i •II i.'Jjil ml M- ,'«. .•Kfe ;sui II if)(i' IS l.^'f' ^: fl': ''h . »» I ' fmnt fi m .¦•Hi. !l . ' » I'lr ^':f'- I- YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF DR. HERBERT THOMS WJiS]lIKM(E-W ® Kf c l';n^a.VcribyJ.B.Lon.^ti^'crifem aPainlmgbyG PUiart. THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OP THE AMERICAN FORCES, DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE OF HIS COUNTRY, AND FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE COMPILED UNDER THE INSPECTION OP THE HONOURABLE BUSHROD WASHINGTON, iFrom <©rtfltnal J^ajers BEQUEATHED TO HIM BY HIS DECEASED RELATIVE. BY JOHN MARSHALL. SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND CORRECTED BY THE AUTHOR. IN TWO VOLUMKS. VOL. I. PHILADELPHIA: :;:,:*- PUBLISHED BY JAMES, CRISSY. 1834. Entered according to act of congresii, in the year eighteen hundred and thirty-on^ by Carey& Lea, in the Clerk's office of the District Couct of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. YALE aamaiif^i STEREOTYPED BY J. CRISSY AND Q. GOODMAN. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. The author persuades himself that no apology will be required for offering to his fellow-citizens a revised edition of the Life of General Washington. The period during which he lived, and acted a conspicuous part in American affiiirs, was the most interesting of American history. The war of our revolution, the very instructive interval between its termina tion and the adoption of our present constitution, the organization of the new government, and the principles which were developed in its .first operation, form great epochs, claiming the attention not only of every statesman, but of every American unwilling to remain ignorant of the liistory of his country, and the character of Iiis countrymen. The transactions of this period constitute the subject of the following pages. In compiling them, the Author has relied chiefly on the manu script papers of General Washington. These have supplied the requi site information respecting all facts immediately connected with himself. But as many occurrences are unavoidably introduced in wluch he acted no direct part, it has been drawn occasionally from other sources. The history of General Washington, from the time of his appointment to the command of the American armies, is the history of his country. Yet the peculiar character of biography seemed to require that his pri vate opinions, and his various plans, whether carried into execution or neglected, should be given more in detail than might be deemed proper in a general history. C!opious extracts have, therefore, been made from his correspondence. Many political events, too, especially during the war, while his particular duties were of a military character, seem less appro- iv PREFACE. priate to his biography, than to a professed history of the United States. These are alluded to incidentally. The great questions which were debated in Congress during the first operations of the government, have not yet lost their interest. Deep impressions were then made respecting the subjects themselves, and the persons by whom the various important propositions then discussed were supported or opposed, which are not yet entirely effaced. Justice to the patriot statesmen, who then devoted their time and talents to the public service, requires that the reasons on which they acted should be known. The arguments, therefore, for and against those measures which had most influence over the opinion of the nation, are substantially stated. They are necessarily collected from the papers of the day. Other transactions of immense importance at the time, conveying les sons as instructive as experience can give, in which almost every indi vidual took some part, passed under the view of the nation, and are de tailed, in some degree, from the observation of the author himself. In stating these, which belong equally to history and biography, his endea vour has been to represent sentiments and actions, leaving it to the read er to draw his own conclusions from them. The work was originally composed under circumstances which might afford some apology for its being finished with less care than its import ance demanded. The immense mass of papers which it was necessary to read, many of them interesting when written, but no longer so, occu pied great part of that time which the impatience of the pubhc could allow for thej appearance of the book itself. It was therefore hurried to the press without that previous careful examination, which would have resulted in the correction of some faults that have been since perceived. In the hope of presenting the work to the pubUc in a form more worthy of its acceptance, and more satisfactory to himself, the author has given it a careful revision. The language has been, in some instances, alter ed — he trusts improved ; and the narrative, especially that part of it which details the distresses of the army during the war, relieved from tedious repetitions of the same suffering. The work is reduced in its volume, without discarding any essential information. THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. CHAPTER I. Birth of Mr. Washington. — His mission to the French on the Ohio.— Appointed Lieutenant Colonel of a regiment of regular troops. — Surprises Monsieur Juraon- ville. — Capitulation of fort Necessity. — Is appointed aid-de-camp to General Brad dock. — Defeat and death of that general. — Is appointed to the command of a regi ment. — Extreme distress of the frontiers, and exertions of Colonel Washington to augment the regular forces of the colony. — Expedition against fort Du Cluesne. — Defeat of Major Grant. — Fort Du Q.uesne evacuated by the French, and taken possession of by the English. — Resignation of Colonel Washington. — His mar riage. George Washington, the third son of Augustine Washington, was bom on the 22d of February, 1732, near the banks of the Po- tovraiac, in the county ofWestmoreland, in Virginia. His father first married Miss Butler, who died in 1728 ; leaving two sons, Lawrence and Augustine. In 1730, he intermarried with Miss Mary Ball, by whom he had four sons, George, John, Samuel and Charles ; and one daughter, Betty, who intermarried with Colonel Fielding Lewis, of Frede ricksburg. His great grand-father, John Washington, a gentleman of a respecta ble family, had emigrated from the north of England about the year 1657, and settled on the place where Mr. Washington -was born. At the age of ten years he lost his father. Deprived of one parent, he became an object of more assiduous attention to the other ; who continued to impress those principles of religion and virtue on his tender mind, which constituted the solid basis of a character that was maintained through all the trying vicissitudes of an eventful life. But his education was limited to those subjects, in which alone the sons of gentlemen, of moderate fortune, were, at that time, generally instruct- ed. It was confined to acquisitions strictly usetld, not even extending to foreign languages. In 1743, his eldest brothet intermarried with the asughter of the 2 ^ THE LIFE OF Honourable George William Fairfax, then a member of the council ; and this connexion introduced Mr. Washington to Lord Fairfax, the propri etor of the Northern Neck of Virginia, who offered him, when in his eighteenth year, an appodnfment as surveyor, in the western part of that territory. His patrimonial estate being inconsider able, this appointment was readily accepted ; and in the performance of its duties, he acquired that information respecting vacant lands, and formed those opinions concerning their future value, vi'hich aflierwards contributed greatly to the increase of his private fortune. Those powerful attractions which the profession of arms presents to young and ardent minds, possessed their full influence over Mr. Wash ington. Stimulated by the enthusiasm of military genius, to take part in the war in which Great Britain was then engaged, he had pressed so earnestly to enter into the navy, that, at the age of fifteen, a midshipman's warrant was obtained for him. The interference of a timid and affectionate mother deferred the commence ment, and changed the direction of his military career. Four years afterwards, at a time when the militia were to be trained for actual service, he was appointed one of the Adjutants General of Virginia, with the rank of Major. The duties annexed to this ofiice soon yielded to others of a more interesting character. France was beginning to develop the vast plan of connecting her extensive dominions in America, by uniting Canada with Louisiana. The troops of that nation had taken possession of a tract of country claimed by Virginia, and had commenced a line of posts, to be extended from the Lakes to the Ohio. The attention of Mr. Dinwiddle, Lieute nant Governor of that Province, was attracted to these supposed en croachments; and he deemed it his duty to demand, in the name of the King his master, that they should be suspended. This mission was toilsome and hazardous. The Envoy would be under the necessity of passing through an extensive and almost unex plored wilderness, intersected with rugged mountains and considerable rivers, and inhabited by fierce savages, who were either hostile to the English, or of doubtful attachment. While the dangers and fatigues of this service deterred others from uiidertaking it, they seem to have pos sessed attractions for Mr. Washington, and he engaged in it with alacrity. On receiving his commission, he left Williamsburg and arrived, on 1753 *® ^^^ of November, at Wills' creek, then the extreme fron tier settlement of the English, where guides were engaged to conduct him over the Alleghany mountains. After surmounting the im pediments occasioned by the snow and high waters, he reached the mouth GEORGE WASHINGTON. 3 of Turtle creek, where he was informed that the French General was dead, and that the greater part of the army had retired into winter quarters. Pur suing his route, he examined the country through which he passed with a military eye, and selected the confluence of the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, the place where fort Du Quesne was afterwards erected by the French, as an advantageous position, which it would be adviseable to seize and to fortify immediately. After employing a few days among the Indians in that neighbourhood, and procuring some of their chiefs to accompany him, whose fidelity he took the most judicious means to secure, he ascended the Alleghany river. Passing one fort at the mouth of French creek, he proceeded up the stream to a second, where he Was received by Monsieur Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, the commanding officer on the Ohio, to whom he delivered the letter of Mr. Dinwiddle, and from whom he received an answer with which he returned to AVilliamsburg. The exertions made by Mr. Washington on this occasion, the perseverance with which he sur mounted the difficulties of the journey, and the judgment displayed in his conduct towards the Indians, raised him in the public ^ opinion, as well as in that of the Lieutenant Governor. His journal,* drawn up for the inspection of Mr. Dinvidddie, was published, and impressed his countrymen with very favourable sentiments of his un derstanding and fortitude. As the answer from the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio indicated no disposition to withdraw from that country, it was deemed necessary to make some preparations to maintain the right asserted over it by the British crown; and the assembly of Virginia authorized the executive to raise a regiment for that purpose, to consist of three hun dred mfen. The command of this regiment was given to Mr. Fry;f and * See note, No. T, at the end of the volume. t With an unaffected modesty which the accumulated honours of his after life could never impair, Major Washington, though the most distinguished military man then in Virginia, declined being a candidate for the command of this regiment. The following letter written on the occasion to Colonel Richard Corbin, a member of the council, with whom his family was connected by the ties of friendship and of affinity, was placed in the hands of the author by Mr. Francis Corbin, a son of that gen tleman. " Dear Sir, — In a conversation at Green Spring you gave me some room to hope fpr a commission above that of a Major, and to be ranked among the chief officers of this expedition. The command of the whole forces is what I neither look for, expect, or desire ; for I must be impartial enough to confess, it is a charge too great for my youth and inexperience to be intrusted with. Knowing this, I have too sincere a love for my country, to undertake that which may tend to the prejudice of it. But if I could entertain hopes that you thought me worthy of the post of Lieutenant-colonel, 4 THE LIFE OF Major Washington was appointed Lieutenant Colonel. Anxious to be engaged in active service, he obtained permission, about the beginning of April, to advance with two companies to the Great Meadows in the Alleghany mountains. By this, movement he hoped to cover that fron tier, to make himself more perfectly acquainted with the country, to gain some information respecting the situation and designs of the French, and to preserve the friendship of the savages. Soon after his arrival at that place, he was visited by some friendly Indians, who informed him that the French, having dispersed a party of workmen employed by the Ohio company to erect a fort on the south-eastetn branch of the Ohio, were themselves engaged in completing a fortification at the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers : a detachment from which place was then on its march towards his camp. Open hostilities had not yet commenced ; but the country was considered as invaded : and several circumstances were related, confirming the opinion that this party was approaching with hostile views. Among others, it had withdrawn itself some distance from the path, and had encamped for the night in a bot tom, as if to ensure concealment. Entertaining no doubt of the unfriendly designs with which these troops were advancing. Lieutenant Colonel Washington resolved to anticipate them. Availing himself of the offir made by the Indians to serve him as guides, he proceeded through a dark and rainy night to the French encampment, which he completely surrounded. At daybreak, his troops fired and rushed upon the party, which immediately surrendered. One man only escaped capture ; and M. Jumonville alone, the commanding ofiicer, was killed. While the regiment was on its march to join the detachment advanced in front, the command devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Washington by the death of Colonel Fry. Soon after its arrival, it was reinforced by two independent companies of regulars. After erecting a small stockade at the Great Meadows, Colonel Washington commenced his march to wards fort Du Quesne, with the intention of dislodging the French from that place. He had proceeded about thirteen miles, when he was met by and would favour me so far as to mention it at the appointment of officers, I could not but entertain a true sense of the kindness. I flatter myself that under a skilful commander, or man of sense, (which I most sincerely wish to serve under,) with my own application and diligent study of my duty, I shall be able to conduct my steps without censure, and in time, render my self worthy of the promotion that I shall be favoured with now." The commission he solicited was transmitted to him by Mr. Corbin, in the follow ing laconic letter : " Dear George,— I inclose you your commission. God prosper you with it. Your friend, RICHARD CORBIN." GEORGE WASHINGTON. 5 some friendly Indians, who informed him that the French and their savage allies, "as numerous as the pigeons in the woods," were advan cing rapidly to meet him. Among those who brought this information, was a trusty chief, only two days from the fort on the Ohio, who had observed the arrival of a considerable reinforcement at that place, and had heard their intention of marching immediately to attack the EngUsh, with a corps composed of eight hundred French and four hundred In dians. This intelligence was corroborated by information previously repeived from deserters, vho had reported that a reinforcement was ex pected. The troops commanded by Colonel Washington were almost destitute of provisions ; and the ground he occupied was not adapted to military purposes, " A road at some distance, leading through other defiles in the mountains, would enable the French to pass into his rear, intercept his supplies, and starve him into a surrender, or fight him with a superiority of three to one. In this hazardous situation, a council of war unanimously advised a retreat to the fort at the Great Meadows, now termed fort Necessity ; where the two roads united, and where the face of the country was such as not to permit an enemy to pass unperceived. At that place, it was intended to remain, until reinforcements of men, and supplies of provi sions, should arrive. In pursuance ofthis advice. Colonel Washington retumed to fort Necessity, and began a ditch around the stockade. Before it was completed, the French, amounting to about fifteen hun dred men, commanded by Monsieur de Villier, appeared be- ¦. . „ fore the fort, and immediately commenced a furious attack upon it. They were received with great intrepidity by the Americans, who fought partly within the stockade, and partly in the surrounding ditch, which was nearly filled with mud and water. Colonel Washington con tinued the whole day on the outside of the fort, encouraging the soldiers by his countenance and example. The assailants fought under cover of the trees and high grass, with which the country abounds. The en gagement was continued with great resolution from ten in the morning until dark; when Monsieur de Villier demanded a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. The proposals first made were rejected ; but, in the course of the night, articles were signed, by which the fort j , . was surrendered, on condition that its garrison should be allow ed the honours of war — should be permitted to retain their arms and bag gage, and be suffered to march without molestation into the inhabited parts of Virginia. The capitulation being in French — a language not under- 6 THE LIFE OF stood by any person in the garrison, and being drawn up hastily in the night, contains an expression which was inaccurately translated at the time, and of which advantage has been smce taken, by the enemies of Mr. Washington, to imply an admission on his part, that Monsieur Jumon ville was assassinated. An account of the transaction was published by Monsieur de Villier, which drew from Colonel Washington, a letter to a friend, completely disproving the calumny. Though entirely discredited at the time,'it was revived at a subsequent period, when circumstances, well understood at the date of the transaction, were supposed to be for gotten.* The loss of the Americans in this affair is not ascertained. From a return made on the 9th of July, at Wills' Greek, it appears that the killed and wounded, of the Virginia regiment, amounted to fifty-eight ; but the loss sustained by the two, independent companies is not stated. That of the assailants was supposed to be more considerable. Great credit was given to Colonel Washington by his countrymen, for the courage displayed on this occasion. The legislciture evinced its satisfaction with the conduct of the whole party, by passing a vote of thanksf to him, and the officers under his command; and by giving three hundred pistoles, to be distributed among the soldiers engaged in the action. The regiment returned to Winchester, to be recruited; soon after which it was joined by a few companies from North Carolina and Ma ryland. On the arrival ofthis reinforcement, the Lieutenant Governor, with the advice of council, regardless of the condition or number of the forces, ordered them immediately to march over the Alleghany moun- •. tains, and to expel the French from fort Du Quesne, or to build one in its vicinity. The little army in Virginia, which was placed under the com- August. mand of Colonel Innes, from North Carolina', did not, as * See note, No. II, at the end of the volume. t To the vote of thanks, the officers made the following reply : "Wc, the officers of the Virginia regiment, are highly sensible of the particular mark of distinction witli which you have honoured us, in returning your thanks for our behaviour in the late action; and can not help testifying our grateful acknow. ledgments, for your "high seme" of what we shall always esteem a duty to oui country and the best of kings, " Favoured with your regard, we shall zealously endeavour to deserve your ap plause, and, by our future actions, strive to convince the worshipful house of bur gesses, how much we esteem their approbation, and, as it ought to be, regard it at the voice of our country. Signed for the whole corps, GEO: WASHINGTON." GEORGE WASHINGTON. 7 now reinforced, exceed half the number of the enemy, and was neither provided with the means of moving, nor with supplies for a winter cam paign. With as little consideration, directions had been given for the immediate completion of the regiment, without furnishing a single shil ling for the recruiting service. Although a long peace may account for many errors at the commencement of war, some surprise will be felt at such ill-considered and ill-judged measures. Colonel Wash ington remonstrated strongly against these orders, but pre- "" ^' pared to execute them. The assembly, however, having risen without making any provision for the farther prosecution of the war, this wild expedition was laid aside, and the Virginia regiment was reduced to in dependent companies. In the course of the winter, orders were received " for settling the rank of the officers of his majesty's forces when serving with the provincials in North America." These orders directed " that all' officers commis sioned by the King, or by his General in North America, should take rank of all officers commissioned by the Governors of the respective pro vinces : and farther, that the general and field officers of the provincial troops should have no rank when serving with the general and field officers commissioned by the crown ; but that all captains, and other inferior officers of the royal troops, should take rank over provincial officers of the same grade, having senior commissions." Strong as was his attachment to a military life, Colonel Washington possessed in too eminent a degree the proud and punctilious feelings of a soldier, to submit to a degradation so humiliating as was produced by his loss of rank. Professing his unabated inclination to continue in the service, if permitted to do so viathout a sacrifice too great to be made, he retired indignantly from the station assigned him, and answered the various letters which he received, pressing him still to hold his commis sion, with assurances that he would serve with pleasure, when he should be enabled to do so without dishono.ur. His eldest brother had lately died, and left him a considerable estate on the Potowmac. This gentleman had served in the expedition against Carthagena; and, in compliment to the admiral who commanded the fleet engaged in that enterprise, had named his seat Mount Vernon. To this delightful spot Colonel Washington withdrew, resolving to devote his future attention to the avocations of private life. This resolution was ndt long maintained. General Braddock, being informed of his merit; his knowledge of the country which was to be the theatre of action, and his i755. motives foi: retiring from the service, gratified his desire to make March. 8 THE LIFE OF one campaign under a person supposed to possess some knowledge of war, by inviting him to enter his family as a volunteer aid-de-camp. Having determined to accept this invitation, he joined the commander- in-chief, immediately after his departure from Alexandria, and proceeded with him to Wills' Creek. The army, consisting of two European ^""^' regiments and a few corps of provincials, was detained at that place until the 12th of June, by the difficulty of procuring wagons, horses, and provisions. Colonel Washington, impa,tient under these delays, suggested the propriety of using pack horses instead of wagons, for conveying the baggage. The commander-m-chief, although solicit ous to hasten the expedition, was so attached to the usages of regular war, that this salutary advice was at first rejected; but, soon after the commencement of the march, its propriety became too obvious to be longer neglected. On the third day after the army had moved from its ground. Colonel Washington was seized with a violent fever, which disabled him from riding on horseback, and was conveyed in a covered wagon. General Braddock, who found the difficulties of the march greater than had been expected, continuing to consult him privately, he strenuously urged that officer to leave his heavy artillery and baggage with the rear division of the army ; and with a chosen body of troops and some pieces of light artillery, to press forward with the utmost expe dition to fort Du Quesne. In support of this- advice, he stated that the French were then weak on the Ohio, but hourly expected reinforcements. During the excessive drought which prevailed at that time, these could not arrive ; because the river Le Boeuf, on which their supplies must be brought to Venango, did not then afford a sufficient quantity of water for the purpose. A rapid movement therefore might enable hjm to carry the fort, before the arrival of the expected aid ; but if this measure should not be adopted, such were the delays attendant on the march of the whole army, that rains sufficient to raise the waters might reasonably be expected, and the whole force of the French would probably be collected for their reception ; a circumstance which would render the success of the expedition doubtful. This advice according well with the temper of the commander in chief, it was determined in a council of war, held at the Little Meadows, that twelve hundrejl select men, to be commanded by General Braddock in person, should .advance with the utmost expeditioij against fort Du Quesne. Colonel Dunbar was to remaui with the residue of the two regiments, and all the heavy baggage. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 9 Although this select corps commenced its march with only thirty carriages, including ammunition wagons, the hopes which had , been entertained of the celerity of its movements were not fulfilled. " I found," said Colonel Washington, in a letter to his brother, written during the march, " that instead of pushing on with vigour, with out regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges over every brook.'' By these means they em ployed four days in reaching the great crossings of the Yohiogany, only nineteen miles from the Little Meadows. Colonel Washington was obliged to stop at that place ; — the physician having declared that his life would be endangered by continuing with the army. He obeyed, with reluctance, the positive orders of the general to remain at this camp, under the protection of a small guard, until the arrival of Colonel Dunbar ; having first received a promise that means should be used to bring him up with the army before it reached fort Du Quesne. The day before the action of the Monongahela he rejoined the general in a covered wagon ; and, though weak, entered on the duties of his sta tion. In a short time after the action had commenced, Colonel Washing ton was the only aid remaining alive, and unwounded. The whole duty of carrying the orders of the commander in chief, in an engagement with marksmen who selected officers, and especially those on horseback, for their objects, devolved on him alone. Under these difficult circumstances he manifested that coolness, that self pos session, that fearlessness of danger which ever distinguished him, and which are so necessary to the character of a consummate soldier. Two horses were killed under him, and four balls passed through his coat; but, to the astonishment of all, he escaped unhurt, — while every other officer on horseback was either killed or wounded. " I e.xpected every moment," says an eye-witness,'* " to see him fall. His duty and situi- tion exposed him to every danger. Nothing but the superintendin:f care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." At length, after an action of nearly three hours, General Braddock, under whom three horses had been killed, received a mortal wound ; and his troops fled in great disorder. Every effort to rally them was inef fectual until they had crossed the Monongahela, when, being no longer pursued, they were again formed. The general was brought off in a small tumbril by Colonel Washington, Captain Stewart of the guards, B * Dr, Craik. 10 THE LIFE OF and his servant. The defeated detachment retreated with the utmost precipitation to the rear division of the army; soon after which, Brad dock expired. In the first moments of alarm, all the stores were destroy ed, except those necessary for immediate use; and not long August, ^^gy^^j^jg^ Colonel Dunbar marched the remaining European troops to Philadelphia, in order to place them in, what he termed, winter quarters. Colonel Washington was greatly disappointed and disgusted by the conduct of the regular troops in this action. In his letter to Lieutenant Governor Dinwiddle, giving an account of it, he said, " They were struck with such an inconceivable panic, that nothing but confusion arid disobedience of orders prevailed araong them. The officers in general behaved with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffered ; there being upwards of sixty killed and wounded — a large proportion out of what we had. " The Virginia companies behaved like men, and died like soldiers ; for, I believe, out of three companies on the ground that day, scarce thirty men were left alive. Captain Peronny, and all his officers down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Poulson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. In short, the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops, (so called,) exposed those who were inchned to do their duty, to almost certain death ; and, at length, in spite of every effort to the contrary, they broke, and ran as sheep before hounds; leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, and in short every thing, a prey to the enemy : and when we endeavoured to rally them, in hopes of regaining the ground, and what we had left upon it, it was with as little success as if we had attempted to have stopped the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivulets with our feet : for they would break by, in spite of every effort to prevent it."* Colonel Washington had long been the favourite soldier of Virginia ; and his reputation grew with every occasion for exertion. His conduct Ul this battle had been universally extolled jf and the common opinion * In another letter, he says, "We have been beaten, shamefully beaten— shamefully beaten by a hkndful.of men, vnho only intended to molest and disturb our march ! Vic tory was their smallest expectation! But see the wondrous works of Providence the uncertainty of human things! We, but a few moments before, believed our numbers almost equal to the force of Canada; they only expected to annoy us. Yet, contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even to the common course of things, we were totally defeated, and have sustained the loss of every thing." t In a sermon preached not long after the defeat of General Braddock, the Rev Mr Davies, speaking of that disaster, and of the preservation of Colonel Washington said • "I can not but hope that Providence has preserved that youth to be the saviour ofthis GEORGE WASHINGTON. 11 of his countrymen was, that, had his advice been pursued, the disaster had been avoided. The assembly was in session, when intelligence was received of this defeat, and of the abandonment of the colony by Colonel Dunbar. The legislature, perceiving the necessity of levying troops for the defence of the province, determined to raise a regiment, to consist of sixteen companies, the command of which was offered to Colonel Washington; who was also designated, in his commission, as the Com mander-in-chief of all the forces raised and to be raised in the colony of Virginia. The uncommon privilege of naming his Field Officers was added to this honourable manifestation of the pubhc confidence. - Retaining stlU his prepossessions in favour of a military life, he cheerfully embraced this opportunity of re-entering the army. After making the necessary arrangements for the recruiting service, and visit ing the posts on the frontiers, which he placed in the best state of defence of which they were susceptible ; he set out for the seat of government, where objects of the first importance required his attention; but was overtaken below Fredericksburg by an express, carrying the intelligence, that a large number of French and Indians, divided into several parties, had broken up the frontier settlements ; were murdering and capturing men, women, and children ; burning their houses, and destroying their crops. The troops stationed among them for their protection, were un equal to that duty ; and, instead of being able to afford aid to the inha bitants, were themselves blocked up in their forts. Colonel Washington hastened back to Winchester, where the utmost confusion and alarm prevailed. His efforts to raise the militia were un- avaihng. Attentive only to individual security, and regardless of the common danger, they could not be drawn from their families. Instead of assembling in arms, and obtaining safety by meeting their invaders, the inhabitants fled into the lower country, and increased the general terror. In this state of things, he endeavoured to collect and arm the men who had abandoned their houses, and to remove their wives and children to a distance from this scene of desolation and carnage. Press ing orders were at the same time despatched to the newly appointed officers, to forward their recruits; and to the county heutenants, east of the Blue Ridge, to hasten their militia to Winchester : but before these orders could be executed, the party which had done so much mischief, and excited such alarm, had re-crossed the Alleghany mountains. country." These words were afterwards considered as prophetic ; and were applied by his countrymen to an event very ojlpoaite to that which was contemplated by th& person who uttered them. 12 THE LIFE OF Eariy in the following spring, the enemy made another irruption 1756. into the inhabited country, and did great mischief. The num- April. ber of troops on the regular establishment was totally insuffi cient for the protection of the frontier, and effective services from the militia was found to be unattainable. The Indians, who were divided into small parties, concealed themselves with so much dexterity, as sel dom to be perceived until the blow was struck. Their murders were frequently committed in the very neighbourhood of the forts ; and the detachments from the garrisons, employed in scouring the country, were generally eluded, or attacked to advantage. In one of these skirmishes, the Americans were routed, and Captain Mercer was killed. The peo ple either abandoned the country, or attempted to secure themselves in small stockade forts, where they were m great distress for provisions, arms, and ammunition ; were often surrounded, and sometimes cut off. Colonel Washington was deeply affected by this state of things. " I see their situation," said he, in a letter to the Lieutenant Governor, "I know their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in my power to give them farther relief than uncertain promises. In short, I see inevitable destruction in so clear a hght, that unless vigorous mea sures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, the poor inhabitants now in forts must unavoidably fall, while the re mainder are flying before the barbarous foe. In fine, the melancholy situation of the people ; the little prospect of assistance ; the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is reflecting upon me in particular for suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kind ; and the distant prospect, if any, of gaining reputation in the ser vice, cause me to lament the hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me, at any other time than this of imminent danger, to resign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which I never expect to reap either honour or benefit ; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here." Colonel Washington had been prevented from taking post at fort Cum berland by an unfortunate and extraordinary difficulty, growino- out of an obscurity in the royal orders, respecting the relative rank of officers commissioned by the king, and those commissioned by the governor. A Captain Dagworthy, who was at that place, and of the fonner descrip tion, insisted on taking the command, although it had been committed to Lieutenant Colonel Stevens ; and, on the same principle, he contested the rank of Colonel M'ashington also. This circumstance had retained that officer at Winchester, where public stores to a considerable amount were GEORGE WASHINGTON. 18 deposited, with only about fifty men to guard them. In the deep distress of the moment,^ a council of war was called, to determine whether he should march this small body to some of the nearest forts, and, uniting vyith their petty garrisons, risk an action ; or wait until the militia could be raised. The council unanimously advised a continuance at Win chester. Lord Fairfax, who commanded the militia of that and the ad jacent counties, had ordered them to his assistance ; but they were slow in assembling. The unremitting exertion of three days, in the county of Frederick, could produce only twenty men. The incompetency of the military force to the defence of the country having become obvious, the assembly determined to augment the regi ment to fifteen hundred men. In a letter addressed to the house of burgesses, Colonel Washington urged the necessity of increasing it still farther, to two thousand men ; a less number than which could not pos sibly, in his opinion, be sufficient to cover the extensive frontier of Vir ginia, should the defensive system be continued. In support of this demand, he stated, in detail, the forts which must be garrisoned ; and observed, that, with the exception of a few inhabitants in forts on the south branch of the Potowmac, the north mountain near Winchester had become the frontier; and thait, without effectual aid, the inhabitants would even pass the Blue Ridge. He farther observed that the woods seemed "alive with French and Indians;'' and again described so feel ingly the situation of the inhabitants, that the assembly requested the governor to order half the militia of the adjoining counties to their re- lief^ and the attorney general, Mr. Peyton Randolph, formed a com pany of one hundred gentlemen, who engaged to make the campaign, as volunteers. Ten well trained woodsmen, or Indians, would have' rendered more service. The distress of the country increased. As had been foreseen, Win chester became almost the only settlement west of the Blue Ridge, on the northern frontier; and fears were entertained that the enemy would soon pass even that barrier, and ravage the country below. Express after express was sent' to hasten the militia, but sent in vain. At length, about the last of April, the French and their savage allies, laden with plunder, prisoners, and scalps, retumed to fort Du Quesne. Some short time after their retreat, the militia appeared. This tem porary increase of strength was employed in searching the country for small parties of Indians, who lingered behind the mam body, and in making dispositions to repel another invasion. A fort was commenced at Winchester, which, in honour of the general who had been appointed to the command of the British troops in America, was called fort Lou- Vd.. J. 2 14 THE LIFE OF done; and the perpetual remonstrances of Colonel Washington at length effected some improvement in the laws for the government of the troops. Instead of adopting, in the first instance, that military code which experience had matured, the assembly passed occasional acts to remedy particular evils as they occurred ; in consequence of which, a state of insubordination was protracted, and the difficulties of the commanding officer increased. Slight penalties were at first annexed to serious mi litary offences ; and when an act was obtained to punish mutiny and desertion with death, such crimes as cowardice in action, and sleeping on a post, were pretermitted. It was left impossible to hold a general court martial, without an order from the governor ; and the commanding officer was not at liberty to make those arrangements in other respects which his own observation suggested, but shackled, by the control of others, who could neither judge so correctly, nor be so well informed, as hiraself. These errors of a government unused to war, though continually re marked by the officer commanding the troops, were slowly perceived by those in power, and were never entirely corrected. Successive incursions continued to be made into the country by small predatory parties of French and Indians, who kept up a perpetual alarm, and murdered the defenceless, wherever found. In Pennsylvania, the inhabitants were driven as far as Carlisle ; and in Maryland, Frederick- town, on the eastern side of the Blue Ridge, became a frontier. With the Virginia regiment, which did not yet amount to one thousand men, aided occasionally by militia. Colonel Washington was to defend a frontier of near four hundred miles in extent, and to complete a chain of forts. He repeatedly urged the necessity and propriety of abandon ing fort Cumberland, which was too far in advance of the settlements, and too far north, to be useful, while it required for its defence a larger portion of his force than could be spared with a proper regard to the safety of other and more advantageous positions. The governor, how ever, thought the abandonment of it improper, since it was a " king's fort;" and Lord Loudoun, on being consulted, gave the same opinion. Among the subjects of extreme chagrin to the commander of the Virginia troops, was the practice of desertion. The prevalence of this crime was ascribed, in a considerable degree, to the ill-judged parsimony of the assembly. The daily pay of a soldier was only eight pence, out of which two pence were stopped for his clothes. This pay was inferior to what was received in every other part of the continent ;i and, as ought to have been foreseen, great discontents were excited by a distinction so invidious. The remonstrances of the commanding officer, in some de- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15 gree, corrected this mischief; and a full suit of regimentals was allowed to each soldier, without deducting its price from his pay. This campaign furnishes no event which can interest the reader; yet the duties of the officer, though minute, were arduous; and the suffer ings of the people, beyond measure afflicting. It adds one to the many proofs which have been afforded, of the miseries to be expected by those who defer preparing the means of defence, until the moment when they ought to be used ; and then, rely almost entirely, on a force neither adequate to the danger, nor of equal continuance. It is an interesting fact to those who know the present situation of Virginia, that, so late as the year 1756, the Blue Ridge was the north western frontier ; and that she found immense difficulty in completing a single regiment to protect the inhabitants from the horrors of the scalp ing knife, and the still greater horrors of being led into captivity by sa vages who added terrors to death by the manner of inflicting it. As soon as the main body of the enemy had withdrawn from the set tlements, a tour was made by Colonel Washington to the south-western frontier. There, as well as to the north, continued incursions had been made ; and there too, the principal defence of the country was entrusted to an ill-regulated militia. The fatal consequences of this system are thus stated by him, in a letter to the lieutenant governor : " The inha bitants are so sensible of their danger, if left to the protection of these people, that not a man will stay at his place. This I have from their own mouths, and the principal inhabitants of Augusta county. The mihtia are under such bad order and discipline, that they will come and go, when and where they please, without regarding time, their officers, or the safety of the inhabitants, but consulting solely their own inclina tions. There should be, according to your honour's orders, one-third of the mihtia of these parts on duty at a time ; instead of that, scarce one-thirtieth is out. They are to be relieved every month, and they are a great part of that time marching to and frora their stations ; and they will not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether relieved or noti however urgent the necessity for their continuance may be." Some instances of this, and of gross misbehaviour, were then enumerated; after which, he pressed the necessity of increasing the number of regu lars to two thousand men. After returning from this tour, to Winchester, he gave the Lieutenant Governor, in curious detail, a statement of the situation in which he found the country, urging, but urging in vain, arguments which wiU always be suggested by experience, against relying chiefly on militia for defence. 16 THE LIFE OF Sensible of the impracticability of defending such an extensive fron tier. Colonel Washington continued to press the policy of enabling him to act on the offensive. The people of Virginia, he thought, could be protected only by entering the country of the enemy; giving him em ployment at home, and removing the source of all their calamities by taking possession of fort Du Quesne. " As defensive measures," he observed ui a letter to the Lieutenant Governor, " are evidently insufficient for the security and safety of the country, I hope no arguments are necessary to evince the necessity of altering them to a vigorous offensive war, in order to remove the cause." But in the event, that the assembly should still indulge their favourite scheme of protecting the inhabitants by forts along the frontiers, he pre sented a plan, which, in its execution, would require two thousand men — these were to be distributed in twenty -two forts, extending from the river Mayo to the Potowmac, in a line of three hundred and sixty miles. In a letter written about the same time to the speaker of the assembly, he said, " The certainty of advantage, by an offensive scheme of action, renders it, beyond any doubt, preferable to our defensive measures. Our scattered force, so separated and dispersed m weak parties, avails Uttle to stop the secret incursions of the savages. We can only perhaps put them to flight, or frighten them to some other part of the country, which answers not the end proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to invade their lands, we should restrain them from coming abroad, and leaving their families exposed. We should then remove the principal cause, and have stronger probability of success ; we should be free from the many alarms, mischiefs, and murders, that now attend us ; we should inspirit the hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more esteem with them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Maryland be induced to join us in an expedition of this nature, and to petition his Excellency Lord Loudoun for a small train of artillery, with some engineers, we should then be able, in all human probability, to subdue the terror of fort Du Quesne; retrieve our character with the Indians; and restore peace to our unhappy frontiers." His total inability to act offensively, or even to afford protection to the frontiers of Virginia, was not the only distressing and vexatious circum stance to which he was exposed. The Lieutenant Governor, to whose commands he was subjected in every minute particular, and who seems to have been unequal to the difficulties of his station, frequently deranged his system by orders which could not be executed without considerable hazard and inconvenience. Colonel Washington could not always re strain his chagrin on such occasions; and, on one of them, observed in GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17 a letter to an intimate friend, who possessed great influence in the coun try, " whence it arises, or why, I am truly ignorant, but my strongest representations of matters relative to the peace of the frontiers are dis regarded, as idle and frivolous ; my propositions and measures, as par tial and selfish; and all my sincerest endeavours for the service of my country, perverted to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain : to-day approved, to-morrow condemned ; left to act and proceed at hazard; accountable for the consequences, and blamed with out the benefit of defence. If you can think my situation capable of exciting the smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain notions very different from the reality of the case^ However, I am determined to bear up un der all these embarrassments some time longer, in the hope of better regulations under Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Virginia." Not long after this letter was written. Lord Loudoun, in whose per son the offices of Governor and Commander-in-chief were united, arrived in Virginia. A comprehensive statement of the situation of the colony, in a military point of view, and of the regiment in particular, was drawn up and submitted to him by Colonel Washington. In this he enume- i^ted the errors which had prevented the completion of his regiment, *¦ showed the insufficiency of the militia for any mihtary purpose, and demonstrated the superiority of an offensive system over that which had been pursued. This statement was probably presented by Colonel Washington in person, who was permitted, during the winter, to visit Lord Loudoun in Philadelphia, where that nobleman met the Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina, and the Lieutenant Governor of Vir ginia, in order to consult with them on the measures to be taken, in their respective Provinces, for the ensuing campaign. He was, however, dis- appointedin his favourite hope of being able to act offensively against the French on the Ohio. Lord Loudoun had determined to direct all his efforts against Canada, and to leave only twelve hundred men in the middle and southern colonies. Instead of receiving assistance, Virginia was required to send four hundred men to South Carolina. Not dis couraged by these disappointments. Colonel Washington continued inde fatigable in his endeavours to impress on Mr. Dinwiddle, and on the assembly, the importance of reviving, and properly modifying their mili tary code, which' had now expired, of making a more effective mihtia law, and of increasing their number of regular troops. So far from succeeding on the last subject, he had the mortification to 18 THE LIFE OF witness a measure which crushed his hopes of an adequate regular force. Being unable to complete the regiment by voluntary enlistment, the assembly changed its organization, and reduced it to ten companies ; each to consist of one hundred men. Yet his anxious wishes ^^' continuetl to be directed towards fort Du Quesne. In a letter written about this time to Colonel Stanwix, who commanded in the middle colonies, he said, " You will excuse me, sir, for saying, that I think there never was, and perhaps never again will be, so favourable an opportunity as the present for reducing fort Du Quesne. Several prisoners have made their escape from the Ohio this spring, and agree in their accounts, that there are but three hundred men left in the garri son; and Ido not conceive that the French are so strong in Canada, as to reinforce this place, and defend themselves at home this campaign : surely then this is too precious an opportunity to be lost." But Mr. Pitt did not yet direct the councils of Britain; and a spirit ot enterprise and heroism did not yet animate her generals. The campaign to the north was inglorious ; and to the west, nothing was even attempt ed, which might relieve the middle colonies. Large bodies of savages, in the service of France, once more spread desolation and murder over the whole country, west of the Blue Ridge. The regular troops were inadequate to the protection of the inhabitemts ; and the incompetency of the defensive system to their security became every day more apparent. " I exert every means," said Colonel Washington,' in a letter to Lieutenant Governor Din widdle, " to protect a much distressed country ; but it is a task too ardu ous. To think of defending a frontier of more than three hundred and fifty miles extent, as ours is, with only seven hundred men, is vain and idle ; especially when that frontier lies more contiguous to the enemy than any other. " I am, and for a long time have been, fully convinced, that if we con tinue to pursue a defensive plan, the country must be inevitably lost." In another letter he said, " The raising a company of rangers, or aug- menting our strength in some other manner, is so far neces sary, that, without it, the remaining inhabitai^ts ofthis once fer tile and populous valley will scarcely be detained at their dwellings until the spring. And if there is ho expedition to the westward then, nor a force more considerable than Virginia can support, posted on our fron tiers ; if we still adhere, for the next campaign, to our destructive defen sive schemes, there vnll not, I dare affirm, be one soul living on this side the Blue Ridge the ensuing autumn, if we except the troops in garrison, and a few inhabitants of this town, who may shelter themselves under GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19 the protection of this fort. This I know to be the immoveable determi- nation of all the settlers ofthis country." To the Speaker of the assembly he gave the same opinion; and add ed, " I do not know on whom these miserable undone people are to rely for protection. If the assembly are to give it to them, it is time that measures were -at least concerting, and