fellowship, would not
continue there, wherein many resorts unto them
out of Scotland, which is not requisite.
" Herein I pray you desire my Lord Chamber
lain and Mr. Vice-chamberlain to help j towards this
good act, both for (God's service and the King's.
" And then for the North, if his Majesty make
the Dean of Durham Bishop of that see, and ap
point him one thousand marks more to that which
he hath in his deanery, — and the same houses
which he now hath, as well in the city as in the

1552. SEE OF DURHAM TO BE DIVIDED. 143
country, will serve him right honourably, — so may
his Majesty receive both the castle, which hath a
princely site, and the other stately houses which
the Bishop had in the country, to his Highness;
and the Chancellor's living to be converted to the
deanery, and an honest man to be placed in it ; the
Vice-chancellor to be turned into the Chancellor ;
and the Suffragan, who is placed without the King's
Majesty's authority, and also hath a great living,
not worthy of it, may be removed, being neither
preacher, learned, nor honest man : and the same
living, with a little more to the value of it— a hun
dred marks, will serve to the erection of a Bishop
within Newcastle. The said Suffragan is so perni
cious a man, and of so evil qualities, that the coun
try abhors him. He is most meet to be removed
from that office and from those parts.
" Thus may his Majesty place godly ministers
in these offices as is aforesaid, and receive to his
crown 2000" a year of the best lands within the
north parts of his realm. Yea, I doubt not it will
be iiiim marks a year of as good revenue as any is
within the realm ; and all places better and more
godly furnished than ever it was from thefbeginning
to this day. * *
" Scribbled in my bed, as ill at ease as I have
been much in all my life.
" Your assured friend, Northumberland."
Endorsed in Cecil's own hand.
"Duke of Northumberland to
Sir W. Cecyll. 28*4 Oct. 1552."

144 MARGRAVE ALBERT. 1552.
In the following extract from a letter of Mory,
sine, written to the English Council from Spires,
we have a graphic picture of an interview, in the
camp before Metz, between the Emperor and the
Margrave Albert. Charles was remarkable for his
graceful horsemanship. He rode, says Mexia,
when fully armed, with so much majesty, and
managed his horse so gallantly, that no more
accomplished knight could be found.*
Ascham, in his Discourse on the State of Ger
many, has given us, from personal observation, a
minute portrait of Albert Margrave of Branden
bourg. This leader, one of the most powerful
and able, but least respectable of the Protestant
Princes, had refused to subscribe the pacification at
Passaw; actuated apparently by a jealousy of the
Elector Maurice's increasing power, and by a turbu
lent imperious disposition which took delight in war
and confusion. Soon afterwards, however, he was
reconciled to the Emperor ; and having routed and
taken prisoner the Duke D'Aumale in the battle of
St. Nicholas, he joined the army with which Charles,
in the month of November 1552, laid siege to Metz.
" Marqhes Albert," says Ascham, " is now at this
day (June 1553) about thirty-one years old; of a
good stature, neither very high nor very low ; thick
without grossness, rather well-boned for strength
than overloaded, with flesh ; his face fair, beautiful,
* Imperial History, p. 685.

1552. MARQUIS ALBERT. 145
broad, stern, and manly ; somewhat resembling my
Marquis of Northampton when he was of the same
years : his eyes great and rolling, making his coun
tenance cheerful when he talketh, and yet, when he
giveth ear to others, he keepeth both a sad look
without sign of suspicion, and also a well-set eye
without token of malice ; and this behaviour I
marked well in him when I dined in his company at
the siege of Metz, in the Count John of Nassau's
tent. His voice is great, and his words not many,
more ready to hear others than to talk himself."f
SIR RICHARD MORYSINE TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. Galba. B. xi. f. 132. Spires. 80th Nov. 1552.
* * " Men think the Emperor also meant to in
crease this opinion in us, [that Metz was about to
surrender or be taken,] who, the 20th of November,
came riding fair in harness upon a great courser of
Naples into the camp, and found many occasions
to talk to divers, to thank whom he knew had
done any thing well, and to encourage others, fill
ing men with hope as he went: and when he
came where Marquis Albert and Marquis Ma-
rignian were, they both lighted from their horses ;
whereupon the Emperor, looking with a very lov
ing countenance upon Marquis Albert, did put out
his hand to him, and shook him twice or thrice
at once, as the Almains are wont to do. The
Marquis had his eyes still fast upon the Emperor's
f Ascham's English Works, by Bennet, pp. 25, 26.
VOL. II. L

146 THE PALSGRAVE. 1552.
countenance, as one that meant to see whether
there were any looks that would betray thoughts
commanded to keep in. When he saw all was well,
or at the least could not see but all seemed well,
he, standing and not kneeling, spake a few words to
the Emperor, which the Emperor did seem to take
in very good part; and giving him words for words,
a good many for a few, he took him by the hand
again. The Emperor dined that day with the
Duke of Alva ; and lieth where the Duke lieth, in
an abbey hard by Metz. * * *
" The Palsgrave, my Lords, hath so feasted me
and others that came at my desire, as he must think
me an ungrateful man if I make not as much suit
as I can to purchase 'him thanks from the King's
Majesty. * * He showeth a singular affection to
the King's Majesty, a constant memory of the
great goodness showed to him and to his family by
the King's Majesty's most noble father.
" His wife beareth the title of a Queen, and yet by
no intreaty would he suffer her to wash with me.f
When we went a hunting, he would needs I should
leave my horse and go in waggon with him ; setting
me in his lady's place, and sending her amongst her
women. He came within a mile of Spires, because
I did not come to him ; and lay there three days
ere I could go to him. * * *
" He said at his table, his hemet, J that is his shirt,
was never so nigh his skin as the King's Majesty's
+ So in the original. -This passage is obscure.
X Probably for " hemd," which is the German word ?

1552. SIEGE OF METZ. 147
father was, and should be while he had any breath
in him, nigh his heart. His Queen would fain have
me to send or bring my wife thither. * * *
Men think, within eight or nine days this matter of
Metz will grow to some conclusion."
The conclusion to wliich this memorable enter
prise grew is well known. The Duke of Guise,
to whom the defence of Metz had been entrusted,
having with him the flower of the French nobi
lity, baffled every effort of the Emperor ; and com
pelled him, after experiencing severe loss, to raise
the siege.f The first great cannonade was opened
four days after the date of Morysine's letter on
the 24th Nov. De Thou gives a most spirited ac
count ofthe siege. J
Northumberland's kind intentions for Knox's
preferment to a bishoprick appear to have been of
short duration ; for we see, from the next letter,
that the Duke and the reformer had met, and,
after a stormy interview, had separated with little
regret on either side. Knox had too much acute
ness not to" detect the ambition and selfishness of
this domineering statesman, and too much sincerity
not to tell him of his faults to his face. In the
reformer's "Admonition to the Professors of the
Truth in England," he shows an intimate know
ledge of the characters of Northumberland and
Paulet, Marquis of Winchester : the first, as he
says, " ruling the roast by stout courage and proud-
X January 1552-3. J Book xi.
L2

148 KNOX AND NORTHUMBERLAND. 1552.
ness of stomach;" the other, under the name of
Shebna the Treasurer, acting like " a crafty fox,
showing a fair countenance to the King, but under
it concealing the most malicious treason." *
The most interesting portion of this letter, how
ever, is that in which Northumberland alludes to
his own religious faith; which, he assures us, had
continued firm to the Protestant creed for twenty
years : little more than a year elapsed, when this
unhappy man was executed, professing himself a
Roman Catholic. NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. 7th Dec. 1552.
" Master Knox's being here to speak with me,
saying that he was so willed by you, I do return
him again, because I love not to have to do with
men which be neither grateful nor pleasable. I as
sure you I mind to have no more to do with him
but to wish him well, neither also with the Dean of
Durham, because, under the colour of a false con
science, he can prettily malign and judge of others
against good charity upon a froward judgment.
And this manner you might see in his letter, that
he cannot tell whether I be a dissembler in religion
or not : but I have for twenty years stand [stood] to
one kind of religion, in the same which I do now
profess; and have, I thank the Lord, past no small
dangers for it.
" I do send you herewith the letter which I do
* Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England, p. 53.

1552. CECIL'S ADVICE TO NORTHUMBERLAND. 149
mind to send to the Constable of France by Vellan-
dry, because the Constable sent me one by him,
which the King's Majesty did see ; praying you to
know his Highness' pleasure in it, and to send me
word by this bearer. I have also thought good to
put you in remembrance eftsoons of the matter
revealed by the Dean of Durham, for that it seem
eth not good to me it should lie in hogarmogar,f for
the matter is perhaps of more importance than it
is taken for. If it be proveable, it is without all
doubt meet for his Majesty to know the truth of it,
with all the circumstances and adherents, nisi forth
veniant Romani. * * *
" I remember well your considerations concerning
what might be judged by evil people of me, as
though it might be imagined that I should be the
procurer of the matter against the parties for dis
pleasure, or for that I would be alone, or for to
have some of his inheritance. As touching that
first, it is known to the King's Majesty and some
others ofthe Council who is the revealer ofthe mat
ter ; and, while it is now fresh in memory, I think it
meet the matter were so handled as the revealer,
while he is here, should be eftsoons asked and
caused to declare under his handwriting by what
means he came to the knowledge of this matter,
and how long he did know it before he did utter it
+ i. e. in a secret state. — The matter revealed by the
Dean of Durham was, a conspiracy against the government,
of which Bishop Tonstal was alleged to be cognizant without
revealing it.

150 NORTHUMBERLAND'S DEFENCE. 1552.
unto rae, and by whom the matter was first broken
unto him.
" And this done, with the advice and consent of
some others of my Lords of the Privy Council, it
shall the better and more livelier appear to their
wisdoms what is farther to be done in it, chiefly
for the King's Majesty's surety. * * * And, for
my own part, if I should have past more upon the
speech of the people than upon the service of my
master, or gone about to seek favour of them with*
out respect to his Highness' surety, I needed not
to have had so much obloquy of some kind of men ;
but the living God, that knoweth the hearts of all
men, shall be my judge at the last day with what
zeal, faith, and truth I serve my master. And
though my poor father,f who, after his master was
gone, suffered death for doing his master's com
mandments, who was the wisest prince of the world
living in those days, and yet could not his com
mandment be my father's charge after he was de
parted this life ; so, for my part, with aU earnest
ness and duty I will serve without fear, seeking
nothing but the true glory of God and his High
ness' surety : so shall I most please God and have
my conscience upright, and then not fear what man
doth to me. * *
" From Chelsey, this 7th of Dec. 1552.
" Your assured friend,
" Northumberland."
* Edmund Dudley, executed August 15th, 1510.

1552. NEW BISHOPRICKS. 151
The Duke of Northumberland, in repeated let
ters, exhibits the utmost anxiety for the appoint
ment of a bishop to the vacant see of Durham ;
Tonstal having been deprived on account of his
alleged privity to a conspiracy against the govern
ment. * Northumberland's plan was carried into
effect in the Parliament which sat in the follow
ing month of March. It was, as we have seen, f
to dissolve the old bishoprick, and erecting two
sees, one at Durham, the other at Newcastle, to
endow them moderately, — Durham with two thou
sand, and Newcastle with one thousand, marks
a year. The temporalities of the dissolved bishop
rick, which was a county palatine, were to be vest
ed in the King ; and on these the ambitious Duke
had an eye for himself. Nor was he unsuccess
ful. They were granted to him, but the King's
death interrupted and ultimately put an end to the
scheme. These circumstances must teach us to receive
with caution Northumberland's remarks on the
godless state of the country. The zeal of the
Duke for the recovery of the straying sheep was
of an interested kind. It is strange to find this
rigid supporter of the Reformation abusing the Pro
testant bishops and pastors as " new, obstinate
doctors, without humanity or honest conditions,
and so sotted with their wives and children as ut-
* Supra, p. 149. Hayward in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 323.
t Supra, p. 143.
X Hayward in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 323.

152 OLD DURHAM. 1552.
terly to neglect their calling." But we must not
attach much credit to this tirade. The key to it is
to be found in the conclusion of the letter. Their
possessions were too great, and Northumberland
longed to reduce them to a reasonable size by
helping himself to a large portion of the county
palatine. NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 2nd Jan. 1552-3.
" Forasmuch as this old year past was not happy
for old Durham to receive a new bishop, I would
wish, if so it might please the King's Majesty and
my Lords so to consider it, that that country should
no longer be deferred from a pastor, where there is
already so many straying sheep. And if so great a
matter as this is, both for God's cause, the quiet of
the country, and the King's Majesty's honour, shall
be so little regarded, notwithstanding the continual
calling upon it which I have from time to time
done, I would that some other that seemeth to
make the matter so light had mine office there, and
I discharged thereof ; and then they shall perhaps
know better what it means to have the rule and
government where God shall be neglected and for
gotten. And what order was lately taken with
the Dean of Durham I neither yet did hear nor
have been made privy to it ; and where he is,
and how he is employed by the order of my
Lords, whether he be gone home, or whether he

1552. INDOLENT PASTORS. 153
remain here, I know not ; but wheresoever he be, I
have been much deceived by him, for he is un
doubtedly not only a greedy, covetous man, but
also a malicious, and an open evil speaker ; and
thereof there is enough now can make report :
therefore, for the love of God, let not the See be so
long destitute of some grave and good man ; yea,
rather a stout honest man that knoweth his duty to
God and to his Sovereign Lord, than one of these
new obstinate doctors without humanity or honest
conditions. These men, for the most part, that the
King's Majesty hath of late preferred, be so sotted
of their wives and children that they forget both
their poor neighbours and all other things which to
their calling appertaineth ; and so will they do so
long as his Majesty shall suffer them to have so
great possessions to maintain their idle lives. Be
seeching God that it may be amended.
" From Chelsey, the 2nd January 1552.
" Your loving friend,
" Northumberland."
" To my very loving friend,
Sir. Wm. Cecil, Knight,
deliver this."
Northumberland, one of the most crafty, domi
neering, and grasping of men, and whose ambition
aimed latterly at nothing less than kingly power,
assumes, in the following letter to Cecil, the garb
of a recluse, wearied with the world, studious of
rest, and longing for his departure from a scene in

154 COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE DUKE. 1552-3.
which he had witnessed so much vanity. The epistle
is an accomplished piece of hypocrisy, but it was
addressed to one who could see through it all. It
is worthy of note also, that this letter is written at
the time when the young King began to fall into that
declining state of health from which he never after
wards recovered. This illness, probably, had sug
gested to Northumberland his great design against
the crown ; and his absence from the Council may
have been connected with the organising his plot
for the alteration of the succession.
NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 3rd Jan. 1552-3.
" Forasmuch as it seemeth to me, yesterday, by
your friendly persuasions for my coming to the
court, that the same, with some others my friends,
either did not thoroughly understand mine estate, or
might judge in me some great negligence for being
so long absent, I have thought good with these fur
ther to declare unto you, that whosoever do think
that for any respect I do now withdraw or absent
myself from the King's affairs, saving for lack of suf
ficient health, he judgeth me wrong. Albeit, I must
needs think that if all things were considered in me,
as I am able to declare by myself, and easy enough
to be judged of others, mine absence might be the
better borne ; but this moveth me to remember the
Italian proverb, which, though it become me not
to say of myself, yet the saying is true, that of a

1552-3. NORTHUMBERLAND'S REPLY. 155
faithful servant shall become a perpetual ass. So,
though I were able to bear the burden, I trust my
Lords do not mind so to use me once, if my body
were as healthful as any man's. I assure you, both
for the King's honour and my poor estimation, it is
high time for me to seek away to live ofthat which
God and his Highness hath sent me ; and to keep
the multitude of cravers from his court, that hang
eth now daily at my gate for money, so long have I
passed forth this matter in silence and credit, that
shame almost compelleth me to hide me. What
comfort think you may I have, that seeth myself in
this case after my long travail and troublesome life,
and towards the end of my days ? And yet, so long
as health would give me leave, I did as seldom fail
mine attendance as any others did ; yea, and with
such health as, when others went to their sups and
pastimes after their travail, I went to bed with a
careful heart and a weary body ; and yet abroad no
man scarcely had any good opinion of me. And
now, by extreme sickness and otherwise constrained
to seek some health and quietness, I am not with
out a new evil imagination of men. What should
I wish any longer this life, that seeth such frailty in
it 1 Surely, but for a few children which God hath
sent me, which also helpeth to pluck me on my knees,
I have no great cause to desire to tarry much longer
here. And thus, to satisfy you and others whom I
take for my friends, I have entered into the bottom
of my care, which I cannot do without sorrow : but

156 KNOX AND THE DUKE. 1552-3.
if God would be so merciful to mankind as to take
from them their wicked imaginations, and leave
them with a simple judgment, men should here live
angels' lives; which may not be, for the fall of Adam
our forefather procured this continual plague, that
the one should be affliction to the other while we
be in this circle, out of which God grant us all his
grace to depart in his mercy. And so I leave,
wishing the good unto you that your own self
can desire.
" At Chelsey, the 3rd of January 1552.
" Your assured loving friend,
" Northumberland."
" To my very loving friend,
Sir Wm. Cycill, Knight"
Endorsed by Cecil himself.
" D. of Northumberland to W. Cecill,
3 Jan. 1552."
We have already seen how earnestly Northum
berland exerted himself for the promotion of Knox
to the bishoprick of Rochester, when the advance
ment of this great enemy of the Romish Church
suited the state purposes of the ambitious Duke :
we have seen also that the reformer proved, proba
bly too honest, certainly too stubborn, to lend
himself to the designs of a selfish and crafty
statesman ; for which reason he was sent back to
Cecil as a man neither " grateful nor pleasable."*
It appears however that Knox was a favourite of
* See supra, p. 148.

1552-3. KNOX BEFORE THE COUNCIL. 157
the young King, or perhaps we should rather say of
Cheek, Cecil, Bedford, and others of the puritan
party, — from whom Edward imbibed many of his
opinions and predilections. It is known at least,
that on the 2nd October 1552, he was consulted in
the revision of the Articles of Religion previous
to their ratification by Parliament ; and that, on the
27th of the same month, he received forty pounds
as a reward from the King, under the title of his
Majesty's Preacher in the North.*
On his return to Newcastle, the reformer's custom
of alluding in the pulpit to affairs of state brought
him into new trouble. Northumberland took of
fence because he lamented the fall of Somerset ;
and the Roman Catholic party in the Council
caught fire at an assertion which he made, that all
who were enemies to the Protestant faith were se
cret traitors to the crown and commonwealth.f
For this attack he was brought before the Privy
Council, but the King's good opinion and the interest
of the puritan party again bore him out unhurt ; and,
having been heard in his defence, he was absolved
from all blame, J and permitted to return to the scene
of his labours. It was a return, however, to. strife
and persecution. Lord Wharton, the most power
ful man in these quarters, was his enemy ; the
Mayor of Newcastle brought forward new accu-
* MS. Privy Council Book, 27th Oct. 1552 ; and under the
date 2nd Oct. 1552.
f M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 92, 93. J Id. p. 95.

158 KNOX'S COMPLAINTS. 1552-3,
sations ; and, as Northumberland writes, " ut
tered against him his malicious stomach." Their
united opposition seems to have embittered his life,
and drew from him a letter to this nobleman,
which, from the manner in which he alludes to
its contents, must have been desponding and
melancholy, a tone very different from that in
which he generally expressed himself: it is much
to be regretted that this letter of Knox, which was
sent enclosed by Northumberland to Cecil, is not
to be found. It sounds strange to our ears to
hear the rigid and indomitable reformer, whose
voice made princes and nobles tremble, described,
almost in a style approaching to contempt, as " a
poor soul" to whom it would be charity in Cecil
to minister a few words of comfort in his perplexed
and broken-hearted state.
NORTHUMBERLAND TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 9th Jan. 1552-3.
" After my right hearty commendations. — Here
with I do return unto you as well Mr. Morison's
letters as also the Lord Wharton's, and do also
send with the same such letters as I have received
from the said Lord Wharton of the 2nd and 3rd of
this instant, with also one letter from poor Knoxe,
by the which you may perceive what perplexity the
poor soul remaineth in at this present ; the which,
in my poor opinion, should not do amiss to be re
membered to the rest of my Lords, that some order

1552-3. THE KING'S FAVOUR FOR KNOX. 159
might be taken by their wisdoms for his recomfort.
And as I would not wish his abode should be of great
continuance in those parts, but to come and to go
as shall please the King's Majesty and my Lords to
appoint him, so do I think it very expedient that
his Highness' pleasure should be known, as well to
the Lord Wharton as to those of Newcastle, that
his Highness hath the poor man and his doings in
gracious favour ; otherwise some hindrance in the
matters of religion may rise and grow amongst the
people, being inclined of nature to great incon
stancy and mutations. And the rather do 1 think
this meet to be done, for that it seemeth to me that
the Lord Wharton himself is not altogether without
suspicion how the said Knoxe's doings hath been
here taken : wherefore I pray you that something
may be done whereby the King's Majesty's pleasure
to my Lords may be indelayedly certified to the
said Lord Wharton, of the King's Majesty's good
contentation towards the poor man and his proceed
ings, with commandment that no man shall be so
hardy to vex him or trouble him for setting forth the
King's Majesty's most godly proceedings, or [what
he] hereafter by his Majesty's commandment shall
do ; for that his Majesty mindethio employ the man
and his talent from time to time in those parts, and
elsewhere, as shall seem good to his Highness for
the edifying of his people in the fear of God. And
that something might be written to the Mayor for
his greedy accusation of the poor man, wherein he

160 NOTES BY CECIL. 1552-3.
hath, in my poor opinion, uttered his malicious
stomach towards the King's proceedings if he might
see a time to serve his purpose ; as knoweth God,
to whose infinite goodness let us pray that all
things may prosper, to his glory, and to the honour
and surety ofthe King's Majesty.
" From Chelsey, this 9th of January 1552.
" Your assured loving friend,
" Northumberland."
" To my very loving friend,
Sir. Wm. Cecil, Knight,
deliver this."
The following letter from Northumberland to
the Lord Chamberlain, written in contemplation of
the meeting of the last Parliament of Edward the
Sixth, is full of interest. The preparation of the
speech by Cecil, the manuscript notes " scribbled "
on it by Northumberland, the insight we obtain
into the different political views of these remark
able men, the previous consultations on the choice
of a speaker, and the query as to the continuation
of a service which one would have supposed to
have been long since abolished — the Mass of the
Holy Ghost, are all points of importance.
NORTHUMBERLAND TO THE LORD CHAM
BERLAIN.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 14th Jan. 1552-3.
" After my most hearty commendations to your
Lordship. I do return to the same herewith

1552-3. Northumberland's criticisms. 161
the arguments and collections of Mr. Secretary
Cecil, left with me by your Lordship at your late
being at Chelsey ; which, as I did then partly de
clare my opinion in some points, seeming to me
your Lordship not to mistake the same, hath made
me the bolder to scribble a part of my simple
mind upon the margin ; which, by your wisdoms,*
when you shall have seen and perused, and not
like the same, there is no harm but to strike it out
with a pen, for the text remaineth, so as Mr.
Secretary can easily find out his own.
" The cause why I have scribbled the book so
much is, that I am of opinion that we need not
to be so ceremonious as to imagine the objects f
of every froward person, but rather to burden
their minds and hearts with the King's Ma
jesty's extreme debts and necessity, grown and
risen by such occasions and means as cannot be
denied by no man ; and that we need not to seem
to make account to the Commons of his Majesty's
liberality and bountifulness in augmenting or ad
vancing of his nobles, or of his benevolence showed
to any his good servants, lest you might thereby
make them wanton, and give them occasion to
take hold of your own arguments ; but as it shall
become no subject to argue the matter so far, so, if
* Although the letter is addressed to the Lord Chamberlain
only, the notes of Dudley were meant for the consideration
both of this nobleman and Cecil.
f Objects — i. e. objections.
VOL. II. M

162 THE LADY ELIZABETH. 1552-3.
any should be so far out of reason, the matter will
always answer itself with honour and reason, to
their confuting and shame : praying your Lordship,
and also Mr. Secretary, to bear with me in this my
folly, the rather for that I know your minds was
that I should declare my opinion, (tho' I know small
need there is of the same,) otherwise you would not
have left the instrument with me.
"And further, touching my Lady Elizabeth's
Grace's communication with Mr. Chancellor con
cerning Durham Place, this bearer can declare the
same unto you. It hath not been much from that
I did therein conjecture : nevertheless, her Grace
seemeth by the report of the said Master Chancel
lor to be fully satisfied, but not without conceiving
some displeasure before against me, for that I
would make labour or means to have the house
without first knowing her mind; wherein I must
appeal to the King's Majesty's most gracious good
ness, and to your Lordship's friendly remembrance,
whether ever I made means or suit for to have it.
And herein I trust his Highness will defend me unto
her Grace, who indeed I would not offend willingly,
knowing her [relation,] as I do, to his Highness.
Her Grace hath presently sent to cause the house
to be delivered, wherein I rest to know his Majesty's
further pleasure. Her Grace also hath sent me
word by Master Chancellor, that she is determined
about Candlemas to come to see the King's Ma
jesty, and is desirous that she might borrow St.

1552-3. CHOICE OF A SPEAKER. 163
James' to lie in for the time, because she cannot
have her things so soon ready at the Strand House ;
but I am sure her Grace would have done no less,
though she had kept Durham House still. And
thus I commit your Lordship to the tuition of the
Almighty. From Chelsey, the 14th of January
1552. .. " Your Lordship's assured loving friend,
" Northumberland.
" Postscripta. — In my poor opinion, it is time
the King's Majesty's pleasure were known for the
Speaker of the House, to the intent he might have
secret warning thereof, as always it hath been used,
because he may the better prepare himself towards
his preposition; otherwise he shall not be able to do
it to the contentation of the hearers. It would also
be considered who shall that day preach before the
King, and what service shall be said in the stead of
the old service, which was wont to be of the invoca
tion ofthe Holy Ghost ; or whether his Majesty will
have the communion for all his Lords and Prelates
to communicate together at the said service in his
Majesty's presence, or not. And also, that his
Majesty's pleasure were known concerning the
bringing in by writ some heirs-apparent into the
parliament-house, whereby they may the better be
able to serve his Majesty and the realm hereafter.
" To my very good Lord my Lord
Chamberlain, deliver these."
Endorsed in Cecil's hand.
" Uth Jan. 1552.
" Duke of Northumberland to my Lord Chamberlain" M 2

164 Northumberland's plans. 1553;
The Duke of Northumberland was not con
tented with the possession of the greatest power
which perhaps was ever enjoyed by any English
subject. He aimed yet higher; tottered on the
highest step of the ladder, lost his balance in
grasping at the crown, and brought upon him
self swift and utter ruin. Yet his plan, as far
as human foresight could reach, seemed artfully
and strongly laid. It is well known. The young
King, whose constitution had never been ro
bust, fell into a declining state of health in Ja
nuary 1552-3 ;* and Northumberland, aware that
the most prominent feature in Edward's character
was an apprehension, it might almost be called a
horror, for the re-establishment of the Roman Ca
tholic faith in England, conceived the project of
inducing him to settle the crown upon the Lady
Jane Grey, descended by her mother's side from the
youngest sister of Henry the Eighth, and thus set
ting aside Mary, who was the true heir. During
the month of May 1553, the young King seemed
convalescent ; and Northumberland selected this
as a proper time to lay his plans, and consolidate
his power by a marriage between the Lady Jane
and his fourth son, Lord Guilford Dudley. At
the same time, his daughter, Catherine Dudley, was
married to Lord Hastings, eldest son of the Earl
of Huntingdon ; and Lord Herbert, the Earl of
Pembroke's eldest son, and a nobleman entirely de-
* Hayward in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 323.

1553. EDWARD'S UNJUST WILL. 165
voted to the Duke, was united to the Lady Cathe
rine Grey. These alliances strengthened his hands,
and he knew that the Council were most of them
his creatures. The readiness with which Ed
ward lent himself to a project so unjust and nefa
rious is extraordinary. He agreed to disinherit
Mary, to set aside Elizabeth, to pass over Mary
Queen of Scots, the lineal descendant of the eldest
sister of Henry the Eighth ; and, contrary to the
will of that monarch, and to the act of parliament
which had declared the next heirs to be the Ladies
Mary and Elizabeth, he by his own sole preroga
tive settled the crown on Jane Grey, Henry's
great grand-daughter.
The scene in which this memorable piece of
injustice was carried into execution must have been
an extraordinary one ; and there is fortunately pre
served an account of it by the Lord Chief Justice
Montague, who was himself a principal actor. It
appears that, on the lith June 1553, this Judge
received a letter from the Council at Greenwich,
requiring him to attend next day at court, and
to bring with him Sir John Baker, Mr. Justice
Bromley, and Gosnold and Griffin, the Attorney
and Solicitor General.*
* It is worthy of notice that this letter, which may be con
sidered as the first step towards setting aside Mary's title, was
signed not only by Secretary Petre, and Sir John Cheek, who,
on the 2nd of June, had been sworn as a third Secretary
of State, but also by Cecil. — MS. Privy Council Book, 2nd
June 1553: and Narrative of Sir Edward Montague; Fuller,
Church History, vol. ii. p. 369.

166 EDWARD'S ARTICLES. 1553.
Montague accordingly came to court, and was
brought to the King's presence, with whom he
found the Marquis of Winchester, Lord Treasurer,
the Marquis of Northampton, Sir John Gates, and
others of the Council. Edward declared that his
long sickness had caused him to think seriously of
the state of his realm ; that he was resolved the
crown should not go to the Lady Mary, who might
alter the religion ; and that therefore he had called
him to receive the royal commands regarding the
drawing up a deed, by which he meant to alter the
order of succession. The King then showed him
some written articles, which had been prepared with
this design, and ordered him to draw out a deed of
settlement according to their tenor. To this Monta
gue replied, that such a proceeding would be illegal,
and directly against the Act of Succession, which
was an act of parliament. The King, however,
was peremptory ; and the old Judge, receiving the
articles, required an interval to consult the statutes
and deliberate.
Next day, the 12th of June, Secretary Petre
sent for Montague to Ely Place, Northumber
land's palace, and informed him that the affair
required speedy despatch ; upon which the Chief
Justice hastened to court, and coming before the
Council, and probably speaking the more boldly
because the Duke was absent, declared that, after
having considered the King's wishes, the opinion
of himself and his colleagues who were with him

1553. MONTAGUE'S OPPOSITION. 167
remained unaltered. To make such a destination
of the crown as had been proposed, would, he affirm
ed, be not only treason in them, but treason in all
their Lordships. Upon this, Northumberland, to
whom this opinion had been communicated, burst
into the Council-room, pale and trembling with
anger ; and, amongst other outrageous talk, called
the Chief Justice traitor, and swore that he would
fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel.
Next day, the 14th June, Montague received
an order from the Council to repair instantly to
court, with the same official persons who at first
accompanied him. On passing through the rooms,
" all the Lords looked upon them with earnest
countenance, as though they had not known
them ;" by which Montague and his brethren be
gan to fear that things would go hard with them.
Nor were they deceived. On being introduced to
the royal presence, Edward, " with sharp words
and angry countenance," demanded why they re
fused to obey his order ; commanded them on their
allegiance to make quick despatch ; and declared
he would afterwards have it ratified by Parliament.
Some Lords, who stood behind the Chief Justice,
said, if they refused to draw the deed, they were trai
tors. And Montague, as he himself says, being a
weak old man and without comfort, professed at last
his willingness to consent upon two conditions ; the
first, that the King would give him his commission
under the great seal, enjoining him to draw the

168 THE WILL IS DRAWN. 1553.
instrument ; the second, that a general pardon for
having drawn it, should be made out at the same
time. To this Edward agreed : Mary was declared
illegitimate, and the crown settled upon the Lady
Jane Grey.
Montague's own words upon this point are re
markable : "And so," says he, " the doers and
makers of the said book (or settlement), with sor
rowful hearts and with weeping eyes, in great fear
and dread, devised the said book, according to such
articles as were signed with the King's proper
hand, above, beneath, and on every side." *
This will having been thus drawn, Northumber
land insisted that it should be signed by all the
Council, as well as by the Judges ; a request
which, after more or less hesitation, was at length
obeyed by all except Sir James Hales. Some
idle controversy and recrimination has arisen be
tween Catholic and Protestant writers on this point
of Edward's change of the succession ; and the
Councillors who signed the will having been partly
Protestants and partly Catholics, historians, as they
belong to the one or to the other persuasion, have
attempted to excuse their friends and to blacken
their opponents. Nothing can be more absurd ;
because nothing can be more certain than that the
* Fuller, vol. ii. p. 372. — The Articles have been printed by
Strype, from a MS. described as belonging to D. Wm. Petyt.
Edward has headed them, " My devise directing the Suc
cession." See Life of Cranmer, vol. ii. p. 912.

1553. CECIL'S TRIALS. 169
conduct of the whole Council, with one fine ex
ception in the case of Hales, was selfish, timid, and
time-serving. I have already observed that Cecil's desertion of
Somerset, and his devotedness to Northumberland,
brought him to the brink of a precipice. The mo
ment of trial was now come, and it is curious to
trace him under it : * yet let us do it with every
allowance. The times were dreadful — and in the
vocabulary of statesmen to lose your place, and to
lose your head, were then almost convertible terms.
On his first suspicion of the desperate game
wliich Northumberland was playing, Cecil appears
to have adopted an expedient not uncommon in
those days with councillors who wished to get rid
of a dangerous question. He became very sick,
and absented himself from court. This at least is
Strype's conjecture,* and there is every reason to
believe it correct.
Many of his friends, however, thought him
really ill ; and amongst these Lord Audley, who
loved and studied the healing art, undertook his
cure, as appears by the following humorous re
cipe and epistle. LORD AUDLEY TO CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestie. 9th May 1553.
" Good Mr. Cecil. — Be of good comfort, and
pluck up a lusty merry heart, and thus shall you
* Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p.ii.p. 109.

170 LORD AUDLEY'S RECIPE. 1553.
overcome all diseases : and because it pleased my
good Lord Admiral lately to praise my physic, I
have written to. you such medicines as I wrote unto
him, which I have in my book of my wife's hand,
proved upon herself and me both ; and, if I can get
any thing that may do you any good, you may be
well assured it shall be a joy to me to get it for
you. " A good medicine for Weakness or Consumption.
" Take a sow-pig of nine days old, and flea him
and quarter him, and put him in a stillatory with a
handful of spearmint, a handful of red fennel, a
handful of liverwort, half a handful of red nepe,* a
handful of celery, nine dates clean picked and
pared, a handful of great raisins, and pick out the
stones, and a quarter of an ounce of mace, and two
sticks of good cinnamon bruised in a mortar ; and
distil it together, with a fair fire ; and put it in a
glass and set it in the sun nine days ; and drink
nine spoonfuls of it at once when you list.
" A Compost.
" Item. — Take a porpin, otherwise called an
English hedgehog, and quarter him in pieces, and
put the said beast in a still with these ingredients :
item, a quart of red wine, a pint of rose-water, a
quart of sugar, cinnamon and great raisins, one date,
twelve nepe.
" If there be any manner of disease that you be
* Turnip.

1553. ALFORD'S LETTER. 171
aggrieved with, I pray you send me some knowledge,
and I doubt not but to send you a proved remedy.
" Written in haste at Greenwich, the 9th day of
May. " By your true hearty friend,
" John of Audley."
Cecil's disease, however, was deeper fixed than
to be cured by soup formed from the distilla
tion of a sow-pig boiled with cinnamon and raisins,
or a compost of a porpin or hedgehog stewed in
red wine and rose-water. It was Northumber
land's plot that troubled his digestion.
As the month of June approached, his quick
eye had detected more decided symptoms of the
Duke's daring scheme, and we learn from an au
thentic paper that he viewed it with the utmost
alarm. He probably knew, what afterwards was so
strikingly shown, the hatred with which the people
regarded the Duke, and their strong attachment to
legitimacy. There was then in Cecil's service, and
treated by him with much confidence, one Mr. Roger
Alford ; and Strype has published in his Annals* a
letter from this person to Lord Burleigh, which gives
us some interesting particulars of that great states
man's conduct at this trying crisis. It is strange
that these should have been so little noticed by the
writers of his life, although well worthy of attention.
In walking in Greenwich Park, the court being then
at Greenwich, Cecil, it appears, told Alford in con-
* Vol. iv. p. 349.

172 CECIL'S FIRST RESOLUTION. 1553.
fi dence, that he had secret information of a device
of King Edward's regarding the succession. He
had heard of it, he said, not as a councillor, but
covertly from a friend. The object of the device was
to set aside Mary, and to make Lady Jane Queen.
When the project was riper, he considered it
likely, he said, that he would be called to give his
opinion ; but he emphatically declared that, what
ever became of him, he never would be a partaker
in that device. The plot was then confined to a few
members ofthe government; and Cecil, having re
solved at all hazards to resist being brought in as
an accomplice, absented himself from the Council.*
This was a dangerous step : Northumberland was
violent, and we have Alford's testimony to the fact,
that Cecil dreaded assassination ; he went about
armed, contrary to his usual practice ; he resorted
to London, often under cover of night ; he had his
money, plate, and evidences conveyed out of his
house ; he meditated flying from the country, but,
when Gosnold and Hales refused to sign the will,
he plucked up new courage and remained. The
power of Northumberland, however, and the im
portunity of the young King, having at last pre
vailed over all opposition, Cecil was called upon
last of all to give his consent. Here, as the passage
is important, I must use Alford's own words.
* This absence of Cecil from the Council was from the 22nd
of April till the 2nd of June 1553. This was the time Lord
Audley prescribed his hedgehog soup.

1553. HIS CHANGE OF PURPOSE. 173
"Afterwards, the matter thus proceeding, and
the Judges' opinions prevailing so far, who, together
with Mr. Gosnold, and all others required there
unto, had subscribed, saving yourself, you told me
that being called for before the King, upon his
commandment that you should subscribe his instru
ment, you answered it, that allowing it as a coun
cillor you could not, for causes you showed him.
Whereupon, as I remember also, he said, he willed
you to subscribe as a witness that it was his plea
sure to have it so to pass, which you have no rea
son to deny ; and so as the last man you subscribed."
This account of Cecil's opposition to Northum
berland's iniquitous scheme, of his being the last
who was induced to affix his name to the will, and
of his signing as a vntness to the King's signature,
not as consenting to the deed, has been adopted by
all the writers of his life ; and Alford, as we see,
states that he received it from Cecil's own lips. I
must frankly confess, however, I give no credit to
the story. It is contradicted by evidence under his
own hand. If it was true that to the last he was
utterly against the scheme, and determined at all
hazards to have no hand in it, how does it happen
that, at the first, that letter which Chief Justice Mon
tague received upon the 11th of June, requesting his
presence at the noted interview in which the scheme
for the disinheriting of Mary was first broached, was
signed by Cecil as well as by the other Secretaries,
Sir William Petre and Sir John Cheek? But

174 HE AGREES TO THE WILL. 1553.
there is much stronger proof against Alford's story
than this. Not only is the King's will signed by
Cecil, without there being the slightest symptom
that his name (which occurs not last, but in the
middle of all the other signatures,) was there placed
as a witness ; but it appears that, after the framing
of the will, the King, or the Duke, to make assur
ance doubly sure, had directed a new instrument
to be drawn out, by which certain members of the
Council engaged " upon their oath and honour to
adhere to and carry into effect all the articles con
tained in the King's settlement." Now this second
deed is signed by four-and-twenty councillors, and
amongst these occurs the name of William Cecil.
The story, therefore, of his determined opposition
to Northumberland, and of his signing, not as a prin
cipal but as a witness, — a tale so oft repeated with
out due examination, — seems to me to have been
manufactured to meet the exigency. Alford's letter,
it must be observed, was written in 1573, twenty
years after the events it describes ; it was drawn
up at Cecil's own request, and was evidently com
posed with the most favourable feelings towards
his old master, who was then Lord Treasurer and
Prime Minister of Elizabeth: It states some part
of the truth, but not the whole truth. The distress
and alarm of Cecil when he first heard of the scheme
of Northumberland to set aside Mary, and his reso
lution to resist it, " whatever became of him," are
emphatically dwelt on, and are certainly true ; but

1553. CHEEK MADE SECRETARY. 175
he has suppressed the fact that these honest reso
lutions faded away, and that the feelings of the
courtier proved in the end too strong for the deter
mination of the patriot. Northumberland, how
ever, had no doubt detected his unwillingness ; and,
on the 2nd of June, Sir John Cheek was sworn in
as a third Secretary of State. It is difficult not
to connect this extraordinary step with Cecil's ab
sence from the Council, and indisposition to the
plot against Mary. It appears to me that North
umberland meant to show him that, unless he
went all lengths with him, he must cease to be Se
cretary. And the argument was not lost upon him.
During the interval between the 2nd and the 11th
of June, there was, I have little doubt, a painful
conflict in his mind. It was during these eight
days that Northumberland matured his design ; and
on the 11th, as the reader will recollect, the letter
was written to Montague, which may be regarded as
the first public step against Mary. This letter, we
know from Montague's account, was signed by Ce
cil ; and that signature demonstrates, I think, that
he had determined to retain his place, whatever sa
crifice it might cost him. And as we shall soon see,
it did cost him dear ; for he was driven by it to
falsehood, to evasions, and to little subterfuges,
from which every upright mind would have recoil
ed. But this discussion upon Cecil's behaviour in
perhaps the most trying crisis of his life has carried
me too far. I must resume the series of our letters.

176 WOTTON AND CHALLONER. 1553.
Whilst these dangerous intrigues were being car
ried on at home, the continental relations of the
country were not neglected.
Dr. Wotton and Sir Thomas Challoner had been
sent on a mission to the French King in the begin
ning of April 1553. On April 15th, 1553, they
addressed a letter to Cecil, dated at Mon-
strieul, which has been printed by Haynes.* It
mentions the sudden muster of the Imperial army
under the Prince of Piedmont, their investing The
rouenne, and the consternation of Mons. de Loches
commandant of that place ; who, being absent from
his charge, had, in an attempt to re-enter the town,
suffered a defeat by the Burgundians. The French
King, they say, was at St. Germain, expecting the
Queen's accouchement, and had sent for all his
children. Sir William Pickering, the English am
bassador at the French court, was afterwards
joined in the commission with Wotton and Chal
loner. The following letter gives an account of
their negotiations, f
* MS. Privy Council Book, lst April 1553. — Haynes,
p. 148.
¦j- In the Ambassades de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 9, there is a
letter from the Constable Montmorency to Noailles, giving an
account of the conferences of the English ambassadors with
the French ministers. The English names are sadly mangled.
Challoner is Monsieur Charanger, and Maistre Woton is in a
note explained to be " Nicolas Malherbe, Doyen des Eglises de
Cantorbery et d'York." Wotton was born at Bockton Mal
herbe, in Lincolnshire. Hence, probably, the ludicrous mistake
as to his name.

1553. EMBASSY TO FRANCE. 177
About the same time, Edward the Sixth, or
rather the Duke of Northumberland, who had the
whole management of affairs, despatched an em
bassy not only to the court of France, but to the
Emperor ; * the object of both being the same, to
promote a reconciliation between these two rival
princes, and to restore peace to Christendom
through the mediation of England. The Emperor
had not as yet given an audience to the ambassadors,
and the preliminary demands of the French mon
arch were so extravagant, that there seemed little
prospect of the negotiation being attended with
success. In a letter of Secretary Petre to Se
cretary Cecil, dated Greenwich, 15th May 1553,
he remarks, " Our ambassadors with the Em
peror have not yet spoken with him, but only with
the Regent, of whom they have yet no answer. In
France they had access long ago ; many fair words
and certain small requests : the realms of Naples,
Sicily, Arragon, and Navarre ; the duchy of Milan,
the county of Ast [Aosta], the sovereignty of the
Low Countries. Things go slowly forward ; whe
ther it be the Emperor's weakness, or the expecta
tion of some other mean, or that they will not hear
of peace, I know not." f
?The reader will remark the allusion in the latter
part of the following letter to the news which had
reached France, of Edward " being a little sick and
* MS. Books of Privy Council, 27th March 1553.
f Haynes, p. 150.
VOL. II. N

178 EDWARD'S ILLNESS. 1553.
accrased," a feeble phrase to express that mortal ma
lady which had seized the young King ; but Wotton
and his colleagues were either themselves igno
rant of its fatal nature, or wished to disguise it from
the French King and his ministers. This, how
ever, would have been a vain attempt, for, on the
13th of this same month, Noailles had written to
the Constable Montmorency that there was but
little hope of his recovery.* We know that at
this moment the Duke of Northumberland was
engaged in organising the plot by which he raised
Lady Jane Grey, wife of his fourth son, Guilford
Dudley, to the throne, on the decease of Edward,
which took place little more than six weeks after.
WOTTON, PICKERING, AND CHALLONER, TO THE
COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. May 16th, 1553.
" After our most due commendations. It may
like your good Lordships to be advertised that,
upon our first access to the French King, we sent a
special messenger with our letters of the lst of this
instant unto your Lordships, containing at large
the substance of our conferences with the said King
and Constable. Since which time we have not re
ceived any letters either from your Lordships or
from my Lord of Norwich and his colleagues in
Flanders ; which giveth us half a doubt that per
chance, by means of the Emperor's sickness, or
* Negociations de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 25.

1553. A LEGATE FROM ROME. 179
otherwise, they have not had such speedy audience
as we, or else perchance have had such answer as
is cause of more delay in the signification thereof
unto us.
" In the mean time, according to the advertise
ment of our former letters, yesterday arrived at
Paris a Cardinal Legate from the Bishop of Rome,
called Capo di Ferro ;* who heretofore, what time I
the Dean of Canterbury was here ambassador resi
dent, came hither in like office of Legate ; who now,
at his entry into Paris, was solemnly received with
the accustomed processions, and, for more special
honour, the Bishop of Cahors there met and
received him ; from whence he cometh as to-mor
row to this town of Poissy, his lodging being
already prepared, and shall have his audience at
the court.
" Now, forasmuch as even lately the news have
been spread in this court (albeit we think it not
most certain) that they of Sienna and the Imperials
are at an appointment of peace, so as the 10th day
now past of this instant, as these men affirm, the
writing of the said appointment should be capitu
lated, and thereby accorded that the armies, as well
French as Imperial, withdrawing from Sienna, the
said city and territory thereof should remain clearly
discharged, and restored to the ancient liberty, of
which appointment and" restitution the Bishop of
* Jeronimo Capi-Ferri, Cardinal of St. George. — Noailles,
vol. ii. p. 45.
N 2

180 SECRETARY DE L'AUBESPINE. 1553.
Rome is said to be the only mediator; therefore
it is thought by some discoursers here, that the
said Jiishop pretendeth by means of his Legates,
sent presently, the one to the Emperor and the
other to the French, to bear a great stroke in the
composition of the rest of their quarrels and differ
ences, so as a peace by his means may follow :
which thing we shall endeavour ourselves, as much
as we may, to attain knowledge of, and advertise
your Lordships from time to time with diligence
how this Legate shall demean himself, and how he
shall be used here.
" And albeit we had thought, for a day or twain
longer, to have deferred the writing hereof until the
said Legate's access unto the French court ; by
which time also it might be that we should have re
ceived some packet from your Lordships, which we
much desire ; yet upon occasion of a message this
day brought unto me, Sir Wm. Pickering,, by
Mons. De Manny from the Constable, we thought
good to despatch unto your Lordships this present
letter out of hand, to give the same to understand
that, according to the ^aid Manny's message, Mons.
the Secretary De L'Aubespine is already in order
to repair into England, intending this night to set
forwards by easy posts, of purpose (quoth the said
Mons. De Manny) to visit, from the King my master,
the King his good son and brother, who, as the
King my master hath been advertised, hath been a
little sick and accrased. And therewith the said

1553. BIRTH OF A PRINCESS. 181
Manny asked me whether I had not lately heard
thereof; whereunto I answered, that since his High
ness' late accrasement, taken of a cold, I heard
nothing of any other sickness that his Majesty
should newly sustain ; trusting it was not so. Well,
quoth he, in case you purpose to write any thing by
Mons. L'Aubespine into England, I am come to
give you notice of his departure, and so he took his
leave, not declaring otherwise the cause of the said
L'Aubespine's going. The occasion, therefore, of
his repair into England we know not, otherwise
than in this sort ; and yet we think it may be some
further matter than an errand of visitation. And
whether these men, besides the answer they have
made to us, mean to declare the same to the King's
Majesty more particularly by some man of their
own of special credit, (such as De L'Aubespine is,)
and perchance therewithal to make overture of some
further matter, we know not. * * *
" The French Queen yesterday, after a long
and perilous travail, was brought a-bed. of a daugh
ter ; and the voice goeth, that, within these four
days, the King removeth from St. Germain's to
Paris, and from thence into Picardy, nearer the
places subject to the ' Imperials' danger. Pietro
Strozzi is returned out of Italy, and from the Duke
of Ferrara hath brought (as is said) this answer :
that in case the French King do send an army into
Italy, competent for any great enterprise, the Duke
will show himself, on his part, both his good cousin,

182 EMBASSY TO THE EMPEROR. 1553.
ally, and special confederate ; otherwise [he] would
be loath to discover himself altogether French with
out notable purpose. Capt. Riffenberg is said to
have newly entered covenant with the French King
to make up his band to the number of six thousand
lansknechts, accounting those which he hath already
in regiment. * * *
" Your Lordships' at commandment,
" N. Wotton. W. Pykerynge.
" Thos. Challoner."
We have just mentioned the embassy to the
Emperor, the object of which was a desire upon
the part of Edward and his ministers to mediate
a peace between this potentate and France. The
following is the letter from the ambassadors, — the
Bishop of Norwich, Sir Philip Hoby, and Sir R.
Morysine. THE BISHOP OF NORWICH, SIR P. HOBY, AND
SIR R. MORYSINE, TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. 9th June 1553.
" Pleaseth your Lordships, yesterday in the
afternoon, about five of the clock, Messieurs De
Baldemont and Gerard, two of the Emperor's
Council, set us from our lodging unto the court,
where first we had access unto the Queen ; by
wrhom, after a short excuse made of the long delay
of our answer, it was told us that like as the King
our master, in travailing of this sort to pacify the

1553. INTERVIEW WITH CHARLES THE FIFTH. 183
present wars, had not only showed himself a very
sincere friend unto the Emperor, but also a well-
wilier of the tranquillity of all Christendom ac
cording to the office of a good king, so the Em
peror, for his part, did not only yield unto his good
brother his most hearty thanks, but also assured
us that, whensoever those reasonable conditions
were offered that might appear to tend unto a per
fect and an unfeigned peace, it should well be
known that the Emperor doth presently no less
covet the quiet of all Christendom than as a good
Christian prince should, and as he hath ever co
veted and travailed for it.
" And since the cause of these wars is unknown
unto the Emperor, being begun by the French
King of that sort that all the world knoweth, it is
therefore reason the offers also begin there ; or else
let them that have begun show what grounds they
have to begin it, that it may be seen by indifferent
men in whom the fault is ; and then, look what
may with the Emperor's, honour in reason be re
quired, and it shall be seen whether he meaneth
not indeed as she now had said unto us.
" Wherewith she left that matter, and told us
that we should immediately speak with the Em
peror himself, and should at his hands perceive
whether this were true or not. Whereupon she
caused us to be led down to the Emperor's cham
ber, from whence, after a little pause, we were
brought into his privy chamber, and there found

|"8**iV£B#RLES EXTREMELY EMACIATED. 1553.
nm^ton a chair with his feet on a stool, looking
very pale, weak, lean, and feeble ; howbeit nothing
so ill as we before believed of him, for his eye was
lively enough, and his speech sensible : but what we
should judge of him we cannot tell, for he hath
escaped so many perils of sickness, that tho' his
colour and his flesh be gone, yet he may endure a
while. Marry, to judge him by our sight, we must
say that he appeareth unto us rather a man of short
time than of continuance.*
" Thus, when we were come to his presence and
made due reverence, we made the King's Ma
jesty's commendations to him, and in few words
touched the King's Majesty's affection towards his
Majesty, and then the cause wherefore we were
sent. Whereunto briefly he answered us of this
sort : that he was sorry of our long delay here,
but his sickness had been the cause, wherefore he
prayed us to bear withal ; and for our message he
did specially thank the King our master, his good
brother, both for the good affection that he always
findeth in him, and also for his zeal unto the con
cord and peace of all Christendom, giving him the
title of a good and virtuous king ; showing himself
much pleased that the King's Majesty did so ear-
* Sir Philip Hoby, in a letter to Secretary Cecil, dated at Brus
sels, 20th June, and printed in Haynes, p. 151, gives much the
same account of the Emperor's extreme weakness ; adding, that
his credit and estimation in Germany, Italy, and other places,
decayed as rapidly as his body.

'7 ^ -"
1553. DEATH OF EDWARD THE SIXTH,' ff.pj 1#5/
nestly follow this good purpose, so friendly by him
taken in hand ; assuring us that, upon offer of rea
sonable conditions, (his honour being saved,) we
should well see how much he tendered peace. And
so, he praying us to make his most hearty commen
dations again unto the King his good brother, we
took our leave at him, wishing to his Majesty
strength and long health. And, either this day or
to-morrow, we look to hear of the Legate's f access
unto him. * * * " Thomas Norwicens.
" Phelyp Hoby.
" Rich. Morysine."
" Bruxelles, 9th June 1553."
On the 6th of July, Edward, who had been sink
ing for some months under a pulmonary complaint,
expired at Greenwich. His death was probably
hastened by the prescriptions of a female empiric,
to whose care he was committed after the physicians
had pronounced the case hopeless. J Next day, the
7th, Cecil wrote in his Diary that singular and in
explicable sentence to which I have already alluded
in the first volume : " 7th Julii libertatem adeptus
sum morte Regis, ex misero aulico factus liber et mei
juris." That Cecil, linder the latter part of the
reign of Edward, should have found himself an
unhappy courtier who had no will of his own, 1 can
well believe. It is demonstrated by many authentic
+ The Papal Legate Dandino, sent to meditate a peace be
tween the two monarchs.
X Carte, v. iii. p. 278. Giffet, p. 3.

186 CECIL'S CONDUCT OBSCURE. 1553.
papers ; but the death of the young King, so far
from giving him freedom, and permitting him to fol
low his own inclinations, which, according to his
own assertion, were all on the side of Mary, chained
him more hopelessly to the will of the proud Duke,
and compelled him to support the cause of the
Lady Jane. What meaning then can we attach to
the words "factus liber et mei juris"?
But, leaving this riddle to be solved by future
antiquaries, I proceed to observe that Northum
berland and his faction, the moment the young
King breathed his last, shut the gates of the palace,
doubled the guards, intercepted all communication
with the country, and resolved to conceal his
death for a fortnight, till they had obtained pos
session of the persons of Mary and Elizabeth, and
secured themselves against all opposition. * Pre
vious to the King's death, a request had been sent
in Edward's name for the repair of the Lady
Mary to the court, and she was on the point of
falling into the snare ; she had advanced on her
journey as far as Hoddesdon, near London, when a
secret message was brought her that Edward was
dead, and that if she advanced she was lost. Dr.
Lingard ascribes this important piece of service to
the Earl of Arundel ; Mr. Jardine, in his Criminal
Trials, to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton.f Unfortu-
* Roger Alford's letter to Cecil. Strype's Annals, vol. iv.
p. 349. Noailles, vol. ii. p. 70.
t Lingard, vol. vii. p. 151. Jardine, dim. Trials, vol. i.
pp. 43, 44.

1553. THE DUKE SEIZES THE TOWER. 187
nately, both authors have omitted to state their
authority ; but, be this as it may, Mary instantly
mounted on horseback, and rode at speed to Ken-
ninghall in Norfolk, where she deemed herself in
safety.* This occurred on the 7th July ; and, early
in the morning of the same day, Lord Clinton,
by Northumberland's order, seized the Tower, in
which were the royal treasures, with the munitions
of war. He was accompanied by the Lord Treasu
rer Winchester and the Earl of Shrewsbury. They
turned out the Constable, Sir James Crofts ; forti
fied it more strongly, by bringing in additional ord
nance; and prepared it for the reception ofthe
Lady Jane as Queen. On the same day, the Lord
Mayor and some of the leading aldermen and citi
zens were sent for to the Council, informed of the
King's death and will, commanded to keep the
event secret, and dismissed, after having taken the
oaths to the new sovereign.
The whole Council, with others of the principal
nobility, were now in the Tower, strictly watched
by Northumberland, who dreaded intrigue, aware
that he had heads as crafty as his own to deal
with. On the 9th, a letter was brought from
Mary, which she wrote to the Council in the cha
racter of Queen, expressing her astonishment that
they had not proclaimed her, and requiring them
instantly to repair this omission. To this an an
swer was returned, reminding her of her alleged
* Holinshed, vol. iii. p. 1065.

188 LADY JANE RECEIVED AS QUEEN. 1553.
illegitimate birth, declaring that the Lady Jane
was their Queen, to whom their allegiance was
due, and recommending her to submit to her
lawful sovereign. It is important to observe that
this letter was signed by Cecil, as well as by the
rest of the Council.* All this took place whilst
the Lady Jane was totally ignorant of the high
destiny intended for her ; but, on the 9th, Northum
berland, with the Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Pem
broke, and others of the nobility, repaired to Sion
House, where she and her husband, Lord Guilford
Dudley, had resided since their marriage. She was
struck with an unusual deference and respect in
their manner ; and soon after, her mother, the
Duchess of Suffolk, having entered the apartment,
Northumberland explained to her the will ofthe
late King, saluted her as Queen, and, falling on his
knees with the rest of the nobility, declared that
they would defend her title with their blood.f
She was much overcome, burst into tears, and
accepted their homage with unaffected sorrow and
humility. On the 10th she was proclaimed, pub
licly assumed the government, and made her royal
entry into the Tower, where she was received with
all the honours due to a Queen of England. J
So far Northumberland's project had been crown
ed with complete success ; and judging from the
* Holinshed, vol. iii. p. 1067.
f Lingard, vol. 7, pp. 153, 154. Carte, vol. iii. p. 281.
X Stowe, p. 610.

1553. DISCONTENT OF THE PEOPLE. 189
precautions which he had adopted, and the power
which he seemed to possess, the cause of Mary
appeared desperate. But the leader in this great
change was hated by the people. They dread
ed his ambition ; they called to mind the ruin
which he had brought on their favourite Somerset,
they accused him of making the young King a mere
tool to execute his own plans ; and hinted that
Edward had been poisoned. It was noticed that
when Jane took her progress to the Tower, the
crowd gazed upon her in silence, offering no
congratulations ; and we know from Bishop God
win,* that this circumstance gave encouragement
to some of Queen Mary's friends in the Council,
who secretly favoured her cause, though compel
led for the time to dissemble. It is from this
moment that I believe Cecil, who was now keenly
observing every turn, commenced his double play,
of which I shall speak immediately.
In the mean time, nothing could be more extra
ordinary than the rapidity with which the short
and lamentable episode of the Lady Jane hurried to
its conclusion. Scarcely had the Council despatch
ed their answer to Mary's summons, when the appal
ling news arrived that she had been joined by the
Earls of Bath and Sussex; to this it was soon added,
that she had been proclaimed Queen in some places
amid universal acclamations ; that Sir Edward
Hastings, brother of Lord Huntingdon, had joined
" Kennett, vol. ii. p. 329.

190 MARY'S SUCCESSES. 1553.
her with four thousand foot ; and that her forces
increased every hour. It was necessary for Nor
thumberland to act on the instant, but he was
distracted with difficulties. If he left the Tower,
he dreaded the intrigues of the Council and the
disaffection of the capital ; if he remained, whom
could he trust to command the army ? At last, he
determined to proceed against Mary in person ; and,
having spent the 11th and 12th in collecting his
force, he left the city, and trusted to surprise his
antagonist before she was able to cope with his
troops* In this, however, he was miserably dis
appointed. The Queen, encouraged by the enthu
siasm of the people, acted with uncommon decision
and vigour ; she had on the 16th July left Kenning-
hall, and ridden without drawing bridle to Fram
lingham, where, in a few days, she saw herself at
the head of thirty thousand men.f Northumberland
soon heard of this ; it was added, that he had been
proclaimed a traitor, and a price set upon his head :
he dreaded that his communication with the capital
would be cut off; and, losing courage, fell back
from Bury upon Cambridge.
From this moment all was lost. The Council,
who were still conducting the government of the
Lady Jane in the Tower, becoming assured of
the real state of affairs, deemed it prudent to
discover that she whom they had so recently
* Speed, p. 1108.
t Holinshed, ,vol iii. p. 1067.

1553. THE COUNCIL DESERT JANE. 191
branded as an illegitimate usurper was their only
lawful sovereign. This wheel was executed on the
19th of July, and, on the 20th, Mary was proclaimed
at St. Paul's Cross amid extravagant demonstra
tions of popular joy. After which Arundel and
Paget hurried with the good news to Framlingham.
On the 20th also, the Duke of Northumberland,
who had attempted when too late to make his peace /
by proclaiming Mary, was arrested for high trea- (
son ; and that same day the Lady Jane saw her- <
self despoiled of the ensigns of royalty by her own ,
father, who joined the stronger party. She was per^/
mitted to depart to Sion House, whilst Northumber
land and his associates were lodged in the Tower.
The diligence of Strype and other collectors has
preserved some of the public instruments and let
ters which illustrate the transactions of these nine
eventful days ; but they contain little secret his
tory, and I have found no private letters to guide
me. In truth, it would be almost vain to ex
pect them, as the rapid whirl of events and the
peril of the time made the actors in them too busy
and too timid to write.
There is, however, among the Lansdowne manu
scripts one valuable paper which enables us to re*
sume pur examination of the conduct of one of the
greatest men who figured in these extraordinary
scenes. I mean Cecil. It is a defence of himself
which he presented to Mary. Tlie paper is in his own
hand-writing ; and, as the only printed copy which I

192 CECIL'S " SUBMISSION." 1553.
know is a very inaccurate one,* I give it here from
the original in the British Museum. It is entitled
" A BRIEF NOTE OF MY SUBMISSION AND OF
MY DOINGS."
Orig. Lansdown. 102. F. 2.
" 1. First, my submission with all lowliness that
any heart can conceive.
" 2. My misliking of the matter when I heard it
secretly ; whereupon I made conveyance away of
my lands, part of my goods, my leases, and my
raiment. " 3. I also determined to suffer, for saving my con^
science ; whereof the witnesses, Sir Anthony Cooke,
Nicholas Bacon, Esq. Laurence Eresby of Louthe,
(ii.) two of my suite, Roger Alford and William
Cayewood. " 4. Of my purpose to stand against the matter,
be also witnesses Mr. Petre and Mr. Cheke.
" 5. I did refuse to subscribe the book, when
none of the Council did refuse : in what peril, I
refer it to be considered by them who know
the Duke.
" 6. I refused to make a proclamation, and
turned the labour to Mr.' Throckmorton, whose
* It is difficult to understand why Strype should not have
printed the original, but contented himself with an abstract in
his notes on Hayward, Kennett, vol. ii. p. 352. We owe its
first appearance to Mr. Howard, in his Life of Lady Jane Grey,
pp. 310, 313, but owing to the inaccurate transcription and
typography, the blunders entirely deform the sense.

1553. CECIL'S SUBMISSION. 193
conscience I saw was troubled therewith, misliking
the matter.
" 7- I eschewed the writing of the Queen's
Highness bastard, and therefore the Duke wrote
the letter himself which was sent abroad in the
realm. " 8. I eschewed to be at the drawing of the pro
clamation for the publishing of the usurper's title,
being specially appointed thereto.
" 9. I avoided the answer of the Queen's High
ness' letter.
" 10. I avoided also the writing of all the public
letters to the realm.
"11. I wrote no letter to the L. (Lord) Lawarr,
as I was commanded.
"12. I dissembled the taking of my horse, and
the rising of Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire,
and avowed the pardonable lie where it was sus
pected to my danger.
" 13. I practised with the L. Treasurer to win
the L. Privy Seal, that I might by the L. Russel's
means cause Windsor Castle to serve the Queen ;
and they two to levy the west parts for the
Queen's service. I have the L. Treasurer's letter
to L. (Lord) St. John for to keep me safe if I
could not prevail in the enterprise of Windsor
Castle, and my name was feigned to be Hardinge.
" 14. I did open myself to the Earl of Arundel,
whom I found thereto disposed ; and likewise I did
the like to the L. (Lord) Darcy, who heard me
VOL. II. o

194 CECIL'S DOUBLE DEALING. 1553.
with good contentation, whereof I did immediately
tell Mr. Petre for both our comfort.
"15. I did also determine to flee from them if
the consultation had not taken effect, as Mr. Petre
can tell, who meant the like.
" 16. I purposed to have stolen down to the
Queen's Highness, as Mr. Gosnold can tell, who
offered to lead me thither, as I knew not the way.
" 17. I had my horses ready at Lambeth for the
purpose. " 18. I procured a letter from the Lords that the
Queen's tenants of Wymbledon should not go with
Sir Thomas Caverden; and yet I never gave one
man warning so much as to be in a readiness, and
yet they sent to me for the purpose, and I willed
them to be quiet. I might, as Steward there, make
for the Queen's service an hundred men to serve. .
" 19. When I sent into Lincolnshire for my
horses, I sent but for five horses and eight of my
servants ; and charged that none of my tenants
should be stirred.
" 20. I caused my horses, being indeed but
four, to be taken up in Northamptonshire; and the
next day following I countermanded them again by
my letters, remaining in the country, and notori
ously there known.
"21. When this conspiracy was first opened to
me, I did fully set me to flee the realm; and was dis
suaded by Mr. Cheke, who willed me for my satis
faction to read a dialogue of Plato, where Socrates,

1553. CECIL'S PETITION FOR PARDON. 195
being in prison, was offered to escape and flee, and
yet he would not. I read the dialogue, whose rea
sons indeed did stay me.
" Finally, I beseech her Highness that in her
grace I may feel some difference from others that
have more plainly offended, and yet be partakers of
, her Highness' bountifulness and grace: and if dif
ference may be made, I do differ from them who I
served, and also from them that had liberty after
their enforcement to depart, by means whereof they
did, both like noble men and true subjects, show
their duties to their Sovereign Lady. The like
whereof was my devotion to have done, if I might
have had the like liberty ; as knoweth God, the
searcher of all hearts, whose indignation I call upon
me if it be not true :
" Justus adjutorius meus Dominus, qui salvos
facit rectos cord (corde) :
" God save the Queen in all felicity !
" W. Cecill." *
It is singular that so important a paper as this
should have been so little consulted by the writers
of Cecil's Life, whose besetting fault it is to in
dulge in vague and unlimited encomium. Yet the
facts which it contains are not only interesting as
* Endorsed by Cecil himself,—" No. xxxx. 1553. Ante
etp* mortem Ed. 6" ;" and in another old hand on the back,
" His apology for himself as to his actings in Queen Jane's
business.'-
0 2

196 CECIL'S PERVERSION OF THE TRUTH. 1553.
illustrating his character, but are in truth all we
know ofthe secret history of the revolution which
unseated Jane and placed Mary on the throne. I
request the reader to Observe how completely this
paper corroborates the view already given ofthe
absurdity of the story that Cecil only signed Ed
ward's will as a witness: for what says he himself of
this? — " I refused to subscribe the book (i. e. the
will) when none of the Council did refuse ; in what
peril, I refer it to be considered by them who know
the Duke." Is it to be believed that he would
have here omitted to add, that he signed it only as
a witness, and not as consenting to the deed ? Yet
had Cecil the disingenuity to invent for the credul
ous ear of Alford this excuse, which he did not dare
to plead to the Queen, and to consent in future
years that the story, which he deemed, perhaps, a
" pardonable departure from the truth," should be
retailed by his dependants. Such little beings are
our greatest men !
Equally ungenerous and selfish was his conduct
when Northumberland commanded him as secre
tary to draw the proclamation in favour of Jane.
What says he here ?
" I refused to make a proclamation, and turned
the labour to Mr. Throckmorton, whose conscience
I saw was troubled therewith, misliking the
matter." Thus was poor Sir Nicholas saddled by Cecil
with an act of treason from which his conscience

1553. REQUEST OF THE LADY JANE. 197
recoiled ; and the Secretary, whose eye was looking
forward to coming events, found the means by this
cunning suggestion to place one man at least be
tween himself and the scaffold. Under the reign
of Elizabeth, Throckmorton and Cecil were keen
political opponents. Was not this enough to ac
count for their enmity 1
It is evident from the paper, that, the mo
ment Northumberland left the Tower to take com
mand of the army, Cecil and the Council began to
plot against him. It had been first resolved by the
Duke that he should remain in the capital, and
that Suffolk should command the army against
Mary ; but the Lady Jane, earnestly and with tears,
implored the Council that her father should not be
separated from her ;* and they, who by this time
had secret information of Queen Mary's success, '
were eager to get rid of Northumberland, whose j
presence awed them into subjection. The account
given by Holinshed of Northumberland's consent
to lead the army, and of his speech to the nobles
before leaving the Tower, is interesting, and has
some fine touches which seem to stamp its authen
ticity, f After alluding to the arguments used by
the Lords to prevail upon him to take the expedi
tion on himself, he thus gives the Duke's answer :
" ' Well then, since ye think it good, I and mine
* Stowe, p. 610.
t On the margin it is said to be copied from the report of
an eye-witness. Holinshed, vol, iii. p. 1068.