not when they ought to be going into execution, as has always been the case. If they are to seek it from the Commander-in-chief, it is time their condition was made known to him. For I can not forbear repeating again, that, while we pursue de fensive measures, we pursue inevitable ruin." It was impossible for Colonel Washington, zealous in the service of his country, and ambitious of military fame, to observe the errors committed in the conduct of the war, without censuring them. These errors were not confined to the military affairs of the colony. The Chero- 1757 kee and Catawba Indians, had hitherto remained faithful to the English, and it was very desirable to engage the warriors of those tribes heartily in their service ; but so miserably was the intercourse with them conducted, that, though a considerable expense was incurred, not much assistance was obtained, and great disgust was excited among them. The freedom with which the Commander-in-chief of the Vir ginia forces censured public measures, gave offence to the Lieutenant Governor, who considered these censures as manifesting a want of re spect for himself. Sometimes he coarsely termed therii impertinent; and at other times, charged him with looseness in his information, and inattention to his duty. On one of these occasions. Colonel - ' Aue 27. Washington thus concluded a letter of detail, " Nothing re markable has happened, and therefore I have nothing to add. I must beg leave, however, before I conclude, to observe, in justification of my own conduct, that it is with pleasure I receive reproof when reproof is due, because no person can be readier to accuse me, than I am to ac knowledge an error, when I have committed it ; nor more desirous of atoning for a crime, when I am sensible of being guilty of one. But, on the .other hand, it is vrith concern I remark, that my best endeavours lose their reward ; and that my conduct, although I have uniformly studied to make it as unexceptionable as I could, does not appear to you in a favourable point of light. Otherwise, your honour would not have ac cused me of loose behaviour, and remissness of duty, in matters where, I think, I have rather exceeded than fallen short of it. This, I think, is evidently the case in speaking of Indian affairs at all, after being instruct ed in very express terms, ' Not to have any concern with, or managernent of Indian affairs.'' This has induced me to for- 80 THE LIFE OF bear mentioning the Indians in my letters to your honour of late, and to leave the misunderstanding, which you speak of, between Mr. Aikin and them, to be related by him." Not long after this, he received a letter informing him of some coarse calumny, reflecting on his veracity and honour, which had been reported to the Lieutenant Governor. He enclosed a copy of this letter to Mr. Dinwiddle, and thus addressed him, — "I should take it infinitely kind if your honour would please to inform me whether a report of this nature was ever made to you ; and, in that case, who was the author of it." " It is evident from a variety of circumstances, and especially from the change in your honour's conduct towards me, that some person, as well inchned to detract, but better skilled in the art of detraction than the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free with my character. For I can not suppose, that maUce so absurd, so barefaced, so diametri cally opposite to truth, to common policy, and, in short, to every thing but villany, as the above is, could impress you with so ill an opinion of my honour and honesty." " If it be possible that ****, for my belief is staggered, not being con scious of having given the least cause to any one, much less to that gentleman, to reffect so grossly ; I say, if it be possible that **** could descend so low as to be the propagator of this story, he must either he vastly ignorant of the state of affairs in this county at that tirne, or else, he must suppose that the whole body of the inhabitants had combined with me in executing the deceitful fraud. Or why did they, almost to a man, forsake their dwellings in the greatest terror and confusion ; and while one fialf of them sought shelter in paltry forts, (of their own build ing,) the other should flee to the adjacent counties for refuge ; numbers of them even to Carolina, from whence they have never returned? " These are facts well known ; but not better known than that these wretched people, while they lay pent up in forts, destitute of the common supports of life, (having in their precipitate flight forgotten, or rather, been unable to secure any kind of necessaries,) did despatch messengers of their own, (thinking I had not represented their miseries in the piteous manner they deserved,) with addresses to your honour and the assembly, praying relief. And did I ever send any alarming account, without sending also the original papers (or the copies) which gave rise to it? " That I have foibles, and, perhaps many of them, I shall not deny. I should esteem myself, as the world also would, vain and empty, were I to arrogate perfection. "Knowledge in military matters is to be acquired only by practice and experience; and if J have erred, great allowance should be made for GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21 want of them; unless my error's should appear to be wilful ; and then, I conceive, it would be more generous to chaise me with my faults, and to let me stand or fall according to evidence, than to stigmatize, me be hind my back. , _ " ' '^ It is uncertaip in what hght my services may have appeared to your honour,: but this I know, and it is the liighest consolation I am capable of feeling, that no iipan that ever was employed in a public capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the trust reposed in him with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest than I have done ; and if th^re is any person hving, who can say with justice that I haVe offered any intentional wrong to the public, I will cheerfully sKbmit to the most igno minious punishment that an injured people ought to inflict. , On the other hand, it. is hard toJia,ve my character arraigned, and rny actions con demned, without a hearing. "J must, therefore again beg in more plain, and in very earnest terms, to know if * * * * heip taken the liberty of, representing my conduct to your Honour with such ungentlemanly freedom as the letter implies. Your condescension herein will be ackno.wledged a singular favour." In a letter, some short time after this, to the Lieutenant Governor, he said, " I do not know that I ever gave your Honour cause to suspect me of ingratitude ; a crime I detest, and would most carefully avoid. If an open, disinterested behaviour carries offence, I may have offended ; for I have all along laid it down as a maxim, to represent facts freely and impartially, but not more so to others than to you, sir. If instances of my ungrateful behaviour had been particularized, I would have answer ed them. But I have been Ipng convinced that my actions and their motives have been maliciously, aggravated." A request that he might be permitted to come to Williamsburg for the settlement of some ac counts, which he was desirous of adjusting under the inspection of the Lieutenant Governor, who proposed to Jeave the- province in the follow ing November, was refused in abrupt and' disobliging terms. In an swer to the letter containing the refusal', Colonel Washington, after stating the- immoveable disposition ,of the inhabitants to leave the country unless more sufficiently protected, added, "To, give a more succinct account of their affairs than I could in writing, was the principal, among many other reasons,, that, induced rne to ask leave to come down. It was not to , enjoy ,a party of pleasure that I asked leave of absence. I have indulged with Yew of those, winter or summer." Mr. Dinwiddle soon afterwards took leave of Virginia, and the govern ment devolved on Mr. Blair, the President of the Council. Between him and the commander of the colonial troops the utmost cordiality existed. C 22 THE LIFE OF After the close ofthis campaign. Lord Loudoun returned to England, and General Abercrombie succeeded to the command of the army; The department of the middle and southern provinces was committed to General Forbes, who, to the inexpressible gratification of Colonel Wash ington, determined to undertake an expeditidn against fort Du Quesne. He Urged an early campaign, but he urged it ineffectually; arid,be- . fore the troops were assembled, a large' body of French and Indians broke into the country, and renewed the Jiorrors of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. The county of Augusta was ravaged, and about sixty persons were murdered. The attempts made to inter cept these savages were unsuccessful ; and they recroSsed the Allegha ny, with their plunder, prisoners, and scalps. ' ' At length, orders were given to assemble the regiment" at Wiiichester, and be in readiness to march in fifteen, days. On receiving them, Colonel Washington called in his recruiting parties ; but so inattentive had the government been to his representations that, pre vious to marching his regiment, he was under the necessl'ty of repairing to Williamsburg, personally to enforce his solicitations for arms, ammu nition, money, and clothing. That these preparations for an expe#tion vitally interesting to Virginia, should remain to be made after the season for action had commenced, does not flirnish stronger evidence of the difficulties encountered by the chief of the military department, than is given by another circumstance of about the same date. He was 'under the necessity of pointing out and urging the propriety of aUowi'ng to his regiment, which had performed much severe service, the same pay which had been granted to a second regiment, voted the preceding ses sion of Assembly, to ,serVe for a single year. Among other inotivfes for an early campaign. Colonel Washington had urged the impracticability of detaining the Indians. His fears were well founded. Before a junction of the' troops had been made, these savages became impatient to return to their homes; and, fiinding that the expedition would yet be delayed a considerable time, they left the army, with promises to rejoin it at the proper season. In pursuance of the orders which had been received, the Virginia June 24 '''°°P® moved in detachments from Winchester to fort Cum berland, where they assembled early in July: after which, they were employed in opening a road to Raystown, where Colonel Bou quet was stationed. As the English were continually harassed by small parties of French and Indians, the general had conterjiplated advancing a strong detachment over the Alleghany mountains,, for -the purpose of giving them employment at home. By the advice of Colonel Washmg- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23 ton this plan was relinquished. In support of his opinion, he stated the probability that a large force was coUefcted at fort Du Quesne, and the impracticability of moving a strong detachment, without such a quan tity of provisions, as would expose it to the danger of being discovered and cut to pieces. . He advised to harass them with small parties, prin cipally of Indians; and this advice was pursued. Colonel Washington had expected that the army would march by Braddock's road; but; late in July, he had the mortification to receive a letter from Colonel Bouquet, asking an interview with him, in Order,to consult on opening a new road from Ra:ystown, and requesthig his opinion on ,that route. " I shall," says he, in answer to- this letter, " most cheerfully woric on any road, pursue any route, or enter upon any service, that the general or yourself may think me usefully employed in, or qualified for; and shall never have a will of ioaj own, when a duty is required of me. But since you desire me to speak my sentiments freely, permit me to observe, that, after having conversed with all the guides, and having been informed by others ac quainted with the country, I am convinced that a road, to be compared with General Braddock's, or indeed that vidll be fit for transportation even by pack-horses, can not be made. I own I have no predilection for the route you have in contemplation for me." A few days after viriting this letter, he had an interview vnth Colonel Bouquet, whom he found decided in favour of opening the new road. After their separation. Colonel Washington, with his permission, ad dressed to him a letter to 'be laid before General Forbes, then indisposed at Carlisle, in which he stated his reasons against this measure. He concluded his arguments against the new road : arguments which ap pear to be unanswerable, by declaring his fears that, should the attempt be made, ffaey would be able to do nothing more than fortify some post on the other side of the Alleghany, and prepare for another campaign. This he fvkjei Heaven to avert. He was equally opposed to a scheme which had been suggested of marching by the two different routes, and recommendfed an order of march by Braddock's road, which would bring the whole army before fort Du Quesne in thirty-four days, with a supply of provisions for eightyt«ix days. In a letter of the same date addressed to Major Halket, aid of General Forbes, Colonel Washington Uhus expressed liis forebodings of the mis chiefs to be apprehended from; the adoption of the propopd route. "I am just returned from a conference held with Colopel Bouquet, I find him fixed — I think I may say unalterably fixed — ^to lead you a new wav 24 THE LIFE OF to the Ohio, through a road, every inch of Which is to be cut at this ad vanced season, when we have scarcely time left tolread 'the beaten track, universally confessed to be the best passage -through the mountains. " If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the general, all is lost ! all is lost indeed ! our enterprise is ruined ! and we shall be stopped at the Laurel hill this winter; but not to gather laurels, ; except of the kind which cover the mountains. The southern Indians will turn against uSj and these colonies will be desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. These must be the consequences of a miscarriage; and a miscarriage, the almost necessary consequence of an attempt to march the army by this route." • .Colonel' Washington's^ remonstrances and arguments were unavail ing; and the new route was adopted. His extreme chagrin at this mea sure, and at the delays resulting frorn it, was expressed in anxious letters to Mr. Fauquier, then governor of Virginia, and to the speaker of ths house of burgesses. In a letter to the speaker, written while at, fort Cumberland, he said: Q " We are still encamped here ; very sickly, and dispirited at the prospect before us. That appearance pf glory which we once had in view — ^that hope — that laudable ambition of serving our country, and meriting its applause, are now no more: all is dwindled into ease, sloth, and fatal inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the ways of men in power, like certain ways of Providence, are not inscrutable. But we w'ho view the actions of great men at a distance can only form conjectures agreeably to a hmited perception; and, being ignorant of the pomprehensive schemes which may be in contemplcUion, might mis take egregiously in judging of things from appearances, or by the lump. Yet every f*'*'l will have his notions — ^wlU prattle and talk away; and why may not I? We seem then, in my opinion, to act under the guid ance of an evil genius. The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders, is tempered with something — ^I do not care to give a name to. Nothing now l^ut a miracle can, bring this campaign to a happy issue." He then recapitulated the arguments he had urged against attempting a new rpad, and added, " but I spoke unavailingly. The road was immediately begun ; and since then, from one to two thousand men have constantly wrought on it. By the last accounts I have re ceived, they had cut it to the foot of the Laurel hill, about thirty-five miles; and I suppose, by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken post about ten miles further, at a place called Loyal Hanna, where oui next fort is to be constructed. " We have certain inteUigence that the French strength at fort Du GEORGE WASHINGTON. ,25 Quesne did not exceed- eight hundred men, the thirteenth ultijno; iur eluding about three or four hundred Indians. See ho.w our time has been mispent-^behold how the golden opportunity is lost— -perhaps, never to be regained! How is it to be accounted for? Can General Forbes have orders for this ? — Impossible. WiU then our injured coun try pass by such abuses ? I hope not. Rather let a full representation of the matter go to his majesty ; let him know how grossly his glory a,nd interests, and the public money have been prostituted." Colonel Washington was soon afterwards ordered to Raystown. Ma jor Grant had been previously detached from the advanced post at Loyal Hanna, with a select corps of eight hundred ' men, to reconnoitre the country about fort Dij Quesne. In the night he reached a hill near -the fort, and sent forward a party for the purpose of discovery. They burnt.ja log house, and returned. Next morning. Major Grant detached Major Lewis, of Colonel Washington's regiment, with a baggage guard, two miles into his, rear; and sent an engineer, with a covering party, within full yiew of the fort, to take a plan of the works. In themean time he ordered the reveillee to be beaten in dif ferent places. An .jaction soon commenced, on which Major Lewis, leaving Captain Bullett, vvith about fifty Virginians to guard the bag- gage^ advanced with the utmost celerity to support Major Grant, The English- were defeated with considerable ¦ loss ; and both Major Qrant and Major Lewis were taken prisoners. In this action, the Virginians evidenced the spirit with which they had been trained. Out of eight offi cers, five were killed, a sixth wounded, and a seventh taken prisoner. Captain Bullett, who* defended the, baggage. with great resolution,, and contributed to save the remnant of the detachment, was the only officer who escaped unhurt. Of one hundred and sixty -two men, sixty -two were kiUed on the spot, and two wouAded. This conduct reflected high honour on thecommanding officer of the regiment as well as on the troops ; ^nd he received, on the occasion, the compliments of the general. The totai Jqss was two hundred and seventy-three killed, and forty-two wowdfid. It was at length determined that the main body of the army should move from Rsiystown ; and the geiieral called on the colonels „ ? of regiments, to submit severally to his consideration, a plan 'V ^r his march. That proposed by Colonel Washington has been pre. served, and appears to have been judiciously formed. They reached the camp at Loyal Hanna, through a road indescribably bad, about the fifth of November ; where, as had been pre- dieted, a council of war determined that it was unadviseable to 26 THE LIFE OF proceed farther this campaigni It would have been almost impossible to winter an army in that position. They must have retreated from the cold inhospitable wilderness into which they had penetrated, or have suffered immensely; perhaps have perished. Fortunately, some prison ers were taken^ who informed them of the extreme distress of the fort. Deriving no support' from Canada, the garrison was weak ; in great want bf provisions; and had been deserted by the Indians. These encouraging circumstances changed the resolution which had been taken, and deter- mined the general to prosecute the expedition. Colonel Washington was advanced in front; and, with immense la bour, opened a way for the main body of the army. The troops moved forward with slow and painful steps until they reached fort Du Quesne, of which they took peaceable possession ; the garrison having On the preceding night, after evacuating and setting it on fire* proceeded down the Ohio in boats. To other causes than the vigour 'of the .officer who conducted this en terprise, the capture of this important place is to be ascribed. The na val armaments of Britain had intercepted the reinforcements designed by France for her colonies ; and the pressure on Canada was such as to disable the governor of that province from detaching troops to fort' Du Quesne. Withput the aid of these causes', the extraordinary and- unac countable delays of the campaign must have defeated its object. The works were repaired, and the new fort received the name of the great minister, who, with unparalleled vigour and talents, then goveirned the nation. After furnishing two hundred men, from his regiment as a garrison for fort Pitt, Colonel Washington marched back to Winchester ; whence he soon afterwards proceeded to Williamsburg, to take his seat in the General Assembly, of which he had been elected a member by the coun ty of Frederick, while at fort Cumberland.' ¦ A cessation of Indian hostility being the consequence of expelling the French from the Ohio, Virginia was relieved from the dangers with which she had been threatened ; and the object for which alone he had continued in the service, after perceiving that he should not be placed on the per manent establishment, was accomphshed. His health was much im paired, and his domestic affairs required his attention. Impelled by these and other motives of a private nature, he determined to withdraw from a service, which he might now quit without dishonour; and, about the close of the year, resignied his commission, as colonel of the first Virginia regiment, and commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in the colony. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27 The officers whom he had cornmanded were greatly attached to him. They manifested their esteem and their regret at parting, by a very af fectionate address,* expressive of the high opinion they entertained both of his military and private character. This opinion was not confined to the officers of his regiment. It was common to Virginia; and had been adopted by the British officers with whom he served. The duties he performed, though not splcRdid, were arduous ; and were executed with zeal, aiid with judgment. The exact discipline he established in his regiment, when the temper of Virginia was extremely hostile to disdiplihe, does credit to his military character, and the gallantry the troops displayed, whenever called into action, manifests the spirit infused into them by their comiiiander. ' The difficulties of his situation, while unable to cover the frontier from the French and Indians, who were spreading death and desolation in every quarter, were incalculably great ; and no better evidence of his exertions, under these distressing circumstances, can be given, than the undiminished confidence still placed in him, by those whom he was una ble to protect. The efforts to which he incessantly stimulated his country for the pur pose of obtaining possession of the Ohio ; the system for the conduct of the war which he continually recommended ; the- vigorous and active measures always urged upon those hy whom he was commanded ; mani fest an ardent and enterprising mind, tempered by judgment, and quickly imprbved by Experience. Not long after his resignation, he was married to Mrs. Custis ; a young lady to whom he had been for some time attached ; and whoj to a large fortune and fine person, added those amiable accomplishments which ensure domestic happiness, and'fill, with silent but unceasing felicity, the quiet scenes of private life. * See note No. III. at the end of the volume. 28 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER II. Colonel Washington apppinted commander-in-chief of the American forces. — Arrives at Cambridgei^^Strength and disposition of the two'aririies. — Deficiency of the Americans in arms and ammunition. — Falmouth burnt. — Success of the American cruisers. — Distress of the British from the want of fresh provisions. — Measures to form a continental army.— rDifficulty of re-enlisting the troops. — Plan for attacking Boston. — Temporary governments fornied. — General Lee detached to New York. — Possessidn taken of the heights of Dorchester.^ — Bpston evacuated. — Correspond ence respecting prisoners. ¦ . ' > The attention of Colonel Washington, for several years aftei; his mar riage, was principally directed to the managernent ,pf his estate. He continued a rnost respectable rnember of the legislature gf his country, in which, he took an eariy and a decided part against the claims of supre-' macy asserted by the British Parliament. As hostilities ,approached, he was chosen by the independent companies, formed through the northern parts of Virginia, to command them; and was elected a member qf the first .congress which met at Phila/ielphia. The illustrious patriots who composed it, soon distinguished him as the soldjer of America, and pla ced him on all those committees whose duty it vijas to, make arrangements for defence. When it became necessary .to appoint a commander-in- chief, his military character, the solidity of his judgment, the steady flrra- ness of his temper, the dignity of his .person and deportrijent, -the confi dence inspired by his patriotism and, integrity, and the. independence of his fortune, combined to designate him, in the opindpn of all, for that im portant station. Local jealousy vras suppressed, not only by the erithu- siasm of the moment, but by _that policy which induced the sagacious delegation from New England, to prefer a commander-in-chief from the south. . On the 14th of June,, he, was unanimously chpgen " GeneraJ, and Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United Colonies, and all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them."* On the succeeding day, when the President communicated this ap pointment to hi^m, he expressed his high sense of the honour conferred upon him, and his firm determination to exert every power he possessed in the service of his country and- of her " glorious cause." At the same time he acknowledged the distress he felt from a consciousness that "his abilities and military experience might not be equal to the extensive and important trust. * See Note No. IV. at the end of the volume. GEORGE WASHINGTON; 29 He declined all compensation for his services; and avowed an inten tion to keep an exact account of his expenses, which he should rely on Congress to. discharge., A special commission was directed, and a resolution unanimously passed, declaring that " Congress would maintain, assist, and adhere to him, as the. General and Commander-in-chief of the forces raised, or to be raised, for the maintenance and preservation of American liberty, with their lives arid fortunes." , • He prepared, without delay, to enter upon the' arduous duties of his office ; and, remaining only a few days in New York, where several important arrangements were to be made, proceeded to ' the head quar ters of the An;erican army, ' ' r , As all orders of men concurred in' approving his appointment, all con curred in expressing their satisfaction at that event, and their determi- natkm to afford him entire support. A committee of the Congress of Massachusetts waited to receive him at Springfield, on tbe confines of the colony, and to escort him to the army, , On his arrival, an address was presented to him by the House of Representatives, breathing the most cordial affection, aiid testifying the most exalted respect. His an swer* was well 'Calculated to keep up Impressions essential to the suc cess of that arduous contest into which the United Colonies had entered. The first moments after his arrival in camp were employed in recon noitring the enemy, and exainining the strength and situation . ' of the American trqops. The main body of the Brjtish, army, under the immediate command of General Howe, was entrenching itself strongly on Bunker's hill. Three floating batteries lay in Mystic river, near the camp, and a twenty gun ship below the ferry, between Boston and Charlestown. A strong battery on the Boston side of the water, on Cop's or Cope's hill, served to cover and, strengthen the post on Bunker's hill. Another division was deeply entrenched on Roxbury neck. The light horse, and an inconsiderable body of mfantry, ¦were stationed in Boston. ' * It is in the following terms : " Gentlemen, — ^Your Jcind congratulations on my appointment and, arrival,, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will be ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honoura ble but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole Province of Massachusetts, '.which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has sacrijficed all the comforts of , social and political life, in support of the rights of martkindj arid the welfare of our comnion country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted Province agara lestored to peace, liberty, and safety. " GEO : WASHINGTON." Vol. I. 3 30 THE LIFE OF The American army lay on both sides of Charles river. The right occupied the high grounds about Roxbury; whence it extended towards Dorchester ; and the left was covered by Mystic or Medford river, a space of at least twelve miles. These extensive lines could not be.contracted without opening to the British general a communication with the country. For the purpose of a more distinct arrangement, the army was thrown into three grand divisions. That part of it which lay about Roxbury, constituted the right wing, and was commanded by Major General Ward ; the troops near Mystic or Medford river formed the left, which was placed under Major General Lee. The centre, including the reserve, was un der the immediate command of General Washington, whose head quar ters were at Cambridge. The army consisted of fourteen thousand five hundred men; but se veral Circumstances combined to render this force-less effective than its numbers would indicate. So long had the hope, of avoiding open hostilities been indulged,- that the time for making preparations to meet them had passed away unem ployed, and the neglect could not be remedied. On General Washing ton's arrival in camp, he had ordered a return of the ammunition to be made ; and the report stated three hundred and three barrels of powder to be in store. A few days after this return, the alarming discovery was made, that the actual quantity was not more than sufficient to furrdsh each man with nine cartridges. This mistake had been produced by a misapprehension of the committee of supphes, (for the magazines were not yet in possession of military officers,) who, instead of returning the existing quantity, reported the whole which had been originally furnish ed by the Province. Though the utmost exertions were made, this cri tical state of things continued about a fortnight, when a small supply of ^ powder was received from Elizabethtown, in New Jersey.* The utmost address was used to conceal from the enemy this alarming deficiency ; but when it is recollected, in how many various directions, and to what various bodies, application for assistance was unavoidably made, it will appear scarcely possible that those efforts at concealment cguld have been completely successful. It is more probable that the communications which must have been made to the British general were discredited; and * A circumstance attending this transaction, will furnish some idea of the difficul ties encountered by th^se who then conducted the aflairs of Ameriija. All-important to the general safety as was the speedy replenishment of the magazines of that army which lay encamped in front of the enemy, the committee of Elizabethtown was un- ' der the necessity of transmitting this powder secretly, lest the people of the neigh bourhood should seize and detain it for their own security. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 that he could not permit himself td believe, that an army without bayonets, would be hardy enough to maintain the position occupied by the Provin cials, if destitute, of ammunition. The troops were also in such need of tents, as to be placed in bari-acks, instead of being encamped, in the open field ; and were almost destitute of clothing. They had, too, been raised by the colonial governments ; each of^ which organized its quota on different principles. From this cause restilted not only a want of uniformity, but other defects which were much more important. In Massachusetts, the soldiers had chosen their platoon officers, and generally lived -with them as equals. This unmilitary practice was the certain index of that general insubordination which per vaded every department. ^ The difficulty of -establishing principles of order and obedience, always considerable among ra-w troops, was in- creksed by the short terms for which enlistments had been made. The quotas of some of the colonies would be entitled to a discharge in No vember ; and none were engaged to, continue in service longer than the last of December. The early orders evidence a state of things still more loose and unmdlitary than was to be inferred from the circumstances under which the war had been commenced. ' An additional inconvenience, derived from this mixed agency of local governments with that of the Unions was thus stated by General Wash ington in a letter addressed to congress : — " I should be extremely defi cient in gratitude as well as justice, if I did not take the first opportunity to acknowledge the readiness and attention which the congress and dif ferent committees have shown to make every thing as convenient and agreeable as' -possible ; but there is a vital and inherent principle of de lay, incompatible -with military service, in transacting business through such various and different channels.* I esteem it my duty; therefore, to represent the' inconvenience that must unavoidably' ensue from a de pendence on a number of persons for supplies ; and submit it to ihe consideration of congress, whether the public service will not be best promoted by appointing a Commissary General for the purpose."f Every military operation was also seriously affected by the total want of engineers, and the deficiency of working tools. To increase difficulties, already so considerable, the appointment of general officers, made by Congress, gave extensive dissatisfaction, and * The General was under the necessitv of carrying on a direct correspondence, not only with the several colonial governments, but with the committees of all the import ant towns and some inferior places. t It is strange that an army should ha-ve been formed vvithout such an officer. 32 , THE LIFE OF determined several, of those Who thought themsejves injured, to retire from the service, . . s. ¦ ' , These disadvaiitages deducted essentially frqm the capacity of the Ame- r'icanforce : but under them all, the Generals observed with pleasure "the materials for a good army." These were " a great number of men, able bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable courage." Pos sessed of these materials, he employed himself indefatigab](y^in their or ganization. The army was arranged into divisions, and brigades ;" and congress was urged to the appointment of a Paymaster, Quarter-master General, and such other general staff as are indispensable in the struc ture gf a regular military establishment. The two armies continued, to work on their respective fortifications, without seriously molesting eaclji other. Slight skirmishes occasionally took place, in which little execution was done ; and, although the Ame ricans made some advances-, no attpmpt was made to dislodge them. . The Commander-in-chief submitted with reluctance to this state of apparent inactivity. He felt the importance of destroying the army in Boston, before it should be strengthened by reinforcements in. the ens.u- ing spring ; and with a view to this object, frequently . reconnoitred its situation, and was assiduous in collecting eyery information respecting its strength. The result of his observations and inquiries seems September. ¦ ° '...-' ' ^ ¦ i to have, been, a strong inclination to the opinion, that to carry the works by storm, though hazardous. Was not iinpracticable. A coun cil of general c^fficers being unanimously of opinion, that for the present at least, the attempt ought not to be made, it was laid aside. . A rigorous blockade being maintained,' the British army began to suf fer considerably for fresh meat and vegetajjles. The small parties which sailed frorn Boston, in quest of these articles, were frequently disappointed by the vigilance of the minute men. But the continuance of active ex ertion, which this service required on the part of the inhabitants' of the sea coast, soon became burdensome ; and the governors of the several colonies pressed for detachments from the main army. Although it was impossible to spare the, troops required, without hazarding the cause of the colonies, great irritation, was excited by the refusal to comply with these demands of particular protection. They at length became so im- ' portunate, and the unavoidable refusal to comply with them was so ill received, that congress was induced to pass a resolution, declaring that the army before Boston was designed only to oppose the enemy at that place, and ought not to' be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the country. At Newport, in Rhode Island, the commit tee sought to secure the place, by entering into a compromise with Cap- GEORGE WASHINGTON. S3 laui Wallace, who commanded the ships of war on that station, stipulating that he should be furnished with provisions on condition of his sparing the town, and committing no depredations on the country. This com promise contravened so essentially the general plan of distressing the British forces, that General Washington deemed it necessary to inter pose, and represent to the Governor of that province, the mischief to be appr,ehehded from so dangerous a practice. While the blockade of Boston was thus perseveringly maintained, other events of considerable importance took place elsewhere. In July, Georgia joined her sister colonies, and chose delegates to re present her in congress : after which, the style of * The thirteen United Colonies' was assumed; and by that title, the English Provinces, confe derated and in arms, were thenceforward designated. After a recess of one month, congress again assembled at Philadelphia. The state of the colonies, and the letters of the Commander-in- chief being immediately taken into consideration, the scarcity of arms and ammunition engaged their most serious attention. Great exertions* had been made, by importation and by domestic manufacture, to extricate the country from this perilous situation ; but the supplies were unequal to the necessities of the army ; and the danger resulting from the want of articles, so vitally essential in war, still continued to be great. The importance of a maritime force to the military operations of a country possessing an immense extent of sea coast must always be sen sibly felt ; and, in an early stage of the contest, the particular attention of the United Colonies was directed more immediately to this interesting object, by an event not very unusual in war, but which, at this time, ex cited no ordinary degree of resentment. Orders had been issued to the commanders of the British ships of war to proceed, as in the case of actual rebellion, against those seaport towns which were accessible, and in which any troops should be raised, or mihtary works erected. Falmouth, a flourishing village on the sea coast of Massachusetts, having given some particular offence, a small naval force, commanded by Captain Mowat, was, under colour of these orders, detached for its destruction. After making an ineffectual effort to induce the inhabitants to deliver up their arms and ammunition, and four of the principal citi- ? The agents of congress had the address to purchase all the powder on the coast of Africa, and that within the British forts, without attracting notice ; and to seize the magazine in the island of Bermuda. Great exertions were also made in the interior to obtain saltpetre and sulphur, for the manufacture of that important article. D 34 THE LIFE OF zens as hostages, he commenced a furious cannonade and bombardment, by which the town was reduced to ashes. An attempt was then made to penetrate into the country; but the militia and minute men, rather irritated than intimidated by this wanton act of unavailing devastation, drove the party, which had landed, back to their ships. This measure was loudly reprobated throughout America, and con tributed, not a little, to turn the attention of the United Colonies to their marine. It was one immediate motive with the convention of Massa chusetts, for granting letters of marque and reprisal ; and was assigned by congress, in addition to the capture of American merchantmen on the high seas, as an inducement for fitting out some ships of war ; to man which they directed two battalions of marines to be recruited. Though congress deferred granting general letters of reprisal, they adopted a measure of equal efficacy, but less hostile in appearance. Their ships of war were authorized to capture all vessels employed in giving assistance to the enemy ; the terms used in their resolution were such as comprehended every possible capture. A few small cruisers had already been fitted out by the directions of General Washington ; and the coasts soon swarmed with the privateers of New England. These naval exer tions were attended vsdth valuable consequences. Many captures were made ; and important supplies of ammunition were thus obtained. Although the British army had manifested no intention to evacuate Boston, fears were continually entertained for New York. Mr. Tryon, who was popular in that province, had been lately recalled from North CaroKna, and appointed its governor. His utmost influence was em ployed in detaching that colony from the union ; and his exertions were seconded by the Asia man of war, whose guns commanded the town. The consequence of these intrigues and ofthis terror was, that even in the convention, disaffection to the American cause began openly to show itself; and a determination to join the king's standard is said to have been expressed with impunity. These threatening appearances were rendered the more serious by some confidential communications from England^ stating the intention of administration to send a fleet into the Hudson, and to occupy both New York and Albany. Under the alarm thus ex cited, an effort was made in Congress to obtain a resolution for seizing the governor. He had, however, been artful enough to make impres sions in his favour; and he was defended by a part of the delegation from New York with so much earnestness that, for a time, the advocates of the proposition forbore to press it. Afterwards, when the increasing de- Oct 6 ^^'^*'°" ™ *^* province induced Congress to resume the sub ject, the resolution was expressed in general terms; aud GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 assumed the form of a recommendation, to those who exercised the legislative and executive functions in the several provinces, " to arrest and secure every person in the respective colonies, whose gomg at large might, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony, or the liber ties of America." , Intelligence of this resolution is supposed to have been received by the governor, who, after some correspondence with the mayor of the city respecting his personal safety, retired for security on board the Halifax packet, and continued to carry on his intrigues with nearly as much advantage as while on shore. But the subject which, next to the supply of arms and ammunition, most interested the American government, was the re-enlistment of the army. , On the 29th of September, at the earnest solicitation of General Wash ington, a committee had been appointed by congress, with directions to repair to the camp at Cambridge ; there to consult with the Commander- in-chief, and with the chief magistrates of New Hampshire, Connecti cut, and Rhode Island, and the council of Massachusetts, " on the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army." On the return of this committee, congress determined that the new army should consist of twenty thousand three hundred and seventy- two men, including officers ; to be raised as far as practicable from the troops already in service. Unfortunately, in constituting this first mili tary establishment of the union, an essential error was committed ; the consequences of which ceased only with the war. The soldiers, instead of being engaged for an unlimited time, were enlisted for the term of only one year, if not sooner discharged by congress. It is not easy to ac count-entirely for this fatal error. With their jealousy of a permanent army, were probably intermingled hopes that the war would not be of long duration, and fears that much difficulty would be encountered in prevailing on men to enter into engagements of unlimited extent. Per haps the habits of the northern colonies, where it had been usual to raise men for a single campaign, may have contributed to this measure. Whatever may have been its motives, its consequences were of the most serious nature ; and it brought the AmericEin cause, more than once, into real hazard. Other resolutions accompanied that for raising and establishing the new army, which exhibit the perilous condition of the country, and its want of those means, which were indispensable to the support of the ar duous conflict in which it was engaged. One resolution ordered the detention, at a valuation, of the arms of those soldiers who should refuse to re-enlist, although they were private 36 THE LIFE OF property, and but ill adapted to military purposes,; another, offered two dollars to every recruit who would supply himself vidth a blanket; a third, ordered the purchase of any cloths which could be procured, with out regard to colour,, to be delivered to the soldiers, after deducting the price from their pay ; and a fourth, required the soldiers to furnish their own arms, or to pay for the use of those which might be supplied by the government. ' Before the arrangements made by the committee were confirmed by congress. General Washington proceeded to take the preparatory steps for carrying them into execution. It being understood that the engagements of the officers, as well as of the soWiers, would expire with the year; the whole army was to be formed anew. The officers therefore were required to signify in writing to their respective colonels, their determination to leave, or to continue in the service ; that it might be communicated to congress through the officer commanding brigades. The urgency of the case could not produce a compUance with these orders. Many disregarded them ; and others annexed conditions to their remaining in the service. Repetitions of them became necessary; and an unconditional declaration was required.'* But that high spirit and enthusiastic ardour, which had brought such numbers into the field after the battle of Lexington, was already beginning to dissipate ; and that alacrity for the service, which had been expected, was not displayed. The orders of the day contain the most animating exhortations to the army, and the strongest appeals to its patriotism ; but there was an omi nous hesitation in forming new engagements. At length, with much labour, the officers were arranged, upon which, recruiting orders were issued. But the sufferings of the army for fuel, clothes, and even provisions, had been great ; and to this cause may be attributed the tardiness with which the soldiers in camp enrolled them selves. One officer from each company was employed to recruit in the country ; but their progress was not such as the crisis demanded ; and the army was dissolving by the expiration of the time for which it had been enlisted. The impatience of the soldiers to revisit their friends overcame all their solicitude for maintaining the blockade of Boston • and it was with great difficulty that those entitled to a discharge were de tained in camp even for ten days ; at the end of which time a body of militia * In this state of things, several officers, supposing that commissions and rank might depend on recruiting men, began, without permission, to recruit soldiers, to serve par ticularly under the officer enlisting them. Every military principle required that this practice should be arrested; and it was peremptorily forbidden in general orders. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 37 was expected to supply their places. This fact, however, did not con vince the governments of the United Colonies, that it was possible to rely too much on individual patriotism ; and that the American cause, if de fended entirely by temporary armies, must be often exposed to imminent hazard. Perceivuig the difficulty of recruiting the army, the General earnestly recommended to congress, to try the effect of a bounty. This proposition was not adopted until late in January ; and, on the last day of December, when all the old troops, not engaged on the new establishment, were disbanded, only nine thousand six hundred and fifty men had been enlisted for the army of 1776 ; many of whom were un avoidably permitted to be absent on furlough. Their numbers, however, were considerably augmented during the winter; and, in the meantime, the militia cheerfully complied with the requisitions made on them. Notwithstanding these complicated difficulties and, embarrassments, the General viewed with deep mortification the semblance of inactivity to which his situation compelled him to submit. In the commencement of the contest, while the minds of many were undetermined, it was of vast importance to secure the public confidence, and it was necessary to pay some attention even to the pubhc caprice. The real difficulties un der which he laboured, were not generally known. His numbers were exaggerated, and his means of carrying on offensive operations were magnified. The expulsion of the British army from Boston had been long since anticipated by many ; and those were not wanting, who en deavoured to spread discontent by insinuating that the Commander-in- chief was desirous of prolonging the war, in order to continue his own importance. To these symptoms of impatience, and to the consequences they might produce, he could not be insensible ; but it was not in his power to silence such complaints, by disclosing to the world his real situation. His views still continued to' be directed towards Boston ; and, congress having manifested a disposition favourable to an attack on that place, the general officers had been again assembled, and had again ad vised unanimously against the measure. Supposing that fears for the safety of the town might embarrass the proceedings of the army, con gress resolved, " that if General Washington and his council .^ ° ° . December. of war should be of opinion that a successful attack might be made on the troops in Boston, he should make it in any manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding the town and property in it might be thereby destroyed." Whilst waiting for a favourable opportunity to execute this bold plan, the American General availed himself of the occasional aids received 38 THE LIFE OF from the militia, to make advances on the besieged, and to seize posi tions which would favour ulterior operations. Ploughed Hilli Cobble Hill, and Lechmere's Point, were successively occupied and fortified. His approaches were carried within half a mile of the works on Bunker's Hill ; and his guns drove their ffoating batteries from their stations, and protected others constructed under his orders. Hitherto, the object of the war had been a redress of grievances. The language, that it was a war against a corrupt administration, had been carefully observed ; and allegiance to the British crown was uni versally avowed. The progress, however, of the public mind towards independence, though slow, was certain ; and measures were necessarily taken, which apparently tended to that object. Araong these, was the act of estabhshing temporary governments in place of that revolutionary system which follovv-ed the suspension of the ancient institutions. The first application on this subject was made by Massachusetts ;* and her example was soon followed by other colonies. These applica tions could not fail to draw forth the sentiments of members on the very interesting question of separation from the mother country. They who wished to lead public opinion to independence, were desirous of esta blishing a regular government in each province, entirely competent to the administration of its affairs ; while they who were hostile to that event, opposed every measure which might either incline the colonies towards it, or strengthen the opinion in Great Britain, that it was the real object of all who had resisted the legislative supremacy of parliament. A resolution was with difficulty obtained in the case of New Hampshire, which formed a precedent for others of the same nature, recommending to the provincial convention to call a full and free representation of the people, who should establish such form of governraent as would best promote the general happiness, and most effectually secure peace and good order in the colony, during the continuance of the present dispute with Great Britain. Without this last clause, which still maintained the appearance of preserving the ancient connexion with the parent state, the recommendation would not have been made. About the same time, congress also resolved that it would be extremely dangerous to the liberties and welfare of America, for any colony separately to. petition the king or either house of parliament. Having taken into consideration a proclamation, declaring certain per- * On this application congress recommended that an assembly and council should be chosen in the usual way, who should exercise the powers of government until a Governor of his Majesty's appointment should consent to govern the colony according to its charter. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 sons in the colonies to have forgotten their allegiance, and to be in a state of open rebellion, and threatening with punishment thqse who should be found carrymg on correspondence with them; — congress declared, " in the name of the people of these United Colonies, and by the authority according to the ^purest maxims of representation derived from them, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted upon any persons in the power of their enemies, for favouring, aiding, or abetting the-cause of American liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind, and in the same degree, upon those in their power, who have favoured, aided, or abetted, or shall favour, aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression." The British army, the command of which, on the recall of General Gage, had devolved upon 'peneral Howe; still remained inactive in Bos ton ; and was still closely blocked up on the land side. The history of this winter campaign, is a history of successive struggles on the part of the American general, with the difficulties imposed by the want of arms, ammunition, and permanent troops, on a person extremely solicitous, by some grand and useful achievement, to prove himself worthy of the high station to which the voice of his country had called him. Considering the resolution relative to the attack on Boston as indica ting the desire of congress on that subject, he assured the pre- 1776. si dent that ah attempt would be made to put it in execution January. the first moment he should perceive a probability of success. If this should not occur, as soon as might be expected or wished, he prayed that his situation might be recollected, and that congress would do him the justice to believe, that circumstances, not inclination on his part, oc casioned the delay. " It is not," said he, " in the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket shot of the ' enemy for six months together, without ammunition ; and at the same time, to disband one army, and recruit another, within that distance ot twenty-odd British regiments, is more than, probably, ever was attempt ed. But if we succeed as well in the latter, as we have hitherto done in the former, I shall think it the most fortunate event of my whole hfe." In the month of January a council of war, at which Mr. John Adams, a member of congress, and Mr. Warren, president of the provincial con gress of Massachusetts, assisted : Resolved, " that a vigorous attempt ought to be made on the ministerial troops in Boston, before they can be reinforced in the spring, if the means can be provided, and a favourable opportunity should offer." It was farther advised, " that thirteen regi ments of militia should be asked for from Massachusetts and the neigh bouring colonies, in order to put the army in a condition to make the attempt. The militia to assemble on the first of February, and to con- 40 THE LIFE OF tinue in service, if necessary, until the first of March." The colonies readily complied with these requisitions; but so mild had the season hitherto been, that the waters about Boston continued open. " Congress would discover in my last," said the general, on the nineteenth of Janu ary, "my motives for strengthening these fines with militia. Bu: whether, as the weather turns out exceedingly mild, (insomuch as to promise nothing favourable from ice,) and there is no appearance of powder, I shall be able to attempt any thing decisive, time only can de termine. No man upon earth wishes to destroy the nest in Boston more than I do ; no person would be willing to go greater lengths than I shall to accomplish it, if it shall be thought adviseable; but if we have no pow der to bombard with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better situa tion than we have been all the year : we shall be in a Worse, as their works are stronger." Early in January, the Commander-in-chief received unquestionable intelligence that an armament was equipping in Boston, to sail under General Clinton on a secret expedition. Many considerations induced him to believe that New York was its destination. He thought the pos session of the Hudson of great importance to the British : and that the numerous adherents to the royal cause in New York, furnished an addi tional reason for transferring the seat of war to that colony. Whilst dehberating on this subject, he received a letter from General Lee, re questing to be detached to Connecticut, for the purpose of assembling a body of volunteers, who should march into New York, and be employed both for the security of that place, and the expulsion or suppression of a band of tories collecting on Long Island. Though inclined to the adop tion of this measure, delicacy towards those who exercised the powers of civil government in the colony, suspended his decision on it. Mr. John Adams, who possessed great and well merited influence, was then at Watertown, attending the provincial convention ; and with him the general held some communications respecting his powers. That gen tleman being decidedly of opinion that they extended to the case. General Lee was detached, with instructions to raise a body of volunteers in Con necticut, to reinforce the battahons of New Jersey and New York which were placed under his command. His orders were to proceed to New York ; to examine tho fortifications of the city, and up the river ; to put them in the best possible state of defence ; to disarm all persons whose conduct rendered them justly suspected of designs unfriendly to the go- vernment, especially those on Long Island; and to collect the arms and ammunition in their possession, for the use of the army. No difficulty was found in raising the volunteers required from Con GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41 necticut. The people of that province were zealous and enterprising, and Governor Trumbull having sanctioned the measure, troops were immediately embodied, and Lee commenced his march for New York at the head of twelve hundred men. The inhabitants of that place were much alarmed at his approach. Captaki Parker of the Asia man of war had threatened that he would destroy the town in the event of its being entered by any considerable body of provincials ; and it was believed that these threats would be exe cuted. A committee of safety, which had been appointed to exercise the pow ers of government during the recess of the provincial congress, addressed a letter to General Lee, expressing astonishment at the report that he was about to enter the town without previously intimating his design, and pressing him earnestly not to pass the confines of Connecticut, until they could have further explanations with him. Holding in utter contempt the threats of Captain Parker, Lee conti nued his march ; and, in a letter* to congress, represented in such strong terms the impolicy of leaving the military arrangements for New York under the control of the local government, that congress appointed three of their own body, to consult with him and the council of safety, respect ing the defence of the place ; and instructed him to obey the directions of that committee. Lee soon acquired that ascendancy which is the prerogative of a su perior mind, Cver those who were sent for his government, and they di rected him to execute whatever he suggested. A plan recommended by him, for fortifying the city and preserving its connexion with Long Island, was adopted, and prosecuted with vigour. General Clinton arrived almost at the same instant with General Lee, but without troops. He said openly, that none were coming ; that no hostilities were contemplated against New York ; and that he was, him self, merely on a visit to his friend Tryon. " If it be really so," added General Lee, in his letter containing this communication, "it is the most whimsical piece of civility I ever heard of." General Clinton did not affect to conceal that his real object was to proceed to North Carolina, where he expected that five regiments from' Europe would join the small force he should carry with him. About the middle of February, the cold was intense, and the ice be came sufficiently firm to bear the troops. General Washington was now disposed to execute the bold plan he had formed, of attacking Gene- * See note No. V. at the end of the volume. 42 THE LIFE OF ral Howe in Boston; but a council of war being almost unanimous against the measure, it was abandoned. The want of ammunition for the artillery was a principal inducement to this opinion. The attempt, probably, would not have succeeded, and must certainly have been attended with considerable loss. But th^ advice of the coun cil seems to have been adopted with regret. In communicating their opinion to congress, the general observed, "Perhaps the irksomeness of, my situation may have given different ideas to me, from those which ' influence the gentlemen I consulted ; and might have inclmed me to put more to the hazard than was consistent with prudence. If it had this effect, I am not sensible of it, as I endeavoured to give the subject all the consideration a matter of such importance required. True it is, and I can not help acknowledging, that I have many disagreeable sensations on account of my situation; for, to have the eyes of the whole continent fixed on me, with anxious expectation of hearing some great event, and to be restrained in every military operation for want of the necessary means to carry it on, is not very pleasing; especially as the means used to conceal my weakness from the enemy, conceal it also from our friends, and add to their wonder." Late in February, Various appearances among the British troops indi cated an intention to evacuate Boston ; but as these appearances might be deceptive, and he had now received a small supply of powder. Gene ral Washington determined to prosecute vigorously a plan he had formed, to force General Howe either to come to an action, or to aban don the town. Since the allowance of a bounty, recruiting had been more successful; and the regular force had been augmented to rather more than fourteen thousand men. In addition to these troops, the Commander-in-chief had called to his aid about six thousand of the militia of Massachusetts. Thus reinforced, he determined to take possession of the heights of Dorches ter, and to fortify them. As the possession of this post would enable him to annoy the ships in the harbour and the soldiers in the town, he was persuaded that a general action would ensue. But if this hope should be disappointed, his purpose was to make the works on the heights of Dorchester oirly preparatory to seizing and fortifying Nook's Hill, and the points opposite the south end of Boston, which commanded the har bour, a great part of the town, and the beach from which an embarka tion must take place in the event of a retreat. To facilitate the execution of this plan, a heavy bombardment and n/r u n cannonade were commenced on the town and on the British March 2. ,.lines, which were repeated the two succeeding nights. On GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 the last of them, immediately after the firing had begun, a strong de tachment, under the command of General Thomas, took possession of the heights vvdthout opposition. Such was their activity and industry through the night that, although the ground was almost impenetrable, the works were sufficiently advanced by the morning, nearly to cover them. When dayhght disclosed their operations to the British, a con siderable degree of embarrassment appeared, and an ineffectual fire was commenced on the party in possession of the heights, who in turn opened a battery on the besieged ; and continued with unremitting labour to strengthen their position. It was necessary to dislodge the Americans from the heights, or to evacuate the town; and General Howe, as had been foreseen, deter mined to embrace the former part of the alternative. Three thousand chosen men, to be commanded by Lord Percy, were ordered on this service. These troops were embarked, and fell down to the castle, in order to proceed up the river to the intended scene of action ; but were scattered by a furious storm, which disabled them from immediately prosecuting the enterprise. Before they could again be in readiness for the attack, the works were made so strong, that the attempt to storm them was thought unadviseable, and the evacuation of the town became inevitable. In the expectation that the flower of the British troops would be em ployed against the heights of Dorchester, General Washington had con certed a plan for availing himself of that occasion, to attack Boston it self. The storm which defeated the proposed attack On the heights de feated this enterprise also. The determination to evacuate Boston was soon communicated. A paper signed by some of the select men of the town, and brought out with a flag, stated the fact. This paper was accompanied by proposi tions said to be made on the part of General Howe, but not signed by him, relative to the security of the town, and the peaceable embarkation of his army. As these propositions were not addressed to the Command er-in-chief, and were not authenticated by the signature of General Howe, nor by any act obUgatory on him, General Washington thought it improper directly to notice them ; and ordered the officer to whom they were delivered to return an answer stating the reasons why they were not treated with more attention. The determination, however, to continue his advances and to secure Nook's Hill, was changed; and considerable detachments were moved towards New York, before the actual evacuation of Boston. This event took place on the 17th of 44 THE LIFE OF March ; and, in a few days, the whole fleet sailed out of Nantasket road, directing its course eastward. The recovery of this important town gave great joy to the United Colonies. Congress passed' a vote of thanks to the General and his army, " for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston ;" and directed a medal of gold to be struck in commemora tion of the event. As soon as the British fleet had put to sea, the American army pro-' ceeded by divisions to New York, where it arrived on the 14th of April. During the siege of Boston, an altercation concerning prisoners took place between the commanders of the respective armies, which was viewed -with great interest throughout America. The character of the war — a war between a sovereign and those who professed to be his sub jects, led to a course of conduct on the part of the British General, which the actual state of things did not justify. General Gage, as Governor of Massachusetts, had received all the irritations of which his mind was susceptible — irritations which seemed to have had no inconsiderable influence over his conduct as Commander- in-chief. He regarded the Americans merely as rebels; and treated them as if the great national resistance they were making on principle, was to be viewed as the act of a few daring and turbulent individuals, rising against laws of unquestionable obligation, who would soon he quelled, and punished for their disobedience of legitimate authority. In this spirit, he threw some distinguished gentlemen of Boston, and the American officers and soldiers who fell into his hands, into the common jail of felons; and treated them, without respect to military rank or con dition, not as prisoners of war, but as state criminals. General Washington remonstrated very seriously against this unjus tifiable measure. Considering political opinion entirely out of the ques tion, and " conceiving the obligations of humanity, and the claims of ranlc, to be universally binding, except in the case of retahation ;" he expressed the hope he had entertained, " that they would have induced, on the part of the British General, a conduct more conformable to the rights they gave." While he claimed the benefits of these rights, he declared his determination " to be regulated entirely, in his conduct to wards the prisoners who should fall into his hands, by the treatment which those in the power of the British General should receive." To this letter, a haughty and intemperate answer was returned, re torting the complaints concerning the treatment of prisoners, and affect ing to consider it as an instance of clemency, that the cord was not applied to those whose imprisonment was complained of. To this an- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45 swer. General Washington gave a manly and dignified reply, which was, he said, " to close their correspondence perhaps forever ;" and which concluded with saying, " If your officers, our prisoners, receive from me a treatment different from what I wished to show them, they and you will remember the occasion of it." The restilt of this correspondence was communicated to the council of Massachusetts,* who were requested to order the British officers then on parole to be confine4 in close jail, and the soldiers to be sent to such place of security as the general court should direct. On the recall of General Gage, the command devolved on General Howe, whose conduct was less exceptionable ; and this rigorous treat ment of prisoners was relaxed. Not long after this correspondence with General Gage, while Mont gomery was employed in- the siege of St. John's, Colonel Ethan Allen was captured in a bold and rash attempt on Montreal. Under the pre text of his having acted without authority, he was put in irons, and sent to England as a traitor. . While he was yet in Canada, congress requested the Commander-in- chief to inquire into the. fact. He addressed a letter to Sir William Howe, requiring explanations on it, and assuring him that General Pres- cot, who had been taken in Canada, and was understood to have con tributed to the severities infficted on Colonel Allen, should receive exactly the fate of that Cfficer. General Howe, not holding. any authority in Canada, or not choosing to enter fully into this subject. General Schuyler- was directed to make particular inquiries into the conduct of Prescot; and coilgress, on being informed of the inefficacy of the appUcation to General Howe, ordered that officer into close jail. * In the early part of the war, congress had appointed no commissary of prisoners ; nor had the government taken upon itself the custody of them. They were entrusted for safe keeping to the respective legislatures and committees, to whom it was necessary to apply for the execution of every order respecting them. Vol. I. E 4 46 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER III. Invasion of Canada meditated.— Siege of St.. John's.— Capture of fort Charabl6e,— Carleton defeated at Longueisle.— St. John's capitulated.— Montreal surrenfiers. Arnold's expedition. — He arrives before duebec- Retires to Point Aux Trembles. — Montgomery lays siege to duebec.^ — Unsuccessful attack on that place. — DeStn of Montgomery. — Blockade of Cluebec. — General Thqmas takes command of the army. — The blockade raised. — General Sullivan takes the coipmand. — Battle of the Three Rivers.;— Canada evacuated. — General Carleton construct^ a fleet. — ^^Enters lake Champlain. — Defeats the American flotilla.^Takes possession of Crown Point. — Retires into winter quarters. During these transactions, events of great interest were peissing still farther north. Serious, dissatisfaction prevailed in Canada. The measures of ad ministration had disquieted the British settlers, -without con ciliating the ancient inhabitants. At the same time, the regu lar troops had been chiefly ordered to Boston, and the province left' al most entirely undefended. These facts were known^in the United Colo nies. It was also known that military stores to an immense amount had been deposited in Quebec, and that preparations were making to invade the colonies from that quarter. The possession of that country was be lieved to be all important; and its present' temper countenanced 'the opinion, that its weight would be thrown into the scale of that party, which should first show a force in it sufficient for the protec tion of its inhabitants. The facility with which Crown Point and Ticonderoga had been taken, and the coinmand of the lakes George and Champlain acquired, added to the motives already stated, inspired congress with, the daring design of anticipating the plans meditated in Canada, by taking possession of that province. In June, 1775, a resolution passed that body, directing General Schuy ler to repair to Ticonderoga, and take the proper measures for securing that post and Crown Point, and for retaining the command of the lakes. He was, at the same time authorized, if he should find the measure not disagreeable to the Canadians, to take possession of St. John's and Mon treal, and to pursue any other steps which might have a tendency to pro mote the peace and security of the United Colonies. Near three thousand men from New England and New York were designed for this service. A number of batteaux were directed to be built at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to convey them along lake Cham- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 plain, and fifty thousand, dollars in specie were voted for ihe expenses of the army in Canada. General Schuyler, who was at New York when this important com mand was confided to him, hastened to Ticonderoga, in order to make the necessary arrangements for the enterprise. The troops of that department, belonging to different colonies, stationed at different places, and acknowledging no one commanding officer, were found in a state of entire disorganization. The stores were misapplied, or wasted; no subordination nor camp discipUne was observed ; and had the enemy been in a condition to attempt a coup de ¦main, Ticonderoga and Crown Point would have been lost, with as much facility as they had been acquired. '^ Schuyler immediately commenced the task of preparing vessels for the transportation of the troops ; a task the more laborious and tedious, as the timber for the batteaux was then to be procured from the woods. Before the preparations were complete, or the soldiers destined for the expedition were assembled, the impatience expressed by the dis contented in Canada rendered an immediate movement adviseable. Orders were therefore given to General Montgomery to embark with the troops then in readiness ; and Gteneral Schuyler having directed the ex pected reinforcements to rendezvous at the Isle Aux Noix, followed and joined hini before he reached that place. Circular letters to the Canadians, exhorting them to rouse and assert their liberties, and declaring, that the Americans entered their country, not as enemies, but as friends and protectors, were immediately dis persed among them ; and to improve the favourable impression which had been made, it was determined to advance directly to St. John's. On the sixth of September, the American army, amounting to about one thou sand men, entirely destitute of artillery, embarked on the Sorel, and pro ceeding down that river, landed within a mile and a half of the fort. The intelligence received during the evening, determined them to return to the Isle Aux Noix, and wait for their remaining troops and artillery. The Isle Aux Noix lies at the junction of the Sorel with lake Cham plain; and to prevent the armed vessels at St. John's from entering the latter, a boom was drawn across the narrow channel, at the point of union between those waters. AVhile at that place. General Schuyler became so ill as to be confined to his bed; and the command devolved on Montgomery. Late in September the artillery was brought up ; and reinforcements arrived, which augmented the army to nearly two thousand men ; — ^upon which Mordgomery again proceeded to the invest- ^^ ' 48 THE LIFE OF ment of St. John's. This place was garrisoned by five or six hundred regulars, with about two hundred Canadian militia,' and was well pro vided with artillery and military stores. The atmy of Canada, as well as the other armies pf the United Colonies, was almost entirely without powder; and, of consequence, the siege advanced slowly. Its ° ° ^'' necessities in -this respect, were fortunately relieved by the capture of fort Chamblee, which, being supposed to be covered by St, John's, was not in a defensible condition. In this place, about one hun dred and twenty barrels of gunpovi^der were taken, after which the siege of St. John's was prosecuted with vigour ; but the garrison made a reso lute defence, and for some time indulged the hope of being relieved.* Colonel M'Clean, a veteran officer, with his regiment of royal high land emigrants, and a few hundred Canadians, was posted near the junction of the Sorel with the St. Lawrence. General Carleton was at Montreal, where he had collected about a thousand men, chiefly Cana dians. .At the head of these troops, he hoped to effect a junction with M'Clean, after which he designed to march with his whole force against Montgomery, and endeavour to raise the siege ; but, on attempting to cross over from Montreal, he was encountered and entirely defeated at Longueisle by a detachment of the American troops under Colonel Warner. Another party advanced en M'Clean. Being entirely aban doned by his Canadians so soon as they were informed of the defeat of the governor, and having also received information that Arnold was ap proaching Point Levy, M'Clean retreated to Quebec. The Americans occupied the post he had abandoned, and erected batteries on a pointof land at the junction of the Sorel with the St. Lawrence ; where they also constructed severa.1 armed rafts 'and floating batteries, in order to prevent Carleton with the vessels at Montreal from escaping down the river. Montgomery was pressing the siege of -St. John's with great vigour,- and had advanced his works near the fort, when the account of the suc cess at Longueisle reached him. On receiving this inteUigence, he sent a flag by one of the prisoners, with a letter to Major Preston, the com manding officer, demanding a surrender of the place. All hopes of re- ¦ lief having now vanished, the garrison capitulated, on being ' • allowed the honours of war. Scai-cely was this first success -obtained, when the consequences of short enlistments began to be felt. The time of service for which the troops had engaged being about to expire, great difficulty was expe? rienced in prevaihng on them to proceed farther; and before the General * Annual Register. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 could induce them to march against Montreal, he was under the neces sity of stipulating explicitly, that all vi^ho wished it should be discharged at that place. Having effected this compromise, he proceeded against Montreal ; while his floating batteries, under Colonel Easton, advanced up the St. Lawrence, and not only prevented the armed vessels of the enemy from escaping to Quebec, but drove them- still higher up the river. i Montreal was not in a condition to be defended. After engaging to allow the Canadians their own laws, the free exercise of their religion, and the privilege of governing themselves, Montgom ery took peaceable possession of the town ; and Governor Carleton re tired to his flotilla. While preparations were making to attack these vessels, the Governor was conveyed in a boat with muffled oars down the river, in a dark night, and made his escape to Quebec. The fleet soon afterwards surrendered, and the General prepared, with the utmost expedition, to proceed with the few troops who were willing to follow him, to the capital of Canada. Diminished as his army was by the discharge of those who claimed the performance of his engagements made at St. John's, it was necessary to leave a part of it at Montreal, St. John's, and Chamblee, to garrison those places — keep open the communication between Quebec and the United Colonies — preserve the dependence of the Canadians — overawe the Indians, and hold in check the garrisons above him at Detroit and Niagara. These essential objects, though provided for with the utmost possible economy of men, formed such deductions from his force, as to leave little more than three hundred soldiers to follow their General in the enterprise against Quebec. . Foreseeing that the whole force of Canada would be concentrated about Montreal, General Washington had planned an expedi tion against Quebec, to be carried on by a detachment from his camp before Boston, which was to march by the way of Kennebec river ; and, passing through the dreary -wilderness lying between the settled parts of Maine and the St. Lawrence, to enter Canada about ninety miles below Montreal. The object of this hardy enterprise was to compel Carleton, either to draw his troops from the upper country and leave the passage open to the army invading the province by the way of the river Sorel, or, if he should maintain that position, to take possession of Quebec. All his accounts assured him that this place was unable to hold out against the force which would appear before it ; and, if attacked by an American army before the return of Carleton, would surrender witiiout firing a shot. 60 THE LIFE OF This arduous enterprise was committed to Colonel Arnold. About a thousand men, consisting 6f New England infantry, some volunteers,* a company of artillery under Captain Lamb, and three companies of rifle men, were selected for the service. Such delays in expediting this detachment were occasioned by the derangements of the army, that Arnold could not commence his march until the middle of September. , The success of the expedition depending in a great measure on the friendly temper of the province against which it was directed, the in structions given to Arnold earnestly inculcated the cultivation of a good uriderstahdlhg with the Canadians ; and even enjoined an abandonment of the enterprise, should this sudden invasion of their country threaten to irritate themj and induce them to take up arms against the United Colonies. He was furnished with about one thousand pounds in specie to defray contingent expenses, and with a cargo of manifestoes to be dis persed through Canada. The opinion which had been formed of the favourable disposition of the Canadians was not disproved by the event. They gave essential aid to the Americans, and cheerfully facilitated their march through that province. But the previous difficulties to be surmounted were much greater than had .been apprehended. The intermediate country, which had never been jwell explored, opposed obstacles to the march, which only perseverance like that of Arnold and of his brave and hardy follow ers, could have conquered. Colonel Enos, who commanded the rear divi sion, consisting of one third of the detachment, returned from the Dead River, a branch of the Kennebec. At first, his appearance excited the utmost indignation in the army ; yet, on being arrested, he was acquit ted by a court martial, on the principle that it was absolutely impracti cable to obtain provisions on the route to preserve the troops from perish ing with famine. Arnold, who at the head of the first two divisions, still prosecuted his march, was thirty-two days traversing a hideous wilderness, without seeing a house, or any thing human. Notwithstanding the zealous and wonderfully persevering exertions of his men, the obstacles he encoun tered so protracted his march, that he did not reach the first settlements on the Chaudiere, which empties itself into the St. Lawrence, near Que bec, until the 3d of November. On the high grounds which separate the waters of the Kennebec from those of the St. Lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions was divided ¦* Colonel Burr, since "Vice President of the United States, was ofthis number. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51 among the companies ; each of which was directed, without attehfipting to preserve any connexion with the other, to march with the utmost possible celerity into the inhabited country. Whilst those who gained the front were yet thirty miles from the first poor and scattered habita tions which composed that frontier of Canada, their last morsel of food was consumed. But,, preceded by Arnold, who went forward for the purpose of procuring for them something which might satisfy the de mands of nature, the troops persevered in their labours with a vigour unimpaired by the hardships they had encountered, until they once more found themselves in regions frequented by human beings. After a march of such unexampled fatigue, no more time was allowed for repose than was- barely sufficient to collect the rear, and to refresh the men. During this short respite from toil, the address signed by General Washington was published, and every assurance given to the people, that they came to protect, and not to plunder them. The line of march was resumed ; and, on the 9th of November, this gallant corps reached Point Levi, opposite Quebec. The town was almost entirely without a garrison, and nothing could ex ceed the astonishment of its inhabitants. Could Arnold have immediately crossed the St. Lawrence, and have availed himself of the, first conster nation, it is believed that he might have entered the place without oppo sition ; ' but a high wind, and the want of boats, rendered the passage of the river impossible. One of his Indian messengers, despatched with letters to General Schuyler, had either betrayed him or been intercepted ; and thus in telligence of his approach was communicated to Colonel M'Clean who was then at the mouth of the Sorel. Trembling for the capital of the province, that gallant veteran determined to throw himself into it, and endeavour to defend it. In the mean time, the winds continued so high for several nights as to render the passage of the river in the canoes which had been collected, too hazardous to be attempted; and it was only in the night that the Americans cpuld hope to cross, because four ships of war were distributed at different stations in the river, and armed boats were employed to ply around them. Whilst the Americans were thus unavoidably detained on the south side of the St. Lawrence, Colo nel M'Clean, with his corps of emigrants, entered the city. At Jength the wind moderated ; and Arnold determined to attempt the river. Eluding the, armed vessel's, and conquering a rapid current, he, with great difficulty and danger, crossed, over in the night, and landed his little army about a mile a'tad a half above the place which is rendered memorable by the disembarkation of Wolfe. The 52 THE LIFE OF passage of the rugged cliffs which continue on the northern bank of the St. Lawrence for some distance above Quebec, being impracticable ai this place, he marched down on the shore to Wolfe's Cove, and ascend ing with his band of hardy followers the same precipice which had op posed such obstacles to the British hero; he, too, formed his small corps on the heights near the plains of Abraham. The dangerous and difficult operations of crossing the river in canoes, whilst the passage was vigilantiy guarded by ships of war, and of gain ing the almost perpendicular heights of the opposite shore^ were com- , pleted, soon after midnight, by the advance party, consisting of the rifle companies. While waiting for the residyie of the detachment, a council" of all the officers was held for the purpose of determining on their future measures. Although destitute of every implement required for an as sault, Arnold proposed to march immediately against Quebec. He counted on surprising the place, and finding the gates open ; but this opinion, which was not earnestly pressed, was overruled. Though disappointed in the expectation of surprising Quebec, Arnold did not immediately relinquish the hope of obtaining possession of that important place. Not superior to the garrison in point of numbers, and without a single piece pf artillery, he was obviously incapable of acting offensively ; but he flattered himself that a defection in the town might yet put it in his hands. With this view, he paraded on the adjacent heights for some days, and sent two flags to demand a surrender. But the presence of Colonel M'Clean restrained those measures whichthe fears of the inhabitants dictated. Deeming any communication with the assailants dangerous, he refused to receive the flag, and fired on the of ficer who bore it. Intelligence was sOon obtained, that the first alarm was visibly wearing off, and giving place to other sentiments unfavour able to the hope of gaining Quebec. Fears for the vast ' property con- , tained in the town had united the disaffected; who were, at their own request, embodied and armed. The sailors too were landed, and placed at the batteries ; and, by these means, the garrison had become more numerous than the Airierican army. After collecting those who had been left on the south side of the St. Lawrence, Arnold could not parade more than seven hundred men, and they were in no condition to risk an action. In their laborious march through the wilderness, nearly one third of their muskets had been ren dered useless ; and their ammunition had sustained such damage thai the riflemen had not more than ten, nor ,the other troops more than six rounds for each man. Under these circumstances, it was jNov. ly. . , ' thought most adviseable to retire to Point Aux Trembles, twenty GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63 miles above Quebec, and there await the arrival of Montgomery. On their march, they saw the vessel which conveyed General Carleton ; and af terwards-found he had been on Shore at, Point Aux, Trembles, a few hours before they reached that place.* In war, the success of the most judicious plans often depends on acci dents not to be foreseen nor controlled. Seldom has the truth of this proposition been more clearly demonstrated, than in the issue of the ex pedition conducted by Colonel Arnold. The situation of Canada con formed exactly to the expectations of the American general. Not sus pecting that so bold and difficult an enterprise could be meditated, its Governor had left Quebec entirely defenceless, and had drawn the strength of the province towards the lakes. Could Arnold have reached that place a few days, sooner — could he even have crossed the river on his first arrival at Point Levi — or had Colonel Enos been able to follow the main body with his division of the detachment — every probability favours the opinion, that this hardy and well conceived expedition would have been crowned with the most briUiant success. Nay, more — had Arnold been careful to relieve the inhabitants of the town from all fears respecting their property, there is reason to believe, they would have refused to defend it. But although this bold enterprise was planned with judgment, and executed with vigour; although the means em ployed were adequate to the object ; yet the concurrence of several mi nute and unfavourable incidents entirely defeated it, and deprived it of that eclat to which it was justly entitled. Having clothed his almost naked troops at Montreal, Gteneral Mont gomery, at the head of about three hundred men, proceeded with his usual expedition to join Colonel Arnold at Point Aux Trembles, where he supphed the troops of that officer with clothes provided at Montreal ; and afterwards marched with their united forces directly to Quebec. But, before his arrival, Governor Carleton, who had entered the town, was making every preparation for a vigorous de fence. The garrison now consisted of about fifteen hundred men, of whom eight hundred were militia, and between four and five hundred were seamen. Montgomery's effective force was stated, by himself, at only eight hundred. His situation would have filled with despair a mind less vigorous, less sanguine, and less brave. His numbers were not sufficient to render success probable, according to any common princi ple of calculation ; and the prospect of. their being diminished might be * In the account of this expedition much use has been made of a journal kept by Colonel Heth who served in it as a Lieutenant in Morgan's company of riflemen. 54 THE LIFE OF rationally entertained. But, relying on their courage, on himself and his fortune, and on the fears of the garrison; stimulated, too, by the high expectations formed throughout America of his success, and by the dread of disappointing those expectations, he determined to lay immedi ate siege to the town. In a few 'days he opened a six. gun battery within seven hundred yards of the walls ; but his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he did not calculate on any effect from it. His object was to amuse the garrison, and conCeal bis real design. , Although the troops supported the excessive hardships to which they were exposed, with constancy and firmness, Montgomery feared that such continued sufferings would overcome them; and, as he would soon have no legal authority to retain a part of them, he apprehended that he should bC abandoned by that part. Impressed with the real neces sity of taking decisive steps, and impelled by his native courage, this gallant officer determined to risk an assault. Of such materials was his little army composed, that the most des perate hardihood could not hope to succeed in the purposed attempt, un less it should receive the approbation of all his troops. It was therefore necessary, not only to consult the officers individually on this delicate subject, but to obtain also the cheerful assent of the soldiers to the medi tated enterprise. The proposition was at first received coldly by a part of Arnold's cbrps, who were, by some means, disgusted with their com manding officer ; but the influence of Morgan, who was particiilarly zealous for an assault, and who held up as a powerful inducement, the rights conferred by the usages of war on those who storm a fortified town, at length prevailed ; and the measure was almost unanimously ap proved. Whilst the general was preparing for the assault, the garrison received intelligence of his design from a deserter. This circumstance induced him to change the plan, which had originally been to attack both the upper and lower towns at the same time. That finally adopted, was to divide the army into four parts ; and while two of them, consisting of Canadians under Major Livingston, and a small party under Major Brown, were fo distract the garrison by making 1;wo feints against the upper town at St. John's and Cape Diamond ; the other two, led, the one by Montgomery in person, and the otheir by Arnold, were to make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town. After gaining that, it would yet be extremely difficult to conquer the obstacles to be surmounted in forcing their way to the upper town; but, as all the wealth of the city would then be in their power, it was confidently expected that the in- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 habitants, to secure their property, would compel the governor to capitu late. Between four and five in the morning, the signal was given ; and the several divisions moved to the assault under a violent storm of snow. .The plan was so well concerted, that from the side of the river St. Lawrence, along the fortified front round to the basin, every part seemed equally threatened.* Montgomery advanced at the head of the New York'troops, along the St. Lawrence, by the way of Aunce de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first barrier on this side, at the Pot Ash, was defended < by a battery, in which a few pieces of artillery were mounted; about two hundred pacea in front of which was a block-house and picket. The guard placed at the block-house being chiefly Cana dians, after giving a random and harmless fire, threw away their arms, and fled in confusion to the barrier. Their terrors were communicated to those who defended this important pass ; and from the inteUigence afterwards received by the American prisoners in Quebec, it appears that the battery was for a time deserted. Unfortunately, the difficulties of the route rendered it impossible for Montgomery to avaO himself instantly of this first impression. Cape Diamond, around which he was to make his way, presents a precipice, the foot of which is washed by the river, where such enormous and rug ged masses of ice had been piled on each other, as to render the way almost impassable.f - Along the scanty path leading under the project ing rocks of the precipice, the Americans pressed forward in a narrow file, until they reached the block-house and picket. Montgomery, who was himself in front, assisted with his own hand to cut down or pull up the pickets, and open a passage for his troops : but the roughness and difficulty of the way had so, lengthened his line of march, that he found it absolutely necessary to halt a few minutes. Having re-assembled about two hundred men, he advanced boldly and rapidly at their head, to force the barrier. One or two persons had now ventured to return to the battery, and seizing a slow-match, discharged a gun, when the American front was within forty paces of it. This single and accident al fire proved fatal to the enterprise. The general, with Captains M'Pherson and Cheeseman, the first of whom was his aid, together with his orderly sergeant and a private, were killed upon the spot. The loss of their general, in whom their' confidence had been so justly placed, discouraged the troops ; and Colonel Campbell, on whom the command devolved, made no attempt to reanimate them. This whole division re- * Letter of Governor Carleton. t Annual Register. 56 THE LIFE OF tired precipitately from the action, and left the garrison at leisure to direct its undivided force against Arnold, At the common signal for the attack, the division commanded by this officer moved in files along the street of St. Roques towards the Saut de Matelots, where the first barrier had been constructed, and a battery of two twelve pounders, erected. In imitation of Montgo^nery, he too led, the forlorn hope in person, and was followed by Captain Lamb with his company of artillery, and a field piece mounted on a sled. Close in the rear of the artUlery was the main body, in front of which was Mor gan's company of riflemen, commandfed by himself. The path along which the troops were to march was so narrow, that the two pieces of artillery in the battery were capable of raking with grap^ shot every inch of the ground; whilst the whole right flank was exposed to an in cessant fire of musketry from the walls, and from the.pickets of the gar rison. In this or(ler A,rnold 'advanced along, the St. Charles with the utmost intrepidity. The alarm was immediately given, and the fire on his flank commenced. As he approached the barrier, he received a musket ball in the leg which shattered the bone, and was carried off the field. Mor gan rushed forward to the battery at the head of his company, and re ceived from one of the pieces, almost at its mouth, a discharge of grape shot, which killed only one man. The barricade was instantly mounted, on which the battery was deserted without a discharge from another gun. The captain of the guard, with the greater number of his men, were made prisoners. Morgan formed his troops in the streets within the barrier, and took into custody several English and Canadian burghers ; but his situation soon became extremely critical. He was not followed by the main body of the division — he had no guide-^and was, himself,, totally ignorant of the situation of the town. It was yet dark — and he had not the slight est knowledge of the course to be pursued, or of the defences to be en countered. , Under these circumstances, it was thought unadviseable to advance farther. They were soon joined by Lieutenant Colonel Green, and Majors Bigelow and Meigs, with several fragments of companies, so as to constitute altogether about two hundred men. As the fight of day began to appear, this gaUant party was again formed, with Morgan's company in front; and, with one voice, loudly called on him to lead them against the second barrier, which was now known to be less than forty paces from them, though concealed by an angle of the street from their immediate view. Seizing the few ladders brought with them, they again rushed forward; and under an incessant GEORGE WASHINGTON, 57 fire from the battery, and from the windows overlooking it, applied their ladders to the barricade ; and maintained for some time a fierce, and, on their part, a bloody contest. Exposed thus, in a narrow street, to a gall ing fire, and finding themselves unable to force the barrier, or to dis charge more than one in ten of their fire arms — the violence of the storm having unfitted them for service ; many of the assaUants threw themselves into the stone houses on each side, which afforded them a shelter both from the storm and from the enemy. After continuing some time in this situation, Morgan proposed to cut their way back to the American camp. They were prevented from adopting this daring resolution, only by the suggestion that the attack led by Montgomery, of whose fate they were ignorant, might possibly be successful ; ' and that, in the event of his having entered the opposite part of the town, their co-operation might be usefiil to him. On this account, they determined still to maintain their situation. But the force of the enemy increasing considerably, they soon perceived that they were no longer masters of their own destinies, and surrendered themselves prisoners of war.* In this bold attack on Quebec, the' loss on the part of the garrison was inconsiderable. That of the Americans was about four hundred men, three hundred and forty of whom were prisoners. It fell chiefly on Ar nold's division. Captain Hendricks of the Pennsylvania riflemen. Lieu tenant Humphries of Morgan's company, and Lieutenant Cooper of Connecticut, were among the slain. Captains Lamb and Hubbard, and Lieutenants Steele and Tisdale, were among the wounded. Every offi cer at the second barrier received several balls through his clothes, and some of them were severely scorched by the powder from the muzzles of the muskets discharged at them. But the loss most deplored, and most fatal to the hopes of the American army, was that of their general. Richard Montgomery was a native of Ireland, and had served with reputation in the late war. After its conclusion he settled in New York, where he married an American lady, and took a decided part with the colonies in their contest with Great Britain. His military reputation was high throughout America. In the history of his achievements, while commanding in Canada, we perceive the bold, skilful, and active parti- zan ; and, so far as a judgment can be formed of a capacity for conduct ing the movements of a large army from judicious management of a small one, we can not hesitate to allow him the talents of an able general. At the head of a small body of undisciplined troops, drawn from differ ent colonies, unwilUng to be commanded by a stranger, jealous of him * In this account of the attempt to storm duebec, free use is made of Colonel Heth's journal _ 58 THE LIFE OF in the extreme, often disposed to disobedience, and anxious for their homes, he conquered' difficulties which not many would have ventured to meet ; and, until his last fatal moment, was uniformly successful. In little more than two months, he made himself master of Canada, from the lakes to Quebec : and, as if determined to triumph over the climate itself, laid siege, in the depth of winter, to that important fortress. His measures seem to have been taken with judgment, and were certainly executed with great courage and unremitting exertion. When he ap pears to have risked much, and to have exposed his troops to excessive hardships, this line of conduct was not inconsiderately chosen. The state of his affairs left him only the alternative between attempting to storm Quebec, or abandoning the great object of the expedition. Nor was his attempt so hopeless a measure as the strength of the place, and the event might, at first view, induce us to suppose. The design was worthy of the lofty spirit which formed it ; though hazardous, it was not des perate ; and if great courage was required to crown it with success, great courage was employed in its execution. He counted, and with reason, on the fears of the garrison, and on the immense extent of ground to be guarded. Had he not fallen himself, or been deserted by his troops, it is even yet believed the enterprise would have succeeded. The progress made by Arnold's division gives great countenance to this opinion. To manifest the high sense entertained of his services, congress di rected a monument, expressing the circumstances of his death and the gratitude of his country, to be erected to his memory. The Americans, being no longer in a condition to continue the siegej retired about three miles from the city; where, though in- i77g_ i ferior in numbers to the garrison, they maintained the block- January. ade. By preserving this bold countenance, they retained the confidence of the Canadians ; which sayed their affairs, for a time,, from total ruin. Governor Carleton was content to preserve Quebec, untU the rein forcements he expected in the spring should enable him to act on the offensive. He therefore determined not to hazard an attack, with a gar rison on which it was unsafe to rely ; and Arnold, on whom the com mand had devolved, remained undisturbed. Although badly wounded, he retained his courage and activity; and, though deserted by those whose terms of service had expired, so as to be reduced at one time to about five hundred effective men, he discovered no disposition to sink under the weight of adverse fortune. While the affairs of the colonies wore this gloomy aspect in Canada, congress was indulging sanguine hopes of annexing that province to the union. Nine regiments, including one to be raised in that colony, were GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59 voted for its defence during the ensuing campaign ; and General Schuy ler was directed to construct a number of batteaux at Ticonderoga, for the purpose of transporting the troops to the scene of action. Whilst adopting these measures, congress received the melancholy mtelligence of the disaster of the 31st December. Far from being dispirited by this reverse of fortune, that body redoubled ^"" its exertions to hasten reinforcements to the army in Canada, and urged the several conventions to collect for its use all the specie they could obtain. These measures were, in some degree, accelerated by having been anticipated by the Commander-in-chief.