198 NORTHUMBERLAND'S SPEECH. 1553.
will go, not doubting of your fidelity to the Queen's
Majesty, which now I leave in your custody.' So
that night he sent for both lords, knights, and
others that should go with him, and caused all
things to be prepared accordingly. Then went the
Council in to the Lady Jane, and told her of their
conclusion, who humbly thanked the Duke for re
serving her father at home, and beseeched him to
use his diligence ; whereunto he answered, that he
would do what in him lay. The morrow following*
great preparation was made ; the Duke, early in
the morning, called for his own harness and saw it
made ready at Durham Place, where he appointed
all his retinue to meet. The same day carts were
laden with ammunition, and artillery and field
pieces were set forward.
" The same forenoon the Duke moved eftsoons
the Council to send their powers after him, as it
was before determined, to meet with him at New
market ; and they promised they would. He said
further to some of them, ' My Lords, I, and these
other noble personages, with the whole army that
now go forth, as well for the behalf of you and
yours, as for the establishing of the Queen's High
ness, shall not only adventure our bodies and lives
amongst the bloody strokes and cruel assaults of
our adversaries in the open fields ; but also we do
leave the conservation of ourselves, children, and
families at home here with you, as altogether com
mitted to your truth and fidelities : whom, if we

1553. HIS TRUST IN THE COUNCIL. 199
thought ye would through malice, conspiracy, or
dissension, leave us your friends in the briers and
betray us, we could as well sundry ways foresee and
provide for our own safeguard, as any of you, by
betraying us, can do for yours. But now upon the
only trust and faithfulness of your honours, whereof
we think ourselves most assured, we do hazard our
lives ; which trust and promise if ye shall violate,
hoping thereby of life and promotion, yet shall
not God count you innocent of our bloods, neither
acquit you of the sacred and holy oath of allegi
ance made freely by you to this virtuous lady the
Queen's Highness, who by your and our enticement j
is rather of force placed therein than by her own (
seeking and request. Consider also, that God's
cause, which is the preferment of his word, and
fear of Papists' entrance, hath been (as ye have
here before always known) laid the original ground,
whereupon ye, even at the first motion, granted
your good-wills and consents thereunto, as by your
handwritings appeareth; and think not the con
trary, but if ye mean deceit, though not forthwith,
yet hereafter God will revenge the same. I can
say no more, but in this troublesome time wish you
to use constant hearts, abandoning all malice,
envy, and private affections.' And therewithal the
first course for the Lords came up ; wherefore the
Duke shut up his talk with these words; 'I have
not spoken to you in this sort upon any mistrust I
have of your truths, of which always I have hitherto

200 ARUNDEL'S TREACHERY. 1553.
conceived a trusty confidence, but I have put you
in remembrance thereof, what chance of variance
soever might grow among you in mine absence ; and
this I pray you, wish me not worse good-speed in
this journey than ye would have to yourselves.'
" ' My Lord,' said one of them, ' if ye mistrust any
of us in this matter, your Grace is far deceived, for
which of us can wash his hands clean thereof ? And,
if we should shrink from you as from one that were
culpable, which of us can excuse himself to be guilt
less ? Therefore, herein, your doubt is too far cast.'
' I pray God it be (quoth the Duke) ; let us go to din
ner.' And so they sat down. After dinner, the Duke
went in to the Queen, where his commission was by
that time sealed for his lieutenantship of the army ;
and then took his leave of her, and so did certain
other Lords also. Then, as the Duke came through
the Council Chamber, he took his leave of the Earl
of Arundel, who prayed God to be with his Grace ;
saying, he was sorry it was not his chance to go
with him and bear him company, in whose presence
he could find in his heart to spend his blood even
at his feet.
Then the Earl of Arundel took Thomas Lovel,
the Duke's boy, by the hand, and said, ' Farewell,
gentle Thomas, with all my heart.'
" Then the Duke, with the Lord Marquis of
Northampton, the Lord Grey, and divers others,
took their barge and went to Durham Place, and
to Whitehall, where that night they mustered their

1553. CRAFT OF BOTH PARTIES. 201
men ; and next day, in the morning, the Duke de
parted with the number of six hundred men or
thereabouts ; and, as they rode through Shoreditch,
Said the Duke to the Lord Grey, ' The people
press to see us, but not one saith God speed us.' " *
It is worth remarking, that Northumberland
seems to have been ruined by his own excess of cau
tion. In order that he might do nothing upon his
own warrant, he insisted on having his route and
marches prescribed by the Queen and Council ;
whilst the Lords, in their turn, as craftily assigned
to him short journeys, "not without the politic
forecast," says Holinshed, " of some in favour of the
Lady Mary; for, the longer the Duke lingered in
his voyage, the Lady Mary the more increased in
puissance, the hearts of the people being mightily
bent unto her."f
Having thus artfully procured the absence of
Northumberland, and presented to him such orders
as they knew must ruin him if executed — having
at the same time sworn to him and to the Queen
inviolable fidelity, the Council proceeded busily in
their intrigues against both ; and of these intrigues,
Cecil, as he himself informs us, was the principal
author. " I practised," says he, " with the Lord Treasu
rer to win the Lord Privy Seal, that I might by
the Lord Russel's means cause Windsor Castle to
serve the Queen ; and they two to levy the west
* Holinshed, vol. iii. pp. 1068, 1069. f Ibid. p. 1069.

202 CECIL'S SECRET PRACTICES. 1553.
parts for the Queen's service. I have the Lord
Treasurer's letter to the Lord St. John for to keep
me safe if I could not prevail in the enterprise of
Windsor Castle, and my name was feigned to be
Hardinge." " I did open myself," he continues, " to the
Earl of Arundel, whom I found thereto disposed;
and likewise I did the like to the Lord Darcy, who
heard me with good contentation, whereof I did im
mediately tell Mr. Petre for both our comfort."
These practices of Cecil when in the Tower, and
the success with which he secretly laboured with
the Lord Treasurer and others, to assist Queen
Mary, are still more distinctly described in Roger
Alford's letter. Of this, part has been already
quoted, but the following concluding narrative is
well worthy of attention.
" After this," says this confidential servant, " you
showed me in the Tower that you had a conference
with the last Lord Treasurer,* and withal showed
me out of your bosom a letter of credit of his to
my Lord Marquis of Winchester that now is, his
son, to credit you, and to follow your devices and
directions. And, for the better execution of this
your determination, I kept in a store certain blank
passports, before in my custody, where the Coun
cil's hand was already set, for that the despatches
then were quick, to escape more surer.
" I remember further, at that time, of a wrote
* Alford is describing in 1573 what took place in 1553.

1553. ALFORD'S NARRATIVE. 203
postscript in a letter of the Council's to the
Duke, whereby was signified to him the revolt of
Bethal and others with the navy to the late Queen,
that your horsemen, which should have gone to
the aid, were empesched by John Villiers, be
cause you meant not to give any aid at all to
their so much misliked enterprise. At that time
you remembered also to me that the late Earl of
Bedford was broken withal, as a misliker ofthat
device, and Sir Wm. Petre also. * * * * After
this, the Lords not long after agreed to go to Bay
nard's Castle to the Lord of Pembroke, upon pre
tence before in Council to give audience to the
French King and Emperor's ambassadors, that had
been long delayed audience ; and that the Tower
was not fit to him to enter into at that season. At
which time my Lord of Arundel, upon some over
ture of frank speech to be had in Council in respect
of that present state, said secretly to his friend, (as
I take it yourself or Sir Wm. Petre,) that he liked
not the air. And thereupon it was deferred to
Baynard's Castle ; from which place the Lords
went and proclaimed Queen Mary. And yourself
was despatched after my Lord Arundel and my
Lord Paget to her Grace, being at Ipswich ; where,
being sent by you a little before, my Lady Bacon
told me that the Queen thought very well of her
brother Cecil, and said you were a very honest man.
" Marry, there was a letter of late written from
the Council to the Duke, intercepted, whereby it

204 CECIL AT INGERSTONE. 1553.
appeared you had armed horsemen against her; but
that they were impesched by Northamptonshire
men, which had done you much hurt. Whereupon,
being privy to the matter before, I laughed, and
told her the matter.
" At your coming to Newhall, you exhibited your
Submission to her Majesty, wherein you repeated
your whole actions in that case, which I wrote.
Upon the delivery whereof, you kissed her hand at
Sir Wm. Petre's house at Ingerstone, before any
other of the Council men. And I am to remember
you further, that Mr. Cheeke answered Queen
Mary's letter, sent by Hungate to the Council ; for
that you shifted as you could all dealing in those
matters, and said, if Hungate had taken a good
time to deliver his letter, you thought the Council
would have taken her offer. This, all for this
present. " From Hitchin, the 4th of Oct. Anno 1573.
" Your Lordship's ever to command,
" Roger Alford.
" You have the copy of your Submission, wherein
your whole dealing therein is remembered. If not,
I think if Mr. Fothergill, who had the keeping of
the Council chest at that time, were spoken to,
he would find it among the Council matters at
that time." *
This paper of Cecil's, entitled " his Submis-
* Strype, Annals, vol. iv. p. 349. The " Submission," is
the paper printed above p. 192.

1553. REMARKS AND INFERENCES. 205
sion,"* which is an original in his own handwriting,
and the letter of Alford's, his old servant, who we
see was with him in the Tower at the time, enable
us to fill up a portion of English history hitherto
left a blank by all our best writers, and to add some
important facts to the life of Lord Burleigh. We see
that when shut up with the Council in the Tower,
he was prime agent in the re-action in favour of
Mary. We can trace the doublings by which he
deceived Northumberland, seduced the Council
from the allegiance which he and they had sworn
to Queen Jane, and, whilst he appeared to fulfil his
oaths to this amiable person, really broke them, and
acted against her. Thus, if an order must be given
in favour of Jane, it was followed by a counter in
trigue which rendered it abortive ; and care ap
pears to have been taken to preserve evidence of
the fact. If obliged to send for his horsemen to
assist the army against Mary, he managed that they
should be attacked and " empesched" on their jour
ney, meaning not to give any aid to their misliked
enterprise. This circumstance of the detention of
Cecil's horsemen had been mentioned by the Coun
cil in a letter written from the Tower to Northum
berland. The letter was intercepted by Mary; and
she accused the Secretary to Alford of having armed
soldiers against her. But Alford, we see, laughed,
and explained the stratagem to the Queen. We have
already seen the caution with which he shifted the
* Printed above, p. 192.

206 CHARACTER OF CECIL. 1553.
writing of Jane's proclamation upon Throckmorton;
we find from Alford, that when Queen Mary's letter
from Kenninghall was to be answered, a similar de
volution of the dangerous duty took place upon
his unfortunate brother-in-law, Sir John Cheeke ;
and we know from himself, that he not only had
the address to decline drawing the paper which
branded Mary with illegitimacy, but that his re
fusal had the effect of making Northumberland
write the letter himself. This very letter, in
Northumberland's handwriting, with many inter
lineations and erasures, is now in the British
Museum.* Upon the whole, there is presented in
these papers of Cecil and his servant, a picture
of successful craft, disingenuity, and, I must add,
falsehood,"}* which has, perhaps, never been equalled
in the history of statesmen.
We have learnt from Holinshed the fervency
* Lansdowne, 3, f. 24. Northumberland's draft was after
wards copied by a clerk, signed by Queen Jane, and sent to the
Marquis of Northampton. It also is amongst the Lansdowne,
1236, f. 24, and has been printed by Ellis, Archaeologia, vol.
xviii. p. 269. He conjectures that it was the composition
rather of the Dudleys than the Lady Jane ; not aware of the
extraordinary circumstances under which it was written by the
Duke himself. Both these remarkable papers were afterwards
carefully preserved by Cecil. On the back of the first, there is
written by him, " 12th July 1553, first copy of a letter to be
written from the Lady Jane, when she came from the Tower.''
Written by the Duke of Northumberland, on the back ofthe
second, the emphatic words " Jana non Regina 1" -
t See p. 193. " I avowed the pardonable lie." Cecil's own
words.

1553. THE COUNCIL LEAVE TIIE TOWER. 207
with which the Earl of Arundel, on the departure
of Northumberland to the army, declared the de-
votedness of the Council, and implored a blessing
upon his Grace. We know from Alford the quaint
observation by which he conveyed to his brethren
his opinion that "the air of the Tower" was un
favourable to free discussion ; hinting the impos
sibility of carrying any counter-revolution into
effect till they were out of its disagreeable pre
cincts. To accomplish this formed the difficulty ;
but Suffolk, who had the charge of keeping
them within that fortress, appears to have been a
very weak man. It was pretended to him that the
Council must have a conference with the French
Ambassadors, regarding the foreign auxiliaries who
were to join Northumberland.* He consented that
for this purpose they should leave the Tower. They
did so ; sent for the Lord Mayor, and instantly
proclaimed Mary.
It remains only to conclude the drama by the
following graphic account of the arrest of the
once lofty and all-powerful Duke. It is from
Stowe; and Arundel is still a principal figure in
the picture. The chronicler, after describing the
letters which the Council on the 20th of July ad
dressed to the Duke, commanding him on pain of
treason to lay down his arms, thus proceeds :
" The rumour of these letters was no sooner
* Rosso. I successi d'lnghelterra dopo la morte de Odoardo
Sesto, pp. 15, 16. Ferrara, 1560.

208 ARREST OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 15531
abroad, but every man departed ; and shortly after
the Duke was arrested in the King's College by
one Master Slegge, Serjeant-at-arms. At the last,
letters were brought from the Council at London,
that all men should go each his way ; whereupon)
the Duke said to those that kept him, ' Ye do me
wrong to withdraw my liberty. See ye not the
Council's letters, without exception, that all men
should go whither they would V At which words,
they that kept him, and the other noblemen, set
them at liberty. And so continued they for that
night, insomuch that the Earl of Warwick was
ready in the morning to have rode away ; but then
came the Earl of Arundel from the Queen to the
Duke into his chamber, who went out to meet
him, and as soon as he saw the Earl of Arundel he
fell on his knees, and desired him to be good to
him : ' For the love of God, consider,' saith he, ' I
have done nothing but by the consents of you and
all the whole Council.' ' My Lord,' quoth the
Earl of Arundel, ' I am sent hither by the Queen's
Majesty, and in her name I do arrest you.' ' And I
obey it, my Lord,' quoth he. ' I beseech you, my
Lord of Arundel,' quoth the Duke, e use mercy to
wards me, knowing the case as it is.' ¦ My Lord,'
quoth the Earl, ' ye should have sought for mercy
sooner ; I must do according to my commandment.'
And therewith he committed the charge of him and
of other to the guard and gentlemen that stood by."*
* Stowe, p. 612.

1553. ARUNDEL'S CONDUCT. 209
Such was the conduct of this noble Earl, who
but a few days before had assured Northumberland,
in the name of the whole Council, not only of their
inviolable resolution to keep their oaths to Queen
Jane, but of his own particular anxiety to shed his
blood at his Grace's feet.
It is instructive to turn from this revolting
scene, as we find it in authentic letters, to the
rosy hues of indiscriminate panegyric with which
Mr. Lodge has invested two such questionable poli
ticians as Arundel and Winchester. But many of
the " characters" of this writer, when tested by con
temporary evidence, will be found to be little else
than elegant aberrations from the truth. Nor is Mr.
Lodge their only advocate ; Mr. Turner has ob
served,* " that there is no occasion to charge, and
no evidence to prove, any perfidy or treachery upon
the part of the Council ;" — an extraordinary opi
nion, contradicted almost by every step they took,
by their own letters, by Cecil's submission, by the
narrative of Stow and Holinshed, and by their ex
press declaration to Mary, that all along they had
remained her true subjects.
* History of England, part ii. 4to. p. 226,

VOL. II.

210

INTRODUCTION TO PERIOD THIRD.
1553—1558.

CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.

England.

France.

Germany.

Spain.

Scotland

Popes.

Mary.

Henry 11.

Charles V.

Charles V.

Mary.

Julius III.

Ferdinand.
Philip II.
Marcellus II.
Paul IV.
The brief and inglorious reign of the Princess
who on the death of Edward succeeded to the
throne, and the state of England and of the Con
tinental powers at this period, do not demand any
lengthened introduction to this concluding division
of our letters. I have already said that I believe
Mary to have been an amiable woman before she
succeeded to the throne; I am equally ready to
allow that her history as a Queen affords a memo
rable instance how feeble a barrier is the best na,-
tural disposition against the dreadful influence of
fanaticism. The truth seems to be, that the prin
ciple of toleration, whether we look to Catholics
or to Protestants, was utterly unknown. In this
respect Gardiner and Knox, Pole and Calvin, Mary
and Elizabeth, stand pretty much upon the same
ground. Of Mary's reign the leading events are easily re-
INTRODUCTION TO PERIOD THIRD. 211
cognised. The restoration of the Roman Catholic
faith, the cruel persecution of the Protestants,
the marriage with Spain, the rebellion of Wyatt,
the war with France, and the temporary subservi
ency of England to the political views and the
grasping ambition of the Emperor, — these are the
great and gloomy features in the picture at home.
Looking to the Continent, we find that, in the
commencement of the year 1554, Charles the Fifth,
in conformity with engagements which he had con
tracted at the pacification of Passau, summoned
a diet to assemble at Augsbourg. Its principal
object was to take into consideration the religious
differences which divided the empire, and to re
store, if possible, something like tranquillity and
peace to both parties. It did not commence its
sittings, however, till the year 1555.
In the mean time, the condition of Europe gave
but faint hopes that the two great powers which
domineered over its destinies were anxious for rest ;
the war between Charles and Henry the Second
continuing with even greater exasperation than be
fore. It had been expected that Cardinal Pole,
who, on his road from Italy to England, had visited
both these monarchs, might have prevailed upon
them to agree to some terms of accommodation;
and so universal was this feeling amongst the
people of France, that his progress was at
tended by crowds, who hailed him as the mes
senger of peace, and scattered flowers in his path.
P 2

212 INTRODUCTION TO PERIOD THIRD.
But these anticipations were completely fallaci
ous; and never was there a more cruel cam
paign than that in which the French King, having
divided his whole military force into three great
armies, attacked the Emperor in Flanders, upon
the points of Artois, Avesne, and Ardennes. These
three armies were commanded respectively by
Charles de Bourbon, Prince de la Roche sur
Yon, the Constable Montmorency, and the Duke
de Nevers. Henry the Second, having joined the
united armies of the Constable and De Nevers im
mediately after they had stormed Marienbourg,
made himself master of the towns of Bouvines and
Dinant, put the inhabitants to the sword, ravaged
Hainault, burnt Mariemont — the beautiful palace of
the Queen Regent, and sat down before the strong
castle of Renty. The place was the key to Ar
tois, and, if lost, must have rendered the con
quest of this fine district almost inevitable. The
Emperor in person advanced to its relief; and
a battle took place under the walls of this cas
tle, in which the military skill and conduct of the
Duke of Guise, and the impetuous bravery of Ta-
vannes, were conspicuous. The victory was claim
ed by the French, and they certainly remained mas
ters of the field ; but Charles retreated in good
order, took up so strong a position that the enemy
did not venture to attack him, and Renty was
not taken.
On the side of Italy, Henry experienced a severe
reverse in the defeat of his favourite general Pietro

INTRODUCTION TO PERIOD THIRD. 213
Strozzi, at Marciano, by Medechino, Marquis of
Marignano ; a disaster which ultimately brought
with it the loss of Sienna, after a siege of ten
months. The most important event of the succeeding year
(1555) was the Diet of Augsbourg, in which, after
long debate, a complete liberty of conscience was
granted to those States and Princes in the empire
who had embraced the Protestant opinions. All
their legitimate rights and privileges were con
firmed to them ; their ministers were permitted to
enjoy their ecclesiastical livings, and those who in
any way attempted to attack them on the ground
of religion were declared enemies of the public
peace. At the same time it was declared that
such privileges belonged to Lutherans alone, no
other sect of the Reformers being permitted to
enjoy them ; whilst Ferdinand, the King of the
Romans, inserted into the agreement a clause,
named the Ecclesiastical Reservat, by which every
Romish incumbent who should afterwards become
a Lutheran was deprived of his benefice.
In Italy, Brissac made himself master of Casal
in Monferrat, with the surrounding country ; but
Porto Hercole having been attacked by Vitelli on
the land side, and blockaded by Doria, was com
pelled to surrender ; the French troops in the
garrison being allowed to retire with their arms,
whilst the Italians became prisoners of war. Dur
ing the following year (1556), the eyes of Europe
were fixed on an extraordinary spectacle : Charles

214 INTRODUCTION TO PERIOD THIRD.
the Fifth, wearied with the cares of government,
and broken in constitution and in spirits by the
discomfiture of those vast schemes of ambition
which had occupied his life, resigned his domi
nions into the hands of his son Philip the Second,
and, stipulating only for the payment of a mode
rate annuity, buried himself in the seclusion of a
convent, where he died in 1558.
The Emperor at the same time invested Octavio
Farnese with the duchies of Parma and Piacenza,
and concluded a truce for five years with France ;
but the engagements into which Henry the Second
had entered with Pope Paul the Fourth stood in the
way of a permanent peace : the pontiff saw himself
attacked by the Spaniards, he appealed to France
for protection, and, after a brief interval, war soon
burst out with as much fury as before. In the
campaigns which followed in Artois and in Italy,
the arms of France were unfortunate. The Duke
of Guise failed in his attack upon the kingdom
of Naples, and, after having attempted in vain to
bring the Duke of Alva to a battle, appeared ready
to give up the enterprise in despair. In Artois,
the reverse was still more complete. Philip having
assembled a formidable army in the Low Coun-
tries, commanded by the noted Emanuel Philip,
Duke of Savoy, was joined by a fine body of ten
thousand English, sent over by Mary ; who, con
trary to the wishes of her subjects, had declared
war against France. With this force, which

INTRODUCTION TO PERIOD THIRD. 215
amounted to near sixty thousand men, the Duke
of Savoy invested St. Quentin. Montmorency
advanced to its relief with an inferior force,
and after having thrown some troops into the
town, imprudently exposed himself to an attack by
the Spanish cavalry in the rear and on both his
flanks. The defeat was rapid, sanguinary, and so
decisive, that there seemed little to prevent the
united armies from an instant advance upon Paris.
" Is my son at Paris ?" were, it is said, the first
words which Charles the Fifth addressed to the
messenger who brought to his monastic solitude
the news of this great victory.
Henry the Second was, however, consoled for this
severe reverse by the success of the Duke of Guise,
who, having invested Calais, — a town strongly forti
fied, and which for more than two hundred years
had been in possession of the English crown, —
made himself master of it in the brief space of
fifteen days. The accounts of this disaster were
received in England with a burst of sorrow and in
dignation; but none of her subjects felt the blow so
poignantly as the Queen. During her last illness
she declared that, if her body were opened, the word
" Calais" would be found written on her heart.
She died on the 17th of November 1558, on
which day Elizabeth succeeded to the throne, and
Sir William Cecil, whose early career we have
traced in these letters, was chosen her principal
minister.

216 ALBERT AND MAURICE. 1553.

N.

PERIOD THE THIRD.
1553—-1558.
Charles the Fifth had never forgiven the Elec
tor Maurice the mortification and defeat which he
had met with at his hands ; and it was with the se
cret but joyful connivance of the Emperor that the
fierce and impetuous Albert of Brandenbourg re
fused to become a party to the pacification at
Passau, and turned his arms against the Protestant
Princes. The Imperial Chamber denounced against
Albert the ban of the Empire, and committed the
execution of the sentence to the intrepid Elector of
Saxony. This led to the celebrated battle of
Suershausen, fought on the 9th of July, only three
days after the death of Edward the Sixth. In this
engagement Maurice completely defeated Albert;
but himself received a mortal wound, of which he
died two days after.
The following letter gives us some particulars of
the battle, and touches on its consequences. It is
addressed to the English Council by Christopher
Mundt, one of their foreign agents or correspon
dents, for whose imperfect English allowance must
be made. De Thou has given us a graphic picture

1553. BATTLE OF SUERSHAUSEN. 217
of the same fierce and heady fight. " The armies,"
says he,* " were now come almost in sight of
each other ; Albert having traversed all Saxony by
long marches, and crossed the Weser, pitched his
camp in the diocese of Hildesheim, near the castle
of Peine, in the duchy of Lunenbourg, on a hollow
spot of ground surrounded on all sides by woods,
into which the passage lay through a rocky valley
forming a very narrow pass. Maurice held the
upper open field over against him. Treaties for an
accommodation had been all along carried on by
the intercession of the Princes ; and on the very
day of the fight, which was the 9th of July, copies
of articles were interchanged between them. And
now it was near one o'clock in the afternoon ; at
which time Albert's soldiers, having dined, and
drunk a large quantity of wine, were more disposed
for quarrelling than peace. Albert himself ris
ing, as he was wont, half-intoxicated after dinner,
and being of a most turbulent temper at the best,
when some trifling article could not be agreed
upon, instead of a copy of the conditions, insolently
sent back to Maurice a flag, the usual token of a
challenge ; and, advancing haughtily with his men,
provoked him to battle. Maurice, incensed at the
other's insolent carriage, instantly let loose his
troops, who were already prepared ; and the minds
of both armies were so irritated, that, before they
* I have slightly altered Wilson's translation, vol. i. pp.
555, 556.

218 MAURICE MORTALLY WOUNDED. 1553.
had put themselves in order, they rushed upon
one another as to a mutual butchery. The wing
where Maurice took his station, began to give way ;
and when this great leader exerted himself to rally
his men, and galloped up and down, addressing
the soldiers by their names, he was struck to the
ground by a small ball which entered his right side
near the bowels, and was immediately carried back
by his men into the camp.
" The victory, however, because he was stronger
in horse, after a long dispute, fell to his side, but
turned out a very bloody one ; Henry of Bruns
wick's two sons, Charles Victor and Philip Fre
derick Duke of Lunenbourg, and the Counts
Barbu and Bickling, were slain. Some say that
Albert himself was taken prisoner in the flight;
but that, either not being known, or immediately
paying down his ransom, he got off, and escaped
safe to Hanover.* Sixty-four foot and sixteen
horse colours were taken from him, and presented
to Maurice, — a small comfort to a dying man ! * *
" Before he died," adds this historian, " Maurice
sent letters to the Bishop of Wurtzbourg, informing
him of his success, and admonishing him to beset all
the ways, to intercept Albert in his flight." It is of
this letter, which exhibited all the energy of this
great man, although written when he knew his
* It was first suspected that Albert was slain, as we learn
from a letter of Henry the Second to his Ambassador Noailles,
dated 19th July 1553. Ambassades de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 77.

1553. DEATH OF MAURICE. 219
wound to be mortal, that Mundt sent a Latin
translation to the Council. " Afterwards," says
De Thou, " when he felt certain symptoms of ap
proaching death, being a man of high and invin
cible spirit, he settled his military and domestic
affairs with great tranquillity of mind, and declared
himself perfectly willing to leave the world ; adding
that he found himself, to his exceeding joy, sup
ported by his faith in the Son of God, and did not
feel any fond desire of this life, in which he had
been engaged in a continual hurry of business, had
experienced so much of the fickleness of human
minds, and met with such ill returns to his merits.
* * * At length, on the 11th day of July, about
nine o'clock in the morning, he expired in his tent,
in the thirty-third year of his age." The historian
adds a curious passage upon the portents which
are said to have preceded, his death. " Many pro
digies," says he, " are related to have portend
ed his death : dogs were seized with a rabid
fierceness, which incited them to fight till they
killed one another ; rumblings were heard in the
air, and noises of men and horses during a tem
pestuous night in the same field where the battle was
fought ; howlings were heard in towns, and in the
castle of Perlin the head fell from Maurice's statue
without any force offered ; the Elector himself ap
peared in a dream to a man of great worth, sur
rounded with flames ; and bloody drops were seen
upon the leaves of plants, not only in those

220 POLICY OF CHARLES THE FIFTH. 1553-
parts, but also at Strasbourg, in the beginning of
June." The message which Mundt mentions as having
been sent by the Emperor to the Margrave Albert
and the Duke of Brunswick, commanding them to
lay down their arms, furnishes us with another trait
of the crafty policy of Charles the Fifth. As long
as the Margrave Albert was engaged in war with
Maurice, the Emperor seems to have felt no dis
position to restore peace to Germany ; his object
being to weaken his enemy, the Elector, who had
not only already checked his progress to almost
universal dominion in Europe, but at the very time
of his death was secretly plotting how he might
distress him in the Netherlands.* But, on the
death of this formidable man, Charles was seized
with a fit of pacification ; the truth being, that
he was afraid the Margrave Albert might become
as troublesome and imperious as Maurice. The
message of defiance sent by Albert to the Duke
of Brunswick is not mentioned by De Thou.
CHRISTOPHER MUNDT TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. 15th August 1553.
"Pleaseth your Lordships to understand, that,
because of diversities and uncertainties spread ever
from the battle had between Duke Maurice and
the Marquis, I can write nothing assuredly ; sup-
* De Thou, Book xii. sub anno 1553.

1553. BURIAL OF MAURICE. 221
posing that your Lordships were better informed of
all these doings from the Low Countries than we
here. At this present I do send a translation of a
letter sent from Duke Maurice, of all these doings,
to the Bishop of Wartzberg * After the death of
Duke Maurice, his body is carried to a town in
Misnia, called Dresen, where it is buried by his
brother Augustus ; f the which likewise of the
Electorship, as Mauricius was, is now returning
even now out of Denmark, where he went with his
wife, the King of Denmark's daughter, when his
brother began this business.
" Mauritius hath left but a daughter, now ten
years of age. Augustus hath as yet but a daugh
ter ; he had a son, the which is dead.
" All men are in good hope that between Jo
annes Fredericus^ and Augustus better love and
amity shall follow than before. Then, Augustus
is given to peace and quiet, and hath all times
lovingly and friendly entreated Joannes Fredericus'
children ; so it is reported that Mauritius hath re
quired and admonished his brother in his testa
ment, to keep love and amity with Joannes Fre
dericus and his children.
" Joannes Fredericus is now at Gota, having all
* See Spondanus Epitome Baronii, vol. ii. p. 546.
f His funeral oration was spoken by the celebrated Came-
rarius at Leipsic, on the 19th of July. De Thou, book xii. sub
anno 1553.
X The old Elector of Saxony, who had been deposed, and
afterwards restored, by Charles the Fifth.

222 THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK. 1553.
his councillors about him. In the assembly had
at Eydelberg, it was determined and concluded,
and money disbursed to the chief captain, called
Hatsleyn, that an army should have be gathered
with all celerity ; the which should have be send
into Saxony, for to command peace to both Duke
Maurice and the Marquis in all the Electors'
names ; and the which part would not have observed
the peace, the same should have been suppressed
with the aid of the other : but before this army
might be made ready, the field was fought in
Saxony.* " The Marquis gathereth again men about Bre
men ; and, as it is reported, he hath a great army
together, and hath sent word to the Duke of
Brunswick, (even he called, in a writing sent to the
same Duke, the chief captain and defender of the
untrue and false priests,) that he do make him
ready, then he will shortly offer him a just battle,
then that is past be but a skirmishing. The Duke
hath about eighteen enseigns of footmen and two
thousand horsemen, the which he doth divide in
high places to keep them. His two sons, so like
wise one bastard son of his, be slain in the field.
His third son Julius, hearing the death of his
brethren, is shortly after departed.
" The Emperor hath sent to the Marquis and to
the Duke of Brunswick, commanding them peace,
* De Thou, book xii. sub anno 1553, gives an account of the
conferences at Heidelberg (March 1552-3), but does not men
tion this resolution.

1553. THE KING OF THE ROMANS. 223
and that they shall send all their men of war to
him. So the Emperor hath sent likewise to the
city of Nuremberg, and to the Bishop, exhorting
them to peace ; the which would be glad to be
in peace if they might.
" The King of Romans hath sent aid to the city
of Nuremberg ; then he is joined with them, the
which be enemies to the Marquis, and he and Duke
Maurice both had [proclaimed] war against the Mar
quis openly in writing; the which have burned and
destroyed the Marquis' country, so that, besides two
or three castles, he had nothing else besides. The
King of Romans' son, Maximilian, is in continual
sickness and [grief] ? At the Diet, indict at Au
gusta : nothing is here spoken. And thus, &c.
" Christoff Mundt."
"Argentyn, 15 Augusti 1553."
Once more turning our eyes to England, we find,
that on the 18th of August 1553, the Duke of North
umberland was brought to his trial in Westminster
Hall. The Duke of Norfolk sat as High Steward ;
and some of those pliant nobles, who had been the
assistants and advisers of Dudley in his late prac
tices, were now seen among his judges. His guilt
was so clear that he attempted no denial of the
facts ; but, making great reverence to the judges,
requested the opinion of the court upon two points.
First, " Whether a man doing any act by authority
of the Prince and Council, and by warrant of the
Great Seal of England, and doing nothing without

224 TRIAL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 1553.
the same, may be charged with treason for any
thing he might do by warrant thereof." Secondly,
" Whether any such persons as were equally cul
pable in that crime, and those by whose letters and
commandment hewas directed in all his doings,might
be his judges, or pass upon his trial as his peers."
In this pertinent question Northumberland evi
dently, I think, alluded to the commands of Edward
the Sixth, and the warrant under the Great Seal of
England affixed to his will. Yet it is strange that
all our historians* misunderstand the question, and
suppose with the judges, (who seem purposely to
have evaded Northumberland's meaning,) that his
allusion was to the great seal of Queen Jane. A
reference to the copy of the will itself, taken out of
the original under the Great Seal, will show that
the Duke rested his defence on his having carried
into effect King Edward's " true mind and intent"
declared by his will, evidenced by his sign-manual,
and corroborated by his Great Seal.f Taking it
in this light, the query was somewhat difficult to be
answered. The only reply to it was, that the King
himself could not alter the law as fixed by Parlia-
* See Carte, vol. iii. p. 287. Hume, p. 374. Edition in one vol.
London, 1832. Lingard, vol. vii. p. 127. Fourth edition, 1838.
Mackintosh, vol. ii. p. 290.
f Copy of the will, entitled " Edward's counterfeit will."
Harleian 35, f. 364. Thus attested. " This is a true Copy
of Edward the Sixth's Will, taken out of the original under the
Great Seal, which Robert Cotton delivered to the King's Ma
jesty, 17th April 1611, to be cancelled."

1553. NORTHUMBERLAND CONDEMNED. 225
ment ; that Edward's own act was illegal. But
the judges, as I have said, purposely mistook and
evaded Northumberland's meaning. They an
swered that the Great Seal which he laid for his
warrant was not the seal of the lawful Queen of
the realm, but of an usurper, and therefore could
be no warrant to him; and, as to his second ques
tion, it was replied, that if any were as deeply to
be touched in that case as himself, yet so long as no
attainder were of record against them, they were,
nevertheless, persons able in law to pass on any
trial, and not to be challenged therefore, but at
the Prince's pleasure. The Duke, upon this, conti
nues Holinshed, saw that to stand upon uttering
any reasonable matter, as might seem, would little
prevail ; he therefore confessed the indictment, (as
did his companions, Gates and Palmer,) and moved
the Duke of Norfolk to be a mean unto the Queen
for mercy." *
When sentence was passed, he stood up and said,
" I beseech you, my Lords, to be humble suitors
unto the Queen's Majesty, and to grant me four
requests. First, that I may have that death which
noblemen have had in times past, and not the
other ; secondly, that her Majesty may be gracious
to my children,f which may hereafter do good ser
vice, considering they went by my commandment
* Holinshed, vol. iv. p. 4.
+ It is well known that Robert Dudley, the fifth son of this
unfortunate Duke, became afterwards the famous Earl of
Leicester, the favourite of Elizabeth.
VOL. II. Q

226 NORTHUMBERLAND'S LAST REQUESTS. 1553.
who am their father, and not of their own free
wills ; thirdly, that I may have appointed to me
some learned man for the instruction and quieting
of my conscience ; and fourthly, that she will send
two of the Council to commune with me, to whom
I will declare such matters as be expedient for her
and the commonwealth ; and thus I beseech you all
to pray for me." *
It is much to be regretted that no notes of the
secret communications which Northumberland de,
sired to make before his execution, are to be found
in the State Paper Office ; or, as far as I have yet
searched, in the British Museum. Dr. Lingard
informs us,! that it is stated by Parsons, in his
" Warn Word," (a rare volume, which I have not
been able to procure,) that Gardiner and another
member of the Council, whose name is not given,
visited Northumberland in the Tower, when the
Duke pleaded hard for his life ; and Gardiner, it is
said, not only interceded for him with the Queen,
but had in a manner obtained her consent, when
Northumberland's enemies wrote to the Emperor,
who by letter persuaded Mary that his pardon was
incompatible with her safety. This story must, I
think, be erroneous ; as there was no time between
Northumberland's trial and execution to communi
cate with the Emperor. J Before the Duke's trial,
* Holinshed, vol. iv. p. 4. f Vol. vii. pp. 127, 128.
X Northumberland was tried on the 18th of August, and
executed on the 22nd of the same month.

1553. MARY'S SEVERITY. 227
however, Charles the Fifth had given advice to
Mary to punish with rigour the leaders of the con
spiracy, and to be lenient to the rest. There can
be little doubt that from the first the Queen had
determined to take Northumberland's head. I am
the more disposed to question Dr. Lingard's, or
rather Parsons' account, as the only instance I
have found of anything like a vindictive feeling/
in Mary relates to Northumberland. In her secret
interview with Commendone, who was eager to
leave London and carry her message to the Pope,
she insisted that he should remain two days, that
he might witness the execution ofthe Duke.*
There is a manuscript in the Harleian,f which
gives us some interesting particulars of this mi
serable man and his companions. It informs us
that, on the 21st day of August 1553, before forty
of the citizens of London, the Duke of Northum
berland, my Lord Marquis of Northampton, Sir
Andrew Dudley, Sir Henry Gates, and Sir Thomas
Palmer, came into the chapel, where they first
knelt down each upon his knees and heard mass,
every one of them saying the Confiteor. " Mass
being finished," it continues, " the Duke rose up and
looked back upon the Lord Marquis, and came
unto him, asking them all forgiveness, one after the
other upon their knee, one to another ; and the
* Graziani, Vie de Commendon, traduite par Flechier, p. 53.
f Harleian, 284 ; fol. 128. d. I have since found that Stow's
account, p. 614, coincides almost verbatim with this manuscript.
Q 2

228 NORTHUMBERLAND'S LAST LETTER. 1553-
one did heartily forgive the other. And then they
came all together before the altar, every one of
them kneeling, and confessing to the Bishop that
they were the same men in the faith according as
they had confessed to him before, and that they
all would die in the Catholic faith. When they
had all received the sacrament, and all was done,
they turned to the people every one of them, the
Duke saying, ' Truly, good people, I profess here
before you all that I have received the sacrament
according to the true Catholic faith ; and the
plague that is upon this realm, and upon us now,
is, that we have erred from the faith these sixteen
years, and this I protest unto you all from the
bottom of my heart.' And the Lord Marquis like
wise did affirm the same with weeping tears ; and
also Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir Henry Gates, and
Sir Thomas Palmer." It must have been on the
evening of this day that Dudley wrote that piteous
letter to the Earl of Arundel, which has been so
frequently printed.* He addresses this nobleman
as his especial refuge, declaring how woful was the
news which he had received that evening from the
Lieutenant of the Tower, that he must prepare
to-morrow for his deadly stroke. "Alas ! my good
Lord," he exclaims, " is my crime so heinous as no
redemption but my blood can wash away the spots
thereof? An old proverb there is, and that most
* By Howard, in his Life of Lady Jane Grey, pp. 322, 323;
Tierney, in his History of Arundel, p. 333 ; and by Lodge, in
his Life of Dudley, Duke of Northumberland.

1553. MANY LAST SPEECHES. 229
true, * That a living dog is better than a dead lion.'
Oh, that it would please her good Grace to give me
life ! yea, the life of a dog, if I might but live and
kiss her feet, and spend both life and all in her ho
nourable service !" This affecting appeal, however,
led to no extension of mercy, and the law was
allowed to take its course.
There are so many versions of the last words of
the Duke of Northumberland,* that it is not easy
to discover the exact truth regarding his deport
ment upon the scaffold. The number of these
copies seems to indicate an uncommon import
ance attached by both parties to his behaviour at
the last. Fox says ¦f that he had promise of par
don, even if his head was upon the block, if he
would recant and hear mass ; and Burnet, in his
History of the Reformation,^ affirms, that " certain
it is that he said he had been always a Catholic
in his heart." The reader will observe from the
following confession, which is in the latter portion
of it a different production from the speech, as
reported by Stow,§ that Dudley says nothing in the
least degree similar to the words imputed to him
by Burnet, but rather the contrary. " On the
22nd of August," I quote from Stow, " Sir John
Gage, Lieutenant ofthe Tower, delivered to the
* There is, besides the " Confession" printed in the text, one
in the Cotton Collection, Titus, B. II. f. 162 ; another in the
Royal MSS. British Museum, 12 A. 26, in Latin ; another
later abstract in the Harleian, 2194. f Fox, vol. iii. p. 13.
X Vol ii. p. 243. § Stow's Annals, p. 615.

230 DUDLEY AND GATES. 1553.
Sheriffs of London by indenture these prisoners
following. First, Sir John Gates was brought forth,
and set at the garden-gate ; then the Duke of North
umberland was likewise brought forth, and Sir Tho
mas Palmer after him.
" When the Duke and Sir John Gates met, ' Sir
John,' saith the Duke, ' God have mercy upon us !
for this day shall end both our lives; and I pray
you forgive me whatsoever I have offended, and I
forgive you with all my heart, although you and
your counsel was a great occasion hereof.' ' Well,
my Lord,' quoth Sir John Gates, ' I forgive you as
I would be forgiven ; and yet you and your autho
rity was the original cause of all together ; but the
Lord pardon you, and I pray you forgive me.' So,
either making obeisance to other, the Duke pro
ceeded ; ahd when he came upon the scaffold, he,
putting off his gown of grain-coloured damask,
leant upon the east rail, and spoke to the people — "*
I do not give Stow's edition of the speech of
Northumberland, as the following confession is
probably a more authentic document.
THE OPEN CONFESSION OF JOHN DUKE OF
NORTHUMBERLAND, WHO SUFFERED AT
TOWER HILL, 22nd of AUGUST 1553.
Orig. Harleian, 284; fol. 127.
" Good people. Hither I am come this day to die,
as ye know. Indeed, I confess to you all that I
* Stow, p. 614.

1553. DUDLEY'S CONFESSION. 231
have been an evil liver, and have done wickedly all
the days of my life ; and, of all, most against the
Queen's Highness, [of] whom I here openly ask for
giveness (and bowed his knees) : but not I alone the
original doer thereof, I assure you, for there were
some other which procured the same : but I will
not name them, for I will hurt now no man. And
the chiefest occasion hath been through false and
seditious preachers, that I have erred from the Ca
tholic faith and true doctrine of Christ. The
doctrine, I mean, which hath continued thro' all
Christendom since Christ. For, good people, there
is, and hath been ever since Christ, one Catholic
church ; which church hath continued from him to
his disciples in one unity and concord, and so
hath alway continued from time to time until this
day, and yet doth throughout all Christendom,
only us excepted ; for we are quite gone out of that
church. For, whereas all holy fathers, and all
other saints throughout all Christendom, since
Christ and his disciples, have ever agreed in one
unity, faith, and doctrine ; we alone dissent from
their opinions, and follow our own private interpre
tation of Scriptures. Do you think, good people,
that we, being one parcel in comparison, be wiser
than all the world besides, ever since Christ ? No,
I assure you, you are far deceived. I do not say
so for any great learning that I have, for, God
knoweth, I have very little, or none ; but for the
experience which I have had.

232 DUDLEY'S CONFESSION. 1553.
" For I pray you, see, since the death of King
Henry the Eighth, into what misery we have been
brought; what open rebellion, what sedition, what
great division hath been throughout the whole
realm ; for God hath delivered [us] up to [our] own
sensualities, and every day [we] wax worse and
Worse. Look also in Germany, since they severed
from the faith ; unto what miserable state they
have been brought, and how their realm is de
cayed. And herewith I have [braved] these
preachers for their doctrine, and they were not
able to answer any part thereof, no more than a
little boy. They opened the books, and could not
[reply to] them again. More than that, good peo
ple, you have in your Creed, Credo Ecclesiam Catho-
licam, which church is the same church which hath
continued ever frora Christ, throughout all the
apostles', saints1, and doctors' times, and yet doth,
as I have said before. Of which church I do openly
profess myself to be one, and do steadfastly believe
therein ; I speak unfeignedly from the bottom of my
heart. This good man, the Bishop of Worcester,
shall be my witness (and the Bishop said, ' Yea').
And I beseech you all bear me witness that I die
therein. And I do think, if I had had this belief
sooner, I never had come to this pass : wherefore I
exhort you a.11, good people, take you all example
of me, and forsake this new doctrine betimes. De
fer it not long, lest God plague you as he hath
me, which now suffer this vile death most worthily.

1553. SEPULVEDA AND POLE. 233
" I have no more to say, good people; but
all those which I have offended I ask forgiveness,
and they which have offended me I forgive them, as
I would God forgive me. And I trust the Queen's
Highness hath forgiven me : where as I was with
force and arms against her in the field, I might
have been rent in pieces without law, her Grace
hath give me time and respect to have judgment.
" And after he had desired all the people to pray
for him, he humbled himself to God, and covered
his own eyes with a cloth, and he suffered execu
tion meekly."
In looking into Sepulveda's Annals of Charles the
Fifth, we find, in the speech there ascribed to North
umberland, that general similarity with the above
" Confession," which proves, I think, that both con
tain a pretty fair report of the real behaviour of
Dudley on the scaffold.* I may notice, by the way,
that there is an interesting letter of Sepulveda's,
addressed to Cardinal Pole,-j- which shows that
the Spanish historian sent the Cardinal the manu
script of the twenty-ninth book of his History,
embracing the account of England under Mary ;
requesting him to add to it and correct it. It is not
* Sepulveda De Rebus Gestis Caroli V. Sepulveda; Opera,
vol. ii. p. 483.
t Sepulvedae Opera; Madrid, 1780, 4 vols. 4to. Vol. 3,
Lib. vi. Epistola xiv.— I owe the knowledge of this curious
letter to my friend Mr. Holmes, of the British Museum.

234 SEPULVEDA'S HISTORY. 1553.
unlikely, therefore, that Dudley's speech was the
interpolation of Pole, who arrived in England in the
month of November of the succeeding year, and en
joyed the best opportunities of procuring accurate
information. In the same letter to Pole, Sepul
veda informs us, that, amongst other materials for
the English portion of his history, he had access
to the letters of Philip the Second, written to his
sister Joanna. But if his Highness' epistles to his
sister were not somewhat more minute and commu
nicative than those to his wife, Queen Mary, which
I have met with in the State Paper Office, the Spa
nish author would not be much the richer by the
acquisition. As to the assertion of Fox, that Dud
ley was induced to profess himself a Roman Catholic
by a promise of pardon, I have nowhere found any
good authority to support it.
Having thus seen the miserable fall of the once
lofty Northumberland, we must turn our eyes for
a moment to the Courts of Brussels, France, and
Rome. The embassy sent to the Netherlands a short
time before the death of Edward has been already
mentioned. The joy ofthe Queen Regent, sister to
the Emperor Charles the Fifth, on the accession
of Mary to the English throne, and the sumptuous
dinner which she gave to Sir Thomas Cheyne the
ambassador, and his colleagues, on the occasion, are
vividly painted in the following letter.

1553. SIR THOMAS CHEYNE. 235
Cheyne, misnamed Cheyney, by Lloyd in his Wor
thies,* was a knight of ancient family, and an early
favourite of Henry the Eighth and Wolsey, with
whom he had served on the continent. Lloyd's
reverence for royalty, and his courtly style of
writing, are amusingly marked in the sentence
where he speaks of Cheyne's excellence as a juster.
" Not long after," says he, " he encountered the
King himself at Greenwich, where he had the great
honour of a strong and valiant knight, and a greater
of having been overthrown by his Majesty."* Cheyne
also served with the Earl of Hertford against the
Scots, and was not long after made Warden of
the Cinque Ports. He was a man much after
Mary's heart, a zealous Romanist, and an advocate
for absolutism in government.

THE BISHOP OF NORWICH, SIR P. HOBY, SIR R.
MORYSINE, AND SIR THOMAS CHEYNE, TO
THE QUEEN.
Orig. St, P. Off. Germany. 25th August 1553.
" Please it your Highness : albeit we did not
think to write any letters unto, your Grace before
our return, yet not having our despatch, which we
looked for daily, and thinking our abode long, we
could not but send to your Grace these few lines
to declare the cause of this delay, which hath
* Lloyd's Worthies, p. 466.

236 A SUMPTUOUS DINNER. 1553.
been, as we think, for that the Regent might have
time, by feasting of us, to show how dearly the
Emperor's Majesty and her Grace loveth your
Highness. " Yesterday, being St. Bartholomew's day, her
Grace prayed us to dine with her, where we had
such a dinner as we have seen few the like in all
our lives ; with such her Grace's carving and enter
tainment to me, Sir Thomas Cheyne, as the greater
could not be devised. The dinner lasted very
long, and the place was such as strangers might
freely behold all the manner thereof.
" The French Queen was first placed ; the Re
gent the next ; I Sir Thomas Cheyne by her ; next,
I the Bishop of Norwich ; after, I Sir Philip Hoby ;
and last, I Sir Richard Morysine ; being all placed
of one side of the table. And tho', while the din
ner lasted, the cheer was as great as could he
wished, yet the Regent devised how after din
ner her latter entertainment might overcome and
far exceed the former. The table being taken
away, her Grace called for chairs, and giving the
first to the French Queen, I Sir Thomas Cheyne
had the second, and was set by her ; the third her
Highness sat in herself, and I the Bishop of Nor
wich hard by her; next sat the Duchess of Lorraine,
and I Sir Philip Hoby placed by her; last sat I
Sir R. Morysine, whom Monsieur Molambees, one of
the Order, and Grand Master of her Household,
did accompany. This sitting and devising lasted

1553. POLE CHOSEN LEGATE. 237
above an hour. The effect of our talks your Grace
shall know at our coming home. * * *
" Th. Cheyne.
" Thomas Norwicen.
" Phelyp Hobv.
" Rich. Morysine."
On the same day on which this dispatch was
written, Charles the Fifth addressed a letter to
Mary, which is preserved amongst the Royal Let
ters in the State Paper Office ; f but as it con
tains little more than expressions of compliment
and congratulation, I do not print it.
The news of Mary's accession to the throne was
received with extreme joy by Pope Julius the Third ;
and in a consistory held at Rome on the 5th of
August, it was resolved to select Cardinal Pole as
the Legate to be sent to England. J Pole, whose
health was feeble, had at this moment retired to
the Convent of Maguzano, on the banks ofthe Lago
di Garda, and, well aware of the disordered state
in which he would find his native country, he re
solved not to precipitate his departure. In the
mean time, Cardinal Dandino, the Papal Legate in
Flanders, despatched Francis Commendone (after
wards the well-known Cardinal of that name)
with instructions to pass secretly into England.
He did so ; and arriving in London in the middle of
+ Royal Letters, 1, B 26.
X Raynaldi, Continuatio Annal. Baronii, vol. xxi. p. 83.

238 SECRET MISSION OF COMMENDONE. 1553.
August, found everything in great confusion.
" The heretics," says Graziani, in his Life of Com
mendone, " were still proud of the authority they
had exercised under the former reign, and decidedly
hostile to the re-establishment of the Roman Catho
lic faith. Mary had the name of a Queen, but she
was not mistress in her kingdom. *" Commendone
found great difficulty in getting access to the Queen.
At length he met a gentleman of family, a near
relative of the Duke of Norfolk : his name was
Lee, and the Papal envoy had formerly known him
at Rome. Lee was in the confidence of the Queen,
and by his means Commendone had a secret inter
view with Mary. She assured him of her inviolable
attachment to the Romish Church, and of her reso
lution to restore its worship ; but implored him
to conceal himself, and to act with the utmost cau
tion. She was already, she said, in treaty with the
Emperor, who had offered her his son in marriage.
Northumberland was about to stand his trial, and
every day she hoped to become more secure, hut
still much was unsettled.
After some days Mary again sent secretly for
this envoy. She informed him that she had con
cluded her league with Charles the Fifth, and had
resolved on her marriage with Philip. She in
trusted him with letters to the Pope ; assured him
again of her resolution to reconcile her kingdom to
* Vie de Commendon, par Graziani, Traduite par Flechier,
p. 49. Noailles, vol. ii. p. 245.

1553. JOY OF POPE JULIUS. 239
the Holy See, and entreated the presence of Pole in
England.* Commendone, having only waited to be present
at the execution of Northumberland, set out for
Italy. He travelled night and day, and although
he made a diversion from the direct route to
visit Pole at his convent, arrived in Rome on
the ninth day after quitting London. It may be
easily believed that the letters which he brought
were highly acceptable to the Pope. Julius, ac
cording to Graziani's account, was much overcome,
burst into tears, and thanked God that his Pon
tificate should be marked by the restoration of so
beautiful a country as England to the obedience of
the church.f
The Papal Envoy had left London, as we
have seen, on the 23rd of August, and the suc
ceeding months of September and October were
busily occupied by Mary and her councillors. She
had to celebrate her coronation, to summon and
meet her parliament, to restore the ancient re
ligion, to decide upon renouncing or retaining the
title of Supreme Head of the Church, — a knotty
point, upon which Pole and Gardiner took dif
ferent sides ; — and to complete the negotiations for
her marriage. It was necessary, also, to adopt some
definite line of action regarding those eminent
persons who, by their late conduct, had brought
* Vie de Commendon, p. 53.
t Vie de Commendon, pp. 53, 54, 56.

240 MARY'S CORONATION. 1553.
themselves within the pains of treason. North
umberland, indeed, the arch-rebel, had been ex
ecuted ; but his accomplices, of whom it is not
easy to say whether they were most the victims of
his power or the sharers of his guilt, remained. Of
these, the greatest, Winchester, Arundel, Paget,
Pembroke, Petre, Cecil, and. others, had already
secured their pardon, in what manner we have just
seen. Two of the immediate retainers of the Duke
had been executed with their master : these were
Gates and Palmer ; the last, that person whom we
have formerly met with as the principal cause of
the ruin of the Duke of Somerset. Here, for the
present, Mary's severity ended. Jane, indeed, and
her husband, Lord Guilford Dudley, were kept
prisoners in the Tower, but this was a necessary
precaution ; her father and mother, the Duke and
Duchess of Suffolk, were pardoned, and set at
liberty. The coronation took place on the lst of Octo
ber ; the Queen having come to the Tower in the
midst of a splendid procession the day before.
The whole ceremony was unusually magnificent.
Mary's head-dress seems to have made a deep im
pression on our chroniclers. It was a caul of cloth
of tinsel enclosed by a massy circlet of gold, " so
heavy with jewels, " says Stow, " that the Queen
was fain to bear it up with her hand." She sat in
a litter, or chariot, drawn by six horses ; and fol
lowing her, in another chariot, covered with cloth

1553. GRIFFET'S ERRORS. 241
of silver, were seen the Lady Elizabeth and the Lady
Anne of Cleves, both (says Perhn, who was an eye
witness,) " in silver habits, according to the French
fashion." * While on the subject of dress, I must for
a moment express my doubts of the singular state
ment of Griffet, that the new sectaries who governed
England during the minority of Edward the Sixth,
not contented with depriving the Church of all the
pomp of her ceremonies and splendour of her wor
ship, forbad the women to wear colours, or to use
embroidery. A slight glance at the portraits of
the time — and, fortunately, we have Holbein for
the great painter of the period — will convince us
that the opinion is a chimera of Griffet's and No
ailles', and that the privilege of dressing themselves
d, la Frangaise, with gold-lace, embroidery, and
long sleeves, the indefeasible rights of the toilet,
as it was never taken from the ladies by Ed
ward or his councillors, could not be restored by
Mary.f But this error of Griffet's has misled a
higher authority. " As the time of her coronation
approached," says Dr. Lingard, " the Queen intro
duced within the palace an innovation highly gra
tifying to the younger branches of the female no
bility, though it foreboded little good to the reform
ed preachers. Under Edward, their fanaticism had
* Descrip. des Royaumes D'Angleterre et D'Ecosse. Re
printed, London, 1775. Nichols.
t New Lights on the History of England, from the French
of Griffet, p. 12. Lingard, vol. vii.
VOL. II. R

242 COSTUME OF THE TIME. 1553.
given to the court a sombre and funereal appear
ance. That they might exclude from it the pomps
of the devil, they had strictly forbidden all richness
bf apparel, and every fashionable amusement. But
Mary, who recollected with pleasure the splendid
gaieties of her father's reign, appeared publicly in
jewels and coloured silks ; the ladies, emancipated
from restraint, copied her example ; and the cour
tiers, encouraged by the approbation of their so
vereign, presumed to dress with a splendour that
became their rank."* This is playfully ironical,
and it is quite allowable, for
" Without black velvet breeches — what is man?"
but, I suspect, the whole is founded on an erro
neous assumption. Edward's own Journal proved
that, instead of sombre and funereal, his court was
uncommonly gay and splendid; and as to dress, if
Dr. Lingard will but examine the portraits of that
young prince and his lords and ladies, he will find
no want of jewels, er mined bodices, coloured silks,
and other pardonable little vanities.
Mary met her first parliament on the Sth of Oc
tober. Burnet, in his account of its proceedings,
introduces to us one Beal, Clerk of the Council iri
the reign of Elizabeth, and a violent leader of the
puritans in those times, who has asserted, that every
kind of bribery, influence, and intimidation was
employed by the court to control the elections
* History of England, vol. vii. p. 125.

1553. MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT. 243
and procure the return of Roman Catholic mem
bers :* but I agree with Collier that the character of
the man renders his evidence suspicious ;f and I
have found no letters to show that the court were
now more active in the elections than was then the
•practice of the time.
In this parliament the Queen retained the title
of Supreme Head of the Church ; whilst the House
passed an act, by which it was declared that she
was born in lawful wedlock. Mary herself saw the
inconsistency of this, and it had been clearly ex
plained to her by Pole, that her first step must be
to renounce a title which had been wrested from
the Pope and usurped by her father. The validity
of her mother's marriage, as he justly observed,
rested on the fact, that the Pope was supreme
head of Christ's church on earth ; and it was
impossible for her to be head of the church and
a lawful Queen. Pole, in a paper of instruc
tions preserved in the Cotton Collection, J- de
clares that he knew the Queen's own wish was to
renounce the title ; but his advice was opposed by
Gardiner and the rest of her council, and the
Queen submitted to their dictation. Nothing, how
ever, could be more inconsistent than the conduct
of the council; for whilst with one breath they ad
vised the Queen to retain her own supremacy, with
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 252.
+ Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 348.
+ Titus, B. ii. f. 11,4. R 2

244 THE SPANISH MATCH. 1553.
another, they brought in an act which tacitly ac
knowledged the supremacy of the Pope.
A bill was next introduced, which in three lines
destroyed the whole superstructure of Protestan
tism, and replaced it by that form of divine service
which had been used in the last year of King
Henry the Eighth. " In one single act," says
Strype, " they cut off and repealed at a clap no
less than nine Acts of Parliament made under King
Edward, all relating to the Reformation." *
The impression made upon the great body of
the people by this sudden depression of the doc
trines and mode of worship which had been so
strenuously maintained under the former reign,
was at first favourable to this change. This is stated
in a curious pamphlet of the time, which Strype
believes to have been written by Coverdale. " The
common sort," says he, " argued thus. If this (the
Protestant faith) were God's words — if this people
were God's children, surely God would then bless
and prosper them. But now, instead of that, there
is no doctrine so much hated, no people so much
persecuted as they be — therefore it cannot be of
God. This is of God which our Queen and old
bishops have professed. For how hath God pro
spered and kept them ! What a notable victory
hath God given to her ! " f
But if the people, erroneously assuming success
as the test of truth, were reconciled, if not pleased,
* Strype, vol. iii. part i. p. 83. f Ibid. p. 86.

DETENTION OF POLE. 245
to return to the faith of their fathers, they had also
the national prejudices of their fathers, and hated
the idea of that Spanish match, which was now
the subject of common talk. A union between
Mary and Philip, had, indeed, been projected even
before Edward's death ; for on the 23rd of June,
when the Prince was despaired of, Cardinal Dan
dino, the Papal Legate at Brussels, wrote to Ca-
pisuca, Cardinal St. George, the Legate at Paris,
that the Emperor was resolved on the match.*
But the Emperor was always averse to hurry for
ward any important measure : he had a suspicion
that Pole was against the marriage ; that he
was interested to promote a union between Courte
nay, the young Earl of Devonshire, and Mary;
and he perhaps dreaded that the Cardinal might
precipitate the changes in religion before the Spa
nish match, which he regarded as a matter of para
mount importance, was settled. It has been sup
posed by some writers that Mary had thoughts her
self of marrying Pole and, as he was only a Car
dinal Deacon, the event was possible ; but he was
fifty-three years of age, a formidable objection*
Be this as it may, Charles flew into a violent pas
sion when Pole came into Flanders on his way to
England, and sent peremptory orders for him to
remain at Delinghen or Liege. " Unless," says the
Cardinal, writing to the Pope, " he had wished
" pigliar in mano il Bastone e cacciarmi, non mi po-
* Carte, vol. iii. pp. 287, 288.

246 WOTTON'S PLIANT PRINCIPLES. 1553.
teva far maggior violentia con parole." * When a
cardinal comes to think that he had barely escaped
being " cudgelled by the Pope," the affair must have
been serious.
The best account we have of Pole, is that of his
friend Beccatelli, translated by Pye, and illustrated
by some good notes. It forms a necessary accom
paniment and antidote to Philipps' Life of Pole,
which is not to be quoted without examination.
Wotton, we see, was evidently misinformed as to
Charles' great partiality. It is stated in a note
to a letter of Mons. de Noailles, that, when at
last admitted by the Emperor to an audience at
Brussels, "ce Prince lui dit avec dufete" qu'il se seroit
dispense de la peine qu'il avoit prise de revenif ." j-
Pole took all this with great meekness and submis
sion, and remained " envelopp6 sous les ailes de
cette grande aigle," till the imperial bird, having
feathered his nest by the marriage of his eaglet
Philip to Mary, allowed the old Cardinal to take
his flight over to England.
In the two following letters of Wotton, the first
to Sir William Petre, the second addressed to the
¦Queen, we have some important intelligence from
France and the court of the Emperor ; in return for
which the Dean manifests a strong desire to be made
acquainted with the proceedings at home under the
new reign. These, he rightly terms "no small mat-
* Quirini, vol. iv. lett. li. t Noailles, vol. iii. p. 187.

1553. WOTTON TO SIR W. PETRE. 247
ters;" and we see they were no less than the marriage
with Spain, and the restoration of the Roman Catho
lic faith in England. It is mortifying, but not un-
instructive, to mark the speedy accommodation of
the minds of many of the most zealous Protestants
under Edward to the religious views of the new
sovereign. What was Romish blindness in this
pliant Dean's estimation on the 6th of April 1547,
has now become a matter of such moment and
necessity, that he prays God to prosper it, and his
heart longs to hear of it, " quemadmodum cervus
desiderat fontes aquarum."
DR. WOTTON TO SIR W. PETRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 26th Oct. 1553.
" Sir. — The bearer shall deliver you those few
books I wrote you of; at the least, if they be
come home, for I never heard word of them since
I sent them away. And if I had been of late at
Paris, as I have not, for the plague that reigneth
there, peradventure I might have found out some
other book that might have pleased you ; but that
shall be for another time, and, God will, when Paris
is clear of the plague. If you have not my Lord
of Winchester's book called Marcus Anthonius Con-
stantinus, 1 will send it you.
" I have no special news to write you of, but that,
' quemadmodum desiderat cervus fontes aquarum,
ita desiderat anima mea' to hear somewhat of your

248' A JEW CHRISTENED. 1553.
proceedings at home, which God prosper, for they
be no small matters that you have in hand.
" Here was on Sunday last at the court, in the
presence of the King, a Jew solemnly christened,
who was named Catherinus, for that the Queen
was his only godmother, without any godfather.
The Jew's father being a physician, and learned in
the Jews' Talmud, is christened likewise, but not
now; who, with his wife, was present at their son's
christening. The father, being now called Ludo
vicus Carettus, hath made a little book in Hebrew,
turned into Latin, which you shall receive here
with. I sent to Paris for more of them ; but the
printer is dead of late, and the books cannot be
sold till the executors be agreed of the inventory
and other things. It seemeth he will prove a va
liant champion for us, against his own nation, if he
may live. But the sport was, that when the Car
dinal de Lorraine, who did minister himself the
baptism, should have given him his ' candidam
vestem,' it would not be found at the least in
half an hour ; and some good fellows were there
who said he was no Jew at all, and that his name
was Jehan de Lion. Now, whether it be so or not,
I know not ; but if they had made an Anabaptist
of him, I would say he were a false Jew. And
thus I beseech Jesu long to preserve you in
health and prosperity, &c.
"N. Wotton."

1553. CHARACTER OF POLE. 249

DR. WOTTON TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 27th Oct. 1553.
" La Ferte, Melun.
" Pleaseth your Highness to be advertised that
here hath been of late at this court an Italian
called the Abbot of St. Salu, belonging to the Car
dinal Pole, and sent from him to the French King,
who hath declared here to divers of his acquaintance
that the Pope hath made the said Cardinal Legate
de latere to the Emperor and to this King, and
having done with them, to your Highness.
" His errand to the Emperor and to the French
King, as this Abbot saith, is to see whether he can
do any more good with these two princes, for the
reconciliation of them, than the other two Legates
did. And like as it is well known that the Emperor
hath the Cardinal Poole in very good estimation,
which appeared well at the last vacation of the
papacy, where the Imperial Cardinals laboured all
they could to have him made Pope ; so the French
King, and such as are great about him, have an
honest opinion of him also, but yet not without a
little suspicion of him for the favour which they saw
th' Imperials bare unto him at that time. Never
theless, it is thought that, if any of the Cardinals
shall be able to do any good in this matter, this
man is most like to do it, being esteemed among
many to be of an honest mind and virtuous life.

250 FRENCH POLITICS. 1553.
" And albeit that this Abbot speaketh of his mas
ter's going into England, yet, as far as I can learn, it
is after this sort, that when the Cardinal hath done
with these two princes, then he will tarry to see
whether he shall be admitted and received into
England ; and, by this said Abbot's saying, the said
Cardinal is by this time well forward on his jour
ney, so that the Abbot thinketh he will be within
these few days with the Emperor.
" And now, for because that if he come hither,
(as it is reckoned assuredly he will do,) it will much
be marked and noted of the world how I behave
myself unto him, I therefore humbly beseech your
Highness it may please you to let me know your
pleasure therein, whether I shall resort to him ; and,
in case I do, after what sort I shall use myself unto
him ; and, knowing your Highness' pleasure therein,
I will endeavour myself to follow the same in all
points the best I can.
" Here are presently no great news. The saying
is, that the Prince of Salerne, Petro Strozzi, and
in a manner all the Italians of this court, pre
pare themselves to go into Italy ; for what pur
pose I know not as yet. But it may seem not
unlikely that, seeing that Don Ferrant maketh a
good number of men, and that the Genoese are
entered a league with the Duke of Florence, (though
somewhat late,) and that the Prince Doria hath
his galleys ready, (as it is said,) therefore these
French Italians gointo Italy to attempt somewhat

1553. NEWS FROM CONSTANTINOPLE. 251
there, whereby the other may be stayed from going
into Corsica for the recovery of it, as the French be
well fortified there ; who, being suffered to conti
nue there quietly this winter, will so fortify the
places they have or the spring of the year come
on, that it shall not be easy for their enemies to re
cover them. The Great Master of Rhodes or Malta
is dead, in whose place is chosen a Frenchman ;
for, as I understand,* the Spaniards and French,
who are the greatest nations in number amongst
them, have agreed that they will choose ever, by
course, ohe time a Spaniard and next a French, so
that neither Italian nor any of other nation shall
be able to be Master amongst them.
" I am advertised from Lyons, that the French
ambassador at Venice hath made shift there for
his master for fours  f and ten thousand crowns,
and the French King . . . [has taken] up at
Lyons, at the last fair, four hundred thousand francs
for fourteen in the hundred, and did owe there be
fore that a million and a half of gold. The fort
which was spoken of should have been made by
[beside] Hesdin goeth not forward, for because (as
these men say) that the time of the year serveth
not for it.
" These Italian ambassadors have sure adver
tisements that the Sophy's ambassador was with the
* Wotton's information was correct. Claude de la Sangle
was chosen Grand Master.
t A word here is unintelligible.