* The service in Canada being deemed of too much importance to be entrusted to Colonel, now Brigadier General Arnold, or to General Wooster ; and the health of General Schuyler not ad mitting of his proceeding to Quebec ; General Thomas, an officer who had acquired reputation at Roxbury, was ordered to take command of the army in that province. In the hope of exciting throughout Canada the sentiments which pre vailed in the United Colonies, and of forming with it a perfect union, three commissioners, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Carroll,"|" were deputed with full powers on this subject, and with instructions to esta blish a free press. These commissioners were directed to assure the people that they would be permitted to adopt such form of government as should be agreeable to themselves ; to exercise freely all the rights of conscience ; and to be considered as a sister colony, governed by the same general system of mild and equal laws which prevailed in the other colonies, with only such local differences as each might deem con ducive to its own happiness. They were also instructed to inquire into the conduct of the American army, and to correct any irregularities which might be offensive to the people. Congress seems to have entertained the opinion expressed by General Washington in a letter to General Schuyler, " that the Province could be secured only by laying hold of the affections of the people, and en gaging them heartily in the common cause." In pursuance ofthis opi nion, they adopted the magnanimous policy of compensating those indi viduals who had suffered for their adherence to the Americans. * On the first intelligence received in the camp at Boston of the fate of Montgo mery, General "Washington, though extremely, delicate respecting the assumption of power, without waiting for the orders of congress, had immediately requested the New England governments to raise several regiments to reinforce that army. This proceeding was approved by congress. f They were accompanied by Mr. Carroll, a bishop of the Roman Catholic church. 60 THE LIFE OF In the mean time Arnold maintained the blockade of Quebec. But reinforcements were slow in arriving, notwithstanding every exertion to hasten them, and from the first of January to the first of March, the effective force before that place had never exceeded seven hundred men, and had often been as low as five hundred. In March, reinforcements arrived in greater numbers, and the army was increased to seventeen hundred ; but this number was soon reduced by the small-pox, which had made its way into camp, where, in contempt of orders, it was pro pagated by inoculation. To render the blockade in any degree effectual, this small arrny, which occupied the island of Orleans and both sides of the St. Law rence, was spread over a circuit of twenty-six miles, and divided by three ferries. The establishment of discipline had been impracticable, if attempted ; and the Canadians were often injured and irritated. There is reason to believe that even General Arnold was disposed to think him self in the country of an enemy ; and that, in repressing disorders, he did not exert that energy which he had always displayed conspicuously in the field. Many causes combined to diminish the attachment originally mani fested by the Canadians to the United Colonies. The necessities of his situation compelled General Arnold to issue a proclamation making pa per money current, under the promise of redeeming it in four months, and denouncing those as enemies, who should refuse to receive it. The Canadians were unwilling to exchange their property or labour, for an article of such uncertain value ; and the discontents excited by the at tempt to force it on them were very considerable. Another circumstance, which had great influence with reflecting men, was the obvious incompetence of the American force to its object. The Canadians had expected a powerful army — sufficient for the protection of the country ; and their disappointment in this respect, produced a great change in their opinions and conduct. The dissatisfaction arising from these causes was augmented by the priests. They, as a body, were never cordial in the American interest; and having been, since the death of Montgomery, very injudiciously neglected, had become almost universally hostile to the views of the United Colonies. General Carleton was no stranger to the revolution which was taking place in the minds of the Canadians, and entertained the hope of raising the siege by their assistance. A detachment of about sixty men, from the garrison of Quebec, landed twelve leagues below the town on the south side of the river, and were joined by about two hundred and fifty GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 Canadians, who were rapidly increasing in numbers, when they were suddenly attacked by a detachment sent by Arnold, which surprised their advance guard, killed a few, took some prisoners, and dispersed die residue. As the season of the year approached when reinforcements from Eng land might be expected, Arnold deemed it necessary to recommence active operations, and to resume the siege. His batteries were again erected, and were opened on the 2d of April, but without much effect. He had not weight of metal to make a breach in the waU, nor an engi neer capable of directing a siege, nor artiUerists who understood the management of the pieces. On the 1st of April, Wooster had arrived, and, on the succeeding day, Arnold's horse feU with him, and so bruised one of his legs as to confine him to his bed for some time. Believing himself to be neglected, he obtained leave of absence as soon as he was able to move, and took the command at Montreal. A considerable part of the army having become entitled to a discharge, no inducement could prevail on them to continue longer in so severe a service. This deduction from Wooster's force was the more sensibly felt, because the present situation of the roads, the ''^ lakes, and the St. Lawrence, suspended the arrival of the reinforcements destined for his aid. Among the first who reached camp after this state of things took place, was General Thomas. He arrived on the 1st of May, and found an army consisting of nineteen hundred men ; of whom, less than one thousand. Including officers, were effective. Among these were three hundred entitled to discharge, who refused to do duty, and insisted importunately on being immediately dismissed. This small force was still more enfeebled by being so divided that it was impracti cable to unite more than three hundred men at any one point. AU the magazines contained but one hundred and fifty barrels of powder, and six days provisions ; nor could adequate supplies from the country peo ple be obtained, as the Canadians no longer manifested any disposition to serve them. The river began to Open below, and it was certain, that the British would seize the first moment of its being practicable, to relieve this im portant place. Amidst these unpromising circumstances, the hopes of taking Quebec appeared to General Thomas to be chimerical, and a longer continuance before the town both useless and dangerous. It was apparent that the first reinforcements which should arrive would deprive him entirely of the use of the river, and consequently would embarrass Vol.. X, 5 62 THE LIFE OF the removal of his sick, and military stores. No object remained to jus tify this hazard. Under these impressions, he called a council of war, which, unani mously determined, that the army was not in a condition to ^^ ¦ risk an assault — that the sick should be removed to the Three Rivers, and the artillery and other stores embarked in' their boats, in order to move to a more defensible position. On the evening of the same day, inteUigence was received that a British fleet was below ; and, the next morning, five ships, which had, with much la bour and danger, made their way up the river through the ice, appeared in sight. They soon entered the harbour, and landed some men whilst the Americans were assiduously employed in the embarkation of their sick and stores — an operation carried on the more slowly, because the first appearance of the ships deprived them of the aid expected from the teams and carriages of the Canadians. About noon,' Carleton made a sortie at the head of one thousand men, formed in two divisions, and supported by six field pieces. The Ame ricans had thrown up no intrenchments, and could not bring into action more than three hundred men. Under these circumstances, victory was scarcely possible, and could have produced no important effect. General Thomas, therefore, with the advice of the field officers about him, determined not to risk an action, and ordered his troops to retreat up the river. This was done with much precipitation, and many of the sick, with all the military stores, fell into the hands of the enemy. The army continued its retreat to the Sorel, where General Thomas was seized with the small pox, of which he died.* * "Whilst the troops of the United Colonies were flying from the vicinity of Ctue- bec, an unexpected calamity befel them in a diflerent quarter of that province. Colonel Bedel, with three hundred and ninety continental, troops and two field pieces, had beep stationed at the Cedars, a point of land about forty miles above Mon treal, which projected far into the St. Lawrence, and could be approached only on one side. Early in the spring. General Carleton had planned an expedition against this post, the execution of which was committed to Captain Forster, who commanded at an English station on Oswegachie. At the head of a company of regulars and a body of Indians, amounting in the whole to six hundred men, he appeared before the American works early in May. Two days previous to his appearance. Colonel Bedel had received intelligence of his approach ; and, leaving the fort to be commanded by Major Butterfield, had proceeded himself to Montreal, to solicit assistance. Ar nold, who then commanded at that place, immediately detached Major Sherburne to the Cedars with one hundred men ; and prepared to follow, in person, at the head of a much larger force. Although the place could have been easily defended, the besiegers having no artil lery—Major Butterfield, intunidated by the threat, that should any Indians be killed GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63 The Americans, were much dissatisfied with the conduct of this gen tleman. To him they, in some degree attributed the disasters which ruined their affairs in Canada. But this censure was unjust. He took command of the army when it was too weak to maintain its ground, and when the time for saving the sick and the mUitary stores had passed away. The siege of Quebec, instead of being continued longer, ought to have been abandoned at an earlier period. This was the real fault of those who commanded in Canada. It is to be ascribed to the reluctance al ways felt by inexperienced officers to disappoint the public expectation, by relinquishing an enterprise concerning which sanguine hopes have been entertained ; and to encounter the obloquy of giving up a post, al though it can no longer with prudence be defended. In the perseverance with which the siege of Quebec was maintained, these motives operated with all their force, and they received an addition, from the unwilling ness felt by the Americans, to abandon those of their friends who had taken so decisive a part in their favour, as to be incapable of remaining in safety behind them. After the death of General Thomas, reinforcements assembled at the mouth of the Sorel, which increased the army to four or five thousand men, who were commanded by General Sullivan. The friendly Canadians who had supposed themselves abandoned, mani fested great joy at the arrival of a force which appeared to them very considerable ; and offered every assistance in their power. Sullivan calculated on their joining him in great numbers, and entertained san guine hopes of recovering and maintaining the post of De Chambeau. during the siege, it would be out of the power of Captain Forster to restrain the sa vages from massacreing every individual of the garrison, consented to a capitulation, by which the whole party became prisoners of war. The ne?t day, Major Sherburne approached without having received any information that Butterfield had surrender ed. 'Within about four miles of the Cedars, he was attacked by a considerable body of Indians ; and, after a sharp conflict, surrendered at discretion. On being informed of these untoward events, Arnold, at the head of seven hundred men, marched against the enemy then at "Vaudreuil, in the hope of recovering the American prisoners. When preparing for an engagement, he received a flag, accom panied by Major Sherburne, giving him the most positive assurances that if he per sisted in his design, it would be entirely out of the power of Captain Forster to prevent his savages from pursuing their horrid customs, and disencumbering themselves of their prisoners by putting every man to death. This massacre was already threaten ed ; and Major Sherburne confirmed the information. Under the influence of this threat, Arnold desisted from his purpose, and consented to a cartel, by which the prisoners were delivered up to him ; he agreeing, among other things, not only to de liver as many British soldiers in exchange for them, but also, that they should imme diately return to their homes. 64 THE LIFE OF As a previous measure, it was necessary to dislodge the enemy at the Three Rivers. Carleton was not immediately in a situation to follow up the blow given the Americans at Quebec, and to drive them entirely out- of the province ; but the respite allowed them was not of long duration. Towards the end of May large reinforcements arrived, which aug mented the British army in Canada to about thirteen thousand men. The general rendezvous appointed for these troops was at the Three Rivers. The army was greatiy divided. A considerable corps, com manded by General Frazer, had reached the Three Rivers, and the main body was on its way from Quebec. The distance from the Sorel was about fifty miles, and several armed vessels and transports, full of troops, lay about five miles higher up than the Three Rivers, full in the way.* General Thompson, who commanded the army after the illness of General Thomas, understanding the party at the Three Rivers to con sist of about eight hundred men, partly Canadians, had detached Colonel St. Clair with between six and seven hundred men, to attack itj if there should be any probabUity of doing so with advantage. Colonel St. Clair advanced to Nicolet, where, believing himself not strong enough for the service on which he had been ordered, he waited for further* re inforcements, or additional instructions. At this time General Sullivan arrived ; and, understanding the enemy to be weak at the Three Rivers, ordered Gen. Thompson to join Colonel St. Clair at Nicolet, with a reinforcement of nearly fourteen hundred men, to take command of the whole detachment, and to attack the troops lying at the Three Rivers, provided there was a favourable prospect of success. General Thompson joined Colonel St. Clair at Nicolet, and, believing himself strong enough to perform the service consigned to him, fell down the river by night, and passed to the other side, with the intention of sur prising Frazer. The plan was to attack the viUage a littie before day break, at the same instant^ at each end ; whilst two smaller corps were drawn up to cover and support the attack. The troops passed the armed vessels without being perceived, but ar rived at Three Rivers about an hour later than had been intended; in consequence of which they were discovered, and the alarm was given at their landing. To avoid the fire of some ships in the river, they at tempted to pass through what appeared to be a point of woods, but was in reality a deep morass three miles in extent. The delays occasioned •* Annual Register. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 by their detention in this morass, gave General Frazer fiill time to land some field pieces, and prepare for their reception ; while General Nes bit fell into their rear, and cut off their return to the boats. They ad vanced to the charge, but were soon repulsed ; and finding it impractica ble to return the way they came, were driven some miles through a deep swamp, which they traversed with inconceivable toll, and every degree of distress. The British at length gave over the pursuit. In this unfortunate enterprise, General Thompson and Colonel Irwin, with about two hundred men, were made prisoners ; and from twenty to thirty were killed. The loss of the British was inconsiderable. The whole American force in Canada now amounted to about eight thousand men, not one half of whom were fit for duty. About two thousand five hundred effectives werC with General SuUivan at the Sore]. The whole were in a state of total insubordination — much harassed with fatigue — and dispirited by their late losses, by the visible superiority of the enemy, and by the apprehension that their retreat would be entirely cut off. Under all these discouraging circumstances. General SuUivan formed the rash determination of defending the post at Sorel ; and was induced only by the unanimous opinion of his officers, and a conviction that the troops would not support hira, to abandon it a few hours before the British took possession of it. The same causes drew him reluctantly from Cha'mbl6e and St. John's ; but he re solved to remain at the Isle Aux Noix, until he should receive orders to retreat. He -had been joined at St. John's by General Arnold, who had crossed over at Longueisle just in time to save the gar rison of Montreal. The Isle Aux Noix is a low unhealthy place, badly supplied vrith water ; where the troops were so universally seized -with fevers, as to compel General SuUivan to retire to the Isle Lamotte. At that place he received the orders of General Schuyler to embark on the lakes for Crown Point. , The armed vessels on the Sorel and St. Lawrence were destroyed, and the fortifications of Chambl6e and St. John's set on fire. AU the baggage of the army, and nearly all the military stores were saved. The British army, during this whole retreat, followed Close in the rear, and took possession of the different posts which the Americans had oc cupied, immediately after they were evacuated. On the Sorel the pursuit stopped. The Americans had the command of the lake, and the British general deemecl it prudent to wrest it from them before he advanced farther. To effect this, it was necessary to construct a number of vessels, which required time and labour. Mean- 66 THE LIFE OF while. General Gates was ordered to take command of the northern army, which was directed to be reinforced with six thousand militia. Thus terminated the enterprise against Canada. It was a bold, and, at one period, promised to be a successful effort to annex that extensive province to the United Colonies, The dispositions of the Canadians fa voured the measure ; and had Quebec faUen, there is reason to beUeve the colony would have entered cordially into the union. Had a few inci dents turned out fortunately ; had Arnold been able to reach Quebec a few days sooner, or to cross the St. Lawrence on his first arrival — or had the gaUant Montgomery not fallen in the assault of the 31st De cember, it is probable the expedition would have been crowned with complete success. But the radical causes of failure, putting fortune out of the question, were to be found in the lateness of the season when the troops were assembled, in a defect of the preparations necessary for such a service, and still more in the shortness of the time for which the men were enUsted. Had the expedition been successful, the practicability of maintaining the country is much to be doubted. Whilst General Mont gomery lay before Quebec, and expected to obtain possession of the place, he extended his views to its preservation. His plan required a permanent army of ten thousand men ; strong fortifications at Jacques Cartier, and the rapids of RicheHeu ; and armed vessels in the river, above the last place. With this army and these precautions, he thought the country might be defended ; but not with an inferior force. It seems, therefore, to have been an enterprise requiring means beyond the abihty of Congress ; and the strength exhausted on it would have been more judiciously employed in securing the command of the lakes George and Champlain, and the fortified towns upon them. While General Carleton was making preparations to enter the lakes, General Schuyler was using his utmost exertions to retain the command of them. But, so great was the difficulty of procuring workmen and materials, that he found it impossible to equip a fleet which would be equal to the exigency. It consisted of only fifteen small vessels ; the largest of which was a schooner mounting twelve guns, carrying six and four pound balls. The command of this squadron, at the instance of General Washington, was given to General Arnold. With almost incredible exertions, the British General constructed a powerful fleet ; and, afterwards, dragged up the rapids of St. Therese and St. John's, a vast number of long boats and other vessels, among which was a gondola weighing thirty tons. This im mense work was completed in Httle more than three months; and, as if by magic, General Arnold saw on Lake Champlain, early in October, a GEORGE WASHINGTON, 67 fleet consisting of near thirty vessels ; the largest of which, the In flexible, carried eighteen twelve-pounders. This formidable fleet, hav ing on board General Carleton himself, and navigated by seven hundred prime seamen under the command of Captain Pringle, proceeded imme diately in quest of Arnold, who was advantageously posted between the island of Valicour emd the western main. Notwithstanding the disparity of force, a warm action ensued. A wind, unfavourable to the British, kept the Inflexible and some other large vessels at too great a distance to render any service. This cir cumstance enabled Arnold to keep up the engagement until night, when Captain Pringle discontinued it, and anchored his whole fleet in a fine, as near the vessels of his adversary as was practicable. In this engage ment, the best schooner belonging to the American flotiUa was burnt, and a gondola was sunk. In the night, Arnold attempted to escape to Ticonderoga; and, the next morning, was out of sight ; but, being immediately pursued, was overtaken about noon, aiid brought to action a few leagues short of Crown Point. He kept up a warm engagement for about two hours, during which the vessels that were most ahead escaped to Ticonderoga. Two gallies and five gondolas, which remained, made a desperate re sistance. At length one of them struck ; after which Arnold ran the remaining vessels on shore, and blew them up ; having first saved his men, though great efforts were made to take them. On the approach of the British army, a small detachment, which had occupied Crown Point as an out-post, evacuated the place, and retired to Ticonderoga, which Schuyler determined to defend to the last extre mity. General Carleton took possession of Crown Point, and advanced a part of his fleet into Lake George, within view of Ticonderoga. His army also approached that place, as if designing to invest it ; but, after reconnoitring the works, and observing the steady countenance of the garrison, he thought it too late to lay siege to the fortress. Re-embark ing his army, he returned to Canada, where he placed it in winter quar ters ; making the Isle Aux Noix his most advanced post. 68 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER IV. Transactions in "Virginia. — Action at Great Bridge. — Norfijlk evacuated. — Burnt. — Transactions in North Carolina. — Action at Moore's Creek Bridge. — Invasion of South CaroUna. — British fleet repulsed at Fort Moultrie. — Transactions in New York. — Measures leading to Ipdependence. — Independence declared. Whilst the war was carried on thus vigorously in the north, the 1775. southern colonies were not entirely unemployed. The con- July, vention of Virginia determined to raise tvvo regiments of regu lar troops for one year, and to enlist a part of the militia as minute-men. Lord Dunmore, the Governor of the colony, who was joined by the most active of the dls'affected, and by a number of slaves whom he had encouraged to run away from their masters, was collecting a naval force, which threatened to be extremely troublesome in a country so intersected with large navigable rivers as the colony of Virginia. With this force he carried on a slight predatory war, and, at length, attempted to burn the town of Hampton. The inhabitants, having received inti mation of his design, gave notice of it to the commanding officer at Williamsburg, where some regulars and minute-men were stationed. Two companies were despatched to their assistance, who arrived just before the assault was made, and obliged the assailants to retreat, with some loss, to their vessels. In consequence of this repulse, his Lordship proclaimed martial law ; summoned all persons capable of bearing ajms to repair to the royal standard, or be considered as traitors ; and offered freedom to all indented servants and slaves who should join him.* This proclamation made some impression about Norfolk, where the Governor collected such a force of the disaffected and negroes, as gave him an entire ascendancy in that part of the colony. , InteUigence of these transactions being received at Williamsburg, a regiment of regulars and about two hundred minute-men, were ordered down under the command of Colonel Woodford,! f°r the defence of the inhabitants. Hearing of their approach. Lord Dunmore took a weU chosen position on the north side of EUzabeth river, at the Great Bridge, where it was necessary for the provincials to cross in order to reach Norfolk ; at which place he had established himself in some force. Here he erected a smaU fort on a piece of firm ground surrounded by a marsh, * Gazette — Remembrancer. t The author was in this expedition, and relates the circumstances attending it chiefly from his own observation. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 69 wbich Was accessible, on either side, only by a long causeway. Colonel Woodford encamped within cannon-shot of this post, in a small village at the south end of the causeway ; across which, just at its termination, he constructed a breast-work ;: but, being without artillery, was unable to make any attempt on the fCrt. In this position both parties continued for a few days, when Lord Dunmore ordered Captain Fordyce, the commanding officer at the Great Bridge, though inferior in numbers, to, storm the works „ . . . . ' Dec. 9. of the provincials. Between day -break and sunrise, this offi cer, at the head of about sixty grenadiers of the 14th regiment, who led the column, advanced along the causeway -with fixed bayonets, against the b'reast-work. The alarm was immediately given ; and, as is the practice with raw troops, the bravest rushed to the works, where, regard less , of order, they kept up a heavy fire on the front of the British co lumn. Captain Fordyce, though received so warmly in front, and taken in flank by a party posted on a small, eminence on his right, marched up with great intrepidity, until he fell dead within a few steps of the breast-work. The column immediately broke and retreated ; but being covered by the artillery of the' fort, was not pursued. In this ill-judged attack, every grenadier is said to have been killed or wounded; while the Americans did not lose a single man. - The foUowing night, the fort was evacuated. The provincial troops proceeded to Norfolk, under the command of Colonel Howe of North Carolina,.and Lord Dunmore took refuge on board his vessels. ' After taking possession of the town, the American soldiers frequently amused themselves by firing into the vessels in the harbour, from the buildings ¦ near the water. Irritated by this. Lord Dunmore 1770. determined to destroy the , houses immediately on the shore ; January. and, on the night of the first of January, under cover of a heavy cannon ade, landed a body of troops, and set fire to a number of houses near the river. The provincials, who entertained strong prejudices against this station, saw the flames spread from house to house without making any attempt to extinguish them. After the fire had continued several weeks, in which time it had consumed about four-fifths of the town, Colonel Howe, v^ho had waited on the convention to urge the necessity of de stroying the place, returned with orders to burn the remaining •' . , .... ,. . February. houses ; which were carried mto immediate execution. Thus was destroyed the most populous and flourishing town in Vir ginia. Its destruction was one of those iU-judged measures, of which the consequences are felt long after the motives are forgotten. After Norfolk was laid in ashes, Lord Dunmore continued a preda- G 70 THE LIFE OF tory war on the rivers — burning houses, and robbing , plantations— which served only to distress a few individuals, and to increase the de testation in which he was held through the country. At lengthj his wretched foUowers, wearied with their miserable condition, were sent to Florida,* As the war became more serious, the convention deemed it necessary to increase the number of regiilar regiments from two to nine, which were afterwards taken into the continental service. In North CaroUna, Governor Martin, thougli obliged to take refuge on board a ship of war, in Cape Fear river, indulged the hope of being able to reduce that colony, A body of ignorant and disorderly men on the western frontier, styl ing themselves regulators, had attempted by arms, some time before the existing war, to control land stop the administration of justice. After failing in this attempt, they became as hostUe to the colonial, as they had been to the royal government. The province also contained many families who had lately emigrated from the highlands of Scotland ; and who, rptalning their attachment to the place of their nativity, transferred it to the government under which they had been bred. From the union of these parties. Governor "Martin entertaiped sanguine hopes of making a successful struggle for North Carolina. His confidence was increased by the assurances he had re ceived, that a 'considerable land and naval armament was destined for the southern colonies. To prepare for co-operating with this force, should it arrive ; or, in any event, to make an effort to give the ascendancy in North Carolina to the royal cause, he sent several commissions to the leaders of the highlanders, for raising and commanding regiments ; and granted one to a Mr. M'Donald, their chief, to act as their general. He also sent them a proclamation, to be used on a proper occasion, commanding all persons, on their allegiance, to repair to the royal standard. This was erected by General M'Donald at Cross Creek, about the middle of Feb ruary, and nearly fifteen hundred men arranged thepnselves under it. Upon the first advice that the loyalists were assembUng, Brigadier General Moore marched at the head of a provincial regiment, with such militia as he could suddenly collect, and some pieces of can- Feb. 15. , , ^ . . ... „ non, and took a strong position within a few miles of them. General M'Donald soon approached, and sent a letter to Moore, enclosing Feb 20 *^ Governor's proclamation, and recommending to him and his party to join the King's standard by a given hour the next * "Virginia Gazette. ' GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71 day. The negotiation was protracted by Moore, in the hope that the numerous bodies of militia.who were advancing to join him, would soon enable him to surround his adversary. M'Donald, at length, perceived his danger, and, suddenly decamping, endeavoured by forced marches to extricate himself from it, and join Governor Martin and Lord WiUiam Campbell, who were encouraged to commence active operations by the arrival of General Clinton in the cplony. The provincial parties, however, were so alert in every part of the country, that he found himself under the necessity of engaging Colonels CasweU and Lillington, who, with about one thousand minute-men and mUitia, had entrenched themselves directly in his front, at a place called Moore's Creek Bridge. The royalists were greatly superior in number, but were under the disadvantage of being compelled to cross the bridge, the planks of which werp partly taken up, in the face of the intrench ments occupied-by the provincials. They commenced the attack how ever with great spirit; but Colonel M'Leod who commanded them, in consequence of the indisposition of M'Donald, and several others of their bravest officers and men, having fallen in the first onset, their courage deserted them, and ihey fled in great disorder, leaving behind them their general and several others of their leaders, who fell into the hands of the provincials.* This victory was of eminent service to the American cause in North Carolina. It broke the spirits of a great body of men, who would have constituted a formidable reinforcement to an Invading army ; increased the confidence of the provincials iii themselves, and attached to them the tirnid and wavering, who form a large portion- of every community. General Clinton, who was to command in the south, had left Boston with a force top inconsiderable to attempt any thing until he should be reinforced by the troops, expected from Europe. After parting -with Governor Tryon in New York, he had proceeded to Virginia, where he passed a few days -with Lord Dunmore; but finding himself too weak to effect any thing in that province, he repaired to North CaroUna, and re mained vrith Governor Martin until the arrival of Sir Peter Parker. Fortunately for the province, the unsuccessful insurrection of M'Donald had previously broken the strength and spirits of the loyalists, and de prived them of their most active chiefs ; in consequence of which, the operations which had been meditated against North CaroUna were deferred. Clinton continued in Cape Fear until near the end of May, when, hearing nothing certain from General Howe, he deter mined to make an attempt on the capital of South Carolina. » Annual Register— Gordon — Ramsay — Gazette. 72 THE LIFE OF -Eariy in the month of April, a letter from the secretaiy of state to Mr. Eden, the royal governor of Maryland, disclosing the designs of administration against the southern colonies, was intercepted in the Chesapeake ; and thus, Spiith Carolina became apprized of the danger which threatened its metropolis. Mr. Rutledge, a gentleman of vigour and talents, who had been chosen president of that province on the dis solution of the regal govemment, adopted the most energetic means for placing it in a posture of defence. In the beginning of June, the British fleet came to anchor off the har-i hour of Charleston. The bar was crossed with some difficul- ¦ ty ; after which, it wad determined to commence operations by silencing a fort on Sullivan's island. During the ipterval between passing the bar and attacking the fort, the continental troops of Virginia and North Carolina arrived in Charles^' ton ; £«d the American force amounted to between five and six thousand men, of whom iw'o thousand five hundred were regulars. This army was commanded by General Lee, whose fortune it had been to meet General Clinton at New York, in Virginia, and in North Carolina. Viewing with a mUitary eye the situation, of the post entrusted to his care, Lee was disinclined to hazard his army by engaging it deeply in the defence of the town ; but the solicitude of the South Carolinians to preserve their capital, aided by his confidence in his own vigilance, pre vailed over a caution which was thought extreme, and determined him to attempt to maintain the place. Two regular regiments of South Carolma, commanded by Colonels Gadsden and Moultrie, garrisoned fort Johnson and fort Moultrie. About five hundred regulars, and three hundred militia under Colonel Thomp son, were stationed in some works which had been thrown up on the north-eastern extremity of Sullivan's island ; and the remaining troops were arranged on Hadrell's Point, and along the bay in front of the town. General Lee remained in person with the troops at HadreU's Point, in the rear of Sullivan's island. His position was chosen in such a manner as to enable him to observe and support the operations in every quarter, and especially to watch and oppose any attempt of the enemy to pass from Long Island to the continent ; a movement of which he seems to have been particularly apprehensive. The British ships, aft(ir taking their stations, commenced an incessant and heavy cannonade on the American works. Its effect, however, on the fort, was not such as had been expected. This was attributable to its form, and to its materials. It was very low, with merlons of great thickness ; and was constructed of earth, and a species of soft wood GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73 common in that country, called the palmetto, which, on being struck with a ball, does not splinter, but closes upon it. The fire from the fort was deliberate ; and, being directed with skill, did vast execution. The garrison united the cool determined courage of ve.terans, with the enthusiastic ardour of youth. General Lee crossed over in a boat, to determine whether he should withdraw them ; and was enraptured with the ardour they displayed. They assured him they would lose the fort only with their lives ; and the mortally wound ed breathed their last, exhorting their fellow soldiers to the most heroic defence of the place. The engagement continued until night. By that time, the ships were in such a condition, as, to be unfit to renew the action on the ensuing day. The Bristol lost one hundred and eleven men, and the Experi ment seventy -nine. Captain Scott, of the one, lost his arm ; and Cap tain Morris, of the other, was mortally wounded. Lord Campbell, late Governor of the province, who served as a volunteer on board one of these vessels, -was also mortally wounded ; and both ships were so shat. tered, as to inspire hopes that they would be unable to repass the bar. About nine, they slipped their cables and moved off, A few days after wards, the troops were re-embarked, and aU farther designs against the southern colonies being for the present relinquished, the squadron sailed for New York.* The attack on fort Moultrie was supported by the British seamen -with their accustomed bravery ; and the slaughter on board the ships was uncommonly great. The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was only thirty-five men. Great and weU merited praise was bestowed on Colonel Moultrie, who commanded the fort, and on the garrison, for the resolution displayed in defending it. Nor was the glory acquired on this occasion confined to them. AU the troops that had been stationed on the island partook of it : and the thariks of the United Colonies were voted by congress to General Lee, Colonel Moultrie, Colonel Thompson, and the officers and men under their command. This fortunate event, for such it may WeU be termed, though not of much magnitude in itself, was, like many other successes attending the America.n arms in the commencement of the war, of great importance in its consequences. By impressing on the colonists a conviction of their ability to maintaui the contest, it increased the number of those * Annual Register^Gordon — Ramsay — Letters of General Lee. 74 THE LIFE OF who resolved to resist British authority, and assisted in paving the way to a declaration of independence. Even before the evacuation of Boston, it had been foreseen that New York must become the seat of war ; and that most important military operations would be carried on in that colony. The fortifications which had been commenced for the defence of its 'capital were indefatigably prosecuted ; and, after the arrival of General Washington, these works, combined with those to be erected in the passes through the highlands up the Hudson, were the objects of his unremitting atten ion. The difficulty which had been experienced in expelling the British from Boston, had demonstrated the importance of preventing their esta blishment in New York ; and had contributed to the determination of contesting vnth them, very seriously, the possession of that important place. The execution of this determination, however, was difficult and dangerous. The defence of New York, against an enemy commanding the sea, requires an army capable of meeting him in the open field, and of acting offensively both on Long and York Islands. Congress had not adopted measures which might raise such an army. The Commandei- in-chief, in his letters to that body, had long and earnestly urged the policy of bringing the whole strength of the country into regular opera tion. The government was not inattentive to his remonstrances ; but many circumstances combined to prevent such a military estabUshment as the exigency required. i The congress which assembled in 1775, had adjourned with strong hopes that the differences between the Mother Country and the Colonies would soon be adjusted to their mutual satisfaction. When the temper manifested both by tho Idng and, his parliament had dissipated these hopes, and the immense preparations of Great Britain for war, evinced the necessity of preparations equally vigorous on this part of America, the resolution to make them was finally taken. But, unaccustomed to| the great duties of conducting a war of vast extent, they could not esti- " mate rightiy the value of the- means employed, nor calculate the effects which certain causes would produce. Opinions of the most pernicious tendency prevailed; from which they receded slowly, and from which they could be ultimately forced only by melancholy experience. The most fatal among these was the theory, that an army could be created every campaign for tfie purposes of that campaign; and that such temporary means would be adequate to the defence of the country. They relied confidently on being able on any emergency, to caU out a force suited to the occasion : — they relied too much on the competence of such a force to the purposes of war, and they depended too long on GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75 the spirit of patriotism, which was believed to animate the mass of the people. Under these impressions, the determination to form a permanent army was too long delayed ; and the' measures necessary to raise such an army were deferred, tiU their efficacy became doubtful. It was not untU June, 1776, that the representations of the Commander-in-chief could obtain a resolution, directing soldiers to be enlisted for three years, and offering a bounty of ten dollars to each recruit. The time when this resdution could certainly have been executed, had passed away. That zeal for the service, which was manifested in the first moments of the war, had long since begun to abate ; and though the determination to resist had become more general, that enthusiasm which prompts individuals to expose themselves to more than an equal share of danger and hardship, was visibly declining. The progress of these sentiments seems to have been unexpected ; and the causes pr6ducing such effects appear not to have been perceived. The regiments voted by congress were incom plete ; and that bounty, which, if offered in time, would have effected its object, came too late to fill them. It was not in numbers only that the weakness of the American army consisted. In arms, ammunition, tents, and clothes, its deficiency was such as to render it unfit for the great purposes of war, and inferior, in all these respects, to the enemy which it was destined to encounter. But, however inadequate to the object the regular force might be, both the government and the Commander-in-chief were determined to defend Neiw York ; and congress passed a resolution to reinforce the army with thirteen thousand eight hundred militia. For the defence of the middle colonies, and for the purpose of repelling any attempt to land on the Jersey shore, it Was resolved to form a flying camp, to be composed of ten thousand men, to be furnished by Pennsylvania, Dela-ware, and Ma- ; ryland. The militia, both of the flying camp and of the army at New York, were to be engaged to serve until the'first of December; and the Commander-in-chief was- empowered to call on the neighbouring colo nies for such additional temporary aids of militia, as the exigencies of his army might render necessary. Great and embarrassing as were the difficulties already noticed, they were augmented by the disaffection of the city of New York, and of the adjacent islands. Although Governor Tryon had found it necessary to take refuge on board some ships lying in the harbour, he had been per mitted to continue an open intercourse with the inha;bitants, which en abled him to commurjicate freely with the royalists ; and to concert plans of future co-operation. This intercourse was broken off by the arrival 76 THE LIFE OF of the Commander-in-chief ;— yet a plot was formed, through the agency of the mayor, to rise in favour of the British on their landing ; and, as was understood) to seize and dehver up General Washington himself. This plot had extended to the American army, and even to the general's guards. It was fortunately discovered in time fo be defeated ; and some of the persons concerned were executed. About the same time a similar plot was discovered in the neighbourhood of Albany; and there too, exe- cutions were found necessary. Hitherto, the sole avowed object of the war had been a redress of grievances. The utmost horror had been expressed at the idea of at tempting independence ; and the most anxious desire of re-estabUshing the union which had so long subsisted between the two countries on its ancient principles, was openly and generaUy declared. But however sincere these declarations might have been at the commencement of the conflict, the operation of hostilities'was infaUible. To profess allegiance and respect for a monarch with whom they were at open war, was an absurdity too great to be long continued. The human mind, when it receives a strong impulse, does not, Uke projectiles, stop at the point to which the force originally apphed may have been calculated to carry it. Various causes act upon it in its course. When the appeal was made to arms, a great majority of those who guided the councils and led the forces ,of America, wished only, for a repea} of the acts of parliament which had occasioned their resistance to the authority of the crown ; and would have been truly unwUling to venture upon the unexplored field of self-government. For some time, prayers were offered for the king, in the performance of divine service; and, in the proclamation of a fast by congress, in June, 1775,, one of the motives for recommending it, was, to beseech the Almighty " to bless our rightful sovereign King George III. and inspire him with wisdom.'' The prejudices in favour of a connexion with England, and- of the Enghsh constitution, gradually, but rapidly yielded to repubUcan princi ples, and a desire for independence. New strength was every day added to the opinions, that a cordial reconciliation with Great Britain had be come impossible; that mutual confidence could never be restored; that reciprocal jealousy, suspicion, and hate, would take the place of that affection, which could alone render such a connexion happy and benefi cial ; that even the commercial dependence of America upon Britain, was greatiy injurious to the former, and that incalculable benefits must be derived from opening to themselves the markets of the world ; that to be governed by a distant nation or sovereign, unacquainted with, and un mindful of their interests, would, even if reinstated in their former situa. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77 tion, be an evU too great to be voluntarily borne. But victory alone could restore them to that situation^ — and victory would give them indepen dence. The hazard was the same ; and since the risk of every thing was unavoidable, the most valuable object ought, in common justice, and common prudence, to be the reward of success. With such horror, too, did they view the present war; as to suppose it could not possibly receive the support of a free people. The alacrity therefore with which the English nation entered into it, was ascribed to a secret and dangerous influence, which was, with rapid progress, undermining the hberties and the morals of the mother country ; and which, it was feared, would cross the Atlantic, and infect the principles of the colonists likewise, should the ancient connexion be restored. The intercourse of Araerica with the world, Emd her own experience, had not then been sufficient to teach her the important truth, that the many, as often as the few, can abuse power, and trample on the weak, without perceiving that they are tyrants ; that they too, not unfrequently, cl6se their eyes against the light ; and shut their ears against the- plainest evidence, and the most conclusive reason ing. It was also urged, with great effect, that the possibility of obtaining foreign aid would be much increased by holding out the dismemberment of the British empire, to the rivals of that nation, as an inducement to engage in the contest. American independence became the general theme of conversation ; and more and more the general wish. The measures of congress took their complexion from the temper of the people. Their proceedings against the disaffected became more and more vigorous ; their language respecting' the British government was less the language of subjects, and better calculated to turn the pubhc attention towards congress and the provincial assemblies, as the sole and ultimate rulers of the country. General letters of marque and reprisal were granted ; and the American ports were opened to all nations and people, not subject to the British crown. At length, a measure was adopted, which was considered by congress and by America in general, as deciding the question of inde- pendence. Hitherto, it had been recommended to particular colonies, to establish temporary institutions for the conduct of their af fairs during the existence of the contest; but now, a resolution was offered, recommending generally to such colonies as had not already established them, the adoption of governments adequate to the exigency. Mr. John Adams, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Richard Henry Lee, all zeal- VOL. I. 6 ' 78 THE LIFE OF ous advocates for independence, were appointed a comnyttee, to prepare a proper preamble to the resolution. The report of these gentlemen was accepted, and the, resolution passed,* The provincial assemblies and conventions acted on this recommen dation ; and governments were generally established. In Connecticut and Rhode Island, it was deemed unnecessary to make any change in their actual situation, because, in those 'colonies, the executive, as well as the whole legislature, had always been elected by themselves. In Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New York, some hesitation was at first discovered ; and the assemblies appeared unwilling to take this decisive step,. The public opinion, however, was in favour of it, and finally pre vailed. The several colonies, now contemplating themselves as sovereign states, and mingling with the arduous duty of providing means to repel a powerful enemy, the important and interesting labour of framing governments for themselves and their posterity, exhibited the novel spec tacle of matured and enlightened societies, uninfluenced by external or internal force, devising, according to their own judgments, politibal sys tems for their own government. With the exceptions already stated, of Connecticut and Rhode Island, whose systems had ever been in a high degree democratic, the hitherto untried principle was adopted, of Umlting the departments of govern ment by a written constitution, prescribing bounds not to be transcended by the legislature itself. The sohd foundations of a popular government were already laid in all the colonies. The institutions recei-ved from England were admir ably calculated to prepare the way for temperate and rational republics. No hereditary powers had ever existed ; and every authority had been derived either from the people or the king. The crovra being no longer acknowledged, the people remained the only source of legitimate power. The materials in their possession, as well as their habits of thinking, were adapted only to governments in all respects representative ; and sueh governments were universally adopted. The provincial assembUes, under the influence of congress, took up * Before the vote on the question of independence wag taken, congress passed re solutions, declaring that all persons residing within, or passing through any one of the United Colonies, owed allegiance to the government thereof! and that any sucih per son who should levy war against any of the United Colonies, or adhere to the king of Great Britain, or other enemies of the said colonies, or any of them, should be guilty of treason : and recommending it td the several legislatures to pass laws for their punishment. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79 the question of independence ; and, in some instances, authorized their representatives in the great national council, to enter into foreign alU- ances. Many declared tliemselves in favour of a total and immediate separation from Great Britain ; and gave instructions to their representa tives conforming to this sentiment. Thus supported by publio opinion, congress determined to take this decisive step ; and on the 7th of June, a resolution to that effect was moved by Richard Henry Lee, and seconded by John Adams. The resolution was referred to a. committee, who reported it in the foUCwing terms. " Resolved, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states ; E^nd that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." This resolution was referred to a committee of the whole, in which it was debated on Saturday the Sth, and Monday the 10th of June. It appearing that New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary land, and South Carolina were not yet matured for the measure, but were fast advancing to that state, the debate was adjourned to the first of July, when it was resumed. In the mean time, a committee* was appointed to prepare the declaration of Independence, which was re ported on the 28th of June, and laid on the table. On the first of July the debate on the original resolution was resumed. The question was put in the evening of that day, and carried in the affirmative by the votes of New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, against Penn sylvania and South Carolina, Delaware was divided ; aud the dele gates from New York, having declared their approbation of the resolu tion, and their conviction that it was approved by their constituents also, but that their instructions, which had been drawn near twelve months before, enjoined them to do nothing which might impede reconciliation with the mother country, were permitted- to withdraw from the question. The report of the committee was put off till the next day at the request of Mr, Rutledge of South CaroUna, who expressed the opinion that his coUeagufes would then concur in the resolution for the sake of unanimity. The next day South Carolina did concur in it. The votes of Pennsyl vania and Delaware were also changed by the arrival of other mem bers. Congress then proceeded to consider the declaration of independ- * Mr. Jefferson, Mr. John Adams, Mr. Franklin, and Mr. R. R. Livingston. Mr. R. H. Lee, the mover of the resolution, had been compelled by the illness of Mrs. Lee to leave congress the day on which the committee was appointed. 