252 THE TURKISH ARMATA. 1553.
Turk at Constantinople, and spake with him the
20th of August ; but that notwithstanding, the 28th
of that month, the Turk with the four Bassa's em
barked himself with his youngest son, and took his
journey towards Aleppo, to be ready there against
the spring of the year, to march then against the
said Sophy. They have also news that two am
bassadors from the King of the Romans arrived at
Constantinople the 25th of August, and spake with
the Turk ere he departed, but they know not how
they sped.*
" They have news also that the Turk's armata,
that was in Corsica, f hath been seen in the sea
drawing homewards towards Levant, whereof hath
been much doubted here whether they would back
again this time, or winter on this side ; but, if they
be gone indeed, it shall be time for the Genoeses to
* The ambassadors, as we learn from IsthuanfFus, book xix.
c. i. p. 229, were Bishop Anthony Verantius, and Francis Zauis,
Admiral ofthe fleet ofthe Danube. The information given by'
the Italian ambassadors to Wotton was erroneous. Solyman,
the Turkish Emperor, had left Constantinople previous to the
arrival of Ferdinand's ambassadors ; having committed the go
vernment of his capital to Ibrahim the Eunuch. Soon after, the
ambassadors took their journey through Bithynia, and had an
audience of the Turkish Emperor, who, elated by his late
triumph over the King of Persia, rejected their proposals for
peace with haughty contempt.
t This Turkish fleet had been joined by some French ships of
Marseilles ; and their united armament had made themselves
masters of Corsica, which belonged to the Genoese. — Sleidan,
book xxv. sub anno 1553.

1553. THE EMPEROR'S AMBASSADORS. 253
bestir themselves, if they intend to do any good
in Corsica.
" And thus I beseech, &c.
" Written at La Ferte, Melun, 27th Oct. 1553.
" N. Wotton."
In our next letter our old acquaintance Sir John
Mason presents us with a sketch ofthe intended
matrimonial policy ofthe Emperor, and, as is usual
with him, touches rapidly on the state of Europe.
SIR JOHN MASON TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Flanders. 28th Nov. 1553.
" My humble duty remembered to your good
Lordships, the same may please to be advertised
that it is now resolved that the Count of Eggem-
mond,* Mons. Lallayng, who is elder brother to
Mons. de Hochstracht, Mons. de Courrieres,f and
Negri, Chancellor of the Order, shall come ambas
sadors into England. The matter hath been long
in debating, and the Prince of [Orange,] Mons. de
Burce, and Mons. Hochstracht, were in the election,
* The well known Laraoral Count Egmont, born in 1522,
of an ancient and noble Dutch family. In 1544, he served in
the army of Charles the Fifth, in his great African expedition.
The most brilliant part of his career was posterior to the date
of this letter, when, in 1557, his bravery and military conduct
were the chief cause of the great victory gained by the Spa
niards and the English over the French at St. Quintin ; nor was
his conduct less conspicuous at the battle of Gravelines, in 1558.
f John de Montmorency, Lord of Courieres.

254 WILD TALK AT ANTWERP. 1553.
but in the end such be determined upon as I have
before written ; and yet both these that tarry, and
the Duke of Savoy, do merely say that those shall
be the avant-couriers, and they will follow in the
battle. The Prince of Aurenge's wife is newly
brought a-bed, and Mons. de Hochstracht hath the
principal charge of all the finances of these Low
Countries, which be the occasion of their stay.
" The said ambassadors mind to come very
honourably accompanied with many gentlemen, and
with the number, as I am informed, of not much
under two hundred horses. They depart from
hence within seven or eight days after the date
hereof; and, when they shall be in the way, they in
tend to make good speed.*
"Mons. de Boyssa, Master ofthe Horses, cometh
also into England, and so doth Mons. de Beteres;
whether at this time or not I am not certain, but
long behind them they will not be. Their errand
is not to join in commission with the other, but
to pass the seas into Spain, and to conduct the"
Prince into these parts.
" I am advertised by divers ways, that our young
men at Antwerp use their talk very wildly, as well
in the declaration of their misliking of our proceed-
* They did not, however, arrive in England until some weeks
after the Parliament was dissolved. It was in this Parliament
that the Commons carried the address which gave great offence
to the Queen, entreating her not to marry a foreigner.

1553. SPANISH GOLD. 255
ings in matters of religion, as of the other great
•matter also, which in this court is taken as a thing
utterly concluded. They have had a late bickering
with the Spaniards, which hath so tickled them
as they let not in all places to declare their discon-
tentation with the whole nation. Your Lordships,
in mine opinion, shall do well to despatch their go
vernors unto them with some speed, at whose hands
they might receive some such threatening lesson
from the Queen's Highness and your Lordships as
they might learn hereafter how to temper their
tongues.* " Here is spread in this court very gladsome
news of a great quantity of gold arrived at Sevilla
in Spain. The sum is named five millions. I pray
God it be half so much. Whatsoever it be, it
maketh us merry in the mean season whilst the
certainty thereof is a-leaming.
" The sending of a power by the Duke of Flo
rence to the recovery of Corsica causeth the French
King to make his account as if he had declared
against him ; and therefore hath he in despite sent
his mortal enemy Pietro Strozzi to be his lieutenant
in Italy, whilst Mons. de Termes shall remain in
Corsica. * The disgust at the Spanish match was still deeper in England
than among these young gentlemen, whom the prudent Mason
describes as talking so wildly at Antwerp.
Anonymous attacks upon Philip, representing him as haughty,
cold, tyrannical, and bigoted, were published in the City, and
even dropped in the Queen's chamber. — Carte, vol. iii. p. 297.

256 TURKEY AND HUNGARY. 1553.
" The said French King hath sent to Argel, to
hire the navy thereof to the number of twenty gat-
leys. I trow, if the devil were to be treated with,
he would entertain him. Oh Lord ! put him into a
better and more Christian mind, by whose means
the enemies of Christ's faith learn all the secrets of
our manner of making of war at the expenses of
Christian men.
" The Sophy hath met, as the tidings come here,
with a fleet of the Turks laden with spice. Out of
Hungary we have uncertain news of a great over
throw given lately to the Turks by Christian men.
God send the said Turk ill luck against the Per
sians ; for, if he return with the victory, the matters
of Hungary will soon be revenged. Other news
there be not here for the present ; the matters of
England so occupying the talk of every man, as all
other news be put to silence. * * *
" John Mason."
It has been asserted by most of our historians,
that Mary was attached to Courtenay, whom she
had created Earl of Devonshire, and that she
meant to marry him. It is certain that she showed
him great favour, and the people were eager for the
match. Gardiner, at first, espoused his interests ;
and the Queen chose Lady Exeter his mother as her
bedfellow and confidant. From all these circum
stances, the report of such a union became general ;
and Noailles, the French ambassador, intrigued

1553. MARY'S LOVE. 257
busily to bring about the match. But I have met
with no direct proof that Mary herself ever seriously
thought of Courtenay. If she did, it was an evan
escent preference ; and her wishes soon centred in
Philip, who was then the greatest marriage in Eu
rope. There is a passage quoted by Strype,* from
an unpublished manuscript of Sir Thomas Smith,
which insinuates that the Queen had fallen in love
with the Prince's picture. " I heard not many
years ago," says Smith, " of a certain lady, who
having the picture sent unto her of one whom she
never saw, who should be her husband, was so en
amoured thereon, and so ravished, that she lan
guished for love, and was in a manner out of her wits
for his long tarrying and absence. — But I ween hot
love was soon cold, and not long after repented."
There can be little doubt of Strype being right in
his conjecture, that Smith here alludes to Mary.
The passage occurs in a discourse whether Queen
Elizabeth should marry a stranger or an English
man. We know from Noailles, that, as early as
October 1553, the Prince of Spain sent Don
Inigo de Mendoza f with a private message to
Mary ; and it is by no means improbable that such
a love-envoy should bring with him a miniature of his
young master. If we may believe Titian's pencil,
Philip was a handsome man ; and the following mi
nute description of his features and figure, by one
* Strype, Memor. vol. iii. part 1, p. 196.
t Ambassades.de Noailles, vol. ii. pp. 223, 226.
VOL. II. S

258 ELDER'S PICTURE OF PHILIP. 1553.
who drew from the life, may excuse Mary's impa
tience. It occurs in a rare tract or letter, written
by John Elder, the Redshank or Highlander, who,
in 1542, addressed to Henry the Eighth a wild pro
posal for uniting Scotland with England.* Elder
was then in London amongst the spectators of Phi
lip's entry into the city ; and thus wrote to his friend
the Bishop of Caithness. " Touching his (Philip's)
height," says he, " I can well compare him to
John Hume, my Lord of Jedward's kinsman. Of
visage he is well-favoured, with a broad forehead
and grey eyes, streight-nosed and manly counte
nance. From the forehead to the point of his chin,
his face groweth small ; his pace is princely, and
gait so straight and upright as he loseth no inch
of height ; with a yellow head and a yellow beard.
And, thus to conclude, he is so well-proportioned of
body, arm, leg, and every other limb to the same,
as nature cannot work a more perfect pattern.
And," as I have learned, " of the age of twenty-;
eight years. Whose Majesty I judge to be of a
stout stomach, pregnant-witted, and of most gentle
nature." f
Towards the end ofthe session of her first parlia
ment, the match with Spain was generally can-
* Printed in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. p. 1, from a
MS. in the Royal MSS. Brit. Mus. 18 A. 38, transcribed by
the Secretary, Mr. Laing.
t The letter is dated " From the City of London, this new-
year's day and the first of the kalends of January."— Ames,
Typographical Antiquities, vol. i. p. 563.

1553. FEELING AGAINST THE MARRIAGE. 259
vassed, and gave rise to an animated discussion in
the House of Commons, in which the feeling was
loud and unanimous against it. They sent their
Speaker with an address praying the Queen not to
marry a stranger ; but Mary, in this instance, seems
to have sacrificed the wishes of her people to her
ambition. She was determined to have the Prince
of Spain ; and whatever little preferences she may
have shown to Courtenay were probably rather
blinds to quiet the discontent of her subjects,
and afford her time to finish her negociations, than
any real intentions in his favour. As for the idle
and romantic tales of Vertot regarding Courtenay's
love for Elizabeth, and Mary's jealousy and re
venge, they have been successfully refuted by Grif
fet.* It is to be regretted that they should remain
embalmed in the history of Hume, who was probably
misled by Vertot ; but it is still more extraordinary
that the French author should have contradicted
the letters of Noailles, which he himself published.
The following letter • from Dean Wotton, the
English ambassador at the court of France, con
tains an interesting account of the conversations
which he held with Henry the Second, and his
prime minister the Constable Montmorency, on the
subject of the Queen's marriage with Philip of
Spain. Taking into view the war which then
* Griffet, translated under the title of " New Lights thrown
upon the History of Mary," p. 57. Hume, 8vo. edition, in one
vol. p. 375. s 2

260 HENRY'S DISTRESS. 1553.
raged between France and Spain, and the extreme
jealousy with which Charles and Henry regarded
each other, we are not to be surprised that the
French monarch's countenance was sad, his words
few, and his dislike of the match " marvellously
great," to use Wotton's expressions. Indeed, not
withstanding his reiterated assurances of amity and
love for " his good sister," it is well known, to all
who have looked into Noailles' letters, that Henry
had takenevery possible method to defeat Mary's
wishes and disappoint the Emperor's ambition ;
that his ambassador at the English court had even
endeavoured to attain this object by holding secret
intercourse with the disaffected, and exciting civil
disturbances in England.
In his panegyric on his royal mistress, Wotton
declares that, " even when in fear of her life, Mary
had never been induced to assent to anything con
trary to her conscience or to her honour." He had
forgotten that the Queen's constancy had failed
on one memorable occasion, when she wrote let
ters with her own hand to her father, (which, says
Camden, I myself have seen,) " wherein she not
only for ever renounced the Pope's authority in
England, but also acknowledged her father to be
supreme head of the Church of England under
Christ, and her mother's marriage to have been
incestuous and unlawful."
It must be remembered, however, that when this

1553. TYRANNY OF HENRY THE EIGHTH. 261
was done the Queen trembled under her father's
tyranny, and was no doubt fearful for her life.*
It is impossible not to be struck with the clear
sagacious views of Montmorency, and the soldier
like bluntness and vigour with which they are ex
pressed. No English statesman could have more
ably pointed out the evils to be dreaded from the
Spanish match.
DOCTOR WOTTON TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 23rd Dec. 1553.
" Ir may please your Lordships to understand,
that, the 13th of this present, I received yours of
the 7th of the same ; and, sending to the court for
audience, I was appointed to have it the 17th of
this month ; and that day, going thither, I dined
with the Constable.f And after dinner he showed
me that the King had taken a great cold, and came"
not out of his chamber all that day, though it
was Sunday, so that he stood in doubt whether I
might then speak with him; but he would go up to
him and show him of my coming, and, in case he
were in state to be spoken withal, I should not fail
to speak with him : and so going up, and at the
last returning again, showed me that the King was
so hoarse that men could not perceive what he said,
and that therefore he desired me to be content to
take the pains to come again the next day, when he
* Camden in Kennett, vol. ii. p. 367.
t The Constable Montmorency.

262 THE FRENCH KING AND WOTTON. 1553.
trusted to be somewhat- better. And, so doing, I
had audience of him; and found, indeed, that he had
taken a great cold, as did very well appear by his
speech., " After I had delivered him the Queen's High
ness' letter, and declared unto him the effect
of mine instructions as well as I could, the King
answered me : That, at the Queen's Highness' com
ing to the crown, she sent Mr. Sentleger hither to
declare unto him that she intended to live in peace
and amity with him, and the like I myself had
divers times declared unto him, and that the Queen
herself had often said as much to his ambassador
in England ; whereat he said he rejoiced not a little,
and for his part promised likewise to do the same
with her Highness ; the which thing, quoth the
King, I have observed and kept, as you do know
how I have caused your merchants to be heard
favourably in all their suits, and others besides.
And now, quoth the King, if the Queen my good sis
ter shall marry with him that is my chief enemy,*
and even during this war-time, — although I know it
is not my part to appoint her where, nor with
whom, nor when she shall marry, — yet it must needs
be a grief unto me to consider what advantage mine
enemies will think to have thereby upon me. And
yet, whatsoever they think thereof, I have hitherto
defended my country from mine enemies, and with
God's grace so will I do hereafter. And where you
* Philip the Second.

1553. HENRY'S ARGUMENTS. 263
say that the Queen my good sister intendeth and
promiseth now again to continue still in peace
and amity with me, whether she marry or marry
not, and what second husband soever she have,* I
am very glad to understand her good mind therein.
" But yet Mons. TAmbassadeur, quoth the King,
it is to be considered that a husband may do much
with his wife ; and it shall be very hard for any wife
to refuse her husband any thing that he shall ear
nestly require of her ; and you, that have been abroad
in the world, do well know how subtle and crafty
Spaniards are ; so that, of what mind soever the
Queen my good sister be of nowr, it is to be doubted
how she shall be able to continue in it. Neverthe
less, seeing she doth now make this promise unto
me again, both for the good opinion I have of her,
and that I think she would not make such a man as
you are tell me such a tale as you have here told me>
unless she did intend to keep her promise, I will
trust to it ; and, for my part, she shall be assured to
find me ready to continue the peace and amity
which hath been betwixt us, and to show her any
pleasure that shall be in me to do besides.
" Whereupon I said unto the King, that indeed I
took it to be true that a man might obtain much of
his wife ; but, like as that was true, so 1 took it
* An expression, used by Mary in allusion to her first mar
riage being to her kingdom. See Ambassades de Noailles,
vol. ii. p. 325. " Elle avoit epouse son royaulme et non poinet
les hommes."

ITRSATION WITH THE KING. 1553.

again that a wife of wit and discretion might do as
much with her husband. And therefore, the Queen
my mistress having determined and promised to en
ter into no war with him for any husband's sake she
might have, being endowed' of God with so much
wisdom as she is, I doubted not should be well able -
to obtain so reasonable a thing of her husband as
to forbear to constrain her in such a matter, so
much against her promise and the wealth of her
country. " And Sire, quoth I, the Queen my mistress and
her Council, I doubt not, have very well considered
this to be true, that a husband may do very much
with his wife, and that if the marriage should en
sue betwixt her Highness and the Prince of Spain,
and the wars continue betwixt you and the Em
peror, it is not unlikely but that the Prince would
much wish that her Highness would take part with
the Emperor, and would move her thereto by
the best means he could ; and how loath a wife
would be to say nay to her husband : all these
things, quoth I, I doubt not have been weigh
ed and considered ; and seeing they have been
weighed and considered, and yet nevertheless the
Queen doth eftsoons make you this earnest pro
mise again, it may well appear, Sire, that her
Highness and her Council will well consider and
provide also how her Highness shall be well able
to avoid and shift off any such request that by
the said Prince might be made unto her ; for, if

1553. WOTTON'S PRAISE OF MARY^C _.'1- . 265
she doubted any whit thereof, what needed her to
renew now this promise unto you again, and that so
earnestly as I have here declared it unto you ? And
this, Sire, quoth I, I shall be bold to say unto you,
that you never were acquainted with Prince or
Princess of a more constancy than you shall find in
the Queen my mistress ; whereof she hath given
great experiment divers times already, who neither
by fair means, nor yet for danger of her life, could
ever be induced to assent to any thing either con
trary to her conscience or to her honour.
" Wherefore, Sire, I am certainly persuaded that
you shall find her stedfast and constant in this her
promise now so earnestly renewed unto you. And
in case this marriage with the Prince of Spain
should take effect, I do hope that her Highness
shall rather thereby be the better able to treat
some good agreement betwixt you and the Empe
ror, than that therefore she should enter into war
with you. — Well, quoth the King, then shall there
no fault be found on my part, but I will likewise
continue the good peace and amity which I have
with the Queen my good sister ; and so I pray you
to advertise her. I declared also unto him some of
the acts passed by the Parliament, but he seemed
to have known them before : and when I spake of
the repealing ofthe sentence of divorce, Why should
it not ? quoth the King, for no doubt it was done
against all reason. And when I showed him how
the Queen's Highness had not only forgiven those

266 HENRY'S COUNTENANCE SAD. 1553.
that conspired with the Duke of Northumberland
their offences, but also the fines which were there
fore assessed upon them, It is done, quoth the
King, like a noble Princess, and a merciful, for the
which she ought much to be commended.
" But, what words soever the King used to me,
his countenance was very sad ; yea, and his words
but few, and not pronounced with such assuredness
and alacrity as he used to do, but sometimes stay
ing in his tale and repeating his words again, as
though his mind were somewhat troubled. Where-;
by, and by the communication which I had with the
Constable of these self matters, it seemeth unto me
that they mislike it marvellously, and do much fear
the breach of amity betwixt us.
" Talking with the Constable, who did set a bet
ter face upon the matter than the King did, and
used me at both these two days as familiarly as he
did at any time, amongst other things he said unto
me, As for you, being not of that vocation, it is no
marvel though you perceive not so well how much
a man that of himself hath any wit, or will be ad
vised by good counsel, may obtain of his wife. We
that are married may better perceive by what occa
sions, and means, and times, we may win them.
" Sir, quoth I, I do not think otherwise therein,
indeed ; but yet the Queen my mistress would not
now renew this earnest promise if she would be
won to the contrary. — I believe, in good faith, quoth
the Constable, that she doth now mem and intend

1553. WOTTON AND THE CONSTABLE. 267
as she doth promise ; but if she marry the Prince, he,
being her husband, will by such means induce and
persuade her that that thing which she now reckon-
eth to be good for the realm of England, (that is to
say, this amity with us, which is indeed very com
modious and necessary for both the realms,) she will
then peradventure think not to be so.
" Although, quoth I, I allow that wives will be
much persuaded by their husbands, yet I take that
to have more place in private persons than in this
case which we are in ; for, like as the Queen is wise
of herself, so is she content to have wise counsel
about her, so that neither she herself, nor yet her
Council, can so lightly by words be deceived as to
be made believe that thing to be ill for the realm
which is good indeed.
" Why, quoth the Constable, when the Prince
hath married the Queen, he shall be King himself,
and then what councillors will or dare counsel
against his King's pleasure and will ? — The right,
quoth I, of the crown of England is grounded on
the Queen's Highness, whosoever shall be her hus
band. And grave councillors, quoth I, will not fear
to declare their minds, according to their duty and
conscience. — No [one] will, quoth the Constable;
I report me to you how they have done it in the
late King's time. And, when he is King, who shall
be councillors but such as shall please him ?
" As for these things, quoth I, that a husband
may do much with his wife, yea, and as you say, a

268 MONTMORENCY'S ARGUMENTS. 1553.
King with his subjects; and that, the war continuing
betwixt you and the Emperor, it is very likely the1
Prince, having married the Queen my mistress, will
travail to induce her to take part with the Emperor;
these things, quoth I, are such as no doubt have been
well considered and foreseen by the Queen's High
ness and the Council already ; and therefore, see
ing they have foreseen it, and yet nevertheless her
Highness doth promise so earnestly for no second
husband's sake to enter into war with France, it
seemeth to me it cannot be otherwise but that she
intendeth so to provide for that matter aforehand
as she shall ever be able to keep her promise.
" What provision, quoth the Constable, can be
made for such a matter but a few lines written,
which Spaniards use to keep as long as they make
for their purpose? — If it lay, quoth I, only in their
power to do it, peradventure they would; but such
a great matter as this is cannot be brought about
but by the consent of the whole realm, and they
know that the breach of the amity were not good for
them, arid so will not consent to it. — You may say
so, quoth the Constable, and I pray God it prove
so ; but it is much to be doubted that what good
mind soever the Queen be of now, that she shall
have much ado to continue long in it. And for be
cause, quoth the Constable, that I have used to talk
ever frankly with you, I cannot but say unto you
as I think, that I do much lament your state
of England.

1553. WARNINGS TO ENGLAND. 269
"Why so, sir ? quoth I.— Why so ? quoth the Con
stable. You are a man that hath travelled abroad,
and you know in what state all countries are where
Spaniards bear any rule. Sicily, Naples, Lom
bardy, Sienna when they had it, and all other
places where they have had any authority, do you
not know how they are oppressed by the Spaniards ?
in what a bondage and misery they live ? Even
so must you look to be in England : for at the be
ginning, as they do everywhere, they will speak
fair and genteely unto you, till the time they have
made themselves somewhat strong in the realm, and
won to them some great men of the realm ; and then
will they begin to get your ships into their hands,
and likewise those few forts which you have, yea,
and will build new in places meet for their pur
pose; and so a little and a little usurp still more and
more, till they have all at their commandment. — As
for other countries, quoth I, where Spaniards bear
authority, I intend not much to speak of, nor what
authority they should bear in England if this mar
riage take effect I know not, for that the Queen's
Highness hath communicated nothing thereof unto
me ; but, if I shall speak to you as I think, surely I
believe that the Queen and the Prince will appoint
no rulers or ministers in England but Englishmen,
who know best how to rule and order the people of
England. — No ! quoth the Constable : why not
as well as in Naples and other places ? — Whatso
ever they do, quoth I, in Naples, I am sure that

270 MONTMORENCY AND WOTTON. 1553.
Spaniards bear no rule in Flanders, and yet is there
a great deal more cause why they should do it there
than in England ; unless, quoth I, you think we
shall be less able to provide for our realm than
Flemings are for their country.
" An it were not, quoth the Constable, for
that the Emperor feareth that Flanders would
rather give themselves up to the King,* than they
would be oppressed by the Spaniards, no doubt
Spaniards should have as great authority there as
in other places. — I know not, quoth I, whether
that be the cause or not ; but, if Spaniards fear
such an inconvenient, this may they likewise fear,
that if they should go about to take any such
authority upon us in England, that the people
would show that they were not contented with it ;f
* The King of France.
f This was Wotton's best reply, for the Spanish match was
wonderfully unpopular in England; but this hatred of the peo
ple proved but a feeble obstacle in these days of high preroga
tive and aristocratic subserviency. Mary's first parliament,
as we have seen, showed a strong aversion to the marriage,
and the House of Commons presented an address against it.
On being made aware of this, the Queen declared " that she
would prove a match for all the cunning of the Chancellor
(Gardiner) ; and, sending the same night for the Imperial am
bassador, bade him follow her into her private oratory, where,
on her knees at the foot ofthe altar, and before the sacrament,
she first recited the hymn ' Veni, Creator Spiritus/ and then
called God to witness that she pledged her faith to Philip
Prince of Spain, and while she lived would never take any
other man for her husband." — Lingard, vol. vii. p. 144. This
was on the 30th of October  Griffet, p. 47.

1553. THE MARRIAGE KNOWN AT ROME. 271
so that even for that consideration they will look
for no such authority there, no more than they do
in Flanders. But, whatsoever I said therein, the
Constable still persisted that we should feel his
words to be true within a while.
" The Constable showed me also, that the
King had news, that the Emperor had already
caused to be published in Rome that this marriage
was thoroughly concluded and agreed upon, and
that the capitulations and conditions of them were
sent hither from Rome, which the Constable caused
to be sent for, and read unto me by the Secretary
Bourdin. But, for because the chamber was full
of people giving both good ear and eye to us, he
read not so loud that I could perceive all that he
read ; but part of it is this :
" That the Prince of Spain hath declared that he
will not go thro' with the marriage with the Lady
Mary Infant of Portugal, under pretext of the long
days of payment of the money which the Prince
should have with her. That the matrimony is con
cluded betwixt the Prince and the Queen of Eng
land. That the Prince, by the month of February
next, shall pass over into England with seven or
eight thousand Spaniards, there to solemnize and
accomplish that matrimony. That, if God send a
son of this matrimony, that he shall have all the
Low Country with England. That, if there be two
sons, the first shall be King, and the second shall
have the Low Countries, for because the Low

272 CONDITIONS OF THE MARRIAGE. 1553.
Countries cannot well endure to be under a stran
ger. There was also somewhat of daughters, but I
perceived it not well.
" That for because that by this means Spain
shall forego the Low Country, therefore the
Queen's Highness shall resign her right she pre
tendeth to France to the Emperor and his pos
terity, for a recompense of the Low Country.
" That the Emperor shall send an army into
Guienne to recover it ; and the Queen shall send
thither likewise, at her charges, a number of her
men to assist the Spaniards ; * * * *
that whatsoever should be so taken (if I un
derstood it well) should be put to the keeping of
Englishmen, till it might appear that the Low
Countries should be dissevered from Spain, and
then all that to be restored to the Spaniards.
These were the principal points which I carried
away of that matter. *
" The Constable had a long talk with me at this
time, and all the while used a gentle countenance
unto me, which was well marked, and letters writ
ten abroad of it that self day; for already was
all the court full of the news of the marriage be
twixt the Queen's Highness and the Prince, and
the matter taken to be fully agreed and concluded
* The reader may compare Wotton's recollection of the
terms of the treaty with the deed itself, by turning to Rymer,
vol. xv. pp. 387, 388; or to Carte, vol. iii. p. 301.

1553. TALK ABOUT THE MARRIAGE. 273
upon, for the French ambassador f had sent hither
a man of his, but a few days before. * * *
"And where your Lordships would know what
the talk here is of this marriage, the truth is, that
at the court, amongst in a manner all sorts of
men, there is none other thing so much talked of
as that is ; for the marriage in this court is taken
for concluded and determined. And therefore,
whensoever they meet with any of my men, or any
other Englishman, straight they are in hand with
him of that matter ; and commonly all do use this
talk, that they are very sorry, and lament much
that we shall now become subjects to Spain ; and
then begin to describe the intolerable pride and the
unsatiable covetousness of Spaniards, whom, they
say, if we did know as they do, we would never
suffer to bear any rule over us. And when they
have talked their pleasure herein, for because that ,
is not the very place where it grieveth them, some
times they burst further out and say, that now it
appeareth we will no peace with them ; for, if we
did, the Queen our mistress would not marry with
their enemies. Finally, they take it to be a great
punishment that God hath sent upon us.
" One of the chief ambassadors here, talking
with certain other of that matter, said, Will you
see the. works of God ? England and Scotland,
+ Monsieur De Noailles, whose letters have been printed, and
present a full account of the French intrigues against the mar
riage. VOL. 11. T

274 CARDINAL POLE. 1553.
which have thus long been two realms, ruled by
themselves, and able to compare with any other
realms, are now even about one time, for because
they shall not laugh at each other, brought under
strangers ; — the Englishmen under Spaniards, and
the Scots under Frenchmen. Thus men speak of
it as their fancies serveth them. And, out of
doubt, they take it here all to be the worst news
that almost could chance unto them ; and now they
begin to perceive what a loss they had of King
Edward the Sixth, on whose soul God have mercy.
" I understand that it is taken here at the court,
that the Emperor would not that the Cardinal
Poole should go into England, fearing lest he would
go about to let* this marriage ofthe Queen and the
Prince of Spain. I understand also, that Cardinal
Poole had put these men in a good hope that the
said marriage should take none effect ; having cer
tified the French King, by the Abbot whom he
sent hither, that, as for the Queen's Highness, he
was as well assured of her mind concerning that
marriage as he was of her mind concerning mat
ters of religion, and that that marriage should take
no place : whose words these men trusted much
unto.! " The Pope hath been sore sick, so as it was
* To hinder.
t If this be true, we cannot wonder at the Emperor's harsh
ness to Pole, and the long detention of the Cardinal before he
was permitted to come into England.

1553. THE GREAT TURK. 275
thought he could not escape ; but now the saying
is, he amendeth.
" The Great Turk, going towards Aleppo, sent
for his eldest son to come to him ; who, trusting to
be well received of his father, was most cruelly
murdered in his father's presence, and by his com
mandment. Men that have seen the said son, say
that, of all Ottomans' posterity, there was never
none so like to attempt great enterprises, and to
achieve them to his honour, as he was. The cause
hereof is taken to be the favour and love which the
Turk beareth to the children he hath by another
woman — not mother to him that is slain. But his
other sons are nothing of that towardness and ac
tivity that this man was of. *
" The Scots here say, that the governor of Scot
land at the last is content, and doth submit him
self to meddle no further in the government of the
realm of Scotland, after that the young Queenf
shall be twelve years old, than she shall appoint
him to do. And, indeed, he sent so lightly, and
without advisement, the young Queen and his two
sons hither, that he must needs now dance as these
men list to pipe ; whereas, if he had kept them at
home, it is very likely his own son should have
married the Queen, and have been King himself.
* The reader will probably remember the interesting histori
cal episode, in Robertson's Charles the Fifth, upon this domes
tic tragedy. The name of the unfortunate Prince was Mustafa.
t Mary Queen of Scots.

276 THE FRENCH FLEET DAMAGED. 1553.
" The French army by sea, going into Corsica*
was taken with a great storm ; and eight or nine of
the galleys, wherein were the Captain Polin, the
Great Prior of France, brother to the Duke of
Guise, and the Duke of Sunie, fugitive of Naples,
were driven back to Marseilles and that coast, and
could not tell whether Petro Strozzi and the rest
were saved or not. And I cannot perceive that the
King hath as yet received certain news that they
are saved ; for altho' their chance were to escape
the danger of the tempest, yet are their enemies
stronger on the sea there about Corsica, than these
galleys which are missed are. The loss of Petro
Strozzi and the said galleys were like to be of such
importance to the French King, that the loss of
Corsica were most likely to ensue of it.
The French King seeketh all means to get mo
ney; and it is commonly talked that he taketh
every man's plate to coin money of it, which he
will restore again when he hath money enough.:
# * * *
" Written at Melun, the 23rd December 1553.
" N. Wotton."
A few days after the despatch of this letter, in
which the French monarch and his ministers so clear
ly pointed out the probable consequences ofthe Spa
nish match, the Emperor's ambassadors left Calais,
and on the 2nd of January they arrived in Lon-

.1554. THE EMPEROR OFFERS HIS SON. 277
don.* They were instructed to make a formal offer
of the hand of the Prince of Spain. This they did
soon after in a public audience ; and Mary, observ
ing that it did not become a woman to treat per
sonally of her own marriage, referred them to her
Council. To the high dignitaries who composed it
Charles had not been sparing of golden promises,
and it was confidently anticipated that all would be
easily arranged. But the antipathy of the English
gentry and of the great body of the nation to this al
liance increased every hour. It was believed, and
not without good ground for the anticipation, that
England would sink into a province of Spain ; their
country, it was said, would be trampled on, its liber
ties invaded, its commerce ruined, its very name
forgotten. I have met with some criminal examinations
in the State Paper Office which demonstrate
the intensity of this feeling. It appears that,
on the 23rd January 1553-4, William Cotman,
a smith, who lived in the county of Kent, was
committed. He declared that " William Ishley,
Gent, eldest son to Sir William Ishley, Knt.
came this morning to his shop, two hours be
fore day, to shoe his horse, where he tarried the
making of a shoe, and there used these words:
' that the Spaniards were coming into the realm
with harness and hand-guns, and would make
us Englishmen worse than enemies, and viler ; for
* Griffet, p. 72.

278 ISHLEY EXAMINED. 1554.
this realm should be brought to such bondage by
them as it was never afore, but should be utterly
conquered.' And, at his taking of his horse, he
said with a loud voice, that all the street might
hear it, it being scarce day, * Smith, if thou beest
a good fellow, stir and encourage all the neigh
bours to rise against these strangers, for they
should have lawful warning and help enough,' * * *
" ' Why,' quoth the smith, * these be marvel
lous words, for we shall be hanged if we stir.'
' No/ quoth Ishley ; ' ye shall have help enough ;
for the people are already up in Devonshire and
Cornwall, Hampshire and other counties.' "f
Such were the bitter feelings of a large body of
the gentry and the people against this Spanish mar
riage ; and so busily did Mary's enemies work upon
them, that, within a few days after this declaration,
a rebellion broke out, which had its ramifica
tions through some of the principal counties in the
kingdom. The history of this formidable conspiracy, known
by the name of Wyatt's plot, its complete failure,
and the additional strength and security which it
conferred on the Queen's government, are subjects
familiar to our readers. Sir Thomas Wyatt under
took to manage the rising in Kent ; Sir Peter
Carew, in the west of England ; and the Duke of
t Orig. St. P. Off. " The saying of William Cotman, in
the county of Kent, smith, this present Tuesday, 23rd Ja
nuary 1553."

1554. WYATT'S CONSPIRACY. 279
Suffolk, the father of the Lady Jane, who owed
his life to Mary's clemency, in the midland coun
ties. Noailles, the French ambassador, who had
been instructed by his master to foster the dis
content and encourage the enemies of the Queen,
was deeply involved in the plot ; * and there seems
strong reason to believe (although it is still a con
tested point), that the Lady Elizabeth was at least
acquainted with the designs of the conspirators, if
she did not actually encourage them. In a letter
from Renard, the French ambassador, to Charles
the Fifth, he informs the Emperor that, in a con
versation with Mary, she had told him " that Lord
Russell's son, who was a prisoner in his father's
house, had already declared that during the rebel
lion he had received letters from Wyatt directed to
the Lady Elizabeth, which he conveyed to her." !
But more of this presently.
Two causes seem to have led to the ill success of
the plot : the precipitancy of Carew, who forced
Wyatt to discover himself before his measures were
complete ; and the remarkable courage and deci
sion of the Queen. On the advance of the rebels
to London, the Duke of Norfolk, with the Queen's
guards and five hundred men belonging to the
trained bands of the city, hurried off against them ;
but, on coming in sight of the enemy, Brett, the
* Noailles, vol. iii. pp.56, 37.
f Griffet, p. 90.

280 ALARM OF THE CITY. 1554.
captain of the trained bands', with his whole force,
went over to Wyatt, the Duke retired, and the bold
rebel, at the head of fifteen thousand men, advanced
to Deptford. It was at this crisis that Mary's own
vigour and courage were the means of saving her
self and her throne. The whole city was in dis
may ; her ministers, awakening her at two in the
morning, implored her to fly, and had provided a
boat to convey her by water from the capital.*
Amid the confusion, men ran about armed, or with
such weapons as they could hastily seize ; and
not only the mayor and aldermen wore their steel
coats, but the serjeants-at-law, and other barristers
in Westminster Hall, pleaded in harness.f In the
midst of all Mary was calm ; she consulted the
Spanish ambassador, and he wisely counselled her
to remain on the spot. She instantly resolved to
do so ; commanded her nobles and a few of her
women to accompany her to Guildhall ; and, on
arriving there, addressed to the magistrates, and the
people who had crowded round her, a speech which
had a powerful effect. Fox, an author strongly
prejudiced against the Queen, has preserved it, " as
near out of her own mouth," says he, " as it could
be penned." It has every mark of an extempore
harangue ; and I am induced to give some sen
tences from it, were it merely to show how little
ground there is to animadvert, as has been done by
* Griffet, p. 82.
t Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 52. Stow, p. 619.

1554. MARY'S ADDRESS AT GUILDHALL. 281
some popular writers, upon her narrow capacity
and extreme ignorance.*
" ' I am come,' said she, ' in mine own person,
to tell you what you already see and know, how
traitorously and rebelliously a number of Kentish
men have assembled against us and you. Their
pretence was for a marriage determined for us, to
the which, and to all the articles whereof, you have
been made privy : but since we have caused certain
of our Privy Council to go against them, the mar
riage seemed to be but a Spanish cloak to cover
their pretended purpose against our religion; so
that they arrogantly demanded to have the govern
ance of our person, the keeping of the Tower, and
the placing of our councillors.
" * Now, loving subjects, what I am ye right
well know ; — I am your Queen, to whom, at my
coronation, when I was wedded to the realm and
the laws of the same, you pronounced your allegi
ance and obedience. And that I am the right and
true inheritor of the crown, I take all Christendom
to witness. My father possessed the same regal
estate, and to him ye always showed yourselves
most faithful and loving subjects ; and, therefore, I
doubt not that ye will so show yourselves likewise
to me, and not suffer a vile traitor to have the order
and governance of our person, and to occupy our
estate.' * * * She concluded her address with
* Hallam, Const. Hist. vol. i. p. 144.— Hume, 8vo. edition,
pp. 374, 389.

282 WYATT TAKEN PRISONER. 1554.
these words, ' Good subjects, pluck up your hearts,
and like true men stand fast against these rebels,
both our enemies and yours; and fear them not,
for, I assure you, I fear them nothing at all.' " *
The effect of this speech was highly favourable
to the Queen. Twenty-five thousand men imme
diately enlisted for her defence. Wyatt's force, by
desertion, sunk from fifteen to two thousand ; and,
although to the last he acted with extraordinary
courage, his troops were defeated, and himself
seized and lodged in the Tower. Meanwhile, Sir
Peter Carew, after a feeble attempt in Devonshire,
had escaped to the Continent; and the Duke of
Suffolk, having been equally unsuccessful, was made
prisoner, with his son Lord Thomas Grey, and sent
to join Wyatt in the Tower.
Of the persons implicated in this rebellion, and
the state of public feeling at the time, there is
much valuable information to be gleaned from the
manuscript letters of Simon Renard, the Empe
ror's ambassador at the court of London, to his
master Charles the Fifth. Of these I shall speak
immediately ; but I must first give two letters of
Wotton's. It appears that, whilst such was the stirring and
dangerous course of events in England, this ambas
sador, either unconscious of the impending crisis,
or afraid to discuss the subject, despatched the fol
lowing quaint epistle to Sir William Petre, now
* Fox, p. 1290.

1554. SPORTIVE LETTER OF WOTTON'S.
Chancellor of the Order of the Garter, in which he
makes his first appearance as a herald. Will
Somers, to whose apophthegm he alludes, was a
favourite fool of Henry the Eighth.*
WOTTON TO SIR WILLIAM PETRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 26th Jan. 1553-4.
"Sir. — I thank you much for the promotion
whereto you have promoted me by your last letter,
but I am sorry you forgot to send me my title and
name whereby I should be called, — whether it be
Yellow Cross, or Green Mantle, or Obscurentius,
or such other; for that would have set me well
forth pardy, and have made me welcome here, at
the least amongst my fellows the Heralds.
" And seeing you have made me a Herald, though
you have poured no bowl of wine on my head, I in
tend to show you some part of my cunning ; and
therefore I send you herewith a certain declaration,
whereby may appear (as I take it) certain de
grees of consanguinity and affinity wherein the
Queen's Highness and the Prince of Spain are knit
together. But I remember very well, that I have
* Will makes his appearance in a little illumination upon
the Psalter of this monarch, which is preserved among the
Royal Manuscripts in the British Museum. An engraving
from this exquisite miniature is prefixed to the first volume of
Sir Henry Ellis's Letters. In it the King is represented sit
ting at a table playing on a small harp. His jester stands be
side him, his hands clasped before his breast, and one huge ear
cocked up, as if drinking in the royal melody.

284 WILL SOMER'S SAYING. 1554*
oftentimes heard my fellow Will Somer (God
keep him warm, wheresoever he be !) say, that he
-would abide by no saying of his ; and, forasmuch as
it is ever good to learn of a wise man, I intend
therefore, in this matter, to learn a lesson of him.
And, therefore, I do protest unto you, that as well
in this case as in any other concerning pedigrees,
whatsoever I say or write, or shall say or write, I
intend not to abide by it, but shall refer myself for
the truth of it to them that do : quam protestationem
volo semper et ubique pro repetita haberi, exnunc
prout extunc, et extunc prout exnunc. Under this
protestation it shall not greatly force to whom
you show it. And altho' I intend not to affirm
either these, nor any other, to be true ; yet would I
be loath to declare or speak any such thing, but
that I had read it before in some book or pedigree.
*****
" And where you would have me move yet
more doubts; I am sure you do well remember
the old saying, • Qui nihil scit, de nullo dubitat :'
seeing then I know nothing at all of your treaties
and doings pf this matter, how were it possible for
me to consider any such doubt of them? Nor
those few doubts whereof I wrote to you before,
could I now have thought on unless, by my Lord's
letter from home, I had learnt that there had been
some communication of this marriage ; and that, by
these men's report here, I understood that the Em
peror did offer the Queen the Low Country.

1554. WOTTON'S DESIRE TO COME HOME. 285
"And where I understand that our preachers'
rooms at Canterbury shall now be void, I trust, my
masters, you courtiers will not take the gift of
them from me, to whom it belongeth, and entitle
the Queen to it by a thing called the King's prero
gative, who is cousin-german to the praemunire ;
for no man living knoweth neither the one nor the
other, but even as it pleaseth you to be, so must it
be a prerogative, or a praemunire.
" For because I shall be sure never to hear no
news from you, my masters, out of England, I in
tend, therefore, to send you some news from hence.
We say here, that the Emperor requireth a good
number of hostages of the Queen, for the safeguard
of the Prince while he shall be in England ; which
fable, whether it be true or not, I cannot tell ; but,
as I hear, it giveth them here occasion of much
mad talk, sounding not most to the honesty of
poor England. And thus I beseech Jesu long to
preserve you in health and prosperity ! Written at.
Paris, the 26th of January 1553.
" Yours assuredly, N. Wotton.
" Postscripta. — Since perceiving how I am fallen
into this sickness upon so little occasion, to my
knowledge, I am half in despair to be able to do the
Queen's Highness any service here, for this cause ;
and also for that, because of this marriage, I think
it will be very hard to avoid the war betwixt us
and France, the war continuing between the Em
peror and France, I have the less desire to continue

286 SIR PETER CAREW. 1554,
here ; therefore, if you see any good occasion of
my revocation, I pray you omit it not; and by
the next I pray you to signify to me whether yoii
see any hope of my revocation, or not ; and, in case
you do, about what time."
We have seen that Sir Peter Carew, after his
failure in Devonshire, fled to France, where he en
gaged in intrigues with the French King against
Mary's government. The moment Wotton ascer
tained the fact of his being in Paris, he requested
an interview with Henry. We have an account of
it in the following letter to the Queen.
DR. WOTTON TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 12th Feb. 1553-4.
" Pleaseth your Highness to understand that,
knowing Sir Peter Carew to be here, and hearing
it bruited abroad that there was a great My-lord
(for so they call him here) come hither to require
succour and aid against your Highness, I thought
it meet for me to speak with the King and with
Monsieur le Connetable of it, and to feel their
minds what they intended to do therein ; and so re
quired audience, which I should have had sooner
than I had, but for that a servant of mine was sick,
and his face began so to break out that I feared it
had been the measles, and therefore durst I not go
to the court till I was by the physician certified
that it was no contagious thing.
" And so had I audience the 10th of this present,

1554. WOTTON AND THE CONSTABLE. 287
and spake first with Monsieur le Connetable, to
whom having declared the cause of my coming,
he made me answer that there was no such man
come, nor the King nor he knew of none ; and that
I should be assured the King intended to keep the
peace and amity with your Highness, as he had
ever said he would do.
" This was the effect of his answer concerning
that matter. And then he entered in talk of these
news of the commotion in England, and showed me
what he heard, and asked me what I had heard.
Whereas, indeed, I had very little to answer him,
having received no news at all thereof; and yet by
conjecture, reasoning with him thereof, I showed
him, that if your Highness were in any danger, or
found the matter hard to pacify, I doubted not but
your Highness would have sent to the King your
good brother knowledge of it ere this ; but, seeing
you did not so, it might thereby well appear that
you would not trouble him with that matter till
you had reformed it by such means as you should
think best ; and told him that, seeing your High
ness had had so good leisure to prepare for that
matter, I doubted not but that you should very
shortly, with little business, bring it to a good end.
"So, after a good long communication of this
matter, he brought me to a chamber next to the
King's chamber ; and, he going before to the King,
within a little while after I went to the King too.
And having first given the King thanks for certain

288 WOTTON AND THE FRENCH KING. 1554.
gentle messages and offers which he sent me in my :
sickness time, I said unto him, that I had heard-
that in Kent there was a commotion of the peo
ple, murmuring for certain causes wherewith they^
were not contented ; and the like I said I had
heard of some other parts of England : neverthe
less, for that because, by all that was spoken of it,,
it seemed to me that the matter was such as your
Highness might ever, when it should please you,
either with a few words pacify, or, if you were
otherwise minded, you might right well by might
and power chastise the beginners and offenders
thereof, therefore I said, that if I had heard none
other news, I would not at this time have trou
bled the King therewith. But because there was
another bruit noised since that time through
out all Paris, that there was un grand Milord come
out of England unto him to require succour and
aid to maintain their rebellion against your High--
ness, I said I thought I ought not to dissemble
that matter, nor could do no less than to require to
speak with him of it.
" I said, his Majesty knew wliat promises your
Highness had ever made him, and likewise what
promises he had ever made your Highness again.
And seeing, therefore, that you were friends, and
intended to continue that friendship and amity, I
said I trusted assuredly he would never give ear
to such a sort of men, and much less give them
succour nor aid.

155L THE FRENCH KING'S DISSIMULATION. 289
" The King made very strange at my tale, and
said that he knew of no great Lord come out of
England. Marry, he said, it was true that the
Cardinal Farnese would have borne him in hand
that the Earl of Devonshire was seen here by a
man of his, who said he knew him very well ; but
that there was no such thing indeed. ' And, never
theless,' quoth the King, ' you have done well to
speak to me of it, seeing you heard such a tale.
And, as I have ever said unto you, 1 will keep peace
and amity with the Queen my good sister, your
mistress ; nor I do not help nor succour no rebels
against her. And you know yourself,' quoth the
King, ' that not only I am content to entertain the
peace and amity which we have together, but that
for my part I could have been content to have
made it straiter and surer ; but, seeing she thinketh
this to be sufficient, I am content with it too, and
therefore you shall not need to mistrust that I will
do any thing contrary to the amity betwixt us.'
" ' Sir,' quoth I, ' I did never mistrust it ; but
yet is it true that there is come hither a gentleman
of the west country, named Sir Peter Carew,
whereupon by likelihood this bruit rose.' * I have
not seen him,' quoth the ' King, nor know him not.
Marry, I remember I have heard speak in times
past of one of that name, that was Master of the
Horses in England.' ' Yea, Sir,' quoth I, ' there
was one such indeed, but this is not he.' « Whatso
ever he be,' quoth the King, ' I assure you I have
VOL. II. U

290 WOTTON'S SPEECH. 1554.
not seen him, nor know him not.' ' Sir,' quoth I,
' assuredly he is fled out of his country, and should
have been taken, as some other were, if he had tar
ried ; and therefore, Sir, if he or any other (for it
is not unlikely that others shall be constrained to
flee likewise or it be long) come to your High
ness for any such purpose, altho', Sir, you were
not in such amity as you are with the Queen my
mistress, yet, in my simple mind, it were neither
for your Highness' profit, nor for your honour, to
meddle with a matter desperate and without reco
very, for surely their matter is none other. If
these men that make this commotion had suddenly
marched forward, they might peradventure have
found the Queen my mistress, doubting no such
matter, unprovided for it, and therefore might per
chance have put her to somewhat the more trou
ble ; but it is now a fortnight ago since they began,
or more, and in this space it is not to be doubted
but that her Highness hath so provided for all
things, that she shall easily have her mind of them,
and, specially, seeing that you hear not of any one
of the great Lords that taketh part against her.
The King said, that whosoever should come to
him for any like matter, he would not comfort nor
aid them against your Highness.
" ' Is it then,' quoth I, ' your pleasure that I so
advertise the Queen my mistress?' ' Yea, marry, I
pray you,' quoth the King, ' for I will not fail so to

1554. CONTINENTAL NEWS. 291
do.' This is the effect of the answer I have had of
the King at this time, f * * * *
" The said Sir Peter Carew departed hence the
9th of this present in post, as I hear, to go to
Roan, as some say, to tarry there a while to see how
things shall pass in England.
" Having written thus far, I hear say that the
King had yesterday news from Boulogne, that my
Lord Cobham should have skirmished against them
that are up in Kent, and that he hath lost about
five hundred of his men. And that, after that, my
Lord of Norfolk went against them with a great
company, who forsook him ; and, besides that, slew
five hundred Spaniards who were come in their
company.i. * * * *
" I understand that the Duke of Florence hath
determined to make war against the Sienneses,
and hath an army ready for that purpose. § * * *
" It is certain, also, that the King of Portugal's
son is dead; and that the Princess his wife, the Em
peror's daughter, within twenty days after was de
livered of a son, which much recomforted all that
country, being, as reason was, right sad for their
Prince's death. The Duke Octavio Farnese and
the Conte de Pitigliano return home into their
country, and the Conte de Mirandola followeth
shortly after. t Here follows a part in cipher.
X Here occur more sentences in cipher.
§ More in cipher. U 2

292 BISHOP PONET. 1554.
" And thus I beseech Jesu long to preserve your
Highness in health, honour, and much felicity.
Written at Paris, the 12th of February 1553.
" N. Wotton."
The conspiracy of Wyatt, and the difficulty
of tracing the rebellion in all its ramifications,
sealed the fate of Lady Jane Grey and her hus
band. Her father, the Duke of Suffolk, had been
treated with much generosity by Mary, and, after
having received his life at her hands, had a second
time risen in arms against her. He was now ex
ecuted ; but it was a piteous measure, not to be jus
tified under the plea, of necessity, to bring the youths
ful Jane and her husband, Lord Guilford Dudley,
to the scaffold. Mary, it is said by some writers,
wished to pardon them, and there is reason to be
lieve it ; but the Emperor inculcated severity, and
her own councillors, — those very men who had
placed Jane upon the throne, — now urged the ex
pediency of her execution. Their conduct is strong
ly animadverted on by Bishop Ponet, who knew
much of the intrigues of these times. " They," says
he, " that were sworn chief of the Council with the
Lady Jane, and caused the Queen Mary to be pro
claimed a bastard through all England and Ireland,
and that were the sorest forcers of men, yea, under
the threatened pain of treason, to swear and sub
scribe unto their doings, * * * afterwards be
came counsellors, I will not say procurers, of the
innocent Lady Jane's death ; and at this present

1554. EXECUTION OF THE LADY JANE. 293
are in the highest authority in the Queen's house,
and the chiefest officers and doers in the common
wealth." " Perhaps, " adds Strype, in quoting
this passage, " the Marquis of Winchester, the
Earl of Arundel, and the Earl of Pembroke were
intended by this writer as some of the chief of these
notable temporizers." * Yet, strongly as we may
stigmatize such conduct, we must equally blame
Mary for her weakness in giving way to their
cruel policy.
Their youthful and innocent victim suffered with
in the Tower on the 12th of February, her hus
band having been beheaded a short time before
on Tower Hill. The particulars have been often
told, and I need not repeat the sad story, but refer
my readers to the pathetic narrative of Sir Harris
Nicolas.-}' ^v an unhappy oversight, when the
Lady Jane was preparing to walk to the scaffold^
which had been erected on the green over against
the White Tower, the cart containing the headless
body of her husband was driven under the window
of her prison, so near that her eyes met the horrid
spectacle4 Yet, though pale and shook, she re
tained her tranquillity. " She came forth," says
Stow, " the Lieutenant leading her, with counte
nance nothing dismayed, neither her eyes anything
moistened with tears, with a book in her hand,
* Ponet, quoted by Strype, vol. iii. part i. p. 141.
f Life of Lady Jane Grey, prefixed to her Works,
X Holinshed, p. iv. p. 22.

294 LADY JANE AND ASCHAM. 1554.
wherein she prayed until she came io the scaffold.
Whereon when she was mounted, this noble young
lady, as she was endowed with singular gifts both
of learning and knowledge, so was she as patient
and mild as any lamb at her execution."*
There is something deeply affecting in the whole
history of Jane. Her royal birth was her bane, and,
even in the gay and happy season of girlhood, this
fatal greatness clouded all her sunshine. Her pa
rents were strict and severe. The speech she made
to Roger Ascham at Broadgate, when he found her
reading Plato at a time when her young friends
were hunting in the park, gives us a dismal glimpse
of the misery of her young years. Though the pas
sage must be familiar to some of my readers, yet,
as nowadays the " Schoolmaster" of Ascham is but
little read, I may give it. " Before I went into
Germany," says he, " I came to Broadgate in Lei
cestershire, to take my leave of that noble Lady,
Jane Grey, to whom I was exceeding much be
holden. I found her in her chamber reading
Phaedon Platonis in Greek, and that with as much
delight as some gentlemen would read a merry tale
in Boccacio.
" After saluting and duty done, with some other
talk, I asked her why she would lose such pastime
in the park Smiling she answered me, ' I wis all
their sport in the park is but a shadow to that
pleasure that I find in Plato. Alas! good folk,
* Stow, p. 622.

1554. LADY JANE AND AYLMER. 295
they never felt what true pleasure meant-' ' And
how came you, Madam,' said I, ' to this deep
knowledge of pleasure, and what did chiefly allure
you unto it ; seeing not many women, and but very
few men, have attained thereunto ? '
" ' I will tell you,' quoth she, « and tell you a
truth which, perchance, ye will marvel at. One of
the greatest benefits that ever God gave me is,
that he sent me so sharp and severe parents, and so
gentle a schoolmaster. For when I am in presence
either of father or mother, whether I speak, keep
silence, sit, stand, or go ; eat, drink, be merry, or
sad ; be sewing, playing, dancing, or doing anything
else, I must do it, as it were, in such weight, mea
sure, or number, even so perfectly as God made the
world ; or else I am so sharply taunted, so cruelly
threatened, yea, presently sometimes with pinches,
nips, and bobs, and other ways, which I will not
name, for the honour I bear them, so without
measure misordered, that I think myself in hell,
till time come that I must go to Mr. Aylmer, who
teacheth me so gently, so pleasantly, with such fair
allurements to learning, that I think all the time
nothing whilst I am with him. And when I am
called from him I fall a weeping, because whatever
I do else but learning is full of grief, trouble, fear,
and whole misliking unto me. And thus my book
hath been so much my pleasure, * * that, in
respect of it, all other pleasures in very deed be
but trifles and troubles unto me." f
f Ascham's Schoolmaster, pp. 222, 223.

296 MR. SHARON TURNER. 1554.
How wretched must have been the years passed
under so harsh a system, and how pleasant is it to
turn from the austerity of the parents to the amiable
Aylmer, and the quiet love of literature which he so
gently fostered. Nor were these earliest sorrows
the worst ; when torn from her studies and con
strained to be Queen, the nine days she wore the
erown were embittered by domestic misery and dis
sension. Her husband quarrelled with her because
she conscientiously refused to make him King ; his
mother, the Duchess of Northumberland, behaved
with such extraordinary violence, and evinced such
hostility, that she was apprehensive of her life ; and
there can be little doubt of the perfect sincerity of
her speech to the Duke her father, when he an
nounced to her that she was no longer Queen:
" This news pleases me better than that which told
that I was to have the throne." *
It appears to be Mr. Turner's opinion, that Jane
suffered her ambition to be dazzled by the splen
dour of the prize offered her, and that she really
believed in Mary's superior right when she accepted
the crown ; so, at least, I gather from some of his
remarks. " She had descended," he says, " from
her social probity to take a royalty which was
another's inheritance : and although importunity
had extorted her acquiescence, yet her first reluc
tance gave testimony even to herself that she had
not erred in ignorance of what was right; and
* Lettere de Principi, vol. iii. p. 138.

1554. DEFENCE OF THE LADY JANE. 297
no one but herself could know how much the temp
tation of the offered splendour had operated, be
yond the solicitation, to seduce her to what she
ought to have continued to refuse."* This is hardly
just, I think : nor do I see any reason for disbe
lieving her own simple account in her last words on
the scaffold, that, in receiving the crown, she sub
mitted to the superior judgment of those " who
should seem to have further understanding of things
than I, who knew little of the law, and much less
of the titles to the crown." This, be it observed,
is completely corroborated by her own account of
the solemn words she used when she accepted
the throne. " I turned to God and humbly pe
titioned and supplicated him, that, if what had been
given to me were rightfully and lawfully mine, he
would grant me so much grace and spirit that I
might govern these kingdoms to his glory and
service."! And it also corresponds with the ex
pressions she uses in her last pathetic and beau
tiful letter to her father. " And yet, tho' I
must needs acknowledge that being constrained,
and, as you well know, continually assailed, in
taking the crown upon me, I seemed to con
sent, and therein grievously offended the Queen
and her laws ; and yet do I assuredly trust that
this my offence towards God is so much the less,
* Turner's History of Edward the Sixth, Mary and Eliza
beth, p. 229, first edition.
t Jane's Letter to Mary. Lettere de Principi. vol. iii.
p. 375.

298 PORTRAITS OF LADY JANE. 1554.
in that, being in so royal an estate as I was, my
inforced honour never mixed with my innocent
heart." * Having this letter before me, I cannot
subscribe to the opinion of Dr. Lingard, that Jane's
" contempt of the splendour of royalty, and her re
luctant submission to the commands of her pa
rents," are to be considered as the fictions of his-
torians.f The Lady Jane, if we judge from the portrait in
Lodge, engraved from an original in the collection
of the Earl of Stamford, had sweet though rather
diminutive features ; but her figure was finely
formed, and there is a simplicity in her dress
which becomes it well. It is so plain, that Griffet
might at first sight have quoted it as support
ing his supposed puritanical costume of Edward's
time ; but, on a nearer look, the richly flowered
tucker, the string of pearls round the neck,
the flowers in her bosom, and the little jewel
clasping the tight spencer, confute his notions,
and show that Plato permitted his pupil some lit
tle leisure for the toilet. Challoner, J in his " De-
ploratio," speaks of her as surpassingly beautiful :
 " Formosa fuit : divina movebat

Saepe viros facies."
And Granger quotes an anonymous epigram, which,
in two lines, has much matter :
* Biogr. Britt. article * Jane Grey,' p. 2420.
t History of England, vol. vii. p. 113, fourth edition.
X Strype's Eccles. Mem. vol. iii. p. 190, Appendix.

1554. LETTERS OF RENARD. 299
" Quicquid dulce animum compleverat, utile quicquid;
Ars cerebrum, pietas pectus, et ora sales."
" Her mind all sweets, all virtues did comprise;
Fair, holy, kind, accomplished, witty, wise."
Simon Renard, who held the office of Lieutenant
or Bailli of Daumont, in Franche Compte, was sent
by the Emperor as his ambassador to the English
court some little time before the death of Edward
the Sixth.* His original letters from England to
Charles the Fifth are preserved in the public
archives at Brussels ; but a transcript of them, in
three volumes, is to be found in the public library
at Besancon, from the study of which Griffet com
posed his interesting little work on the reign of
Mary.f The first portion of Renard's correspond
ence, to my great regret, I have not seen; but
access has been politely given me J to the later
letters which he addressed to the Emperor, trans
cribed, by order of the late Record Commission,
from the originals at Brussels, and some of these,
which have never been printed, are well worthy of
attention. They are written at the same time,
* Carte, History of England, vol. iii. p. 288.
t Eclaircissemens sur l'Histoire de Marie Reine d'An
gleterre. These valuable letters are referred to by Dr. Lin
gard, in the fourth edition of his History, now in the course
of publication.
+ By the Right Honourable Lord John Russell, under whose
custody, as Secretary of State, they now are.

300 SEBASTIAN CABOT. 1554.
often on the same day, as Noailles' despatches ;
and are valuable, not only as enabling us to cor
rect the highly coloured and overcharged pictures
of this ambassador, who was strongly prejudiced
against Mary, but from the new lights which
they occasionally throw on this portion of our
history. The two following letters, alluding
to what took place immediately subsequent to
Wyatt's rebellion, when the plot had failed, and
the Tower was crowded with prisoners, are inter
esting. It had been discovered that the French
and Venetian ambassadors were both deeply im
plicated with Wyatt ; and we accordingly find Se
bastian Cabot, the celebrated navigator, who, al
though a Venetian by blood, was born, and had
been nearly all his life in the service of England,
accusing the Venetian ambassador of secret prac
tices against the government. Clinton, too, the
Lord Admiral, arraigns him of having furnished
the rebels with arms.
Renard, from his letters, was evidently jealous
both of Bishop Gardiner the Chancellor, and of
Cardinal Pole. Nor is it difficult to discover the
reason. The Emperor and his ambassador had their
hearts intent upon one great object — the marriage
of Mary and Philip. Gardiner insisted that, Mary's
first thoughts should be given to the state of reli
gion and the restoration of the ancient faith ; but
he deprecated the immediate renunciation of the

1554. SUPREMACY OF THE CHURCH. 301
title of Supreme Head of the Church : whilst Pole
loudly asserted that, till the kingdom was recon
ciled to Rome, and this usurped supremacy restored,
nothing was rightly done, and nothing could be ex
pected to prosper. Charles believed that, between
them, the people would be stimulated to a third
explosion, and the marriage prevented. It was for
this reason that the Emperor detained the Cardi
nal so long on his road to England, and that Re
nard received instructions to watch the Chancellor.* -
Renard's second letter is, however, the most inter
esting, from the information it communicates upon
Wyatt's plot, and the connection of Courtenay and
Elizabeth with this rebellion. The picture of Eli
zabeth uncovering her litter, and, although pale
and reduced by sickness, proudly and severely eye
ing the crowds who flocked to gaze on her, is finely
drawn. Whether she did or did not encourage the
plot, is still a disputed point in English history,
upon which some new and important information
is to be gleaned from this Spanish correspondence.
But it is time to listen to the ambassador. A few
lines of the French letters being of minor import
ance have been omitted in the translation.
* See an interesting letter of M. De Selves, the French am
bassador at Venice, to the Constable Montmorency, in Ribier
Memoires D'Estat, vol. ii. p. 457, dated as early as September
12, 1553. De Selves had been ambassador in England in the
time of Edward. He knew Mary well, and had then formed
the opinion that she would never marry a subject.

302 PARLIAMENT SUMMONED. 1554.

SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
20th February 1553-4,
" Sire. — The whole Council of the Queen of
England have resolved to summon parliament for
the fifteenth day after Easter, that the articles of
the marriage of the Queen to his Highness may be
ratified and approved ; for this purpose, letters and
summons are already in preparation, to be sent
with all despatch to the different counties and dis
tricts, as it is the custom always to give six weeks'
notice before the assembling of any parliament.
" The Chancellor still obstinately insists that
they shall debate the subject of the Queen's right
to be supreme head of the Church, which some
members of the Council oppose ; nor am I without
suspicion that the Chancellor is advised to this by
SIMON RENARD TO CHARLES THE FIFTH.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels, in cipher. 20th February 1553-4.
" Sire. — Tout le Conseil de la Royne d'Angleterre s'est
resolu que l'on doit assembler le parlement pour le xve
jour apres Pasques, pour faire approuver et auctorizer les arti
cles de mariage de Ia dicte dame avec son Altesse par icelluv ;
et se depeschent les lettres en toute diligence pour les envoier
au pays et contrees, pour ce que, quant il est question d'assem-
bler le parlement, l'on a toujours fait la publication six se-
maines devant. Le Chancelier insiste toujours que l'on pro
pose l'article du titre de Supreme Chief de l'Eglise, ce que
aucuns du Conseil ne trouvent bon ; et ne suis hors de sus
picion que le dit Chancelier se face par l'advis du Cardinal

1554. PETRE'S LETTER TO MARY. 303
Cardinal Pole, that he may accumulate difficulty
upon difficulty. A point, the truth of which I
hope to fathom, and to discover if he is to be trust
ed or not.
" The Cardinal has not written to the Queen,
nor sent any reply to two letters which she address
ed to him, — one received on his journey, the other
at Brussels ; by which she required his advice how
she should, without scruple of conscience, provide
for the vacant sees, and whether he had authority
to pronounce the requisite confirmation. This shows
that he entertains some resentment against the
Queen, because she had sent him no notice Regard
ing the marriage ; and, accordingly, one of the
principal servants about him, a theologian, named
William Peto, has addressed a letter to Mary,
which she received three days ago, giving her ad
vice not to marry, but to embrace celibacy ; inter
spersing in his letters several texts of the Old and
Polo, pour mettre difficulte sur difficulte, ce que j'espere en-
foncer plus veritablement, et assentir s'il a malvais ou bon
humeur. " Le Cardinal n'a escript a la Royne ny respondu a deux ses
lettres qu'elle luy a envoye, l'une qu'il a receu de chemin, l'au-
tre a Bruxelles, par lesquelles elle desiroit savoir comme elle
pourvoieroit aux eveschez vacans sans scrupule de conscience, et
s'il a mandement pour donner les confirmations- requises; que
demonstre qu'il ait quelque sentment contre la dite dame de ce
qu'elle ne luy a fait communication de mariage, a ce conforme
que l'un des principaux qu'il a avec lui, qui se nomme Wiliem
Peto, theologien, luy a escript puis trois jours, luy donnant
conseil de non se marier, et de vivre en celibat, meslant en ses

304 SEBASTIAN CABOT. 1554.
New Testaments, and repeating ten or twelve
times that she would fall into the power and be
come the slave of her husband, — nay, that at her
advanced age she cannot hope to bear children with-,
out the peril of her life ; a speech which has been
often enough repeated. He concludes by an offer
to come to visit her, and tell her something more.
" The Venetian ambassador has had an audience
of the Queen and the Council to offer his apology
regarding the arms which the rebels took from the
Venetian ship, to which I alluded in my last letters.
He insisted that they only carried off ten swords,
ten partisans, and five or six arquebuses ; that
they took away no guns, and entered the ship by
force. To this the Admiral replied, that he was
well assured to the contrary. And, the day before,
Cabot had accused the said ambassador, before some
of the Council, of secret practices carried on by him
and his secretary, by which the evil intentions
lettres plusieurs allegations du Vieux et Nouveau Testament,
repetant x ou xii fois qu'elle tombera en la puissance et servi
tude du mari, qu'elle n'aura enfans sinon soubz danger de sa
vie pour 1'age dont elle est, qu'est ung sermon recorde, offrant
de venir vers la dite dame pour lui dire de surplus.
" L'ambassadeur de Venise a eu audience devers la dite
dame et le Conseil pour s'excuser des armes que les rebelles
prindent en la nave Venetienne, dont j'ai fait mention par mes
dernieres lettres ; disant qu'il ne prindrent sinon dix espees,
dix partisannes, et cinq ou six harquebouses, et qu'ilz ne emme-
nerent l'artillerie, et qu'ilz entrarent par force : a quoy a res-
pondu l'Admiral que Ton scavoit le contraire, et le jour prece
dent Caboto avoit accuse le dit ambassadeur deverz aucuns du

.1554. INTRIGUES OF COURTENAY. 305
which he has against the Queen and his Highness
were evidently proved, there being a strong suspi
cion that the conspiracies were entered into in his
house ; especially with Courtenay, who did not ven
ture to go so openly to the house of the French
ambassador. " It is certainly known that a courier passed
over by Dover, who brought money to assist
Wyatt. Condemnations of several noblemen occur
from day to day, but the executions do not follow.
" I have received a letter by this bearer from his
Highness, in which he informs me that he has sent
the necessary powers to your Majesty. Neverthe
less, I shall pretend that I have received letters
from him.
" And thus, Sire, I pray the Creator to grant
you the accomplishment of your exalted and noble
wishes. From London, the 20th Feb. 1553.
" From the original in cipher. " SlMON RENARD,"
" To the Emperor."
Conseil de propos tenuz par luy et son secretaire, tesmoignans
la malvaise volunte qu'il a a la Royne et son Altesse, estant
suspecte que en sa maison les conjures soient este faictes, sig-
namment avec Cortenay, qui n'osoit aller au logis de l'ambassa-
deur de France si ouvertement.
" L'on a sceu pour verite qu'il y a passe ung courier a, Dou-
vres qui portoit argent pour le secours de Wyat. L'on con-
dempne de jour a autre plusieurs gentilshommes, mais les exe
cutions ne s'ensuyvent.
" J'ay receu lettre de son Altesse par ce porteur, par les-
quelles il m'advertit qu'il a envoye les pouvoirs a vostre Maj'%
etpourtant je feray semblant avoir receu lettres de luy.
VOL. II. X

306 WYATT'S CONFESSIONS. 1544.
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
24th February 1553-4.
" Sire. — Wyatt has plainly confessed in his depo
sition that the Sieur Osell, when he passed through
this kingdom into Scotland with the French am
bassador, now resident there, spoke to one named
Crofts, at present a prisoner, to persuade him to
hinder the marriage of his Highness and the
Queen, to raise Elizabeth to the crown, to marry
her to Courtenay, and put the Queen to death :
that he had before this spoken to Mr. Rogers,
also a prisoner ; and to Peter Carew, by one
named South, and Pickering, to become accom
plices, having promised money, assistance, and
men on the part of the King of France. And that,
" A tant, Sire, je prie le Createur donner a vostre Majto l'ac-
complisement de ses treshaultz et tres nobles desirs. De Lon
dres, le xx de Febrier 1553.
" Simon Renard."
" D 'apres V original en chiffre.
"A FEmpereur."
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Transcript from Orig. Brussels. 24th Feb. 1553-4.
" Sire. — Wyat a plainement confesse par sa deposition comme
le Sieur D'Osel passant par ce royaume pour aller en Ecosse,
avec l'ambassadeur de France, qui est resident par deca, parla-
rent a un nomme Croff, a present prisonier, pour empescher le
mariage de son Altesse avec la Royne, haulser k la couronne
Elisabeth, et la marier a la Cortenay, et fair mourir la Royne,
et ja auparavant parle a M. Rogers, aussi prisonier, et a Pierre

1554. INTRIGUES OF FRANCE. 307
to enable them more easily to carry on the chief
enterprise, this monarch was to make a simultane
ous attack on the side of Scotland, Guyenne, and
Calais, at the moment that they on their sides
conducted the principal enterprise. With this ob
ject, the French had sent several officers into Scot
land, and intended to despatch the Visdame with
artillery, ammunition, money, and soldiers, to be
gin the war, in conjunction with the Scots, in that
quarter; whilst the Marshal St. Andre" is to
make the attack on the side of Guyenne. * * *
And now as the principals in the conspiracy are
prisoners, and the design on this side has failed,
there is great doubt whether the King of France
will pursue his enterprise on the side of Scotland
and Guyenne. * * *

Caro, par ung nominee South, et Pequeryn, interposer, aians de
la part de Roy de France promis argent, ayde, et secours de
gens ; et que, pour plus aisement conduire & chief ceste prac-
tique, le dit Roy feroit emprisne du coustel + d'Ecosse et de cou
stel du Guyenne et Calaix en ung mesme temps, et pendant
qu'ilz executeroient de leurs coustels la principale practique ;
et a cest effect les Francois avoient fait passer plusieurs capi-
taines en Ecosse, et deliberoient envoier le Vidame avec artil-
lerie, munition, argent, et gens de guerre, pour, avec les
Ecossois, guerroier de ce coustel-U ; et de coustel de Guyenne
le Marechal de St. Andre devoit commencer. * * *
Et comme les principaulx de la conspiration sont prisoniers,
et que le desseing de ce coustel cesse, l'on doubte si le dit Roy
poursuivra son emprinse du coustel d'Ecosse et de Guyenne.

f Coustel for cdte (side).
X 2

308 PARLIAMENT AT OXFORD. 1554.
"Thus the practices of the French are disco
vered ; to prevent which, the Queen had despatched
the Earl of Derby to enlist soldiers, and to take
four counties under his government. The Earl of
Westmoreland, and some others, have also a com
mand ; and, besides them, every member of the
Council has one hundred foot-men and fifty horse
under their command, as their ordinary guard*
The Admiral in haste is arming all the ships that
he can get .afloat; they are fortifying and provi
sioning the sea-ports, and orders have been sent to
their governors, directing them to favour the ships
of your Majesty, as well Flemish as Spanish. * * *
" The parliament is fixed to be held at Oxford ori
the 7th of April next; a proceeding which gives
umbrage to the Londoners, who foresee that, if the
Queen leaves the city, it will soon be impoverished;
" Ainsi la practique des Francois est decouverte : pour la-
quelle prevenir la dite dame a depesche le Compte Darby pour
asseurer gens de guerre, et gouverner quatre contiees du roy*-
aulme comme lieutenant, le Comte de Westmorlant a aussi
charge et plusieurs autres, et a l'entour d'elle tous ceux du
Conseil ont chacun cent hommes depied, et cinquante chevaux
soubdoyez d'elle, pour la garde ordinaire. L' Admiral en toute
diligence arme les plus de navieres que l'on peult, l'on munit
les portz de mer de ce qu'est necessaire, et a l'on escript a tous
les gouverneurs d'iceulx de favoriser les navieres de vostre
Majeste tant de Flandres que d'Espaigne. * * *
" Le parlement est assigne a. Opfort [Oxford] pour le viie
jour d'Avril prochain, dont ceulx de Londres ne sont contens;
prevoians, si la dite dame esloigne la ville, en peu de temps elle
sera appovrie ; et mesmes pour ce que la dite dame delibere

1544. EXECUTION OF SUFFOLK. 309
* * * To-day the Duke of Suffolk is to be ex
ecuted ; * * and all possible expedition is made
in the trials of the criminals, who are very nume
rous, as the enclosed list shows, — there being more
than twenty whose names are not given in it.
" The Queen has granted a general pardon to a
multitude of people in Kent, after having caused
about five-score of the most guilty to be execut
ed. Numerous are the petitions presented to her
Majesty to have the pains of death exchanged for
perpetual imprisonment, but to this she will not
listen. " As to the divisions in the Council, I understand
that Paget makes head against the Chancellor, the;

aller en York, et resider celle part, pour estre le peuple cath'o-
lique, et avoir port de mer prochain, et sont apretz les bour
geois de Londres pour supplier la dite Royne de ne sortir de
la ville, et luy promettre toute asseurance, et consentir a, tel
mariage qu'elle voudra.
" Ce jourduy l'on execute le Due de Suffocq, qui ne s'est
jamais voulu reconnoistre quant a la religion ; aiant fait admo-
nestement au peuple pour non se revolter contre la Royne, a
laquelle il demandoit mercy. Et fait l'on tout ce qui est possi
ble pour achever le procez des criminels, qui sont en si grand
nombre que la enclose demonstre, et plus de vingt d'avantage
qui ne sont nommez.
" La Royne a fait pardon general a la multitude de peuple
de Caempt [Kent], apres avoir fait executer environc ou vxs
des plus culpables. Chacun poursuit devers la dite dame pour
convertir les paynes de mort en prison perpetuelle, a quoy elle
ne veult condescendre ny prester l'oreille.
" Sur la partialite de Conseil j'entens que Paget fait teste au

310 PAGET SUSPECTED. 1554.
Grand Chamberlain, and the Comptroller ; nor am
I without apprehension that, from animosity against
the Chancellor, he may conduct himself contrary
to the expectations which the Queen entertains of
his fidelity. It is now more than six days since he
has been absent from the Council, excusing himself
on the plea of indisposition, and retiring to his
house about twenty miles distant. Suspicions have
risen against him, because Croft and Wyatt have
repeatedly insisted on having an interview with him
in secret, which is not permitted.
" The Lady Elizabeth arrived here yesterday,
clad completely in white, surrounded by a great
assemblage of the servants of the Queen, besides
her own people. She caused her litter to be unco
vered, that she might show herself to the people.
Her countenance was pale; her look proud, lofty, and
superbly disdainful ; an expression which she assum-

Chancelier, Grand Chamberlan, et Contrerolleur, et me doubte
que par depit du dit Chancellier il face chose contre a l'espoir
que la dite dame a eu ; et y a plus de six jours qu'il n'a estS
au Conseil, s'excusant qu'il soit indispose, et est alle en sa mai
son distante de ce lieu vingt miles ; et y a suspicion contre luy
de ce que Croff et Wyat demandent continuellement de parler
a luy en appart, ce que l'on ne veut permettre.
" La dame Elisabet arriva hier habille tout de blanc, avec
grande compagnie de gens de la dite dame et des siens, et fait
decouvrir la litiere pour se monstrer au peuple, aiant visage
pale, fier, haultain et superbe, pour desguyser le regret qu'elle
a. La dite dame ne la voulut veoir, et la fait loger en ung
quartier de sa maison duquel elle ne peult sortir, ny ses servi-

1554. THE LADY ELIZABETH. 311
ed to disguise the mortification she felt. Mary de
clined seeing her, and caused her to be accommodated
in a quarter of her palace from which neither she nor
her servants could go out without passing through
the guards. Of her suite, only two gentlemen, six
ladies, and four servants are permitted to wait on
her ; the rest of her train being lodged in the city
of London.
" The Queen is advised to send her to the
Tower, since she is accused by Wyatt, named in
the letters of the French ambassador, suspected by
her own councillors, and it is certain that the
enterprise was undertaken in her favour. And
assuredly, Sire, if, now that the occasion offers, they
do not punish her and Courtenay, the Queen will
never be secure ; for I have many misgivings that,
if, when she sets out for the parliament, they leave
Elizabeth in the Tower, some treasonable means

teurs, synon qu'ilz passent parmy la garde, et luy a laisse seule-
ment deux gentilzhommes, six femmes, et quatre serviteurs,
et la reste de son train est log6 en la ville de Londres.
" L'on luy conseille de la faire mettre en la Tour, puisque
elle est accuse par Wyatt, nominee par les lettres de l'ambas-
sadeur de France, suspitionnee par ses propres conseilliers,
et qu'il est certain l'entreprinse estoit en sa faveur. Et
certes, Sire, si, pendant que l'occasion s'adonne, elle ne
la punyt et Cortenay, elle ne sera jamais asseuree; car je
doubte, que la laisant en la Tour quant elle partira pour le par
lement, que par trahison l'on ne la delivre ou Cortenay, ou tous
deux, que seroit erreur pire que le premier.
" L'ambassadeur de France fait grande instance pour recou-

312 COURTENAY AND ELIZABETH. 1554.
will be found to deliver either Courtenay or her, or
both, so that the last error will be worse than the
first. " Since the publication of the act which I sent
your Majesty for the expulsion of strangers, the
people have been in much better spirits here ; and
its effect in purging the kingdom will be most use
ful and seasonable : but your Majesty ought to
take care that such as retire into your dominions
should be arrested, as amongst them many French
heretics will be found.
" Spinola has gone with Fitzwater into Flan
ders, rather as a spy than for any other busi->
ness ; nor should I have known of this unless a cou
sin of his had told me some days since. * * *

vrer l'original de ses lettres, et Paget donnoit l'avis qu'il se
fait ; mais le Chancellier a conseille le contraire, pour non per-
dre le temoignage des practiques ; et ja en avois parle a la
dite dame pour retirer le dit original, ce qu'elle a fait, et ne
s'en dessaissira.
" Puis la publication de l'edit pour faire sortir les etrangiers,
que j'ay envoye a\ vostre Majest6, le peuple a este fort remis en
ce lieu, et sera tres apropos et utile, par lequel le royaulme se
repurgera ; mais il sera expedient vostre Majest6 fasse pren
dre garde que ceulx qui se retireront es pays de vostre Majeste
soient arrestez, pource que parmy eulx l'on trouvera plusieurs
Francois heretiques.
" Spinola est alle avec Fealtre en Flandres, plustot pour es-
pier que pour aultre occasion ; et ne le scavois jusques a ce que
ung syen cousin m'en a adverty puis deux jours. Je fais toute
l'instance possible pour faire retirer le Chevalier Bernard, mais
la Royne n'a tant de credit envers aucuns de Conseil que le

1554. WYATT EXAMINED. 313
" And thus, Sire, I pray the Creator to grant
you the entire accomplishment of your noble and
exalted desires. 24th Feb. 1553-4.
"To the Emperor:: " SlMON RENARD."
I may give the following short letter of Secre
tary Bourne to the Council, as it alludes to the
examinations regarding Elizabeth's supposed acces
sion to Wyatt's plot.
MR. SECRETARY BOURNE AND OTHERS TO THE
COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 25th Feb. 1553-4.
"Our duties remembered to your good Lord
ships. We have this morning travailed with Sir
Thomas Wyot touching the Lady Elizabeth ; and
her servant, Sir William Saintloo. And your Lord
ships shall understand that Wyot affirmeth his
former sayings ; and says further, that Sir James
Croft knoweth more, if he be sent for and exa-

portentt .... il est certain qu'il traffique ordinairement avec
les Francois par le moiens de l'ambassadeur de Venize.
" A tant, Sire, je prie le Createur qu'il donne l'entier accom-
plisement a vostre Majeste de ses treshaultz et tres nobles
desks. " De vostre Majeste,
" Tres humble et tres obeissant
" Subject et serviteur,
" A l'Empereur." " Simon Renard."

f A word occurs here which cannot be made out.

314 CROFTS EXAMINED. 1554.
mined. Whereupon Crofts has been called before
us ; and, examined, confesseth with Wyot, charging
Saintloo with the semblable matter, and further as
we shall declare unto your said Lordships. Where
fore, under your correction, we think necessary and
beseech you to send for Mr. Sayntlo, and to ex
amine him, or cause him to be sent hither by us
to be examined.
" Crofts is plain and will tell all. And thus our
Lord preserve her Highness, the realm, and your
Lordships all ! From the Tower, this Sunday.
" Your own to command,
" Jo. Bourne. Rich. Southwell.
" Thos. Pope. John Hyggins.
" My Lords. In anywise search for the Lady
Fitzwilliam's second son. It is a great and mar
vellous importing, but not hasty or now dreadful,
thanks be to God !"
Addressed. " To the Right Honourable ihe
Lord Chancellor and Mr. Secretary Petre."
The instructions of Charles the Fifth to Count
D'Egmont, dated the 18th February 1553-4, at Brus
sels, are preserved amongst the archives in that
city. The following letter informs us how the
ambassador proceeded to fulfil them.

1554. ARRIVAL OF COUNT D'EGMONT. 315
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
8th March 1553-4.
Sire. — On the arrival of the Sieur D'Egmont
here, which took place on the 2nd of the present
month, the Queen of England sent to him the Sieur
Mason, who has been appointed ambassador in the
place and absence of the Bishop of Norwich, the
Earl Guerret * and the Sieurs Perrot and Howard,
who met him near this city, and accompanied him
to my house, where he is accommodated for the
few days he will remain here ; and the same day,
having seen, read, and re-read his instructions, we
were of opinion that I the Lieutenant D'Amont
should go to the Queen and her Council to inform
them of his arrival, and of the occasion of his voy
age, so that by their advice he might proceed to
the execution of his charge and commission.

SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Transcript from Orig. Brussels. 8 Mars 1553-4.
" Sire. — A l'arrivee de Sieur D'Egmont en ce lieu de Lon
dres, que fut le second du mois present, la Royne d'Angleterre
envoya audevant de luy le Sieur Masson qu'a este sorrogue am-
bassadeur au lieu et absence du Sieur de Norwitz, le Conte
Guerret, et les Sieurs Parret et Haward, qu'ilz le recontrerent
pres de ce lieu et accompagnarent jusques en mon logis, ou il
s'est acomode pour le peu de jours qu'il avoit a demeurer par
deca ; et le mesme jour ayant veu,, leu, et releu son instruction,

* Perhaps for ' Warwick.'

316 CONFERENCE WITH THE CHANCELLOR. 1554.
" Five or six days ago, I had already held a con
sultation with the Chancellor, Petre, Paget, and the
Comptroller, on the affairs of this realm, and ofthe
Queen, on the question whether they ought to pro
ceed further in the negociations about the marriage ;
more especially on the point whether his High
ness, coming here, would be secure ; and what
things they desired should be done on the part
of your Majesty; all being debated in the pre
sence and by the command of the Queen, with open
" and express declaration, that if the condition of the
kingdom did not permit it, or if they saw that his
Highness and the Queen were likely to fall into any
danger, then they ought to consider it never could be
the will of your Majesty that an alliance should go
forward out of which distress might arise ; especi
ally such troubles as would expose to hazard those
nous fumes d'avis que je le lieutenant Damont iroit devers la dite
dame et son Conseil pour l'advertir de son arrivee, et occasion
de son voyage, pour, par leurs advis, proceder a l'exploit et ex
ecution de sa charge et commission.
" Et ja, cinq ou six jours auparavant, le dit lieutenant avoit
assenty du Chancellier, Peter, Paget, et Controlleur I'estat des
affaires du royaulme, et la dite dame, et s'il leur sembloit que
l'on deust passer oultre au negoces de mariage, et expressement
si son Alteze venant par deca seroit asseure, comme, et ce qu'ilz
desireroient fut fait de la part de vostre Majeste, le tout en
presence et par commandement de la dite dame, avec ouverte
et expresse declaration que si les affaires du royaulme ne le
comportoient, ou s'ilz veoient que les personnes de son Altese
et de la dite dame deussent tumber en danger, qu'ilz deussent
penser la volunte de vostre Majeste n'avoir este que de l'alli-

.1554. RENARD AND D'EGMONT. 317
from whose fall the whole Christian republic, the
kingdom, and provinces on both sides, and their
subjects and vassals, would be affected with the most
deplorable changes and calamities.
" In the same audience it was stated that it
became them gravely to weigh this matter, and
to adopt in it a firm and constant resolution
either to delay further proceedings, or to abandon
them in the state in which they were, or to carry
them forward; that your Majesty had been always
accustomed to proceed in your causes with sincerity,
and on plain and justifiable grounds, as you wished
to do for the future ; especially with the Queen and
the kingdom of England, on account ofthe ancient
friendship and the ties of relationship and neigh
bourhood so often remembered and renewed, re
questing them with all confidence to reply to me :
and pointing out to them that the Sieur D'Egmont

ance, inconvenient deust sortir, principalement tel que seroit
celluy, si les personnes tumboient en hazard, dont la republique
Chrestienne, les royaulmes et pays des deux coustelz, sub-
jectz et vassaulx, recevroient a jamais troubles, prejudice, et
alteration regretable ; qu'il convenoit meurement peser cette
matiere, et y prendre resolution ferme et constante, ou delayer,
ou de la laisser imparfaite, ou de l'advancer; et que vostre
Majeste avoit toujours accoustume proceder en toutes les
actions sincerernent, clerement, et justifiement, comme elle
vouloist faire a l'advenir,. signamment avec la dite dame et
royaulme d'Angleterre, pour les occasions de parantaige et
ancienne amitie et voisinance souvent reprinses et memorez ;
les priant en toute confidence m'en respondre ; leur specializant

318 THE QUEEN AND COUNCIL. 1554.
had brought along with him the ratification of the
treaty, that he had power to complete it upon the
part of his Highness, that he was in possession of
the necessary briefs of dispensation on account of
the consanguinity, that he had powers after this
for the completion of the alliance by betrothment
and words de prcesenti, to pass into Spain and con
duct his Highness into this kingdom for the con
summation of the marriage, and finally to con
clude upon all the circumstances which were in
dependence. " Having heard this, the Queen and the Coun
cil answered in nearly the same terms in which
they had already replied to me upon the nego
ciation above mentioned : that they could see no
reason or danger which should cause any delay
in prosecuting a marriage so salutary and honour
able; that, thanks to God, the heretics and the

que le dit Sr D'Egmont avoit apporte les ratifications du traite,
avoit povoir de son Altese pour de sa part le ratifier, avoit les
brefz de la dispense necessaire pour la consanguinite, avoit
pouvoir pour asseurer l'alliance par fianceaille, et promesse de
present, pour ce fait passer en Espaigne, et conduire son Altese
en ce royaulme pour la consommation du mariage, et finalement
conclure sur toutes circonstances en deppendans.
" Quoy entendant, la dite dame et les ditz du Conseil dirent
ce que ja auparavant ilz avoient respondu au dit lieutenant sur
la negociation cy dessus touchee ; qu'ils ne veoient moyen ou
danger pourquoy l'on deust retarder ou differer de passer oultre
en la dite matiere de mariage tant salutaire et honorable ; que,
grace a Dieux, les hereticques et rebelles estoient reserrez, la

1554. CONFERENCE ON THE MARRIAGE. 319
rebels were in prison, the conspiracy detected
and their guilt proved, and that in a short time
its actors would meet with an exemplary pun
ishment ; that for the future the Queen would take
such good order in her affairs as to give her the
strong hand and full command over her subjects ;
that they had not the slightest doubt about his
Highness passing into this country in perfect safety,
provided he took precautions against the force
which the French prepared at sea to intercept and
give him battle, of which they told us they were
well advertised ; that the Sieur D'Egmont was most
welcome, and that they had despatched the Earl of
Pembroke and the Admiral to salute him on the
part of the Queen ; and that, as soon as it pleased
him to have audience, they were ready to hear him
and to communicate upon the rest." * * * *
It would be tedious to give the dry deliberations
on the articles of the marriage ; but the passage in
conjoure decouverte et preuvee, et dont l'on feroit chastoy ex
emplaire et en brief temps; que, pour l'advenir, la dite dame
donneroit si bon ordre tL ses affaires que la main forte luy de-
meurera, et en toute auctorite pourra commander a ses sub
jects ; qu'ilz ne doubtent aucunement que son Altese puisse
passer seurement en ce royaulme, pourveu qu'il se donne garde
de l'armee des Francis qu'ilz preparent en mer, comme ilz di-
soient, estre advertys. pour le rencontrer et combattre : que le
dit ST D'Egmont estoit le bien venu, et avoient envoye devers
luy les Conte de Pembroch et Admiral pour le saluer de la part
de la dite dame; que, quant il lui plaira avoir audience, ilz
seroient pretz pour l'ouyr, et communicquer sur ce que reste.

320 COURTENAY AND ELIAZBETH. 1554.
which Mary replies to Renard's remarks on the
guilt of Courtenay and Elizabeth is well worth in-
.serting. " To this the Queen, after the usual words of
courtesy, replied that she and her Council were
labouring as much as possible to discover the truth
as to the practices of Courtenay and Elizabeth ; that
it was certain Courtenay was convicted by many
of the other prisoners of knowing, consenting, and
assisting in the plot; that he was in possession
of a cipher cut upon a guitar, by means of which
he corresponded with Peter Carew ; that the enter
prise was in his favour ; that he had intrigued with'
the French King ; that he had been ready to fly
into France if Wyatt had not prevented him ; that
Carew forwarded the marriage of him and Eliza
beth ; and that he [Courtenay] found himself most
gravely implicated and guilty. Yet as the law of
¦  ¦  ¦  ¦ — ¦ — *
" A ce la dite dame, apres les remerciations ordinaires, re-
pohdit qu'elle et son Conseil traveillent et diligentement tout
le possible pour tirer la verite des practiques de Cortenay et de
la dite Elisabeth ; qu'il estoit certain le dit Cortenay estoit con-
vaincu par plusieurs autres prisonniers qu'il estoit participant,
saichant, et consentant de la dit conjure, qu'il avoit une ziffre
avec Pierre Caro taille sur une guitaire, que'Al'emprinse estoit
en sa faveur, qu'il tenoit practique avec le Roy de France, qu'il
avoit este pret pour aller en France, mais que Wyat I'avoit
diverty et que Caro * brassoit le mariage de luy et de la dite
Elisabeth, et qu'il se trouvoit grandement chargg et culpable ;
mais que comme la loy establye par le Parlement d'Angleterre

* i. e. Carew.

1554. ELIZABETH EXAMINED. 321
England does not affix a capital penalty to those
who have simply consented to treason, if there be
no proof of an overt act, but only condemns them
to perpetual imprisonment and the confiscation of
their property, the Council was exerting itself to
find proof of some overt act, so as to bring him in
for the punishment which he deserves. And lastly
she added, that for this end no exertions of hers
should be wanting, since he had shown so little re
gard either to her crown or to her life.
" As for Elizabeth, she observed that her exa
mination by the Chancellor, Arundel, Petre, and
Paget would take place that day, and that they
would be guided by her answers in what was best to
be done ; that they had already found by the con
fession of the son of the Lord Privy Seal, who was
arrested in his father's house, that this young man
had received letters from Wyatt during the time of
his rebellion, which were addressed to Elizabeth,
ne perscryvoit peyne de mort contre ceulx qui ont consentu en
trahison s'il n'y a heu demonstration du fait, ains seulement
ordonne qu'ilz seront condamnez a prison perpctuelle et confis
cation de tous leurs biens, le Conseil estoit apres pour entendre
ce que l'on pourroit descouvrir des actes qu'il pourroit avoir
fait, pour parvenir k la peyne qu'il merite ; qu'elle y tiendra la
main, puisque il n'a eu respect a sa vie et couronne.
" Que, quant a la dite Elisabeth, elle seroist interroguee le
mesme jour par le Chancelier, Arondel, Petre, et Paget, pour,
selon les responses, advizer ce que l'on en fera ; et que Ton
trouvoist par la confession du filz de Privesel, qu'est arreste en
la maison de son pere, qu'il a receu lettres de Wyat pendant
la rebellion addressans a la dite Elizabeth, et qu'il luy a fait
VOL. II. Y

322 THE APPROACHING PARLIAMENT. 1554.
and had delivered these letters to her ; and, in
short, that her conduct had been such as they had
always found it and judged of it. With regard to
the other prisoners, they will be condemned and
executed before our departure from this place. She
added, that she would never cease to demand the
enforcement of the laws, which would be a terror to
others who were disposed to malign her : it was her
hope, she said, to set out soon for Windsor for the
holidays, and then to proceed to Oxford to hold
her parliament ; but, before the parliament, she
would take care to make strict order and provision
for the safety of the Tower. Regarding the City,
she had already communicated with the Lord Mayor.
* # * * *
" As to the marriage, besides all the promises she
had already made to the Lieutenant Damont, her
Majesty observed, that every thing should be done to
ensure it ; that all precautions should be taken for
delivrer ; et qu'elle est telle qu'elle l'a toujours trouvee et jugee.
Et que, quant aux autres prisonniers, ils seront condem-
nez et executez avant que partir de ce lieu, et ne cessera de
solliciter l'exploict de justice pour terrer autres qui auroient
volunte de maligner ; qu'elle espere de partir de brief, pour
aller a Windsor faire ses festes, et dois la a Opford pour tenir le
parlement ; que avant son parlement elle laissera bon ordre et
provision pour la garde de la Tour de Londres. Et pour la
ville, qu'elle a deja communique avec le Maire. * * * *
" Que, quant au mariage, encore qu'elle ayt ja promis devant
le Sacrement au Lieutenant Damont, elle fera tout ce que sera
requis pour l'asseurance d'icelluy ; qu'elle fera tout le possible
* * # * #

1554. PENSIONS. 323
the security of his Highness' person ; and she hoped
that, by God's assistance and her Council's, all
might be so provided that he should be most wel
come : she referred us for further details to her
Council, employing such kind and gracious words
that it would be injustice to ask for any other
proof of her great affection to your Majesty and
his Highness. From this we passed with her Ma
jesty to the discussion of the entertainment to be
given to such as she deemed most worthy of trust :
observing, [I stated] that your Majesty, to gain them
to his- Highness, had charged us to use some libera
lity towards such as she thought best ; I took, more
over, her judgment as to those who should be pen
sioned, and of such as she and the Council might se
lect for the household and service of his Highness.
" Mary answered that your Majesty did far
pour asseurer la personne de son Altese, qu'elle espere avec
I'ayde de Dieu etde son Conseil ypourveior de sorte qu'il serale
tres bien venu, selon que nous le pourrions plus amplement
entendre de son Conseil ; et usa de telz propos, si gracieux et
constans, que si l'on requeroit autre tesmoignage de sa grande
affection et amitie envers vostre Majeste et son Altese l'on au-
roit tort. Et passames avec elle plusieurs propoz de I'entretient
qu'elle pourroit faire a ceulx qui luy semble plus confidens et
qu'ilz ont pouvoir et credit pour les gaigner, que vostre Majeste
de sa part nous avoit echarge user de quelque liberalite envers
ceulx qui luy sembleroit convenir, pour les attirer a. la devotion
de son Altese par son advis, et aussi a, cuy l'on pourroit donner
quelque pension, outre ceulx qui pourrount par elle et son Con
seil estre choissy pour la maison et service de son Altese, selon
que le traicte de mariage le porte.
" Surquoy elle nous a dit que vostre Majeste faisoit trop
Y 2

324 CLINTON PENSIONED BY SPAIN. 1554.
more for her, her kingdom and her subjects, than
they deserved ; nevertheless your Majesty's propo
sals, she said, were well judged, and should be com
municated to her Council for their advice, and the
decision of what officers should be chosen.
" On Monday we visited the Chancellor, Arun
del, the Comptroller, Pembroke, Privy Seal,
Paget, and the Admiral. * To each, separately,
we gave your Majesty's letters, and informed
them of your intentions according to our in
structions ; Count Egmont, in particular, spoke
to the Admiral as a person whose services it
would be proper to secure for the present and the
future. He even pressed him to take a pension
from his Highness, and to make himself useful in
his service, assuring him of its grateful acceptance :
this the Admiral accepted, with consent of the
Queen. * * *
" Paget, having consulted with his mistress on the
plus pour elle, pour le royaulme et ses subjectz, qu'ilz ne meri-
toient ; neanmoins que l'opinion de vostre Majeste estoit bonne,
et qu'elle communiqueroit a d'aucuns de son Conseil pour y ad
viser, et sur les officiers qui se sont apropos.
" Le Lundy nous fumes devers le Chancellier, Arondel,
Comptrolleur, Pembroch, Privesel, Paget et Admiral, auquel se-
parement nous delivrames les lettres de vostre Majeste, et leurs
fismes entendre son intention selon 1'instruction ; et plus parti-
culierement le dit Sieur D'Egmont paria au dit Admiral pour
estre personnaige qu'il convient entretenir pour le present et
advenir, et mesme le pria accepter pension de son Alteze, et
s'accomoder a son service, I'asseurant de reconnoissance, ce qu'il
a accepte par le consentement de la dite dame. * * *

1554. LIST OF PERSONS TO BE REWARDED. 325
above points, sent us the enclosed note, with the
names of such as should have pensions and chains.
Without, however, at once embracing his opinion,
we, to give satisfaction to the other Councillors,
have communicated with the Chancellor and Comp
troller, who have also furnished us with a list of
names, adding to them the proper sums ; accord
ing to which, the Lieutenant Damont has paid out
. four thousand crowns for chains, and the other
thousand to be defrayed in money, as may be found
best ; and the Councillors have given us so favour
able an answer, that, if the event corresponds to
their speeches, we have little doubt that his High
ness may come into the kingdom with security.
" On Sunday, the Chancellor, Arundel, the Ad
miral, Paget, Petre, and the Comptroller came to
us at our lodging. They told us, that having well
" Paget, ayant communique a la dite dame sur ce que dessus,
nous envoya le billet cy-joinct, ou sont nommez ceulx k qui l'on
pourroit donner quelque pension, et eslargir quelques chaines ;
et sans nous arrester a l'advis du dit Paget, pour donner satis
faction aux aultres, nous en avons communique avec le Chan
cellier et Comptrolleur qu'ilz nous ont aussi donnez par escript
les noms d'iceulx et adjouste les sommes ; suyvant quoy, le dit
Lieutenant a fait fondre quatre mil escuz pour chaines, et les
autres mil se repartiront en argent, comme l'on trouvera
mieulx convenir ; et nous ont fait les conseillers si bonne res-
ponce, que, si l'effect s'ensuyt conforme aux parolles, nous ne
doubtons que la seurte sera pour l'avenue de son Altese en ce
royaulme. " Le jour de Dimanche les dits Chancellier, Arondel, Admi
ral, Paget, Petre, et Comptrolleur nous vinrent trouver en nos
tre logis, et nous dirent avoir pese ce que nous leurs avons dit

326 MEASURES TO RECEIVE PHILIP. 1554.
weighed all that had been said the day before, as to
his Highness' safety, and after fully ascertaining the
intentions and wishes of each and all of them, they
could see no difficulty as to his Highness' coming ;
they hoped to take such order, that he would be as
safe as in his own land ; twenty ships should be com
missioned, to be ready by the end of April ; five
were already at sea, and in four or five days seven
or eight others would be equipped. Such as were
ready, they said, would serve for the passage of
the Lord Privy Seal, Mason, and the other ambas
sadors into Spain. * * And for the affairs of the
realm, they were in good case, since it had pleased
God to lay open in a miraculous manner the prac
tices of the unhappy rebels. * * *
" On the following Tuesday at three o'clock, the
Earl of Pembroke and the Admiral came to bring
le jour precedent de la seurte de la personne de son Altese, et
que apres avoir entendu et coigneu l'intention et volunte d'ung
chacun d'eulx, ilz ne trouvoient difficulte quelconque sur la ve
nue de son Altese, et qu'ilz esperoient y donner tel ordre qu'il'
seroit aussi seur qu'en ses propres pays, comme il estoit requis
pour le bien et reputation de toutes parties ; qu'ilz faisoient ar-
mer vingt navires que pourroient estre prestes pour la fin d'Av-
ril ; qu'ilz en avoient cinq de prestes, et devant quatre ou cinq
jours ilz en auroient sept ou huict autres equippez. Que celles
qui sont equippez serviront pour la conduyte des Sieurs Prive-
sel, Masson, et ceulx qui seront envoyez pour ambassadeurs en
Espaigne ; * * que les affaires de royaume sont en bons termes
puis qu'il a pleu a Dieu miraculeusement descouvrir les prac
tiques des malheureux rebelles. * * *
" Le Mardy suyvant, a trois heures apres midy, les Sieurs
Conte de Pembroch et Admiral nous vindrent querir pour nous

1554. MARY'S PIETY. 327
us to the Queen and her Council ; here, in a cham
ber where was the blessed Host, the ratifications of
her Majesty and his Highness were delivered, and
the oaths taken by both the one party and the
other : but, before this, the Queen fell on her knees,
and called God to witness that this marriage was
not in her the result of any carnal affection ; that it
did not originate in ambition, or any motive except
the good of her kingdom, and the repose and tran
quillity of her subjects ; that, in truth, her single
intention in all she did was to prove faithful to the
marriage and oath which she had already made to
the crown ; expressing this with so much grace,
that those who stood round were in tears. * *
After this, her Majesty, as she had already done,
dropped upon her knees, and requested us to join
our prayers with hers, that God would be pleased to
give her his grace to fulfil the treaty to which she '
conduyre devers la dite dame et son Conseil. Et en une
chambre, ou estoit le Sainct Sacrement, les ratifications de
la dite dame et de son Altese se delivrarent, et furent preste
les serment requis d'une part et d'autre ; mais, avant ce, la
dite dame se met a genoux, et dit qu'elle appelloit Dieu a
tesmoing si le mariage par elle consentu a este pour affection
charnelle, pour cupidite ou autre respect, sinon pour l'honneur,
bien, et proffit du royaulme, repos et tranquillit6 des subjetz, et
si elle a eu autre intention sinon de garder le mariage et ser
ment qu'elle a fait a la Couronne ; disant ce que dessus avec
telle grace que les larmes estoient aux yeux des assistans.
* # # * puis la dite dame se mit autrefois k deux genoux
et dit aux assistans qu'ils voulissent prier Dieu avec elle qu'il
luy plaise luy donner sa grace d'accomplir Je traite jure par
elle, et fortuner le dit mariage : oultre ce, le dit Sr d'Egmont luy

328 THE RINfl'>R«ST;NTErVJjf^' 1554.
had sworn, and that HeSw^&ei^he marriage
fortunate. Upon which, the Count Egmont pre
sented to her the ring which your Majesty has sent,
and which she showed to all the company, (and as
suredly, Sire, the jewel is a precious one, and well
worth looking at.) After this we took our leave,
first enquiring whether her Majesty had any com
mands for his Highness ; to whom she begged to
send her most affectionate regards, begging us to
assure him that for her part, as long as she lived,
she would by all dutiful obedience endeavour to vie
with him in mutual love and good offices: she
added, that, as his Highness had not yet written to
her, she deferred writing to him till he began the
correspondence." The same letter informs us that the Venetian
ambassador was aware of the intended conspiracy
of Wyatt, and knew the names of the conspirators
" two months before it broke out." It appears also,
by the following passage, that the ladies of the
bedchamber, important personages when a mar
riage is in the wind, were not forgotten. " Your
Majesty understands," says Renard, " that, at the
presenta la bague que vostre Majeste luy a envoye, qu'elle
monstra a toute la compagnie ; et certes, Sire, la piece est telle
qu'il merite estre veue. Et print conge, la requerant si elle vou-
loit commander aucune chose devers son Alteze ; la quelle luy
enjoignit de faire ses tres affectueuses recommendations a sa
bonne grace, et luy dire que de sa part elle luy correspondra
tant qu'elle vivra en tous offices deuz ; et que, comme son Al
teze ne luya encores escript, elle differoit luy escripre jusques a
ce qu'il eust commence. * * * *

1554. 7 0..3TJHE QUEERS' LADIES. 329
'"v ""''7-':'7^^, -H
coming of his^Highnessi'some little presents of
rings, or such like small gear, must be made to the
Queen's ladies : three are to be noted as chief in her
Majesty's confidence, and who have always spoken
a good word for the marriage, — Mistresses Cla
rence, Shirley, and Russell."
In the following sentence of the same letter, the
state of the country, and the character of the Eng
lish people at this period, are touched with a keen
though too severe a pencil.
" From time to time the ambassador will conduct
his researches as carefully and minute^ as possible,
with an eye to discover the state of public feeling,
and to ascertain what new practices or conspiracies
are in hand, that your Majesty may be informed of
them ; it being not only difficult, but well nigh im
possible, to foresee what the English may do, whose
natural character is inconstant, faithless, and trea
sonable ; a character which they have always ex
hibited, and which the whole course of their actions
and of their history has proved to be just. * *
To-morrow, Count Egmont sets out on his voyage
to Spain. * * * Cardinal Pole has replied to
the Queen's letters, and has sent her a copy of the
commission, by which she is authorised to proceed
to choose the twelve bishops to supply the vacant
sees. * * * London, 8th March 1553.
" Lamoral D'Egmont. S. Renard."
The Spanish ambassador had addressed a letter
to the Emperor on the lst of March, another on the

330 THOMAS' PLOT. 1554.
9th of the same month ; the first written during the
examinations of the prisoners suspected of a concur
rence with Wyatt's rebellion ; the second, on the
very day on which Lord Thomas Grey, the brother
ofthe Duke of Suffolk, received sentence of death.
He observes, in his letter of the lst of March, that
Croff, (he means Sir James Croft,) who was ac
cused as an accessary with Courtenay and Eliza
beth to the conspiracy of Wyatt, had " confessed
the truth, written his deposition, and admitted in
plain terms the intrigues of the French ambassador
with the heretics and rebels." * He then alludes to
the declaration of William Thomas, regarding the
plot to assassinate the Queen, for which he suffer
ed. Thomas was Clerk to the Council under So
merset's Protectorate, and is the same person whom
we meet with in Sir Henry Ellis' Letters in the
character of a kind of political tutor to Edward
the Sixthf. Renard also observes, " that William
Courtenay, the cousin of the Earl of Devonshire,
who had fled to France, was to receive pardon,
on condition of his revealing the particulars of
the conspiracy, and acting as a spy upon the
French government." In his letter of the 9th,
the following passage is curious : " Some three
hundred children assembled in a meadow, and
divided into two bands to play at the game of
* The only deposition of Croft's which I have found, makes
no such admissions.
t Lingard, vol. vii. p. 165. Fourth edition. — Ellis' Letters,
Second Series, vol. ii. p. 187.

1554. CHILDREN'S GAMES. 331
the Queen against Wyatt, in which several have
been wounded on both sides. To-day they have
taken the Bishops of Canterbury, Salisbury, and
Worcester to Oxford, to hear what reasons they
have to give for their obstinacy in religion ; and, if
they do not recant, to burn them in the said place.
An alderman of London has made so able, vehe
ment, and convincing a speech in the Guildhall,
persuading men to obedience to God, to religion,
to the Queen, and to justice, that several persons
who had strayed from the right way have been re
covered from their errors and heresies." In his al
lusion to the childrens' games, Renard has deli
cately omitted the catastrophe which befel one of
the little fellows who acted the part of Philip. We
learn from Noailles, that the Prince of Spain
was nearly hanged outright by his companions,
being cut down only in time to save his life. Mary
very properly had the urchins whipped and shut
up ; but the French ambassador ridiculously adds,
that he was told the Queen wished to sacrifice one
of them for the people.*
In a later despatch from Renard to the Emperor,
written on the 24th of March, the ambassador en
closes the following letter, which he had addressed
to the Prince of Spain. The idea that the English
are particularly turbulent in the summer, that " les
hiuneurs des Anglois boulissent plus en Teste,"
alludes, perhaps, to the May-day riots of the Lon
don apprentices. * Noailles, vol. iii. p. 130.

332 RENARD TO PHILIP. 1554.
SIMON RENARD TO PHILIP PRINCE OF SPAIN.
13th March 1553-4.
" Monseigneur. — The Earls of Bedford and
Viscount Fealter [Fitz- Water] are about to be
despatched to your Highness by the Queen of
England, that they may in person receive ratifica
tion of the treaties and promises of marriage per
verba de prcesenti ; but their principal charge is to
conduct your Highness into this kingdom, and to
give instructions and advice upon the points ne
cessary to be known. With the same noblemen,
the Earls of Dorset, [Garet,] the Lords Howard,
Kempt, Schelt, Dudley, Drury, and several other
noblemen,* pass into Spain by the order of the
Queen ; to whom your Highness will be pleased
to give all proper entertainment, as well to gain
SIMON RENARD TO PHILIP.
Transcript from Orig. at Brussells. 13th March 1553-4.
" Monseigneur. — Les Conte de Bedfort et Visconte Feal
ter s'envoient devers vostre Altese par la Royne d'Angleterre
pour prandre ratifications personelles des traictez et promesses
de marriage faictes par motz de present, et principalement pour
conduire et amener vostre Alteze en ce royaulme, et l'instruire
et pre-adviser de ce qu'est necessaire scavoir ; avec lesquelz les
Sieurs Contes d'Orceste, Garet, les Sieurs Havard, Kempt,
Schelt, Dudely, Druty, et plusieurs aultres gentilhommes pas-
sent en Espaigne par le conger de la dite dame ; auquelx il
plaira a. vostre Alteze commander faire le traictement qui sem-
blera convenir, tant pour les attirer a sa devotion, que pour par

* The ambassador mispells his names so, that sometimes I
cannot make them out.

1554. FEARS FOR PHILIP. 333
their minds to your devotion, as to cause them to
give to others in this country a favourable ac
count of the treatment which they have received.
Specially, the above-mentioned Schelt who takes his
journey with them as their ' interpreter,' being
the only one amongst them who can speak Spa
nish. Besides this, Sir, I await the decision of his
Majesty as to the pensions of which I have written ;
the object of which is to gain the hearts of the
leading men here, and to have security for the
safety of your Highness in your entry into this realm,
which is a hazardous matter, as the hearts of the
people here are inconstant, double, and very va
riable, of which we had ample proof in the last
rebellion. " Some are of opinion that there will be more
security in your Highness passing into Flanders
previous to your coming here, that there your train
may be formed ; and that you should not come
before the month of September next, because the
eulx faire relation aulx aultres du pay du dit traictement ; et
specialment le dit Schelt va avec eulx pour estre truchement,
et estre seul entre eulx qui saiche parler Espaignol. — Au
surplus, Monseigneur, j'attend la resolution de sa Majeste
sur les pensions dont je luy ay escript pour gaigner les coeurs
des principaulx, pour asseurer son entre en ce royaulme,
qu'est chose fort hazardeuse, pour estre ceulx de pardeca in-
constans, doubles de pensee, et fort variables, dont le tesmoig-
naige s'est demonstre en la derniere rebellion. Plusieurs sont
d'advis que seroit plus seur vostre Alteze passa en Flandres
premier que venir pardeca, pour illic former son trahin, et ne
passer en ce royaulme avant le mois de Septembre prouchain,

334 PARLIAMENT IN APRIL. 1554.
bad humours of the English, boil up more fiercely
in the summer, than at any other time. Never
theless, the Queen and her Council inform me
there is no danger, since all those who might
be willing to rebel are prisoners, and already some
of them punished ; since Courtenay and Eliza
beth, who would be likely to be the principal
promoters of the rising, are also prisoners, and an
inquiry instituted against them, so that, if they de
serve it, they are to be corrected and chastised.
They add, that the whole force of the kingdom is in
the Queen's hands ; that in the parliament, which is
fixed for the month of April next, more certain re
solutions will be brought forward, and the articles
of the marriage treaty ratified ; that, having once
gained the principals by pensions and gifts, we
need have no fear of the people. Consequently,
their opinion is, that there is no danger in your

pour ce que ordinairement les humeurs des Anglois boulissent
plus en Teste que en aultre temps. Neanmoins la dite dame et
son Conseil m'asseurent que n'y a danger, pour ce que ceulx
quilz pouvoient rebeller sont prisonniers, et ja aulcuns d'eulx
puniz ; que Cortenay et Madame Elisabeth, qui pouvoient estre
promoteurs et chiefz, sont ausi arrestez, et le proces d'iceulx se
faict, pour, s'ilz ont meritez, les corriger et chastier ; que la
force demeure es mains de la dite dame ; que par le parlement
assigne au mois d'Avril prouchain l'on y prandra resolution plus
certain, et fera l'on appreuver les articles du traicte par icel-
luy ; que, gaignant et s'asseurant des principaulx par pensions
et liberalitez, l'on n'aura occasion de craindre le peuple ; et
consequement ils sont d'adviz qu'il n'y aura danger en sa ve-

1554. ADVICE TO PHILIP. 335
Highness coming ; that you will be received with
perfect safety ; that all that is necessary will be
for the Spaniards in your Highness' train to ac
commodate themselves to the manners of the Eng
lish, and be modest ; trusting that your Highness
will conciliate them by your accustomed courtesy.
But, Sir, as this 'Assurance' is so important, so
necessary, and of such high regard, I dare not be
arbiter upon these opinions, till I see what resolu
tion is adopted in the proceedings against Elizabeth
and Courtenay, and till the parliament is closed ;
especially since I am informed that the King of
France practises all he can to raise new tumults by
means of the heretics, and to set on foot enter
prises against this kingdom, in which he spares
neither money nor pains." * * *

nue, et qu'elle sera receue seurement, et que seullement sera
requis que les Espaignolz qui suyvront vostre Alteze compor-
tent les facons de faire des Angloys, et soient modestes, confl
ans que vostre Alteze les aicarasserat par son humanite cos-
tumiere. Mais, Monseigneur, comme ceste asseurance est
tant importante, tant necessaire, et de tel respect, je n'pserois
estre arbitre entre ses opinions jusques a, ce que je voie
quelle resolution Ton prandra sur le proces de Cortenay et
Elisabeth, et que le parlement soit acheve, signamment pour
ce que je sceit [sais] le Roy de France practique tout ce qu'il
peult tenter nouveau tumulte par les heretiques, et pour faire
emprinses contre ce royaulme, en quoy il n'epargne argent et
diligence." * *
t So in the original. I have considered it an error for
agacera.

336 STATE OF ENGLAND. 1554.
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
14th March 1553-4.
" Sire. — When I consider the state of things
here, the condition of the Queen and this kingdom,
the confusions in religion, the different parties
amongst the Privy Councillors, the intestine hatred
between the nobility and the people, the character
ofthe English, — who are given so much to change,
treason, and infidelity, — the natural enmity they
bear to strangers, and all that from one time to
another they have done against them, — which, too,
is increased, especially against Spaniards, by the
French intrigues and the evil reports spread by
your Majesty's own subjects ; and when, on the other
side, I call to mind of what consequence it is that
his Highness should not be thrown into any peril, on
whose safety so many kingdoms, and countries, and
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Transcript from Orig. at Brussells. 14th March 1553-4.
" Sire. — Quant je considere I'estat des affaires de la Royne
et de ce royaulme, la confusion qu'est en la religion, la parti
alis qu'est entre les propres conseillers de la dite dame, la
hayne intestine qu'est entre la noblesse et le peuple, le naturel
des Anglois qu'est tant adonne a la mutacion, trahison, et infi-
delite, l'inimitie naturelle qu'ilz portent aux etrangiers, et ce
que de temps a autre ilz ont fait contre eulx, qu'est accreue con
tre les Espaignolz par les persuasions Francoises, et malvaise re
lation que les propres subjetz de vostre Majeste en ont fait ; et,
d'autre part, quant je considere combien il emporte que son
Altese ne tumbe en danger ou hazard de sa personne, en la-

1554. RENAUD'S PERPLEXITIES. 337
so many people depend and are supported; and
moreover, when I look to the difficulty there is to
get any pledges from the English on which we may
rely ;— having all this before me, I feel the burden
of this charge so heavy, its importance so great,
and my mind so troubled, that I know not in what
way to satisfy or be conformable to the commands
your Majesty has sent me by your last letters, of
the 7th of this month.
"The reason is, that I feel it would be rash
and perilous to give a perfect assurance ; and yet
things are too far past now to draw back or retard
the marriage, or to put them in doubt or consulta
tion again with your Majesty. It seems to me
more proper that I should inform your Majesty
that, since the victory which God has been pleased to
give this Queen over her enemies, they have shown
a negligence more than suspicious in not pressing

plus negligemment et suspectement a la fulmination du proces
quelle reposent et s'appuyent tant de royaulmes, pays, et sub
jects ; et la difficulte qu'il a d'entrer en caution envers le peu
ple Anglois ; je sentz le fardeau de ceste charge si pesant, de
telle , importance et consequence, et mon esprit si trouble,
que je ne scay par quel moyen je puisse correspondre ny
satisfaire a ce que vostre Majeste me commande par ses
lettres dernieres du viie de ce mois. Pour ce que d'asseu-
rer il seroit trop temeraire et perilleux de reculer et re-
tarder le mariage, les choses sont trop avant de les mectre en
doubte et consultation a vostre Majesty. II me semble plus
convenable a luy presenter, que puis la victoire qu'il a pleu a
Dieu donner k la dite dame contre ses rebelles, l'on a procede
VOL. It. Z

338 SOUTHWELL'S CHARACTER. 1554.
forward the trial of Courtenay and Madame Eliza
beth. This delay, as it appears to me, is merely to
see what things may turn out which may give an
opportunity of saving them; and, even granting
that this were against the wishes of the Queen,
still she could not remedy it, because the Chancel
lor manages the whole matter, and has put South
well into the Tower, as the examiner and the
guard over Elizabeth, a man who has always been
the principal promoter of the marriage of Cour
tenay with this lady, — not to mention that he is
one of the most ignorant persons in the kingdom,
the most venal and the most prejudiced ; with
him is joined the Secretary Bourne, who is also
attached to the faction of Courtenay. By this
means he is advised of all that is done or deposed
against him; and already they have allowed him
to be removed from his first prison to place him in
a larger room, without any order from the Council.
de Cortenay et de Madame Elizabeth que je n'eusse pense,
tellement qu'il semble que l'on delaye tout apropos pour
attendre occasion pour les saulfver ; et, jacoit que ce soit con
tre la volunte de la dite dame si est ce, elle n'y peult remedier
pour ce que le Chancellier manye le tout, qui a mis en la Tour,
pour examinateur et garde, Sudvel, qui a este toujours le prin
cipal promoteur du mariage de Cortenay avec la dite dame,
qui est ung des plus ignorans du royaulme, le plus corruptible
et plus appassionne, et avec luy le Secretaire Bourgne, qui est
aussi de la partie du dit Cortenay ; que tout ce que se fait et
depose contre luy, il en est adverty, et I'avoit l'on eslargy de
la prison premiere pour le mectre plus au large, sans ordon-
nance de Conseil.

1554. GARDINER FAVOURS ELIZABETH. 339
" Besides this, the Chancellor, without consult
ing the other Councillors, (except one or two,) has
fixed the Parliament to be held at Oxford,— actu
ated by a wish to impoverish the Londoners, and
without any consideration whether the measure is
expedient or not. In addition to all this, he had
promised the Queen that all the criminal prosecu
tions should have been finished eight days ago, and
the third was not completed till the day was fixed
for the Queen's departure to Windsor, the 12th of
this month ; and still he persists that her Majesty
shall go to Windsor, altho' these prosecutions are
still unconcluded."
It appears from this, and on the best evidence,
that Elizabeth, as far as we have yet seen, owed
her safety, and the caution and delay with which
the case of her accession to Wyatt's plot was in
vestigated, to Bishop Gardiner, a prelate who has
commonly been represented as her greatest enemy.
The whole letter shows that Gardiner was

" Item, le Chancelier sans communication d'autres conseil-
lers, sinon d'un ou deux, assigna le parlement a Oxfort, soubz
pretexte que l'on appovriroit ceulx de Londres par 1' absence de
la Court, procedant en ce principalement sans considerer s'il
estoit expedient ou non. Item, il avoit promis k la dite dame
que tous les proces criminels seroient achevez il y a passe viii.
jours, et le tiers n'est fait jusques a avoir prins jour pour le
partement de la dite dame pour Windsor, au xiie de ce mois ;
et persistoit toujours que la dite dame alloit au WTinsor, jacoit
les proces soient imparfaits."
Z 2

340 THE " VOICE IN THE WALL." 1554.
held in great suspicion by the Emperor and his
friends, as being favourable to Elizabeth and
against the Spanish match. It concludes by the
following allusion to the singular Protestant impos
ture, " The voice in the wall," of which an account
has been given by Strype. *
" Whilst closing these letters, I have heard that
the heretics here have, for the purpose of raising a
mutiny amongst the people, placed a man and
woman in one of the houses in London, bidding
them give out that they heard a voice in a wall,
which they knew was the voice of an angel.
When they said to it, ' God save Queen Mary !' it
answered nothing. When they said ' God save the
Lady Elizabeth !' it replied, ' So be it.' If they
asked it ' What is the mass ?' it replied ' Idolatry.'
And such was the effect of this trick, that, at eleven
o'clock in the morning, more than seventeen thou
sand people were collected round the house. The

" Achevant les presentes, j'ay sceu comme les heretiques
de ce lieu ont apposte en une maison de Londres une femme
et un homme pour mutiner le peuple, leur aiant fait dire que
l'on ouioit une voix contre une paroy, qu'estoit voix angelique ;
et que quand on luy disoit ' Dieu garde et saulve la Royne
Marie I' I'autre ne repondoit; et que quand il disoit ' Dieu garde
Madame Elisabeth !' I'autre respondoit ' Ainsi soit il.' Puis
luyinterroguoit ' Que c'estoit de la messe?' I'autre respondoit
que c'estoit idolatrie; et sur cet invention ce sont assemblez

Strype, Memor. vol. iii. pt. 1, p. 153.

1554. MARY'S DIFFICULTIES. 341
Council sent thither the Admiral and Paget with
the Captain ofthe Guard, and they have seized the
man and woman that they may find out the author
of the trick, which every one (even Elizabeth her
self, who is stayed at court,) believes to have been
got up in favour of the prisoners, with the hope of
exciting the people against the Queen, raising the
heretics, and troubling the kingdom."
In Renard's letter of the 22nd March 1553-4, the
difficulties of Mary's situation, and the divisions in
the Council on the subject of the Lady Elizabeth's
accession to the conspiracy of Wyatt, are strikingly
described. The famous letter written by the royal
captive to Mary, at this most trying crisis, will be
in the recollection of the reader.*

plus de 17m hommes alentour de la maison a unze heures
du matin, ou le Conseil a envoye l'Amiral et Paget avec le
Capitaine de la Garde, et a l'on prins l'homme et la femme,
pour entendre d'oii venoit ceste invention, que chacun juge
avoir este aposte pour favoriser les prisonniers, mesme la dite
Elisabeth qu'est arrestee a la cour, eslever le peuple contre la
Royne, conciter les heretiques, et troubler le royaume.
" 14 Mars 1553." " Simon Renard."

* Ellis's Letters, vol. ii. Second Series, p. 254.

342 ELIZABETH'S LETTER TO MARY. 1554.
" It was only," says he, " because no one could
be found upon whom to impose the task of guarding
the Lady Elizabeth, that they resolved she should
be sent to the Tower on Saturday last, by the
Thames, and not through the streets. This, how
ever,, did not take place on that day ; and the rea
son was, that, at the hour when the tide served, she
besought an interview with the Queen, affirming
that this [her being sent to the Tower] was not
done with her knowledge, but solely by the anger
of the Chancellor: If she was denied to see the
Queen, she wished to be permitted to write a letter
to her : this was allowed ; and when she was writ
ing, the hour of the tide, which alone would have
served for her passage below the bridge, elapsed,
and they were obliged to wait till yesterday.
" The Queen was much incensed with her
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Trans, from Orig. Brussels. 22nd March 1553.
" Et seulement pour ce que personne ne voiukit prendre
charge de la garde de la dite Elisabeth, l'on resolut quelle seroit
mesnee en la Tour Samedy dernier, par la Thamise, non par la
rue ; que ne fut le mesme jour, pour ce que, % l'heure de le
maree, elle pria pouvoir parler k la dite dame, disant que ce
n'estoit de son sceu, que c'estoit seulement, par la passion du
Chancelier ; ou, si elle ne pouvoit parler, qu'elle peust escripre
une lettre a la dite dame, que luy fut permis ; et, pendant
qu'elleescrivoit, l'heure de la maree, et passage par dessoubz
le pont de Londres quant la mere est haulte, se passa, et fut
Ton contraint attendre au lendemain. Dont la dite dame fut
fort alteree contre son Conseil, et leur dit plainement qu'ilz ne

1554. MARY REQUESTED TO SHOW MERCY. 343
Council for this, and told them plainly that they
were not travelling on the right path; that they
dared not have done such a thing in her father's
lifetime, and she wished he were alive again were
it but for a month. Since this occurred, no meet
ing of the Council has been held ; nor does the
Chancellor show any inclination to be there, although
he has been expressly desired to attend. * * *
" On Sunday last the Councillors (moved by the
premeditated intrigues of the heretics) carne to a
resolution that, as it was a day of devotion, the
Queen should be entreated to exercise clemency,
and not to shed the noble blood of England ; that
already the justice inflicted on the rebels amounted
to cruelty ; that the people ought to be forgiven ;
and that she ought not to follow the opinion of
bloody men, meaning the Chancellor. On the in
stant they determined to set off to find her Majesty
suyvoient le bon chemin, qu'ilz n'ussent osoient faire telle chose
de vivant de son pere, qu'elle desiroit il fut vivant pour ung
mois ; et des Iors Ton n'a tenu forme de Conseil, ny le Chancel
lier s'y est voulu trouver, sinon qu'il soit este mande expresse
ment. L'.autre et seconde acte est que Dimanche dernier les
dit .... du Conseil en absence du dit Chancellier, par pra
tique et meme deliberee les [des] dits heretiques, proposa-
rent entre ceulx que, comme le jour estoit de devotion, il fal-
loit inciter la dite dame a clemence pour non repandre le sang
noble drAngleterre ; que ja l'on avoit fait cruel justice de re-
belles ; qu'il convenoit pardonner a la multitude, et non suyvre
l'opinion des sanguinai res, entendant le Chancelier; et en cet
instant conclurent qulls iroient trouver la dite dame pour luy
remonstrer ce que dessus, et feirent que Paget, qu'est band6

PAGET JEALOUS OF GARDINER. 1554.
and remonstrate on this subject ; and they employ
ed Paget, who is banded with them (as much I be
lieve from hatred to the Chancellor as for his reli
gious opinions, which are suspected to be heretical,)
to carry the request to the Queen. From this, nei
ther Petre nor the Comptroller f dared to dissent.
They found the Queen in her oratory after vespers;
and not only took her by surprise, having given
her no warning, but talked in such a way, that,
against her wishes and goodwill, she pardoned six
gentlemen who had been sent to Kent for execu
tion, and who had sided with Wyatt in his rebellion.
The worst is, that Paget told the Queen that they
had already squandered the blood of the house of
Suffolk, that he might work on her fears, and induce
her to be merciful to the brothers of the Duke, who
had been condemned."
In the same letter, Paget's jealousy of Gardiner
is strongly marked by an expression of his, which
the Spanish ambassador reports.
avec ceulx, tant pour la malveillance qu'il porte au dit Chan
cellier, que pour religion dont l'on le suspecte, porteroit le pro
pos, a quoy ne osarent dissentir Petre ny le Controller ; qui sy
trouvarent et surprindrent la dite dame en son oratoire apres le
yespres sans la pre-advertir, et usarent de telz propoz, que,
contre son yauloir et bon gre, elle pardonna a six gentilshommes
que l'on avoit envoye a Kempt [Kent] pour les executer,
et qu'avoient accompagne Houjet en la dit rebellion. Le pir
fut que le dit Paget dit que l'on avoit espanche le sang de Ia
maison de Suffocq, pour, par craint, preparer la dite dame a
clemence envers ses freres qui sont condemnez." * * *

t Sir Robert Rochester.

1554. DIVISIONS IN THE COUNCIL. 345
" He [Paget] said that the nobility were not
anxious again to have the Duke of Northumberland
over them ; meaning, by this, the Chancellors"
The tyranny of Northumberland over the Council
was proverbial.
We have still to listen to what Mons. Renard
calls his third act. The reader will smile at the
ambassador presenting Thucydides to the Queen
as the highest authority on the punishment of trea
son. He proceeds thus :
" We may now give the third act. On last
Wednesday, the Chancellor intending to be at the
Council for the purpose of communicating on
the subjects to be brought before parliament,
Pembroke and Paget, without leave, retired to
their houses, because, as we presume, they would
not consent to the points which touched upon reli
gion, and afterwards contradict the Chancellor's
intentions. Things are in such disorder that one
knows not who is well-disposed or ill-disposed, con-

" II [Paget] dit que la noblesse ne vouloit plus avoir le Due
de Northamberlant, entendant le Chancellier.
* # *
" L'on pourroit adjouster pour le iii" acte, que Mercredy der
nier le Chancellier se doigeant trouver au Conseil pour com-
muniquer les poinctz que l'on pourra traicter au parlement, les
dits Pembroch et Paget s'en allarent en leurs maisons sans conge,
pour, comme l'on presume, ne consentir es poinctz qui touche-
roient la dite religion, et apres contredire l'intention du dit
Chancellier ; et est tel le desordre que l'on ne S9ait qui est bon
ou maulvais, qui est constant ou inconstant, qui est loyal ou

346 FORMATION OF A NEW COUNCIL. 1554.
stant or inconstant, loyal or traitorous. One thing-
is certain, that the Chancellor has been extremely
remiss iri proceeding against the criminals, and most
ardent and hot-headed in the affairs of religion ;
being so hated in this kingdom, that I have my
doubts whether the detestation against him will
not recoil upon the Queen. Assuredly, Sire, I
have never ceased to admonish her Majesty as to
the necessity of a prompt punishment of the pri
soners. I have given her Thucydides translated
into French, that she may understand what advice
he gives, and what kind of punishment ought to
be inflicted on rebels." * * * *
Renard proceeds to observe in the same let
ter, that the great cause of all this confusion was
to be ascribed to the multitude of Councillors;
and that he saw no remedy for this1 but the form
ation of a new Council, to be limited to five or six
members. " Upon this project," he states that
" Paget, Petre, and himself had conferred together
at th& Queen's, request. The other councillors-
and moblesj the Admiral, Pembroke, Derby, Shrews-

traistre ; mais il est certain que le Chancelier a est6 fort negli
gent a la procedure des criminelz, et fort ardant et chaloureulx
es choses de la religion,, estant tant hai en ce royaulme que je
doubte l'hayne l'on a contre luy ne redonde a la dite dame ; et
certes, Sire, j'ay continuellement admoneste la dite dame pour
le prompt chastoy das prisonniers, et donne Thucydide trans
late en Francois pour veoir le conseil qu'il donne, et punitions
que l'on doibct fake des rebelles." * * *

1554. MARY'S CLEMENCY. 347
bury, Sussex, and the rest, were to be allowed
to attend when they were at court, but not after
the close of parliament. They were to be employed
in distant parts of the realm ; whilst the Chancel
lor, Arundel, the Bishop of Norwich, Paget, the
Comptroller, and Petre were to be entrusted with
the affairs of the state. A reconciliation was to
be made between Arundel, Paget, and the Chan
cellor; and they were to bind themselves by oath to
fraternity, loyalty, duty, and diligence." If this
scheme did not succeed, Renard declared that he
sees no way of preventing a second rebellion, involv
ing greater hazard than the first ; so that the com
ing of Philip would be attended with danger. He
stated, at the same time, that Gardiner's, party was
the weaker, and unable to make a stand against
his opponents. RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
27th Marcii 1554.
" Sire. — The Queen of England sent for me
last Sunday, and informed me that by the persua
sions ofthe Comptroller, Southwell, Petre, and those
who had examined the prisoners, she had given
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Trans, from Orig. Brussels. 27th March 1554.
" Sire.— La Royne d' Augfeterae me manda. querir Sambdi
dernier, et me dit que a la persuasion des Comptroleur,
Sudwel, Pieter, et examinateurs des prisoniers, elle avoit

348 RENARD'S REMONSTRANCES. 1554.
their liberty to eight prisoners, having found no
ground for suspecting or accusing them of treason
in the late rebellion ; amongst others, naming the
Marquis of Northampton, affirming that he had re
turned to the old religion ; also Cobham and his
eldest son, Danet,* and four others whom she did
not name. She added, that it has been from time
immemorial the practice for the kings of England,
on Good Friday, to extend their mercy to some
prisoners. To all this I replied, that, since it was
her pleasure to use clemency, I could not and
ought not to find this anything but good, espe
cially as she had done it by the advice of her Coun
cillors : yet I presumed to think her Majesty might
have postponed the pardon till it had been ascer
tained, by the conclusion of the legal proceedings
against the prisoners, whether they were implicated
or not ; for, if they were, she had only thus in-
mis en liberte huict prisonniers, pour non les avoir treuve
suspectz ny accusez de trahison et derniere rebellion ; entre
autres le Marquis Northampton, affermaris qu'il se reduict
a la vielle religion, Cobham, et son filz aisnee Danet, et
quatre autres, qu'elle ne me sceut nommer ; et que la cous-
tume a este de tous temps, que, au bon jour de Vendredi
Sainct, les Roys d'Angleterre donnent graces et pardons a
aulcuns prisonniers. A la quelle je dis, que puis il luy avoit
pleu user de grace et clemence, je ne pouvois ne debvois treu-
ver sinon bon ce qu'elle en avoit fait, puisque l'advis de ses
Conseillers y estoit entreveneu ; mais qu'elle eust peu differer
la dite grace jusque a ce que par les procedures l'on eust cog-

* This name is misspelt, he means Daniel.