80 THE LIFE OF ence. After some amendments* it was approved, and signed --by every member present except Mr. Dickenson.f This declaration-was immediately communicated to the armies, who received it vidth enthusiasm. It was also proclaimed throughout the United States, and was generally approved by those who had engaged in the opposition to the claims of the British ParUament. Some few in dividuals, who had been zealous supporters of all rneasures which had for their object only a redress of grievances, and, in whose bosoms the hope of accommodation stiU fingered, — either too timid to meet the arduous conflict which this measure rendered inevitable, or, sincerely believing that the happiness of America would be best consulted by pre serving their political connexion with Great Britain, viewed the dissolu tion of that connexion with regret. Others, who afterwards deserted the American cause, attributed their defection to this measure. It was also an unfortunate truth, that in tiie whole country between New Eng land and the Potowmac, which was now become the great theatre of action, althoilgh the majority was in favour of independence, a formida ble minority existed, who not only refused to act with their countrymen, but were ready to give to the enemy every aid in their power. It can not, however, be questioned, that the declaration of independ ence was wise, and well-timed. The soundest policy required that the war should no longer be a contest between subjects and their acknow ledged sovereign. » See Appendix, Note No. VI. 1 Mr. JeflFerson's Conespondence, v. i. p. 14. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 81 CHAPTER V. Lord and Sir William Howe arrive before New York. — Circular letter of Lord Howe.— State of the American Army. — The British land in force on Long Island. — Battle of Brooklyii.^Evacuation of Long Island. — Fruitless negotia tions,— New York evacuated. — Skirmish on the heights of Haerlem. — Letter on the state of the army. While congress was deliberating in Philadelphia on the great ques tion of independence, the British fleet appeared before New York. On evacuating Boston, General Howe had retired to Halifax ; where he purposed to remain tUl reinforcements should arrive from England. But the, situation of his army in that place was so uncomfortable, and the delays in the arrival of the troops from Europe were so great, that he at length resolved to sail for New York, with the forces already under his command. In the latter end of June, he arrived off Sandy Hook, in the Grey Hound; and, on the 29th of that month, the first division of the fleet from Halifax reached that place. The rear division soon followed ; and the troops were landed on Staten Island, on the third and fourth of July.' They were received with great demonstratioijs of joy by the inhabitants, who took the oaths of allegiance to the British crown, and embodied themselves under the authority of the late Governor Tryon, for the defence of the island. Strong assurances were also received from Long Island, and the neighbouring parts of New Jersey, of the favourable dispositions of a great proportion of the people to the royal cause. It was foreseen that the provisions remaining on the small islands about New York, must fall into the possession of the invading army, and General Washington had intended to remove them to a place of safety ; but, the existing state of public opinion requiring the co-opera tion of the several committees, this measure of wise precaution could not be completely executed ; and General Howe, on his arrival, obtained ample supplies for his army. The command of the fleet destined for the American service was in trusted to Lord Howe, the brother of the general ; and they were both constituted commissioners for restoring peace to the colonies, and grant ing pardons, with such exceptions as they should think proper to make. He arrived at Staten Island on the twelfth of July. The difficulty of closing the Hudson against an enemy possessing a powerful fleet was soon demonstrated. Two frigates passed the batteries H 82 THE LIFE OF without injury, and took a station which enabled them to cut off the communication by water, between the army at New York, and that at Ticonderoga. An attempt to set these frigates on fire failed in its exe cution, and only a tender was burnt; — soon after which these vessels returned to the fleet. , , Lord Howe was not deterred by the declaration of Independence from trying the influence of his powers for pacification. He sent on " ^ ¦ shore, by a flag, a circular letter, dated off the coast of Massa chusetts, addressed severally to the late governors under the crown, en closing a declaration, which he requested them to make public. This declaration announced his authority to grant .pardons to any number or descriptionof persons, who, during the tumult and disorders of the times, might have deviated from their just allegiance, and who might be wiUing, by a speedy return to their duty, to reap the benefits of the royal favour ; and to declare any colony, town, port, or place, in the peace and under the protection of the crown, and excepted from the penal provisions of the act of parliament prohibiting aU trade and intercourse with the colonies. Assu rances were also given that the meritorious services of all persons who should aid and assist in restoring public tranquiUity in the colonies, or in any parts thereof, would be duly considered. These papers were immediately transmitted by the Commander-i9- chief to congress, who resolved that they should " be pub hshed in the several gazettes, that the good people of the United States might be informed of what nature were the commissioners, and what the terms, with the expectation of which, the insidious court of Britain had sought to amuse and disarm thein ; and that the few who still remained suspended by a hope, founded either in the justice or modera tion of their late king, might now, at length, be convinced, that the valour alone of their country is to save its liberties," About the same time. Lord Howe sent, with a flag, a letter addressed to " George Washington, esquire,'' which the general refused to receive, as " it did not acknowledge the public character with which he was in vested by congress, and in no other character could he have any inter course with his lordship," In a resolution approving this proceeding, congress directed, " that no letter or message be received on any occa- sion whatever from the enemy, by the Commander-in-chief, or otherS; the commanders of the American army, but sflch as shall be directed to them in the characters they respectively sustain," The commissioners felt some difficulty in recognising either the ciyil or military character conferred on individuals by the existing powers in America ; and yet it was desirable, either for the purpose of effecting a GEORGE WASHINGTON, 83 pacification, or, if that should be impracticable, of increasing the divi sions already existing, to open negotiations, and hold out the semblance of restoring peace. They cast about for means to evade this prelimi nary obstacle to any discussion of the terms they were authorized to propose ; and, at length. Colonel Patterson, adjutant general of the British army, was sent on shore by General Howe, with a letter directed tovGeorge Washington, &c. &c. &c. He -was introduced to the general, whom he addressed by the title of " Excellency ;" and, after the usual compliments, 'opened the subject of his mission, by say ing, that General Howe much regretted the difficulties which had arisen respecting the address of the letters ; that the 'mode adopted was deemed consistent with propriety, and was founded on precedent, in cases of ambassadors and plenipotentiaries, where disputes or difficulties had arisen about rank ; that General Washington might recollect he had, last summer, addressed a letter to " the honourable William Howe ;" that Lord, and General Howe, did not mean to derogate from his rank, or the respect due to him, and that they held his person and character in the highest esteem ; — ^but that the direction, with the addition of &c. &c. &c. implied every thing which ought to follow. Colonel Patterson then produced a letter which he said was the same that had been sent, and which he laid on the table. The general declined receiving it, and said, that a letter directed to a person in a public character, should have some description or indication cf that character ; otherwise it would be considered as a mere private letter. It was true the etceteras implied every thing, and they also im plied any thing ; that the letter to General Howe, alluded to, was an answer to one received from him under a like address ; which, having been taken by the officer on duty, he did not think proper to return, and therefore answefed in the same mode .of address ; and that he should absolutely decline any letter relating to his public station, directed to him as a private person. Colonel Patterson then said, that General Howe would not urge his delicacy farther, and repeated his assertions that no failure of respect was intended. After some conversation relative to the treatment of prisoners. Colo nel Patterson said, that the goodness and benevolence of the king had induced him to- appoint Lord Howe, and General Howe, his commis sioners to accommodate the unhappy dispute at present subsisting : that they had great powers, and would derive much pleasure from effecting the accommodation ; and that he -wished this visit to be considered as the first advance towards so desirable an object. 84 THE LIFE OF General Washington replied, that he was not" vested with any powers on this subject ; but he would observe that, so far as he could judge from what had yet transpired. Lord Howe and General Howe were only em powered to grant pardons ; that those who had committed no fault, wanted no pardon ; and that the Americans were only defending what they deemed their indubitable rights. This, Colonel Patterson said, would open a very wide field for argument: and, after expressing his fears that an adherence to forms might obstruct business of the greatest moment and concern, he took bis leave. The substance of this , conversation was communicated to congress, who directed its publication. The reinforcements to the British army, of whom about four hundred and fifty had been captured by the American cruisers, were now arriving daily from Europe ; and General Howe had also beep joined by the troops from Charleston. His strength was esti mated at twenty-four thousand men. ' , To this array, alike forraidable for its .numbers, its discipline, and its equipments, — aided in its operations by a numerous fleet, and conducted by commanders of skill and experience, was opposed a force, unstable in its nature, — incapable, from its structure, of receiving discipline, — and inferior to its enemy, in numbers, in arms, and in every military equipment. It consisted, when General Howe landed on Staten Island, of ten thousand men, who were much enfeebled by sickness. The dis eases which always afflict new troops, were increased by exposure to the rain and night air, without tents. At the instance of the General, some regiments, stationed in the different states, were ordered to join him ; and, in addition to the requisitions of men to serve until Decem- • ber — requisitions not yet complied with — the neighbouring militia were called into service for the exigency of the moment. • Yet, in a letter written to congress on the Sth of August, he stated that "for the several posts on New York, Long, and Governor's Island, and Paulus Hook, the army consisted of only seventeen thousand tvvo hundred and twenty- five men, of whom three thousand six hundred and sixty-eight were sick ; and that, to repel an immediate attack, he could count certainly on no other addition to his numbers, than a battalion from Maryland under the command of Colonel Smallwood." This force was rendered the more inadequate to its objects by being necessarily divided for the defence of posts, some of which were fifteen miles distant from others, with navigable waters between them. " These things," continued the letter, " are melancholy, but they are nevertheless true. I hope for better. Under every disadvantage, my GEORGE WASHINGTON, 85 utmost exertions shall be employed to bring about the great end we have in view ; and,' so far, as I can judge from the professions and apparent dispositions of my troops, I shall have their support. The superiority of the enemy, and the expected attack, do not seem to have depressed their spirits. These considerations lead me to think that though the ap peal may not terminate so happily as I could wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in their views, without considerable loss. Any advantage they may gain, I trust wiU cost them dear," Soon after this letter, the army was reinforced by Smallwood's regi ment, and by two regiments from Pennsylvania, with a body of New England and New York militia, which increased it to twenty -seven thousand men, of whom one fourth were sick. A part of the army was stationed on Long Island, under the command of Major General Sullivan. The residue occupied different stations on York Island, except two small detachments, one on Governor's Island, and the other at Paulus Hook ; and except a part of the New York militia under General CUnton, who were stationed on the Sound, towards New RocheUe, and about East and West Chester, in order to oppose any sudden attempt which might be made to land above Kingsbridge, and cut off the communication with the country. Expecting daily to be attacked, and beUeving that the influence of the first battle would be considerable, the Commander-in-chief employed every expedient vvhioh might act upon that enthusiastic love of liberty, that indignation against the invaders of their country, and that native courage, which were beUeved to animate the bosoms of his soldiers ; and which were rehed on as substitutes for discipline and expe rience. " The time," say his orders issued soon after the arrival of General Howe, "is now near at hand, which must- determine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; whether they are to have any property they can call their own ; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct ofthis army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. We have therefore to resolve to conquer or to die. Our own, bur country's honour, call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the Su preme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now 86 THE LIFE OF upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world that, a freeman contending for liberty, on his owfi ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." To the officers, he recommended coolness in time of action ; and to the soldiers, strict attention and obedience, with a becoming firmness and spirit. ' .^^^ . . . : ' He assured them that any officer, soldier, or corps, distinguished By any acts of extraordinary bravery, should most certainly meet with no tice and rewards ; whilst, on the other handj those who should fail in the performance of their duty, would as certainly be exposed and punished, Whilsi preparations were making for the expected engagement, intel ligence was received of the repulse of the British squadron which had attacked fort Moultrie. The Commander-in-chief availed himself of the occasion of communicating this success to his army, to add a spirit of emulation to the Other fnotives which should impel them to manly exertions. " This glorious example of our troops," he 'said, " under the Uke circumstances with ourselves, the General hopes, wiU animate every officer and soldier to imitate, and even to out-do them, when the- enemy shall make the sarae attempt on us. , With such a bright example before us of what can be done by brave men fighting in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with' a double share of shame and infamy, if we do not acquit ourselves with courage, and manifest a de termined I'esolution to conquer or die." A.S the crisis approached, his anxiety increased. Endeavouring to breathe into his array his own spirit, and to give them his own feeling, he thus addressed them. ," The enemy's whole reinforcement is now arrived ; so that an attack must, and will sooli be made. The General, therefore, again repeats his earnest request that every officer and soldier will have his arms and ammunition in good order; keep within his quarters and encampments as far as possible ; be ready for action at a moment's call ; and when called to it, remember, that liberty, property, life, and honour, are all at stake ; that upon their courage and conduct, rest the hopes of their bleeding and insulted country; that their- wives, children, and parents, expect safety from them only ; and that we have every reason to believe, that heaven will crown with success so just a cause. " The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show and appearance ; but remember, they have been repulsed on various occasions by a few brave Americans ; their cause is bad ; and if opposed with firmness and GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87 coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works, and' knovv- ledge of the ground, the victory is most assuredly ours. Every good soldier wUl be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution ; of this the officers are to be parti cularly careful." He directed explicitly that any soldier who should attempt to conceal himself, or retreat without orders, should instantly be shot down ; and solemnly promised to notice and reward those who should distinguish themselves. Thus did he, by infusing those sentiments which would stimulate to the greatest individual exertion, into every bosom, endea vour to compensate for the want of arms, Cf discipUne, and of numbers. As the defence of Long Island was intimately connected vvith that of New York, a brigade had been stationed at Brooklyn, a post capable of being maintained for a considerable time. An extensive camp had been marked out and fortified at the same place. Brooklyn- is a village on a small peninsula made by East river, the Bay, and Gowan's Cove. The encampment fronted the main land of the island, and the works stretched quite across the peninsula, from Whaaleboght Bay in the East river on tlie left, to a deep marsh on a creek emptying into Gowan's Cove, on the right. 'The rear was covered and defended against an at tack from the ships, by strong batteries on Red Hook and on Governor's Island; which in a great measure commanded that part of the bay, and by cither batteries on East river, which kept open the communication with York Island. In front pf the camp was a range of hills covered with thick woods, which extended from east to west nearly the length of the island, and across which were three different roads leading to Brooklyn ferry. These hills, though steep, are every where passable by infahtry. The movements of General Howe indicating an intention to make his first attack on Long Island, General Sullivan was strongly reinforced; Early in the morning of the twenty-second, the principal part of the British army, under the comraand of Genferal Clinton, landed under cover of the guns of the fleet, and extended from the ferry at the Narrows, through Utrecht and Gravesend, to the village of Flat- land.* % Confident that an engagement must soon take place, General Wash ington made still another effort to inspire his troops with the most deters mined courage. " The enemy," said he, in addressing them, " have now landed on Long Island, and the hour is fast ap proaching, on which the honour and success of this army, and the safety * General Howe's letter. 88 THE LIFE OF of our bleeding country depend. Remember, officers and soldiers, that you are freemen, fighting for the blessings of liberty — that slavery will be your portion and that of your posterity, if you do not acquit yourselves like men," He repeated his instructions respecting their conduct in action, and concluded with the most animating and encouraging exhor tations. Major General Putnam was now directed to take command at Brook- lyn, with a reinforcement of six regiments ; and he was ' • ' charged most earnestiy by the Commander-in-chief, to be in constant readiness for an attack, and to guard the woods ' between the two camps with his best troops. General Washington had passed the day at Brooklyn, making ar rangements for the approaching action ; and, at night, had °' " returned to New York. The^ Hessians under General De Heister composed the centref- of the British army at Flatbushj Major General Grant coramanded the left wing which extended to the coast, and the greater part of the British forces under General Clinton, Earl Percy and Lord Cprnwallis turned short to the right, and approached the opposite coast of Flatland.* The two armies were now separated from each other by the range of hills already mentioned. The British centre at Flatbush was scarcely four miles distant from the American lines at Brooklyn ; and a direct road led across the heights from the one to the other. Another road, rather more circuitous than the first, led from Flatbush by the way of Bedford, a small village on the Brooklyn side of the hiUs. The right and left wings of the British army -\vere nearly equi-distant from . the American works, and about five or six miles from them. The road leading from the Narrows along the coast, and by the way of Gowan's Cove, afforded the most direct route to their left ; and their right might either return by the way of Flatbush and unite with the centre, or take a more circuitous course, and enter a road leading from Jamaica to Bed ford. These several roads unite between Bedford and Brooklyn, a small distance in front of the American fines. The direct road from Flatbush to Brooklyn was defended by a fort which the Americans had constructed in the hills; and the coast and Bedford roads were guarded by detachments posted on- the hills within view of the British camp. Light parties of volunteers were di rected to patrol on the road leading frora Jamaica to Bedford; about two miles from which, near Flatbush, Colonel Miles of Pennsylvania was stationed with a regiment of riflemen. The convention of New York ? General Hov^e's letter. •GEORGE WASHINGTON. 89 had ordered General WoodhuU, with -the mUitia ofLong Island, to take post on the high grounds, as near the enemy as possible ; but he remained at Jamaica, and seemed scarcely to suppose himself under the control of the regular officer commanding on the island. About nine at night. General Clinton silentiy drew off the van of the British army across the country, in order to seize a pass in the heights, about three mUes east of Bedford, on the Jamaica road. In . . Auff 27 the morning, about two hours before day-break, within half a mile of the pass, his patrols fell in with and captured one of the Ameri can parties, which had been stationed on this road. Learning from his prisoners that the pass was unoccupied. General CUnton immediately seized it; and, on the appearance of day, the whole column passed the heightSj and advanced into the level country between them and Brook lyn.* Before Clinton had secured the passes on the road from Jamaica, General Grant advanced along the coast at the head of the left wing, with ten pieces of cannon. As his first object was to draw the attention of the Americans from their left, he moved slowly, skirmishing as he advanced with the light parties stationed on that road.* This movement was soon communicated to General Putnam, who re inforced the parties which had been advanced in front ; and, as General Grant continued to gain ground, still stronger detachments were employed in this "service. About three in the morning. Brigadier General Lord Stirling was directed to meet the enemy, with the two nearest regiments, on the road leading from the Narrows. Major General Sullivan, who commanded all the troops without the lines, advanced at the head of a strong detachment on the road leading directiy to Flatbush ; while an other detachment occupied the heights between that place and Bedford. About the break of day. Lord Stirling reached the summit of the hills, where he was joined by the troops which had been already engaged, and were retiring slowly before the enemy, who almost immediately ap peared in sight. A warm cannonade was commenced on both sides, which continued for several hours ; and some sharp, but not very close skirmishing took place between the infantry. Lord StirUng, being anxious only to defend the pass he guarded, could not descend in force from the heights; and General Grant did not wish to drive him from them untU that part of the plan, which had been entrusted to Sir Henry CUnton, should be executed. In the centre, General De Heister, soon after dayUght, began to can- * General Howe's letter. 90 THE LIFE OF nonade the troops under General Sullivan ; but did not move from his ground at Flatbush, until the British right had approached the left and rear of the American line. In the mean time, in order the more effec tually to draw their attention from the point where the grand attack was intended, the fleet was put in motion, and a heavy cannonade was com menced on the battery at Red Hook. About half past eight, the British right having then reached Bedford^ in the rear of SulUvan's left. General De Heister ordered Colonel Do- nop's corps to advance to the attack of the hiU ; foUowing, himself, -with the centre of the army. The approach of Clinton was now discovered by the American left, which immediately endeavoured to regain the camp at Brooklyn. While retiring from the woods by regiments, they encountered the front of the British. About the same time, the Hessians advanced from Flatbush, against that part of the detachment which oc cupied the direct road to Brooklyn.* Here, General SuUivan com manded in person ; but he found it difficult to keep his troops together long enough to sustain the first attack. The firing heard towards Bed ford had disclosed the alarming fact, that the British had turned their left flank, and were getting completely into their rear. Perceiving at once the full danger of their situation, they sought to escape it by re gaining' the camp vdth the utmost possible celerity. The sudden rout of this party enabled De Heister to detach a part of his force against those who were engaged near Bedford., In that quarter, too, the Ame ricans were brokenj and driven back into the woods ; and the front of the column led by General Clinton, continuing to move forward, inter cepted and engaged those who were retreating along the direct road from Flatbush. Thus attacked both in front and rear, and alternately driven by the British on the Hessians, and by the Hessians back again on the British, a succession of skirmishes took place in the woods, in the course of which, some parts of corps, forced their way through the enemy, and regained the lines of Brooklyn, and se-veral individuals saved themselves under cover of the vroods ; but a great proportion of the detachment was killed or taken. The fugitives were pursued up to the American works ; and such is represented to have been the ardour of the British soldiers, that it required the authority of their cautious commander to prevent an immediate assault. The fire towards Brooklyn gave the first intimation to the American right, that the enemy had gained their rear. Lord Stirling perceived the danger, and that he could only escape it by retreatmg instantly across the creek. This movement was immediately directed ; and, to ? General Howe's Letter. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91 secure it, his lordship determined to attack, in person, a British cdrps under Lord Cornwallis, stationed at a house rather above the place at which he intended to cross the creek. About four hundred men of SmaUwood's regiment were drawn out for this purpose, and the attack was made with great spirit. This small corps Vas brought up several times to the charge ; and Lord Stirling stated that he was on the point of dislodging Lord CornwaUis from his post ; but the force in his front increasing, and General Grant also advancing on his rear, the brave men he commanded were no longer able to oppose the superior numbers which assailed them on every quarter ; and those who survived were, vrith their General, made prisoners of war. This attempt, though un successful, gave an opportunity to a large part of the detachment to save themselves by crossing the creek. The loss sustained by the American army in this battle could not be accurately ascertained by- either party. Numbers were supposed to have been drowned in the creek, or suffocated in the marsh, whose bodies were never found ; and, exact accounts from the militia are sel dom to be obtained, as the list of the missing is always swelled by those who return to their homes. General Washington did not admit it to exceed a thousand men; -but in this estimate he must have included only the regular troops. In the letter written by General Howe, the amount of prisoners is stated at one thousand and ninety-seven ; among whom were Major General Sullivan, and Brigadiers Lord Stirling and Wood huU, by him named Udell. He computes the loss of the Americans at three thousand three hundred men ; but his computation is probably ex cessive. He supposes, too, that the troops engaged on the heights, amounted to ten thousand; but they could not have much exceeded half that number. His o-wn loss, is stated at twenty-one officers, and three hundred and forty-six privates ; killed, wounded, and taken. As the action became warm. General Washington passed over, to the camp at Brooklyn, where he saw, with inexpressible anguish, the de struction in which his best troops were involved, and from which it was impossible to extricate them. Should he attempt any thing in their favour -vidth the men remaining within the lines, it was probable the camp itself would be lost, and that whole division of his army destroyed. Should he bring over the remaining battaUons from New York, he would stiU be inferior in point of numbers ; and his whole army, perhaps the fate of his country, might be staked on the issue of a single hattie thus inauspi'ciously commenced. Compelled to behold the carnage of his troops, without being able to assist them, his efforts were directed to the preservation of those which remained. 92 THE LIFE OF Believing the Americans to be much stronger than they were in re ality, and unwiUing to compiit any thing to hazard. General Howe made no immediate attempt to force their lines. He encamped in front of them; and, on the twenty-eighth at night, broke ground in fojm, within six hundred yards of a redoubt on the left. In this critical state of things,- General Washington determined to withdraw from Long Island. This difficult movement was effected on the night of the twenty-eighth, with such sUence, that aU the troops and inllitary stores, with the greater part of the provisions, and all the artil lery, except such heavy pieces as could not be drawn through the roads, rendered almost impassable by the rains which had fallen, were carried over in safety. Early next morning, the British out-posts ' perceived the rear guard crossing the East river, out of reach of their fire. From the commencement of the action on the morning of the fwentv- seventh, untU the American trogps had crossed the East river on the morning of the twenty-ninth, the exertions and fatigues of the Command er-in-chief were incessant. Throughout that time, he never closed his eyes, and was almost constantly on horseback. , - The rijanner in which this critical operation was executed, and the circumstances under v/hich it was performed, added greatly to the repu tation of the American general, in the opinion of all miUtary men. To withdraw, without loss, a defeated, dispirited, and undisciplined army from the view of an experienced and able officer, and to transport them in safety across a large river, while watched by a numerous and vigi lant fleet, require talents of no ordinary kind ; and the retreat from Long Island may justly be ranked among those skilful manoeuvres which dis tinguish a master in the art of war. The attempt to defend Long Island was so perilous in itself, and so disastrous in its issue, that it was condemned by many at the time, and is yet represented as a great error of the Commander-in-chief. But, in deciding on the wisdom of measures, the event will not always lead to a correct judgment. Before a just opinion can be formed, it is necessary to consider the previous state of things — to weigh the motives which in duced the decision — and to compare the value of the object, and the probability of securing it, with the hazards attending the attempt. It was very desirable to preserve New York, if practicable ; or, if that could not be done, to consume the campaign in the struggle for that place. The abandonment of Long Island, besides giving the enemy se cure and immediate possession pf an extensive and fertile country, would GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93 certainly facilitate the success of his attempt upon New York. It was therefore to be avoided, if possible. The impossibUity of avoiding it was not evident until the battle was fought. It is true, that the American force on the island could not have been rendered equal, even in point of numbers, to that of the British ; but, with the advantage of the defencible country through which the assailants were to pass^ and of a fortified camp which could be attacked only on one side, hopes might be entertained, without the imputation of beingoversanguine,^ of maintaining the position for a considerable time ; and, ultimately, of selling it at a high price. This opinion is supported by the subsequent movements of General Howe, who, even after the vic tory of the twenty-seventh, was unwiUing to hazard an assault on the American works, without the cp-operation of the fleet ; but chose rather to carry them by regular approaches. Nor would the situation of the troops on Long Island have been desperate, even in tbe event of a con joint attack by land and water, before their strength and spirits were broken by the action of the twenty-seventh. The East river was guard ed by strong batteries on both sides, and the entrance into it from the bay was defended by Governor's Island, which was fortified, and in which two regiments were stationed. The ships could not lie in that river, without first silencing those batteries — a work not easUy accom plished. The aid of the fleet, therefore, could be given only at the point of time when a storm of the works should be intended; and when that should appear practicable, the troops might be withdrawn from the island. There was then considerable hazard in maintaining Long Island ; but not so much as to demonstrate the propriety of relinquishing a post of such great importance, without a struggle. With more appearance of reason, the General has been condemned for not having guarded the road which leads over the hiUs from Jamaica to Bedford. The written instructions given to the officer commanding on Long Island, two days previous to the action, directed that the woods should be well guarded, and the approach of the enemy through them rendered as difficult as possible. But his numbers were not sufficient to furnish detachments for all the defiles through the mountains ; and if a corps, capable of making an effectual resistance, had been posted pn this road, and a feint had been made on it, while the principal attack was by the direct road from Flatbush, pr by that along the coast, the events of the day would probably have been not less disastrous. The columns march ing directiy from Flatbush must, on every reasonable calculation, have Vol. I. I 7 94 THE LIFE OF heen in possession of the plain in the rear of the detachment posted on the road from Jamaica, so as to intercept, its retreat to the camp. So great is the advantage of those whp attack, in being able to choose the point against which to direct their grand effort. The most adviseable plan, then, appears to have been, to watch the motions of the enemy so as to be master of ihis designs ; to oppose with a competent force every attempt to seize the heights ; and to guard all the passes in such a manner as to receive notice of his approach through any one of them, in sufficient tune to recaU the troops maintaining the others. This plan was adopted — and the heavy disasters of the day are attri butable, principaUy, to the failure of those charged with the execution of that very important part of it which related to the Jamaica road. The letter of General Howe states that an American patroUing party was taken on this road ; and General Washington, in a private and confiden tial communication to a friend, says, " This misfortune happened, in a great measure, by two detachmeijts of our people who were posted in two roads leading through a wood, to intercept the enemy in their march, suffering a surprise, and making a precipitate retreat." The events of this day, too, exhibited a practical demonstration of a radical defect in the structure of the army. It did not contain a single corps of cavalry. That miscalculating economy which refuses the means essential to the end, was not sufficiently relaxed to admit of so expensive an establishment. Had the General been furnished with a few tropps of light-horse, to serve merely as videts, it is probable that the movement so decisive of the fate of the day could not have been made unnoticed. The troops on the lines do not appear to have observed the column which was withdrawn, on the evening of the twenty-sixth, from Flatbush to Flatland. Had this important manosuvre been com municated, it would, most probably, have turned the attention of Gene ral Putnam, more particularly, to the Jamaica road. It is to the want of videts, that a failure to obtain this important intelligence is to be ascribed. The necessity of changing the officer originally intrusted with the command, was also an unfortunate circumstance, which proba bly contributed to the event which happened. Whatever causes might have led to this defeat, it gave a gloomy as pect to the affairs of America. Heretofore, her arms had been fre quentiy successful, and her spldiers had always manifested a great de gree of intrepidity. A confidence in themselves, a persuasion of supe riority over the enemy, arising from the goodness of their cause, and their early and habitual use of fire arms, had been carefully encouraged GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95 This sentiment had been nourished by aU their experience preceding this event; When they found themselves, by a course of evolutions in which they imagined they perceived a great superiority of military skill, encircled with unexpected dangers, from which no exertions could ex tricate them, their confidence in themselves and in their leaders was greatly diminished, and the approach of the enemy inspired the appre hension that some stratagem was concealed, from which immediate flight alone could preserve them. In a letter from General Washington to congress, the state of the army after this event was thus feelingly described : " Our situation . Sept. 2. is truly distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the 27th ultimo, has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, al most by whole raiments ; in many, by half ones and by companies, at a time, This-circumstance, of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a well appointed enemy, superior in number to our whole coUected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable ; but when it is added, that their example has infected another part of the army ; that their want of disci pline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and government, have rendered a like conduct but too common in the whole ; and have pro duced an entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary for the well doing of an army, and which had been before inculcated as well as the nature of our mUitary establishment would admit of; our condition is still more alarming, and with the deepest concern. I am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generaUty of the troops, " All these circumstances fuUy confirm the opinion I ever entertained, and which I, more than once, in my letters, took the liberty of mention ing to congress, that no dependence could be placed in a militia, or other troops than those enlisted and embodied for a longer period than our regulations have hitherto prescribed, I am persuaded, and am as fully convinced as of any one fact that has happened, that our liberties must, of necessity, be greatly hazarded, if not entirely lost, if their defence be left to any but a permanent army," The first use made by Lord Ho^ve of the victory of the 27th of Au gust, was to avail himself of the impression it had probably made on congress, by opening a negotiation in conformity with his powers as a commissipner. For this purpose. General SuUivan was sent on parole to Philadelpka, with a verbal message, the impcrt of which was, " that 96 THE LIFE OF though he could not at present treat with congress as a political body, yet he was very desirous pf having a conference with some of its mem bers, whom he would consider, for the present, only as private gentle men, and meet them as such at any place they would appoint. " That, in conjunction with General Howe, he had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America, on terms advantageous to both ; the obtaining of which detained him near two months in England, and prevented his arrival in New York before the declaration of independence took place. " That he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could allege being compelled to enter into such agreement. " That in case congress were disposed to treat, many things which they had not as yet asked, might, and ought to be granted them ; and that if, upon the conference, they found any probable ground of an ac commodation, the authority of congress must be afterwards acknow ledged — otherwise the compact would not be complete." This proposition was not without its embarrassments. Its rejection would give some countenance to the opinion, that, if inde'pendence were waved, a restoration of the ancient connexion between the two countries, on principles formerly deemed constitutional, was still practicable ; an opinion which would have an unfavourable effect on the public senti ment. On the other hand, to enter into a negotiation under such cir cumstances, might excite asuspicion, that their determination to rnaintain the independence they had declared, was not immoveable ; and that things were in such a situation, as to admit of spme relaxatien in the measures necessary for the defence pf the cpuntry. The answer given tp Lord Howe, through General Sullivan, was, " that congress, being the representatives of the free and independent States of America, can not, with propriety, send any of its members to confer with his Lordship in their private characters ; but that, ever de sirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized by congress for that purpose, on behalf of Ame rica ; and what that authority is ; — and to hear such propositions as he shall think proper to make, respecting the same." The President was, at the same time, directed to communicate to General Washington the opinion of congress, that no propositions for making peace " ought to be received or attended to, unless the same be made in writing, and addressed to the representatives of the United States in congress, or persons authorized by them : And if applications GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97 on that subject be made to him by any of the commanders of the British forces, that he inform them, that these United States, who entered into the war only for the defence of their lives and liberties, will cheerfully agree to peace on reasonable terms, whenever such shall belproposed to them in manner aforesaid." ' It is worthy of remark, that, in these resolutions, congress preserves the appearance of insisting on the- independence of the Um'ted States, without declaring it to be the indispensable condition of peace. Mr. Franklin, Mr. John Adams, and Mr. Edward Rutledge, all zeal ous supporters of independence, were appointed "to receive the commu nications of Lord Howe." They waited on his Lordship ; and, on their return, reported, that he had received them on the 11th of September, on Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, with great politeness. He opened the conversation by acquainting them, that though he could not treat with them as a comraittee of congress, yet, as his powers enabled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of influ ence in the colonies, on the means of restoring peace between the two countries, he was glad of this opportunity of conferring with them on that subject ; if they thought themselves at liberty to enter into a confer ence with him in that character. The committee observed to his Lord ship, that, as their business was to hear, he might consider them in what light he pleased, and communicate to them any propositions he might be authorized to make for the purpose mentioned ; but that they could consider themselves in no other character than that in which they were placed by Order of congress. His Lordship then proceeded to open his views at some length. He offered peace only on the condition that the colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the British crown. He made no explicit propositions as inducements to this mea sure, but gave assurances that there was a good disposition in the king and his ministers to make the government easy to them, with intima tions that, in Case of submission, the offensive acts of parliament would be revised, and the instructions to the Governors reconsidered ; so that, if any just causes pf complaint were found in the acts, or any errors in government were found to have crept into the instructions, they might be amended or withdrawn. The committee gave it as their opinion to bis Lordship, that a return to the domination of Great Britain was not now to be expected. They mentioned the repeated humble petitions of the colonies to the king and parliament, which had been treated with contempt, and answered only by additional injuries ; the unexampled patience which had been shown 98 THE LIFE OF under their tyrannical government ; and that it was not until the late act of parfiament, which denounced war against them, and put them out of the king's protection, that they declared their independence ; that this declaration had been called for by the people of the colonies in general, and that every colony had approved it when made, — and aU now consider ed themselves as independent states, and were settUng, or had settled, their governments accordingly ; so that it was not in the power of congress to agree for them that they should return to their former dependent state; that there was no doubt of their inclination for peace, and their willing ness to enter into a treaty with Britain, that might be advantageous to both countries ; that though his Lordship had, at present, no power to treat with them as independent states,, he might, if there was the same gopd disposition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from his government, for that purpose, than powers could be obtained by con gress, from the several colonies, to consent to a submission. His Lordship then expressed his regret that no accommodation was like to take place, and put an end to the conference. . These fruitless negotiations produced no suspension of hostUities. The British army, now in full possession of Long Island, was posted from Bedford to Hurlgate ; and thus, fronted and threatened York Island from its extreme southern point, to the part opposite the northern boun dary of Long Island, a small distance below the heights of Haerlem ; comprehending a space of about nine miles. The two armies were divided only by the East river, which is gene rally less than a mile wide. Immediately after the victory at Brooklyn, dispositions were made by the enemy to attack New York, and a part of the fleet sailed round Long Island, and appeared in the Sound. Two frigates passed up the East river, without receiving any injury from the batteries, and anchored behind a small island which protected them from the American artillery. At the same time, the main body of the fleet lay at anchor close in with Governor's Island, from which the American troops had been withdrawn, ready to pass up either the North or East river, or both, and act against any part of York Island. These movements indicated a disposition, not to make an attack di rectly on New York, as had been expected, but to land near Kings- bridge, and take a position which would cut off the communication of the American army with the country. Aware of the danger of his situation. General Washington began to remove such stores as were not immediately necessary ; and called a GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 council- of general officers for the purpose of deciding, whether New York should be evacuated without delay, or longer defended. In his letter communicating to congress the result of this council, which was against an immediate evacuation, he manifested a conviction of the necessity of that measure, though he yielded to that necessity with reluctance. Speaking of the enemy, he observed, " It is now extremely obvious from their movement's, from our intelligence, and from every other circumstance, that, having their whole army upon Long Island, except about four thousand men who remain on Staten Island, they mean to enclose us in this island, by taking post in our rear, while their ships effectually secure the front; and tl^us, by cutting off our communication with the country, oblige us to fight them on their own terms, or sur render at discretion ; or, if that shall be deemed more adviseable, by a brilliant stroke endeavour to cut this array to pieces, and secure the pos session of arms and stores, which they well know our inabiUty to re place. " Having their system unfolded to us, it becomes an important con sideration how it could be most successfully opposed. On every side there is a choice of difficulties, and experience teaches us, that every measure on our part (however painful the reflection) must be taken with some apprehension, that all our troops wUl not do their duty. " In deliberating upon this great question," he added, " it was impos sible to forgpt that history, our own experience, the advice of our ablest friends in"*Europe, the fears of the enemy, and even the declarations of congress, demonstrate that, on our side, the war should be defensive ; — (it has ever been called a war of posts;) — that we should, on aU occa sions, avoid a general action, nor put any thing to the risk, unless com.