1554. RENARD'S FEARS FOR PHILIP. 349
creased the number of her enemies by so many per
sons, besides giving countenance and strength to
the party of Elizabeth.
" Mary met my remark by observing that the
Chancellor had taken pledges and surety from
them ; and as for the Marquis, he had nothing left
him, she said, but what he carried on his person,
his whole property being confiscated, and she was
certain of his loyalty to his Highness [Philip] and
to herself.
" I took advantage of this to express the doubts
I entertained regarding the coming of his Highness
into her kingdom, and repeated article by article
the substance of my letters sent to your Majesty by
Sarron, how dangerous were the divisions in the
Council, and I added that it would become her
well to consider it, since all the sureties must come
from her side, and the Prince could not come in
arms ; that, if any thing befell him, it would be a

neu s'ilz sont este de la partie, ou non ; et que s'ilz en sont este,
elle a accreu le nombre de ses ennemis d'aultant de personnes
qu'elle a licentie et fortifie a. la partie de Madame Elisabeth.
" A ce elle me repondit, que le Chancelier avoit prins cau
tion et seurete d'eulx ; et que, quant au Marquis, il n'a que ce
qu'il porte sur son corps, et sont les biens confisques, et se con-
fie entierement qu'il sera leal a. son Altese, et a elle. — Surquoy
j'ay prins argument pour luy dire la doubte je faisois de la
venue de son Alteze en ce royaulme, et repete de point en
point le substantial de mes lettres envoies a vostre Majeste par
Sarron. La partialite des Conseilliers estre dangereuse, qu'il
emportoit grandement elle y pensa, puisque la seurete doibt
venir de son coustel, et que son Alteze ne peult venir en

350 MARY'S ASSURANCES. 1554.
scandal most disastrous and lamentable, and that
not only the person of his Highness would suffer,
but the lords and gentlemen who accompanied him ;
and that I could not help bringing before her the
doubts I felt as to their having taken every neces
sary precaution.
" To this she answered, with tears in her eyes,
that she had rather never have been born than that
any outrage should happen to the Prince ; that she
fervently hoped and trusted in God no such thing
would occur ; that every person in her Council
would fulfil their duty in his reception, and would
put themselves to great expense ; that her Coun
cil would be reformed and reduced to the num
ber of six persons, which Paget and Petre had
advised ; that she herself would make every effort
to conciliate the inclinations of her subjects ; that
the people were anxious for the coming of his
armes ; que s'il en mesadvenoit, se seroit ung scandale et in
convenient par trop lamentable, et non seullement la persone
de son Alteze souffriroit, ains les sieurs et gentilhommes qui
l'accompaignent ; que je ne pouvois laisser de luy representer
les doubtes, a ce qu'il luy pleust pourvoir a ce qu'est necessaire.
" A ce elle me dit avec les larmes en l'ceil, qu'elle aimeroit
mieulx n'avoir jamais este nee que l'on fit outraige a son
\lteze ; qu'elle espere, et se confie en Dieu, telle chose ne ad-
viendra. Que tous ceulx de son Conseil se mectent en debvoir
pour recepvoir son Alteze, et font grande despence ; que son
Conseil sera reforme et le nombre reduict aux six personnaiges,
que Paget et Pieter ont advise. Qu'elle fera tout son mieulx pour
disposer les voluntez des subjectz; que le peuple desire la venue
de son Altese ; qu'elle tiendra la bonne main pour, avant que

1554. APPREHENDED DANGERS. 351
Highness; that she would exert every effort to
have the proceedings against Courtenay and Eliza
beth brought to a conclusion before his arrival." * *
Renard goes on to remark that the King of
France was still suspected of plotting with Sir
Peter Carew and John Courtenay. * * He pro
tests, in conclusion, against the Spanish grandees
being allowed to bring their wives into England.
" It is written me from Spain," says he, " that
several noblemen have thoughts of bringing their
wives with them here. If so, your Majesty would
do well to provide against the occurrence of great
disorder in this court. I am afraid that the people
here will not suffer the Alcalde to have any juris
diction in this kingdom ; and this not only because
it is against the treaties, but for the consequences
it may draw after it. I trust next Wednesday to
have a final settlement upon every thing that I
have recommended for the security of his Highness,
(for which purpose the offer of the pensions will do
good service,) and to write conclusively to your
Majesty my opinion on the subject.
« London, 27 March 1554." " SlMON RENARD."
son Alteze vienne, conclure les proces de Cortenay et de la
dite Elisabeth. * *
" L'on a escript d'Espaigne que plusieurs sieurs deliberoient
amener leurs femmes avec eulx pardeca. Si ainsi est, vostre
Majeste pourra preveoir ung grand desordre en ceste court.
Je crains que ceulx de pardeca ne souffriront que le Sieur
Alcalde use de jurisdiction en ce royaulme, tant pour estre
actes contraires aux traictez que pour la consequence, et ne
trouve Ton bon qu'il vienne comme Alcalde." * *

352 WOTTON TO THE QUEEN. 1554.
We must now leave the Spanish ambassador for
a brief space, to attend to the following letter of
Wotton to his royal mistress. The details ofthe
conversation between this minister and the Con
stable Montmorency are of much interest and im
portance in the light which they throw upon the
relative positions of France and England.
DR. WOTTON TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. France. 31st March 1554.
" Pleaseth your Highness to understand, that
the 20th of this present I received your Highness'
letters of the 16th of the same; and the 22nd of that
month I was at the court, and spake with the Con
stable, thinking it enough to declare mine instruc
tions unto him, seeing they were but answers to the
complaints which the Constable himself had made
unto me the last time I had spoken with him.
And having declared unto him the answers which
the Lords of your Highness' most honourable Coun
cil made unto the French ambassadors, complain
ing unto them of the very self matters whereof the
Constable had complained unto me, I afterwards
also showed him that their ambassador had used a
greater vehemency in setting forth and amplifying
these his complaints, than he had used to do at all
other times before ; and what, by occasion thereof,
was said unto him by the Lords of your Highness'
Council. And, finally, I required to know what
was done for the ships of your Highness' subjects,

1554. MONTMORENCY AND WOTTON. 353
spoiled by the French at Brest, and for the appre
hension of Peter Carew, of both which points I had
moved him the last time I had spoken with him.
" His answer was, that they had as yet received
no letters from their ambassador concerning this
last talk had betwixt him and the Lords of your
Highness' most honourable Council ; but, to answer
as he had been informed already, he said that
your Highness' subjects of Margate did not only
not defend the Frenchmen, but took part with the
Flemings against them; which being so, said he,
was not done friendly, nor like good neighbours. As
for Wm. le Gras' matter, he said he remembered no
such clause in the treaty, that they who had been
wrongfully spoiled might not sue for restitution ;
howbeit that, he said, might be looked for and
seen. " As for new impositions, the Constable said it
was manifest ; for they were fain to pay for divers
things, as caps, lead, and other, more than they
used to do, as the ambassador could well declare.
" As for the packets and letters, the Constable
made a very great matter of it himself, saying
that it was not one packet alone, but divers packets
that had been taken after that sort; and called a
servant of Noailles, who was come with letters
from his master about a fortnight before, to the
communication, who was as earnest in his talk as
his master was with the Lords of your Highness'
Council ; for he not only affirmed that divers
VOL. II. 2 A

354 LETTERS SEIZED AND OPENED. 1554.
packets of his master's had been so taken, but also
that the messengers had their money taken from
them, and not by the rebels, but by those which are
officers of your Highness, and of your Council,
and named Mr. Vice-Chamberlain ;* and that, altho!
he had commanded part of the money to be re
delivered to the courier again, yet was there a good
sum behind, which the courier can by no means
recover, for any suit that the ambassador can make
of it.
" He said also, that the Emperor's ambassador,
sitting at his table, had openly declared certain
things which were written in cipher in his master's
packets ; whereby, he said, might appear whether
his master's packets had been showed to the Empe^
ror's ambassador or not.
" He said that men had been appointed to
watch his master's door, to know who went out and
in ; and that certain Englishmen had been shent, f
for that they resorted unto his master : so that now
not one, neither English nor other, durst resort to
him, or company with his men ; no, not they to
whom his master owreth money dare not come to
ask it of him. And where his master was wont to
send divers times packets of letters to Boulogne by
certain Englishmen, the Englishmen had been in
danger for it, so that his master could get never an
Englishman to carry any letter for him, for no
money. He said also, that, for these two months
* Sir Harry Jerningham. + Reproved.

1554. WRONGS DONE TO NOAILLES. 355
.past, there was never a Frenchman who could be
heard in any suit he had in England : and said,
that if it were as I had said, (which he could not
believe, having been well informed of the contrary,)
that they of Margate had defended the French the
best they could, yet were it your Highness' part to
keep your coast and havens free and safe from
danger of the Flemings, seeing that you require
that Frenchmen shall make restitution of any thing
taken or done in your Highness' ports ; as, he said,
one of Dieppe had of late been fain to do. These
things, with other like, the said servant declared
there before us.
" Lo ! quoth the Constable, you may see whe
ther our ambassador have cause to complain or
not ; and therewith entered into a marvellous long
discourse, the effect whereof consisted principally
in these points. That, betwixt two such great
realms as France and England, it could not be
but divers things should chance on both sides
whereby occasion of complaint should be given.
That, when such things happen, there is no better
way for the conservation of amity than that the
griefs be declared on both sides, whereby reforma
tion of faults may ensue of it ; for else* for every
wrong princes must fall out. That, indeed, the
things being as the ambassador's man had declared,
his master was not well handled : and made a great
matter of that, that no man durst come at him ;
and of the keeping his letters from him, for as for
2 A 2

356 CHARACTER OF NOAILLES. 1554.
staying of them in such a time, he never com
plained greatly of it. He said that these things
were such, that it was not to be wondered though
their ambassador, finding himself grieved with them,
did earnestly speak in it; and that he thought my
Lords of your Highness' most honourable Council
ought not to take it in ill part, though in such a
case the ambassador spake earnestly to them.
And here he told me of one of our merchantmen
who here at the court, before all the world, had
used very hot words unto him ; and yet for all
that, 'quoth the Constable,' considering that the
man had sustained loss, and did sue for justice,
I said unto them that were about me, who were
offended with him, that it was no marvel though he
spake earnestly, for as much as the matter was of
importance unto him.
" He said also, that Noailles was of his own
bringing up, and had had the oversight and or
dering of his eldest son, and that he had ever found
him honest and gentle ; and, intending to send
a man into England meet for the entertainment
and conservation of the amity, he had picked
out and chosen him as one of the meetest for
that purpose that he knew ; and so, quoth the Con
stable to me, would you say that he were, if you
did see the letters that he writeth ; and so I ear
nestly willed him to do when he went hence.* And
* As to this, see Lingard, vol. vii. p. 152. Noailles' in
trigues with the discontented noblemen, for the purpose of

1554. THE CONSTABLE DEFENDS D'OYSELL. 357
therefore, quoth the Constable, like as I trust he
will so use himself therein as there shall be no just
cause to complain of him, so, if I knew indeed
that he did use himself otherwise, he should be
straight revoked, and should have as little thanks
for his labour as he had deserved.
" In this discourse he was also very earnest to
excuse D'Oysell, and whatsoever had been reported
to your Highness of his practices in England ; he
said, he thought it could not be true indeed as
was reported, for that he had no such commis
sion to do, and that he took him to be a man of
too much knowledge and discretion to attempt any
such thing; for, quoth the Constable, you must
think us very simple, whereas the Queen your mis
tress is content to live in rest and peace with us, if
we would seek occasions to fall out with her, being
already enough occupied against such a great and
mighty prince as the Emperor is ; and said, he
could not think that D'Oysell was so simple to put
himself in such danger, for fear lest some of them
with whom he should have entered in any such
practice should have disclosed it, whereby he might
have been troubled in his journey, specially having
-his wife in his company.
" And to the complaint that I made of our
ships spoiled by Brest, he said, that the King had
sent into Britain to Monsieur de Gye, and other his
raising a rebellion against Mary's government, were incessant ;
so little sincerity was there in the asseverations ofthe Constable.

358 SIR PETER CAREW. 1554.
officers there, to enquire thereof, and that as yet
they had learned nothing of it.
" As for Peter Carew, he said that the King had
sent again for his apprehension ; but that he was
departed from Hable Neuf, and gone secretly his
ways, so that it was not known where he might be
found out : and that the King had given him no
succour, whatsoever had been reported to your
Highness ; but the King doth intend to keep the
peace and amity with your Highness, as he hath
ever said he would do ; yea, and would have been
contented to have entered into a new treaty, if you
had thought it so good, to make it the stronger.
" This was the principal effect of his large dis
course. * * * f And as for Monsieur D'Oysell, I
said that your Highness would not have so written
unto me, unless the matter were true indeed,- and
that you were certainly informed of it. Why,
quoth the Constable, if a'ny man have so said by
Monsieur D'Oysell, would you think he were to be
believed in it if Monsieur D'Oysell deny it ? or if
any man here would lay any thing to your charge,
would you think you were well handled if his word
were believed before yours ? — I think not, quoth
I, that every man's word ought to be believed be
fore Monsieur D'Oysell or me ; but yet such might
the persons be, and so many, that they should and
ought to be believed against either of us, if we
t What follows, containing Dr. Wotton's reply to some
points of the Constable's " large discourse," is unimportant.

1554. MONTMORENCY'S COURTESY. 359
would deny that which they said. But the Con
stable will not be persuaded that D'Oysell hath done
any such thing ; for that D'Oysell knoweth that, if
he had so done, the King would be much discon
tented with him for it, as he saith.
" I have been in hand with him again for the
apprehension of Peter Carew ; and, besides that,
have required that Sir Wm. Pickeryng, Stanton,
and the two Percivals may likewise be apprehended
for the like cause : and I took him a remembrance
of it, praying him it might be delivered to the
King, which he promised to do ; and said again
that Peter Carew should be sought for and appre
hended if he could be found.
" In all this talk, although the Constable did ex
cuse Noailles as much as he could, and defended
the causes of his complaints to be just and great,
yet seemed he nothing to take the matter so hot as
Noailles did ; but used still very gentle words and a
good countenance to me, and at my departure pre
sented me with venison and other dainties.
, " The Legate, Cardinal Poole, lay still about a
fortnight at St. Denis ; and for because it was com
monly spoken that he should not come to the King
to Fontainbleau, but that the King would shortly
after Easter go to Paris and there receive him, I
thought I should have a good time to see him at
St. Denis ere the King came to Paris, and for that
purpose I departed from Melun upon Easter Mon-?
day to go to Paris, and so to take a convenient

360 POLE'S RECEPTION IN FRANCE. 1554.
time to see him at St. Denis. But it chanced that
the King had sent for him ; and that self day that I
came to Paris he departed from St. Denis to go to
the court, and so was my journey frustrated. And
for because he is lodged in the court, as I hear say,
therefore I suppose I shall have no convenient time
to see him till the King come to Paris, which is
thought will be within this se'enight or little more.
" That afternoon that the said Legate departed
from St. Denis, the Cardinal Chastillon came to
Paris, thinking to have met him there, as the said
Legate should have passed through Paris, but the
Legate took another way; and so the Cardinal
Chastillon overtook him the next day at Corbeil,
and from thence accompanied him to the court.
It was Thursday or the Legate came to the court ;
and, ere he came there by about a mile and a half,
met him Mons. d'Enghien, the Duke of Nemours,
the young Duke of Banieres (as they call him), the
Great Prior of France, and his brother the Marquis
d'Alboeuf, with their trains. And so when they
were entered into the outer court of the Court,
there came to meet him the Dauphin, and the
Duke of Loraine ; wherewith the Legate, seeing the
Dauphin afoot, lighted, and the Dauphin brought
him in, giving him the upper hand ; and so passing
through the other court, the King, the Constable,
the Duke of Guise, and other of the Council re
ceived him beneath, even at the stair-foot ; and so
went up to the King's chamber, where the King
proffered him to enter before, but he refused it ;

1554. CAREW, PICKERING, AND STAFFORD. 361
and there were they together half an hour, and
from thence went to the Queen ; and, having done
there, the Cardinal Chastillon brought him to his
lodgings in the court. That night, about six of
the clock in the evening, the Constable went to
him, and was two hours or more with him.
" I cannot learn that Peter Carew is gone to
the sea ; but, as I hear, is in some of the towns
upon the sea-coast, and, as it is thought, he is often
at Caen. It may be that the King, upon the com
plaints I made to him, would not suffer him to go to
the sea with the Killigrews and other Englishmen,
lest, in so doing, he should show too openly that
he helpeth and succoureth him.
" I understand, by one of our merchantmen who
came yesterday hither from Roan, that on Monday
last he heard it spoken at Roan that there was a
commission come thither to apprehend Sir Wm.
Pickering and certain other Englishmen ; but they
had friends, "and found means to convey themselves
away. " Wednesday in the Easter week arrived here,
as I understand, Sir Robert Stafford, a brother of
his, and another Stafford, who nameth himself ser
vant to the Cardinal Poole, with certain other in
their company, who, as I hear, came together out
of England and landed at Boulogne. I hear say
that their talk is very seditious, that no true
Englishman would abide in England to see the
realm brought under strangers, with other of like
sort ; wherein the Cardinal's man (who said he car-

362 DISCONTENT IN ENGLAND. 1554.
ried letters from his master to your Highness) is as
.busy as the other. I understand by merchantmen
that there come divers others daily over out of
England by one way or other. The Constable
showed me that the King was informed that the
third part of England was agreed upon this conspi
racy * against the Prince of Spain, as he calleth it.
" The French galleys are returned to Marseilles.
The Italians say the Turk armeth again sixty
galleys ; and, for because they cannot perceive for
what other purpose it should be, they take it to be
to succour these men.
" It is spoken of here that the Prior of Capua,
brother to Petro Strozzi,f returneth to the French
King's service with five galleys of his own. And
thus, having no other news to advertise your High
ness of at this time, I beseech Jesu long to pre
serve your Majesty in health, honour, and much
felicity. " Written at Paris, the last of March 1554.
"N. Wotton.
" Postscript. — Even now came one of the Cardi
nal Poole's men, sent from him in post with a let
ter to me. The letter contained that he trusted
well to have found me at the Court, and to have
learned of me more certain advice of your High
ness' prosperous estate, like as it was to his great
comfort when both your Highness' ambassadors,
by your commission (as he saith), did receive him
* Wyatt's plot. + Leo Strozzi.

1554. POLE, AND THOMAS STAFFORD. 363
at the Emperor's court ; and, finding me not there,
had sent his man unto me, to learn by him some
what of me thereof, for his more satisfaction of the
due observancy he oweth your Highness, and also
to declare unto me certain things which he thought
meet for me to know. The which, by his servant's
declaration, was, that my Lord Stafford's son,
named Thomas, as I remember, who brought let
ters to your Highness not long ago out of Poole
[Poland], is come over hither, and came to the
Cardinal Poole, his uncle, to the court. And the
Cardinal, wondering much to see him there, asked
him whether he had any letters from your High
ness ; which he denied : then asked him whether
he had leave to come away, which he likewise de
nied. Why, quoth the Cardinal, how are you
come over then ? The young man answered, for
because your Highness went about to do a thing
which he thought was not for the benefit and com
modity of the realm, — that is to say, to bring the
realm under the rule and government of Spaniards,
— he could not find in his heart to abide there to see
it. The Cardinal hearing this, as his servant saith,
was sore offended with him ; and having declared
his folly and misbehaviour towards your Highness
unto him, and rebuked him sharply therefore, com
manded him that he should straight depart out of
his house, and come no more in his sight : and the
next day, hearing that he was yet in the court, the
Cardinal sent him word that he should depart out
of the court ; but the other made answer that he

364 POLE'S FIDELITY TO MARY. 1554.
might command him out of his house, wherein he
would obey him, but not out of the court.
" This matter troubleth the Cardinal very sore,
as his servant saith ; specially for that the Cardi
nal was informed that your Highness bare your
favour and goodwill to his said nephew, which he
taketh that he hath now worthily lost again, having
played such unkind and unnatural part towards
your Highness. Hereof his servant said the Car
dinal thought necessary to advertise me, to do in it
as I should think it good ; and that I should be as
sured that no man should be welcome to him that
should not be faithful and true to your Highness,
though it were his own brother. This is the effect
of the errand done to me by his said servant.
" By his letter, and his servant's talk, it seemeth
that he looked that I should have met him, like
as, he saith, both your Highness' ambassadors did
at Brussels, by your commandment ; whereas, in
deed, I have no such commission from your High
ness, but thought to have seen him at St. Denis,
as secretly as I might conveniently have done : so
that it seemeth he thinketh it somewhat strange
that I have not done to him as other your High
ness' ambassadors did.
" His servant saith, that, because the King
hunted yesterday, the Cardinal as yet had no au
dience of the King concerning his principal matter
for the which he cometh. These things being
come to me now, as I was closing up this letter, I
thought it not amiss to add hereunto."

1554. GARDINER AGAINST ELIZABETH. 365
To return to the Spanish ambassador, his next
letter to the Emperor, which is dated 3rd April,
is a most interesting one. It regards the prose
cution ofthe inquiry into the conduct of Courtenay
and Elizabeth. Renard describes an interview
which he had with Mary and some of her Council,
and gives the particulars of two successive meet
ings, one with Bishop Gardiner the Chancellor,
and the other with Paget. The subject discussed
was, the security necessary to be had before Philip
trusted himself in England. Hitherto, Gardiner
had shown himself favourable to Elizabeth, but now,
apprehending a popular tumult, he seems to have
abandoned her cause, and made up his mind that
she must be sacrificed. Renard observed to Mary,
" that it was of the utmost consequence the trials
and execution of the criminals, especially of Cour
tenay and of the Lady Elizabeth, should be con
cluded before the arrival of his Highness." To
this the Queen replied, " that she had neither rest
nor sleep for the anxiety she took for the security
of his Highness at his coming." Gardiner then
remarked, that, as long as Elizabeth was alive,
there was no hope that the kingdom could be tran
quil ; * * and that, if everybody went as roundly
to work in providing the necessary remedies as he
did, things would go on better." Paget confessed
that he himself and others had been much irritated
against the Chancellor ; but added, that he would
rather die than harbour a thought prejudicial to the
service of the Queen. Speaking of religion, he ob-

366 PAGET'S CHARACTER OF GARDINER. 1554.
served that he had formerly been in error upon the
subject of transubstantiation, by the persuasions of
one of the bishops here ; but long since he had
seen his error and renounced it, and had become of
opinion that it was vain to think of remedying the
affairs of the kingdom without the re-establishment
of religion ; this, however, he said, would be diffi
cult if one were to follow the opinion of the
Chancellor, who was anxious to carry through the
matter by fire and blood, f * *
" As for the prisoners," observed Renard in the
same letter, " they have sent new commissioners
for their examination. Paget has promised me to
use all necessary diligence ; and it is resolved that
Wyatt shall be executed this week. He has given
great scandal to the Queen, for having, by the in
advertence of the Lieutenant of the Tower, com
municated, at Easter, along with other prisoners,
without having been first confessed, and for having
uttered some strange speeches regarding religion
and the sacrament. As touching Courtenay, there
is matter sufficient against him to make his punish
ment certain; but for Elizabeth, they have not
yet been able to fall upon matter sufficiently penal
according to the laws of England, because those per
sons with whom she was in communication have fled.
Nevertheless," continued Renard, "her Majesty
tells me that from day to day they are finding new
+ Qui vouldroit que par feug et sang l'on y proceda.

1554. DISCUSSIONS ABOUT ELIZABETH. 367
proofs against her. That, especially, they had
several witnesses who deposed as to the prepara
tions of arms and provisions which she made for
the purpose of rebelling with the others, and of
maintaining herself in strength in a house of that
kingdom to which she sent the supplies.
" After having communicated at great length with
Paget on the subject of the said Elizabeth, he
told me that if they could not find proof enough to
bring her to death, that he saw no surer expedi
ent to secure her than to send her out of the
kingdom to be married to a stranger ; and, if they
could find means to bring about her marriage to
the Prince of Piedmont with ease, the parlia
ment and the council would consent that the.
right of succession, which was in her, should go to
him, in the event of the Queen having no chil
dren, for he could see no way by which at present
she could be excluded or deprived of the right
which she has by this parliament. And, if this
took place, both the nobility and the people, it was
said, would agree to the marriage of his Highness
without difficulty ; besides, it would be an alli
ance which might as much aid the Duke in the
recovery of his country as any that could be
thought of, because the kingdom would willingly
contribute and give him assistance." * * * Of the
parliament the Ambassador thus spoke :
"As to the parliament, it began yesterday, and
the Queen was conducted thither with great solem-

368 OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. 1554.
nity, and made the communication [of her intend
ed marriage] by the Chancellor ; who, as I have
heard from those present, delivered a very good
speech; observing, that although the Queen was
in no way bound to inform her subjects upon
this measure, still, animated by her wish to con
firm the affection which she felt for her kingdom,
and the tranquillity of it and of her subjects,
she wished them to consider with their best at
tention the ' articles' [of the marriage], which
were quite the reverse of those made public by the
conspirators ; for, instead of his Highness making
an acquisition of England, England would make
an acquisition of your Majesty, his Highness,
.with his kingdoms and provinces. * *
" From what I hear," continued Renard, " on good
authority, there will be more controversy on the
subject of religion than on the point of the mar
riage. * * * As the parliament proceeds, we shall
have an opportunity of discovering the various
humours and dispositions of the people, I should
think, in five or six days ; the Queen having in
formed me that the parliament may terminate in
ten or twelve days ; and she adds, that she will
do her best to make sure of the bad as well as the
good. Her Majesty told me that in the church of
Westminster, before the usual mass of the Holy
Ghost began, which is generally said before the
assembly of the parliament, seeing Pembroke, who
had returned from his house where he had been

1554. MASON SUSPECTED. 369
to keep his Easter, she made much of him, and
bade him welcome, and his wife also ; and she
trusts that things will go on well. This is all I am
able to say on the parliament for the present.
And, assuredly, Sire, if the pensions had been given
before this, and previous to the arrival of his High
ness, it would have been the way to bring them
over to our wishes, being a people over whom one
should obtain influence by liberality and gifts." * * *
As to Mason, the Spanish Ambassador re
marks that he had shown his dissimulation and
feeling to be contrary to his professions regarding
the marriage, in making a pretence of sickness that
he might be excused from going into Spain with the
Privy Seal. Two of his brothers-in-law, he remarks,
had suffered for this rebellion ; and he counsels the
Emperor to look well to him on his return, as it
was certain that both in the business ofthe mar
riage and on the point of religion he had shown
himself very strongly biassed.
In the letter of the 7th of April we find that
other practices had been discovered in favour of
Elizabeth. The ambassador informed the Emperor
there had been found, dropt in the streets, a letter
in her favour as seditious as could possibly be
conceived, upon which the Admiral had express
ed himself passionately against the Grand Cham
berlain,* who had the charge of this Princess ; and
* Sir John Gage, Knight of the Garter.
VOL. II. 2 B

370 DREAD OF A NEW REBELLION. 1554.
told him that she would be the cause of the cut
ting off of so many heads, that both he and others
will repent of it. He added, that the heretics, as
sisted by the French intrigues, did everything they
could to incite the people to take arms and break
into a new rebellion ; that Sir Richard Morison and
some others of that party had applied for leave to
go abroad ; and that, from what people said, it was
supposed they had forged some new scheme of re
volt, and went away to watch its issue. The fol
lowing letter from Wotton, relative to the English
refugees in France, confirms these suspicions.
DR. WOTTON TO SIR W. PETRE.
Orig. Mostly in cipher. 17th April 1554.
" Sir. — For because Master Pickering hath had
long in his custody the ciphers which I occupy,
and is now here, I pray you to consider whether
there is any danger therein or no ; and, in case there
is, to provide for it as ye shall think good. Sir,
seeing these rebels here will not be delivered, but
be employed here in service, which will by like
lihood much increase their number here, in my
simple mind it were not amiss to seek some other
means to get them home. And in case there be
no other, rather than to suffer the number to in
crease, I cannot tell whether it were amiss that the
Queen's Highness did put them in hope of pardon,
if they returned home, and required it ; whereupon
I believe that many of them would return home

1554. RENARD TO THE EMPEROR. 371
with their hearts. * * * Sir William Picker
ing told a servant of mine, that, of a letter which he
wrote into England to the Queen's Highness, the
copy was sent shortly after to the French King ;
and a scholar here told me that he heard say that
the like was done to a letter which I wrote to the
Queen's Highness ; which thing though I cannot
well believe, yet I thought it not amiss to advertise
thereof that I hear. * * * " N. Wotton."
" Paris, 17th April 1554."
RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
22nd April 1554.
" Sire. — Since my last letters, the party squabbles,
jealousies, and ill feeling of the Councillors have so
increased and become public, that, at this moment,
some from animosity against others will not attend
the Council ; what one does, another undoes ; what
one counsels, another contradicts ; one advises to
save Courtenay, another Elizabeth ; and all at last

RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Trans, from Orig. Brussels. April 22nd, 1554.
" Sire. — Puis mes dernieres lettres, les partialitez, envies, et
malveullances des Conseillers se sont tant accreues et descou-
vertes, que presentiment les ungs pour despit des autres ne se
treuvent au Conseil ; ce que l'ung fait, I'autre deffait ; ce que
l'ung conseille, I'autre le desconseiUe ; l'ung parle pour saulfer
Cortenay, et I'autre Elisabeth ; et y a telle confusion que
2B 2

372 DIVISIONS IN THE COUNCIL. 1554.
has got into such confusion, that we only wait to
see the quarrel end in arms and tumult. Thus is
the Queen of England treated by those who ought
to be her most intimate and devoted servants.
" The Chancellor,* the Comptroller,! Walgrave,
Ingelfield, Southwell, the Chamberlain, Vice-Cham
berlain, and the Secretary Bourne form one party ;
the Earls of Arundel, Pembroke, Sussex, the
Master of the Horse, Paget, Petre, Cornwallis, and
the Admiral make another : and whereas it was
thought that the last reduction and reform in the
Council of State to six, ought to be continued
and become permanent, the Comptroller and his
friends have murmured against it; they assert that
they were the agents in maintaining the Queen in
her royal right, and merited as well to belong to the
Council of State as the others ; that they were Ca
tholics, and the others for the most part heretics ;
l'on n'attend synon que le querelle se demesle par les armes et
tumulte. Ainsi est traictee la Royne d'Angleterre par ceulx
qui luy devroient estre plus confidens et entiers. Le Chancel
lier, le Comptrolleur, Walgrave, Ingelfield, Sutwell, le Cham
berlain, Vice Chamberlain, et le Secretaire Bourgne tiennent
une partie ; les Contes d'Arondel, Pembrock, Sussex, le Grand
Ecuyer, Paget, Pietre, Cornwaille et 1' Admiral tiennent l'aultre.
Et comme Ton pensoit que la derniere reduction et reforma-
cion du Conseil d'Estat en six debvroit continuer et estre per-
manente, le dit Comptrolleur et ses consors ont murmure,
disant qu'ilz avoient este cause de maintenir la Royne en son
droit royal, qu'ilz meritoient aussi bien d'estre du Conseil
d'Estat que les autres, qu'ilz estoient Catholicques, et les

* Bishop Gardiner. f Sir R. Rochester.

1554. GARDINER'S MEASURES. 373
and they have so overwhelmed her Majesty, that
she is disgusted with Paget and Petre. * * *
" The Chancellor has proposed in the parliament
the restitution of the . usurped property of the
Bishop of Durham, and has carried the passing of
the act by a majority of voices, against the will of
the heretics, who raise such a murmur and noise
about it that I look for much disorder, to the
prejudice, loss of popularity, and danger of the
Queen. So much so, that the Chancellor had for
merly resolved with her to propose only two acts ;
the one concerning the marriage, the other touching
the suspension of the title of Supreme Head of the
Church ; as a means to which it was to be granted,
that they who possessed church lands should con
tinue to hold them, the consent of the Pope in
tervening ; and this, in order that they might arrive
at a better reformation of religion.
" It is six days since the trial of a rebel named
autres pour la pluspart hereticques, et ont tellement abreuvee
la dite dame, qu'elle s'est degoustee de Paget et Pieter. * * *
" Le Chancellier a fait proposer Ia restitucion des biens us-
urpez de l'Evesque Durand, et a pluralite de voix a fait paser
l'acte contre le vouloir des heretiques, dont il y a tel bruict et
murmure, que je n'attend synon ung grand desordre, au preju
dice, desreputation, et danger de la dite dame ; combien que le
Chancellier eust auparavant resolu avec elle de non proposer
que deux actes, l'ung concernant le mariage, et la suspense du
tiltre du supreme chief de l'Eglise, moiennant quoy l'on accor-
deroit que ceulx qui possedent les biens de 1'eglise lespossederoi-
ent, entrevenant le consentement de Pape, pour parvenir a meil-
leure reformacion de la religion. II y a environ six jours que

374 TRIAL OF SIR N. THROCKMORTON. 1554.
Throkmorton.* He was acquitted by the twelve
jurymen who had been chosen and impahnelled,
and who were all heretics ; there being no doubt
that in spite of the verdict he deserved to be con
demned. And when they carried him back to the
Tower (after his acquittal), the people with great
joy raised shouts, and threw their caps in the
air ; which has so displeased the Queen, that she
has been ill for three days, and has not yet got
quite the better of it. People are disposed to
have the jury punished ; but for this she will not
have authority or power enough with her Council,
owing to the renewal of the feuds and parties in it.
On the same day some one took away the head of
Wyatt, which had been fixed on a gibbet; which
is reckoned a great and scandalous crime in
England.
l'on mena au jugement ung rebelle nomme Tragmarten, qui fut
absoult par les xii enquesteurs que l'on avoit choisyz et appos-
tez, qui sont tous hereticques, en non obstant qu'il merita
condempnation ; et comme l'on ramenoit en la Tour absoult, le
peuple avec grand esjouyssement gectoient cryx, et bonnetz en
Fair ; que tant altere la dite dame qu'elle a este trois jours
malade, et n'est encore bien d'elle : et est Ton apres pour punir
les juges, mais elle n'aura auctorite, ny avoir entre son Conseil
pour la division et partialite renouvelle. Le meme jour on ota
la teste de Wyatt, qu'avoit este plante dessus ung gibet, qu'est
en Angleterre grand crime et schandale.

* The celebrated Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, for whose trial
I refer my readers to Mr. Jardine's interesting volume of
Criminal Trials, pp. 62 — 120, inclusive.

1554. COURTENAY AND ELIZABETH. 375
" Her Majesty has not yet come to a resolution
what is to be done with Courtenay and with Ma
dame Elizabeth. As to Courtenay, I see that she
is inclined in his favour, and persuaded to give him
his liberty by the intercession of the Comptroller*
and his friends, who have formed a close compact for
his marriage with Elizabeth. And then as regards
Elizabeth herself, the judges can find no matter for
Jier condemnation. Already she has liberty to walk
in the garden of the Tower ; and even if they had
proof, they would not dare to proceed against her,
for the love of the Admiral, her relative, who es
pouses her quarrel, and has at present all the force
of the kingdom in his power ; yet (on the other
hand) if they let her go, it seems evident that the
heretics will proclaim her queen ; whilst, if they

" La dite dame est apres pour conclure ce que l'on fera de
Cortenay et de Madame Elisabeth. Et quant au dit Corte
nay, je la vois inclinee et persuadee pour luy donner liberte,
par les persuasions des dits Comptrolleur et ses compagnons,
qui ont tenu la main pour le mariage de luy avec la dite
dame. " Quant a la dite Elisabeth, les gens de loix ne treuvent ma
tiere pour la condamner, et a ja liberte de se promener par le
jardin de la Tour. Et quant il y avoit matiere, l'on ne oseroit
.proceder contre elle, pour 1' amour de l'Admiral son parent,
qui porte sa querelle, qui a presentement toute la force
d'Angleterre en son pouvoir ; et, la relaxant, il est apparent
que les hereticques la publieront pour Royne ; mectant en

* The Comptroller of the Household was Sir Robert
Rochester.

376 CONVERSATION WITH MARY. 1554.
set Courtenay at liberty, his Highness cannot be
secure, for he will practise with the French, as he
has already begun to do. * * *
" In a conversation which I had with the Queen
upon the letters of Wotton, I have remonstrated as
far as I could possibly do ; begging her to take
special care, and look into and assure herself of
her affairs, and set things to rights in good season.
I stated that I saw the danger she might fall into ;
that she should heal the divisions amongst her
Councillors, and not allow herself to be abused or
trepanned ; and that I perceived the entry of his
Highness could not but be hazardous. To this, she
answered, that they had written to all parts for
soldiers ; that Clinton would remain Lieutenant in
London ; that she did her best ; that all the Lords
assured her his Highness should come safely, and

liberte Cortenay, son Altese ne sera asseuree, car il practi-
quera avec les Francois, comme il a ja commencee. * * *
" Et communiquant avec la Royne sur les lettres du dit
Wotton, luy ay remonstre tout ce qui m'a este possible
pour se donner garde, et pourveoir a ses affaires, les asseu
rer et remedier de bonne heure, autrement que je vois le
danger ou elle tumberoit ; qu'elle remedia la partialite de ses
Conseilliers, et ne se laissa abuser ou prevenir ; que je pre-
vois l'entree de son Altese ne pouvoir estre synon hazard-
euse. Surquoy elle m'a dit que l'on a escript 5a et \k pour
avoir gens de guerre ; que Clynton demeure Lieutenant en ce
lieu de Londres ; qu'elle fait le mieulx qu'elle peult ; que
tous les Sieurs l'asseurent que son Altese viendra seurement,
et qu'ils mourront tous & ses pieds si l'occasion s'adonne ;

1554. SEDITIOUS BILLS. 877
that they would all die at his feet if any thing
occurred ; that the whole danger lay in London and
the parts around it, — as in Essex, where they had
within these few days burnt a church, and would
not have the mass back again ; that every one
thought, if his Highness were once come, all would
be quiet : she then showed me a bill which had
been thrown on her kitchen table — the most sedi
tious thing in the world — full of threats against
herself, against the Chancellor, against the High
Treasurer, and others ; and in which there are
strange things said about his Highness and the
Spaniards, openly declaring that his Highness must
take his chance at his coming. I have spoken to
the Chancellor, the Comptroller, Paget, and Petre
separately ; and Paget has promised me to accom
modate himself to my wishes, to suffer all things
rather than throw any obstacles in the way of the
Prince's coming, and that he will do his best to
que tout le danger est k Londres et aux lieux a l'environ,
comme a Essex ou l'on a brusle une eglise ces jours passez, et
ne veulent revoir la messe ; que chacun est de ceste opinion,
que si son Altese vient, que tout sera appaise; me mous-
trant ung billet que Ton avoit gecte sur la table de sa cuy-
sine, le plus seditieulx du monde, plain de menasses contre
elle, contre le Chancellier, le Grand Tresorier, et autres, et
auquel y a choses estranges de son Altese et Espaignolz,
ouvertement,declairant que son Altese courra fortune a sa
venue. J'ay parle au Chancellier, Comptrolleur, Paiget, et
Pieter separement; et m'a promis le dit Paiget de s'accom-
moder et souffrir toutes choses pour non troubler la dite venue,

378 THE GARTER OFFERED TO PHILIP. 1554.
compose the troubles ; the Chancellor says that he
will speedily bring the parliament to a close. * * *
" The Queen has commanded me to write to
his Highness, to see if it is his pleasure to accept
the Order of England, which will be presented to
him by a chapter of the Knights of the Garter. * *
22nd April 1554. " And so, Sire, &c.
" Simon Renard.
" A report has been spread here that the Cardi
nal Pole calls himself Duke of York, and pretends
a right to the crown."
RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
28th April 1554.
" Sire. -t— The Queen has more maturely weighed
what I represented to her within these few days,
(as contained in my last letters to your Majesty,)

et qu'il fera son mieulx pour remedier les troubles. Le Chan
cellier dit qu'il fera finir le parlement de brief. * * *
" La Royne m'a commande a escripre a, son Altese, si luy
plaira accepter l'ordre d'Angleterre, que luy sera presentee
par le Colliege des Chevaliers de la Jarretiere demain.
" L'on a fait courir ung bruict pardeca, que le Cardinal
Polo se soit appelle Due de Jourch, et qu'il pretend droit a la
corone."
RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
Trans, from Orig. Brussels. 28th April 1554.
" Sire. — La Royne aiant, de plus pres, pese ce'que luy ay
remonstre les jours passez, contenu en mes dernieres lettres a.

1554. JURYMEN IMPRISONED. 379
the troubles, namely, which might arise from the
divisions in her Council ; of what great conse
quence it was to bring the parliament to a close,
and to proceed gently in the reformation of reli
gion, to avoid giving the people any ground for a
new rebellion, and to provide a strong force for the
safe passage and entry of his Highness into the
kingdom. Her Majesty, having thought over all
this, has consulted with her Council, and is resolv
ed to prorogue the parliament till a more conveni
ent time, to despatch her noblemen and captains to
enlist soldiers, and to assign to different persons of
trust the charge of the counties, and the task of
keeping the people quiet. * * *
" They have imprisoned the twelve jurymen who
gave their verdict in favour of Throkmorton, hav
ing found proofs of collusion and ill-affection ; and,
if they go on in the road they have now taken,
there is an appearance of things getting better.
vostre Majest6, — Tinconvenient ou elle pourroit tumber par la
partialite de son Conseil, combien il emportoit de finir le parle
ment, de teraperer la reformation de la religion, d'eviter occa
sion a ce que le peuple ne se rebelle de nouveau, prevenir par
la force et asseurer le passaige et entree de son Altese par
deca, — elle a parle a son Conseil, et resolu de proroguer le par
lement jusques a autre temps plus convenable, et depescher ca
et la gentilzhommes et capitaines pour faire gens de guerre, et
distribuer a plusieurs personnaiges de credit, charge es pro
vinces pour contenir le peuple. * * *
" L'on a emprisonne les xii hommes de la loy qui avoient
sentencie en faveur de Tragmarten, pour ce que Ton a trouve
de la collusion et mechancete ; et si l'on suyt le chemin que

380 PREPARATIONS FOR PHILIP. 1554.
Already the Chancellor and Paget seem half recon
ciled, and consult together. It is resolved that the
city and the Queen's guards shall be in arms on
the lst of May, lest the apprentices raise any com
motion.* The Admiral is at sea, and draws near
Portsmouth ; but from his letters, which I have
seen, he is little pleased with the armament which
your Majesty has sent, saying there are but three
or four ships which are above one hundred tons.
" The preparations for the reception of his
Highness continue ; and her Majesty has been
advised not to leave this place till some news of
the Prince arrive. Some of the Council express
their astonishment that he has never written to the
Queen, or sent any person to pay her a visit, seeing

l'on prent, il y a apparence que les choses se remedieront.
Et ja le Chancellier et Paget communiquent par ensemble
comme a, demy reconcilies, et ont delibere que le premier jour
de May prochain la ville de Londres sera en armes, et les gens
de la Royne, a ce que les apretis ne facent quelque trouble.
L' Admiral est en mer, et tire contre Portmoun; mais, selon
que j'ay veu par les lettres qu'il a escript, il n'est content de
I'armee que vostre Majeste a envoie, disant qu'il n'y a que
trois ou quatre navires qui passent cents tonneaulx. L'on con
tinue les appretz pour recevoir son Altese, et est conseille la
dite dame de non partir de ce lieu (avant) que l'on n'ayt nou-
velles de son Altese; et s'esmerveillent plusieurs du Conseil
comm il n'a escript a la Royne, ou envoye quelque personnaige

* The 1st of May (May-day) being devoted to popular
amusement and licence, it was, perhaps, dreaded that the Spa
nish match might be ridiculed in their pageants or mummings.

1554. ACT AGAINST HERETICS. 381
the marriage is so far advanced ; which I excuse as
well as I can. * * *
" The act for the punishment of heretics with
death has passed in the Lower House, but I learn
that the Peers will not consent that there should be
in it any capital clause. * * They have not yet
come to any resolution what is to be done with
Elizabeth and Courtenay. * * *
" Simon Renard."
" To the Emperor."
In the above letter of Renard to the Emperor,
dated 28th April 1554, he incloses two letters of
Paget's, dated in April, but without the day of the
month- added ; one of them is important and cha
racteristic. I do not here add the French, as it
is itself a translation.
PAGET TO RENARD.
April 1554.
" Sir. — As I know the entire affection which you
bear to her Majesty the Queen and her crown, I
cannot restrain myself ; I must trouble you with the
griefs I endure for her Majesty and my country.
pour la visiter, puisque l'alliance est si avancee, ce que j'ex-
cuse le plus qu'il m'est possible. * * *
" L'acte que l'on a propose au parlement pour punir les
hereticques de peine de mort, est passs en la chambre basse du
dit parlement ; mais j'entens que les nobles ne veullent con
sentir qu'il y ayt peine de mort. * * * L'on n'a encores
prins resolucion que l'on fera de Madame Elisabeth et de
Cortenay." * * *

382 PAGET TO RENARD. 1554.
Behold he whom you wot of,* comes to me since
dinner with a sudden and strange proposal; saying
that, since matters against Madame Elizabeth do
not take the turn which was wished, there should be
an act brought into parliament to disinherit her.
I replied that I would give no consent to such a
scheme for many reasons.
" Sir, — For the love of God persuade the Queen
to dissolve the parliament instantly, and to send
those who have been chosen for the government of
the counties into their districts ; for the times be
gin to be hot, men's humours are getting inflamed,
warmed, fevered ; and I see that this person, for his
own private respects and affection, has resolved to
hurry forward such measures as will create too
much heat, with no regard to the circumstances in
which we are placed, and to the coming of his
Highness, and with no forecast of the danger
which may ensue.
" You know, when the parliament began, we re
solved, with consent of her Majesty, that only two
acts should be brought forward ; the one, concern
ing the marriage ; the other, to confirm every man
in his possessions; reserving to her Majesty to take
what steps she pleased regarding hef title and style.
By God, Sir, I am at my wits' end, and know not
what to do except to pray God to send us hither
his Highness with all speed, for then all will go
well ; and, till then, things will take the course you
see them running now.
* Probably Bishop Gardiner.

1554. COMPLAINTS OF FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 383
" Urge his voyage into England, and that with
all diligence ; and thus will you do the greatest ser
vice that ever was done to the Emperor, to the
Prince, to the Queen, and to the kingdom ; as
knoweth God, whom I pray to give you ever his
grace, and to keep me in yours.
" Yours, in all readiness to command,
" Wm. Paget."
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
lst May 1554.
" Sire. — The Queen having understood that the
French ambassador had made a complaint, and de
manded the restoration of two of his packets, which
he said were seized and detained in England, (he
being only able to speak of the one of which your
Majesty has a copy,) her Majesty, I say, has ap
plied to the Chancellor to tell her what has become
of the other. He has confessed to his having had
it and read it ; but says he knows not what he has
done with it, or where he has put it. After search-
S. RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
Trans, from Orig. Brussels, lst May 1554.
" Sire. — La Royne aiant entendu que l'ambassadeur de
France faisoit doleance, et repetoit deux ses pacquetz qu'ilz
disoit avoir este detenuz et detrousez en Angleterre, n'aiant
sceu a parler synon de l'ung dont vostre Majeste a eu copie, a
fait instance devers le Chancellier pour scavoir qu'estoit de-
venu I'autre; qui a confesse l'avoir leu et receu, mais il ne
scavoit ou il I'avoit mis, ny qu'il en avoit fait apres l'avoir.

384 GARDINER FAVOURS COURTENAY. 1554.
ing for it, his secretary recollects having made an
extract from it, which bears in substance that
Courtenay is to marry Madame Elizabeth ; that
the Queen must lose her kingdom and crown ; and
that the hired troops will turn against her because
they are three years in arrear. The letter disco
vers the practices of Wyatt : it would have been of
much consequence to recover the original, as a
proof against Courtenay and Elizabeth; and the
Queen is at a loss what to think of its having fallen
aside, unless the Chancellor wished thus to save
Courtenay. Already he had caused his name to be
omitted in the decipher. Nevertheless, her Majesty
yesterday sent for the men of the law, and those
Lords of the Council who were to be judges, to
hear their report upon the criminal process against
Courtenay, and to understand the resolution they

Son secretaire s'est souvenu avoir fait extrait du contenu en
icelluy, que porte en substance que Cortenay devoit epouser
Madame Elisabeth, que la dite Royne perdroit son royaulme
et couronne, que les pensionaires luy seroient contraires pour
n' avoir este payez de leurs pensions de trois ans en arriere, de-
couvrant la practique de Wyatt ; et fut este tres apropos que
l'original se fut retrouve, pour servir de justification contre le
dit Cortenay et Elisabeth ; et ne scait la dite dame que pre-
sumer de la perdition d'icelles, synon que le Chancellier ait heu
desir de saulfver Cortenay ; et ja avoit il fait laisser le mot de
son nom au premier dechiffrement.
" Neanmoins la dite dame feit hier assembler ceulx de la
loy, et les principaulx Sieurs de son Conseil, qui doivent estre
les juges, pour ouyr le rapport du proces criminel du dit Cor
tenay, et scavoir quelle resolution l'on y prendroit ; et enfin ilz

1554. COURTENAY WORTHY OF DEATH. 385
had come to. The men of the law have unani
mously given their judgment that he deserves
death, and he will be sentenced accordingly. If
it be so decided, I shall urge instant execution. It
is asserted that Courtenay has sent his regards to
the Lady Elizabeth by a child of five years old,
who is in the Tower, — the son of one of the soldiers
there. "As to Elizabeth herself, no resolution is yet
taken. " The Queen holds Paget in great suspicion for
two reasons, which she gave me. The first, that
when it was proposed in the parliament to make it
high treason for any one to take arms against his
Highness, Paget spoke more violently against it
than any one ; although, before this, to the Queen
herself he had declared it quite right : the other,
that when a bill was brought in for the punishment
of heretics, he used all his influence with the

sont este tous d'accord avec les ditz de la loy qu'il merite
la mort, et sera sentencie selon ce; et sy ainsy advient, je so-
liceteray main soubz l'execution. Et s'est advere que le dit
Cortenay ait fait faire ses recommendations a la dite Elisabeth
par ung enfant eaige de cinq ans, qu'est en la Tour, filz de
l'ung de souldars d'icelle. Quant a la dite Elisabeth, l'on n'y
a encores prins conclusion.
" La dite dame tient grandement a suspect Paget pour deux
actes qu'elle m'a recite. L'ung, que quant l'on a parle au par
lement d'establir peine de rebellion contre ceulx qui pren-
droient les armes contre son Altese, le dit Paget y a plus
relucte que personne ; combien qu'il eust dit auparavant a la
dite dame que c'estoit chose raisonnable, et que se feroit :
VOL. II. 2 C

386 PAGET SUSPECTED. 1554.
Lords to oppose it, and to give no room for the pu
nishment of death. She added many little traits
to show that he is flighty and variable. * * It
is true that I have observed Paget to hold constant
intercourse with heretics ; and that he uses the
advice of Mr. Hobby, one of the most malicious he
retics in England, who in a few days is about to
set out for the baths of Italy, and to follow Mo
rison, and wishes to have letters to your Majesty
that he may kiss hands on his way. *
" Simon Renard."
" Sire. — Since writing my letters, I have learnt
that the House of Peers have resolutely thrown out
the act for the punishment of heretics ; so that
the Council and all state affairs here are much em
barrassed, the heretics encouraged, and the catholics

l'aultre, que quant Ton a parle de la peyne des hereticques, il a
sollicite les Sieurs pour non y consentir, ny donner lieu a
peyne de mort : m'aiant recite plusieurs particularitez de ses
actions du passee, par lesquelles elle le jugeoit inconstant et
variable. * » * Vrai est que je me suis apperceu le dit
Paget converse continuellement avec ceulx qui sont here
ticques, et use le conseil de Mr. Oby, qu'est ung des malicieux
hereticques que soit en Angleterre, qui s'en doit de brief aller
aux bains d'ltalye, comm il m'a dit, et suyvre Morison, et
desire avoir lettres de faveur a vostre Majeste pour luy baiser
les mains en son passaige." * * *
" Sire. — Mes lettres escriptes, j'ay entendu que la Chambre
des Nobles du parlement a rejete absolument le statut de la
punition des hereticques, tellement que le Conseil et les affaires
de royaulme sont grandement troublez, les hereticques aco-
raigez, et les catholicques reduictz en crainte, dont l'ont ne

1554. CARDINAL POOLE. 387
thrown into alarm. Indeed, we can look for little
else than alteration and inconvenience. When I
understand the particulars of the dispute, I hope to
be able to touch on the point more fully."
MASON TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. 5th May 1554.
" Pleaseth your Grace, having at this present
no kind of matter to write, other than may be de
clared to your Highness by my Lord of Norwich, I
will not trouble your Grace with many words.
" My said Lord of Norwich is departed from hence,
having left behind him a great contentation of his
dealing in the whole court. * * By him shall your
Grace understand the state of the Emperor's per
son and all other occurrents here ; by whose decla
ration your Highness shall also perceive what
talk we have had with Cardinal Poole, whose zeal
to the good of our estate I find to be such as I
think, surely, there is not a better English heart
within the realm, neither that more heartily pray-
eth daily for the good success of all things in the
same. " For some declaration whereof he told us,
among other things, that where he was utterly de
termined to have tarried in the court of France a

espere sinon grand inconvenient et alteration, comme j'espere,
par le premier, toucher plus particulierement quant j'entendrez
la dispute et particularite."
2c2-

388 MASON'S PRAISE OF POOLE. .1554.
good while longer than he did, and, at the least, so
long as he might have certified the Emperor what
he had done there, and have received an answer,
perceiving the continual resort thither of a number
of rebels, and the King not to be minded to avoid
them out of his realm, (wherein, nevertheless, he
travailed with him very earnestly,) he could find
in his heart no longer to continue there, so much
was that sight grievous unto him. If things were
as he wisheth, your Grace would govern in a
blessed estate. In confirmation whereof he always
praiseth ripe, temperate, and modest proceedings.
I would to God the whole realm knew him as my
Lord and I do, and had that opinion of him as in
effect all estates of Christendom have.
" Your Highness is like very shortly to have a
great resort as well of personages of much nobility,
as of ambassadors from many great estates. * * *
" John Mason."
"5th May 1554."
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
6 th May 1554. London.
* * * " This morning the Queen sent me word
by Basset, that the Parliament finished yesterday,
much to the contentment of the estates, the reputa-
RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels. 6 th May 1554.
* # * « qe matin la dite dame m'a envoie Basset pour
m' advertir que le parlement fut hier finy, au contentement des

1554. THE PARLIAMENT CLOSES. 389
tion of her Majesty, and the satisfaction of all; that
the ancient penalties against heretics were assented
to by all the peers ; that it was reported publicly
and expressly that they considered heresy as having
been extirpated as well as punished : the same Bas
set adding, on his own part, that never did parlia
ment end with a better grace ; that, when the
Queen made her speech, she was interrupted five
or six times by cries of God save the Queen ! and
that the most part wept at the eloquence and good
ness of her Highness ; that she has every hope
that God will restore matters to tranquillity ; that
the peers, especially, have spoken with her, and
promised all obedience ; and that I ought to dismiss
all fear and suspicion from my mind. * * Paget
[the Queen added in her message] had repented of
having behaved himself so ill in her service ; but
that it was impossible she could ever rely on

estatz, a la reputation de sa Majeste, et satisfaction d'ung
chacun ; que la peyne anchienne contre les hereticques fut
agree par toute la Noblesse, et qu'ilz feirent dire expresse
ment et publiquement qu'ilz entendoient l'heresie estre extir-
pee et punie ; adjoustant le dit Basset de soy mesmes que
jamais l'on n'a veu finir parlement de si bonne grace. Que
quant la dite dame fit son propoz, il fut interrompu cinq ou
six fois par I'exclamation publique des y assistans, criant Dieu
saulve la Royne ; et que la pluspart d'eux pleuroient de l'elo-
quence et vertu que representait la dite dame ; qu'elle n'a es-
poir sinon que Dieu rengera les choses a tranquillite, que les
nobles en particulier luy ont parle et promis toute obeissance,
et que je deusse oter toute crainte et suspition. * * * Paget
se repentoit d'avoir si mai verse en son service, qu'il n'estoit

390 GENEALOGY OF PHILIP. 1554.
him, or resume her good opinion of his con
stancy. * * *
" I send your Majesty a genealogy, which has
been published in this kingdom to show that his
Highnessf is allied tothe House of Lancaster ; and,
as Paget knows that this invention proceeds from
the Chancellor, he has given out that he did it to
confer upon the Prince a right to the crown, as
the Chancellor himself has told me.
" I have the greatest possible trouble to know
how to conduct myself between these two, for I can
not forget the part Paget has taken against the al
liance,^ and the earnest wishes of the Queen. I can
not excuse his intrigues against her Majesty's ser
vice ; and still less can I bear to give suspicion to
the Chancellor, considering his influence, his rank,
and the place he holds ; but, most of all, because I
possible elle le peut jamais qualiffier de Constance, ne se fyer
en lui. * * *
" J'envois a vostre Majeste une genealogie que l'on a publie
en ce royaulme pour demonstrer que son Altese n'est etran-
gier, ains de la maison de Lancaster ; et comme Paget a sceu
que l'invention venoit du Chancellier, il a dit qu'il le faisoit
pour donner droit a son Altese a la coronne, selon que le
propre Chancellier m'a dit; et entre ces deux j'ay la plus
grande peine du monde de me conduire, car je ne puis oublier
l'ofnce que le dit Paiget a fait pour l'alliance et contre l'af-
fection de la Royne, et practiques contraires a son service, je
ne le puis excuser, et moins penser de donner suspicion au dit

t Prince Philip. J The marriage.

1554. SEVERITY TO PAGET. 391
shape all my actions with a reference to the great
end we have in view, his Highness' safe arrival
here. Indeed, if Paget perseveres in asking leave
to go to the baths, it is my belief the Queen will
grant it him, but in such terms as will not only fill
him with remorse for his ingratitude and forgetful
ness, but will expose him to the imminent danger
of losing honour, life, and property. Such is the
inconstancy of the people here, that most of the
churches are in ruins. * * *
" Gresham,f factor to the Queen, who is the
bearer of these letters, goes to your Majesty to get
a passport permitting him to procure the powder,
saltpetre, and harquebuses mentioned in the enclos
ed memorial for the service of the Queen ; and,
having begged me to give a licence for this, I could
not refuse, for reasons of which your Majesty is
aware.'

, " * * *

Chancellier, pour la consequence, et pour I'estat et office qu'il
administre, et signamment pource que je enchimine toutes les
actions au but tant recommande, pour s'asseurer la venue de
son Altese ; et s'il (Paiget) persevere a demander conge pour
aller aux bains, je tiens que la dite dame luy donnera, avec
termes que luy debvront donner remord d'ingratitude, et me-
congnoisance, et se mectra en grand danger de perdre l'hon-
neur, vie, et biens. — Que sont la pluspart des eglises ruynees,
telle est l'inconstance pardeca." * *

+ The celebrated Sir Thomas Gresham, the great financial
adviser and agent for the Queen.

392 PAGET PARDONED. 1554.
RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
13th May 1554.
" Sire. — Paget, stung with remorse, has lately
presented himself to the Queen after her mass, and
asked her mercy for his intrigues in the late par
liament against the act for the punishment of here
tics, and the statute which made it capital to take
arms against his Highness. As to the first, his
excuse was, that Lord Rich had persuaded him
the object of the statute was to wrest the church
lands out of the hands which now held them ; and,
for the second, he pleaded ignorance and inadver
tence, protesting that for the future he would
serve her Majesty with faith and loyalty.
" After some remonstrances the Queen pardoned
him, recommending him to behave better in time to

RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels. 13th May 1554.
" Sire. — Paget, par remord de conscience, s'est represente
devant la Royne a Tissue de sa messe, et luy a crye mercy de
ce qu'il a practique au dernier parlement pour empescher* que
le statut de la punition des hereticques ne se feit, et que peyne
de rebellion ne fut apposee contre ceulx qui prendroient les
armes en main contre son Altese. Que, quant au premier,
Miliord Rich luy avoit persuadee qu'il se proposoit pour faire
perdre les biens de 1'eglise a ceulx qui les tiennent. Quant au
second, qu'il I'avoit fait par ignorance et inadvertance : qu'il
la serviroit a I'avenir fidelement et loyaulment. Et apres
plusieurs remonstrances que la dite dame luy fait, elle luy par-
donna, I'admonestant de faire mieulx cy apres. Et comme le

1554. GARDINER'S SUSPICIONS. 393
come. As soon as the Chancellor and his party were
aware of such a mode of proceeding, they began to
suspect that some plot was in hand against the
Queen between Paget, Arundel, Pembroke, Cob
ham, and other noble heretics; and that, to
conceal it the better, Paget had adopted this course.
The fact has been brought to light by a gen
tleman, a friend of the Chancellor, whom Paget
forcibly detained in his house for two days, and
caused him to be examined as if he had been a spy
of the Chancellor's ; his object being to discover
whether Gardiner had any ill designs against him.
By such conduct Paget has brought himself within
the pains of felony, abusing his office of a Privy
Councillor, turning his house into a private prison,
and showing openly that he bids defiance to the
Chancellor, and has conspired against him with the
heretics above mentioned.

Chancellier et autres de sa partye ont entendu ceste facon de
faire, ilz sont entrez en suspicion qu'il y avoit quelque conspira
tion sur mains contre la dite dame, entre le dit Paget, Arun
del, Pembroch, Cobham, et autres nobles hereticques, et que,
pour la mieulx dissimuler, Paget avoit fait le dit acte ; ce que
l'on a decouvert par ung gentilhomme, amy du Chancellier,
que le dit Paget a tenu par force en sa maison l'espace de
deux jours, et le interrogue comme s'il fut este espie du dit
Chancellier, pour scavoir si le dit Chancellier avoit quelque
malvaise intencion contre luy ; commectant, par ce, crime de
fellonie par les loix d'Angleterre, faisant prison privee, et
abusant de son office de Conseillier; donnant a cognoistre qu'il
se difie du dit Chancellier, et qu'il a conjure contre luy avec le
dits hereticques ; de sort que le dit Chancellier tient que les

394 A NEW PLOT SUSPECTED. 1554.
" From all this, Gardiner has become convinced
that there is really a plot of the heretics against
him ; their design, he thinks, is to seize him and
clap him up in the Tower, and then compel the '
Queen to submit to their wishes, as was done be
fore in the time of King Edward the Sixth.
" To counteract this, the Queen has been advised
to imprison Paget, Arundel, and Pembroke; and
there are twelve noblemen and gentlemen who
have undertaken to defend her if she will give her
consent. Upon this proposal she has held a consul
tation with the Chancellor, the Grand Treasurer,*
and the Comptroller ;f and after having fully dis
coursed together on the state of the kingdom, the
designs of the French King, and his anxiety to in
vade this realm and throw impediments in the way
of his Highness' arrival, the danger of rousing the

dits hereticques sont apres pour le prendre et mectre en la
Tour, et gouverner k leur volonte la dite dame, commil il a
autrefois este fait en ce royaulme du vivant d'ung Roy Edou-
ard ; et, pour prevenir, l'on instigue la dite dame pour faire
imprisonner le dit Paget, et sont douze qui entreprennent
de garder la dite dame si elle veult consentir le dit emprison-
nement, et des dits Arondel et Pembroch. Et sur ce la dite
dame a consulte avec le dit Chancellier, Grand Tresorier, et
Comptrolleur. Et apres avoir discouru I'estat des affaires du
royaulme, la volunte et desseins que le Roy de France a de
l'envahir et troubler la venue de son Altese, le danger ou se
mectra Ia dite dame de conciter les hereticques k prendre les

* William Paulet Marquis of Westminster.
t Sir Robert Rochester.

1554. PRECAUTIONS AGAINST CONSPIRACY. 395
heretics anew, to take arms against her, giving the
French in this way a better opportunity of carry
ing forward their designs ; considering also that
this might restore Elizabeth's affairs, cause the
Admiral to join them and turn the naval force
against Mary ; having [as I said] weighed all
these probable inconveniences, and taking into
view also that there is nothing more than a mere
suspicion of a conspiracy, they have resolved for
the present to dissemble with Arundel, Paget,
and their friends ; to look narrowly into all they
do, and to strengthen the Queen's hands so that
she will be able to make head against them if
any thing is attempted. Besides this, it has been
ordered that no gentlemen shall bring to court more
than two servants, that the Earl of Sussex shall
be sent into Sussex, the Earl of Huntingdon into
his country, the Earl of Shrewsbury to the north,

armes en main contre elle, et que cependant les Francois au
roient meilleure occasion d'executer leur deliberation, que ce
seroit le chemin pour redresser les affaires de Madame Elisa
beth, que 1' Admiral, s'en sentant avec eulx, pourroit convertir
la force de mere contre la dite dame; aians pese les inconveni-
ens qu'en pourroient proceder, et meme qu'il n'y a synon pure
suspicion, l'on a prins resolution que l'on dissimulera avec les
dits Arondel, Paget, et autres de leur ligue ; que l'on remarchera
leurs actions de plus pres ; que la dite dame se fortiffiera de
sorte que, quant ilz vouldroient entreprendre, elle sera forte
pour attendre secours ; que nul gentilhomme pourra amener k
la court plus de deux serviteurs ; que l'on envoiera les Conte
Susseix en Susseix, le Conte de Odmeton en son pays, le
Conte de Strosberry au Nort, le Conte Derby en son pays, les

396 THE PRINCESS ELIZABETH. 1554.
the Earl of Derby to his country ; and, in short, all
who might have been tampered with are to be dis
persed hither and thither under pretence of some em
ployment; it having been found that, when together,
they have greater facilities to plot and lay their
schemes. Elizabeth is to be sent to a castle in the
north called Dhombreck,* to be guarded there;
the Admiral and his fleet are to be kept in the Chan
nel to defend the kingdom from the attack of the
French, who, we hear, have certainly embarked
six companies of Gascon soldiers at Rouen, with
the purpose of making a descent on the Isle of
Wight and Portsmouth. As for the defence of the
passage between Calais and Dover, six large ships
and three pinnaces are to be left for this service.
It is finally resolved that, in one way or other, the
prisoners shall be got rid of, either by pardon or
by execution ; and that the Queen shall not depart
hence till she have certain intelligence of the coming
of his Highness.
autres qui peuvent estre de la practique ca et la avec occasion
de quelque charge, pour ce que, quant ilz sont par ensemble,
ilz ont plus de moien de machiner et conjurer; que l'on en-
voiera la dite Elisabeth en ung chasteau qu'est au Nord, ap-
pelle d'Hombreck, pour y estre gardee ; que 1' Admiral, avec les
navires de vostre Majeste, ne passera le Canal et coste d'An
gleterre, ains gardera le royaulme contre 1 'enterprinse des
Francois, lesquels pour verite sont embarquez six enseignes de
Gascons a Rouen pour surprendre ITsle de Wych et Portsmue ;
et que, pour assurer le paissage de Calaix, l'Admiral laissera en
Douvres sept grosses navires et trois pinnasses ; que l'on fera
fin des prisonniers, soit par execution ou grace ; et que la dite
* Pomfret.

1554. COURTENAY TO BE KEPT IN TIIE TOWER. 397
" As to Courtenay, it is quite apparent to me
that the Chancellor and his party wish earnestly to
save him ; for, although his condemnation had been
determined on, still, after all, they have managed
to make the Queen change her opinion and confine
him to the Tower. From this resolution I expect
nothing less than new errors and new tumults ;
nothing in fact is settled here : if the information
I receive from day to day be true, there are dan
gerous and underhand practices amongst the no
bility; and I am confirmed in this opinion by the
communication which I have had with both parties.
All this I have imparted to the Queen and the
Chancellor. * * *
" The Cardinal Pole has sent his chamberlain
to the Queen to inform her of the little hope he
entertains of negotiating a peace, * and of your

dame ne partira jusques elle ait nouvelles de la venue de son
Altese. " Et quant k Cortenay, me suis toujours bien aperceu que
le Chancellier et ceulx de la ligue avoient envie de la saulfver,
car combien qu'il fut este coneiud qu'il seroit condamne, neant-
moins l'on a fait changer d'opinion la dite dame, et sera garde
en la Tour, dont je n'espere synon nouveau erreur et tumulte ;
et n'y a rien asseure par deca, ains, si les advis que je recois de
jour a autre sont veritables, il y a des dangereuses practiques
et mesnees entre les Sieurs, et m'en suis apperceu par plu
sieurs communications que j'aye eues avec l'un et I'autre,
comme je l'ay fait entendre a la Royne et Chancellier. * *
" Le Cardinal Polo a envoye son chambrier a la Royne, pour

* Between France and the Emperor.

398 DIVISIONS IN THE COUNCIL. 1554.
Majesty's desire that he should return to Rome.
To this he objects, and would rather proceed to
Louvain, where he might await the success of this
marriage. * * They have printed a book here
in praise of those noblemen who would not consent
to the act for the capital punishment of heretics. * *
" And thus, Sire,
" To the Emperor." " SlMON RENARD."
In the next letter, the Spanish Ambassadors pre
sents a striking picture of the disturbed state of the
country.
MONTMORENCY AND RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
25th May 1554. London.
* * * " The parties which divide the Council
are so many, and their disputes so public, they are
so banded the one against the other, that they for
get the service of the Queen to think of their pri-
luy faire entendre le peu d'espoir qu'il a k la paix, et que
vostre Majeste desiroit il retourna a Rome ; ce qu'il ne desiroit,
ains plustot aller a Louvain, actendant la le succes de ce
mariage. * * L'on a imprime ung livre en la louange de
Sieurs, qu'ilz n'ont consentez que peine de mort fut introduicte
contre les hereticques." * # *
" Simon Renard."
MONTMORENCY AND S. RENARD TO THE
EMPEROR.
Trans, from Orig. Brussels. 25 th May 1554.
* * "La partialite du dit Conseil est si tres grande, si
descouverte, et si bandez les ungs contre les autres, qu'ilz ou-
blient le service de la Royne pour penser a leurs vindications

1554. QUARRELS OF GARDINER AND PAGET. 399
vate passions and quarrels. Nothing is done but
what the Queen expressly orders : Paget, with the
heretics, is leagued against the Chancellor and the
Catholics ; the Queen has information that he and
his party are arming themselves, and, if they could
be beforehand, that they would make the Chancel
lor prisoner, who, with the knowledge of her Ma
jesty, is also arming with his adherents : Gardiner,
meanwhile, counsels the Queen to leave this city
with all speed, and to clap the Earl of Arundel and
Paget in the Tower, as they have private informa
tion that he is fortifying a castle of his near the sea
shore. They hear also that he is raising horse with
out the leave of the Queen ; and that, from day to
day, soldiers by four and five at a time come into
London, whilst Paget does all he can to estrange
several noblemen from their affection to the Queen.
" I learn, moreover, that strange words are ut
tered about the coming of the Alcalde^, and we
et passions particulieres ; tellement que l'on ne fait rien, si la
dite dame neles commando expressement. Paget avec les here
ticques contre le Chancellier et catholicques ; aianf advis la
dite dame que le dit Paget et ceulx de sa partie s'arment, et
que, si ilz peuvent prevenir, ilz prendont prisonnier le dit
Chancellier, qui avec ses adherens, par le sceu de la dite
dame, la conseillant de partir le plustot qu'il pourra de ceste
ville, et de mectre en la Tour le Conte d'Arondel et Paget,
pour ce l'on entend que le dit Conte fortiffie ung chasteau qu'il
a aupres de la marine, et fait plusieurs gens de chevals, sans le
conge de la dite dame ; et que de jour a I'autre il y vient plu
sieurs souldars en ce lieu de Londres par quatre et cinq, et
que Paget practique plusieurs gentilshommes pour les divertir

400 A REVOLT AGAINST MARY EXPECTED. 1554.
have information by our spies, that a great revolt
is brewing ; so that, Sire, it is impossible that these
parties can be appeased without great trouble ; and,
if such is the case, it is better that we should have
it before the coming of his Highness than after.
" The inconstancy of the people here is incre
dible, and equally so their power of inspiring con
fidence when they wish to deceive you. It is the
subject of religion debated in the last parliament
which is the cause of these troubles ; and the
Queen is reduced to such a state of perplexity that
she knows not what advice to adopt, understanding
well that all is done in favour of the Lady Eliza
beth. They have removed Courtenay from the
Tower, and taken him to a castle in the north.
Your Majesty may well believe in what danger the
Queen is so long as both are alive ; and when Paget,

de l'affection de la dite dame. Oultre j'entens que l'on dit
choses etranges contre la venue de 1' Alcalde, et a l'on advis par
particuliers espies qu'il se brasse une grande revoke, tellement,
Sire, que ceste partialite ne se peult appaiser sans grand trou
ble ; et, si ainsi est, il est plus expedient qu'il se soit avant la
venue de son Altese que apres ; et n'est croyable l'inconstance
de ceulx par deca, ny la confidence qu'ilz donnent quand ilz
veullent tromper.
" Le point de la religion qui fut debattu au dernier parle
ment est cause de ce trouble ; et est la dite dame si perplex
qu'elle ne scait quelle conseil prendre, car elle entend bien
que le tout se fait en faveur de Madame Elisabeth. L'on a
distrait Cortenay hors de la Tour, et mesne en une chasteau de
Noirt ; et, vivant les deux, vostre Majeste peult entendre le
danger ou est la dite dame ; et que Paget, en cuy elle se con-

1554. LETTERS FROM SPAIN. 401
in whom she has so much confided, has so far for
got himself, and proceeded to such an extreme, that,
to revenge himself of the Chancellor, he professes
himself a heretic, and neglects the service of her
Highness. " Yesterday they had letters from the ambassa
dors of the Queen who have been sent to Spain,
intimating that they had disembarked at Corunna.
Here they were received by the Bishop of Betanze
and the Governor of Corunna, who conducted them
to the said Betanze, where they were met by the
Alcalde" of Galicia and Raymond de Taxis, whom
his Highness sent to bid them wait for his arrival
there. This the Prince expected would be about
the end of this month. He was then, he said, set
ting out by post to bid adieu to the Queen of Spain
his grandmother ; and to meet on the way, that he
might save time, the Princess Dowager of Portu-

fiee, se soit tant oblye et desmesuree, que, pour se vanger du
Chancellier, il face profession d'heresie, et neglige le service
de la dite dame.
" L'on receu hier lettres des ambassadeurs de la dite dame
qui sont allez en Espagne, par lesquelles l'on entend qu'ilz des-
embarcarent a la Corunna, ou ilz furent receuz par l'Evesque
de Velence et la Capitaine de la Coronna, et conduictz au dit
Velence, ou survint 1' Alcalde de Galice, et Remondo de Taxis
que son Altese envoya devers eulx pour les contremander a ce
qu'ilz attendent celle part sa venue, que debvroit estre a la fin
de ce mois ; et qu'il se partoit par la poste pour aller prendre
conge de la Royne d'Espaigne, Madame sa grande mere, et
pour rencontrer de chemin la Princesse Douaigiere de Portugal,
VOL. II. 2 O

402 PREPARATIONS FOR PHILIP. 1554.

1, his sister, to commit to her the administra
tion of affairs in Spain.
" The same letters speak of their honourable
reception ; and the English who came over with
the Count D'Egmont, have written from Valla
dolid, the 13th of this month, an account of
their kind reception by his Highness, especially
of the banquets given them : they mention, also,
that the Marquis de Las Naves is at Laredo,
from whence he means to sail to England with
four ships to visit the Queen, and give orders
for the disembarkation of his Highness. All here
are happy to have received news from Spain, by
which they may regulate their own preparations ;
and we hear besides that their honours the Duke
of Alva, Gotieres Lopez, Don Diego D'Azaviedo, a
nobleman named Benavides, and one of the House
of Corunna, bring their wives with them.
Madame sa seur, pour gaigner le temps, et luy recommander
l'administration des affaires d'Espaigne ; et qu'ilz sont este fort
honorablement recueilliz. Aussi y a il lettres de Valladolid du
xiie du present, par lesquelles les Anglois qui passarent avec le
Sieur d'Egmont tesmoignent le bon accueil que son Altese leur
a fait, particularizant les banquetz que leur sont este faiz ; et
que le Marquis de las Naves est a. Larede pour passer devers
la dite dame, avec quatre navires, pour la visiter, et donner
ordre pour le desembarquement de son Altese ; et sont este
joyeulx ceulx de pardeca d'avoir nouvelles d'Espaigne pour se
riegler selon icelles ; et escript l'on que les Sieurs Due d'Alva
Gotieres Lopez, Don Diego d'Azaviedo, ung nomme Benairdes,
et ung de la maison de la Coronna, ameinent leurs femmes avec
eulx.

1554. THE DUKE OF SAVOY. 403
" The Sieur de Courieres and the Alcalde set
out on Monday for Southampton, and they have
drawn up the commission of the Alcald6, ,as your
Majesty will see by the copy here inclosed, about
which there has been a great dispute : most of the
Council did not wish it to be translated into Latin
as well as English ; and, unless the Chancellor had
taken this trouble himself, the Secretary would not
have sent it. * * *
" The Venetian ambassador of the House of
Michaeli has arrived here ; and the old ambas
sador sets out on his return in eight days hence,
meaning to take his route by France, although he
had proposed to pass by Germany.
" The Duke of Savoy has written letters to the
Queen, in which he tells her that he will open him
self more fully when they meet. He has written
also to Paget. I have been considering whether
" Les Sieurs de Courrieres et Alcalde partiront Lundy pour
Hampton ; et a l'on riegler la commission du dit Alcalde selon
que vostre Majeste verra par la copie cy-joincte ; pour I'expedi-
cion de laquelle il y a eu grande dispute, pour ce que la plus-
part de ceulx du Conseil ne vouloient qu'on la meet en Latin
ains en Anglois, et, sans que le Chancellier print ceste peine
le Secretaire ne l'eust depeschee. * *
" L'ambassadeur de Venize de la maison de Michaeli est
arrive en ce lieu ; et doit partir le vieux ambassadeur deans
huict jours pour son retour, doigeant prendre son chemin par
France, combien il eust propose passer en AUemaigne.
" Le Due de Savoye a escript lettres a la Royne, par les
quelles il dit qu'il luy dira le surplus de bouche ; et a escript
lettres a Paget ; et ay pense, s'il y auroit quelque practique sur
2 t) 2

404 THE QUEEN AT RICHMOND. 1554.
there might not be some practice in hand which
Mason has been brewing. We submit ourselves on
this point to what your Majesty may be able to
discover and more fully to understand.
" And thus, Sire, we pray God to give your
Majesty the accomplishment of your high and noble
wishes. " From London, the 25th May 1554.
" J. De Montmorency.
" Simon Renard."
" To the Emperor."
The next letter of the Spanish ambassadors
is dated from Richmond. After informing the Em
peror that Mary had come there last Tuesday, ac
companied by the Earl of Arundel, Paget, Secre
tary Petre, the Comptroller, the Chamberlain
and Vice Chamberlain, they proceed in the follow
ing passage to mention some interesting particulars
regarding Paget and Courtenay.

main, que Masson est brassee, nous remectant a, ce que vostre
Majeste en peult discourir et mieulx comprendre.
" A tant, Sire, nous prions le Createur de donner a vostre
Majeste l'accomplissement de ses treshautz et tres nobles de-
sirs. De Londres, ce xxv de May 1554.
" De vostre Majeste, &c.
" J. de Montmorency.
" A l'Empepeur." « Simon Renard."

1554. COURTENAY'S CONFESSIONS. 405
MONTMORENCY AND RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
4th June 1554. Richmond.
* * * " Paget is always preaching on his
wrongs, yet he says he would sacrifice both life and
estate for the service of your Majesty and his High
ness ; and Courtenay has confessed to one named
(Sellier), who conducted him to the castle where
he now is, that Paget has importunately pressed
him to marry the Lady Elizabeth ; adding, that
if he did not listen to this, the son of the Earl
of Arundel would marry her; that Hoby and
Morison, instigated by Paget, have practised with
him touching the same marriage ; and that the
Chancellor had been displeased, because in his
absence they had recommended the same Hoby
to your Majesty, although he is one of the

MONTMORENCY AND RENARD TO THE EM
PEROR.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels. 4 th June 1554.
" Paiget presche toujours ses resentemens, et neantmoins il
dit vouloir faire sacrifice de corps et biens pour la service de
vostre Majeste et de son Altese ; et s'est decouvert Cortenay a
ung nomme Sellier, qui le conduisoit au chasteau ou il est,
que Paiget l'a importunement sollicite pour se marier avec
Madame Elisabeth, luy disant que, s'il n'y entendoit, le filz du
Conte d'Arondel l'epouseroit ; et que Oby et Morison, par in
stigation du dit Paiget, ont practique devers luy le dit mariage.
Et a este deplaisant le Chancellier de ce que en son absence
l'on a recommande le dit Oby a vostre Majeste, pour estre le

406 CHEEK AND MORISON. 1554.
most obstinate and worst heretics among her
Highness' subjects, and who they suspect, when he
is away from this country, will continue all his bad
offices, as there is a shrewd guess Cheek and Morison
have done. It is to them that report gives the en
closed ballad against his Highness and the Queen.*
It was found thrown about in the streets, and is said
to be the most scandalous and seditious piece yet
seen ; the Council were of opinion that it ought
to be sent to your Majesty, in case it may be pos
sible in Germany, where Cheek and Morison have
gone, to recognise the hand-writing.
" The day before the Queen left London, the
French ambassador requested an audience, having no
other purpose than to discover whether she was well
or ill disposed to him. When he spoke of the King

plus obstine heretique et plus maulvais suject de la dite dame,
et duquel l'on prend grande suspition qu'il doige continuer tous
maulvais offices quant il sera pardela, comme Ton suspitionne
avoir este fait par Shich et Morison, que l'on presume avoir
compose et fait imprimer la balade cy inseree contre son
Alteze et la dite dame, qu'a este treuvee par les rues, qu'est ung
dicte le plus scandaleuz et seditieux qui soit este veu; et a este
d'advis le dit Conseil que la deussions envoyer a vostre Majeste,
pour scavoir si les caracteres pourroient estre cogneuz es
lieux de la Germanie ou les dits Shich et Morison sont
passez, " Le jour devant que la dite dame partit de Londres, l'am-
bassadeur de la France demanda audience, sans occasion, sinon
pour voir si elle estoit bien disposee ou non ; et comme il parlit

Unfortunately this satirical balkd is not to be found.

1554. NOAILLE'S VIOLENCE. 407
his master's anxiety for the continuance ofthe peace,
and lamented that her Majesty had not shown a
similar desire, the Queen replied drily, that the
King and his ministers had shown by their past con
duct little inclination for peace, and that, for all the
kingdoms in the world, she would not have on her
conscience the weight of what his master had done.
This speech the ambassador took in such ill part,
and flew into such a rage, that the Chancellor
was forced to tell him his office was not to make
trouble ; and that, if the King knew his manner of
comporting himself, he would not suffer it. In con
sequence of this he has written to the King of
France, requesting his revocation ; and has sent the
enclosed note to the Lieutenant D'Aumont, asking
a safe-conduct on his return, regarding which your
Majesty will be pleased to let us know your plea
sure. There is the greatest probability that this

que le Roy son maistre desiroit continuer la paix, quoy l'on
ne correspondoit de la part de la dite dame, elle luy respon
doit seichement, que le Roy et ses ministres, par le passe,
avoient tesmoigne peu d' affection et inclination a la paix, et
qu'elle ne vouldroit avoir fait les actions dont elle s'est apper-
cue pour tous les royaulmes du monde, pour le bien de sa
conscience ; ce que l'ambassadeur print de si malvaise part,
et se mit en telle colere, qu'il forcea, par apres, le Chancellier
a luy dire ses offices ne tendre sinon a trouble, et que, si le
Roy entendoit ses facons de faire, il ne le comporteroit ; dont
il a adverty le Roy pour estre revocque, ayant envoye le billet
cy-joinct au Lieutenant Daumont, pour impetrer en sa faveur
ung saulfconduict pour son passaige et retour, sur lequel il
plaira a vostre Majeste ordonner son bon plaisir; et y a grande

408 WAR WITH FRANCE LIKELY. 1554.
kingdom will go to war with France for the causes
of quarrel which have been afforded by the King
and his ministers. * * *
" Paget has informed the Lieutenant that the
ships of England and Spain have chased some
French ships into the ports of Normandy. * * *
" Richmond, 4th June 1554.
" And thus, Sire, &c.
" De Montmorency.
" Simon Renard."
" To the Emperor."
BEDFORD AND FITZWATERS TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. St. Jago. June 5th, 1554.
" After our very hearty commendations unto
your good Lordships. The same shall understand
that, since our last letters writ unto your Lordships,
we have received one other letter from the Prince^
whereof we send a copy unto your Lordships here
inclosed. The Marquis of Sara, who brought the
letter, arrived at Betanze, where we then lay, the
20th of May ; and the occasion why he was so long
in his journey thither, was by reason of a fall of his

apparence que ce royaulme entrera en guerre avec les dits
Francois pour les occasions qu'en a donne le Roy et ses minis-
tres. * * *
" Paiget a dit au dit Lieutenant que les navires d'Angleterre
et celles de vostre Majeste ont donne la chasse a aucuns
navires de France jusques aux ports de Normandie.
" A tant, Sire, &c.
" De Montmorenct.
" A l'Empereur." « Simon Renard."

1554. THE MARQUIS OF SARA. 409
horse, whereby he hurt his leg. But, at our being
there, he entertained us very honourably, and made
us great cheer. And, to show us more pleasure,
he requested us to go unto a house of his near
Betanze, where he feasted and banqueted us, and
showed us all the pastimes he could, as well in
hunting as otherwise. He is a man of great pos
sessions in these parts of Gallicia, and had in much
estimation. He cometh over with the Prince into
England, and from thence he shall go in embassage
unto Rome from the Emperor.
" Your Lordships shall further be advertised that
the 30th of May we came hither unto St. James',
where, God willing, we intend to remain until the
coming of the Prince, which shall be, as we can
gather by conjecture of those advertisements we
hear, about the 15th of this instant; for he took
leave of his sister and departed from Salamanca the
28th day of this last month, and went from thence
unto a house of the Duke of Alva called La Abba-
thia, and so unto Samora, at which two places the
Prince is feasted and banqueted by the Duke of
Alva, and remaineth there until the 6th day of
this instant ; and that day he meaneth to arrive at
Beneventa, where it is thought he will remain for
a time, considering there is great preparation made
by the Count of the same to feast him, and to show
him sundry pleasures and pastimes.
" From Bonaventura the Prince departeth to As-
turgo, being distant ten leagues, where it is thought
he will tarry but one night. From hence unto Pon-

410 PHILIP'S PROGRESS TO ENGLAND. 1554.
teferado, being distant fifteen leagues, where his
household tarrieth his coming. Frora thence unto
Villa Franca, being distant five leagues, where he
intends to lie one day, and to be feasted of the Mar
quis of the same. And from Villa Franca unto St.
James', being distant forty leagues, with all the
speed he can conveniently make, where he stayeth
about two days. And so to the Groyne, being dis
tant from St. James' ten leagues, where he will stay
only for a good wind ; and, as soon as that serveth,
he will take his voyage towards England.
" Your Lordships shall understand farther, that all
the Prince's ships that were looked for out of Anda
lusia are already at the Groyne and thereabouts ; and
also the greatest number of those that should come
out of Biscay ; so that there is here ready for the
Prince, whenever he shall arrive, one hundred sail
of tall ships, well furnished with men and ordnance.
Your Lordships shall receive herein inclosed a
schedule of the names of certain of the noblemen
of Spain, which we are informed shall come with
the Prince into England; and, besides these, we
understand there shall a great number come, which
be men of name and of good houses.
" And herewith we bid your Lordships most hear
tily farewell. " Your Lordships' assured,
" J. Bedford. T. Fitzwauters."
" Postscripta. — Your Lordships understand that
we are informed the Prince is wont to be very sick

1554. DEBATES IN COUNCIL. 411
upon the sea, and these seas that he shall pass into
England are much worse than the Levant seas
where he hath been heretofore. Wherefore, doubt
ing lest he and his nobility will be desirous to land
at the next land they can come to in England, (as
all men being in their cases will covet and desire
the same,) your Lordships shall do very well to take
order that some preparation be made at Plymouth,
and so along the sea-coast for him, if peradventure
he should land. Nevertheless, we will do all that
lyeth in us to bring him to Southampton, where all
things are prepared for him."
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
7th June 1554. Richmond.
* * * " Sire. — The Council are debating
whether the Queen's name shall stand before that
of his Highness, in their public acts ; and, the mo
ment I knew this, I told the Chancellor that
neither divine nor human law, nor honour nor
good faith, would suffer his Highness to be named
last, if the treaty of marriage and the acts of par-

SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels. 7 th June 1554.
" SiRE.~Le dit Conseil est en dispute si l'on nommera la Royne
devant son Altese es depesches du royaulme ; quoy entendant,
j'ay dit au Chancellier que ny la loix divine ny I'humaine, ny
la reputation et honestete consent que l'on nomme son Alteze
le dernier ; attendu mesme que les traictez et actes du parle-

412 HOBY SUSPECTED. 1554.
liament gave him the title of King of England.
What they may determine is still uncertain.
" On Tuesday, one of Count D'Egmont's ser
vants arrived at Southampton from , Spain, to
prepare apartments for his master. * * I am
told that Hoby has left this country to practise
with the Duke of Savoy, and that Morison is
intriguing in Germany in the house of the Count
Palatine. It will please your Majesty to cause
them to be looked to ; and especially as it is
found that Hoby gave his consent to this last re
bellion. And thus, Sire, &c. Richmond, 7th
June 1554.
" Simon Renard."
" To the Emperor."

ment attribuent tiltre de Roy d'Angleterre a son dit Alteze.
Je ne scay encoires ce qu'ilz y resouldront. Mardy l'un des
serviteurs du Sieur d'Egmont arriva a, Hampton, venant d'Es
paigne pour prendre logis pour son maistre. * * * J'entend
que Oby est alle par dela pour practiquer avec le Due de
Savoye, et que Morison practique en AUemaigne en la mai
son de Conte Palatin ; et, pour ce, il plaira a vostre Majest6
faire prendre garde sur eulx, et ce treuve que le dit Oby a este
consentant de la rebellion derniere. " A tant, Sire, &c.
" Simon Renard."
" A l'Empereur."

1554. THE LORD ADMIRAL AND CHAPELLE. 413
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
9th June 1554. Richmond.
" Sire. — The Count de la Chapelle has written
me the enclosed letters, by which your Majesty
will perceive that the ships of the fleet are only
victualled for fifteen days. * * The gentleman
who brought the letters tells me that the Count
Chapelle begins to suspect the English Admiral of
privately treating with the French, or of some ill
intentions against his Highness ; because, without
communicating with him, he despatched a vessel
into France or Spain. He has communicated also
with Killigrew, one of the governors of the forts at
Falmouth, whose sons are in France.
" Besides this, he tells me when [his] the Count
Chapelle's soldiers landed, the Admiral's soldiers
SIMON RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels. 9th June 1554.
" Sire  Le Sr de la Chapelle m'a escript les lettres cy-
joinctes, par lesquelles vostre Majeste cognoistra les navires de
sa flotte n'estre envitaillez synon pour quinze jours. * * *
Le gentilhomme qui apporta les lettres me dit que le Sieur de
la Chapelle entroit en suspition contre 1' Admiral d'Angle
terre qui traicta avec les Francois, ou qu'il eust maulvaise in-
tencion contre son Alteze, pour ce qu'il a despeche ung navire
en France ou Espagne a son insceu ; qu'il a communique avec
Fung des capitaines  des chasteaux de Fallamue, nomme
Guillegreuy QKilligrew], les filz duquel sont en France; que
les souldars du dit Admiral, quant les souldars du dit Sieur de
la Chapelle sont descenduz en terre, les ont provoque a debatz,

414 THE LADY ELIZABETH. 1554.
tried to fix a quarrel on them, thrusting and pushing
them, that the Admiral himself holds the Count
Chapelle very cheap ; that they have not met, nor
had any communication, except by messages, for a
month; and that the English Admiral calls the
ships of your Majesty's fleet muscle-shells, with many
other particulars ; to avoid occasions of quarrel, the
Count Chapelle has not come into port, but re
mains still with his sails up, and has forbid his men
to set foot on shore. * * The Queen sets out
towards Southampton on Wednesday, arid trusts that
his Highness will experience no inconvenience in
his arrival there ; yet, since there are several per
sons to whom this allianee is most unpalatable, I
shall do my best to search out whatever practices
may be in hand, and to provide a remedy.
" There has been a deliberation regarding send
ing the Lady Elizabeth to the court of the Queen

les cerrans et poulsans ; que le dit Admiral ne fait grand
compte du dit Sieur de la Chapelle; qu'ilz ne se sont entre-
veuz ny parlez puys ung moys, synon par messaiges ; qu'il ap-
pelle les navires de la flotte de vostre Majeste coquilles de
moules, et plusieurs semblables particularitez ; que, pour fuyr
toute occasions, le dit Sieur de la Chapelle n'a prins port, ains
demeure toujours a. voilles, et a defendu a ses souldars de mec-
tre pied a, terre. * * *
" La dite dame partira Mercredi pour approcher Hampton,
et confye que la venue de son Altese sera sans inconveniens,
combien qu'il y a plusieurs particuliers qu'ilz ne peuvent gouster
ceste alliance ; je feray le mieulx qu'il me sera possible pour.
enfoncer les practiques que l'on pourroit tenir, et d'y remedier
en tout debvoir. L'on a mis en deliberation l'envoie de

1554. MARQUIS DE LA NAVES. 415
of Hungary, if she will receive her ; but as yet no
certain resolution is taken. * * *
"Richmond, 9th June 1554.
" And thus, Sire, &c.
" Simon Renard."
" To the Emperor."
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
14th June 1554. Richmond.
"Sire. — On Saturday last the Marquis de las
Naves disembarked at Plymouth, where he was ho
nourably received by the Bishop of Lincoln and
other noblemen, besides the Admiral, who gave
him a salute, which lasted a long time. Having
been much fatigued by his voyage, he has written
me that he will repose himself for two or three
days, and then proceed to meet the Queen and
fulfil his commission.

Madame Elisabeth en court de la Royne d'Hungrie, si luy
plaisoit l'accepter ; mais Ton n'a encoires prins resolution. * * *
" A tant, Sire, &c.
" A l'Empereur." " Simon Renard."
SIMON RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
Trans, from Orig. at Brussels. 14th June 1554.
" Sire. — Samedy dernier le Marquis de las Naves desem-
barqua au port de Plemoue, ou il fut receu honorablement par
I'Evesque de Lincolnshie et plusieurs gentilzhommes ; ou assista
l'Admiral d'Angleterre, qui fit faire une salve d'artillerie qui
dura longuement : et pour avoir este tant travaille de la mer,
il m'a escript qu'il repousera deux ou trois jours; puis se mectra

416 A NEW PLOT SUSPECTED. 1554
" By the advices which I have received, the Prince
cannot be here before the end of this month. * *
His Highness understands that your Majesty has
given him permission to accept the Order of the
Garter, which the Queen and the Knights have
determined to give him. The Queen has had a
Collar made, which cost seven or eight thousand
crowns, besides several rich dresses for his High
ness ; but, except this, I see no great prepa
rations by the nobility, or by the people, for his
reception. Indeed, there are not a few who suspect
that there is a plot or conspiracy on hand, the great
object of which is to marry the Lady Elizabeth
to the son of the Earl of Arundel, and of which
Arundel, Pembroke, and Paget are the chiefs ; but
neither the Chancellor nor other of the Council
take much heed of this.

en chemin pour venir trouver la Royne, et complir ce qu'il a
de charge ; et, par les advis que j'ay, son Alteze ne peult estre
pardeca avant la fin de ce mois. * * * Son Alteze entend
que vostre Majeste luy doige donner licence pour accepter
l'ordre de la Jaretiere, que la Royne et les Chevaliers nt
concludz luy donner ; et en a fait faire une la Royne, qu'est
estimee sept ou huict mil escuz; et joinctement fait faire plu
sieurs riches habillemens pour son Altese ; et, hormis l'apprest
qu'elle fait, je ne vois grand apprest de la noblesse, ny du peu
ple, pour sa reception: dont plusieurs presument qu'il y ait
conjuration et conspiration, de laquelle les Conte d'Arondel,
Pembroch, et Paget sont chiefz, a quoy le Chancellier ny au
tre de Conseil ne donnent grand ordre ; et tient l'on que le
tout se fait pour marier le filz aisne du dit Conte d'Arondel
avec Madame Elisabeth.

i554>' THE EARL OF DERBY. 417
" The Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London
have called together the different nations here, to
know what was their design as to getting up some
pageants to welcome his Highness. I understand
the Venetians, Florentines, and Spaniards replied
that they had no such intention; nor do I see any
preparations for jousts or tourneys by the noblemen.
Their excuse is, that they have no money ; and the
Earl of Derby has been so much wrought upon,
that he seems in a fume of discontent, and com
pletely alienated from the service of the Queen.
" No one would believe the inventions sought
out by the factious to stir up the people to
tumult. A Venetian mariner, named Escrivain,
has given out that he had seen three hundred
French sail at sea ; others have reported that, the
moment his Highness arrives, the Scots will de
clare war against England ; others, that his High-
" Les Maire et Odremans de la ville de Londres ont assem
ble les nations qui sont en ce lieu pour scavoir s'ilz estoient
d'intention de faire quelque nouvellete pour la venue de son
Alteze, a quoy les Venetiens, Florentins, et Espaignolz ont re-
spondu n'avoir intention de faire aucuns fraiz ; et ne voit l'on
que les gentilzhommes dressent tournois ny joustes, s'excusans
qu'ilz n'ont de quoy; et a l'on tant practique le Conte de Dar-i
by, que je le vois quasi esbranle et aliene du service de la
Royne, et n'est croiable l'invention dont usent les partiaulx pour
esmovoir le peuple a. tumulte. Ung marinier Venetien, que
l'on appelle l'Escrivain, a publie avoir veu trois cens voiles
Francoises en mer ; autres ont seme que, incontinent que son
Altese seroit arrivee, les Escossois feroient guerre au royaulme
d'Angleterre ; les autres que son Altese venoit pour occuper
VOL. II. 2 E

418 paget's intrigues. 1554.
ness is coming to seize the kingdom with an army
which he brings with him. On Sunday last a
musket was discharged at a Catholic preacher in
the middle of his sermon, and when nearly four
thousand people were round him. It is not yet
discovered who fired it. The French talk confi
dently of the high spirits of their army in Italy and
France, and boast that your Majesty will have
enough to do to make head against them.
" I am much displeased to see Paget so com
pletely diverted from the straight road, and so for
getful of his duty to the Queen. He goes on from
worse to worse. We hear that within these few
days he has sold land to the value of a hundred
pounds ; so that if his enterprise fails, and he is
himself arrested, this hundred pounds may be saved
from confiscation and distress ; and there is certain
information that he intrigues with Mason, who

le royaulme, avec gens de guerre qu'il amene avec luy. L'on
tira, Dimanche passe, un coup d'arquebouse contre un predi
cant Catholique, estant au milieu de sa predication, a laquelle
assistoient plus de quatre mille personnes, et n'a l'on sceu qui
avoit tire le dit coup. Et les Francois font entendre que les
forces du Roy sont gaillardes en Italie, et en France, et que
vostre Majeste aura a. faire a les soubstenir.
" 11 me deplait de veoir Paget desvoye du droit chemin, et
qu'il se soit tant oblye a. 1'endroit de la Royne, et qu'il continue
de pis en pis ; car Ton entend que, ces jours passez, il a fainct
de vendre cent livres de terre, ann que si son entreprinse ne
reuscit, ou qu'il soit arreste, les cent livres soient saulfves de
la confiscation et distraictes ; et a l'on certain advis qu'il tient
practique avec Masson lequel luy escript souvent et particuli-

1554. THE LADY ELIZABETH. 41Q
writes to him frequently and very particularly. If
your Majesty would wish to have this confirmed, it
may be easily done, as he entrusts his letters to the
couriers who come from these parts, as well those
from the court as from Antwerp. To come to a
clear discovery of this would be highly advanta
geous to the affairs of the Queen.
" It is reported that the ambassador of Ferrara
is come with a commission from his master to see
whether he cannot bring about a marriage between
his eldest son and the Lady Elizabeth.
" London, 14th June 1554.
" And thus, Sire, &c.
" To the Emperor." « SlMON RENARD."
SIMON RENARD TO THE EMPEROR.
15th June 1554.
* * * " The Queen will set out to-morrow and
await the coming of the Marquis of las Naves at

erement; et s'il plaisoit a vostre Majeste avoir confirmation, elle
la pourroit aisement avoir, pour ce qu'il quiert ses lettres aux
courriers qui viennent par dec^a, tant de la court que d'Anvers,
que seroit esclairer chose grandement prouffitable a. I'estat de
la dite dame. L'on entend que 1'ambassadeur de Ferrare,
qu'est venu parde9a, a charge du Sieur Due son maistre pour
assentir si l'on pourroit dresser le mariage.de son filz .aisne ^.vec
Madame Elisabeth. " A itant, &c. S. Renard."
SIMON RENARD A L'EMPEREUR.
15th June 1554.
* * * " Sire. — La Royne se partira demain et attendra le '
Marquis de las Naves a Guilfort. L'ambassadeur de France a
2 E 2

420 PHILIP EXPECTED. 1554.
Guildford. The French ambassador has sent word
to the Chancellor that he has information that his
Highness will be here at the end of the month.
" I have sent to the Count de Courrieres three
thousand ducats, besides the thousand crowns of
the sun, which I have already disbursed to the
Count de Chapelle.
" The Council here have determined that his
Highness' name shall stand first in all the des
patches from this kingdom, and that the seals shall
bear on them the arms of both kingdoms, f * * *
" Richmond, 15th June, 1554.
" And thus, Sire, &c.
" To the Emperor." « SlMON RENARD."
These letters of Renard tell their own story,
and follow each other at such brief intervals that
any comment is unnecessary. If I do not over
rate them, they add many new and important facts
to the history of this period, on which Noailles'

fait dire au Chancellier qu'il a nouvelles que son Altese sera a
la fin de ce mois en ce royaulme, J'ay envoye au Sieur de
Courrieres trois mil ducatz, oultre les mil escuz au soleil que
j'ay desja fumy pour le Sieur de la Chapelle.
" Le Conseil a resolu que son Altese sera prenomme en tous
depesches qui se feront en ce royaulme, et que les seelz se
ront armoyez des deux. " A tant, Sire, Ac.
" Simon Renard."
" A l'Empereur."
¦*• " Les seelz seront armoyez des deux.'

1554. RENARD AND NOAILLES. 421
despatches have hitherto been the great authority ;
a slight glance at them will convince the critical rea
der how differently the same facts appear in Noailles'
pages and in Renard's narrative. Both ambassadors
undoubtedly had their bias, the one for, the other
against, Mary ; and, between the two, we are likely
to arrive at something like the truth. As to one
point, Elizabeth's connection with Wyatt's plot, I
confess, Renard's letters leave on my mind little
doubt of her knowledge of the designs of the conspi
rators in her favour. That she in any way directly
encouraged them there is no direct proof ; and, if
Wyatt wrote to her, and the Lord Russell delivered
his letter, she could not help it. It may be said, con
cealment was equivalent to indirect encouragement ;
but we can imagine her shrinking from becoming
an informer, and yet disapproving of the enterprise.
As to Mary, Renard's picture of the state of the
country goes far to justify her measures. The in
trigues of France, the danger on the side of Scot
land, the boldness of the Protestants, the hatred of
Spain, the terrors of the Roman Catholics, and the
anxiety with which all who meditated a change in
the government looked to Elizabeth as their princi
pal hope and comfort, rendered it absolutely neces
sary that she should watch her narrowly and have
her near her. And here I must say a word on Fox's
celebrated narrative of Elizabeth's sufferings.
Mary has been attacked, with severity by most of
the Protestant historians for her conduct in impri-

FOX'S NARRATIVE. 1554.
sorting Elizabeth at the time of Wyatt's rebellion.
Their opinion, as far as I can trace it, appears to
be fourided on a narrative in Fox,* which has been
copied by all succeeding writers from Strype to
Mr. Turner; and on the letters of Noailles, the
French ambassador. Where Fox got the particu
lars Of this story, he himself does not inform us ;
but it is highly coloured : some facts are stated
in it which are completely disproved by the best
evidence ; and it is important to notice, that on
these facts the charges of the undue severity and
cruelty of Mary towards Elizabeth are mainly
founded. He affirms, for example, that on the day after
Wyatt's rising, (that is, the 26th of January, for he
rose on the 25th,) Mary sent three of her Council,
Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Edward Hastings, and
Sir Thomas Cornwaleys to Ashridge with a troop
of horse, to bring the Lady Elizabeth to court,
" quick or dead." These knights, he tells us, ar
rived there late at night, and insisted at that
unseasonable hour on seeing the Lady Elizabeth,
who was then very ill in bed. Some delay having
taken place, they refused to wait ; burst rudely
into her bedchamber, informed her that she must
away with them to court, and next morning, by ten
of the clock, carried her off, amid the tears and re
monstrances of her servants. Fox's narrative is
long and minute, but this is the sum of it ; and,
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 792.

1554. FOX'S ERRORS. 428
were it true, no one could acquit Mary of cruelty.
I proceed to show that, although copied by our
best historians, it is completely erroneous.
When Wyatt broke into open rebellion, and
when it was found, as we have seen, by the inter
cepted letters of Noailles, and, by the confessions
of some of the prisoners, that Elizabeth and Cour
tenay were the great cards to be played by the
conspirators against Mary and the Spanish match ;
that the Queen was to be dethroned, Elizabeth
crowned in her stead, and Courtenay to be married
to her ; that France and Scotland were involved in
the plot, and meditated a simultaneous invasion ; —
when all this came out, Mary, instead of instantly
sending, as Fox affirms, a body of horse to bring
her sister" to court, " quick or dead," acted with
kindness and forbearance. She addressed a letter
to her sister on the 26th January, in which she
alluded to the unnatural rebellion of Wyatt, to
the untrue rumours that had been spread through
the kingdom, to the insecurity in which Elizabeth
must remain if she continued at Ashridge, and she
concluded by bidding her make her repair with all
convenient speed to court, where she would be
safe and heartily welcome.* Who, considering the
circumstances in which she was then placed, can
blame Mary for taking such a precaution? and
what opinion are we to form of a writer so culpably
careless as to omit all mention of this letter,
* Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. part i. p. 127.

424 MESSAGE TO ELIZABETH. 1554.
and to substitute in its place an ideal commission
given to three ofthe Council to repair to Ashridge,
and bring Elizabeth to court, alive or dead ? *
To this letter of Mary, written on the 26th Ja
nuary, Elizabeth returned a verbal answer. She
was too ill, she said, to come at that time to
court, but she would repair thither as soon as she
could travel with safety; and she requested the
Queen's forbearance for a few days. Now it is
worthy of notice, that although, as we have seen
from the letters of the Spanish ambassador, every
day was bringing some new presumption that
Wyatt's rebellion had for its principal object to
raise Elizabeth to the throne, Mary's forbearance,
at this trying crisis, extended not only to a few
days, but to more than two weeks.f She wait
ed for her sister's coming, from January 26th to
February the 10th ; and it was not till Sir Thomas
Wyatt himself directly accused Elizabeth and
Courtenay of being accomplices in his conspiracy,
and cognizant of the rebellion, that the Queen, on
the 10th of February, despatched Lord William
Howard, Sir Edward Hastings, and Sir Thomas
Cornwaleys to bring her sister to court. And how
was it that she sent for her ? Was it with the bar-
* We have a still stronger proof of Fox's carelessness in the
fact, that he is not only contradicted by contemporary docu
ments, but contradicted by himself; for I have since found, that
the account given of the mission to Ashridge, in the body of his
work, is entirely different from that of the narrative, printed as
a kind of Appendix to the third volume.
f Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. part i. pp. 127, 128.

1554. MARY'S CARE FOR HER SISTER. 425
barous injunction, as Fox has expressed it, to bring
her thither " quick or dead ?" So far from it, that
the Queen ordered her own physicians, Dr Owen
and Dr. Wendy, to accompany these noblemen,
that they might see whether she was in a fit state
to be moved without danger ; and sent her own
litter for her to travel in.
Fox has given us no proofs upon which he founds
his statement, and I have already shown it to be
erroneous. I can support mine by the letter of
the nobleman and knights who were sent by Mary.
It is addressed from Ashridge to the Queen, and
fully explains the object of the mission, and the
judicious, nay, I may say the tender, manner,
in which it was executed. It appears that this
nobleman, with Sir Edward Hastings and Sir
Thomas Cornwaleys, arrived at Ashridge on the
10th of February, and requested to see the Lady
Elizabeth ; but so far from using haste, rudeness,
or abruptness, previous to the interview, they sent
the Queen's physicians to see the sick Princess,
and, having ascertained from their report that she
was able to travel without any danger to her per
son, they then delivered their message. (So at
least, I understand the letter.) Elizabeth declared
her readiness to obey, but expressed her fears that
her life would be in danger, if she ventured to travel
in her present weak state. This was the natural
apprehension of an invalid ; but the opinions of the
physicians, the advice of the Privy Councillors, and
" the persuasions of her own council and servants,"

426 LETTER FROM ASHRIDGE. 1554.
overcame her fear and reluctance, and she resolved
to remove from Ashridge to the court. Neither
was there any undue hurry. The Councillors ar
rived on the 10th, they remained all the 11th at
Ashridge, and on the 12th, Elizabeth set out, travel
ling by slow journeys in the Queen's litter.* But it
is time to give this important letter.
THE LORD ADMIRAL, SIR EDWARD HASTINGS,
AND SIR THOMAS CORNWALEYS, TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 11th Feb. 1553-4.
" In our humble wise. It may please your High
ness to be advertised, that yesterday, immediately
upon our arrival at Ashridge, we required to have
access unto my Lady Elizabeth's Grace ; which ob
tained, we delivered unto her your Highness' let
ter ; and I, the Lord Admiral, declared the effect of
your Highness' pleasure, according to the cre
dence given to us, being before advertised of
her estate by your Highness' physicians, by whom
we did perceive the estate of her body to be
such that, without danger of her person, we might
well proceed to require her in your Majesty's name
(all excuses set apart) to repair to your Highness
with all convenient speed and diligence.
" Whereunto we found her Grace very willing and
conformable ; save only that she much feared her
weakness to be so great that she should not be
* See the Rev. S. R. Maitland's learned and convincing
papers on Fox's Martyrology in the British Magazine.

1554. ELIZABETH'S WEAK STATE. 427
able to travel and to endure the journey without
peril of life, and therefore desired some longer
respite until she had better recovered her strength ;
but in conclusion, upon the persuasion as well of us
as of her own council and servants, whom, we as
sure your Highness, we have found very ready and
forward to the accomplishment of your Highness'
pleasure in this behalf, she is resolved to remove
her hence to-morrow towards your Highness, with
such journeys as, by a paper herein inclosed, your
Highness shall perceive ; further declaring to your
Highness that her Grace much desireth, if it might
stand with your Highness' pleasure, that she may
have a lodging, at her coming to the court, some
what further from the water than she had at her
last being there ; which your physicians, consider
ing the state of her body, thinketh very meet, who
have travailed very earnestly with her Grace, both
before our coming and after, in this matter.
" And, after her first day's journey, one of us
shall await upon your Highness to declare more at
large the whole estate of our proceedings here.
And, even so, we shall most humbly beseech Christ
long to preserve your Highness in honour, health,
and the contentation of your godly heart's desire.
" From Ashridge, the 11th of February, at four
ofthe clock in the afternoon.
" Your Highness' most humble and bounden
servants and subjects,
" W. Howard. Edward Hastings.
" T. CORNWALEYS.

428 ELIZABETH'S PROGRESS. 1554.
ENCLOSURE.
Orig. St. P. Off.
" The order of my Lady Elizabeth's Grace voy
age to the court.
" Monday. — Imprimis, to Mr. Cooke's, vi miles.
" Tuesday. — Item, to Mr. Pope's, viii miles.
" Wednesday. — To Mr. Stamford's, vii miles.
" Thursday. — To Highgate, Mr. Cholmeley's
house, vii miles.
" Friday. — To Westminster, v miles."
Such is the account given of this celebrated mis
sion to Ashridge, by Lord William Howard, the
principal nobleman to whom it was entrusted. It
is a simple unvarnished letter from an honourable
English nobleman, and, as far as I can judge, car
ries truth upon every word of it.* It is unnecessary
to add, that it totally demolishes the inflated narra
tive of Fox, which, unfortunately, has without any
examination been believed, copied, and argued on,
by every Protestant writer from the days of Eliza
beth till those of her amiable female biographer,
who, if she has erred, has done so in the best
historical company. And here let me for a mo
ment point out a mistake of Carte, which has been
* The high opinion of Lord William Howard, expressed by
Elizabeth to the Count of Feria on Nov. 10th, 1558, just before
Mary's death, proves that he never could have conducted him
self as Fox describes.— See Memorias de la Real Academia, de
la Historia, vol. vi. p. 255. — Madrid, 1832.

1554. ERROR OF CARTE. 429
repeated and exaggerated by Hume, Warton, and
Turner. " When she arrived in town," says this
author,* " on Thursday, February 22nd, she was so
extremely swelled all over her body and face, that
nobody who saw her expected that she could live.
Yet," he adds, " Monsieur de Noailles styles it a
favourable illness,' since it was likely to save her sis
ter (who wished she might die of it) from the crime
of putting her to death by violence." Noailles, the
French ambassador, was a person of note living at
the time and on the spot, and, had such a sentence
proceeded from him, it would be entitled to weight,
although he is a witness strongly prejudiced against
Mary ; but no such sentence was ever written by
him. Carte has mistaken a note by the Ahb6 Ver
tot, the publisher of the Letters, a writer whose
embellishing propensities are well known, for the
letter itself, and the error has been echoed by suc
ceeding writers, but, unlike the echo, frequency cf
repetition has increased, not diminished, its intensity.
Leaving this discussion, and having placed, I
trust, Mary's conduct to Elizabeth on its right
footing, I proceed to her marriage. The following
account of this ceremony is somewhat more minute
than that given by our own chroniclers. It is
translated from a French manuscript preserved in
the archives at Louvain. * Carte, vol. iii. p. 306.

430 PHILIP'S ARRIVAL. 1554.
RELATION OF WHAT PASSED AT THE CELEBRA
TION OF THE MARRIAGE OF OUR PRINCE WITH
THE MOST SERENE QUEEN OF ENGLAND.
Transcript, from Orig. at Louvain. 20th July 1554.
" Our Prince disembarked at South-Hampton
on Friday, the 20th July 1554, at two o'clock. He
was accompanied by the Earl of Arundel, the Trea
surer, and many other English noblemen ; and, the
evening before his landing, he had sent the Prince
of Gavze, and Count D'Egmont, to the Queen,
then at Winchester, to inform her of his arrival and
good health. Having come ashore, he repaired to
the church at Southampton, where the Earl of
Arundel brought him the Order of England — the
Garter, which he received with great pleasure and
joy. And in this town the Prince remained till
Monday, when he set out for Winchester.
" Being arrived there, he went on horseback and
nobly attended to the church, where there was held
a great musical fete, Te Deum being sung by all
the clergy. He then returned to his lodging,
where he dined ; and about nine in the evening the
Earl of Arundel, with the Great Chamberlain, paid
him a visit, and after some conversation, being
joined by the Count D'Egmont, conducted the
Prince to the Queen secretly. This was the first
time that they had seen each other. On the fol
lowing day, which was Tuesday, the Prince came
in great triumph and nobly accompanied to the

1554. MEETING OF MARY AND PHILIP. 431
Queen's lodging ; and, entering the great hall, found
the Queen there, who advanced to receive him,
and thus, approaching each other, they embraced
and saluted ; upon which the Prince took her by
the hand, and conducted her to the seat under a
rich canopy, where, having taken their places, they
conversed for nearly an hour.
" From this they went into the Queen's apart
ment, where they remained in conversation for
nearly two hours. Here wine was brought, and
the Queen drank to the Prince, which is the custom
in England ; and his Highness, having bid adieu to
the Queen, not without much courtesy and cere
mony, retired to his lodging.
" On St. James' day the Prince left his apart
ment. His breeches and doublet were white,
the collar of the doublet exceeding rich, and over
all a mantle of rich cloth of gold — a present from
the Queen, who wore one of the same ; this robe
was ornamented with pearls and precious stones :
and thus dressed, wearing the collar of the Garter,
and attended by several noblemen in rich apparel,
he proceeded to the church, where, on his entry,
there struck up a joyous concert of trumpets, cla
rions, and other sorts of music.
" Here the Prince waited for the Queen a full
half-hour, who came splendidly attended, as well by
the nobles and ladies of England, as by many
who had come over with the Prince. They were
then betrothed; and entering faither into the

432 THE MARRIAGE. 1554.
body of the church, surrounded by the nobility
and six bishops who were present, the Emperor's
representative, Figueroa, delivered to the Prince,
on the part of the Emperor, a parchment scroll,
making at the same time a speech : having
read it, the Prince presented it to the Queen,
who handed it to the Chancellor of England,
and he, after perusing it, publicly proclaimed
that the Emperor had made a present to his son,
the Prince of Spain, of the kingdom of Naples ;
at the same moment they sent for a sword of
state, (there was none there except the Queen's
sword of state,) which being brought, it was de
livered to the Earl of Pembroke, who carried
it before the Prince, whilst the Earl of Derby
bore the Queen's sword. Having thus arrived fur
ther up (into the body of the church), the Arch
bishop of Winchester married them with great
ceremony, as the case required ; and a solemn mass
was sung, which lasted from twelve to three.
Coming then out of the church, they walked hand-
in-hand to the court. At the banquet, the Earl of
Arundel presented the ewer, the Marquis of Win
chester the napkin ; none being seated except the
King and- Queen ; but, as to the rest of the enter
tainment, it was more after the English than the
Spanish fashion. The dinner lasted till six in the
evening, after which there was store of music ; and,
before nine, all had already retired.

1554. LADY ANNE OF CLEVES. 433
« NAMES OF THE SPANISH NOBLEMEN WHO CAME
OVER WITH OUR PRINCE.
" The Duke of Alva, « The Count de Feria,
" The Count Chinchon,
" The Count Olivares,
" The Count de Saldana,
" The Count de Modica,
" The Count de Fuensalda,
" The Count del Castelliar,
" The Bishop of Cuenca,
and some others." *

"The Duke of Medina
Celi,
" The Admiral of Castile,
" The Marquis Pescara,
" The Marquis de Farria,
" The Marquis del Valle,
" The Marquis d'Aguillara,
" The Marquis de las
Naves,

On Mary's return to London, the Lady Anne of
Cleves, who, since her divorce by Henry the Eighth,
had lived in profound retirement, intimated, in the
following letter, her desire to visit the King and
Queen.
ANNE OF CLEVES TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. Hever, 4th August 1554.
" After my humble commendations unto your
Majesty, with thanks for your approved gentleness
and loving favour showed unto me in my last suit,
praying your Highness of your loving continuance.
It may please your Highness to understand that I
am informed of your Grace's return to London again,
being desirous to do my duty to see your Majesty
* Relation de ce qu'est passe en la celebration du mariage
de nostre Prince avec la Serenissime Royne d'Engleterre. —
From the archives de la ville de Louvain, Registre, Cote
G. folio 339.
VOL. II. 2 F

434 SIR WILLIAM CECIL. 1554.
and the King, if it may so stand with your High
ness' pleasure, and that I may know when and
where I shall wait upon your Majesty and his ;
wishing you both much joy and felicity, with in
crease of children to God's glory, and to the preser
vation of your prosperous estates, long to continue
with honour in all godly virtue.
" From my poor house at Hever, the 4th of
August. " Your Highness' to command,
" Anna, the Daughter of Cleves." *
Addressed  " To the Queen's Majesty."
Endorsed. — ;" The Lady Anne of Cleves to
the Queen's Majesty. 4th Aug. 1554."
We must now return to Sir William Cecil. In
his brief manuscript Diary, written in his own
hand, and preserved in the Lansdowne Collection,
he has this passage : " 6th Nov. 1554. 2 Mariae. I
set out with the Lord Paget and Mr. Hastings to
the court of the Emperor, for the purpose of bring-
* The Lady Anne of Cleves was married to Henry the
Eighth on the 6th of January 1539-40, and was divorced by
that monarch in the month of July following. Her humble
letter, in which she submits herself wholly to his Highness'
goodness and pleasure, and begs that, as a sister, she may
sometimes have the fruition of the noble presence of her sen
sual and capricious Lord, has been printed in the State Papers
published by Government^ She died in England on the 16th
July 1557, and was interred* at Westminster.

t State Papers, Henry the Eighth, p. 637.

1554. PAGET AND CECIL SENT FOR POLE. 435
ing back the Cardinal. We came to Brussels on
the 11th November. We returned to Westminster
on the 23rd November with Cardinal Pole."*
When we last parted with this eminent man, he
had escaped from a calamity which overwhelmed
some of his best friends and patrons. He had made
his submission to Mary, and, if not again admitted
into confidence, had at least received assurance of
pardon. We now find him despatched, together
with Lord Paget and Sir Edward Hastings, to
bring Cardinal Pole into England; the principal
object of whose mission, as is well known, was to
restore that country to the bosom of the Roman
Catholic Church.
Now, this was a singular excursion for one who
had been so determined a Protestant under Ed
ward ; and the question naturally arises, " What
was Cecil's conduct as to religion under the reign
of Mary ?" Should the reader look for an answer in
the common lives which have been written of him,
he will find that little is known, whilst even that
little is contradictory and obscure. As the point is
an important one, I shall examine it with some care.
At this moment, amongst the subjects of Mary,
as regarded religion, there were only three classes
of men : they who soon after her accession fled

* 6 Novembris 1554, 2 Mariae. Ccepi iter cum Domino
Paget et Magistro Hastings versus Csesarem, pro reducendo
Cardinalem. Venimus Bruxelles, 11 Novembris; redivimus 23
Nov. Westmonasterium cum Cardinale Polo.
2 F2

436 CECIL CALLED A ROMAN CATHOLIC. 1554.
to the continent, and preferred expatriation to
the sacrifice of their faith; they whose consci
ences would not permit them to fly from the
post of danger, but who remained at home, openly
professed themselves Protestants, and endured
persecution or death ; and, lastly, they who also
remained at home, but for the time became Roman
Catholics, — to this last class it always appeared
to me that Sir William Cecil must have belonged.
But I was checked in the confidence of my
opinion by the obscure and contradictory accounts
given by the writers of his life. The Roman Ca
tholics positively affirm that he not only adopted
their faith, but showed an extreme zeal, deeply de
ploring his errors under Edward. In a rare pam
phlet, published abroad during the reign of Eliza
beth, and which is written with much bitterness
against Cecil, then Lord High Treasurer, it is
declared that many, then alive, will remember how
the Duke of Northumberland, having been behead
ed and Queen Mary established, " the Lord Trea
surer bestirred himself to get credit with the Catho
lics, frequented masses, said the litanies with the
priest, laboured a pair of great beads, which he
continually carried, preached to his parishioners in
Stamford, and asked pardon of his errors in King
Edward's time ; — it states that many still recollect
what he said and protested to divers, and particu
larly to Sir Francis Englefield, then of the Council,
about his belief of all points of the Catholic Roman

1554. CECIL CALLED A PROTESTANT. 437
faith ; how he deceived Cardinal Poole, and per
suaded Sir William Petre to resign up his office the
Secretaryship unto him, if Queen Mary would have
admitted the same, who never could be persuaded
to believe him. And lastly, how Mr. Cecil, being
rejected by Queen Mary, began to serve the Lady
Elizabeth, and how he entered with her afterwards
when he came to the crown to persuade her to the
change of religion for his own interest against the
opinion of the Councillors." * Such is the Roman
Catholic account of Cecil's conduct in religious
matters under Mary, but it is evidently written
with a strong bias against him.
Turning from this to his Life by a Domestic,
published by Collins, afterwards by Peck, with
learned Notes, and since adopted by most of his
Protestant biographers, we find a totally opposite
story. It asserts that Mary on her accession of-
ferred to retain him in the high office of Secretary
provided he would renounce his Protestant princi
ples, and conform himself to the Roman Catholic
faith ; but that he declined the proposal, and de
clared that he must obey God and his conscience
rather than the Queen. As it relates to a disputed
point, it may be as well to quote the passage.
" When Queen Mary came in she granted Sir
Wm. Cecil a general pardon ; and in choosing her
Councillors, she had so good liking of him, as if he
* British Museum, printed Cat. .^ pp. 15 and 16.

438 CONFLICTING ACCOUNTS. 1554.
would change his religion he should be her Secre
tary and Councillor. And to that purpose, some
wise men were underhand set to allure him and
discover his disposition ; but like himself, he wisely
and christianly answered, he was taught and
bound to serve God first, and next the Queen : but
if her service should put him out of God's service,
he hoped her Majesty would give him leave to
choose an everlasting rather than a momentary ser
vice. And, for the Queen, she had been his so
gracious Lady, as he would ever serve and pray for
her in his heart, and with his body and goods be as
ready to serve in her defence as any of her loyal
subjects, so she would please to grant him leave to
use his conscience to himself." * * " Here," con
cludes this writer, " was no turncoat nor seller of
his soul, nor renouncer of his faith for ambition of a
councillor's place, as many would do upon so fair
an offer." f
One would certainly think at first sight that
these statements could not both be true, and yet it
is possible that the passage in the Life edited by
Collins, may relate solely to what took place in the
first year qf Mary, whilst the passage in the Roman
Catholic account has a reference to his conduct
after the persecutions for religion began. When
perplexed by these contradictory accounts, and find
ing it stated by Burnet, who had given no au-
t Life of Burleigh, published by Collins, from a manuscript
in the possession ofthe Marquis of Exeter, pp. II and 12.

1554. CHEEK'S LETTER TO CECIL. 439
thority, that Cecil had made compliances under
Mary, I came upon a letter in Strype's Life of
Sir John Cheek, which seemed to me to prove that
such compliances must have been carried much far
ther than was generally suspected. It is obscurely
expressed, and much too long to quote entire, but
although I did not venture to think that it decided
the question as to Cecil's becoming a Roman Ca
tholic under Mary's reign, it appeared to me to go
very near to do so. Under what other supposition
will the following passages be intelligible ? f
" I Was very glad to hear of your being in the
Parliament house, supposing to be left in you such
fruits of honesty as Would and should serve for the
commonwealth. My looking was riot utterly de
ceived in you, and was, and am, as glad to hear
tell of your Well doing to your praise and other's
profit as I am sorry many times when I hear the
contrary. * * * Ye know in philosophy what dif
ference is between uxgaoiu [intemperantia] and
uxoXaffict [petulantia]j and that the wise philoso
phers have disputed of the comparison of those
vices, and what a man in his own life may judge of
them. I had rather, for my part, have you cor
rupted in the lower part of your mind than hear of
t Cecil, in a parliament held this year, had, it seems, taken
courage to speak against some abuses and intrusions ofthe
Pope upon the liberties of the English crown. This speech
made some noise amongst the exiles for religion abroad ; — and,
Cheek, on the 18th Feb. 1556, addressed the letter in question
to his old friend.

440 CHEEK'S WARNINGS TO CECIL. 1554
you that both your parts were utterly rotted away
from that soundness that common opinion of just
causes hath had of you. So long as a man hath sparks
left in himself, he may be assured as in a fire well
raked up to light a candle or make a fire in a con
venient time. If because things be usually done in
others, commonly, or else of a few, ; or of yourself,
they should be taken to be good, it should follow
that either use should make good or bad and not
God's commandment, or else men's judgments
should cause goodness or badness in things and
not Scripture." * * * And again he says : " Thus
much have I said for this end, that ye do not as
divers others everywhere do, (whatsoever they do
either in private matters or common causes,) to
allow (justify) it when they have done it, and to
stand to the same as good and lawful ; and there
fore either convenient to be done or sufferable.
Ye ask me what [fault] find I in you that I talk
thus long. I answer, I desire to find none ; nor
had been no great examiner of other men's doings ;
and you know that my wit is (kmtov- in writing.
* * * I mean my friends thus much good, that if
they will corrupt their own doings (as I can say
nothing of yours), yet where I fear that I knew, I
was then avoiding that I fear, if they would keep
their judgments sound and not so love their own
doings, — that they make them the rule of their
judgment. * * * But I must leave — my paper
biddeth me so ; and thus I commend [myself] to

1554. DIFFICULTY TO COME AT THE TRUTH. 441
you and to my lady, and you both to God. Wish
ing you that stedfastness in the truth, and that
choice of doing well that I do desire of God for
myself. Fare ye well, and bring up your son in
the true fear of God.
" From Strasbourgh, the 18th Feb. 1556,
" Your assured brother, " Joan. Cheek."*
It appeared to me that this letter went far to
show that there was some foundation for the ac
count of the Roman Catholic writer ; and there
were several circumstances which confirmed me in
this view. Cecil's continuance at court ; his friend
ship and influence with Cardinal Pole, his being
sent to bring this ecclesiastic into England; his
continued influence with Paget, Petre, Mason,
Gardiner, and most of Mary's ministers and coun
cillors ; and his prosperous condition, whilst his
brother-in-law Sir John Cheek, his father-in-law
Sir Anthony Cook, his friend the Duchess of Suf
folk, and many others, were exiles for religion ; —
all appeared to afford a strong presumption of this
fact. On the other hand, the confident assertions
of many of the writers of his life, that he remained
a Protestant, and sacrificed the offer of service and
high promotion to his conscience, naturally created
hesitation in the absence of direct evidence to the
contrary. When thus perplexed, I found, on con-
*Life of Cheek, pp. 99 and 100 — Oxford, 1821.

442 CECIL'S • PRIVATE MEMORANDA. 1554.
suiting the Work of Dr. Nares,* that this author,
although he does not admit that Cecil ever became
a Roman Catholic, gives a brief extract from a
paper communicated to him by the late Mr.
Lemon, and said to be preserved in the State Pa
per Office, from which he concludes, that to a cer
tain extent he complied with the times. It ap
peared to me, that if the original of this paper
could be found, it would set the question at rest,
and to my great delight I discovered it after a
search of nearly three days, amongst a loose collec
tion of notes and memoranda which had been put
up by themselves as illustrating the private life of
Lord Burleigh. The papers in this bundle are of
various dates, and of a multiform description : em
bracing account-books containing his various ex
penses, little note-books of rural work intended
to be done or in progress at Burleigh, tailors' and
carpenters' bills, memoranda of sums due by him,
scrolls of letters, and lastly, tithe-books of his dif
ferent church benefices, embracing a minute analy
sis in his own hand of the various quantities of
eggs, butter, cheese, wool, pigs, geese, lambs, and
other small gear, which were paid by his parish
ioners at Wimbledon, Stamford, and other places.
Amongst these is the paper in question, endorsed
in Sir William Cecil's hand.
* Life of Lord Burleigh, vol. i. pp. 674, 675.

1554. EASTER BOOK OF WIMBLEDON. 443
" EASTER BOOK. 1556.
" The namis of them that dwelleth in the pa-
riche of Vembletoun, that was confessed, and resav-
ed the sacrament of the altre.
" My master Sir Wilyem Cecell and my lady Myldread
his wyffe.

" Thomas Cecell, iia.
" Raff Baulding, ir*
" Hary Stevenson, iid"
" Wilyem Kawart, iid-
" Quintyn Swentin, ii*
" Hary Hugenoe,
" John Fenton,
"Thomas Cowper and his
wife,

" Peter Putler,
" Gilbard Torre,
" John Michelson,
" Elisabeth Cooke,
" Margaet Wyght,
" Elsabecht Bardyn,
" Margrat Brown,
" Nell Crackes," &c. &c.

It is needless to add the names of the remaining
persons who attended mass, one hundred and
twenty-six in number, or their offerings, which are
also stated ; the sum total being calculated in Sir
William's hand, and amounting to twenty-four
shillings and twopence halfpenny : but it may be
curious to give from the same paper the following
small account, as it is connected with some entries
in a note-book of Sir William Cecil's.

" Item for vi. quarts of wine
" Item for bread ....
" Item for iilb- of wax in tap8
" Item for oil and creme .
" Item for his bootehyre [boat-hire] to ~\
London to fetche this, &c. — and f

. xviii* ^
vi* ii"-
viii* iiii*

) vb-

again  \

Totalis de claro * xix'- ii*"

/

* *'. e. The net or clear proceeds after a sum has be<
ducted.

jn de

444 CECIL'S BENEFICES. 1554.
The first of these papers explains itself; the
second is an account of the expenses of the altar
at Easter, drawn up probably by the Priest. Now
I have found amongst the series of Sir William
Cecil's papers and letters already described, a small
book, written in his own hand, in which this same
account is engrossed. The book is endorsed by him,
" THE BOOK OF WIMBLETON PARSONAGE.
" ACCOUNT OP THE RECTORY OF WYMBLETON, TOR THE
RECEIPT THEREOF.
" Putneigh. — Imprimis, &c. Mr. Welbeck.
" Mortlak. — Item de Joe Mont.
" Wymbleton. — Item for oblations at Easter, as appear
eth by the Vicar's book, de claro ulf"
vi. qu"8- of wyne xviii* ii. tap. ii'*
Oleo and cream, viii* his boathyre iiiid" ( _. ,
In toto v"
Item crysas xl. quod donatur vicario.
I omit his minute accounts kept of tithe pigs,
geese, lambs, wool, &c. and shall only give one
other page. It is entitled,
CHARGES OF THE BENEFICE.

" Imprimis, the yearly rent of the parsonage, xlix1*
" Item to Giles Smith for the rent of the Vicar's house, xx'*
" Item, given to the Priest at Putney, in reward, xsh* 1
<f Item, given to the Priest at Morthlak . . xsh. $ XX
" Item, paid for the holy loaf, iDl'.
" Item, for gathering of the tithes, to Wm. Cole, xxvi** viiid*

These papers could never have been consulted

1554. CECIL IN PROFESSION A ROMAN CATHOLIC. 445
by Dr. Nares ; for they contradict his conclusions,
establishing beyond a doubt that, during Mary's
reign, Sir William Cecil became a Roman Catho
lic, and that the commonly received opinions re
garding his consistent and conscientious adherence
to the Protestant faith are erroneous. They prove
that he retained his benefices, of the profits of
which he kept a very strict account ; he confessed,
he attended mass with his wife Lady Cecil, and he
brought up his son Thomas Cecil, afterwards Earl
of Exeter, in the profession of the Roman Catholic
faith. These truths are now established upon evi
dence which cannot be controverted.
We are not to be surprised therefore that he
should have consented to accompany Paget and
Hastings in their mission to bring Cardinal Pole
into England. The following paper explains the
nature of the service on which they went ; but, as
Cecil's name does not occur in the instructions, it
is difficult to say what was his official capacity, nor
indeed is there direct proof that he went in any.
THE MINUTES OF INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO THE
LORD PAGET AND THE MASTER OF THE HORSE.
Orig. Draft. St. P. Off. Germany. 5th Nov. 1554.
" Whereas the most Reverend father in God,
our right entirely beloved cousin, Cardinal Pole,
being sent from the Pope's Holiness, not only to
congratulate us on our marriage, and other great

446 PAGET'S INSTRUCTIONS. 1554.
benefits which Almighty God of his only goodiness
hath abundantly poured upon us since our first
entry to the government of our realms, but also to
travail with us upon sundry other matters concern
ing the restitution of our realms of England and
Ireland to the true honouring of Almighty God
and unto the Catholic church; for which purpose
our said cousin having long travailed, and with all
patience tarried till such time as considering the
state of our subjects, we might think most meet for
the quiet performing of his godly purpose ; for as
much as we be in good hope that by the help of
Almighty God the time so serveth, that at this
parliament, summoned against the 12th day of
this month, this godly matter"  I am sorry
to say the paper here breaks off abruptly. It
afterwards enjoins the ambassadors first to open
the matter to the Emperor, then to seek the
Cardinal, to whom they are to " declare how
that the greatest and almost only mean to pro
cure the agreement of the noblemen and others
of our Council was our promise that the Pope's
Holiness would at our suit dispense with all pos
sessors of any lands or goods of monasteries; col
leges, or other ecclesiastical houses, to hold and
quietly enjoy their said lands and goods without
any trouble or scruple ; without which promise it
had been impossible to have had this consent, and
shall be utterly impossible to have any fruit and
good concord ensue : for which purpose you shall

1554. ORDER FOR POPE'S COMING. 44.7
earnestly pray our said cousin to use all the possi
ble diligence, and say that (if he have not already)
he may so receive authority from the See Apostolic
to dispense in this matter, as the same being now
in good towardness, may, this parliament, take the
desired effect ; whereof we see no likelihood of,
except it may be therewithal provided for this mat
ter of the lands and goods of the church."
Touching the order of his coming, Mary ob
serves in the same paper, that " although she and
a great many others accept him as Legate de
latere, yet, at present, till he himself witnesses
the state of the country, she thinks it best he
only enters as a Cardinal and ambassador. * *
And, discoursing further unto him the state of
religion presently in this realm, our pleasure is
you shall give your attendance upon him till his
coming to our presence." * * *
About the time that Paget, Hastings, and Cecil,
were sent to Brussels to bring over the Cardinal,
the Lord Admiral Clinton was despatched with the
order of the Garter to the Duke of Savoy ; an ho
nour paid to this renowned captain in contempla
tion of a scheme which Philip had much at heart,—
a marriage between him and the Lady Elizabeth.
Clinton gives the folio wing account of his embassy
and noble reception by the Duke, whom he found
iu the midst of his army.