- pelled by necessity, into which we ought never to be drawn." After communicating the decision which had been raade by the coun cil of officers, he stated the opinion of those who were in favour of an immediate evacuation with such force, as to confirm the belief that it remained his own. The majority, who overruled this opinion, did not expect to be able to defe'nd the city, permanently, but to defer the time of losing it, in the hope of wasting so much of the campaign, before General Howe could obtain possession of it, as to prevent his undertaking any thing farther until the following year. They therefore advised a middle course be tween abandoning the town absolutely, and concentrating their whole strength for its defence. This was, to form the army into three divi sions ; one of which should remain in New York ; the second he stationed at Kingsbridge ; and the third occupy the intermediate space, so as to 100 THE LIFE OF support either extreme. The sick were to be immediately removed to Orange Town. A belief that congress was inchned to maintain New York at every hazard, and a dread of the unfavourable impression ^hich its evacuation might make on the people, seem to have had great influ ence in producing the determination to defend the place yet a short tiine longer. This opinion was soon changed. The movements of the British general indicated clearly an intention either to break their line 'of communication, or to enclose the whole army in York Island. His dispositions were alike calculated to favour the one or the other of those objects. The general, who had Continued to employ him self assiduously in the removal of the mihtary stores to a place of safe ty,* called a second council to deliberate on the farther defence of the city, which determined, by a large majority, that it had become not only prudent, but absolutely necessary to with draw the army from New York. In consequence ofthis determination. Brigadier General Mercer, who commanded the flying camp on the Jersey shore, was directed to move up the North river, to the post opposite fort Washington; and ev^ry effort was used to expedite the removal of the stores. On the morning of the fifteenth, three ships of war proceeded up the North river as high as Bloomingdale ; a movement which en tirely stopped the farther removal of stores by water. About eleven on the same day. Sir Henry Clinton, with a division of four thou sand men who had embarked- at the head of New Town bay, where they had lain concealed from the view of the troops posted on York Island, proceeded through that bay into the East river, which he crossed,; and, under cover of the fire of five men of war, landed at a place called Kipp's bay, about three miles above New York. The works thrown up to oppose a landing at this place, were of con siderable strength, and capable of being defended for some time ; but the troops stationed in them abandoned them without waiting to be attacked, and fled with precipitation. On the commencement of the cannonade. General Washington ordered the brigades of Parsons and Fellowes to the support of the troops posted in the Unes, and rode himself towards the scene of action. The panic of those who had fled from the works, was communicated to the troops ordered to sustain them; and the Com mander-in-chief had the extreme mortification to meet the whole party * He had, on the first appearance of the enemy in force before New York, urged the removal of the women and children, with their most valuable effects, to a place of safety. GEORGE WASHINGTON. ,, 101 retreating in the utmost disorder, totally regardless of the great efforts made by their generals to stop their disgraceful flight. WhUst General Washington was exerting himself to rally thera, a small corps of the enemy appeared ; and they again broke and fled in confusion. The only part to be taken was immediately to withdraw the few remaining troops from New York, and to secure the posts on the heights. For this latter purpose, the lines were instantiy manned ; but no attempt was made to force them. The retreat from New York was effected with an incon siderable loss of men, sustained in a skirmish at Bloomingdale ; but all the heavy artUlery, and a large portion of the baggage, provisions, and military stores, much of which might have been saved had the post at Kipp's bay been properly defended, were unavoidably abandoned. In this shameful day, one colonel, one captain, three subalterns, and ten privates were killed : one lieutenant colonel, one captain, and one hun dred and fifty-seven privates were missing. The unsoldierly conduct displayed on this occasion was not attri butable to a want of personal courage, but to other causes. The appre hensions excited by the defeat on Long Island had not yet subsided ; nor had the American troops recovered their confidence either in them selves or in their commanders. Their situation appeared to themselves to be perilous ; and they had not yet acquired that temper which teaches the veteran to do his duty wherever he may be placed ; to assure him self that others will do their duty likewise ; and to rely that those, who take into view the situation of the whole, will not expose him to useless hazard ; or neglect those precautions which the safety and advantage of the whole may require. Unfortunately, there existed in a great part of the army, several causes, in addition to the shortness of enlistments and reUance on militia, which were but too operative in obstructing the progress of these military sentiments. In New England, whence the supplies of men had been principally drawn, the zeal excited by the revolution had taken such a direction, as in a great degree to abolish those distinctions between the platoon officers and the soldiers, which are indispensable to the forma tion of an army suited to all the purposes of war. It has been already said that these officers, who constitute an important part of every army, were, in many compEmies, elected by the privates. Of consequence, a disposition to associate with them on the footing of equality, was a re commendation of more weight, and frequently conduced more to the choice, than individual merit. Gentlemen of high rank have stated that, m some instances, men were elected, who agreed to put their pay in a common stock with that of the soldiers, and divide equally with them. 102 ,1 THE LIFE OF ¦ '* It is not cause of wonder, that among such officers, the most .disgraceful and unmilitary practices should frequently prevail ; and that the privates should not respect them sufficientiy, to acquire habits of obedience and subordination- This vital defect had been in some degree remedied, in new modelling the army before Boston ; but it stUl existed) to a fatal extent. Having taken possession of New York, General Howe stationed a few troops in the town ; and, with the main body of his army, en camped on the island near the American lines. His right was at Horen's Hook on the East river, emd his left reached the North river near Bloomingdale ; so that his encampment extended quite across the island, which is, in this place, scarcely two miles vidde ; and both his flanks were covered by his ships. The strongest point of the American lines was at Kingsbridge, both sides of which had been carefully fortified. M' Gowan's Pass; arid Mor ris's Heights were also occupied in considerable force, and rendered ca pable of being defended against superior nurabers. A strong detach ment was posted in an intrenched camp on the heights of Haerlem, within about a mile and a half of the British lines. The present position of the armies favoured the views of the Ameri can General.^ He -wished to habituate his soldiers, by a series of suc cessful skirmishes, to meet the enemy in the field ; and he persuaded himself that his detachments, knowing a strong intrenched camp to be immediately in their rear, would engage without apprehension, would soon display their native courage, and would speedily regaui the confi dence they had lost. Opportunities to make the experiments he wished were soon afforded. The day after the retreat from New York, the British appeared in considerable force in the plains between the two camps ; and the General immediately rode to his advanced posts, in order to make in person such arrangements as this movement might require. Soon after his arrival. Lieutenant Colonel Knowlton of Connecticut, who, at the head of a corps of rangers, had been skirmishing with this party, came in, and stated their numbers on conjecture at about three hundred men ; the main body being concealed in a wood. The General ordered Colonel Knowlton with his rangers, and Major Leitch with three companies of the third Virginia regiment, which had joined the army only the preceding day, to gain their rear, while he amused them with the appearance of making dispositions to attack their front. ^ This plan succeeded. The British ran eagerly down a hill, in order GEORGE WASHINGTON. .^ 103 to possess thesmselves of some fences and bushes, which presented an advantageous position against the party expected in front; and a firing commenced — but at too great a distance to do any execution. In the mean time. Colonel Knowlton, not being precisely acquainted with their new position, made his attack rather on their flank than rear ; and a warm action ensued. , In a short ^ime, Major Leitch, who had led the detachment with great intrepidity, was brought off the ground mortally wounded, having re ceived three baUs through his body; and soon afterwards the gallant Colonel Knowlton also feU. Not discouraged by the loss of their field officers, the captains maintained their ground, and continued the action with great animation. The British were reinforced ; and General Wash ington ordered some detachraents from the adjacent regiments of New England.and Marylarid; to the support of the Americans. Thus rein forced, they made a gallant charge, drove the enemy out of the wood into the plain, and were pressing him still farther, when the General, content with the present advantage, called back his troops to their in trenchments.* ' In this sharp conflict, the loss of the Americans,. in killed and wounded, did not exceed fifty men. The British lost more than double that num ber. But the real importance of the affair was derived from its opera tion on the spirits of the whole army. It was the first success they had obtained during this campaign ; and its influence was very discernible. To give it the more effect, the parple the next day was Leitch ; and the General, in his orders, pubHcly thanked the troops under the command of that officer, who had first advanced on the enemy, and the others who had so resolutely supported them. He contrasted their conduct with that which had been exhibited the day before; and the result, he said, evidenced what might be done where officers and soldiers would exert themselves. Once more, therefore, he called upon them so to act, as not to disgrace the noble cause in which they were engaged. He ap pointed a successor to "the gallant and brave Colonel Knowlton, who would," he said, " have been an honour to any country, and who had fallen gloriously, fighting at his post." ' In this active part of the campaign, when the utmost stretch of every faculty was required, to watch and counteract the plans of a skUful and powerful enemy, the effects of the original errors committed by the go vernment, in its military establishment, were beginning to be so seriously * The author received the account of this skirmish from the Colonel of the third Virginia Regiment, and from the Captains commanding the companies that were engaged. 104 THE LIFE OF felt, as tp compel the Commander-in-chief to devote a portion of his time and attention to the Qomplete removal of the causes which produced them. The situation of America was becoming extremely critical. The al most entire dissolution of the' existing army, by the expiration of the time for which the greater number of the troops had been engaged, was fast approaching. No steps had been taken to recruit the new regi ments which congress had resolved to raise for the ensuing campaign; and there was much reason to apprehend, that in the actual state of things, the terms offered would not hold forth sufficient inducements to fill them. With so unpromising a prospect before him, the General found him self pressed by an army, permanent in its establishment, supplied with every requisite of war, fprmidable for its discipline and the experience of its leaders, and superior to him in numbers. These circumstances, and the impressions they created, will be best exhibited by an extract from a letter written at the time td congress. It is in these ' ' words : " From the hours allotted to sleep, I wiU borrow a few moments to convey my thoughts, on sundry important matters, to con gress. I shall offer them with that sincerity which ought to characterize a man of candour ; and with the freedom which may be used in giving useful information, without incurring the imputation of presumption. "We are now, as it were, upon the eve of another dissolution pf our army. The remembrance of the difficulties which happened upon that occasion last year; the consequences which might have followed the change, if proper advantages had been taken by the enemy ; added to a knowledge of the present temper and disposition of the troops ; re flect but a very gloomy prospect upon the appearance of things now, and satisfy me, beyond the possibUity of doubt, that unless some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by congress, our cause wiU be lost. " It is in vain to expect that any, or more than a trifling part of this army, will engage again in the service, on the encouragement offered by congress. When men find that their townsmen and companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and more dollars, for a few months service, (which is truly the case,) this can not be expected, without using com-. pulsion ; and to force them into the service would answer no valuable purpose. When men are irritated, and their passions inflamed, they fly hastily and cheerfully to arms ; but after the first emotions ,are over, to expect among such people as compose the bulk of an army, that they are influenced by any other motives than those pf interest, is tp look for GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105 what never did, and I fear never will happen ; the congress will deceive themselves therefore if they expect it. " A soldier, reasoned with upon the goodness of the cause he is eiK gaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears you with patieilce, and acknowledges the truth of your observations ; but adds, that it is of no more consequence to him than to others. The officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay will not support him, and he can not ruin hiraself and family to serve his country, when every member of the community is equally benefited and iiiterested by his labours. The few, therefore, who act upon prin ciples of disinterestedness, are, comparatively speaking, no more than a drop in the ocean. It becomes evidentiy clear, then, that as this contest is not likely to become the work of a day ; as the war must be carried on systematically ; and to do it, you must have good officers ; there is, in my judgment, no other ' possible means to obtain them, but by esta blishing your army upon a permanent footing, and giving your officers good pay. This will induce gentlemen, and men of character, to en gage ; and, until the bulk of your officers are composed of such persons as are actuated by principles of honour and a spirit of enterprise, you have Uttle to expect from thera. They ought to have such allowances as will enable them to live like, and support the character of gentlemen ; and not be driven by a scanty pittance to the low and dirty arts which many of them practise, to filch the pubhc of more than the difference of pay would amount to, upon an ample allowance. Besides, something is due to the man who puts his life in your hands, hazards his health, and' forsakes the sweets of domestic enjoyments. Why a captain in the continental service, should receive no more than five shillings currency per day, for performing the sarae duties that an officer of the same rank in the British service receives ten shUlings sterling for, I never could conceive ; especially, when the latter is provided with every necessary he requires, upon the best terms, and the former can scarcely procure them at any rate. There is nothing that gives a man consequence, and renders him fit for command, like a support that renders him independ ent of every body but the state he serves. " With respect to the men, nothing but a good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent estabUshment, and for no shorter time than the continuance of the war ought they to be engaged; as facts incontestably prove that the difficulty and cost of enfistments increase with time. When the army was first raised at Cambridge, I am persuaded the men might have been got, without a bounty, for the war : , after that, they began to see that the contest was not likely to end so speedily as was K 106 THE LIFE OP imagined, and to feel their consequence, by remarking, that to get their militia, in the course of the last year, many towns were induced to give them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils resulting from this, and the de structive consequences which would unavoidably follow short enlist ments, I took the liberty, in a long letter, (date not now recollected, as my letter book is not here,) to recommend the enlistments for and dur ing the war, assigning such reasons for it, as experience has since con vinced me, were well founded. At that time, twenty dollars would, I am persuaded, have engaged the men for this term : biit it will not do to look back — and if the present opportunity is slipped, I am persuaded that twelve months more will increase our difficulties four fold. I shall therefore take the liberty of giving it as my opinion, that a good bounty be immediately offered, aided by the proffer of at least a hundred, or a hundred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes, and a blanket, to each non-commissioned officer and soldier, as I have good authority for saying, that however high the men's pay may appear, it is barely suffi cient, in the present scarcity and dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, much less to afford support to their famUies. If this encouragement, then, is given to the men, and such pay allowed to the officers, as will induce gentlemen of liberal character and liberal senti- mfents to engage ; and proper car^ and caution be used in the nomina tion, (having more regard tp the characters of persons than the number of men they can enlist,) we should, in a little time, have an army able to cope with any that can be opposed to it, as there are exceUent mate rials to form one out of: but whUst the only merit an officer possesses is his ability to raise men ; whUst those men consider and treat him as an equal, and in the character of an officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, being mixed together as one common herd ; no order nor discipUne can prevail, nor will the officer ever meet with that respect which is essentially necessary to due subordination. " To place any dependence upon militia, is assuredly resting upon a broken staff. Men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic Ufe ; unaccustomed to the din of arms ; totally unacquainted with every kind of military skill, which, being followed by a want of confidence in them selves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, discipUned, and ap pointed — superior in knowledge, and superior in arms — makes them timid, and ready to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sudden change in their manner of living, particularly in their lodging, brings on sickness in many, impatience in all ; and such an unconquerable desire of returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces, shame ful and scandalous desertions among themselves, but infuses the like GEORGE WASHINGTON. 107 spirit into others. Again, men accustomed to unbounded freedom and no control, can npt brook the restraint which is indispensably necessary to the good or(^er and government of an army ; without which, licen tiousness, and every kind of disorder, triumphantiy reign. To bring men to a proper degree of subordination, is not the work of a day, a month, or a year ; and unhappUy for us, and the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I have been labouring to establish in the army under my immediate command, is in a manner done away by having such a mixture of troops as have been called together' within these few months." The frequent remonstrances of the Commander-in-chief; the opinions of all miUtary men ; and the severe, but correcting hand of experience, had at length produced some effect on the government of the union ; — and soon after the defeat on Long Island, congress had directed the committee composing the board of war, to prepare a plan pf pperations for the next succeeding campaign. Their report proppsed a permanent army, tp be enUsted for the war, and to be raised by the several states, in prppprtipn tp their ability. A bounty of twenty dollars was offered to each recruit; and small portions of land to every officer and soldier. The resolutions adopting this report were received by the Command er-in-chief soon after the transmission of the foregoing letter. Believing the inducements they held forth for the completion of the army to be still insufficient, he, in his letter acknowledging the receipt of them, urged in the most serious terms, the necessity of raising the pay of the officers, and the bounty offered, to recruits. " Give me leave to say, sir, " he observed," I say it with due deference and respect, (and ray know ledge of the facts, added to the importance of the cause, and the stake I hold it in, must justify the freedom,) that your affairs are in a more unpromising way than you seem to apprehend. " Your army, as mentioned in my last, is upon the eve of political dissolution. True it is, you have voted a larger one in lieu of it ; but the season is late, and there is a material difference between voting bat talions, and raising men. In the latter, there are more difficulties than Congress seem aware of; which makes it my duty (as I have been in formed of the prevailing sentiments of this army) to inform them, that unless the pay of the officers (especially that of the field officers) is raised, the chief part of those that are worth retaining wiU leave the service at the expiration of the present term; as the soldiers wiU also, if some greater encouragement is not offered them, than twenty dollars and one hundred acres of land." After urging in strong terms the necessity of a more liberal compen- 108 THE LIFE OF sation to the army, and stating that the British were actually raising a reo-iment with a bounty of ten pounds sterling for each recruit, he added, " when the pay and establishment of an officer once become objects of interested attention, the Sloth, negligence, and even disobedience of or ders, which at this time but too generaUy prevaU, will be purged off;-^— but whUe the service is viewed with indifference; while the officer con ceives that he is rather conferring than receiving an obligation : there will be a total relaxation of all order and discipUne ; and every thing will move heavily on, to the grestt detriment of the service, and inexpressible trouble and vexation of the general. " The critical situation of our affairs at this time wiU justify my say ing, that no time is to be lost in making fruitless experiments. An un availing trial of a month, to get an army upon the terms proposed, may render it impracticable to do it at all, and prove fatal to our cause ; as I am not sure whether any rubs in the way of our enlistments, or unfavour able turn in our affairs, may not prove the means of the enemy's re cruiting men faster than we do." After stating at large the confusion and delay, inseparable from the circumstance that the appointments for the new army were to be made by the states, the letter proceeds, " upon the present plan, I plainly fore see an intervention of time between the old and new army, which must be filled with militia, if to be had, with whom no man, who has any regard for his own reputatiqn, can undertake to be answerable for consequen ces. I shall also be mistaken in my conjectures, if we do not lose the most valuable officers in this army, under the present mode of appoint ing them; consequentiy, if we have an army at all, it wiU be composed of materials not only entirely raw, but, if uncommon pains are not taken, entirely unfit : and I see such a distrust and jealousy of military power, that the Commander-in-chief has not an opportunity, even by recom mendation, to give the least assurances of reward for the most essential services. "In a word, such a cloud of perplexing circumstances appears before me, without one flattering hope, that I am thoroughly convinced, unless the most vigorous and decisive exertions are immediately adopted to re medy these evUs, the certain and absolute loss of our liberties will be the inevitable consequence : as one unhappy stroke wiU throw a powerful weight into the scale against us, and enable General Howe to recruit his army, as fast as we shall ours ; numbers being disposed, and many actually doing so already. Some of the most probable remedies, and such as experience has brought to my more intimate knowledge, I have GEORGE WASHINGTON. 100 taken the liberty to point out ; the rest I beg leave to submit to the con sideration of congress. " I ask pardon for taking up so much of their time with my opinions, but I should betray that trust which they and my country have reposed in me, were I to be silent upon matters so extremely interesting." On receiving this very serious letter, congress passed resolutions con forming to many of its suggestions. The pay of the officers was raised, and a suit of clothes aUowed annuaUy to each soldier : The legislatures of the states having troops in the continental service, either at New York, Ticonderoga, or New Jersey, were requested to depute commit tees to those places in order to officer the regiments on the new esta blishment : and it was recommended to the committees to consult the General on the subject cf apppintments. Vol. I. 110 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER VI. The British land at Frog's Neck.— rThe American army evacuates York Island, except fort Washington. — Both armies move towards the White Plains. — Battle of the White Plains. — The British army returns to Kingsbridge: — General Wash ington crosses the North river. — The lines pf fort Washington carried by the British, and the garrison made prisoners. — Evacuation of fort Lee. — Weakness of the American army. — Ineffectual attempts to raise the militia. — General Wash ington retreats through Jersey. — Capture of General Lee. — .General Washington crosses the Delaware. — Danger of Philadelphia. — The British go into winter quarters. — Battle of Trenton. — Of Princeton. — Firmness of congress. The armies did not long retain their position on York Island. Gene ral Howe was sensible of the strength of the American camp, and was not disposed to force it. His plan was to compel General" Washington to abandon it, or to give hattie in a situation in which a defeat must be attended with the total destruction of his army. With this view, after throwing up entrenchments onM'Gowan's hill for the protection of New York, he determined to gain the rear of the American camp, by the New England road, and also to possess himself of the North river above Kingsbridge. To assure himself of the practicability of acquiring the command of the river, three frigates passed up it under the fire from fort Washington, and from the opposite post on the Jersey shore, afterwards 1776. called fort Lee, without 'sustaining any injury from the batte- Oct. 9. ries, or being impeded by the chevaux-de-frise which had been sunk in tho channel between those forts. This point being ascertained, he embarked a great part of his army on board flat bottomed boats, and, passing through Hurl Gate into the Sound, landed at Frog's Neck, about nine miles from .Ihe camp on the heights of Haerlem. In consequence of this movement, Washihgton strengthened the post at Kingsbridge, and detached some regiments to West Chester for the purpose of skirmishing with the enemy, so soon as he should march from the ground he occupied. The road from Frog's Point to Kings- bridge leads through a strong country, intersected by numerous stone fences, so as to render it difficult to move artillery, or even infantry, in compact columns, except along the main road, which had been broken up in several- places. The General, therefore, entertained sanguine hopes of the event, should a direct attack be made on bis camp. General Howe continued some days waiting for his artillery, military GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ill stores, and reinforcements from Staten Island, which were detained by unfavourable winds. In the mean time, as the habits of thinking in America required that every important measure should be the result of consultation, and should receive the approbation of a majority, the propriety of removing the American army from its present situation was submitted to a council of the general officers. After much investigation, it was declared to be impracticable, without a change of position, to keep up their communication with the country, and avoid being compelled to fight under great disadvantages, or to surrender themselves prisoners of war. General Lee, who had just arrived from the south, and whose experience as well, as late success gave great weight to his opinions, urged the necessity of this movement with much earnestness. It was, at the same time, determined to hold fort Washington, and to defend it as long as possible. A resolution of congress, of the 11th of October, desiring General Washington, by every art and expense, to obstruct, if possible, the navigation of the river, contributed, not inconsiderably, to this deterraination. In pursuance of this opinion of the mUitary council, measures were taken for moving the army up the North River, so as to extend its front, or left, towards the White Plains, beyond the British right, and thus keep open its communication with the country. The right, or rear division, remained a few days longer about Kingsbridge under the command of General Lee, for the security of the heavy baggage and miUtary stores, which, in consequence of the difficulty of obtaining wagons, could be but slowly removed. General Howe, after uniting his forces at Pell's Point, moved forward his whole army, except four brigades destined for the defence of New York, through Pelham's manor, towards New Ro cheUe. Some skirmishes took place on the march with a part pf Glo ver's brigade, in which the conduct of the Americans was mentioned with satisfaction by the Commander-in-chief; and, as General Howe took post at New RocheUe, a village on the Sound, General Wash ington occupied the heights between that place and the North River. At New RocheUe, the British army was joined by the second division of Germans, under the command of General Knyphausen, and by an incomplete regiment of cavalry from Ireland ; some of whom had been captured on their passage. Both armies now moved towards the White Plains, a strong piece of ground already occupied by a detachment of mUitia. The main body of the American troops formed a long line of 112 THE LIFE OF entrenched camps, extending from twelve to thirteen mUes, on the dif ferent heights from Valentine's Hill, near Kingsbridge, to the White Plains, fronting the British line of march, and the Brunx, which: divided the two armies. The motions of General Howe were anxiously watchedj not only for the purposes of security, and of avoiding a general action, but in order to seize any occasion which might present itself of engagr ing his out-posts with advantage. While the British army lay at New RocheUe, the position of a corps of American loyalists commanded by Major Rogers, was supposed to furnish such an occasion. He was ad vanced, farther eastward, to Mamaraneck, on the Sound, where he was believed to be covered by the other troops. An attempt was made to surprise him in the night, by a detachment which should pass between him and the main body of the British army, and, by a coup de main, bear off his whole corps. Major Rogers was surprised, and about sixty of his regiment killed and taken. The loss of the Americans was only two killed, and eight or ten wounded ; among the latter was Major Green of Virginia, a brave officer, who led the detachment, and who received a ball through his body. Not long afterwards, a regiment of Pennsylvania riflemen, under Colonel Hand, engaged an equal number of Hessian chasseurs, vrith some advantage. The caution of the English general was increased by these evidences of enterprise in his adversary. His object seems to have been to avoid skirmishes, and to bring on a general action, if that could be effected under favourable circumstances ; if not, he calculated o?i nearly aU the advantages of a victory frbm the approaching dissolution of the American army. He proceeded therefore slowly. His march was in close' order, his encampments compact, and weU guarded with artillery ; and the ut most circumspection was used to leave no vulnerable point. As the sick and baggage reached a place of safety. General Wash ington gradually drew in his out-posts, and took possession of the heights on the east side of the Brunx, fronting the head of the British columns, at the distance of seven or eight miles from them. The next day, he was jomed by General Lee, who, after securing the sick and the bao-- gage, had, with considerable address, brought up the rear division of the army ; an operation the more difficult as the deficiency of teams was such that a large portion of the labour usuaUy performed by horses or oxen, devolved on men. General Washington was encamped on high broken ground, with his right flank on the Brunx. This stream meandered so as also to cover the front of his right wing, which extended along the road leading to- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 113 wards Nev^ RocheUe, as far as the brow of the hUl where his centre was posted. His left, which formed almost a right angle with his centre, and was nearly parallel to his right, extended along the hills northward, so as to keep possession of the commanding ground, and secure a retreat, should it be necessary, to a still stronger position in his rear. On the right of the army, and on the west side of the Brunx, about one mile from camp, on a road leading frora the North River, was a hill, of which General M'Dougal was ordered to take possession, for the pur pose of covering the right flank. His detachment consisted of about sixteen hundred men, principally militia ; and his cpmmunlcaticn with the main army was epen, that part pf the Brunx being passable without difficulty, Intrenchments were thrown up to strengthen the lines. General Howe, having made arrangements to attack Washington in his camp, advanced early in the morning in two columns, the right commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, and the left by General Knyphausen ; and, about ten, his van appeared in full view, on which a cannonade commenced without much execution on either side. The British right formed behind a rising ground, about a mile in front of the American camp, and extending from the road leading from Ma maraneck towards the Brunx, stood opposed to the American centre. On viewing Washington's situation, Howe, who accompanied Knyp hausen, determined to Carry the hill occupied by M'Dougal, as prelimi nary to an attack on the centre and right of the American camp. He therefore directed Colonel Rawle, with a brigade of Hessians, to cross the Brunx and make a circuit so as to turn M'Dougal's right flank, while Brigadier General Leslie, with a strong corps of British and Hessian troops should attack him in front. When Rawle had gained his posi tion, the detachment commanded by Leslie also crossed the Brunx, and commenced a vigorous attack.* The militia in the front line imraediately fled; but the regulars maintained their ground with great gallantry. Colonel SmaUwood's regiment of Maryland, and Colonel Reitzimer's of New York, advanced boldly towards the foot of the hiU to meet Leslie, but, after a sharp encounter, were overpowered by numbers, and com pelled to retreat. General Leslie then attacked the remaining part of M'Dougal's forces, who were Soon driven from the hill, but kept up for some time an irregular fire from the stone walls about the scene of ac tion. General Putnam, with Seal's brigade, was ordered to support them ; but not having arrived tUl the hUl was lost, the attempt to regain it was deemed unadviseable, and the froops retreated to the main army. * General Howe's Letter. 114 THE LIFE OF In this animated engagement, the loss was supposed to be neariy equal. That of the Americans was between three and four hundred in killed, wounded, and taken. Colonel Smallwood was among the wounded. General Washington continued in his lines expecting an assault. But a cpnsiderable part pf the day having been exhausted in gaining the hill which had been pccupied by M'Dpugal, the meditated attempt pn his intrenchments was ppstppned until the next morning ; and the British army lay on their arms the following night, in order of battle, on the ground taken during the day. This interval was employed by General Washington in strengthening his works, removing his sick and baggage, and preparing for the ex pected attack by adapting the arrangement of his troops to the existing state of things. His left maintained its position ; but his right was drawn back to stronger ground. Perceiving this, and being unwilling to leave any thing to hazard, Howe resolved to postpone farther offensive opera tions, until Lord Percy should arrive with four battalions from New York, and two from Mamaraneck. This reinforcement was received on the evening of the thirtieth, and preparations were then made to force the American intrenchments the next morning. In the night, and during the early part of the succeeding day, a violent rain stUl farther postponed the assault. Having npw rempved his prpvisipns and heavy baggage to much stronger ground, and apprehending that the British general, whose left wing extended along the height, taken from M'Dougal, to his rear, might turn his camp, and occupy the strong ground to which he designed to retreat, should an attempt on his Unes prove successful. General Wash- ington changed his position in the night, and withdrew to the heights of North Castle, about five miles from the White Plains. Deeming this position too strong to be attempted with prudence. General Howe determined to change his plan of operations, and to give a new direction to his efforts.* While forts Washington and Lee were held by the Americans, his movements were checked, and York Island insecure. With a view to the acquisition of these posts, he directed General Knyphausen to take possession of Kingsbridge, which was defended by a small party of Americans placed in fort Independence. On his approach, this party retreated to fort Washington ; and Knyphausen encamped between that place and Kingsbridge. , * General Howe's letter. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 115 In the mean time, General Howe retired slowly down the North river. His designs were immediately penetrated by the American general, who perceived the necessity of passing a part of his army into Jersey, but was restrained from immediately leaving the strong ground he occupied by the apprehension that his adver sary might, in that event, return suddenly and gain his rear, A council of war was called, which determined unanimously, that, should General Howe continue his march towards New York, all the troops raised on the west side of the Hudson should cross that river, to be af terwards followed by those raised in the eastern part of the continent, leaving three thousand men for the defence of the Highlands about the North river. In a letter to congress communicating this movement of the British army, and this deterraination of the council, the general said, " I can not indulge the idea that General Howe, supposing him to be going to New York, means to close the campaign, and to sit down without attempting something more. I think it highly probable, and almost certain, that he wiU make a descent with part of his troops into the Jerseys ; and, as soon as I am satisfied that the present manoeuvre is real, and not a feint, I shall use all the means in my power to forward a part of our force to counteract his designs. " I expect the enemy will bend their force against fort Washington, and invelst it immediately. Frora sorae advices, it is an object that will attract their earliest attentipn." He alsp addressed a letter to the gpvernpr pf New Jersey, expressing a decided ppinipn that General Howe would not ccntent himself with investing fort Washington, but would invade the Jerseys ; and urging him to put the miUtia in the best possible condition to reinforce the army, and to take the place pf the new levies, whp ceuld not, he suggested, be depended on to continue in service one day longer than the first of De cember, the time for which they were engaged. Immediate inteUigence of this movement was likewise given to General Greene, who commanded in the Jerseys ; and his attention was particu larly pointed to fort Washington. As the British army approached Kingsbridge, three ships of war passed up the North river, notwithstanding the fire frbm forts Washington and Lee, and notwithstanding the additional obstructions which had been placed in the channel. On beinK informed of this, another letter was addressed to General Greene, stating that this fact was so plain a proof of the inefficacy of aU the obstructions thrown in the river, as to justify a change 116 THE LIFE OF in the dispositions which had been made. ". If, continued the letter, " we can not prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding country, what valuable pui-pose can it answer to attempt to hold a post from which the expected benefit can not be derived ? I am therefore inclined to think it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at Mount Washington ; but as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give such orders respecting the evacuation of the place, as you may think most adviseable ; and so far revoke the orders given' to Colo nel Magaw to defend it to the last." Measures were now taken to cross the North River with the troops which had been raised on its western side, and General Washington determined to accompany that division of the army. The eastern regi ments remained on the eastern side of the river, under the command of General Lee, with orders to join the Commander-in-chief, should the British army cross the Hudson. • • ' After visiting the posts about Peekskill, and making all the arrange ments in his power for their defence. General Washington passed the „ North River in the rear of the troops designed to act in the Nov. 13. T , > n 1 ^ ^ , ^ Jerseys, and proceeded to the quarters of General Greene, near fort Lee. From too great a confidence* in the strength of fort Washington, and a conviction of its importance. General Greene had not withdrawn its garrison under the discretionary orders he had received, but still in dulged a hope that the post might be maintained, or, should its situation become desperate, that means might be found to transport the troops across the river to the Jersey shore, which was defended by fort Lee. Mount Washington is a high piece of rocky ground, near the North River, very difficult of ascent, especially towards the north, or Kings- bridge. The fort was capable of containing about one thousand men ; but the lines and outworks, which were chiefly on the southern side, towards New York, were drawn quite across the island. The ground was naturally strong, tbe approaches difficult, and the fortifications, though not sufficient to resist heavy artUlery, were believed to be in a condition to resist any attempt to carry them by storm. The garrison consisted of troops, some of whom were among the best in the American * Extract of a letter from General Greene, dated September 11th, 1778. "Remember the effect that the loss of the garrison of fort Washington had; there were men enough to have defended themselves against all the army had they not been struck with a panic; but, being most of them irregular troops, they lost their confidence when the danger began to grow pressing, and so fell a prey to their own fears." — Life of Greene, v. 1, p. 121. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 117 army; and the command had been given to Colonel Magaw, a brave and inteUigent officer, in whom great confidence was placed. i General Howe, after retiring from the White Plains, encamped at a smaU distance from Kingsbridge, on the heights of Fordham ; „ ..„ and, having made the necessary preparations for an assault, summoned the garrison to surrender, on pain of being put to ' ' the sword. Colonel Magaw replied, that he should defend the place to the last extremity, and communicated the summons to General Greene at fort Lee, who transmitted it to the Commander-in-chief, then at Hack ensack. He immediately rode to fort Lee, and, though it was late in the night, was proceeding to fort Washington, where he expected to find Generals Putnam and Greene, when, in crossing the river, he met those officers returning from a visit to that fort. They reported that the gar rison was in high spirits, and would make a good defence ; on which he returned with them to fort Lee. Early next morning. Colonel Magaw posted his troops, partly on a com manding hill north of the fort, partiy in the outermost of the lines drawn across the island on the south of the fort, and partiy between those lines, on the woody and rocky heights fronting Haerlem River, where the ground being extremely difficult of ascent, the works were not closed. Colonel Rawlings, of Maryland, commanded on the hUl towards Kingsbridge; Colonel Cadwallader, of Pennsylvania, in the lines, and Colonel Magaw himself continued in the fort. The strength of the place had not deterred the British general from resolving to carry it by storm ; and, on receiving the answer of Colonel Magaw, arrangements were made for a vigorous attack next day. About ten, the assailants appeared before the works, and moved to the assault in four different quarters. Their first division consisting of Hessians and Waldeckers, amounting to about five thousand men, under the com mand of General Knyphausen, advanced on the north side of the fort, against the hill occupied by Colonel Rawlings, who received them with great gallantry. The second, on the east, consisting of the British light infantry and guards, was led by Brigadier General Matthews, supported by Lord CornwaUis, at the head of the grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. These troops crossed Haerlem River in boats, under cover of the artillery planted in the works, which had been erected on the op posite side of the river, and landed within the third Une of defence which crossed the island. The third division was conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Stirling, who passed the river higher up; and the fourth by Lord Percy, accompanied by General Howe in person. This division was to attack the Unes in front, on the south side.* L General Howe's letter. 118 THE LIFE OF The attacks on the north and south by General Knyphausen and Lord Percy, were made about the same instant, on Colonels Rawlings and Cadwallader, who maintained their ground for a considerable time; but, whUe Colonel Cadwallader was engaged in the first line against Lord Percy, the second and third divisions which had crossed Haerlem River made good their landing, and dispersed the troops fronting that river, as well as a detachment sent by Colonel Cadwallader to support them. These being overpowered, and the British advancing between the fort and the lines, it became necessary to abandon them. In retreating to the fort, some of the men were intercepted by the division under Colonel Stirling, and made prisoners. The resistance on the north was of longer duration. Rawlings main tained his ground with firmness, and his riflemen did vast execution. A three gun battery also played on Knyphausen with great effect. At length, the Hessian columns gained the summit of the hiU ; after which, , Colonel RawUngs, who perceived the danger which threatened his rear, retreated under the guns of the fort. Having carried the Unes, and all the strong ground adjoining them, the British general again summoned Colonel Magaw to surrender. While the capitulation was in a course of arrangement. General Washington sent him a bUlet, requesting him to hold out until the evening, when means should be attempted to bring off the garrison. But Magaw had proceeded too far to retreat ; and it is probable the placfe could not have resisted an assault from so formidable a force as threatened it. The greatest difficulties had been overcome ; the fort was too small to contain all the raen ; and their araraunition was nearly exhausted. Under these circumstances the garrison became prisoners ef war. The less on this occasion was the greatest the Americans had ever sustained. The garrison was stated by General Washington at about two thousand men. Yet, in a report published as from General He we, the number of prisoners is said to be twp thousand and six hundred, ex clusive of officers. Either General Howe must have included in his report persons who were not soldiers, or General Washington must have com prehended the regulars only in his letter. The last conjecture is most probably correct. The loss of the assailants, according to Mr. Stedman, amounted to eight hundred meri. This loss fell heaviest on the Ger mans. On the surrender of fort Washington, it was determined to evacuate fort Lee; and a removal of the stores was immediately commenced. „ Before this operation could be completed, a detachment com- Nov. 18. J J , T . ^ „. - , . , manded by Loia Lprnwallis, ampunting to about six thousand GEORGE WASHINGTON. 119 men, crossed the North River below Dobb's ferry, and endeavoured, by a rapid march, to enclose the garrison between the North and Hacken sack Rivers. An immediate retreat from that narrow neck of land had become indispensable, and was with difficulty effected. All the heavy cannon at fort Lee, except two twelve pounders, with a considerable quantity of provisions and military stores, including three hundred tents, were lost. After crossing the Hackensack, General Washington posted his troops along the western bank of that river, but was unable to dispute its pas sage. At the head of about three thousand effectives, exposed, without tents, in an inclement season ; he was in. a level country, without a single intrenching tool, among people far from being zealous in the American cause. In other respects this situation was dangerous. The Passaic, in his' rear, after running several miles nearly paraUel to the Hacken sack, unites with that river below the ground occupied by the Americans, who were consequentiy stiU exposed to the hazard of being inclosed be tween two rivers. This gloomy state of things was not brightened by the prospect before him. In casting his eyes around, no cheering object presented itself. No confidence could be placed on receiving reinforcements from any quarter. But, in no situation could Washington despond. His exertions to coUect an army, and to Impede the progress of his enemy, were per severingly continued. Understanding that Sir Guy Carlton no longer threatened Ticonderoga, he directed General Schuyler to has- ten the troops of Pennsylvania and Jersey to his assistance, and ordered* General Lee to cross the North River, and be in readiness fo join him, should the enemy continue the campaign. But, under the influence of the same fatal cause which had acted elsewhere, these armies too were melting away, and would soon be almost totally dissolved. General Mercer, who commanded a part of the flying camp stationed about Bergen, was also caUed in ; but these troops had engaged to serve only tiU the 1st of December, and, Uke the other six months men, had already abandoned the army in great numbers. No hope existed of re taining the renmant after they should possess a legal right to be dis charged ; and there was not much probability of supplying their places with other militia. To New England he looked with anxious hope; and his requisitions on those states received prompt attention. Six thou sand militia from Massachusetts, and a considerable body from Connec ticut, were ordered to his assistance ; but some delay in assembling them * See note No. VII. at the end of the volume. 120 THE LIFE OF was unavoidable, and their march was arrested by the appearance of the enemy in their immediate neighbourhood. Three thousand men, conducted by Sir Henry Clinton, who were em barked on board a fleet commanded by Sir Peter Parker, sailed late in November from New York, and, without much opposition, took posses sion of Newport. This invasion e.xcited serious alarm in Massachusetts and Connecticut, and these states retained for their own defence, the militia who had been embodied at the instance of the Commander-in- chief. Not Intending to maintain his present position, General Washington had placed sorae regiments along the Hackensack to afford the sem blance of defending its passage until his stores could be removed ; and, with the residue of the troops, crossed the Passaic, and took post at Newark. Soon after he had marched. Major General Vaughan appear ed before the new bridge over Hackensack. The American detachment which had been left in the rear, being unable to defend it, broke it down, and retired before him over the Passaic. ' Having entered the open country. General Washington determined to halt a few days on the south side of this river, make some show of re sistance, and endeavour to collect such a force as would keep up the semblance of an army. His letters, not having produced such exertions as the public exigencies required, he deputed General Mifflin to the go vernment of Pennsylvania, and Colonel Reid, his Adjutant General, to the government of New Jersey, with orders to represent the real situa tion of the army, and the certainty that, without great reinforcements, Philadelphia must faU mto the hands of the enemy, and the state of Jer sey be overrun. While thus endeavouring to strengthen himself with miUtia, he pressed General Lee to hasten his march, and' cautioned him to keep high enouo-h up the country to avoid the enemy, who, having got possession of the mail containing one of his late letters, would certainly endeavour to pre vent the junction of the two armies. This perilous state of things was rendered stUl more critical by indi cations of an insurrection in the county of Monmouth, in Jersey, where great numbers favoured tiie royal cause. In other places, too, a hostile temper was displayed, and an indisposition to farther resistance began to be manifested throughout that state. These appearances-obliged him to make detachments from the militia of his army, to overawe the disaf fected of Monmouth, who were on the point of assembling in force. As the British army crossed the Passaic, General Washington aban- Nov. 28. doned his position behind that river ; and the day Lord Corn- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 121 wallis entered Newark, he retreated to Brunswick, a small vUlage on the Raritan." At this place, the levies dra-»vn from Maryland and Jersey to compose the flying camp, became entitled to their discharge. No re- monstrances could detain them ; and he sustained the mortifi cation of seeing his feeble army stUl more enfeebled by being entirely abandoned by these troops, in the face of an advancing enemy. The Pennsylvania militia belonging to the flying camp were engaged to serve tUl the 1st of January. So many of them deserted, that it was deemed necessary to place guards on the roads, and ferries over the Delaware, to apprehend and send them back to camp. The Governor of New Jersey was again pressed for assistance, but it was not in his power to furnish the aid required. The well affected part of the lower country was overawed by the British army ; and the mUitia of Morris and Sus sex came out slowly and reluctantly. While at Brunswick, attempts were made to retard the advance of the British army by movements indicating an intention to act on the offen sive ; but tills feint was unavailing. Lord Cornwallis continued to press forward ; and, as his advanced guards showed themselves on the oppo site side of the bridge. General Washington evacuated the town, and marched through Princeton to Trenton. Directions had al- „Dec, 2. ready been given to collect all the boats on the Delaware, from Philadelphia upwards for seventy miles, in the hope that the progress of the enemy might be stopped at this river ; and that, in the mean tirae, reinforcements might arrive which would enable him to dispute its passage. Havings with great labour, transported the few remaining military stores and baggage over the Delaware, he determined to remain as long as possible on the northern banks of that river. The army which was thus pressed slowly through the Jerseys, was aided by no other cavalry than a small corps of badly mounted Connec ticut militia, commanded by Major Sheldon ; and was almost equally destitute of artUlery. Its numbers, at no 'time during the retreat, ex ceeded four thousand men, and on reaching the Delaware, was reduced to less than three thousand ; of whom, not quite one thousand were militia of New Jersey. Even among the continental troops there were many whose term of service was about to expire. Its defectiveness of numbers did not constitute its only weakness. The regulars were badly armed, worse clad, and almost destitute of tents, blankets, or utensUs for dressing their food. They were composed chiefly of the garrison of fort Lee, and had been obUged to evacuate that place 122 THE LIFE OF with too much precipitation to bring with them even those few articles of comfort and accommodation with which they had been furnished. The Commander-in-chief found himself at the head of this small band of soldiers, dispirited by their losses and fatigues, retreating almost naked and barefooted, in the cold of November and December, before a nu merous, well appointed, and victorious army, through a desponding country, much more disposed to obtain safety by submission, than to seek it by a manly resistance. In this crisis of American affairs, a proclamation was issued by Lord and General Hovye, as commissioners appointed on the part of the crown for restoring peace to America, comraanding all persons assembled in arms against his majesty's government, to disband and return to their homes ; -and all civil officers to desist from their treasonable practices, and relinquish their usurped authority. A full pardon was offered to every person who would, within sixty days, appear before certain civil or miUtary officers of the crown, claim the benefit of that proclamation, and testify his obedience to the laws by subscribing a declaration of his submission to the royal authority. Copies of it were dispersed through the country , after which numbers flocked in daUy, to make their peace and obtain protection. The contrast between the splendid appearance of the pursuing army, and that of the ragged Americans who were fly ing before them, could not fail to nourish the general opinion that the contest was approaching its termination. Among the many valuable traits in the character of Washington, was that unyielding firmness of mind which resisted these accumulated cir cumstances of depression, and supported him under thera. Undisrnayed by the dangers which surrounded him, he did not for an instant relax his exertions, nor omit any thing which could obstruct the progress of the enemy, or improve his own condition. He did not appear to despair of the public safety, but struggled against adverse fortune with the hope of yet vanquishing the difficulties which surrounded him ; and constantiy showed himself to his harassed and enfeebled army, with a serene, un embarrassed countenance, betraying no fears in himself, and invigorat ing and inspiring with confidence the bosoms of others. To this uncon querable- firmness, to this perfect self-possession under the most desperate circumstances, is America, in a great degree, indebted for her independ ence. After reracving his ba^age and steres pver the Delaware, and send- Dec G '"^ '"^ ^''^^ '° P^"l'^'^*'lpl>i'*i the American General, finding that Lord Cornwallis stiU continued in Brunswick, detached twelve hundred men to Princeton in the hope that this appearance of GEORGE WASHINGTON. 