448 THE GARTER GIVEN TO 1554.
LORD CLINTON TO SIR WILLIAM PETRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. 8th Nov. 1554.
" After my most hearty commendations. It
may please you to understand that upon Sunday
last I arrived at Hedingfert, where I found the
Duke of Savoy ; and, for that he thought there was
no meet place there to receive the Order in such
honourable sort as he desired, he deferred the re
ceiving thereof for two days longer, to the end that
at his coming to Osyshatewe he might receive it :
and so upon Monday the camp marched thither ;
and upon Tuesday he received the Order and went
to the church, being a good distance from the
castle, accompanied with all the nobility and other
captains in the camp.
" I assure you it was so honourably used as
might be possible, and the greatest entertainment
and courtesy shown unto me and all other gentle
men in my company that ever I have known show
ed to any ; not only at the Duke's hand, but of
the nobility, both Spaniards and Bourguignons; and
such a demonstration of favour borne unto us, com
ing from the King and Queen's Majesty, as I as
sure you I wish in my heart that all Englishmen
knew it. I assure you I cannot write too much of
it as it deserves. The Duke sent to me, I being at
Ayer, a gentleman of his, and divers of his own
horses, to bring me to the camp ; and also sent con
duct of men of arms for me ; and, within half a mile

1554. THE DUKE OF SAVOY. 449
of Heding, there met me a nobleman of Spain, call
ed Don Anthony Suynca, accompanied with many
noblemen and gentlemen ; and, ere I came at the
camp, the Duke of Savoy accompanied very
honourably did meet me, and brought me to his
lodging. I was lodged near unto him, and all
that came with me, in his own stuff and at his
charges all the time of my being in the camp till
my return hither; and every meal I was at his
own table, and all the gentlemen that were with me.
" The same day that he received the Order in the
afternoon, there happened a great skirmish be
tween the French and them ; and the Duke took
his horse and went to it, and it endured three
hours : at which skirmish there were taken thirty
or forty Frenchmen, Scots, and Englishmen ; so at
his return he said, This good luck is happened
the day that I have received this noble Order.
" Upon Wednesday he marched from Osysshat-
tewe, with the whole camp, four leagues into
the country of France, and so (as I perceive) to
invade and burn the country ; and so do some
enterprise, as I judge, about Reive, where the
Rhinegrave lyeth, but I am not certain of it. I
assure you they have a strong army both of horse
men and footmen, and well appointed ; which army
he and the noblemen showed me, marching every
regiment severally, and caused them of purpose to
stay that I might see them at leisure.
" At my departure the Duke sent to the gentle-
vol. 11. 2 a

450 THE DUKE'S PRESENT TO CLINTON. 1554.
men in my company, which were eight in number,
with Mr. Garter, to each of them a chain, worth,
as I judge, forty or fifty pounds a-piece; .and to
me he sent a jennet, very fair, which he esteemed
much, and was the horse for his own saddle well
appointed. He sent me also armour and weapon
for a man of war of divers kinds, very fair ; which
he sent me word was the present of one soldier
to another, as it pleased him to term it. This I
thought meet to advertise you, to the end that it
may please you to declare the same to my Lords of
the Counsel, that the King and the Queen's Majesties
may be advertised of it ; and this day I depart from
Bytane towards the Emperor's Majesty, to present
the King and the Queen's Highness' letters, and I
shall then make my return into England with all
diligence. " The Duke sent hither with me two bands of
horsemen of two hundred, to conduct me hither
from the camp. I perceive by him that he intend
eth upon his return to the Emperor from the camp,
immediately after three or four days' tarrying there,
to take his journey to see the King and the Queen's
Majesty in England ; which, as I perceive by him,
will be within these twenty days.
" And thus I commit you to Almighty God,
who ever have you in his blessed keeping !
" From Betwane, this 8th of Nov. 1554.
" Yours assured to command,
" E. Clynton."

1554. MASON'S INTERVIEW WITH POLE. 451
The following letter of Sir John Mason contains
an account of his interview, first with Pole, and
afterwards with Charles the Fifth. It is minute
and interesting.
SIR JOHN MASON TO THE KING AND THE
QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTIES.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. Nov. 9, 1554.
" Pleaseth your Majesties to be advertised,
that on Thursday morning before day, being the
8th of this present, arrived here Francisco the cou
rier, with your letters of the 5th of the same.
Upon the receipt whereof, as soon as time served,
I resorted to the Cardinal, to whom I declared your
Graces' proceedings with your Council touching
his coming into England, and your desires, for good
respects, to have him to set himself toward that
journey with as good speed as he might conveni
ently. I named also unto him such personages as,
to conduct him to your presence, and to instruct
him in the state of the realm, your Highnesses had
appointed to repair to him.
He took this message very joyfully, and said
that he perceived daily more and more the work
of God in your Majesties' hearts ; whom he
doubted not but he had chosen for special in
struments, not only for this matter, but for many
other godly things that thereof would ensue. For
himself, immediately upon the arrival of his chap
lain, he said he had begun to put himself in
order, and within a few days he trusted to be fully
2 G 2

452 POLE'S CONVERSATION. 1554.
ready. Marry, quoth he, you know I am at this
present as it were in another ward ; I must depart
when please the Emperor, who is not at all times
to be spoken withal. And having already one sent
to Mons. D'Arras, to be my mean to have access to
his Majesty for the taking of my leave, &c. he sent
me word that he would move his said Majesty for
me : marry, the truth was that they had as yet
heard nothing out of England of your Highnesses
determination in this matter, whereby it should
seem, quoth he, that they mind not to meddle with
me till they have some word from thence.
" That shall they shortly have, quoth I, for I
have commission both to show unto the Emperor
the King and the Queen's proceeding in their Coun
cil in this behalf, and to pray him, for such consi
deration as I shall open unto him, to dismiss you as
shortly as his Majesty shall think meet and conve
nient. And I have, quoth I, for my better credit,
letters unto his Majesty from the King. — I am
very glad, quoth he, thereof; then I trust my
abode here shall be very short.
" This done, I sent to signify to the Emperor
that, having letters from your Majesties for certain
things to be communicated unto him, I was desir
ous, if it should not be incommodious, to speak
with him.
. " I had for answer, that I should not be out of
the way in the afternoon, for that he intended to
signify unto me his pleasure for answer to my re-

1554. MASON'S INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 453
quest. About three o'clock it liked him to send me
word that, if I would come immediately unto him, I
should be welcome.
" At my coming into his presence, after your Ma
jesties' most affectuous commendations, I declared
to him at good length your Majesties' proceedings
with your Council, and their conformity and uni
ties of opinion touching the coming of Cardinal
Poole into the realm, how desirous you were to have
him there speedily, what personages you had ap
pointed to conduct him to your presence, and your
request that it might like his Majesty to license
him to depart as shortly as might stand with his
pleasure, and to give him also at his departing
such good counsel and advice as might seem to his
great wisdom fit and convenient. For the messen
gers appointed to attend upon him, I told him that,
rather than any stay should be upon their coming
to this court, I had commission to tell the Cardinal
they should meet him by the way.
" This done, I delivered unto him your, the
King's Majesty's letter, which after he had read,
he said it did very much rejoice him to understand
both by my tale and by the letter, which confirmed
the same, those matters to be in so good a train,
whereby must needs ensue the settled good of the
realm, and the undoubted contentation of Almighty
God. And, for my part, quoth he, I am as glad
of it, and take as much pleasure to understand it,
as ever I did of any thing in all my life ; and I

454 THE EMPEROR'S GRATITUDE TO PAGET. 1554.
could have been content that this ambassade had
been put in ere long since : but you may see the
work of our Saviour, by whose ordinance, out of
doubt, the thing hath been hitherto deferred, —
not the letting thereof, but for the riping, and so
for the furthering of the same ; for all things have
their time, and a good thing attempted before the
time loseth many times the whole good effect that
otherwise it might have produced. I will, quoth he,
dismiss my Lord Cardinal as soon as I can, and I
think by Sunday or Monday at the farthest to be
ready for him. Hereby I judge he meant the prepar
ing of his present, which belike will not before that
time be ready. Nevertheless, I assure you, quoth
he, I would be sorry that such personages as be ap
pointed to fetch him should enter into my country
without seeing of me. My Lord Paget, quoth he,
I would be glad to see for old acquaintance, whose
affection I have always found very good towards
my affairs, besides his service lately done for the
bringing of my son and daughter together ; the
other, for his loyalty showed unto the Queen, and
for the trust I perceive she hath therefore still in
him, I would be glad to know. — Sir, quoth I, they
make great haste, and possible it is they may be
here before the Cardinal shall be ready to depart.
Nevertheless you know the sea must be attended
upon ; and oftentimes men lie eight, nine, or ten
days waiting the pleasure thereof. In those cases
it were not convenient his departure were stayed. —

1554. THE EMPEROR'S TALK WITH MASON. 455
The wind, quoth he, as I take it, serveth very well,
and therefore I hope they shall come time enough.
" Here pausing awhile, How goeth my daugh
ter's belly forward ? quoth he. — Sir, quoth I, I
have from herself nothing to say therein, for she
will not confess the matter till it be proved unto
her face ; but by others I understand, to my great
joy and comfort, that her garments wax very strait.
— I never doubted, quoth he, of the matter, but that
God that for her had wrought so many miracles,
would make the same perfect by assisting of nature
to his good and most desired work. And I war
rant it shall be, quoth he, a man child. — Be it man,
quoth I, or be it woman, welcome shall it be ; for
by that shall we at the least come to some cer
tainty to whom God shall appoint, by succession,
the government of our estate ;— being that thing
yet so uncertain unto us as it maketh all good men
to tremble to think the Queen's Highness must
die ; with whom, dying without fruit, the realm
were as good also to die. — Doubt not, quoth he,
God will provide both with fruit and otherwise ; so
as I trust to see, yet, that realm to return to a
great piece of that surety and estimation that I
have in my time seen it in.
" And here he discoursed what a flourishing
reahn he had known it, and by what means it was
decayed; the principal occasion thereof was our
forsaking of God, to whom he trusted we were
already partly, and soon should be wholly, re-

456 THE EMPEROR LUSTY AND MERRY. 1554.
conciled. He willed me, finally, to make his
recommendations to both your Majesties, and so
I took my leave of him ; assuring your Graces
that, these seven years, I never saw him in plight
that better liked me. I found him sitting very
cheerfully at a table. His face, that was wont to
be somewhat more full than naturally it ought to
be, is now come to the very natural ; his colour
much amended; his arms at commandment, not
withstanding the late fit which he hath had of
his gout; and in all other gestures of his body,
were it for the joy conceived of the message,
whereof undoubtedly he was very glad, or else by
reason of better disposition of his body than before
he hath had, he was so lively as I have not of long
time seen the like lustiness in him.
" From him I repaired eftsoons to the Cardi
nal, whom it pleased very much both to hear
that his Majesty minded shortly to dismiss him,
and to understand also his person to be in so
good an estate as I declared to him it was. He
will be ready to depart on Tuesday next, or on
Wednesday at the farthest. Between this and
Calais he must make at the least six days, and
peradventure seven ; the constitution of his body
being so easy to be overthrown, as a little travel
taken more than it be able to bear were enough
to lay him up, and therefore he useth most to be
carried in his journeys in a litter. But your
Majesties may be sure that what labour his spare

1554. POLE'S LEARNED SUITE. 457
body is able to sustain, he will use it in mak
ing speed towards you. I think he may be there
about the 24th or 26th of this month. In the mean
time the parliament may be led forth and enter
tained with some by matters, as I have seen it at
many other times used.
" He bringeth with him a train which, for learn
ing, soberness, good life, and all other virtuous
qualities, may be an example to the rest of the
world. " Thus, Almighty God have your Majesties in
his most blessed keeping !
Nov. 9th, 1554. " John Masone."
We have already seen that Paget and Hastings,
accompanied by Sir William Cecil and other gen
tlemen, were sent to Brussels to conduct Cardinal
Pole to England. On the same day on which they
arrived in that city, they were admitted to an
audience of the Emperor. An account of the in
terview is given in the following letter.
LORD PAGET AND SIR EDWARD HASTINGS
TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. 13th Nov. 1554.
" It may please your most excellent Majesty to
be advertised that, arriving here upon Sunday last
in the forenoon, we had audience of the Emperor's
Majesty in the afternoon, notwithstanding that the
same had that day received the blessed Sacrament,

458 THE EMPEROR, PAGET, AND HASTINGS. 1554.
whereby we noted a great care in him for the ex
pedition of us hence again.
" After due commendation made unto him by
us on your Majesty's behalf, and the causes of our
coming declared unto him, with such circumstances
as by the tenor of our instructions we had in
charge to open unto him, he rejoiced very much
to hear the same ; and first giving unto you both
most hearty thanks for your commendations, and
then inquiring very diligently of your good pros
perities and welfares, and specially, Madame, of
the state of your Majesty's person, he roused him
self with a merry cheer, and said that, among many
great benefits for the which he thought himself much
bounden unto God, this was one of the greatest,
that it had pleased him to hold his blessed hand
over that realm ; and so, taking occasion to re
hearse in what good estate and great reputation
he knew the realm of England had been in the
beginning, and afterward into what calamities the
same fell into, (much, he said, to his regret,) he gave
God thanks not only for the great miracles which
he had showered upon your Majesty, to make you
his apt minister for the restoring of that kingdom
again to the ancient dignity, wealth, and renown,
but also for that it hath pleased him to give you so
soon so certain a hope of succession, whereof like
as he had cause for his part, he said, to rejoice
and take great comfort, so hath all England greater
cause to think themselves most bounden unto God

1554. THE EMPEROR IN HIGH SPIRITS. 459
to praise him, and to serve him for the same.
These tidings, he said, of the state of your Ma
jesty's person, Madame, with the report that we
had made unto him of the great conformity and
whole consent of the noblemen and others in their
proceedings before your Majesty touching the re
ceiving of my Lord Cardinal into England, and
their earnest submissions to the obedience and
union of the Catholic church, were so pleasant unto
him, as, if he had been half dead, yet they should
have been enough to have revived him again.
" These and many other such like words he used,
to declare the joy and contentment of his mind for
the good success of this matter ; in the manag
ing whereof if anything, he said, should fortune
wherein his advice might be thought requisite,
your Majesty should not only find the same ready,
but also any other thing that lay in him which
might serve to your honours and the benefit of the
realm. " To this, when we for our part had joined such
talk as to this purpose seemed to our poor wits
convenient, — declaring your godly dispositions in
this matter, how much you reposed yourselves upon
his great wisdom and experience, what confidence
you had in his fatherly love and friendly affections
towards your Majesties and the benefit of your
realms, — we took our leaves of his Majesty, and re
paired forthwith unto my Lord Cardinal, whose
gladness of our coming we shall not need with

460 HIGH EULOGIUM ON POLE. 1554.
many words to declare unto your Majesties ; nor
yet what speech he used to set forth how much he
was bounden unto your Majesties for your gracious
disposition towards him, and how much both you
and he were bounden to Almighty God for the
bending of your hearts this ways ; for your Majesties
shall, marry, perceive the same more plainly by
himself at his coming unto your presence.
" This, under your Majesties' correction, we may
be bound to write unto you, that we believe verily
that, whensoever he shall be in England, the same
shall fare the better for him ; for he is the man
of God, full of all godliness and virtue, ready to
humble himself to all fashions that may do good ;
and therefore he is contented not only to come into
England in such sort as your Majesties have ap
pointed, not as a Legate, but as a cardinal and am
bassador to your Majesty, or in any other sort
whatsoever it be that your Majesties will appoint,
he assuring your Majesties that, touching the mat
ter of possessions, all things shall come to pass on
the Pope's behalf in such sort that every man there
shall have cause to be contented.
" Yesternight he took his leave of the Emperor,
and so did we also. This day he repaireth onwards
his journey to an abbey two miles hence, whither
he has used much to resort the time of his abode
here ; to-morrow at night to Dendermount ; Thurs
day, to Gaunte ; Friday, to Bruges ; Saturday, to
Newport; Sunday, to Dunkirk; and, Monday to

1554. POLE'S ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND. 461
Calais, — for his weak body can make no great jour
neys, and his estate also is to be considered.
" In this journey we shall not fail to do him
all the honour and service we can, as well for that
we take it to be our special charge, as for that also
his great virtues have won us, and bind us to the
same. " We have written now, besides our speaking at
our passing by, to the Lord Deputy of Calais for
all things to be in a readiness for his transporta
tion, so as we trust we shall not have occasion to
tarry long there. And thus we beseech Almighty
God to preserve both your Majesties long, and long
to live together to your own good contentments,
and to the great comfort and benefit of us your
poor subjects.
" From Brussels, the 13th of Nov. 1554.
" Your Majesties' most humble, faithful,
and obedient servants,
" William Paget. Edward Hastings."
Pole arrived in England on the 24th of Nov.
when he was received by the King and Queen and
the whole Court with the greatest distinction.
Soon after, it was resolved unanimously, in the
House of Lords, and with only two dissentient
voices in the Commons, that a petition should be
presented to the Legate, praying for a re-union
with the Church of Rome. On the 30th of Nov.
the Queen took her seat on the throne, having the

462 ENGLAND RECONCILED TO HOLY CHURCH. 1554.
King on her left and the Cardinal on her right
hand ; the petition was then read, and Pole, after
a long speech, absolved the nation from the sin of
heresy, and restored it to the communion of Holy
Church. To this solemn ceremony, and the ac
count of it which he gave to Charles the Fifth,
Mason alludes in the following letter.
SIR JOHN MASON TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. Dec. 25th, 1554.
" My humble duty remembered unto your good
Lordships. Your letter written unto me the 10th
of December came into my hands the 19th day ofthe
same ; in the which it liked your Lordships, by order
of the King and Queen's most excellent Majesties,
to advertise me particularly of the great and ines
timable grace of Almighty God poured upon the
realm, whereby it doth appear that, having suffered
his sheep for a time to stray, he hath not minded
to forsake them for ever. * * *
" Upon receipt whereof I sought incontinently
to have audience ofthe Emperor; * * and on Sun
day, which was the 24th of this present, having
access to his Majesty, I told him I had brought
him comfortable matter, but no great news, for
that I knew he had particularly heard the same
before, which nevertheless the Queen's Majesty
thought she should not well acquit herself, if he
understood not also by her mean. * *
" And so, following the order of your Lordships'

1554. MASON'S INTERVIEW WITH CHARLES V. 463
letter, I told him in her name the particularities of
the same ; that is to say, the order of the coming
of Cardinal Poole into the realm; the honour show
ed both by the way, and by the King and Queen's
Majesties' own persons at his arriving at the court ;
his oration made at the parliament, wherein he
forgot not to declare the commodity meant unto
the realm by the most happy conjunction of the
Queen with his son ; how much we were bound unto
him, that would, being so great a prince, enter into
so dangerous a journey, leaving behind him his
sword and kingly authority, for no interest or com
modity of himself, but to serve the realm, and to
help to restore unto the same the fear and love of
Almighty God, for the which purpose, as a Solomon,
he was chosen to the building of the Temple ; the
submission and supplication exhibited to the King
and Queen's highness ; the absolution given there
upon, first in the court, and afterwards in the
church of St. Paul's ; the great mercy of God
showed unto us by our entering again into the
flock of Christ, from the which we had been so
long separated and divided ; and, finally, I showed
him that Almighty God, for a further declaration
of his minding to pour abundantly his mercy upon
us, had given unto the Queen's Highness assured
hope of the fruit of marriage, whereof order was
taken through the realm for thanks to be given to
the Author of all goodness, the people by fires and
sundry other kinds of outward signs having de-

464 CHARLES'S EXPRESSIONS OF JOY. 1554.
clared the inward joy which they have great reason
to conceive of this so great and necessary a gift of
God. * * *
" He took the message in very good and most
joyful part ; and albeit he said he had been advised
before of all the particularities by me rehearsed, for
thanksgiving to God, wherefore he had taken order
throughout all his dominions in these Basse Coun
tries, yet to understand the same again from such
an authority as was the Queen's Highness, it could
not but be very grateful unto him, to whom he
bare the affection not of a father-in-law, but of a
natural father.
" And touching the good train the realm was in
concerning God : never was there news whereof
he conceived more gladness ; for now, he said, was
it in estate to be cured thoroughly of all the sick
ness and diseases wherewith it had too long tra
vailed, which before by no medicine nor good-will
of any helping hand could have been done. Now
was it apt to receive all good kinds of curing, and
to feel ease and amendment by the same ; whereby
he trusted, before he died, to see again a great re
presentation of such a state as a good piece of his
life he had beforetime seen it in. He had with me
a great discourse how flourishing he had seen it ;
how desirous he had been ever to see the conti
nuance thereof; what had been the occasions from
the first to the last of the decay of the same,
whereof the principal was ingratitude towards God.

1554. EMPEROR'S THOUGHTS ON GOVERNMENT. 465
" Touching his son, he was glad to hear so
good a report of him by the Queen's Highness ;
albeit, he said, lovers were scant indifferent judges.
He trusted God had ordained him to do some
good to the whole estate of Christendom, and
[mainly] to that realm ; not doubting but he would
order himself with such douceur and gentle de
meanour as no good man should have occasion to
mislike God's appointment of his coming into the
realm. " Here he entered into a great discourse of the
difference between governing with rigour and se
verity and the governing in such sort as the prince
and the subjects se peuvent s' entre entendre et s' ent re
aimer ; which, for that it were too long to write, I
do omit.
" Finally, it was no small joy to him to under
stand by the Queen's own confession that she was
certainly with child ; for the bringing whereof into
the world it was all good men's parts to pray, so
much good hanging thereupon, particularly to these
countries, and generally to the rest of the whole
estate of Christendom. * * * And thus, requiring
me to make his most affectuous commendations
both to the King and to the Queen's Majesties, he
dismissed me.
" I found him in right good estate, and in such
disposition as, to be looked upon, he was not
these ten years better to be liked. And in so good
point found he himself, as he said he would do this
vol. ii. 2 H

466 ELECTION OF MARCELLUS II. 1554.
Christmas that he had not done a great while ; and
that was, that he would, by God's grace, be at
matins on Christmas-day in the morning. * * *
The King of Romans departed from Vienna the
10th of this present, to come to Augusta, where we
say he keepeth his Christmas, of intent immedi
ately after the feast to begin the Diet. * * * And
thus, &c.
" 25 Dec, 1554, Bruxelles. " John Masone."
On the 9th of April 1555, Marcello Cervino,
Cardinal of St. Croix, was chosen Pope, in the
room of Julius the Third, and took the name of
Marcellus the Second.f The character given of
him by Father Paul confirms the good opinion
pronounced by Mason, but the Pontiff died within
a week after the date of this letter. He was suc
ceeded by Cardinal Caraffa, who took the name of
Paul the Fourth, having been elected on the 25th
of May. J MASON TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Germany. 26th April 1555.
" It may like your good Lordships to be adver
tised, that this day is come unto the Emperor the
confirmation of the news of the Pope's election,
which hath been so long looked for as we began to
f Paulo Sarpi, Histoire du Concile de Trente, vol. ii. p. 19,
par Courayer.
X Id : vol. ii. p. 20.

1555. THE FEAST OF ST. GEORGE. 467
suspect the first advertisement, and to take it for a
matter grounded only upon some fond bruit ; but
now it is out of all doubt, being the same made
clear by letters from himself, as well to the Empe
ror's Majesty as to Cardinal Poole and sundry
others. " The man is much commended for his wisdom
and all other good parts fit for the place, void of
corruption, and not wont to be led by any partial
affection ; and therefore, in the discourse made of
the division of the Cardinals, between the one side
and the other he was accounted neuter. He was
brought up under Papa Paulo, whose secretary he
was ; and therefore hath he in sundry things much
(somewhat in times past) seemed to lean to the
faction of Farnese, with whom he was sent to the
wars of Almain as councillor and paymaster of the
bands sent at that time by the Pope to the aid of
the Emperor; and about the same time was he made
Cardinal. Nevertheless, the conjecture that the
world hath of him is, that he will without respect
in this charge demean himself uprightly, and so
as may best tend to the universal peace of Chris
tendom. " The Emperor kept this year the Feast of St.
George very solemnly in his chamber of presence ;
whereat, nevertheless, there was no great estate
more than himself and the Duke of Savoy. Me it
liked his Majesty to call thereunto, and none other
ambassador ; with whom it pleased him much to
2 H 2

468 CHARLES THE OLDEST KNIGHT. 1555.
talk touching the ancients of the order, and the
long time that he had enjoyed the same ; so as now,
he said, he was the most ancient thereof, having
been a knight thereof the space, at the least, of
forty-three years.
" The occasion of this Feast made him somewhat
to show himself, to the great comfort of many ;
who, since the late fit of his disease had not seen
him. He is, thanks be to God ! in very good plight ;
and with this seasonable weather, which till this
time we have long lacked, he is like daily to grow
to more perfection of health, and more.
" Sundry noblemen and noblewomen in this
court are much desirous to have some cramp rings
of this year's blessing. If it may like your Lord
ships to be suitors to the Queen's Highness to send,
unto me some little number of them to be divided
amongst them, your Lordships shall do a great
many much pleasure.
" The Duke of Alva arrived here yester-evening.
" And thus I commit your good Lordships to
the tuition of Almighty God.
" From Brussels, the 25th April 1555.
" John Masone."
About this time the Queen's idea that she was
about to give an heir to the throne, occupied
much of the talk both of the court and the coun
try. Tn the State Paper Office are preserved some
curious proofs of the extent to which preparations

1555. PREPARATIONS AND DISAPPOINTMENTS. 469
had been made in the idea of Mary's approaching
delivery. Numerous letters had been prepared,
signed by the King and Queen, informing the
various continental sovereigns of her safe delivery;
the word Jil being left unfinished, so that by the
after addition of s or of le it would serve for a
boy or a girl : but one of these singular documents
is still more decidedly worded. It is the letter
prepared to be sent to Cardinal Pole, who was
abroad, and informs him in express terms, " that
God had been pleased, amongst his other benefits,
to add the gladding of us with the happy delivery
of a Prince." In the concluding part of the fol
lowing letter we see how deeply the hope was
riveted in the mind of the Emperor, and how
loath he was to give it up.
MASON TO SIR WM. PETRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. Flanders. 3rd May 1555.
" Sir. — You shall hereby receive the articles of
accord between the Emperor and the Genoeses.
The army remaineth yet entire, minding to attempt
the recovery of the rest of the state of Genes,
holden yet by the French, whereof the principal
places are Port Hercole, Grossetto, and Mont
Alcino. The Duke of Savoy is departed, post, towards
Italy, accompanied with one man only, and his
guide, to pass the fairer through Almayne. The
rest of his train to the number of twelve, in post,
follow by this day, being expected to overtake him

470 MASON AND THE EMPEROR. 1555.
at Augsbourg; reckoning that from thence he
may go safely forward to the rest of the journey,
without fear of Marquis Albert or any other. His
departing that way is diversely discoursed ; never
theless, the truth is, that he goeth into Piedmont
with contentation both of the Emperor and of the
Queen, and hath promised to be here again the 20th
of this month.
" Yesterday came hither tidings which rejoiced
out of measure this whole court, the effect where
of was, that the Queen's Highness was delivered
of a Prince ; whereupon the Emperor sent for me
this morning at four o'clock, and by five I was with
him at his bed-side. He enquired of me what I
had heard of this matter. I told him I had heard
from London that the news were true ; marry from
the Court I had heard nothing, and therefore I
had the matter suspected. Loath was he to bring
the thing to any doubt. But by nine o'clock ap
peared a courier despatched to the Duke of Alva,
who brought advertisement of the bruit that was
through London, which, nevertheless, he wrote,
was without ground ; being the thing otherwise,
and that yet this procrastination was not to be mis
liked. We were merry for the time, and now are
we returned to our accustomed hope and expecta
tion. God send us shortly certain news ! And thus,
most heartily fare you well.
" From Bruxelles, the 3rd of May 1555.
" John Masone."

1555. COURTENAY EARL OF DEVONSHIRE. 471
The letters of Renard have already informed
us how deeply Courtenay Earl of Devonshire was
suspected of being implicated in the rebellion of
Wyatt ; and we have seen that the men of the law
pronounced him worthy of death. It is therefore
to the credit of Mary that, after all, he was not
only pardoned, but treated with much kindness,
and sent to travel for his improvement. The fol
lowing letter has a reference to the preparations
for the equipment of this young nobleman before
he set out for the Low Countries, where he was
introduced to the Emperor, to whom the King
and Queen had warmly recommended him.
MARTYN TO THE EARL OF DEVONSHIRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. April 29th, 1555.
" After my most hearty commendations unto
your good Lordship, and to my very good Lady
your Mother. — I did faithfully your Lordship's mes
sage to my Lord Cardinal, to my Lord Chancellor,
and to Mr. Secretary Petre. Mr. Bassett had the
Council's letter unto Mr. Mason to bring unto you.
Your commission for carts and' post-horses I have
sent herewith by my servant, with one or two more
than you speak of, for the better furnishing of the
Spanish friar, whereat my Lord Chancellor and
certain others of the Council did laugh most hear
tily. " I have herewith sent a letter of commendation,
for the better expedition and direction of your Lord-

472 PHILIP'S KINDNESS TO COURTENAY. 1555.
ship's doings among the merchants, unto my very
good friend, and both a trusty and wise young man,
named Thomas Aldersye, who was embrued with
the new found faith, but since, he is reclaimed, and
in good estimation with divers ofthe Council1", and
in lieu of a letter, for want of leisure, I have sent my
commendations unto the Governor of the English
merchants, and to Mr. Alderman Whyte, who I
doubt not but will do you such service and pleasure
as men of their calling may do unto a man of
honour. And thus, leisureless, I cease further to
trouble your Lordship's business.
" From the Court, the 29th of April.
" Your Lordship's most assured to his dying day,
" Thomas Martyn."
We find it stated in a letter from Mr. James
Basset to the same young Earl, written soon after
this (9th May 1555), that " the King's Highness
hath specially sent to the Duke of Alva, that if his
Lordship arrived there before his departure, the
Duke himself should present him to the Emperor ;
and Philip had given express order that Courtenay
should be as much honoured and made of there as
may be." * * The same gentleman adds, " I have
written at length to Mr. Bonvisi for your Lordship,
and have declared fully unto him your estate, how
freely you are delivered without any condition, and
how greatly the King's Highness and those that be
about him hath recommended you unto divers

1555. COUNTESS OF EXETER. 473
there." * * In concluding his letter, he informs
Courtenay that, "thanks be to God, both their
Majesties are in good health ; and as for her High
ness, [says he,] I have not seen her these many
years so healthful and look so [well] as she doth
now." THE COUNTESS OF EXETER TO THE EARL OF
DEVONSHIRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. I6th April, 1555.
On the 16th of May, I find the following short
but simple and affectionate letter from the Coun
tess of Exeter, the mother of this young Earl, to
her son. The use in it of the word " natural,"
for " loving '' or "affectionate," is singular.
" Son. — Your letter written to me the Sth of May,
I received the 15th of May. I thought long till I
heard you were safe past the seas, the which I was
glad to hear ; assuring you I shall never be quiet
till I see you well in England again ; prayingto our
Lord to preserve you from all perils both in soul
and body ; desiring much to hear how you have
your health in the country you be in. And because
my hand is so ill to read, I have written another
letter, whereby you shall perceive, after your de
parting, what I did at Kew. And this my most
natural blessing I give you, committing you in the
hands of Almighty God, to whom I will daily pray
for you.

474 COURTENAY TO THE QUEEN. 1555.
" Written the 16th of May, from Wallsanger,
Master Coram's house.
" By your most natural Mother,
" Gertrude Exeter."
On the 20th of May, Courtenay addresses the
following letter to the Queen, informing her of his
kind and honourable reception by the Emperor.
THE EARL OF DEVONSHIRE TO THE QUEEN.
Orig. St. P. Off. 20th May 1555.
" It may please your most excellent Majesty to
be advertised,
" On Sunday last, being the 19th of this month,
the Duke of Alva brought me to the Emperor's
Majesty's presence ; unto the which I delivered
your Majesty's letters, and therewithal offered my
humble service. Of whose Majesty the same was re
ceived even accordingly to the honourable and good
nature of his Highness, and as appertained to the
letters- of recommendation written from your Ma
jesty. For the which benefit and goodness of your
Grace, I think not myself less bounden to the same,
albeit I have received both very many and most
great ; so that not only by service I am not able
to acquit the same, but also I cannot by words ex
press the due and humble thanks that I owe unto
your Majesty : so that this only resteth in my power
that I shall not cease to pray Almighty God to
preserve not only to mine, but generally to the be
nefit of all Christendom, both your Majesty and the

1555. CECIL'S STATE PRECEPTS. 475
Emperor's Majesty ; whom, greatly to my comfort,
I saw sitting up in his chair in such case as it ap
peared his Highness had both ease and convenient
health of his person. Thus now I leave to trouble
your Highness further, remaining most humbly at
your Majesty's commandment. The 20th of May
1555. From Brussells.
" Your Majesty's most humble subject at com
mandment, " Edwarde Devonsher."
In Lord Burleigh's Precepts, addressed to his
celebrated son Sir Robert Cecil, afterwards Earl of
Salisbury, the aged statesman says, " Be sure to
keep some great man thy friend, but trouble him
not for trifles, compliment him often with many
and small gifts, and if thou hast cause to bestow
any great gratuity, let it be something which may
be daily in sight, otherwise, in this ambitious age,
thou shalt remain. like a hop without a pole, live in
obscurity, and be made a foot-ball for every in
sulting companion to spurn at."* We can trace
the influence of this aphorism, which breathes so
shrewd a spirit of worldly wisdom, in the early
career of its author, first under the Protector
Somerset, then in his attachment to Northumber
land, and, lastly, when Mary came to the crown,
in the assiduity with which he seems to have
cultivated the friendship of Cardinal Pole, the
great man of the day to whom she gave her chief
confidence. It has been already shown that he
* Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, p. 47.

476 CECIL WITH POLE AT CALAIS. 1555.
accompanied Paget and Hastings in their mission
to bring Pole to England, not in any official
capacity, but as a friend in their suite ; and we
find that, when the King and Queen sent the Cardi
nal and others of her Council to hold a conference
with the Constable Montmorency, on a peace be
tween Henry the Second and the Emperor, Sir W.
Cecil again attended him, this we learn from the fol
lowing entry in his MS. Diary, so often alluded to.
" 18th May 1555. — I passed the sea, and came to
Calais with the Cardinal Pole.''
Again he writes,
"25th May 1555.— At Antwerp."
We find him again at Calais, with his servant
Harry Stevenson ; and here it appears by the same
Diary that he remained till the 26th June, when
he returned to England.
Pole was accompanied in this public mission
by Gardiner the Chancellor, to whom were joined
the Earl of Arundel, and the Lord Paget. The dis
cussions between the English and French commis
sioners were extremely violent, as we learn from
the following letter of Thomas Martyn to the
Earl of Devonshire, and the pacific attempt of the
Cardinal and his colleagues completely failed.
Martyn's anticipations as to the probability of
Pole's election to the Popedom were singularly
unfortunate, for already when he wrote, the Cardinal
Caraffa, who took the title of Paul the Fourth,
had been chosen in the conclave.

1555. INEFFECTUAL NEGOTIATIONS. 477
THOMAS MARTYN TO THE EARL OF DEVONSHIRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 31st May 1555. Calais.
" My duty premised unto your good Lordship, as
it appertaineth. I have of myself moved my Lord
Chancellor to procure you licence to go unto some
of the King's Majesty's countries, as Milan or
Naples, whereby your Lordship should have less
occasion to look homeward, and better means to
advance yourself in farther knowledge, and there
withal do you more notable service at your return.
He said that he thought your being at Brussels
was but very dull, and I think no less ; but if he
may perceive by your Lordship's letters your mind
and will in this point, that immediately after his
return, (which will be shortly,) he will procure the
same. " Hitherto the time hath been spent betwixt
these honourable personages in embracing one the
other, in reading their commissions, and in fruitful
exhortations made by my Lord Legate and by my
Lord Chancellor unto them both in the Parliament
house, as likewise in putting up each part his
griefs, with abuses now past of the same : and on
Thursday last they fell so far at square, that my
Lord Legate of his part, and our commissioners on
their parts, had much work to take up the matter
betwixt them. At the last an agreement was made,
so that they parted friends. And to-day there came
the Bishop of Orleans from the French, and Mon-

478 COMPETITION FOR THE POPEDOM. 1555.
sieur Viglio from the Imperials, to the foresaid com
missioners ; and to-morrow we shall have a great
aim whether we shall have peace or war ; which
howsoever it shall fall out, my Lord mindeth to
haste hence as soon as he may possibly, for the evil
airs that be here, which must be purged, for fear
of further infection, or else it is like that many a
soul will perish. There are four rumoured in the
likelihood to be popes, Pole, Theatin, Moroni,
and De Fano. We have sundry letters from Rome
that the first is most like to speed. If it be so, it
will be a good occasion for your Lordship to have
the conduct of your own kinsman to his see at
Rome ; and I doubt not but it will come to pass.
Thus, upon hope to send you farther news within
these two days, I bid your Lordship most heartily
to fare well.
" From Staples Inn at Cales, the 31st of this
month of May. Your Lordship's assured,
" Thomas Martyn."
The most interesting part of the following letter
is that which relates to the person named Dee,
who is none other than the celebrated mathema
tician, astrologer, and spirit-seer, Dr. John Dee.
He was accused not only of calculating the na
tivities of Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth, a piece of
folly common in those days, but of practising by
enchantment against the Queen's life.*
* Smith, Vita Joannes Dee, p. 8, and Biog. Britt. art. Dee.

1555. DR. DEE THE SPIRIT-SEER. 479
THOMAS MARTYN TO THE EARL OF DEVONSHIRE.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. 8th June 1555. Calais.
"My duty premised unto your good Lordship, as
it appertaineth. This day, about four of the clock
at afternoon, my Lord Chancellor taketh his jour
ney towards England ; having rather made a mean
to a peace to be hereafter condescended unto, than
a peace at this time in any point determined.
" In England all is quiet. Such as wrote trai
torous letters unto Germany be apprehended, as
likewise others that did calculate the King's and
Queen's and my Lady Elizabeth's nativity ; whereof
one Dee, and Cary, and Butler, and one other of
my Lady Elizabeth's, are accused, and that they
should have a familiar spirit ; which is the more
suspected, for that Ferys, one of their accusers, had,
immediately upon the accusation, both his children
strucken, the one with present death, the other
with blindness.
" Thus, trusting shortly to do you in another
place better service, I bid your good Lordship most
heartily farewell.
" Written from Calais, the Sth of June.
" Your Lordship's most assured,
"Tho. Martyn."
Endorsed, 8th June 1555.
The two next letters, from Sir Edward Carne
to the Queen and the Council, give us some

480 MURDER OF SIGNORA LIVIA. 1555.
little insight into the depraved condition of the
Roman Court. SIR EDWARD CARNE TO MARY.
Orig. St. P. Off. Italian States. 9th Sept. 1555. Calais,
" Pleaseth your most excellent Majesty to be
advertised, that since my letters of the 2nd of this,
addressed to the same, the occurrents here be no
other, but the self-same persons that I wrote of
then do remain yet in Castle Angell. The cause
why the Cardinal de Sancto-flore is there was
declared before all the Cardinals bythe Pope's holi
ness to be that it should be for disobedience ; but the
rumour is, that there be other matters laid to his
charge that should touch the Pope's own person,
but I can hear no certainty thereof.
" As for Signor Camillo de Colonna, as I am
credibly informed, there is laid to his charge the
murder of a lady called Signora Livia, that his son
should murder in her bed the last Shrovetide here,
her daughter and heir being married to the same
that slew her. The Count Michael Angell, and
he that was treasurer to Pope July the III, be yet
also in prison.
" This last week the Pope hath sent out of Castle
Angelo divers great pieces of artillery, which went
towards the state of the Colonnas. The saying is
that the Pope will have no strongholds within the
lands of the Church but his own. He himself look-
eth better now than he did when he was Cardinal,

1555. CARDINAL FERRARA BANISHED. 481
as they say that saw him then ; but now he looketh
stoutly, and better than he did at my first coming
hither. " He hath banished the Cardinal of Ferrara out
of the lands of the Church, for because, as I hear, of
the death of Pope Marcellus, whereof he should be
suspected. I hear that the said Cardinal made
great labour to come to his answer, but I cannot
hear that the Pope will hear of it.
" There is proclamation made here that all the
armour that any man hath here in the city should be
brought to the Capitol, except sword and dagger ;
which is thought very strange here.
" Other occurrents here be none that I can hear
of. And thus I beseech Almighty God to conserve
your Majesty in long and prosperous life.
" From Rome, the 9th of Sept. 1555.
" Your Majesty's most humble servant and poor
subject,
" Edward Carne."
It has been observed by Sir James Macintosh,
that Philip, when the prospect of having children
by Mary became visionary, hastened to quit En
gland, and afterwards " disregarded the affairs of a
turbulent people, upon whom he had no hold but
the slight thread of the life of a hypochondriacal
woman.*" Here this eloquent writer has been

VOL. II.

* History of England, vol. ii. p. 335. 2 I

482 PHILIP'S INTEREST IN ENGLISH AFFAIRS. 1555.
led into error. Although Philip quitted En
gland, he constantly corresponded with the Privy
Council, received long despatches from them, and
replied to them at equal length. No affair of
any public importance was determined without
his being consulted ; the minutes of the meetings
of the Privy Council were translated into Latin
and transmitted to him at Brussels : these he
seems to have read with much attention ; having
made his remarks, likewise in Latin, he sent
them back to the Council, and they still remain
in the State Paper Office, with the King's notes
on the margin. Instead, therefore, of disregarding
the affairs of England, he continued, though ab
sent, to take an active interest, and exercise a con
trolling influence upon public matters. The fol
lowing brief extracts, translated from the original,
and selected from a larger mass of letters and state
papers, will amply justify this assertion, and may
lead the future historian of England to consult
authentic documents.

1555. MATTERS DONE IN COUNCIL. 483

MATTERS DONE AND EXPEDITED IN THE COUN
CIL OF THE KINGDOM OF ENGLAND FROM THE
TIME OF THE DEPARTURE OF OUR SERENE
AND POWERFUL KING.
Orig. St. P. Off. Sept. 1555.
" Things expedited after the beginning of Sep
tember. philip's remarks.
" On Sunday in Sep- " This seems to be
tember the preacher at well done."
St. Paul's Cross read
publicly the bull of con
firmation of those rights
regarding the alienation
of church property, which
were granted in his in
dulgence by the Reve
rend Lord Legate in the
last parliament.
" It was ordered that
this bull be printed both
in Latin and English, so
that the people may be
admonished not to give
ear to such seditious ru
mours as are scattered
here and there." * * * 2 I 2

484

PHILIP'S NOTES AND REMARKS.

1555.

Things proposed in Council, but not yet carried
into effect.

" A discussion took
place regarding the ab
rogation of the statute
concerning first - fruits
and perpetual tenths ex
igible by the clergy, con
cerning the confirmation
of the grants of ecclesi
astical benefices made by
the crown, with the in
tent that they should be
brought back to their ori
ginal ecclesiastical uses."

"It appears to the
King that all these mat
ters ought to be treated
by a Council of eight
select Councillors ; and,
when they have can
vassed the matter, they
should then inform the
King's Majesty, who will
communicate his decision
to them. And as his
Majesty, for his earnest
love to the kingdom of
England, is anxious that
all things which concern
its welfare should con
veniently be provided
for, he desires also that
nothing should be pro
posed in parliament with
out its having been first
communicated to his
Majesty, in order that
he may signify his opi
nion, when the time fixed
for the convocation of
the parliament permits
it."

1555.

STATE OF THE ENGLISH NAVY.

485

MINUTES OF COUNCIL TRANSMITTED TO PHILIP.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. Sept. 1555.
PHILIP'S REMARKS.

" As it appears from
the letters and the in
formation ofthe captains
of our ships that the
greater ships, and even
some of the smaller, are
so shattered and damag
ed by the winds and tem
pests to which they have
been exposed, that with
out imminent peril they
can no longer be kept at
sea; it is resolved that
such ships as are so da
maged shall be brought
into the Thames and re
paired with all speed,
that to the crews of
the other ships which
are still seaworthy there
should be added a suffi
cient number of the best
mariners and soldiers se
lected from the whole
fleet, and that the straits
between Dover and Ca-

" As to the ships, the
King agrees with what
is stated in the first head.
But as his Majesty un
derstands that England's
chief defence depends
upon its navy being al
ways in good order to
serve for the defence of
the kingdom against all
invasion, it is right the
ships should not only be
fit for sea, but instantly
available. And, as the
passage out of the river
Thames is not an easy
one, the vessels ought to
be stationed at Ports
mouth, from which they
can much more easily be
brought into service.
" The King is the
more inclined to this, be
cause the Emperor has
determined to sail for
Spain about the end of
October or the beginning
of November, and has ex
pressed a wish that twelve
or fourteen English ships
should accompany his
fleet beyond Ushant.

486 PROCEEDINGS AGAINST CRANMER. 1555.
lais should be guarded This circumstance makes
by these ships." his . MaJ^ty Je more
J r anxious that these ships
should be ready and in
the best condition ; so
that, besides other neces
sary uses, they may go
upon this service, which
will be especially grate
ful to his Highness."
SIR EDWARD CARNE TO THE COUNCIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Italian States. 30th Nov. 1555.
" Pleaseth your most honourable Lordships to
be advertised that yesterday in the consistory the
process made there against Mr. Cranmer, the late
unworthy Archbishop of Canterbury, was referred
by the most reverend Cardinal de Puteo, who show
eth himself very ready to further the King and .the
Queen's most excellent Majesties' suit therein, and
so declareth to be in all other ; and declared certain
translations of the heresies comprised in the books
sent hither, and acknowledged by the said Cran
mer to be his own work and doing. The next
consistory sentence shall be given ; the citations
shall be observed in the contradicts the mean
season. " Upon Wednesday last in the consistory then
holden, which dured long, and occupied with the
French Cardinals, viz. Lorain and Tournon, first
the Pope's Holiness made a long oration upon the
overture of the French King, with commendation

1555. DEATH OF THE MARQUIS MARIGNANO. 487
also of the Emperor's Majesty, and also of the
King's Majesty, but of the Queen's Majesty above
all. The effect thereof was the overture of all va
riance to be put in his Holiness' hands ; and, for
opening the French King's mind therein, referred
him to the French Cardinals last come : whereupon
the Cardinal Lorain made a solemn and eloquent
oration, wherein he did not only commend his own
master, but extolled both the Emperor and the
King's Majesties, attributing unto them as much
virtue as need be required in such mighty and
noble princes, and the Queen's most excellent Ma
jesty of all worldly queens most worthy. The
effect was in the end to declare that readiness in
the French King to abide his Holiness' order in
all these points that I wrote to the Queen's most
excellent Majesty the 25th of this ; that is, to put
war and peace in his Holiness' hands, and that he
shall be sure of his aid in all his troubles, and
to observe such order as he should think good to
determine for reformation of the church.
" The Marquis de Marignian is departed to
God, whose soul God pardon ! Other occurrents
here be none. * *
" Your most humble poor beadman,
" Edward Carne."
We have seen that, during Mary's reign, Sir
William Cecil held no official situation ; and,
although he kept up his connection with court and

488 CECIL'S RURAL TASTES. 1556.
his powerful friends there, he devoted much of his
time to rural affairs and the improvement of his
estate. The lands of Burghley belonged to his
mother ; but, from her advanced age, she seems to
have committed the chief management of them to
her son. He built an addition to the old house
there, and he possessed besides many church lands
which had been bestowed on him by Edward the
Sixth ; to the cultivation of which we have seen, by
the minute accounts he has left, he paid the most
scrupulous attention. He seems to have employed
the priests or vicars of his various benefices as his
land stewards and superintendents of country
affairs. The following letter from Sir John Abra
ham, one of these pluralists, is amusing, from
the rural scenes it brings before us, and the quaint
style in which they are described. Sir John and
Mr. Alen's man selecting the ewes alternis vicibus,
— his eulogium on their plump appearance, — the
chestnuts and apple kernels sown in the place
which Cecil had himself chosen for them, — the care
taken ofthe swans, — the interest expressed for the
fawns, and the affectionate minuteness with which
he describes their life and conversation, sometimes
in the farm-court, sometimes in the orchard, some
times following the maidens when they go to milk
in the fields, — are all pleasant traits ; giving us a
glimpse into the rural life of England at this pe
riod, and bringing out one of the finest points in
the character of the great statesman to whom the

1556. EWES, SWANS, AND FAWNS. 489
letter is addressed, — his relish for the simple and
rational pursuits of planting, farming, and garden
ing. But perhaps the most amusing part of the
letter is Sir John Abraham's desponding reflections
on the inscrutable depths and changes of old Mrs.
Cecil's heart, which last year had been fixed on re
moving to Stamford, and now would be satisfied
with nothing but the oak-field at Burghley for her
self and her four calves.
SIR JOHN ABRAHAM TO SIR WILLIAM CECIL.
Orig. Lansdowne. 3. 56. 12th Dec. 1556.
" Deus misereut nostri, et bertedicat nobis ! — My
duty remembered, and most humbly premised, unto
your Worship. — Advertising your Worship, that
upon Thursday the 26th of Nov. I was with Mr.
Alen his men at Wywell, where I did draw three
score ewes alternis vicibus, I one and his man an
other, which are fair, good, large, and young. I
would that I had so many like to them for xviii.
xiii*. iinV. ; what your price is I know not.
" I have received by Mr. Lacy's man seventeen
chestnuts, which were set the second day of this
month with those that Emley brought, and twenty-
eight that a stranger brought, in the place where
your Worship appointed. Kernels of apples and
of pears shall not be unsown as the s[ame] may
be gotten, and as the time may serve ; neither other
things undone that your Mastership requireth to
be done, as the time shall require, by God's help.

490 OLD MRS. CECIL. 1556.
There are four swans in Ledyng, whereof two are
but lately put in, ten days ago. *****
" I cannot as yet, neither by myself, neither by
any other, make any bargain for any grain but two
semes of wheat that Lawrence hath bought. I
trust it will be cheaper at our next Easter than
now, or else many will die of hunger. Our Lord
God be merciful to us, and make the hearts of the
rich both pitiful and liberal unto the poor !
" Your fawns do well, and are sometimes in the
court, sometimes on the back-side, and sometimes
they go into the closes when the maidens go to
milk, and sometimes in the orchard. When the
snow shall be gone, I mean to put them with your
calves in the horse pasture, that we may keep
them there, for they are wild still. * * * *
" Your Mastership hath written to me to let you
understand what cattle my Mistress your mother
hath at Burghley, and what she meaneth to do
with them at the next spring. Your Mastership
shall understand that, besides four calves, she hath
none but in her own close, neither will have any
afore the spring time ; but then she saith that she
trusteth that ye will be contented to let her have
the oak close, a strange alteration of mind ; for at
the first she was very desirous to go to Stamford,
and to leave Burghley with the pertinents for a
rent sufficient, and now anew to covet part which
cannot be spared ! ' O quam inscrutabile est cor
humanum, verius fazmineum !' Of this matter she

1556. HER UNREASONABLENESS, 491
hath written to your Mastership. I pray God that
it be so that both your Mastership and she may be
contented. God bring it to pass that it may be
to your Mastership's worship, both now and here
after. " Your Mastership's answer to my Mistress your
mother, made in such sort as your wisdom can
best devise, shall in few words finish this matter,
whereof my fond brains make so many doubts
whether it shall be to grant it or to deny it.
" Thus I will leave off to trouble your Master
ship any longer, and will pray God long to pre
serve your Mastership and my good Lady in health,
grace, and peace, with increase of much worship.
" At Burleigh, by your servant, the 12th of De
cember. Abraham."
This letter is endorsed by Cecil himself,
" Sir John Abraham, 12th December 1556."
It is addressed
" To the Right Worshipful and my very
good master Sir William Cecil, Knight, give
these at Canon Row."
I have already explained that it was not my
intention to add to the voluminous collections,
regarding the religious history of this period,
which have been accumulated by the labours of
former writers ; and such is the dark and dreadful
picture of persecution which it presents, that I
gladly escape from the task. For two years,
Mary's government had been comparatively leni-

492 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 1556.
ent ; but during the latter portion of her reign
her policy was completely changed, and from the
month of February 1555-6, till within four days
of her death,* those flames were kindled in
which nearly three hundred victims were con
sumed. To ascribe all this to the personal cruelty
of the Queen would be unjust, as on other sub
jects her natural temper and disposition were nei
ther harsh nor austere ; but we are not to wonder,
that these fires should have impressed upon the
national mind an indelible hatred for the Govern
ment which could advise, and the Sovereign who
could sanction, such proceedings.
In turning from the religious to the civil history
of the country during the concluding years of
Mary, or in casting our eye from this to the
royal pair who presided over its destinies, we find
little else than disaster and unhappiness. A mar
riage of devoted attachment on the part of the
Queen was repaid by coldness and severity from
her husband ; and, notwithstanding a partial tri
umph experienced by England in the defeat of the
French army at St. Quentin, the war ended inglo-
riously with the loss of Calais.
The following letter of the Earl of Bedford was
written to Sir William Cecil immediately after the
battle of St. Quentin.
* Turner, p. 284. — Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 174.

1557. EARL OF BEDFORD AT ST. QUENTIN. 498

EARL OF BEDFORD TO SIR WILLIAM CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Sept. 3rd, 1557.
" Right Worshipful. After my very hearty
commendations. — These are to signify unto you
that there are no great news to write you at this
time, but of the great victory the King's Majesty
hath had in getting of the town, whereof ye are al
ready thoroughly instructed ; but, for my part, I have
not seen the like in all my life. The sault was soon
won, and with the loss of no great number ; but the
slaughter was in the town about the spoil. The
Swartzrotters, being masters of the King's whole
army, used such force, as well to the Spaniards,
Italians, and all other nations, as unto us, that
there was none could enjoy nothing but themselves.
They have now showed such cruelty, as the like
hath not been seen for greediness : the town by
them was set a-fire, and a great piece of it burnt;
divers were brent in cellars, and were killed imme
diately ; women and children gave such pitiful
cries, that it would grieve any Christian heart.
Now, whether we shall to some other new siege, or
tarry the fortifying of this that we have gotten,
and so break up our camp, we do not as yet
know. " Thus, having nothing else but my hearty com
mendations to my Lady, I even bid you both most
heartily farewell.

494 LITTLE TANNIKYN. 1557.
" From our camp beside St. Quentin, the 3rd of
Sept. 1557. " Yours always to command, " F. Bedford."
Let us turn, for a moment, from the flames and
din of war to honest Sir Philip Hoby and his pre
parations for a blazing hearth and a happy circle
at Christmas.
The following invitation to Sir W. Cecil, in
which we meet .Lady Cecil and her little daughter
Anne, under the familiar and endearing name of
Tannikin, is a happy specimen of the easy episto
lary style of the times.
SIR PHILIP HOBY TO SIR WILLIAM CECIL.
Orig. St. P. Off. Domestic. Nov. 30, 1557.
" After my hearty commendations. — I have
perceived by my brother that you will not be here
at Bysham this Christinas but as guest-wise, and
that my Lady will not then he here with you ; all
which I know doth come of my Lady because she
cannot leave little Tannikyn her daughter. You
know how long it is since I did enjoy you ; and, if
you now deprive me and this good assembly of
your company at that time, I must think it so
great a sin as cannot be either forgotten now, or
forgiven hereafter ; and, in your so doing, you shall
be the occasion why I shall not have here him
whom I so much desire, and to whom I am so

1557. SIR PHILIP HOBY TO CECIL. 495
much bound, namely, Mr. Mildemay and my Lady
his wife ; and yet for no such strange thing or
great cheer that here is to be had, but because Mr.
Mason and my Lady have promised to be with me,
who will make us all merry.
" I pray you desire my Lady to come, and to
bring Tannikin with her ; and I hope so to provide
for her and her nurse, as all the house shall be
merry, and she notwithstanding at her own ease
and quiet.
" I look for no nay hereunto ; but, remembering
how long it is since we last met, so long it must
be ere we depart after our next meeting, to make
amends for that that is past, and especially at this
time of the year. And till then I bid you both
farewell. " From Byssham, this last of Nov. 1557.
" Your own, as ye know,
" Philip Hoby."
" To the Right Worshipful and my very
good friend Sir William Cecil, at Wimble
ton, or London, or elsewhere."
Endorsed in Cecil's hand, " 30 Nov. 1557."
The unfortunate Queen, who had never enjoyed
good health, was seized with a recurrence of her
constitutional disease in October 1558; and, strange
to say, misled by her desire for children, once more
suffered herself to be deluded by the idea that she
was about to have it gratified. At this juncture,
when all who knew any thing of Mary's real state

496 mary's last illness. 1558.
despaired of her recovery, Philip, who was in
Flanders with his army, despatched the Count de
Feria into England with secret instructions to
Mary, Cardinal Pole, and Don Juan de Figueroa,
Regent of the Council of Aragon, a nobleman
much in his confidence. An interesting account of
this mission, drawn up from the original papers and
letters preserved at Simancas, has been given by
Gonzales in the Transactions of the Royal Histo
rical Academy of Madrid.* It appears that the
Count de Feria arrived in London on the 9th of No
vember 1558. He had been instructed by Philip to
congratulate Mary on her pregnancy, which the
King declared to be the best piece of news he had
received since his grief for the loss of Calais ; but
the Count learnt on his arrival that the unfortunate
Queen was despaired of both by her English and
Spanish physicians. He saw her, however, and she
seemed much pleased with his mission, but was un
able to read the King's letter. It has generally been
believed that Mary had never ceased to entertain
the strongest personal aversion for Elizabeth ; and
Carte, an author whose character of this Queen
has more in it of railing than history, asserts that
she hated this Princess, and would have excluded
* Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia ; Madrid,
1832 ; tom. vii. p. 248. — I am indebted to the polite and kind
attention of Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, not only for an
opportunity of examining this work, which is rare, and for his
own abstracts, of which I have availed myself, but for the

1558. DE FERIA'S VISIT TO ELIZABETH. 497
her had it been practicable.* We learn, however,
from the indisputable evidence of a letter written
by one of Philip's confidential councillors, who had
visited Mary in her last illness, very shortly be
fore her death, that, so far from showing hatred,
she expressed herself much pleased f when he pro
posed that Elizabeth should be publicly declared
her successor ; only adding two requests to her par
liament, — the first, that they would pay her debts ;
the second, that they would maintain the old reli
gion. I
Having paid his respects to his . dying sove
reign on the 9th, the Count de Feria aware that
Mary was sinking fast, turned his gaze towards the
rising sun, and in obedience to the instructions of
Philip waited on the Princess Elizabeth. His ac
count of the interview, as it is abridged by Gon
zales, is well worthy of notice.
He informs us that on the 10th of November he
went thirteen miles from London, to where Eliza
beth resided, in the house of a certain nobleman,
whose name he omits. She received him well,
although not so warmly as on some other occasions.
He supped with the Princess, and with the wife of
communication of other manuscript papers copied from origi
nals, during his researches both in England and on the conti
nent. I regret that the advanced state of my printed sheets
prevents me at present from giving any selections.
* Carte, Hist, of England, vol. iii. p. 353.
f Muy Contenta.
X Gonzales, p. 253.
VOL. 11. 2 K

498 CHARACTER OF ELIZABETH. 1558.
the High-Admiral Lord Clinton, who was ih com
pany with her ; and after supper opened his dis
course, according to the private instructions which
he had received in Philip's own hand. The Prin
cess had then three ladies with her : she told the
Count they understood nothing but English ; to
which he answered, that he would be well pleased
if the whole world heard what he had got to say.
Elizabeth expressed herself much gratified by
the Count's visit, and the message which he
brought from Philip. She acknowledged the high
obligations which she owed to him when she was in
prison ; but seemed to receive rather more dubi
ously the discourse of the Count when he endea
voured to persuade her that the declaration of her
right to the crown was the work, neither of Mary
nor the Council, but solely of his royal master.
Having given these few particulars of the meeting,
De Feria adds the opinion he had formed of the cha
racter of Elizabeth. " It appears to me," says he,
addressing the King, " that she is a woman of ex
treme vanity, but acute. I would say that she must
have great admiration for the King her father's
mode of carrying on matters. I fear much that
in religion she will not go right, as I perceive
her inclined to govern by men who are held to
be heretics ; and they tell me that the ladies who
are most about her are all so. Besides this, she
shows herself highly indignant at the things done
against her in the lifetime of the Queen. She is

1558. DE feria's PRAISE OF CECIL. 499
much attached to the people, and is very confident
that they are all on her side (which is indeed true) ;
indeed she gave me to understand that the people
had placed her where she now is. On this point
she will acknowledge no obligations either tp your
Majesty or to her nobles, although she says they
have one and all of them sent her their promise
to remain faithful. Indeed, there is not a heretic
or traitor in all the country who has not started
as if from the grave to seek her with expressions
of the greatest pleasure,"*
The Count de Feria proceeds tp enumerate those
Councillors who, as far as he could collect from
Elizabeth's remarks, were most in her favour, as
well as those who were not in her good graces.
Amongst the first class, her favourites, he includes
some of our old friends, whom we have seen in
more coats than one during the course of these let
ters, — Paget, Petre, Wotton, and Sir John Mason.
He adds : " I am told for certain that Cecil, who
was Secretary to King Edward, will be her Secre
tary also. He has the character of a prudent and
virtuous man, although a heretic"!
From this visit to her who, although not yet a
Queen, already acted as if she felt herself one, let
us turn for a moment to the deathbed of Mary.
On the 16th of November at midnight she received
extreme unction, and early in the morning, mass was
celebrated in her chamber. She listened with that
* Gonzales, pp. 254, 255. Ib. 256, 257.
2 K 2

500 CONCLUSION. 1558.
deep devotion which had marked her whole life, —
appeared perfectly sensible, — and at six o'clock, a
few minutes before the conclusion of the seryice, she
expired.* It was a remarkable circumstance that
Cardinal Pole, who had been confined with a fever
during the Queen's sickness, died only twenty-four
hours after the Queen. Gardiner's death had taken
place in 1555 ; so that England, delivered from the
dominion of those who deemed persecution for reli
gion a Christian duty, began to breathe anew, an
ticipating rest and deliverance. After what has
been already said, it is superfluous to add any re
flections on the persona] character of Mary. Amid
the exaggerated praises of the Roman Catholic wri
ters, and the high-wrought invectives of their Pro
testant opponents, the calm and unprejudiced deci
sion of Bishop Godwin, himself a Protestant, is per
haps the nearest to the truth. " She was a lady very
godly, merciful, chaste, and every way praisewor
thy, if you regard not the errors of her religion."*
* Gonzales, p. 256.
t " Mulier sane pia, clemens, moribusque castissimis, si reli
gionis errorem non spectes." I have used the old translation,
London, 1630, p. 340.

501

tL'@nbog,
And now, to address thee after the old and kindly
fashion, —
Most Gentle Reader. — These ancient Letters,
and with them the Author who hath endeavoured
to demonstrate their value, must bid thee fare
well. To him they have been pleasant compa
nions; nay, instructive friends. May they be so
to thee. May they inspire thee with that passion
for the search of Truth amid the ruins and relics
of days long gone by, than which, if thou wilt cre
dit an old angler in these Lethean pools, there are
few happier employments. Trust him when he
tells thee, it is to wander with a pure object through
a pleasant country. In the journey thou wilt be
led on by the hope of discovery, and cheered by the
feeling of progression ; the difficulties thou meetest
will be but so many little hills, on surmounting
which, a sweeter and a sweeter valley, or forest
glade, or ivy-covered castle, will open to thy ken;
the search, too, will teach thee many a lesson of
charity and self distrust ; thou wilt become a lover
of History, not from any lower motive, but for its
own sake ; and she — I mean the fair Muse, to whom
historic truth is dear — will, like a generous mis-

502 l'envoy.
tress, repay thy devotion by meeting thee — not,
in the saloons of the great, or the ambitious circles
of the learned ; but alone, in thine own library, the
scholar's true palladium. There, whilst the fire
burns brightly, and warms the pictured wall, and
casts its ruddy glow on thy books, those dear mute
friends, will she sit and teach thee her secrets ;
some of which, but ah ! how far too few, she hath
deigned to impart to him who now closes his im
perfect labours.
" May she be yet more liberal to thee, my gentle
Friend ; may she make thee, shouldst thou be ever
tempted to intrust thy researches to the envious
world, independent of all the ills of authors, steel
proof against the stings of critics, thy days untaint
ed by the breath of envy, thy nights unvisited by
dreams of invaded or expiring copyrights ; thyself
and thy works triumphant over that which hath
been pronounced the worst disease which can seize
the body bibliographic — " an impeded circula
tion."

INDEX.

A.
Abraham, Sir John, his letter to Sir
William Cecil, ii. 489.
Admiral Lord High, of England ;
see Seymour, Thomas.
Adrian, a favourite of the Emperor
Charles V, notice of him, ii.
134, a.
Africa, or Mahadia, capture of the
town of, i. 328.
Agricola, John, the composition of
"The Interim" imputed to him, i.
85 ; see Interim.
Albert, Duke, Margrave of Branden
burgh, joins the Emperor of Ger
many in his war against the Pro
testant Princes, i. 8; his engage
ments with tbe Elector Maurice and
the Protestant Princes, 265 ; de
feated at Siverhausen, 266 ; his
personal appearance, ii. 144 ; unites
his army with the Emperor's, 145 ;
defeated by the Elector Maurice at
the battle of Siverhausen, 21ft;
escapes to Hanover, 218.
Alford, Mr. Roger, his account of Se
cretary Cecil's signing the will re
versing the succession, ii. 172 ; ex
tract from his letter respecting Cecil,
202.
Anabaptists, number of, resort to Eng
land, i. 260 ; many of them taken
in a wood at Ghent, 379.
Andelot, Seigneur d', (Francis Co
ligni,) account of him, i. 36, n.
Arran, Earl of, appointed Regent of
Scotland during the minority of
Mary Queen of Scots, i. 4 ; his at
tempts to retain the governorship
of Scotland, in opposition to Mary
of Guise, 354.
Arras, Granvelle Bishop of, account
of his reception of Sir R. Morysine,
ii. 133.

Arundel, Thomas Earl of, favour
shown to, by the Duke of Somerset,
ii. 29 ; imprisoned for his connec
tion with the Duke's conspiracy, 37.
42 ; Crane's information against
him, 38 ; his confession, 43 ; ac
count of his taking leave of the
Duke of Northumberland, ii. 200 ;
of his arrest of the Duke, 208 ;
reflections on his conduct, 209.
Ascham, Roger, his description of the
Landgrave of Hesse, i. 61 ; of the
Elector of Saxony, 62 ; his pun re
specting Pope Julius III, 305, n. ;
extract from one of his Latin let
ters, 343 ; character and account
of him, ii. 120 ; origin of his work
" The Schoolmaster," 122 ; extracts
from his Journal, 123; his descrip
tion of the court of the Queen Dow
ager of France at Brussels, 125 :
of the appearance of Albert Mar
grave of Brandenburgh, 144; his
narrative respecting Lady Jane
Grey in his " Schoolmaster," 294.
Aubespine, Monsieur Claude de 1',
account of him, ii. 99, n.
Audley, John Lord, his letter to Sir
W. Cecil, ii. 169.
Augsbourg, a Diet assembled at, to
settle the religious contentions in
Germany, i. 259, ii. 211 ; opening
of, i. 311 ; liberty of conscience
granted by the Diet to the Lutheran
Protestants, ii. 213 ; confession of,
see Confession.
Aumale, Duke d', his anxiety to have
a portrait of King Edward VI, i.
330.
Austria, account of the rise of the
house of, i. 4, 5 ; European powers
jealous of, 6.
Aylmer, Bishop, his eulogium on the
Princess Elizabeth of England, i.
69.