123 advancing on the British might not only retard their progress, but cover a part of the country, and reanimate the people of Jersey. Some portion of this short respite from laborious service was devoted to the predominant wish of his heart, — preparations for the next cam paign, — by impressing on congress a conviction of the real causes of the present calamitous state, of things. However the human mind may re sist, the clearest theoretic reasoning, it is scarcely possible not to discern obvious and radical errors, while smarting under their destructive conse quences. The abandonment of the army by whole regiments of the flying camp, in the face of an advancing and superior enemy ; the im practicability of calling out the militia of Jersey and Pennsylvania in sufficient force to prevent Lord CornwaUis from overrunning the first state, or restrain him from entering the last, had it not been saved by other causes, were practical lessons on the subjects of enUstments for a short tirae, and a reliance on militia, which no prejudice could disregard, and which could not faU to add great weight to the remonstrances for merly made by the Coramander-in-chief, which were now repeated. The exertions of General Mifflin to raise the militia of Pennsylvania, though unavaiUng in the country, were successful in Philadelphia. A large propprtion pf the inhabitants of that city capable of bearing arms, had associated for the general defence ; and, on this occasicn, fifteen hundred pf them marched tp Trenton ; to which place a German batta lion was also ordered by congress. On the arrival of these _ troops. General Washington commenced his march to Prince ton, but was stopped by the inteUigence that Lord Cornwallis, having received large reinforcements, was advancing rapidly from Brunswick by different routes, and endeavouring to gain his rear. On receiving this intelligence, he crossed the Delaware, and posted his army in such a manner as to guard the fords. As his rear passed the river, the van of the British army appeared in sight. The main body took post at Trenton, and detachments were placed both above and below, while small' parties, without interruption from the peo ple of the country, reconnoitred the Delaware for a considerable distance. From Bordentown below Trenton the course of the river turns westward, and forms an acute angle with its course from PhUadelphia to that place; so that Lord Cornwallis might cross a considerable distance above, and be not much, if any, farther from that city than the American army. The British General made some unsuccessful attempts to seize a num ber of boats guarded by Lord Stirling, about Coryell's Ferry ; and, in order to faciUtate his movements down the river, on the Jersey shpre, repaired the bridges below Trenton, which had been broken down by 124 THE LIFE OF order of General Washington. He then advanced a strong detachment to Bordentown, giving indications of an intention to cross the Delaware at the same time above and below ; and either to march in two columns to Philadelphia, or completely to envelop the American army in the angle of the river. To counteract this plan, the American General stationed a few gaUies to watch the movements of his enemy below, and aid in repeUing any effort to pass over to the Pennsylvania shore ; and made such a disposition of his little army as to guard against any attempt to force a passage above, which he believed to be the real dfesign. Having made his arrangements, he waited anxiously for reinforce ments ; and, in the mean time, sent daily parties over the river to harass the enemy, and to observe his situation. The utmost exertions were made by government to raise the militia. In the hope that a respectable body of continental treops would aid these exertions. General Washington had directed General Gates, with the regulars of the northern army, and General Heath, with those at PeekskiU, to march to his assistance. Although General Lee had been repeatedly urged to join the Com mander-in-chief, he proceeded slowly in the execution of these orders, manifesting a strong disposition to retain his separate comraand, and rather to hang on, and threaten the rear of the British army, than to strengthen that in its front. With this view he proposed estabUshing himself at Morristown. On receiving a letter from General Washington disapproving this proposition, and urging him to hasten his march, Lee still avowed a preference for his own plan, and proceeded reluctantly towards the Delaware. While passing through Morris county, at the distance of twenty miles from the British encampment, he, very incau tiously, quartered under a sUght guard, in a house about three miles from his army. Information, of this circumstance was given by a countryman to Colonel Harcourt, at that time detached with a body of cavalry to watch his movements, who immediately formed and executed the design of seizing him. Early in the morning of the 12th of Decem ber, this officer reached Lee's quarters, who received no intimation of his danger until the house was surrounded, and he found himself a prisoner. He was carried off in triumph to the British army, where he was, for some time, treated as a deserter from the British service. This misfortune made a serious irapression on all America. The con fidence originally placed in General Lee had been increased by his suc cess in the southern department, and by a belief that his opinions, during the military operations in New Yoric, had contributed to the adoption of those judicious movements which had, in some measure, defeated tha GEORGE WASHINGTON. 125 plans of General Howe in that quarter. It was also beUeved that he had dissented from the resolution of the councU of war for maintaining forts Washington and Lee. No officer, except the Commander-in-chief, pos sessed, at that time, in so eminent a degree, the confidence of the army, or of the country ; and his loss was, almost universally, bewailed as one of the greatest calamities which had befallen the American arms. It was regretted by no person raore than by General Washington himself. He respected the merit of that eccentric veteran, and sincerely lamented his captivity. General Sullivan, on whom the command of that division devolved after the capture of Lee, promptly obeyed the orders which had been directed to that officer ; and, crossing the Delaware at PhUips- burg, joined the Commander-in-chief. On the same day General Gates arrived with a few northern troops. By these and other reinforcements, the army was augmented to about seven thousand effec tive men. The attempts of the British general to get possession of boats for the transportation of his army over the Delaware having failed, he gave in dications of an intention to close the campaign, and to retire into winter quarters. About four thousand men were cantoned on the Delaware at Trenton, Bordentown, the White Horse, and Mount Holly; and the re maining part of the army of Jersey was distributed from that river to the Hackensack. Strong corps were posted at Princeton, Brunswick, and EUzabetfitown. To intimidate the people, and thereby impede the recruiting service, was believed to be no inconsiderable inducement with General Howe, for covering so large a portion of Jersey. To counteract these views, General Washington ordered three of the regiments from PeekskiU to halt at Morristown, and to unite with about eight hundred militia assem bled at that place under Colonel Ford. General Maxwell was sent to take comraand of these troops, with orders to watch the motions of the enemy, to harass him in his marches, to give intelligence of all his move ments, to keep lip the spirits of the militia, and to prevent the inhabi tants from going within the British Unes, and taking protection. The short interval between this cantonment of the British troops, and the recommencement of active , operations, was employed by General Washington in repeating the representations he had so often made to congress, respecting'preparations for the ensuing campaign. The dan gers resulting from a reUance on temporary armies had been fully exem- pUfied ; and his remonstrances on that subject were supported by that severe experience which corrects whUe it chastises. In the course of Vol. r. 9 126 THE LIFE OF the campaign, he had suffered greatly from the want of cavalry, of ar tillery, and of engineers. His ideas on these important subjects had been already stated to congress, and were now reurgpd. With respect to the additional expense to be incurred by the measures recommended, he observed, " that our funds were not the only object now to be taken into consideration. The enemy, it was found, were daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a snow ball by roll ing, would increase, unless some means should be devised to check ef fectually the progress of their arms. Militia might possibly do it for a little while ; but in a little while also, the mUitia of those states which were frequently called upon would not turn out at all, or would turn out with so much reluctance and sloth, as to araount to the same thing. In stance New Jersey I Witness Pennsylvania 1 Could any thing but the river Delaware have saved Philadelphia? " Could any thing," he asked, " be more destructive of the recruiting business than giving ten dollars bounty for six weeks service in the mi litia, who come in, you can not tell how ; go, you can not tell when ; and act, you can not tell where ; who consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at last in a critical moment. " These, sir," he added, " are the men I am to depend upon ten days hence. This is the basis upon which your cause will rest, and must for ever depend, untfl you get a large standing army sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy." He also hinted the idea, extremely delicate in itself, of enlarging his powers so as to enable him to act, without constant applications to con gress for their sanction of measures, the immediate adoption of which was essential to the public interests. " This might," he said, " be termed an application for powers too dangerous to be trusted." He could only answer, " that desperate diseases required desperate remedies. He could with truth declare that he felt no lust for power, but wished with as much fervency as any man upon this wide extended continent, for an opportu nity of turning the sword into a plough-share ; but his feelings as an of ficer and a man had been such as to force him to say, that nd person ever had a greater choice of difficulties to contend vrith than himself." After recapitulating the measures he had adopted, which were not within his ppwer, and urging many other necessary arrangements, he added, " it may be thought I am going a good deal out of the line of my duty to adopt these measures, or to advise thus freely. A character to lose; an estate to forfeit ; the inestimable blessing of liberty at stake ; and a life devoted, must be my excuse." The present aspect of American affairs was gloomy in the extreme. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127 The existing army, except a few regiments, affording ati effective force of about fifteen hundred men, would dissolve in a fe^v days. New Jer* sey had, in a great measure, submitted; and the- mUitia of Pennsylvania had not displayed the alacrity expected from them. General HowC would, most probably, avail himself of the ice which would soon form) and of the dissolution of the American army, to pass the Delaware and seize Philadelphia. This event was dreaded, not only on account of its intrinsic importance, but of its pecuUar effect at this time, when an army was to be recruited on which the future hopes of America were to rest. It was feared, and with reason, that it would make such an impression on the public mind as to deter the American youth from engaging in a contest becoming desperate. Impelled by these considerations. General Washington meditated- a blow on the British army, while dispersed in its cantonments, which might retrieve the affairs of America in the opinion of the public, and recover the ground that had been lost. He formed the daring plan of attacking all the British posts on the Delaware at the same instant. If successful in all, or any of these at tacks, he hoped not only to wipe off the impression made by his losses, and by his retreat, but also to relieve PhUadelphia from immediate dan ger, and to compel his adversary to compress himself in such a manner as no longer to cover the Jerseys. The positions taken to guard the river were equally well adapted to offensive operations. The regulars were posted above Trenton from Yardley's up to Cory ell's Ferry. The Pennsylvania flying camp, and Jersey militia, under the command of General Irvine, extended from Yardley's to the ferry opposite Bordentown ; and General CadwaUader with the Pennsylvania militia lay still lower down the river. In the plan of attack which had been digested, it was proposed to cross in the night at M'Konkey's Ferry, about nine miles above Trenton ; to march down in two divisions, the one taking the river road, and the other the Pennington road, both which lead into the town ; the first, to wards that part of the western side which appreaches the river, and the last towards the north. This part of the plan was to be execute^d by the General in person, at the head of about two thpusand four hundred con tinental trpops. It was thought practicable to pass thera over the river by twelve, and to reach the point bf destination by five in the morning of the next day, when the attack was to be made. General Irvine was directed to cross at the Trenton Ferry, and to secure the bridge below the town, in order to prevent the escape of the enemy by that road. 128 THE LIFE OF General Cadwallader was to pass over at Dunk's Ferry, and carry the post at Mount Holly. It had been in contemplation to unite the troops employed in fortifying Philadelphia, to those at Bristol, and to place the whole under General Putnam ; but such indications were given in that city of an insurrection of the royal cause, that this part of-the plan was abandoned. The cold on the night of the 25th was very severe. Snow, mingled with hail and rain, fell in great quantities, and so much ice was made in the river that, with every possible exertion, the division con ducted by the General in person could not effect its passage until three, nor comraence its march down the river tiU near four. As the distance to Trenton by either road is nearly the same, orders were given to attack at the instant of arrival, and, after driving in the out-guards, to press rapidly after them into the town, and prevent the main body from forming. General Washington accompanied the upper column, and arriving at the out-post on that road, precisely at eight, drove it in, and, in three mi nutes, heard the fire from the column which had taken the river road- The picket guard attempted to keep up a fire whUe retreating, but was pursued with such ardour as to be unable to make a stand. Colonel Rawle, who commanded in the town, paraded his men,- and met the as sailants. In the commencement of the action, he was mortally wounded, upon which the troops, in apparent confusion, attempted to gain the road to Princeton, General Washington threw a detachment into their front, while he advanced rapidly on them in person. Finding themselves sur- rotihded, and their artillery already seized, they laid down their arms and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. About twenty of the ene my were killed, and about one thousand made prisoners. Six field pieces, and a thousand stand of small arras were also taken. On the part of the Araericans, two privates were kUled ; two frozen to death ; and one officer. Lieutenant Monroe,* of the third Virginia regiment, and three or- four privates wounded. Unfortunately, the ice rendered it impracticable for General Irvine to execute that part of the plan which was allotted to him. With his ut most efforts, he was unable to cross the riyer ; and the road towards Bordentown remained open. About five hundred men, amono- whom was a troop of cavalry, stationed in the lower end of Trenton, availed themselves of this circumstance, and crossing the bridge in the com mencement of the action, escaped down the river. The same cause pre vented General CadwaUader from attacking the post at Mount Holly. ? Since President of the United States. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129 With great difficulty a part of his infantry passed the river, but returned on its being found absolutely impracticable to cross with the artillery. Although this plan failed in so many of its parts, the success attending that which was conducted by General Washington in person was fol lowed by the happiest effects. Had it been practicable for the divisions under Generals Irvine and Cadwallader to cross the river, it was intended to proceed from Trenton to the posts at and about Bordentown, to sweep the British from the banks of the Delaware,* and to maintain a position in the Jerseys. But finding that those parts of the plan had failed, and supposing the British to remain in force below, while a strong corps was posted at Princeton, General Washington thought it tinadviseable tp hazard the loss of the very important advantage already gained, by attempting tp increase it, and recrpssed the river with his prispners and military stores. Lieute nant Oplpnel Baylpr, bis aid-de-camp, who carried the inteUigence of this success tp cpngre^s, was presented with a herse completely capari soned for service, and recommended to the comraand cf a regiraent pf cavalry. Ncthing cpuld surpass the astpnishraentof the British coramander at this unexpected display of vigour on the part of the American General. His condition, and that of his country, had been thought desperate. He had been deserted by all the troops having a legal right to leave him ; and, to render his situation completely ruinous, nearly two-thirds of the continental soldiers stiU remaining with him, would be entitled to their discharge on the first day of January. There appeared to be no proba bility of prevaihng on them to continue longer in the service, and the recruiting business was absolutely at an end. The spirits of a large pro portion of the people were sunk to the lowest point of depression. New Jersey appeared to be completely subdued ; and some of the best judges of the public sentiment were of opinion that iraraense nurabers in Penn sylvania, also, were deterrained not to perrait the sixty days allowed in the proclamation of Lord and Sir William Howe, to elapse, without avail ing themselves of the pardon it proffered. Instead of offensive operations, * A fact has been stated to the author which shows to what an extent the plan rnigiit have been executed had it been possible to cross the river. Colonel Reed, who was with the division of Cadwallader, passed the ferry with the van of the infantry, and immediately despatched some trusty persons to examine the situation of the troops at Mount Holly. The report made by his messengers was, that they had looked into several houses in which the soldiers were quartered, and had found them generally fast asleep, under the influence, as was supposed, of the spirituous liquors they had drunk the preceding day, which was Christmas-day. That there appeared to be no apprehension of danger, nor precaution against it. M 130 THE LIFE OF the total dispersion of the small remnant of the American army was to be expected, since it would be rendered too feeble by the discharge of those engaged only untU the last day, of December, to attempt, any longer, the defence of the Delaware, which would by that time, in afl probability, be passable on the ice. While every appearance supported these opinions, and the British General, without being sanguine, might well consider the war as approaching its termination, this bold and for tunate enterprise announced to him, that he was contending with an ad versary who could never cease to be formidable while the possibility of resistance remained. Finding the conquest of -America more distant than had been supposed, he determined, in the depth of winter to recom mence active operations ; and Lord CornwaUis, who had retired to New York with the intention of embarking for Europe, suspended his depar ture, and returned to the Jerseys in great force, for the purpose of re gaining the ground which had been lost. Meanwhile, Count Dpnpp, who coramanded the troops below Trenton, on hearing the disaster which had befallen Colpnel Rawle, retreated by the read leading to Amboy, and joined General Leslie at Princeton. The next day. General Cadwallader crossed the Delaware, with orders to harass the enemy, but to put nothing to hazard until he should be joined by the continental battalions, who were allowed a day or two of repose, after the fatigues of the enterprise against Trenton. General Mifflin joined General Irvine with about fifteen hundred Pennsylvania militia, and those troops also crossed the river. Finding himself once more at the head of a force with which it seemed practicable to act offensively, the General determined to employ the winter in endeavouring to recover Jersey. With this view, he ordered General Heath to leave a small detach ment at PeekskUl, and with the main body of the New England mUitia, to enter Jersey, and approach the British cantonments on that side. General Maxwell was ordered, with all the militia he could collect, to harass their flank and rear, and to attack their out-posts on every fa vourable occasion, while the continental troops, led by himself, recrossed the Delaware, and took post at Trenton. On the last day of December, the regulars of New England were entitled to a discharge. With great difficulty, and a bounty of ten doUars, rtiany of them were induced to renew their engagements for six weeks. The British were now collected in force at Princeton under Lord Corn- 1777. 'wallis ; and appearances confirmed the intelligence, secretly* Jan. 1. , pbtained, that he intended tp attack the American army. * In this critical moment, when correct intelligence was so all important, Mr. Robert GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131 Generals Mifflin and Cadwallader, who lay at Bordentown arid Cross- wix, with three thousand six hundred militia, were therefore ordered to join the Commander-in-chief, whose whole effective force, with this ad dition, did not exceed five thousand men. Lord Cornwallis advanced upon him the next morning ; and about four in the afternoon, the van of the British army reached Tren ton. On its approach. General Washington retired across the Assumpinck, a creek which runs through the' town. The British at tempted to cross the creek at several places, but finding all the fords guarded,' they desisted from the attempt, and kindled their fires. The Araericans kindled their fires likewise ; and a cannonade was kept up on both sides till dark. The situation of General Washington was again extremely critical. Should he maintain his position, he would certainly be attacked next morning, by a force so very superior, as to render the destruction of his httle army inevitable. Should he attempt to retreat over the Delaware, the passage of that river had been rendered so difficult by a few mild and foggy days which had softened the ice, that a total defeat would be hazarded. In any event, the Jerseys would, once more, be entirely in possession of the enemy; the public mind again be depressed; recruiting discouraged ; and Philadelphia, a secpnd time, in the grasp pf General Hpwe. In this embarrassing state pf things, he formed the bold design of aban doning the Delaware, and marching, by a circuitous route, along the left flank of the British army, into its rear, at Princeton, ^here its strength could not be great ; and, after beating the troops at that place, to move rapidly to Brunswick, where the baggage and principal magazines of the army lay under a weak guard. He indulged the hope that this manoeu vre would call the attention of the British general to his own defence. Should Lord CornwaUis, contrary to every reasonable calculation, pro ceed to Philadelphia, nothing worse could happen in that quarter, than must happen should the American army.be driven before him ; and some compenssition for that calamity would be obtained by expelling the enemy completely from Jersey, and cutting up, in detail, all his parties in that state. This plan being approved by a council of war, preparations were made for its immediate execution. As soon as it was dark, the baggage Morris raised on his private credit in Philadelphia, five hundred pounds in specie, which he transmitted to the Commander-in-chief, who employed it in procuring ia- £irmation not otherwise to have been obtained. 132 THE LIFE OF was removed silently to Burlington ; and, about one in the morning, after renewing their fires, and leaving their guards to go the *"¦ ¦ rounds as usual; the army decamped with perfect silence, and took a circuitous route along the Quaker road to Princeton, where three British regiments had encamped the preceding night, two of which com menced their march early in the morning to join the rear of their army at Maidenhead. At sunrise, when they had proceeded about two miles, they saw the Americans on their left, advancing in a direction which would enter the road in their rear. They immediately faced about, and, repassing Stony Brook, moved under cover of a copse of wood towards the American van, -which was conducted by General Mercer. A sharp action ensued, which, however, was not of long duration. The militia, of which the advanced party was principally composed, soon gave way ; and the few regulars attached to them were not strong enough to main tain their ground. While exerting himself gallantly fo rally his broken troops. General Mercer was mortally wounded, and the van was en tirely routed. But the fortune of the day was soon changed. The main body, led by General Washington in person, followed close in the rear, and attacked the British with great spirit. Persuaded that defeat would irretrievably ruin the affairs of America, he advanced in the very front of danger, and exposed himself to the hottest fire of the enemy. He was so well supported by the same troops who, a few days before, had saved their country at Trenton, that the British, in turn, were compelled to give way. Their line was broken, and the two regiments separated from each other. Colonel Mawhood, who commanded that in front, and was, consequently, nearest the rear division of the army, under Lord Cornwallis, retired to the main road, and continued his march to Maiden head. The fifty -fifth regiraent, which was on the left, being hard pressed, fled in confusion across the fields into a back road, leading between Hillsborough and Kingston towards Brunswick. The vicinity of the British forces at Maidenhead secured Colonel Mawhood, and General Washington pressed forward to Princeton. The regiment remaining in that place took jjost in the college, and made a show of resistance ; but some pieces of artillery being brought up to play upon that building, it was abandoned, and the greater part of them became prisoners. A few saved themselves by a precipitate flight to Brunswick. In this engagement, rather more than one hundred British were kUled in the field, and near three hundred were taken prisoners. The loss of the Americans, in killed, was somewhat less, but in their number was included General Mercer, a valuable officer, who had served with the Commander-in-chief during his early campaigns in Virginia, and was GEORGE WASHINGTON- 133 greatly esteemed by him. Colonels Haslet and Potter, Captain Neal of the artUlery, Captain Fleming, and five other valuable officers, were also among the slain. On the return of day-light. Lord Cornwallis discovered that the Ame rican army had decamped in the night ; and immediately conceived the whole plan. Alarmed at the danger which threatened Brunswick, he marched with the utmost expedition for that place, and was close in the rear of the American army before it could leave Princeton. The situation of General Washington was again perilous in the ex treme. His small army was exhausted with fatigue. His troops had been without sleep, all of them one night, and some of them, two. They were without blankets, many of them were bare-footed and otherwise thinly clad, and were eighteen miles from his place of destination. He was closely pursued by a superior enemy who must necessarily come up with him before he could accomplish his designs on Brunswick. Under these circumstances he abandoned the remaining part of his original plan, and took the road leading up the country to Pliackemin, where his troops were permitted to refresh themselves. Lord Cornwallis continued his march to Brunswick, which he reached in the course of that night. The sufferings of the American soldiers had been so great from the severity of the season, and the very active service in which they had been engaged; their complaints, especially on the part of the militia, were so loud ; their numbers were reducing so fast by returning home, and by sickness; that General Washington found it impracticable to continue offensive operations. He retired to Morristown, in order to put his men under cover, and to give thera some repose. The bold, judicious, and unexpected attacks made at Trenton and Princeton, had a much more extensive influence than would be supposed from a mere estimate of the kiUed and taken. They saved PhUadelphia for the winter ; recovered the state of Jersey ; and, which was of still more importance, revived the drooping spirits of the people, and gave a perceptible irapulse to the recruiting service throughout the United States. The problem, that a nation can be defended against a permanent force, by temporary armies, by occasional calls of the husbandman from his plough to the field, was completely disproved ; and, in demonstrating its fallacy, the independence of America had nearly perished in its cra dle. The utmost efforts were now directed to the creation of an army for the ensuing campaign, as the only solid basis on which the hopes of the patriot could rest. During the retreat through the Jerseys, and while the expectation prevailed that no effectual resistance could be made to 134 THE LIFE OF the British armies, some spirited men indeed were animated to greater and more determined exertions; but this state of things produced a very different effect on the great mass, which can alone furnish the solid force of armies. In the middle states especially, the panic of distrust was perceived. Doubts concerning the issue of the contest became exten sive ; and the recruiting service proceeded so heavily and slowly as to excite the most anxious solicitude for the future. The affairs of Trenton and Princeton were magnified into great vic tories; and were believed by the body of the people to evidence the superiority of their army and of their general. The opinion that they were engaged in a hopeless contest, yielded to a confidence that proper exertions would ensure ultimate success. This change of opinion was accompanied with an essential change of conduct; and, although the regiments required by congress were not completed, they were made much stronger than was believed to be pos sible before this happy revolution in the aspect of public affairs. The firmness of congress throughout the gloomy and trying period which intervened between the loss of fort Washington and the battle of Princeton, gives the members of that time a just claim to the admiration of the world, and to the gratitude of their fellow citizens. Undismayed by impending dangers, they did not, for an instant, admit the idea of surrendering the independence they had declared, and purchasing peace by returning to their colonial situation. As the British array advanced through Jersey, and the consequent insecurity of Philadelphia rendered an adjournment from that place a necessary measure of precaution, their exertions seemed to increase with their difficulties. They' sought to remove the despondence which was seizing and paralyzing the public mind, by an address to the states, in which every arguinent was suo-- gested which could rouse them to vigorous action. They made the most strenuous efforts to animate the militia, and impel them to the field, by the agency of those whose popular eloquence best fitted them for such a service. When reassembled at Baltimore, the place to which they had adjourn- 1770, ed, their resolutions exhibited no evidence of confusion or dis- Dcc. 20. jT^ay ; and the most judicious efforts were made to repair the mischief produced by past errors. Declaring that, in the present state of things, the very existence of civil liberty depended on the right execution of military ppwers, to a vigorpus directipn of which, distant, numerous, and deliberative bodies were unequal, they authorized General Washington to raise sixteen ad- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 135 ditional regiments, and conferred upon him, for six months, almost unli mited powers for the conduct of the war. Towairds the close of 1776, while the tide of fortune was running strongest against them, some few members, distrusting their ability to make a successful resistance, proposed to authorize their commissioners at the court of Versailles to transfer to France the same monopoly of their trade which Great Britain had possessed.* This proposition is stated to have been relinquished, because it was believed that conces sions of this kind would impair raany arguraents which had been used in favour of independence, and disunite the people. It was next pro posed to offer a monopoly of certain enumerated articles ; but the un equal operation of this measure gave to the proposition a speedy nega tive. Some proposed offering to France an offensive and defensive league ; but this also was rejected. The more enlightened members argued that, though the friendship of small states might be purchased, that of France could not. They alleged that, if she would risk a war with Great Britain by openly espousing their cause, she would not be induced to that measure by the prospect of direct a4vantages, so ranch as by a desire to lessen the overgrown power of a dangerous rival.* It was therefore urged that the most certain means of influencing France to interfere, was an assurance that the United States were deterrained to persevere in refusing to resume their former allegiance. Under the in fluence of this better opinion, resolutions were again entered into, direct ing their commissiotiers in Europe to give explicit assurances of their determination at all events to maintain their independence. Copies of these resolutions were sent to the principal courts of Europe; and agents were appointed to solicit their friendship to the new forraed states.f These despatches fell into the hands of the British, and were published by thera ; a circumstance which promoted the views of con gress, who were persuaded that an apprehensipn of their coming tp an accommodation with Great Britain constituted a material objection to the interference of foreign courts, in what was represented as merely a domestic quarrel. A resolution adopted in the deepest distress, to listen tp np terms of reunion with their parent state, would, it was believed, convince those who wished for the dismeraberment of the British empire, that sound policy required their interference so far as to prevent the conquest of the United States. ? R^.msay. t Secret Journals of Congress, vol ii. p. 38, and post. 136 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER VII. American army inoculated. — General Heath moves to Kingsbridge. — Returns to Peekskill.— Skirmishes. — State of the army.— Destruction of stores at Peekskill. — At Danbury. — Expedition to Sagg Harbour, — Camp formed at Middlebrook. — Sir William Howe moves out to Somerset Court House.— Returns to Amboy. — Attempts to cut off the retreat of the American army to Middlebrook.— Lord Corn waUis skirmishes with Lord Stiriing.— General Prescot surprised and taken. — The British army embarks. The effect of the proclamation pubhshed by Lord and General Howe 1777. on taking possession of New Jersey, was, in a great degree, January, counteracted by the conduct of the invading army. Fortu nately for the United States, the hope that security was attainable by isubmission, was soon dissipated. Whatever may have been the exer tions of their General to restrain his soldiers, they stiU considered and treated the inhabitants rather as conquered rebels than returning friends. Indulging in every species of licentiousness, the plunder and destruction of property were among the least offensive of the injuries they infficted. The persons, not only of the men, but of that sex through which indig nities least to be forgiven, and longest to be remembered, are received, were exposed to the most irritating outrage. Nor were these excesses -confined to those who had been active in the American cause. The lukewarm, and even the loyalists, were the victims of this indiscriminat- ing spirit of rapine and violence. The effect of such proceedings on a people whose country had never before been the seat of war, and whose non-resistance had been occa sioned solely by the expectation of that security which had been pro mised as the reward of submission to the royal authority, could not fail to equal the most sanguine hopes of the friends of the revolution. A sense of personal wrongs produced a temper which national considera tions had proved too weak to excite ; and, when the battles of Trenton and Princeton relieved the inhabitants from fears inspired by the pre sence of their invaders, the great body of the people fiew to arms ; and numbers who could not be brought into the field to check the advancing enemy, and prevent the ravages which uniformly afflict a country that becomes the seat of war, were prompt in avenging those ravages. Small bodies of militia scoured the country, seized on stragglers, behaved un- exceptionably well in several slight skirmishes, and were coUecting in such numbers as to threaten the weaker British posts with the fate which had befallen Trenton and Princeton. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 137 To guard against that spirit of enterprise which his adversary had displayed to such advantage. General Howe determined to strengthen his posts by contracting them. The positions taken for the purpose of covering the country were abandoned ; and the British force in New Jersey was collected at New Brunswick, on the Raritan, and at Amboy, a small town at the mouth of that river. Feeble as was the American army, this movement was not effected without some loss. On the evacuation of EUzabethtown, General Max well attacked the British rear, and captured about seventy men with a part of their baggage. The American troops had been so diminished by the extreme severity of the service, that it was with much difficulty the appearance of an array could be maintained. Fresh militia and volunteers arrived in camp, whose numbers were exaggerated by report. These additions to his small remaining regular force enabled the General to take different positions near the lines of the enemy, to harass hira perpetually, restrain his foraging parties, and produce considerable distress in his carap. While, with little more than an imaginary army. General Washing ton thus harassed and confined his adversary, he came to the hazardous resolution of freeing himself and his troops from the fear of a calamity which he found it impossible to elude, and which had proved more fatal in his camp than the sword of the enemy. Inoculation having been rarely practised in the western world, the American youth remained liable to the small pox. Notwithstanding the efforts to guard against this disease, it had found its way into both the northern and middle army, and had impaired the strength of both to an alarming degree. To avoid the return of the same evU, the General determined to inoculate all the soldiers in the American service. With the utmost secrecy, preparatipns were made te give the infecticn in camp ; and the hospital physicians in Philadelphia were ordered to carry all the southern troops, as they should arrive, through the disease. Similar or ders were also given to the physicians at other places ; and thus an army exempt from the fear of a calamity which had, at all times, endangered the most important operations, was prepared for the ensuing campaign. This example was followed through the country ; and this alarraing dis ease was no longer the terror of America, As the main body of the British army was cantoned in Jersey, and a strong detachment occupied Rhode Island, General Washington believed that New York could not be perfectly secure. His intelligence strength ened this opinion ; and, as an army, respectable in point of numbers, had been assembled about PeekskiU, he ordered General Heath to approach 138 THE LIFE OF New Yprk for the purppse pf foraging, and, shpuld appearances favpur the attempt, of attacking the forts which guarded the entrance into the island. The hope was entertained that General Howe, alarmed for New York, might either withdraw his troops from Jersey, or so weaken his posts in that state as to endanger them. Shpuld this hppe be disappeinted, it was believed that something handsome might be done, either on York or Long Island. In pursuance of this plan, General Heath marched down to West Chester, and sumraoned fort Independence to surrender; but, the garri son deterraining to hold the place, a councU of war deeraed it unadvisea ble to risk an assault. An embarkation of troops which took place, about that time, at Rhode Island, alarmed General Heath for his rear, and in duced him to resume his ground in the Highlands. Though this attempt entirely failed, the Commander-in-chief still me ditated impprtant pperatiens during the winter. All the intelligence frpm Europe demonstrated the necessity of these operations, and the fallacy of the hope, stUl extensively cherished, that the war would be abandoned by Great Britain. The administration was still supported by great ma jorities in parliament ; and the nation seemed well disposed to employ all its means to reannex to the empire, what were still denominated, re volted colonies. It was not to be doubted that large reinforcements would arrive in the spring ; and the safety of the nation would be in hazard should General Howe remain in fuU force tUl they should be re ceived. The utmost efforts were made by the Commander-in-chief to collect a sufficient number of troops to enable him to give a decisive blow to some one of the positions of his enemy. The state sovereignties, where the real energies of government resided, were incessantly urged to fiU their regiments, and to bring their quotas into the field ; and con gress, at his instance, passed resolutions authorizing him to draw the troops from Peekskill, and to call out the militia of the neighboiiring states. " It being," these resolutions proceed to say, " the earnest desire of congress, to make the army under the immediate command of General Washington sufficientiy strong, not only to curb and confine the enemy within their present quarters, and prevent their drawing support of any kind from the country, but, by the divine blessing, totally to subdue them before they can be reinforced." These resolves were communicated to the general, in a letter, mani festing the confident expectation of congress that the desire expressed in them would soon be realized. But the energy displayed in their passage, could not be maintained in their execution. Many causes concurred to prevent the collection of a force competent GEORGE WASHINGTON. 139 to those vigorous operations which the enterprising genius of the Com- mander-ui-chief had provisionaUy planned, and the sanguine temper of congress had anticipated. Some of the state assemblies did not even complete the, appointraent of officers tiU the spring; and then, bitter con tests concerning rank remained to be adjusted when the troops should join the army. After these arrangements were made, the difficulty of enlisting raen was unexpectedly great. The immense hardships to which the naked soldiers had been exposed, during a winter campaign, in the face of a superior enemy ; the mortality resulting from those hardships, and probably from an injudicious arrangement of the hospital department which was found to be the tomb of the sick ; had excited a general dis gust to the service ; and a consequent unwillingness to engage in it. From these causes the army continued so feeble that the general, in stead of being able to execute the great designs he had meditated, enter tained serious fears that Sir William Howe would take the field during the winter, force his positions, cross the Delaware on the ice, and pro ceed to Philadelphia. In the apprehension of this attempt, and to avoid that confusion which would result from the removal of stores in the crisis of military operations, he had taken the precaution, as soon as the armies were in winter quarters, to convey those which were most va luable, to a , distance from the route which it was supposed the British array would pursue. The real condition of the array is exhibited in a letter frora the Com mander-in-chief to congress, in answer to that which enclosed the reso lutions already mentioned, and which expressed the brUUant schemes of victory formed by the government. " Could I," said the ge- >^ , . neral, " accomplish the important objects so eagerly wished by congress ; confining the enemy within their present quarters, prevent ing their getting supplies from the country, and totally subduing them before they are reinforced, I should be happy indeed. But what pros pect or hope can there be of my effecting so desirable a work at this tirae? The enclosed return,'* to which I solicit the most serious attention of congress, comprehends the whole force I have in Jersey. It is but a handful, and bears no proportion on the scale of numbers to that of the enemy. Added to this, the major part is made up/of militia. The most sanguine in .speculation can not deem it more 'than adequate to the least valuable purposes of war." Though unable to act with the vigour he wished, the American gene- ral kept up a war of skirmishes through the winter. In the course of it,' the British loss was believed to be considerable ; and hopes were * See note No. VIII. at the end of the volume. 140 THE LIFE OF entertained that, from the scarcity of forage, neither their cavalry nor draft horses would be in a condition to take the field when the campaign should open. Their foraging parties were often attacked to advantage. Frequent smaU successes, the detaus of which filled the papers through out the United States, not only increased the confidence of the Ameri can soldiers, but served greatly to animate the people. The hope of collecting a sufficient force during the winter to make any valuable impression on the British army being disappointed, the views of the General were directed to the next campaign. As the new army was to be raised by the authority of the state go vernments, he urged on them the necessity of bringing a respectable force into the field early in the spring, -with all the earnestness which was suggested by his situation, and zeal for the service. In Connecticut and Massachusetts, the cpuntry was laid pff intp dis tricts, each ef which was required, by a given day, to furnish a soldier enUsted for three years, or during the war ; in default of which, one person, from those capable of bearing arms, was to be drafted to serve until the first of the ensuing January. The Commander-in-chief, though still deprecating the introduction of men into the army whose terms of service would be of short duration, felt the necessity of submitting to this expedient, as the most eligible which could now be adopted. In Virginia, where the same difficulty attended enUstments, it was proposed by the executive to fill the regiments with volunteers, who should engage to serve for six months. This plan was submitted to General Washington by Governor Henry, and his opinion asked upon it. " I am under the necessity of observing," said the General in reply " that the volunteer plan which you mention wUl never answer any valu able purpose, and that I can not but disapprove the measure. To the short engageraents of our troops raay be fairly and justiy ascribed alraost every misfortune that we have experienced." In a subsequent letter to the same gentleman, enforcing earnestly the necessity of bringing a sufficient array into the field, though coercive measures should be adopted, some alternatives were suggested, which, in a later period of the war, constituted the basis of various experiments to furnish the quota of troops required from that state. As the season for active operations approached, fresh difficulties, growing out of the organization of the American system, unfolded them selves. As every state was exposed to invasion, and the command of the ocean enabled the British general to transfer the war, at pleasure, to any part of tho Union, the attention of each was directed cxclusivcly to its particular situation. Each state in the ncigliuourliocd of the j;;j-c;>.t GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141 theatre of action, contemplating its own danger, claimed the protection which is due from the whole 'to its parts. 'Although the 'object of the confederation was the same with that pursued by each of its members, the spirit incident to every league could not be controlled in an empire where, notwithstanding the existence of a head, the essentials of govern ment resided in the members. It was displayed in repeated efforts to give to the energies of the army such various directions, as would leave it unable to effect any great object, or to obstruct any one plan the enemy might form. The patriotism e hazarded for its attainment. , . In the morning of the Uth, soon after day, information was received that the whole British a^my was in motion, advancing on the direct road leading over Chadd's Ford. The Americans were immediately under arms, and placed in order of battle, for the purpose of contesting the pas sage of the river. Skirnriishing soon comraenced between the advanced parties ; and, by ten. Maxwell's corps, with little loss on "either side, was driven over the Brandywine below the ford. Knyphausen, who com manded this coluinn, paraded on the heights, reconnoitred the American army, and appeared to be making dispositions to force the passage of the river. A skirt of woods, with the river, divided him from Maxwell's corps, small parties of whom occasionally crossed over, and Icept up a scattering fire, by which not ranch execution was done. At length one of these parties, led by Captains Waggoner and Porterfield,' engaged the British flank guard very closely, killed a captain with ten or fifteen pri vates, drove thera out of the wood, and were on the point of taking a field piece. The sharpness of the skirraish soon drew a large body of the British to that quarter, and the Americans were again driven over the Brandywine.