504

INDEX.

B.

Barnaby, Fitzpatrick ; see Fitzpatrick.
Barthe, Paul de la, Seigneur de
Thermes, accountof him, i. 157, n.
Bath, Earl of, joins the army of Queen
Mary, ii. 189.
Bedford, Earl of, his letter to Sir
William Cecil, ii. 493.
 J. his letter to the Council,
ii. 408.
Bellay, Cardinal de, account of him,
i. 46.
.Bill, for destroying the Protestant reli
gion in England in Queen Mary's
reign, and replacing the Catholic,
ii. 244.
Biographia Britannica, remarks re
specting Gardiner Bishop of Win
chester io, i. 109.
Blagge, Sir George, one of the cour
tiers of Henry VIII, anecdote re
specting him, i. 146 ; his testimony
against the Lord Admiral Sey
mour, ib.
Blanks, remarks on the practice at
courts of sending, ii. 138, it.
Bonner, Mrs. mother of the Bishop,
Bishop Ridley's kindness to, i.
429.
Bossut, Nicholas de, Sieur de Longue-
vale, account of him, i. 4], n.
Bouchetel, M. one of the ambassa
dors sent to England by Henry II.
King of France, i. 283 ; account of
the reception and entertainment of
the embassy, 285. 287.
Boulogne, account of its restoration to
France, i. 256, 257 ; triumph of
the French on its recovery from the
English, 326, n.
Bourne, Mr. Secretary, his letter to the
Council, ii. 313.
Bouvines, town of, taken by theFrench,
ii. 212.
Brandenburgh, George Frederick
Marquis of, a party to the treaty
between the German Protestant
Princes and the King of France, i.
259.
Brissac, Marechal de, account and
description of him, i. 300.
Browne, Sir Anthony, consents to the
Earl of Hertford being appointed
Protector, i. 169.
 Lady, her letter to Sir W.
Cecil, i. 73.
Brunswick -Lunenbourg, Duke of,

persuaded to serve in England, i.
163.
Bucer, the Reformer, his description
of the state of religion in England
in 1550, i. 320.
Burleigh, Lord ; see Cecil, Sir W.
Burnet, Bishop, his opinion of the
Duke of Somerset's innocence, ii.
58 ; his affirmation respecting the
Duke of Northumberland, 229.

C.
Calais, the town of, taken by the
French, ii. 215. 492.
Capi-Ferri, Cardinal Jeronimo, his
arrival and reception at Paris, ii.
179, ib. n.
Capua, Leo Strozzi, Prior of, account
of him, i. 295, n. ; conducts Mary
Queen Dowager of Scotland to
Dieppe, 308, n.
Caraffa, Cardinal, Pope Paul IV, his
election to the papal chair, ii. 466.
Carew, Sir Peter, conducts the rebel
lion in the West of England on the
projected marriage of Queen Mary
to Philip II, ii. 278 ; escapes to
the Continent, 282 ; his intrigues
in France, 286.
Carne, Sir Edward, his letters to the
Protector, i. 47 ; to Sir W. Paget,
57 ; to Queen Mary, ii. 480 ; to
the Council, 486.
Carte, his account in his History of the
intrigues against the Duke of So
merset, ii. 51.
Castaldo, John Baptist, appointed to
command the Austrian army in
Hungary, ii. 77.
Catholic religion, restoration of, in
England on the accession of Queen
Mary, ii. 244. 247.
Cecil, Sir William (afterwards Lord
Burleigh), account of him, and of
his rise to court favour, i. 71, 72 ;
present at the battle of Pinkey,
74 ; favoured by the Protector, ii. ;
his political influence, 201 ; re
marks on his conduct during the
conspiracy against the Protector,
237. 244, 245 ; notice of his im
prisonment in the Tower, 245.
274 ; of his release, 275, n. ;
remarks on the time of his being
appointed Secretary of State, 316,
317 ; Dr. William Turner's ad-

INDEX.

505

vice to him, 333 ; Princess Eli
zabeth's partiality for him, 423 ;
his communications with the Earl of
Warwick respecting the Duke of
Somerset, ii. 24 ; his conduct to
the. Duke, 31. 66. 74 ; his subser
viency to Warwick Duke of Nor
thumberland, 102 ; remarks on the
friendship between them, 110; his
conduct on discovering the Duke's
ambitious plans, 169 ; his unwil
lingness to sign the will reversing
the succession, 172. 175; presents
his defence to Queen Mary, 191 ;
reflections on his conduct at this
period, 196 ; his intrigues against
Northumberland, 197 ; favours the
accession of Queen Mary, 202.
205; his mission to the court of Ger
many to conduct Cardinal Pole to
England, 435 ; remarks on his
change of religion, 436 ; Queen
Mary's offers to him, 437 ; opinions
of different authors as to his religi
ous opinions, 441 ; his memoran
da proving his having embraced
the Catholic faith, 443 ; his ad
vice to his son Sir Rohert Cecil,
475 ; his rural occupation in Mary's
reign, 488 ; letters to him from —
Lady Browne, i. 73 ; Sir T. Smith,
107. 185; Thomas Fisher, 117;
William Wightman, 168; War
wick Duke of Northumberland,
193. 198. 428. ii. 103, 104. 110.
111. 115. 142. 148. 152. 154.
158; Chancellor Rich, i. 199;
Thomas Parry, 201. 322. 425 ; Sir
Edward Wotton, 203 ; R. Whal
ley, 276, ii. 21 ; the Duchess of
Suffolk, i. 281. 323. ii. 118; Sir
John Thynne, i. 318; Sir John
Masone, 319. 340; Dr. William
Turner, 333. 372 ; Sir G. Somer
set, 339 : Sir R. Morysine, 344 ;
BishopHoper, 364 ; Sec. Petre, 427;
Earl of Wiltshire, 428 ; Bishop
Ridlev, 430 ; Sir W.Pickering, ii.
67. 106 ; Lord Clinton, 116 ; Lord
Audley, 169 ; Sir John Cheek,
439; Sir John Abraham, 489; the
Earl of Bedford, 493 ; Sir Phi
lip Hoby, 494.
Sir Robert, afterwards Earl of

Salisbury, son of the above, advice
to, from his father, Lord Burleigh,
ii. 475.
 Thomas, afterwards Earl of

Exeter, remarks respecting him, i.
430.
Cervino, Marcello, Cardinal of St.
Croix, Pope Marcellus II. chosen
Pope, ii. 466 ; account of him,
467.
Challoner, Sir Thomas, his mission to
France, ii. 176 ; his letter to the
Council, 178.
Chamberlayne, Sir Thomas, his let
ters to the Council, i. 374, ii. 94.
Charles II. King of England, compa
rison between his character and
reign, and that of Henry II. of
France, i. 384, 385.
Charles V. King of Spain, and Em
peror of Germany, consolidates his
empire, i. 3 ; resigns his hereditary
dominions in Germany to his bro
ther Ferdinand, 5 ; notice of his
marriage with the Infanta of Portu-
' gal, ib. ; his project for extirpating
the Protestant religion, 7 ; his con
flicts with the Protestant Princes,
8, 9, 10 ; destroys the league of
Smalcald, 11 ; unites the provinces
of the Low Countries to the Ger
manic Empire, ib. ; obtains posses
sion of Parma and Placentia, 12 ;
his personal appearance at the bat
tle of Mulhberg, 54 ; his interview
with the Duke of Saxony, 55 ; be
sieges Wittenberg, 62; condemns the
Duke of Saxony to death, 63 ; com
pels the Protestant Princes to swear
to " The Interim," 81 ; mortified
at its failure, 86 ; his interview with
the English ambassadors, 100 ; at
tempts to prevail on John Frederick
to sign " The Interim," 101 ; his
exertions to cause the acceptation of
" The Interim " in the States of G er-
many, 126 ; attempts to conciliate
both Protestants and Romanists,
127 ; refuses to assist England in
preserving Boulogne, 175 ; his
difficulties in proclaiming bis son
Sovereign of the Netherlands, 183,
1 84 ; continuation of his struggle
with the Protestants, 257 ; intrigue
of Maurice Elector of Saxony
against him, 258 ; insists upon
the acceptation of "The Interim,"
259 ; war declared agaiost him by
Solyman and Henry II. of France,
262 ; the Elector Maurice's cam
paign against him, 263 ; restores
John Frederick to the electorate,

506

INDEX.

263 ; signs a peace with the Pro
testant Princes at Passau, 264 ;
secretly supports Duke Albert in his
hostilities against the Elector Mau
rice, 265 ; his plan for making his
son King of the Romans, 296, n. ;
his melancholy on the failure of his
projects, 300. 303 ; concludes a
peace with Scotland, 306, n. ; anx
ious for the reassembling the Coun
cil of Trent, 330, u . ; the affair at
Parma, the origin of the renewal of
the war between him and Henry II,
349 i, attention paid by him to the
merchants, 350; joins the Pope in
his war against the French in Italy,
375; his influence over him, 378,
n. ; jealous of the alliance between
Henry II. and Edward VI, 402 ;
his illness, 417, n. ; commands
the arrest of the French ships in
the dominions of the Queen of
Hungary, 419, n. ; deprecates the
Pope s severity to the Protestants,
ii. 77 ; the Elector Maurice's in
trigues against him, 79. 94, 95, n. ;
his conversation with Sir R. Mory
sine, 135 ; with the Margrave of
Brandenburgh, 145 ; compelled to
raise the siege of Metz, 147 ; his
reply to the English ambassadors
respecting his proposed peace with
France, 184 ; summons a diet at
Augsbomg to settle the religious
contentions in the Empire, 211 ;
Henry Il.'s campaign against him
in Flanders, 212 ; Lis defence of
the castle of Renty, ib. ;' resigns
his dominions to his son Philip II,
and retires to a convent, 214 ; his
policy in desiring peace after the
death of the Elector Maurice, 220 ;
his suspicions of Cardinal Pole,
245 ; sends an embassy to Eng
land to negotiate the marriage of
his son Philip II. with Queen Mary,
277 ; his conversation with Sir John
Mason respecting them, 453 ; his
interview with the English ambassa
dors, 457 ; celebrates the feast of
St. George, 467 ; letters to him
from Simon Renard, 302. 306.
313. 336. 371. 378. 383. 388.
392. 398. 405. 411. 413. 415.
419.
Chastillon, Cardinal, account of him,
i. 36, n. ; one of the ambassadors
sent to England by Henry II, 283 ;

reception and entertainment of the
embassy, 285. 287.
Cheek, Sir John, his confession re
specting the Lord Admiral, i. 154 ;
appointed third Secretary of State,
ii. 175 ; his letter to Cecil. 439.
Cheney or Cheyne, Sir Thomas, his
embassy to Germany on the im
prisonment ofthe Protector, i. 273 ;
account of him, ii. 235 ; his enter
tainment by the Queen Regent of
the Netherlands, 236 ; his letter to
Queen Mary, 235.
Cleves, Duke of, remarks on his build
ing the town of Onlick, ii. 129.
 Anne of, wife of Henry VIII,
account of her, ii. 434, n. ; her let
ter to Queen Mary, 433.
Clynton or Clinton, Admiral Lord,
his declaration respecting Lord Tho
mas Seymour, i. 148; his embassy
to France, ii, 85. 99. 101 ; his cha
racter, 85 ; his letters — to the
Council, ii. 100 ; to Sir W. Cecil,
116; letters to him from — the Mar
quis of Winchester, 63 ; the Coun
cil, 97.
Cobham, Lord, letter to from So
merset Lord Protector, i. 75.
211.279.
Coke, Sir Edward, his character as an
attorney-general, ii. 35 ; his remarks
on the Duke of Somerset's execu
tion, 73.
Coligni, Francis; see Andelot.
Cologne, remarks on the town of, ii.
130 ; convent of St. Ursula in,
131.
Commendone, Francis, (afterwards
Cardinal,) his mission to England
on the accession of Queen Mary, ii.
237 ;, his private interviews with
her, 238.
Confession of Augsbourg, a confession
ofthe Protestant faith of the Ger
man Princes, i. 6.
—  of the Duke of Northum
berland, ii. 230.
Conspiracy against the Protector, ac
count of, i. 203, 204 ; proclama
tion respecting, 205 ; handbills cir
culated, 208. 210, 211, n. ; letters
respecting, 212, 213, 214 ; further
account of the course of the conspi
racy, 235. 240; precautions taken
by Queen Mary against a sup
posed conspiracy of the heretics, ii.
394.

INDEX.

507

Constance, attack upon the town of,
by the Imperial army, i. 126, n.
Cornwalleys, Sir Thomas, his letter to
the Queen, ii. 426.
Coronation of Queen Mary, account
of, ii. 240.
Cotman, William, his examination
respecting the riots in Kent on the
proposed marriage of Mary to Philip
II, ii. 277.
Court, remarks on the court-dress in
England during the reign of Ed
ward VI, and on the accession of
Mary, ii. 241.
Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, asser
tion respecting Queen Mary's at
tachment to him, ii. 256 ; the Queen
favourable to him on his supposed
connection with Wyatt's conspira
cy, 375 ; particulars respecting him
in a packet of the French ambassa
dor, 384 ; confined in the Tower,
397 ; removed to a - castle in the
north, 400 ; his confession respect
ing Paget, 405 ; pardoned and sent
to travel in Germany, 471 ; his re
ception there, 474 ; his letter to
Queen Mary, ib. ; letters to him
from — Thomas Martyn, 471. 477.
479 ; his mother the Countess of
Exeter, 473.
Covetousness, order of the King and
Council respecting, i. 424.
Crane, T. comments on his evi
dence against the Duke of Somerset,
ii. 14; his information against the
Duke of Somerset and the Earl of
Arundel, 38.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of
Canterbury, his defection from the
Protector, i. 237. 243 ; his letters to
the Council at London, 223. 241.

miral, i. 3 ; one of the commanders
of the expedition against the town
of Mahadia, 328 ; remarks respect
ing him, 421, n.
Dorset, [Henry Grey Marquis of, and
Duke of Suffolk, married to Lady
Frances Brandon, i. 131 ; consents
to his daughter being entrusted to
the Lord Admiral, 132 ; parti
culars of his examination against
him, 137 ; resigns the warden-
ship of the northern borders, ii.
28 ; created Duke of Suffolk, 30 ;
conducts the rebellion in the mid
land counties on the projected mar
riage between Queen Mary and
Philip II, 279 ; sent to the
Tower, 282 ; notice of his execu
tion, 292. 309.
 Lady Frances (Lady Frances
Brandon), her parentage, i. 131. ;
consents to the care of her daughter,
Lady Jane Grey, being entrusted to
the Lord Admiral, 132; her letter
to him, 134.
Dragut Rey, commander of the town
of Mahadia, i. 328, ».
Drury, Captain Thomas, distinguishes
himself against the rebels, i. 197,
198.
Dudley, Edmund, notice of his exe
cution, i. 26.
—  John ; see Warwick.
 Lord Guilford, his marriage
with Lady Jane Grey, i. 261 ; ii.
164; his execution, 292, 293.
¦ Lady Catherine, married to

Lord Hastings, ii. 164.
Durham, Bishop of, bill passed for
restoring him to his property, ii.
373.
Dymock, John, his letter to the Pro
tector, i. 161.

D.
Dee, Dr. John, the spirit-seer, accu
sations against him, ii. 478.
Devonshire, rebellion in, under the
Protectorate, i. 177. 203 ; the Pro
tector's answer to the insurgents,
178.
 Earl of; see Courtenay.
" Dialogue against the Mass," by Dr.
William Turner, i. 322.
Dinant, town of, taken by the French,
ii. 212.
Doria, Andrew, the Genoese Ad-

Edward VI, King of England, pro
claimed King, i. 14 ; his grief at
his father's death, 17; general par
don granted at his coronation, ib.
n. ; the Lord Admiral's intrigues
to gain his favour, 110; plan for
his marriage with Lady Jane Grey,
131. 139 ; remarks on the abuses
during his minority, 153 ; his con
fession respecting the disputes be
tween the Protector and his brother,
ib. y signs the proclamation respect-

508

INDEX.

ing the conspiracy against the Pro
tector, 205 ; letter in his name to
Sir Harry Seymour, 213 ; conspi
rators present themselves before
him, 243 ; venality of the judges
and councillors in his reign, 337 ;
interdicts the Princess Mary from
having mass in her household, 379,
n. ; remarks on his estrangement
from the Emperor Charles, and al
liance with the French King, 383 ;
instructions respecting his marriage
with the Lady Elizabeth of France,
397, n. ; invested with the order of
St. Michael by Henry II, 409, n;
extracts from his journal respecting
Somerset's conspiracy, ii. 2 ; his
desire for Somerset's death, 11 ;
remarks on his forbidding the Prin
cess Mary to have mass performed
in her household, 27 ; his account
of the Duke of Somerset's trial,
61 ; prepossessed against the Duke,
68. 70 ; stands sponsor for the son
of Henry II, 85 ; his attachment to
Barnaby Fitzpatrick, ib. ; declines
joining the league of the Protestant
Princes against the Elector, 95, n. ;
his declining health, 164 ; his re
version of the succession in favour
of Lady Jane Grey, 165. 167 ; his
death, 1 85 ; his letters to — the
Lord Admiral, i. 112 ; the Lords
of the Council, 220 ; Barnaby
Fitzpatrick, ii. 61.
Egmont, Lamoral Count, account of
him, ii. 253, n.
Eleanor, Queen Dowager of France,
description of her court at Brussels,
ii. 124.
Ellis, Sir Henry, papers respecting
the Duke of Somerset found and
published by him, ii. 47.
Elizabeth, Lady, Princess of France,
propositions for her marriage with
King Edward VI, i. 397. 399 ; no
tice of her marriage with Philip II.
of Spain, 399, n.
 Princess of England (after
wards Queen), remarks on the style
of her letters, i. 68 ; on her cha
racter while Princess, 69 ; her at
tachment to Lord Thomas Sey
mour, 135 ; her declaration re
specting Lord Somerset, 151, 152;
compelled to use caution during her
early years, 201 ; her partiality for
Sir William Cecil, 423 ; remarks

as to her supposed connection with
Wyatt's conspiracy, ii. 301 ; de
tained in the palace by Queen
Mary, 311 ; her examination, 321 ;
discussions respecting her, 365,
366. 375 ; seditious letters issued
in her favour, 369 ; a packet of the
French ambassador's respecting
her detained, 384 ; proposals to send
her to the castle of Dhombreck,
and to the court of Hungary, 396.
414 ; remarks on her imputed con
nection with Wyatt's conspiracy,
421 ; accounts of Mary's conduct
to her on this occasion, 422, 423 ;
summoned to the court, 425 ; order
of her journey, 428 ; her high opi
nion of Lord William Howard, 429,
n. ; her interview with the Count
de Feria, 496 ; favours the here
tics, ib. ; her favourite councillors,
499 ; her letter to the Queen Dow
ager, i. 70 ; letter to, from the
Lords ofthe Council, 248.
England, remarks on the state of, in
1547, i. 2 ; mercenary forces em
ployed in, 162 ; rebellion in, owing
to the enclosure of lands, 176, 177 ;
the Protector's address to the in
surgents, 178 ; triumph of the
Popish party in England after the
fall ofthe Protector, 256; number
of foreign Protestant Dissenters re
sort to, 260 ; state of the religion
of, in 1550, 320; remarks on the
rise of non -conformity in, 331 ; on
the misery of the poor of, owing to
the high price of provisions, 363.
365 ; detail of the causes of, 367 ;
afflicted with an infectious disease,
403. 410, n. ; remarks on its diplo
matic service, 406 ; on the manner
of extracting evidence in state pro
secutions in England, ii. 34 ; con
tradictory statements respecting the
dress of the court in the reign of
Edward, and on the accession of
Mary, 241 ; change of religion on
Mary's accession, 244 ; great aver
sion in, to the marriage between
Philip and Mary, 277 ; riots in
consequence, 278 ; restored to the
Catholic Church by Cardinal Pole,
462 ; minutes of the matters done
in, during the absence of Philip II,
483. 485; cruelties practised in,
during the latter years of Mary's
reign, 492.

INDEX.

509

English, remarks on their national
character, ii. 329.
Estampes, Duchess d', notice of. i.
34, n.
Europe, review of the principal sove
reigns of, in 1547, i. 4 ; contest in,
between the Reformers and the
Roman Catholics, 6 ; review of the
Continental affairs of, in 1553 —
1558, ii. 211.
Exeter, Countess of, her letter to her
son, the Earl of Devonshire, ii.
473. F.
Farnese, Octavio, claims the protec
tion of France against the Empe
ror Charles V, i. 262. 350.
Ferdinand, King of the Romans, his
dominions invaded by the Turks, i.
3 ; succeeds to the kingdoms of
Hungary and Bohemia, 5 ; to
Charles V.'s dominions in Ger
many, ib. ; refuses to give up the
sovereignty of Rome, 296, n. ;
claims the succession to the throne
of Hungary, ii. 76.
 di Gonzaga, Don, Governor
of Milan, conspiracy against his
life, i. 129 ; his preparations for
defence against the French, 377.
Feria, Count de, his mission to Eng
land from Philip II, ii. 496; his
interview with Queen Mary, 497 ;
with the Princess Elizabeth, 498 ;
his opinion of her, ib.
Fisher, Thomas, his letter to Secretary
Cecil, i. 117.
Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, letter to him
from King Edward, ii. 61 ; ac
count of him, 85.
Fitzwaters, T. his letter to the Coun
cil, ii. 408.
Fowler, John, assists the Lord Admi
ral in his intrigues against the
Protector, i. 110; his letter to the
Lord Admiral, ib.
Fox, Mr. his account of the execu
tion of the Duke of Somerset, ii.
71 ; his affirmation respecting the
Duke of Northumberland, 229 ;
account of his misstatement respect
ing Queen Mary's conduct to the
Princess Elizabeth, 422. 425.
France, state of parties and political
feeling in, on the accession of
Henry II, i. 35. 42 ; alliance be

tween Scotland and France, 68 ;
preparations in, for assisting the
Scots, 87. 89 ; account of a dispute
at the court of, 158; duel in, be
tween the Prince and Monsieur
d'Andelot, 159 ; triumph of the
French on the restoration of Bou
logne, 326, n. ; reception of Mary
Queen Dowager of Scotland in,
327 ; remarks on the literature
of, under Henry II, 385 ; enter
tainments in, to the English am
bassadors, 385. 395, «.
Kings of ; see Francis I,

Henry II.
Queen Dowager of; see Ele

anor.
Francis I. King of France, notice of
his death, i. 3 ; account of his con
duct on the death of Henry VIII,
30 ; of his death, ib. 34 ; his fune
ral obsequies, 38, n.
 Dauphin of France, (afterr
wards Francis II,) betrothed to
Mary Queen of Scots, i. 68.
Fredwald, treaty at, between the
King of France, the Elector of
Saxony, and the German Pro
testant Princes, i. 258, 259.
French ships arrested in the ports of
the Queen of Hungary, i. 419, n.
Fuller, his observations on the rise
of non-conformity in England,
i. 331 ; his description of Bishop
Hoper, 363.

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win
chester, account of his collision
with Lord Oxford's players, i. 19,
20 ; his character, 22 ; notice of his
imprisonment in the Tower, 108 ;
opinions of different authors re
specting him, 109; the Emperor
of Germany's jealousy of him, ii.
300 ; Chancellor to Queen Mary,
his opinion of the precaution neces
sary to be taken against the Prin
cess Elizabeth, 365 ; his speech on
the opening of the parliament, 368 ;
proposes the restoration of the pro
perty of the Bishop of Durham,
373 ; detains a packet of the French
ambassador containing particulars
relating to Courtenay and the
Princess Elizabeth, 384; his sus
picions of Paget, 393 ; quarrels be-

510

INDEX.

tween him and Paget, 399 ; his
letters to Sir W. Paget, i. 21 ; to
Warwick Duke of Northumberland,
108 ; letter to him from Sir W.
Paget, 24.
Germanic body, the seventeen pro
vinces of the Low Countries attach
ed to the, i. 1 1 .
German Princes, many of them em
brace the Protestant religion, i. 6 ;
dissensions between the Catholic
and Protestant Princes, 7.
Germany, the Reformed religion
adopted in several of the towns ofj
i. 6 ; struggles in, between the Ca
tholics and Protestants, 7. 9 -, seve
ral of the states and towns of, re
fuse " The Interim," 126.
 Emperor of; see Charles V,
Philip II.
Godwin, Bishop, his opinion of Queen
Mary, ii. 500.
Golding,  Esq. letter to, from the
Protector, i. 212.
Gonzaga, Ferdinand ; see Ferdinand.
Granvelle, the Spanish minister, his
conversation with the English am
bassadors respecting the French, i.
100 ; his avowal of the difficulties
of the Emperor Charles in pro
claiming his son Philip sovereign of
the Netherlands, 183, 184.
Grey, Lady Jane, her parentage, i.
131 ; care of, entrusted to Sey
mour Lord Admiral, 132 ; his plan
for her marriage with King Ed
ward VI, 131. 139; her marriage
with Lord Guilford Dudley, 261,
ii. 164 ; the crown settled on her
by Edward, 165; proclaimed Queen,
188; deposed, 191 ; account of
her execution, 292 ; Roger As
cham's narrative respecting her,
294 ; remarks on her conduct in
accepting the crown, 296, 297 ;
her personal appearance, 298 ;
her letter to the Lord Admiral, i.
133.
Groninge, Monsieur de, governor of
Zealand, slain at the siege of Bre
men, i. 41, n.
Guidotti, M. employed to conduct the
negotiations for the resignation of
Boulogne to France, i. 256.
287, n.
Guise, Duke de ; see Lorraine.
¦  Charles de; see Rheims, Bi
shop of.

H.
Hales, Sir James, refuses to sign the
will reversing the succession in fa
vour of Lady Jane Grey, ii. 168.
 John, one of the commission
ers appointed to investigate tbe na
tional abuses, i. 113; introduces
three bills respecting the enclosure
of lands, 176 ; his letter to the
Protector, 113.
Handbills, circulated on the conspi
racy against the Protector, i. 208.
210.
Harpax Goodman, a spy, his com
munications to Dr. Wotton, i. 91.
Hayward, Sir John, his account of
the Protector's being brought to
London and confined in the Tower,
i. 246.
Hastings, Lord, his marriage with
Lady Catherine Dudley, ii. 164.
 Sir Edward, joins the army of
Queen Mary, ii. 1C9; his letters
to the Queen, 426. 457.
Helding, Michael ; see Sidonius.
Henry VIU. King of England, notice
of his death, i. 14 ; funeral obse
quies, 30 ; anecdote of him, 146.
—  II. King of France, notice of
his accession to the throne, i. 3 ;
negotiates with the Pope, 12; his
anxiety to recover Boulogne from
the English, 13. 68 ; sketch of the
state of parties and; political feeling
on his accession, 35.42 ; refuses to
sign Francis's treaties with .Eng
land, 39, n. ; reinstates the Con
stable Montmorency, 43 ; his fa
vourites, 44 ; his alliance with
Scotland, 68 ; his preparations for
war alarm the English government,
81 ; his negotiations with Turkey,
97 ; with England for the recovery
of Boulogne, 257 ; with Maurice
Elector of Saxony and the German
Protestant Princes, 258, 259 ; de
clares war with the Emperor
Charles, 262 ; takes possession of
Metz, 264 ; defeated by the Im
perialists at Therouenne and Hes-
din, 267 ; reception and entertain
ment of his ambassadors in Eng
land, 285. 287 ; overtures made to
him by some of the Irish /chiefs,
291 ; account of his entry into the
town of Roan, 325 ; the origin of
the renewal of the war in Italy be-

INDEX.

511

tween him and the Emperor Charles,
349 ; attention paid by him to the
merchants, 350 ; his interview with
George Paris the Irish messenger,
352 ; notice of his alliance with the
Turks, 360, n. ; with Edward VI,
383 ; comparison between his cha
racter and that of Charles II. of
England, 384; literature of France
during his reign, 385 ; his partia
lity for athletic exercises, 388, n. ;
his proposal for the marriage of the
Dauphin to the Queen of Scots,
394, n. ; invests King Edward VI.
with the order of St. Michael, 409 ;
his present to the Marquis of North
ampton, 419, n. ; solicits King
Edward to act as sponsor to his
son, ii. 85 ; conditions required by
him respecting the peace with Ger
many, 177 ; his campaign against
the Emperor in Flanders, 212 ; de
feats in Italy, if). 214 ; obtains pos
session of Calais, 215 ; opposes the
marriage of Mary with Philip II,
260 ; his conversation respecting
the match, 262; with Dr. Wot
ton respecting Sir Peter Carew,
289. III. King of France, his

birth, ii. 84.
Herbert, Sir William, his defection
from the Protector, i. 216 ; his
letter to the Protector, 217 ; to the
Council at London, 231.
Heretics accused of inciting the popu
lace to rebellion, ii. 370 ; bill for
the punishment of heretics rejected
by the Peers, 386.
Hertford, Edward Seymour, Earl of ;
see Somerset.
 Edward Seymour, Earl of,
son of the Protector, sent as one of
the hostages to Henry II, i. 279.
Hesse, William, Landgrave of, his
conflicts with the Catholics, i. 9 ;
imprisoned, 10 ; a party to the
treaty between the King of France
and the German Protestant Princes,
259 ; restored to his freedom, 264.
Hoby, Sir Philip, sent ambassador to
Germany, i. 98 ; his interview with
the Emperor Charles, 100; des
patched with letters to the con
spirators against the Protector, 230 ;
his double dealing, 231 ; his mission
to Windsor, 236 ; his message to the
Protector and others, 238 ; his de

claration to the Protector, 239 ; his
embassy to Germany on the impri
sonment of the Protector, 273 ; his
letters — to the Protector and the
Council, 98 ; the Lord Admiral,
125 ; the Council, ii. 182 ; the
Queen, 235; Sir William Cecil,
494.
Holinshed, his account of the Duke of
Northumberland's speech before
leaving the Tower, ii. 197.
Hoper, Bishop of G loucester, his de
scription of the misery of the poor
in England owing to the high price
of provisions, i. 363. 365 ; his cha
racter, 364 ; his letter to Cecil,
364.
Howard, Lord William, his letter to
Queen Mary, ii. 426 ; the high
opinion entertained for him by the
Princess Elizabeth, 429, n.
Hume, exculpates the Duke of So
merset from his alleged conspi
racy, ii. 1.
Hungary, war in, respecting the right
of succession, ii. 76.
 King of ; see Zapolski.
 Queen of ; see Isabella.
Huntly, Earl -of, promised the earl
dom of Murray by Mary ueen
Regent, i. 355.

I.
"Interim," the, aformulaofthe Catho
lic faith drawn up by command of
the Emperor of Germany, i. 11;
Protestant Princes compelled to
swear to, 81 ; remarks on its prin
ciples, 84 ; on its author, 85 ; its
general unpopularity and failure,
B6 ; refused by many of the states
and towns, 126 ; the Pope desirous
of its being published, 127, n.
Ireland, some of the chiefs make over
tures to Henry II. of France, i. 291 ;
remarks on the discontented Ro
man Catholics in, 348.
Isabella, Queen Regent of the Ne
therlands, her joy on the accession
of Queen Mary to the throne of
England, ii. 234 ; entertains the
English ambassadors, 236.
 Queen of Hungary, obtains
assistance from the Ottoman Porte
in her struggles for the throne, ii.
76.

512

INDEX.

Italy divided into separate states, i.
3; preparations for war in, 374.
376. J.
John Frederick, Elector of Saxony,
his conflicts with the Catholics, i.
8, 9 ; his victory over Albert of
Brandenburgh at Rochlitz, 10 ;
taken prisoner in the battle of
Mulhberg, ib. ; refuses his submis
sion to the Emperor, 11 ; his in
terview with him, 55 ; Roger As
cham's character of him, 62 ; con
demned to death, 63 ; the Emperor
attempts to prevail upon him to
subscribe to " The Interim," 101 ;
restored to his estates and dignities,
263 ; refuses to take part against
the Elector Maurice, 264.
Journal, extracts from King Edward's
respecting the Duke of Somerset,
ii. 2.
Julius III, Pope, (Cardinal di
Monte,) elected to the papal
throne, i. 260 ; anecdote of him,
305, «. ; comments on his election
to the Popedom, 312, n. ; his bull
on the new convocation of the
Council of Trent, ii. 77 ; his joy
on the accession of Queen Mary
to the throne of England, 237.
239.
Justices of the Peace, letter to, from
the Privy Council, ii. 33.

K.
Kent, riots in, owing to the projected
marriage between Philip II. and
Mary, ii. 278 ; the Queen pardons
several of the rioters, 309.
Ket, a tanner, heads the rebellion in
Norfolk, i. 177; hanged on Nor
wich Castle, 195.
 William, brother of the above,
hanged on Windham steeple, i.
195.
Knox, the reformer, notice of his re
storation to freedom, i. 295, ¦«. ii.
140 ; account of him, 141 ; re
fuses the bishoprick of Rochester,
ib. ; his opinion of the Duke of
Northumberland and Paulet Mar
quis of Winchester, ii. 147.

La Royne Blanche, explanation of
this term, i. 38, n.
Lever, Thomas, extract from his ser
mon on covetousness, i. 424.
Lewis, King of Hungary and Bohe
mia, slain at the battle of Mohatz,
i. 5.
Lingard, Dr. his opinion of the trea
son of the Lord Admiral, i. 150 ;
remarks on the conspiracy against
the Protector, 247 ; his assertion
respecting the Duke of Somerset's
conspiracy, ii. 3 ; his account of the
Duke's trial, 55 ; his opinion of his
guilt, 58 ; information respecting
the Duke of Northumberland, 226;
his statement respecting the court
dresses on the accession of Mary,
241.
L'Isle, Lord, notice of his marriage
with the Protector Somerset's
daughter, i. 278.
Lisle, Viscount ; see Warwick, Earl. *
Lodge, Mr. contradictions in his
Lives of Seymour the Lord Admiral
and Catherine Parr Queen Dowa
ger, i. 124, n.
Lorraine, Cardinal of ; see Rheims,
Bishop of.
 Francis of, Duke of Guise,
and Aumale, account of, i. 45 ;
takes Calais from the English, ii.
215.
Low countries, the seventeen pro
vinces of the, attached to the Ger
manic body, i. 11.
Lutheran Protestants, liberty of con
science granted to, by the Diet of
Augsbourg, ii. 213 ; see Augs
bourg. M.
Macintosh, Sir James, his assertion
respecting Philip II .'s quitting
England, ii. 481.
Magdeburgh, notice ofthe siege of, i.
257, 258.
Malvenda, Louis, composition of "The
Interim " imputed to him, i. 85 ;
see Interim.
Marcellus II. Pope ; see Cervino
Marcello.
Margaret, Lady, daughter of Francis
I, notice of her marriage, i. 34, n. ;
her literary character, 308, n.

INDEX.

513

Maria, Donna of Spain, notice of hei
marriage with Maximilian, i. 88.
Marillac, Charles de, account bf him,
i. 414, n.
Mary, Princess of England, after
wards Queen, observations on her
character and disposition, i. 49,
50 ; her ill health, 346 ; interdict
ed from having mass performed in
her household, 379, n. ; ii. 27 ; set
aside fromthesuccession by Edward,
164 ; attempt to gain possession of
her person on the death of Edward,
186 ; demands to be proclaimed
Queen, 187 ; her cause espoused
by many of the nobility, 189, 190 ;
Sir William Cecil presents his de
fence to her, 192 ; account of the
crafty proceedings of parties re
specting her accession, 201 ; opi
nions of her character, 210 ; lead
ing events of her reign, 211 ; sends
an army to assist Philip II. in his
war against France, 214 ; her grief
at. the loss of Calais, 215; reflec
tions on her conduct to the Duke
of Northumberland, 227 ; declares
her attachment to the Romish
church to Francis Commendone,
238 ; celebrates her coronation,
240 ; contradictory statements re
specting the dress of the court at
her accession, 241 ; opening of her
first parliament, 242 ; her proposed
marriage with Philip of Spain, 245 ;
assertions respecting her attach
ment to Courtenay Earl of Devon
shire, 256 ; an ambassador sent to
her from Philip of Spain, 257 ;
aversion in England to her mar
riage with him, 259 ; notice of her
letter to Henry VIIL renouncing
the Pope's authority in England,
260 ; conversation between Henry
II. of France and Dr. Wotton re
specting her marriage, 262; between
the" Constable Montmorency and
Dr. Wotton, 266 ; her determined
conduct on being informed of the
aversion of the House of Commons
. to her marriage, 270 ; riots in Eng
land owing to her projected mar
riage, 277, 278 ; her courage and
decision on this occasion, 279 ; her
speech to the magistrates and popu
lace, 280, 281 ; its strong effect
upon her enemies, 282 ; consents
to the execution ofLady Jane Grey,
VOL. II-

292 ; grants a pardon to some of
the Kent rioters, 309 ; advised to
imprison the Princess Elizabeth,
311; her piety, 327; anxiety for
Philip's safety duiing his journey to
England, 365 ; account of her open
ing parliament, 368 ; divisions in
her Council, 372 ; her uncertainty
as to the conduct to be pursued in
regard to the Princess Elizabeth,
375 ; her precautious for the safety
of Philip, 376. 379 ; applies to the
Chancellor for the restoration of the
French ambassador's packets, 383 ;
her suspicions of Paget, 385 ; her
popularity on the closing of parlia
ment, 389 ; grants her pardon to
Paget, 392 ; her precautions to
prevent a conspiracy, 394 ; reply
to the French ambassador respect
ing the conduct of Henry II, 407 ;
debates in the Council respecting
Philip's name preceding hers, 411 ;
confers the Order of the Garter
upon Philip, 416 ; accused of seve
rity towards Elizabeth, 421 ; justi
fication of her conduct, 423. 425 ;
account of her marriage with Phi
lip, 430 ; her pardon and offers to
Sir William Cecil, 437 ; pardons
Courtenay, 471 ; cruelties practised
, during the latter years of her reign,
ii. 492 ; her illness, 495 ; embassy
sent to her by Philip, 496; her
satisfaction on the appointment of
Elizabeth her successor, 497 ; her
death, 500 ; remarks on her cha
racter, ib. ; letters to her from
— the Lords ofthe Council, i.248 ;
Dr. Wotton, ii. 249. 286; Sir
John Masone, 387. 451 ; Sir E.
Hastings, 426. 457 ; Sir T. Corn-
walleys, 426 ; Anne of Cleves,
433 ; the Earl of Devonshire, 474 ;
Sir Edward Carne, 480 ; her letters
— the Duchess of Somerset, i. 51 ;
the Duke of Somerset, 60 ;  ,
346. of Austria, Queen Dowager

of Hungary, appointed Regent of
the Netherlands, i. 3. 47.
• of Guise, Queen Dowager of

Scotland, conducted to Dieppe by
Leo Strozzi, i. 308, n. ; her recep
tion in France, 327 ; account of
the nobles who accompanied her,
329 ; obtains the support of the
nobility in Scotland by bribes, 355,
2 L

514

INDEX.

n. ; her promises to the Earl of
Huntly, 355 ; her arrival and en
tertainment in England, ii. 5, 6.
. Queen of Scots, betrothed to

Francis the Dauphin of France, i.
68.
Martinhausen, George, Prime Minis
ter to the King of Hungary, deserts
the Queen Isabella on her procur
ing the assistance of the Turks, ii.
76.
Martyn, Thomas, his letters to the
Earl of Devonshire, ii. 471. 477.
479.
Mason or Masone, Sir John, his
remark respecting Henry II. of
France, i. 97 ; character and ac
count of him, 283 ; his disposition,
284 ; his uneasiness respecting the
negotiations between the French
court and Ireland, 299 ; remarks on
his ebullitions against the Roman
Catholics under Edward VI, and
against the Reformers under Mary,
313, n. ; on his contradictory opi
nions of Cardinal Pole, 314, n. ;
his conversation with Jeffrey Pole,
ib. ; his sketch of the affairs of
Europe in 1550, 324, 325 ; his
opinions on free trade and the
unrestricted price of commodities,
339. 341 ; of corporations, 362,
n. ; suspicions respecting him, ii.
369 ; account of his interview with
Cardinal Pole, 451 ; with the Em
peror Charles, 453 ; his letters to
— the Council, i. 291. 301. 308.
325. 351 ; ii. 253. 462. 466 ; Sir
William Cecil, i. 319. 340 ; Queen
Mary, ii. 387. 451 ; Philip II,
ib. ; Sir William Petre, 469 ; let
ter to him from the Lords of the
Council, i. 28.
Maurice, Duke, Elector of Saxony,
head of the Albertine branch of the
house of Saxony, joins the Empe
ror of Germany in his war against
the Protestants, i. 8 ; defeated in
the battle of Rochlitz, 10 ; invest
ed with the electorate and duchy of
Saxony in the room of John Freder
ick, 11; accepts "The Interim," 84.
86; notice of his plans for opposing
the Emperor Charles, 87 ; appoint
ed to conduct the siege of Magde
burgh, 257 ; his defection from the
Emperor and coalition with the
Protestants and the King of France,

258, 259"; his successful campaign
against the Emperor, 263 ; con
cludes a peace at Passau, 264 ;
mortally wounded at the battle of
Siverhausen, 266 ; his intrigues
against the Emperor Charles, ii.
. 79. 94 ; solicits King Edward to
join the league, 95, n. ; defeats
Albert of Brandenburgh at Siver
hausen, 216 ; account ofthe battle,
217; mortally wounded, 218; his
death, 219 ; buried at Dresen,
- 221.
Maximilian of Austria, son of Ferdi
nand King of the Romans, Arch
duke, notice of his marriage with
Donna Maria, i. 88, n. 297, n. ;
his proficiency in foreign languages,
310, 7j. ; appointed governor of
Spain, ib.
Mecklenbourg, Albert Duke of, a
party to the treaty between the
King of France and the German
Protestant Princes, i. 259.
Medicis, Catherine de, Queen of
France, consort of Henry II, her
hatred of England, i. 95 ; account
of her, ib. n. ; entertainment given
by her to the English ambassadors,
395, n.
Melancthon, M. remarks on his senti
ments respecting" The Interim," i.
99.
Melphi, John Caracciolo, Prince of,
governor of Piedmont, remarks on
the character of his government, i.
305, ti.
Melvil, Sir James, sent to be edu
cated at the French court, i. 291 ;
his description of his voyage to Ire
land, 299.
Memoranda of Sir William Cecil,
firoving his adherence to the Catho-
ic religion, ii. 443.
Metz, siege of, raised by the Emperor
Charles V, ii. 147.
Mezeray, M. his remarks on the dis
solution of the court of France
under Henry II, i. 385.
Milan, Francis Sforza Duke of,'
offers a reward for the capture of
wolves in Italy, ii. 84.
Minutes of the Privy Council, trans
mitted to Philip II, his remarks on
them, ii. 583. 485.
Mirandola, castle of, besieged by the
Emperor of Germany and the Pope,
i. 375; want of provisions in, ii. 83.

INDEX.

515

Monluc, Bishop of Valence, sent into
Ireland by Henry II. of France, i.
291.
Montague, Lord, Chief Justice, oppo
ses the reversion of the crown in
favour of Lady Jane Grey, ii. 166 ;
consents upon conditions, 167.
Montalembert, Andrew, Sieur D'Ess6,
account of him, i. 155 ; slain in
the defence of Terouenne, 156.
Montmorency, Anne de, Constable of
Paris, account of him, i. 43 ; anec
dotes of, 44 ; his conversation with
Dr. Wotton respecting the marriage
between Queen Mary and Philip
II, ii. 266.
¦  J. de, his letters to the Empe
ror Charles, ii. 398. 405.
Montpensier, Louis de Bourbon,
Duke of, account of him, i. 386, n.
Morysine, Sir Richard, his literary
character, i. 342 ; remarks on his
despatches, 343 ; account of his
reception at the court of Germany,
ii. 133 ; his interview with the
Emperor, 135. 137 ; his account of
the state of the papal court, 139 ;
his letter to — Sir William Cecil, i.
344; the Council, ii. 79. 145.
182 ; the Queen, 235.
Mulhberg, battle of, i. 10. 52. 54.
56.
Mundt, Christopher, his letter to the
Council, ii. 220.
Mustafa, Prince, notice of his murder
by his father's command, ii. 275.

N.
Nares, Dr. his conjectures respecting
the time of Sir William Cecil's pro
motion to the Secretaryship, i. 316 ;
his opinion of his religion, ii.
442.
Noailles, M. character of him, ii. 356;
notice of his intrigues against Queen
Mary's government, ib. n.
Non-conformity, account of the rise of,
in England, i. 331.
Norfolk, rebellion in, i. 177. 203 ;
the Protector's answer to the insur
gents, 178.
Northampton, Marquis ofj defeated
by the rebels, i. 192 ; present made
to him by Henry II. of France,
419, Ti. ; his letter to the Lords of
the Council, 385.

Northumberland, Duke of ; see War
wick.
Norwich, Bishop of, his letters to —
the Council, ii. 182 ; the Queen,
235.
Nuremberg, Pflug, Bishop of, compo
sition of " The Interim imputed lo
him, i. 85 ; see Interim.

0.
Octavio, Duke of Parma and Placen
tia, murdered by the populace, i.
Oldenburgh, Christopher, Earl of,
negotiations between him and the
English to serve in England, i.
161.
Olivier, Francois, character of, i. 37,
71.
Onlick, town of, description of, ii.
129.

Paget, Sir William, Secretary of
State, notice of his being deprived
of his office, i. 25, ti. ; his advice to
the Protector, 174; disapproves of
his lenity to the Norfolk rebels,
183 ; his unsuccessful embassy to
Germany, 189; his defection from
the Protector, 237 ; account of his
disgrace, ii. 107 ; his remarks upon
religion, 365, 366 ; Queen Mary's
suspicions of him, 385 ; remarks
on his intrigues against her, 390 ;
solicits pardon from her, 392 ; his
imputed conspiracy with the here
tics, 393 ; his quarrels with Gardi
ner, 399 ; Courtenay's confession
respecting him, 405 ; his intrigues
against Mary, 418 ; minutes of the
instructions given to him on his
mission to Germany, 445 ; his let
ters to — the Bishop of Winchester,
i. 24 ; Secretary Petre, 182, 183,
190 ; the Council at London, 223.
241 ; Simon Renard, ii. 381 ;
Queen Mary, 457 ; letters to him
from — the Earl of Hertford, i. 15 ;
the Bishop of Winchester, 21 ; the
Earl of Warwick, 28 ; Bishop of
Westminster, 52 ; Edward Carne,
57 ; Dr. Wotton, 58.
Palmer, Sir Thomas, comments on his

516

INDEX.

evidence against the Duke of So
merset, ii. 11, 12. 17. 31.
Papal court, remarks on the state of,
ii. 139.
Parliament, account of the meeting of
Queen Mary's first parliament, ii.
242; opening, of, by the Queen,
367 ; the Chancellor's speech, 368 ;
account of the Queen's closing it,
389.
Paris, George, messenger from the
Irish insurgents to the French
court, i. 348. 351 ; his interview
with the French King, 352.
Parma, Duchy of, seized by the Em
peror of Germany, i. 12.
Parr, Catherine, Queen Dowager of
England, notice of her, marriage
with Thomas Lord Seymour, i. 64.
102 ; passage from one of her let
ters to him, 67 ; notice of her
death, 104 ; character of, 124 ;
remarks on her husband's treat
ment of her, 130 ; letters to her from
— Lord Seymour High Admiral,
i. 64. 102,; the Princess Elizabeth,
70.
Parry, Thomas, his letters to Cecil, i.
201. 322. 425.
Passau, treaty concluded at, between
the Emperor Charles and the Pro
testant Princes, i. 264.
Paul III, (Alexander Farnese,) Pope,
his devotion to France, i. 4; in
dignant with the Emperor of Ger
many on his taking possession of
Parma and Placentia, 12 ; negoti
ates with Henry King of Fiance,
ib. ; desirous for the publication of
" The Interim," 127 ; his death,
260.
Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, the
reformer Knox's opinion of him,
ii. 147 ; his letter to the Lord Ad
miral Clinton, 63.
Petre, Sir William, Secretary, charac
ter and account of him, i. 77 ; his
letter to Sir William Cecil, 427 ;
letters to him from — Dr. Wotton, i.
78.91; ii. 91. 283. 370 ; the Bishop
of Westminster, i. 84. 88 ; Sir
William Paget, 182, 183. 190 ;
Sir T. Smith, 228 ; Sir John
Masone, ii. 469.
Philip II. King of Spain, afterwards
Emperor of Germany, notice of his
accession to the kingdom of Portu
gal, i. 5 ; installed sovereign of the

provinces united to the Germanic
body, 12; notice of his marriage
with Queen Mary, 49 ; his neglect
of her, 50 ; opposition to hi; be,ing
proclaimed sovereign of the Nether
lands, .183, 184; notice of his
marriage with Princess Elizabeth of
France, 399, n. ; succeeds, to the
throne of Germany^ ii. 214; his
successes over the French in Artois
and Italy, ib. ; marriage projected
between him and Mary Queen of
England, 245 ; anonymous attacks
upon him in England, 255, n. ;
sends an ambassador to Mary,
257 ; his personal appearance,
258 ; aversion in England -to -his
marriage with Mary, 259 ; mea
sures for his reception in England,
326. 332. 376. 380; genealogy
published, Showing his alliance to
the House of Lancaster, 390 ; de
bates in the Council as to his name
taking precedence of Mary's, 41 1 ;
the Order of the Garter con
ferred upon him by the Queen,
416 ; account of his marriage with
Mary, 430 ; letter to him from Sir
John Masone, 451 ; assertion re
specting his quitting England, ii.
481 ; his remarks on the matters
done in England during his ab
sence, 483 ; on the minutes of
the Council, 485 ; his conduct to
the Queen, 492 ; sends an em
bassy to England, 496 ; the Prin
cess Elizabeth expresses her obli
gations to him, 498.
Pickering, Sir W. his talents as an
ambassador, i. 406 ; his character,
ib. ; account of his embassies to
France, ii. 86. 176 ; his letters to —
the Council, i. 408; ii. 86. 178;
Sir W. Cecil, 67. 106.
Piedmont, conquests of the French
army in, i. 377, n.
 Governor of; see Mel phi.
Placentia, Duchy of, taken possession
of by the Emperor of Germany, i.
12.
Poictiers, Diana of, her influence in
the government of France, i. 45 ;
her charitable disposition, 46.
Pole, Cardinal Reginald, life of, i.
164, 165 ; his friends in England,
167 ; comments on his refusal of
the Popedorp, 312, n. ; Sir John
Masone's opinion of him, 314, •«. ;

INDEX.

517

hailed as the harbinger of peace in
France, ii. 211 ; his embassy to
England on the accession of Queen
Mary, 237 ; his paper of instruc
tion respecting Queen Mary's as
sumption of the title Supreme Head
of the Church, 243 ; the Emperor
Charles's jealousy of him, 300 ; his
suspicions of him respecting the
marriage between Philip 11. and
Queen Mary, 245 ; his reception
in France, 360 ; his conversation
with Thomas Stafford, 363 ; with
Sir John Mason, 451 ; his arrival
and reception in F.ngland, 461 ;
absolves the nation from heresy,
restores it to Holy Church, 462 ;
his letter to the Earl of Warwick,
i. 165.
 Jeffrey, brother to the Cardinal,
his conversation with Sir John Ma-
sone, i. 314.
Popes, see Paul III. Julius III.
Marcellus II. Paul IV.
Poynet, Bishop of Winchester, his
opinion of his predecessor, Bishop
Gardiner, i. 109.
Proclamation respecting the con
spiracy against the Protector, i.
205.
Protestants, increased number of in
Germany, i. 6 ; the Emperor's pro
ject for their subjugation, 7 ; liberty
of conscience granted to the Lu
theran Protestants by the Diet of
Augsbourg, ii. 213.
 religion, abolished in Eng
land on Queen Mary's accession,
ii. 244.
Prisoners, report of the prisoners in
the Tower in 1549, i. 268 ; list of
the persons imprisoned for the con
spiracy of the Duke of Somerset, ii.
37.
Privy Council, letter from, to the
justices ofthe peace, ii. 33.

R.
Rebellion in England, under the Pro
tectorate, i. 176, 177; the Pro
tector's answer to the insurgents,
1 78 ; rebellion on the projected
marriage between Queen Mary and
Philip II, ii. 278. 280. 282.
Renard, Simon, his embassy to Eng
land from the Emperor Charles V,

ii. 299 ; his jealousy of Bishop
Gardiner and Cardinal Pole, 300 ;
ambassador from the Emperor
Charles V. to Queen Mary, 365 ;
his account of the discussions re
specting the Princess Elizabeth and
Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire,
365, 366. 375; of the Queen's
opening parliament, 367 ; his sus
picions of Sir John Masone, 369 ;
his account of the divisions in the
Council, 372 ; of the trial of Sir N.
Throckmorton, 374 ; his conversa
tion with the Queen respecting the
precautions necessary upon the
arrival of Philip II, 376; his ac
count of the discovery of a packet
ofthe French ambassador relating
to Courtenay and the Princess
Elizabeth, 383 ; his letters to— the
Emperor Charles V, 302. 306.
313. 336. 371. 383. 388. 392. 398.
405. 411. 413. 415.419; Philip
Prince of Spain, 332. 378 : letters
to him from Sir W. Paget, 381.
Renty, castle of, besieged by the
French, ii. 212.
Rheims, Charles de Guise, Bishop of,
(Cardinal Lorraine,) character and
description of him, i. 44.
Rich, Lord Chancellor, his charac
ter, i. 199 ; letter to Sir W. Ce
cil, ib.
Ridley, Bishop of London, his cha
racter, i. 428 ; kindness to Bishop
Bonner's mother, 429 ; his letter to
Cecil, 430.
Rochlitz, battle at between the Pro
testants and Catholics, i. 10.
Roman Catholic party in England,
triumph of, after the fall of the Pro
tector, i. 255.
Russell, Lord, his communications
respecting Lord Thomas Seymour's
treason, i. 142, 143 ; defeats the
rebels at Exeter, 195; his defec
tion from the Protector, 216 ; his
letter to him, 217 ; to the Council
at London, 231.

St. Andre, Monsieur le Marechal, his
embassy to England from Henry II.
of France, i. 409.
St. Quenten, defeat ofthe French army
at, ii. 492.

518

INDEX.

St. Ursula, description of the convent
of, in Cologne, ii. 131.
Sara, Marquis of, his entertainment
of the English ambassadors, ii- 408.
Savoy, Emanuel Philibert, Duke
of, notice ofjiis marriage, i. 34,
¦«. ; invests St. Quentin, ii. 215.
Saxony, Electors of, see John Fre
derick Duke Maurice.
" Schoolmaster," the, by Roger
Ascham, origin of the Work, ii. 122;
narrative relating to the Lady Jane
Grey in, 294.
Scotland, at war with England, i. 68 ;
alliance between France and, 69 ;
its influence in regard to the Eu
ropean powers, 77 ; preparations
in France for the assistance of, 87.
89 ; peace between and the Em
peror Charles V, 306, n.
 , Queen of; see Mary Queen
of Scots.
¦  , Queen Regent of; see
Mary of Guise.
Sedition, seditious letters issued in
favour of the Princess Elizabeth, ii.
369 ; seditious bills against Philip
II, 377.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford ;
see Somerset, Lord Protector.
— ;  , Thomas Lord, of Sudley,
Lord High Admiral, notice of his
marriage with Catherine Parr,
Queen Dowager, i. 64. 102 ; of
his conduct after her decease, 104 ;
his intrigues to supplant his brother
in the favour of King Edward VI,
110; remarks on his brother's con
duct towards him, 119, 120. 123 ;
on his treatment of his wife, 130 ;
his plan for the marriage between
Lady Jane Grey and Edward VI,
131 ; care of the Lady Jane con
signed to him, 132 ; account of his
ambitious projects, 135; accused of
high treason and sent to the Tower,
136 ; examination of the witnesses
against him, 137. 142, 143. 146.
148 ; remarks on his treason, 150 ;
his execution arraigned by Latimer,
152 ; Edward's confession respect
ing him, 153 ; Sir John Cheke's,
154 ; notice of his intention of
restoring his estate of Sudley to the
King, 172 ; his letters to the Queen
Dowager, 64. 102 ; letters to him
from — John Fowler, 110 ; Ed
ward VI., 112 ; his brother the

Protector, 120. 123 ; Sir P. Hoby,
125 ; Lady Jane Grey, 133 ; Lady
Frances Dorset, 134.
 , Sir Harry, letter to him from
the Protector in the King's name,
i. 213.
Sidonius, Michael, (Michael Helding, )
the composition of "The Interim"
imputed to him, 85.
Siverhausen, battle of, i. 266 ; ac
count ofthe battle of, ii. 216, 217.
" Six Articles," a bill passed by
Henry VIII, character of, i. 180.
Skyperius, Lord Admiral of the Em
peror of Germany's fleet, remarks
on his descent upon tlie English
coast, i. 383, n.
Sm ale aid, league of, an union between
the Protestants in Germany, i. 6 ;
destroyed by the Emperor Charles
V, 11.
Smith, Sir Thomas, account of his
parentage and early life, i. 105 ;
knighted and appointed Secretary
of State under the Protector, 106 ;
his embassy to Germany, 107 ; re
mains faithful to the Protector, 216,
237 ; sent to the Tower with him,
244 ; his liberty restored to him,
278; his letters to— Cecil, 107.
185 ; the Council at London, 223 ;
Sir Wilham Petre, 228.
Solyman, the Turkish Emperor, in
vades the dominions of Ferdinand,
King of the Romans, i. 3 ; rejects
the proposals of peace with Italy,
ii. 252, n.
Somers, Will, a favourite jester of
Henry VIII, description of an
engraving of him upon the Psalter
of Henry VIII, ii. 283, ti.
Somerset, Edward Seymour, Earl of
Hertford, and Duke of, Lord Pro
tector of England, sketch of the
state of England under his admi
nistration, i. 2 ; reflections on his
conduct after the decease of Henry
VIII, 19; effects the establish
ment of the reformed religion in
England, 61 ; rivalry between him
and his brother Thomas Lord Sey
mour, 64, 67 ; notice of his ex
pedition to Scotland, 74 ; patron
izes William Cecil, ib. ; incensed
at his brother's marriage with the
Queen Dowager, 102 ; his project
in sending Sir T. Smith to Ger
many, 106 ; his brother's intrigues

INDEX.

519

against him, 110 ; appoints com
missioners to enquire into the
national abuses ofthe country, 113 ;
remarks on his conduct to his bro
ther, 119, 120. 123. 136. 151 ;
Princess Elizabeth's declaration
in his favour, 151 ; procures
a stamp of the King's signa
ture, 153 ; accused of employ
ing mercenary forces in England,
161 ; Sec. Paget's advice to him,
174 ; his embarrassments from his
foreign wars, 175 ; rebellions at
home, 176 ; his answer to the
" Articles" ofthe insurgents, 178 ;
blamed for his lenity to the rebels,
183 ; account of the conspiracy
against him, 204 ; his proclama
tion in consequence, 205 ; advice
of his friends, 207 ; handbills re
specting the conspiracy against
him, 208 ; proclaimed a traitor by
the Earl of Warwick and the con
spirators, 211 ; defection of Lord
Russell, and Sir William Herbert,
216 ; notice of his Articles of Re
signation, 220. 228 ; his suspicions
of treachery removed by the mes
sage of Sir P. Hoby, 240 ; account
of his arrest and imprisonment, 241 ;
journey to London and confined in
the Tower, 246 ; accepts the condi
tions of pardon offered to him, 247 ;
account of the proceedings sent to
the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth,
248 ; remarks on his character and
political conduct, 252, 253 ; the
Roman Catholic party triumph
in his fall, 278. 289, 71.; extracts
fromKingEdward's journalrespect-
inghis allegedconspiracy, ii. 2. 11 ;
examination of the evidence against
him, ib. ; notice of the intrigues to
restore him to the Protectorate, 15 ;
indictment against him, 17; re
marks on his conduct, 19. 27. 29 ;
reproaches Cecil for his conduct to
him, 31; his firmness amid the in
trigues against him, 32 ; persons
apprehended before his trial, 36,
37 ; depositions against him, 38 ;
questions put to him, 48; com
ments upon them, 52 ; his trial,
54 ; Dr. Lingard's account of his
trial, 56 ; opinions of his guilt, 58 ;
King Edward's account of his trial,
61 j extract from a letter of the
Marquis of Winchester respecting

him, 63 ; his popularity, 67 ; the
King's prepossessions against him,
68 ; account of his execution, 70 ;
opinions of different authors as to
the justice of his sentence, 72 ; his
letters to — Sir William Paget, i.
15 ; the Council, 17 ; Lord
Cobham, 75. 211. 279 ; the Lord
Admiral, 120. 123 ; Golding, 212;
in the King's name to Sir Harry
Seymour, 213; to the Lords at
London, 214; letters to him from
— Edward Carne, 47 ; Princess
Mary, 60 ; Dr Wotton, 33. 35. 79.
87. 97. 156; Bishop of West
minster, 98 ; Sir P. Hoby, 98 ;
John Hales, 113 ; John Dymock
161 ; Lord Russell and Sir William
Herbert, 217. Duchess, letter to, from

Queen Mary, i. 51.
-, Sir George, his letter to

Cecil, i. 338.
Stafford, Thomas, his aversion to the
marriage between Queen Mary and
Philip II. ii. 363.
State Prosecutions, method of extract
ing evidence for, before the Com
monwealth, ii. 34, 36.
Strozzi, Leo; see Capua.
 , Pedro, account of him, i. 40,
n. ; his expedition with a French
army to the assistance of the Scots,
87. 89 ; his hatred of the English,
94 ; his defeat in Italy, ii. 213.
Strype, Mr. his description of some
of the disturbances in England
under the Protectorate, i. 184 ; of
the state of religion in England in
1550,321.
Suffolk, Duke of; see Dorset Marquis.
 , Catharine Willoughby, Duch
ess of her character, i. 280 ; her
letters to Sir W. Cecil, 281. 323 ;
ii. 118.
Sussex, Earl of, joins the army of
Queen Mary, ii. 189.
Sweating Sickness, an infectious dis
ease prevalent in England in the
reign of Edward VI, account of the
symptoms of, ii. 114.
T.
Thermes, Seigneur de ; see Barthe
Paul de la.
Therouenne, town of, destroyed by the
Imperialists, i. 267.

520

INDEX.

Thou, M. de, his account of Charles
V. at thebattle of Mulhberg.i. 54 ;
of his interview with the Elector of
Saxony, 55 ; his account of the
battle of Siverhausen, ii. 217 ; of
the elector Maurice's death, 219.
Throckmorton, Sir N., his trial and
acquittal, ii. 374.
Thynne, Sir John, his letters to Sir
W. Cecil, i. 318.
Toleration in religion, absence of
during the reigns of Elizabeth and
Mary, ii. 210.
Tournon, Cardinal, character and ac
count of him, i. 37, n.
Tower, report of the prisoners con
fined in, in 1549, i. 268.
Turner, Dr. William, a puritan mi
nister, remarks on his " Dialogue
against the Mass," i. 332 ; on his
advice to Secretary Cecil, 333 ; on
his persecutions by his clerical
brethren, 372 ; his letter to Sir W.
Cecil, 333. 272.
Turkey, account of a domestic tragedy
in, ii. 275, ».

Vane, Sir Ralph, sent to the Tower
for his concern in Somerset's con
spiracy, ii. 17.
Vega, John de, Viceroy of Sicily, one
ofthe commanders of the expedition
to the town of Africa, i. 328, n.

W.
Warwick, John Dudley, Viscount
Lisle, Earl of, (afterwards Earl of
Northumberland,) account of him,
i. 26 ; notice of his intrigues for the
overthrow of the Protector Somer
set, 175 ; appointed to command
the expedition against the rebels in
1549, 193; completely defeats them
at Dussindale, 195 ; conspirators
against the Protector assemble at
his residence, 204; he proclaims the
Protector Somerset a traitor, 211;
course of his intrigues against him,
235 ; plan to procure his arrest, 241;
presents himself to the King at
Windsor, 243; his proceedings
against the Protector, 246 ; his am
bitious spirit, 255 ; embarrassment

in regard to France, 256 ; nego
tiates with the French minister for
the delivering up Boulogne to
France, 257 ; account of»the in
crease of his power, 261 ; notice of
his ambitious plans after the death
of King Edward, 267 ; appointed
Lord High Admiral, 273 ; his con
spiracy to ruin the Duke of Somer
set, ii. 2 ; remarks on his system
of secret information, 20 ; his con
ference with R. Whalley respecting
Somerset, 21 ; communications
with Cecil, 25; appointed to the
wardenship of the northern bor
ders, 28 ; created Duke- of North
umberland, 30 ; remarks on his
character; 103 ; on the friendship
between him and Cecil, 1 10 ; death
of his daughter, U4.;_the reformer
•Knox's opinion' of him, 147 ; his
acknowledgment of the Protestant
faith, 148; his plan regarding the
bishopric of Durham, 151 j re
marks on the hypocrisy of his
character, 154 ; procures the re
version of the succession in fa
vour of Lady Jane Grey, 164 ;
attempts a reconciliation between
France and Germany, 177; his
proceedings on the death of Ed
ward VI, 186 ; informs Lady
Jane Grey of her succession to the
throne, 188 ; proceeds against
Mary's army in person, 190; his
failure and arrest for treason, 191 ;
plots of Cecil and the Council
against him, 197. 201 ; his trust
in the Council, 199 ; accountof his
arrest, 207 ; his trial in West
minster Hall, 223; his questions
to the Court, io. ; speech after his
sentence, 225 ; his execution, 226;
further particulars respecting him,
227. 229 ; his open confession to
the people on the scaffold, 230 ;
his letter to — Sir W. Paget, i. 28 ;
Sir W. Cecil, 193.- 198. 428 ;
ii. 103, 104, 110, 111.115. 142.
148. 152. 154. 158; the Lord
Chamberlain, 108. 112. 115. 160 ;
letters to him from — the Bishop of
Winchester, i. 108 ; Cardinal Poh},
165.
Westminster, Dr. Thirlby, Bishop of,
ambassador to Germany, super
seded by Sir P. Hoby, i. 98; his
interviewwith the Emperor Charles,

INDEX.

521

100 ; his letter to Sir W. Paget,
52; to the Council, 82. 98; Sir
W. Petre, 84. 88; the Protector,
98.
Whalley, Richard, his intrigues to
restore the Duke of Somerset to the
Protectorate, ii. 15. 20 ; his con
ference with the Earl of Warwick
respecting him, 21 ; deprived of his
office, 112; his letters to Sir W.
Cecil, i. 277 ; ii. 21.
Wightman, William, his letter to Sir
W. Cecil, i. 168.
Wiltshire, Earl of, his letter to Sir W.
Cecil, i. 428.
Winchester, Bishop of; see Poynet
and Gardiner.
 , Marquis of; see Paulet.
Wingfield, Sir Anthony, his letter to
the Council, i. 241.
Wirtemberg, Duke of, his conflicts
with the Catholics, i. 8 ; defeated
by the Emperor, 9.
Wodehouse, Sir William, letter to him
from Thomas Wodehouse, i. 195.
 , Thomas, his letter to
Sir William Wodehouse, i. 195.
Wolves in Italy, reward offered by the
Duke of Milan for their capture,
ii. 84.
Wotton, Dr. Nicholas, English am
bassador in France, transmits the
account of the death of Francis I,

to England, i. 29 ; account of him,
30 ; his religious principles, 32 ;
political talents, 33 ; character, ib.;
Harpax's communications to him,
91 ; his mission to France, ii. 176 ;
mistake respecting his name, ib. u. ;
his conversation with Henry II. of
France respecting the marriage be
tween Philip II. and Queen Mary,
262 ; with the Constable Montmo
rency, 266 ; his conversation with
Henry II. respecting Sir Peter Ca
rew, 289; his letters to — the Pro
tector and Council, i. 33. 35. 79.
87. 97 ; Sir W. Paget, 58 ; Sir
W. Petre, 78. 91 ; ii. 247. 283.
370 ; the Protector, i. 156 ; the
Council, ij. 178. 261 ; Queen
Maiy, 249, 286.
-, Sir Edward, his letter to Sir

W. Cecil, i. 203.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, his rebellion iu.
Kent owing to the projected mar
riage of Queen Mary and Philip II,
ii. 278 ; imprisoned in the Tower,
282. Z.
Zapolski, John, King of Hungary,
obtains the assistance of the Turks
in his conflicts with Ferdinand for
the throne of Hungary, ii. 76.

THE END.

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