* About eleven in the morning, information reached General Washing ton that a large column with many field pieces, had taken a road lead ing from Kennet's Square, directly up the country, and had entered the great valley road, down which they were marching to the upper fords of the Brandywine. This information was given by Colonel Ross of Pennsylvania, who was in their rear, aiid estimated their numbers at five thousand men. On receiving this information, Washington is said to have determined to detach Sullivan and Lord Stirling to engage the left division of the British army, and with the residue of his troops, to cross Chadd's Ford in person, and attack Knyphausen. Before this plan could be executed, counter intelligence was received inducing an opinion that the movement of the British on their left was a feint, and that the column under Lord Cornwallis, after making demonstrations of crossing the Brandywine above its forks, had marched down the southern side of that river tp re unite itself with Knyphausen. Net Ipng after the first communication was made by Colonel Ross, information was received from Colonel Bland of the cavalry, which pro duced some doubt respecting the strength of this column. He saw only two brigades; but the dust appeared to rise in their rear for a considera- * The author was an eye-witness of this skirmish. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 157 ble distance, A major of the mUitia came in, who alleged that he left the forks of the Brandywine so late in the day that it was supposed Lord Cornwallis must have passed them by that time, had he continued his march in that direction, and who asserted that no enemy had appeared in that quarter, Sorae light horsemen who had been sent to reconnoitre the road, returned with the same information. The uncertainty produced by this contradictory intelligence was at length removed ; and about two in the afternoon, it was ascertained that the column led by Lord ' CornwaUis, after making a circuit of about seventeen miles, had crossed the river above its forks, and was advanc ing in great force. A change of disposition was immediately made. The divisions com manded by Sullivan, Stirling, and Stephen, took new ground, advanced farther up the Brandywine, and fronted the British column marching down that river. The division commanded by Wayne remained at Chadd's Ford, to keep Knyphausen in check ; in which service Maxwell was to co-operate. Greene's division, accompanied by General Wash ington in person, formed a reserve, and took a central position between the right and left wings. The divisions detached against Lord CornwaUis formed hastily on an advantageous piece of ground, above Birmingham Meeting House, with their left near. the Brandywine, and having both fianks covered by a thick wood. The artillery was judiciously posted, and the disposition of the whole was well ma'de. Unfortunately, Sullivan's division, in taking its ground, made too large a circuit, and was Scarcely formed ^vhen the at tack comraenced. On perceiving the Araericans, the British army was formed in order of battle; and, about half past four, the action,began. It was kept up warmly for some time. The American right first gave way, and by its fiight exposed the flank of the remaining divisions to a galling fire. The Une continued to break from the right, and, in a short time, was com pletely routed. The right wing made some attempts to rally, but, being briskly charged, again broke, and the flight becarae general. On the commencement of the action on the right, General Washington pressed forward with Greene, to the support of that wing ; , but, before his arrival, its rout was complete, and he could only check the pursuit. For this purpose, the 10th Virginia regiment commanded by Colonel Stevens, and a regiment of Pennsylvania commanded by Colonel Stew art, neither of which had been in action, were posted advantageously on the road taken by the defeated army. The impression made by the fira Vol, I. 11 158 THE LIFE OF of these reoiments, and the approach of night, induced Sir William Hpwe, after dispersing them, to give over the pursuit. When the Araerican right was found to be fully engaged with Lord Cornwallis, Knyphausen made real dispositions for crossing the river. Chadd's Ford was defended by an intrenchment and battery, with three field pieces, and a howitzer. After some resistance, the work was forced ; and, the defeat of the right being known, the left wing also, withdrew from its ground. The whole army retreated that night to Chester, and the next day to Philadelphia. The loss sustained by the Americans in this action, has been esti mated at three hundred killed, and six hundred wounded. Between three and four hundred, principally the wounded, were made prisoners. As must ever be the case in new raised armies, unused to danger, and from which undeserving officers have not been expelled, their con duct was not uniform. Some regiments, especiaUy those which had served the preceding campaign, maintained their ground vrith the firmness and intrepidity of veterans, while others gave way as soon as they were pressed. The authors of a very correct history of the war,* speaking of this action, say, " a part of their troops, among whom wCre particu larly numbered some Virginiaf regiments, and the whole corps of artil lery, behaved exceedingly well in some of the actions of this d.ay, exhi biting a degree of order, firmness, and resolution, and preserving such a countenance in extreraely sharp service, as would not have discredited veterans. Some other bodies of their troops behaved very badly.":]; The official letter of Sir William Howe stated his loss at rather less than one hundred killed, and four hundred wounded. As the Arheri cans sustained very Uttle injury in the retreat, this inequality of loss can be ascribed only to the inferiority of their arms. Many of their mus kets were scarcely fit for service; and, being of , unequal caliber, their cartridges could not be so well fitted, and. Consequently, their fire could * Annual Register. . + The third Virginia regiment commanded by Colonel Marshall, which had per formed extremely severe duty in the campaign of 1776, was placed in a wood on the right, and in front of 'Woodford's brigade, and Stephen's division. Though attacked by much superior numbers, it maintained its position without losing an inch of ground, until both its flanks were turned, its ammunition nearly expended, and more than half the officers, and one third of the soldiers were killed and wounded. Colonel Mar shall, whose horse had received two balls, then retired in good order to resume his position on the right of his division ; but it had already retreated. t Deboore's brigade broke first; and, on an inquiry into his conduct being directed, he resigned. A misunderstanding existed between him and Sullivan, on whose right he was stationed. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 159 not do as tnuch execution as that of the enemy. This radical defect was felt in all the operations, of the army. From the ardour with which the Comraander-in-chief had inspired his troops before this action, it is probable that the conflict would have been more severe, had the intelligence respecting the movement on the left of the British army been less contradictory. Raw troops, changing their ground in the moraent of action, and attacked in the agitation of moving, are easily thrown into confusion. This was the critical situa tion of a part of SulUvan's division, and was the cause of the rigl^t's breaking before Greene could be brought up to support it ;' after which, it was impossible to -retrieve the fortune of the day. But had the best disposition of the troops been made at the time, which subsequent inteUigence would suggest, the action could not have terminated in favour of the Americans. Their inferiority in nurabers, in discipline, and in arras, was too great to leave them a probable pros pect of victory. A battie however was not to be avoided. The opinion of the public, and of congress, demanded it. The loss of Philadelphia, without an attempt to preserve it, would have excited discontents which, in the United States, might be productive of serious mischief; and action, though attended with defeat, provided the loss be not too great, must improve an army in which, not only the miUtary talents, but even the courage, of officers, some of them of high rank, remained to be ascertained. Among the wounded was the Marquis de la Fayette, and Brigadier General Woodford. The battle of Brandywine was not considered as decisive by con gress, the General, or the army. The opinion was carefuUy cherished that the British had gained only the ground ; and that their loss was stiU more considerable than had been sustained by the Americans. Con gress appeared determined to risk another battle for the metropolis of America. Far from discovering any intention to change their place of session, they passed vigorous resolutions for reinforcing the array, and directed General Washington to give, the necessary orders for complet ing the defences of the Delaware. From Chester, the army marched through Darby, over the Schuyl- kiU bridge, to its former ground, near the falls of that river. General Greene's division, which, having been less in action, was more entire than any other, covered the rear ; and the corps of Maxwell remained at Chester until the next day, as a rallying point for the sraall parties, and strawo-ling soldiers, who might yet be in the neighbourhood. Having allowed his army one day for repose and refreshment, Gene 160 THE LIFE OF ral Washington recrossed the Schuylkill, and proceeded on the Lsincas- ter road, with the intention of risking another engagement. Sir William Howe passed the night of the 11th on the field of battle. On the succeeding day, he detached Major General Grant with two brigades to Concqrd meeting-house; and on the 13th, Lord Cornwallis joined General Grant, and marched towards Chester. Another detach ment took possession of Wilmington ; to which place the sick and wounded were conveyed. To prevent a sudden movement to Philadelphia by the lower road, the bridge over the Schuylkill was loosened from its moorings, and General Armstrong was directed, with the Pennsylvania miUtia to guard the passes over that river. On the 15th, the Araerican army, intending to gain the left of the British, reached the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road, twenty-three mUes from Philadelphia. Intelligence was received, early next morn ing, that Howe was approaching in two colutnns. It being too late to reach the ground he had intended to occupy, Washington resolved to meet and engage him in front. Both armies prepared, with great alacrity, for battle. The advanced parties had met, and were beginning to skirmish, when, they were separated by a heavy rain, which, becoming more and more violent, rendered the retreat of the Americans a measure of abso lute necessity. The inferiority of their arms never brought them into such imminent peril as on this occasion, , Their gun-locks not being well secured, their muskets soon became unfit for use. Their cartridge-boxes had been so inartificiaUy constructed, as not to protect their ammunition from the tempest. Their cartridges were soon damaged ; and this mis chief was the more serious, because very many of the soldiers were without bayonets. The army being thus rendered unfit for action, the design of giving battie was reluctantly abandoned, and a retreat commenced. It was con tinued all the day, and great part of the night, through a cold and most distressuig rain, and very deep roads. A few hours before day, the troops halted at the Yellow Springs, where their arms and ammunition were examined, and the alarming fact was disclosed, that scarcely a Se t 17 """*^^' ^° '^ regiment could be discharged, and scarcely one ^^ ¦ " cartridge in a box was fit for use. This state of things sug- gested the precaution of moving to a stiU greater distance, in order to refit their arms, obtain a fresh supply of ammunition, and revive the spirits of the army. The General therefore retired to Warwick fur nace, on the south branch of French Creek, where ammunition and a GEORGE WASHINGTON. 161 few muskets might be obtained in time to dispute the passage of the Schuylkill, and make yet another effort to save Philadelphia. The extreme severity of the weather had entirely stopped the British army. During two days. General Howe made no other movement than to unite his columns. From French Creek, General Wayne was detached with his di-yision^ into the rear of the British, with orders to join General Sraallwood; arid, carefully conceaUng himself and his movements, to seize every occasion which this march might offer, of engaging them to advantage. Meanwhile, General Washington crossed the SchuylkUl at ' Parker's ferry, and encamped on both sides of Perkyomy Creek. General Wayne lay in the woods near the entrance of the road from Darby into that leading to Lancaster, about three miles in the rear of the left wing of the British troops encamped at Trydruffin, where he believed himself to be perfectly secure. But the country was so exten sively disaffected that Sir WUUam Howe received accurate accounts of his position and of his force. Major General Gray was detached to surprise him, and effectually accomplished his purpose. About eleven, in the night of the 20th, his piquets, driven In with charged bayonets, gave the first intimation of Gray's approach. Wayne instantly formed his - division ; and while his right sustained a fierce assault, directed a retreat by the left, under cover of a few regiments who, for a short time, vrithstood the violence of the shock. In his letter to the Commander- in-chief, he says that they gave the assaUants some well-directed fires which must have done considerable execution ; and that, after retreating from the ground on which the engagement commenced, they formed again, at a small distance from the scene of action ; but that both par ties drew off without renewing the .coiiffict. He states his loss at about one hundred and fifty* killed and wounded. The British accounts admit, on their part, a loss of only seven. When the attack commenced. General Smallwood, who was on his march to join Wayne, a circumstance entirely unexpected by General Gray, was within less than a mile of him ; and, had he commanded regu lars, might have given a very different turn to the night. But his militia thought only of their own safety; and, having fallen in with a party re turning from the pursuit of Wayne, fled in confusion with the loss of only one man. Some severe animadversions on this unfortunate affair having been made in the army, General Wayne demanded a court martial, which, * The British accounts represent the American loss to have been much more con siderable. It probably amounted to at least three hundred men. 162 THE LIFE jOF after investigating his conduct, was unanimously of opinion, " that he had done every thing to be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer ;" and acquitted him with honCur. Having secured his rear, by compelling Wayne to take a greater dis tance. Sir William Howe marched along the valley road to the ' - Schuylkill, and 'encamped on the bank of that river, from the Fatiand ford up to French Creek, along the front of the American army. To secure his right from being turned. General Washington again changed his position, and encamped with his left near, but above the British right. General Howe now relinquished his plan of bringing Washington to another battle ; and, thinking it adviseable, perhaps, to transfer the seat of war to the neighbourhood of his ships, determined to cross the SchuylkUl, and take possession of Philadelphia. In the afternoon, he ordered pne detachment to cross at Fatiand ford which ¦was on his right, and another to cross at Gordon's ford, on his left, and to take ppssessipn pf the heights cemmanding them. These orders were executed, without much difficulty, and the American troops placed to de fend these fords were easUy dispersed. This service being effected, the whole arniy marched by its right, about midnight, and crossmg at Fatiand without ppppsition, proceeded a considerable distance towards Phila(ielphia, and encamped, with its left near Sweed's ford, and its right on the Manatawny road, havmg Stony run in its front. It was now apparent that only immediate -victory could save PhUadeli phia from the grasp of the British general, whose situation gave him the option of either taking possession of that place, or endeavouring to bring on another engagement. If, therefore, a battle must certainly be risked tp save, the capital, it would be necessary to attack the enemy. Public opinion, which a miUtary chief finds too much difficulty in re sisting, and the opinion of Congress required a battle ; but, on a tem perate consideration of circumstances, Washington came to the wise decision of avoiding one for the present. His reasons foi: this decision were conclusive. Wayne and Small- wood had not yet joined the army. The continental troops ordered from Peekskill, who had been detained for a time by an incursion from New York, were approaching; and a reinforcement of Jersey miUtia, under General Dickenson, was also expected. Td these powerful motives against risking an engagement, other con siderations of great weight were added, founded on the condition of his soldiers. An army, manosuvring in an open country, in the face of a GEORGE WASHINGTON. 168 very superior enemy, is unavoidably exposed to excessive fatigue, and extreme hardship. The effect pf these hardships was much increased by the privations under which the American tropps suffered. While in almpst continual motion, wading deep rivers, and encountering every vicissitude of the seasons, they were without tents, nearly without shoes, or winter clothes, and often without food. A councU of war concurred in the opinion the Commander-in-chief had formed, not to march against the enemy, but to allow his harassed troops a few days for repose, and to remain on his present ground until the expected reinforcements should arrive. Immediately after the battie of Brandywine, the distressed situation of the army had been represented to congress, who had recommended it to the executive of Pennsylvania to seize the cloths and other military stores in the ware houses of PhUadelphia, and, after granting certificates ex pressing their value, to convey them to a place of safety. The execu tive, being unwilling to encounter the odium- of this strong measuife, advised that the extraordinary powers of the Commander-in-chief should be used on the occasion. Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton, one of the general's aids, a young gentleman already in high estimation for his talents and zeal, was employed on this delicate business. " Your own prudence," said the General, in a letter to him while in Philadelphia, " will point out the least exceptionable means tp be pursued ; but remem ber, delicacy and a strict adherence tp the prdinary nipde of application must give place to our necessities. We must, if possible, accommodate the soldiers witli such articles as they stand in need of, or we shall have just reason to apprehend the raost injurious and alarraing consequences from the approaching season." All the efforts however of this very active officer could not obtain a supply, in any degree, adequate to the pressing and increasing wants of the army. Colonel Hamilton was also directed to cause the military stores which had been previously collected to a large amount in Philadelphia, and the vessels which were lying at the wharvesjtobe removed up the Delaware. This duty was executed with so much vigilance, that very littie public property fell, with the city, into the hands of the British general, who entered it on the 26th of September. The members of congress sepa rated on the eighteenth, in the evening, and reassembled at Lancaster on the twenty-seventh of the sarae raonth. From the 25th of August, when the British army landed at the Head of Elk, until the 26th of September when it entered Philadelphia, the campaign had been actiye, and the duties of the American general un- 164 THE LIFE OF commonly arduous. The best English writers bestow high encomiums on Sir WUliam Howe for his military skiU, and masterly movements during this period. At Brandywine especiaUy, Washington is, supposed to have been " outgeneraled, more outgeneraled than in any action during the war." If aU the operations of this trying period be examined, and file means in possession of both be considered, the American chief ¦\vUl appear, in no respect, inferior to his adversary, or unworthy of the high place assigned to him in the opinions of his countrymen. With an army decidedly inferior, not only in numbers, but in every military re quisite except courage, in an open country, he employed his enemy near thirty days in advancing about sixty miles. ' In this tijne he fought one general action ; and, though defeated, was able to reassemble the Same undiscipUned, unclothed, and almost unfed army ; and, the fifth day afterwards, again to offer battle. When the armies were separated by a storm which involved him in the most distressing circumstances, he extricated himself from them, and still maintained a respectable and im posing countenance. The only advantage -he is supposed to have given was at the battle of Brandywine ; and that was produced by the contrariety and uncertainty of the intelligence received. A general must be governed by his intelli gence, and must regulate his measures by his information. It is his duty to obtain correct information ; and among the raost valuable traits of a military character, is the skill to select those means which wiU ob tain it. Yet the best selected means are not always successful ; and, in a new army, where military talent has not been well tried by the standard of experience, the general is peculiarly exposed to the chance of employ ing not the best instruments: In a country, too, which is covered with wood, precise infprmatipn pf the numbers cpmppsing different cclumns is'tp be gained with difficulty. It has been said " that the Americans do not appear to have raade all the use that might be expected of the advantages which the country afforded for harassing and impeding the British army." In estimating this objection, it ought tp be recollected that General SmaUwood was directed, with the militia pf Maryland and Delaware, supported by a regiment of continental troops, to hang on and harass the rear of the enemy : that General Maxwell, with a select coi^s con sisting of a thousand men, was ordered to seize every occasion to annoy hira on his march : that General Wayne witii his division, was after wards detached to unite with Smallwood, and command the whole force collected in the rear, which would have been very respectable. If the militia did not assemble ih the numbers expected, or effect the GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165 service allotted to them, their failure is not attributable to General Wash ington. His calls on thera had been early and energetic; and the state of his army did not admit of his making larger detachments from it to supply the place they had been designed to fill. Loud complaints had been made against General Maxwell by the offi cers of his corps ; and a court was ordered to inquire into his conduct, by whom he was acquitted. Whether that officer omitted to seize the proper occasions to annoy the enemy, or the cautious and compact movements of Sir WiUiam Howe afforded none, can not be easily ascer tained. General Washington felt the loss pf Mprgan, and wrple press- ingly to Gates, after his success against Burgoyne, to restore him that officer, with his regiment, as soon as possible. 166 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER IX. Measures to cut off the communication between the British army and fleet. — Battle of Germantown. — Measures to intercept supplies to Philadelphia. — Attack on fort Mifflin, — On Red Bank. — The Augusta blows up.^General 'Washington takes post at 'White Marsh. — Fort Mifflin evacuated. — Fort Mercer evacuated. — Skir mish at Gloucester Point. — The British open the communication with their fleet. — Washington urged to attack Philadelphia.^General Howe marches out to Chesnut Hill. — Returns to Philadelphia. — General Washington goes into winter quarters. Philadelphia being lost, General Washington sought to make its occupation inconvenient and insecure, by rendering it inacces sible to the British fleet. With this design, works had been erected on a low marshy island in the Delaware, near the junction of the Schuylkill, which, from the nature of its soil, was called Mud island. On the opposite shore of Jersey, at a place caUed Red Bank, a fort had also been constructed which was defended with heavy artillery. In the deep channel between, or under cover of these batteries, several ranges of frames had been sunk, to which, from their resemblance to that ma chine, the name of chevaux-de-frise had been given. These frames were so strong and heavy as to be destructive of any ship which might strike against them, and were sunk in such a depth of water as rendered it equally difficult to weigh them or cut them through ; no attempt to raise them, or to open the channel in any manner could be successful until the command of the shores on both sides should be obtained. Other ranges of these machines had been sunk about three miles lower down the river ; and some considerable works were in progress at Bil- lingsport on the Jersey side, which were in such forwardness as to be' provided with artillery. These works and machines were farther sup ported by several galleys mounting heavy cannon, together with two floating batteries, a number of arraed vessels, and sorae fire ships. The present relative situation of the armies gave a decisive importance to these works. Cutting off the communication of General Howe with his fleet, they prevented his receiving supplies by water, while the Ame rican vessels in the river above fort Mifflin, the name given to the fort on Mud island, rendered it difficult to forage in Jersey, General Washington hoped to render his supplies pn the side of Pennsylvania se precaricus, as to compel hira to evacuate PhUadelphia. The advantages ofthis situation were considerably diminished by the capture of the Delaware frigate. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 167 The day after Lord CornwaUis entered Philadelphia, three batteries Were commenced for the purpose of acting against any American ships which might appear before the town. While yet incomplete, they were attacked by two frigates, assisted by several gallics and gondolas. The Delaware, being left by the tide while engaged with the battery, grounded and was captured; soon after which, the smaller frigate, and the other vessels, retired under the guns of the fort. This circumstance was the more interesting, as it gave the British General the coraraand of the ferry, and, consequently, free access to Jersey, and enabled hira tp in tercept the opmmunicatipn between the forts below, and Trenton, from which place the garrisons were to have drawn their military stores. AU the expected reinforcements, except the state regiraent and railitia from Virginia, being arrived, and the detached parties being called in, the effective strength of the array araounted to eight thousand continental troops, and three thousand militia. With this force. General Washing ton determined to approach the enemy, and seize the first favourable moment to attack him. In pursuance of this determination, the army took a position on the Skippack road, about twenty miles frora PhUadelphia, and sixteen from Germantown, — a long vUlage stretching on both sides the great road leading northward from Phila delphia, which forms one continued street nearly two miles in length. The British Une of encampment crossed this viUage at right angles near the centre, and Lord Cornvmllis, with four regiments of grenadiers, oc cupied Philadelphia. The immediate ol?ject of General Howe being the removal of the obstructions in the river. Colonel StirUng, with two regi ments, had been detached to take possession of the fort at Billingsport, which he accompUshed without opposition. This service being effected, and the works facing the water destroyed. Colonel Stirling was directed to escort a convoy of provisions from Chester to Philadelphia. Some apprehensions being entertained for the safety of this convoy, another regiment was detached from Germantown, with direc tions to join Colonel Stirling.* * This division of the British force appeared to Washington to furnish a fair opportunity to engage Sir WiUiam Howe with advantage. Deter mining to avail himself of it, he formed a plan for surprising the camp at Germantown, and attacldng both wings, in front and rear, at the same instant. The divisions of SuUivan and Wayne, flanked by Conv/ay's brigade, were to march down the main road, and, entering the town by the way of Chesnut Hill, to attack the left wing; while General Armstrong, with * Annual Register. — Stedman. 168 THE LIFE OP the Pennsylvania militia, was to move down the Manatawny road* by Vanduring's mill, and turning the left flank to attack in the rear. The Coraraander-in-chief accompanied this column. The divisions of Greene and Stephens, flanked by M'Dougal's brigade, were to take a circuit by the Lime Kilh road, and, entering the town at the market house, to attack the right wing. The militia of Maryland and Jersey, under Generals SmaUwood and Forman, were to march down the old York road, and turning the right to fall upon its rear. The division of Lord Stirling, and the brigades of Nash and MaxweU, were to form a corps de reserve. Parties of cavalry were silentiy to scour the roads to prevent observa tion, and to keep up the communication between the heads of the several columns. The necessary arrangements being made, the army moved from its ground at seven in the afternoon. Before sunrise the next morning, the advance of the column led by SuUivan, encoun tered and drove in a picket placed at Mount Airy, the house of Mr. AUen.'f The main body followed close in the rear, and engaging the light infantry and the 40tli regiment, posted at the head of the vilfage, soon forced them to give %vay, leaving their baggage behind them. Though closely pursued. Lieutenant Colonel Musgrave threw himself with five companies of the 40th regiment into a large stone house be longing to Mr. Chew, which stood directiy in the way of Wayne's divi sion, and poured on the Americans an incessant and galling fire of mus ketry from its doors and windows. After making some unsuccessful,, and bloody attempts to carry this house by storm, and then battering it for a few minutes with field artillery, which was found too light to make any impression on its walls, a regiment was left to observe the party within it, while the troops who had been checked by Colonel Musgrave again moved forward, passing to the left pf the lipuse. In rather more than half an hour after Sullivan had been engaged, the left wing, having formed the line, came also into actipii ; and, at tacking the light infantry ppsted- in frpnt of the British right wing, soon drove it from its ground. While rapidly pursuing the flying enemy, Woodford's brigade,:]: which was on the right of this wing, was arrested by a heavy fire from Chew's house, directed against its right flank. *¦ Better known as the Ridge road. t Since Robinson's. t The author was in this brigade, and describes this part of the action from his own observation. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 169 The inefficiency of musketry against troops thus sheltered being instantly perceived, the brigade was drawn off to the left by its cemmanding offi cer, and the field-pieces attached to it were ordered up to play on the house, but were too light to be of service. Sorae tirae was consuraed in this operation, and the advance of the brigade was, of course, retard ed. This part of the line was consequently broken, and the two bri gades composing the division of Stephens were not only separated from each other, but from the other division which was led by General Greene in person. That division, consisting of the brigades of Muhlen berg and Scott, pressing forward with eagerness, encountered and broke a part of the British right wing, entered the village, and made a consi derable number of prisoners. Thus far the prospect was flattering. The attack had been made with great spirit ; several brigades had entered the town ; and such an irapression had been raade on the British army as to justify the expecta tion that its wings raight be separated frora each other, and a complete victory be obtained.' Had the American troops possessed the advantages given by experience ; had every division of the army performed with precision the part aUotted to it, there is yet reason to believe that the hopes inspired by this favourable commencement would not have been disappointed. But the face of the country, and the darkness of the morning produced by a fog of uncommon density, co-operating with the want of discipline in the army, and the derangements of the corps from the incidents at Chew's house, blasted theseflattering appearances, and defeated the enterprise. The grounds over which the British were pursued abounded with small and strong enclosures, which frequently broke the line of the ad vancing army. The two divisions of the right wing had been separated at Chew's house ; and imraediately after their passing it, the right of the left wing was stopped at the same place, so as to cause a division of that wing also. The darkness of the raorning rendered it difficult to distin guish objects even at an inconsiderable distance ; and it was irapossible for the Coramander-in-chief to learn the situation of the whole, or to correct the confusion which was commencing. The divisions and bri gades separated at Chew's house could not be reunited; and, even among those parts which remained entire, a considerable degree of dis order was soon introduced by the impediments to their advance. Some regiments pursuing with more vivacity than others, they were separated from each other, their weight lessened, and their effect impaired. The darkness which obstructed the reunion of the broken parts of the Ame rican army, also prevented their discerning the real situation of the 170 THE LIFE OF enemy so as to improve the first impression ; and, in some instances, some corps being in advance of others, produced uncertainty whether the troops, seen indistinctly, were friends or foes. The attacks on the flanks and rear, which formed a part of the ori ginal plan, do not appear ever to have been made. The Pennsylvania miUtia came in view of the chasseurs who flanked the left of the British line, but did not engage them closely. The Maryland and Jersey mili tia just showed themselves on the right flank, about the time Greene was cortimencing a retreat. These embarrassments gave the British time to recover from the con sternation into which they had been thrown. General Knyphausen, who commanded their left, detached two brigades to meet the right of SuUivan which had penetrated far into the village, before his left, which had been obtained at Chew's house, could rejoin him ; and the action became warra in this quarter. The British right also recovered from its surprise, and advanced on that part of Greene's division which had entered the town. After a sharp engagement these two brigades began to retreat, and those which were most in advance were surrounded and compelled to surrender. About the sarae tirae the right wing also began to retreat. It is understood that they had expended their araraunition. Every effort to stop this retrograde movement proved ineffectual. The division of Wayne fell back on that of Stephens, and was for an in stant mistaken for the enemy. General confusion prevaUed, and the confidence felt in the beginning of the action was lost. With infinite chagrin General Washington was compelled to relinquish his hopes of victory, and turn his attention to the security of his army. The enemy not being sufficiently recovered to endanger his rear, the retreat was made without loss, under cpver pf the divisipn pf Stephens, which had scarcely been in the engagement. In this battle, about two hundred Americans were killed, near three times that number wounded, and about four hundred were raade prison ers. Among the kiUed was General Nash of North Carolina ; and among the prisoners, was Colonel Matthews of Virginia, whose regiment had penetrated into the centre of the town. The loss of the British, as stated in the official return of General Howe, did not much exceed five hundred in killed and wounded, of whom less than one hundred were killed ; among the latter were Briga dier General Agnew and Colonel Bird. The American army retreated the sarae day, about twenty railes, to Perkiomen Greek, where a small reinforcement, consisting of fifteen hun dred mUitia and a state regiment, was received from Virginia; after GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 171 which it again advanced towards Philadelphia, and encamped pnce mere on Skippack creek. The plan pf the battie pf Germantown must be admitted tP have been judicipusly formed ; and, in its commencement, to have been happily conducted.' But a strict adherence to it by those who were entrusted with the executipn pf its several parts, was indispensable tp its success. Major General Stephen, who commanded the right division of the left wing, was cashiered for misconduct on the retreat, and for intoxication. Congress expressed, in decided terms, their approbation both of the plan of this enterprise, and of the courage with which it was executed; for which their thanks were given to the general and the array.* The attention of both armies was now principaUy directed to the forts below Philadelphia. The loss of the Delaware frigate, and of Billingsport, greatly dis couraged the seamen by whom the gallies and floating' batteries were manned. Believing the fate of America to be decided, an opinion strengthened by the intelligence received from their connexions in Phila delphia, they manifested the raost alarming defection, and several offi cers as well as sailors deserted to the enemy. This desponding temper was checked by the battle of Germantown, and by throwing a garrison * On hearing that General Howe had landed at the head of the Chesapeake, Sir Henry Clinton, for the purpose of averting those aids which "Washington might draw from the north of the Delaware, entered Jersey at the head of three thousand men. On the approach of General M'Dpugal with a body of continental troops from Peeks- kill, and on hearing that the militia were assembling under General Dickinson, he re turned to New York and Staten Island with the cattle he had collected, having lost in the expedition only eight men killed and twice as many wounded. M'Dougal continued his march towards the Delaware ; and the utmost exertions were made both by Governor Livingston and General Dickinson to collect the militia for the purpose of aiding the army in Pennsylvania. The success of their exertions did not equal their wishes. The militia being of opinion that there was danger of a second invasion from New York, and that their services were more necessary at home than in Pennsylvania, assembled slowly and reluctantly. Five or six hundred crossed the Delaware at Philadelphia, about the time Sir "WiUiam Howe crossed the Schuyl kill, and were employed in the removal of stores. On the approach of the British army, they were directed to avoid it by moving up the Frankford road ; but the com manding officer, having separated himself from his corps, was taken by a party of British horse employed in scouring the country; on which the regiment dispersed, and returned by different roads to Jersey. With much labour General Dickinson assembled two other corps amounting to about nine hundred men, with whom ho was about to cross the Delaware when intelligence was received of the arrival at New York of a reinforcement from Europe. He was detained in Jersey for the defence of the state, and the militia designed to serve in Pennsylvania were placed under General Forman. About six hundred of them reached the army a few days before the battle of Germantown, immediately after which they were permitted ta icturn. 172 THE LIFE OF of continental troops into the fort at Red Bank, called fort Mercer, the defence of which had been entrusted to militia. This fort commanded the channel between the Jersey shore and Mud Island ; and the American vessels were secure under its guns. The militia of Jersey were relied on to reinforce its garrison, and also to form a corps of observation which might harass the rear of any detachment investing the place. To increase the inconvenience of General Howe's situation by inter cepting his supplies, six hundred militia, coraraanded by General Potter, crossed the Schuylkill, with orders to scour the country between that river and Chester; and the railitia on the Delaware, above PhUadelphia, were directed to watch the roads in that vicinity. The more effectually to stop those who were seduced by the hope of gold and silver to supply .the enemy at this critical time, congress passed a resolution subjecting to martial law and to death, all who should furnish them with provisions, or certain other enumerated articles, who should be taken within thirty miles of any city, town or place, in Jersey, Pennsylvania, or Delaware, occupied by British troops. These arrangements being made to cut off supplies from the country. General Washington reoccupied the ground from wlilch he had marched to fight the battle of Germantown. Meanwhile, General Howe was actively preparing to attack fort Mif flin from the Pennsylvania shore. He erected some batteries at the mouth of the SchuylkiU, in order to comraand Webb's ferry, which were attacked by Coraraodore Hazlewood, and silenced ; but, the following night, a detachment crossed over Webb's ferry into Province Island, and constructed a slight work opposite fort Miffiin, within two musket shots of the block-house, from which they were enabled to throw shot and shells into the barracks. When day-light discovered this work, three gallies and a floating battery were ordered to attack it, and the' garrison surrendered. While the boats were bringing off the prisoners, a large column of British troops were seen marching into the fortress, upon which the attack on it was renewed, but without success ; and two at tempts made by Lieutenant Colonel Smith to storm it, failed. In a few nights, works were completed on the high ground of Province Island which enfiladed the principal battery of fort Mifflin, and rendered it ne cessary to throw up sorae cover oil the platform to protect the men who worked the guns. The aids expected from the Jersey mUitia were not received. " Assurts yourself," said Lieutenant Colonel Smith, in a letter pressing earnestiy for a reinforcement of continental troops, " that no dependence is to be put on the militia; whatever men your exceUency determines on sending. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 173 no time is to be lost." The garrison of fort Mifflin was now reduced to one hundred and fifty-six effectives, and that of Red Bank did npt much exceed twp hundred. In cpnsequence of these representations. Colonel Angel, of Rhode Island, with his regiment, was ordered to Red Bank, and Lieutenant Colonel John Greene, of Virginia, with about two hundred men, to fort Mifflin. Immediately after the battle of Brandywine, Admiral Howe sailed for the Delaware, where he expected to arrive in time to meet and co-operate with the army in and about Philadelphia. But the winds were so un favourable, and the navigation of the bay of Delaware so difficult, that his van did not get into the river until the 4th of October. The ships of war and transports which followed, came up from the sixth to the eighth, and anchored from New Castle to Reedy Island. The frigates, in advance of the fleet, had not yet succeeded in their endeavours to effect a passage through the lower double row of chevaux- de-frise. Though no longer protected by the fort at BiUingsport, they were defended by the water force above, and the work was found more difficult than had been expected. It was not untU^he middle of October that the impediments were so far removed as to afford a narrow and in tricate passage through them. In the mean time, the fire from the Penn sylvania shore had not produced aU the effect expected from it ; and it was perceived that greater exertions would be necessary for the re duction of the works than could safely be made in the present relative situation of the armies. Under this impression. General Howe, soon after the return of the American army to its former camp on the Skip. pack, withdrew his troops from Germantown into Philadelphia, as pre paratory to a combined attack by land and water on forts Mercer and Mifflin. After effecting a passage through the works sunk in the river at BU- Ungsport, other difficulties stiU remained to be encountered by the ships of war. Several rows of chevaux-de-frise had been sunk about half a mile below Mud Island, which were protected by the guns of Ihe forts, as well as by the moveable water force. To silence these works, there fore, was a necessary preUrainary to the reraoval of these obstructions in the channel. On the 21st of October, a detachment of Hessians, amounting to twelve hundred men, coraraanded by Colonel Count Donop, crossed the Dela- ware at Philadelphia, with orders to storm the fort at Red Bank. The fortifications consisted of extensive outer works, within which was an intrenchment eight or nine feet high, boarded and fraized. Late in Voi, I, 13 174 THE LIFE OF the evening of the twenty-second. Count Donop appeared before the fort, and attacked it with great intrepidity. It was defended with equal resolution., The outer works being too extensive to be manned by the troops in the fort, were used only to gall the assaUants while advancing. On their near approach, the garrison retired within the inner intrench ment, whence they poured upon the Hessians a heavy and destructive fire. Colonel Donop received a mortal wound; and Lieutenant Colonel Mengerode, the second in command, feU about the same time. Lieuten ant Colonel Minsing, the oldest remaining officer, drew off his troops, and returned next day to Philadelphia. The loss of the assailants was estimated by the Americans at four hundred men. The garrison was reinforced from fort Mifflin, and aided by the galleyswhich flanked the Hessians in their advance and retreat. The American loss, in killed and wounded, araounted to only thirty-two raen. The ships having been ordered to co-operate with Count Donop, the Augusta, with four smaller vessels, passed the lower line of chevaux-de- frise, opposite to BilUngsport, and lay above it, waiting untU the assault should be made on the fort. The flood tide setting in about the time the attack commenced, they moved with it up the river. The obstructions sunk in the Delaware had in sorae degree changed its channel, in con sequence of which the Augusta and the MerUn grounded, a considerable distance below the second line of chevaux-de-frise and a strong wind from the north so checked the rising of the tide, that these vessels could not be floated by the flood. Their situation, however, was not discerned that evening, as the frigates which were able to approach the fort, and the batteries frora the Pennsylvania shore, kept up an incessant fire on the garrison, tiU night put an end to the cannonade. Early next morn ing it was recommenced, in the hope that, under its cover, the Augusta and the MerUn might be got off. The Americans, on discoverino- their situation, sent four fire ships against them, but without effect. Mean while, a warm cannonade took place on both sides, in the course of which the Augusta took fire, and it was found impracticable to extinguish the flames. Most of the men were taken out, the frigates withdrawn, and the MerUn set on fire; after which the Augusta blew up, and a few of the crew were lost in her. This repulse inspired congress with flattering hopes for the permanent defence of the posts on the Delaware. That body expressed its high sense of the merits of Colonel Greene of Rhode Island, who had com manded in fort Mercer; of Lieutenant Colonel Smith of Maryland, who had commanded in fort Mifflin; and of Commodpre Hazlewppd, who GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175 commanded the gaUeys; and pf'esented a sword to each of these officers, as a mark of estimation in which their services were held. The situation of these forts was far from justifying this confidence of their being defensible. That on Mud Island had been unslcilfully con structed, and required at least eight hundred men fully to man the lines. The island is about half a mile long. Fort Miffiin was placed at the lower ehd, having its principal fortifications in front for the purpose of repelling ships coming up the river. The defences in the rear consisted only of a ditch and palisade, protected by two block houses, the upper story of one of which had been destroyed in the late cannonade. Above the fort were two batteries opposing those constructed by the British on Province and Carpenter's Islands, which were separated from Mud Island only by a narrow passage between four and five hundred yards wide. The vessels of war, engaged in the defence of the Delaware, were partly in the service of the continent, and partly in that of the state of Pennsylvania, under a Commodore who received his commission from the state. A misunderstanding took place between him and Lieutenant Colonel Smith, and also between him and the officers of the continental navy ; and it required aU the authority of the Commander-in-chief to prevent these differences from essentially injuring the service. The garrison of fort Mifflin consisted of only three hundred continen tal troops, who were worn down with fatigue, and constant watching, under the constant apprehension of being attacked from Province Island, from PhUadelphia, and from the ships below. Having failed in every attempt to draw the militia of Jersey to the - Delaware, General Washington determined to strengthen the garrison by farther drafts frora his army. Three hundred Pennsylvania militia were detached, to be divided between the two forts ; and, a few days afterwards. General Varnum was ordered, with his brigade, to take a position about Woodbury, near Red Bank, and to relieve and reinforce the garrisons of both forts as far as his strength would permit. The hope was entertained that the appearance of so respectable a continental force might encourage the raUitia to asserable in greater numbers. Aware of the advantage to result from a victory over the British army while separated from the fleet. General Washington had been uniformly determined to risk much to gain one. He had, therefore, after the battle cf Germantown, continued to watch assiduously for an opportunity to attack his enemy once more to advantage. The circumspect caution of General Howe afforded none. After the repulse at Red Bank, his mea sures were slow but certain ; and were calculated to insure the possession of the forts without exposing his troops to the hazard of an assault. 176 THE LIFE OF In this state of things, inteUigence was received pf the successful ter mination of the northern campaign, in consequence of which great part of the troops who had been employed against Burgoyne, might be drawn to the aid of the army in Pennsylvania. But it was feared that, before these reinforcements could arrive. Sir William Howe would gain posses sion of the forts, and remove the obstructions to the navigation of the Delaware. This apprehension furnished a strong motive for vigorous attempts to relieve fort Mifflin. But the relative force of the armies, the difficulty of acting offensively against Philadelphia, and, above all, the reflection that a defeat might disable him from raeeting his enemy in the field even after the arrival of the troops expected from the north, deter mined General Washington not to hazard a second attack under existing circumstances. To expedite the reinforcements for which he waited. Colonel Hamilton was despatched to General Gates with directions to represent to him the condition of the armies in Pennsylvania ; and to urge him, if he con templated no other service of more importance, immediately to send the regiments of Massachusetts and New Hampshire to aid the army of the middle department. These orders were npt peremptory, because it was possible that some other object (as the capture of New York) stiU more interesting than the expulsion of General Howe from Philadelphia, might be contemplated by Gates ; and Washington meant not to interfere with the accomplishment of such object. On reaching General Putnam, Colonel Hamilton found that a consi derable part of the northern army had joined that officer, but that Gates had detained four brigades at Albany for an expedition intended to be made in the winter against Ticonderoga. Having made such arrangements with Putnam as he supposed would secure the immediate march of a large body of continental troops from that station. Colonel Hamilton proceeded to Albany for the purpose of remonstrating to General Gates against retaining so large and valuable a part of the array unemployed at a time when the most imminent dan ger threatened the vitals of the .country. Gates was by no means dis posed to part with his troops. He could not believe that an expedition then preparing at New York, was designed to reinforce General Howe ; and insisted that, should the troops then embarked at that place, instead of proceeding to the Delaware, make a sudden movement up the Hudson, it would be in their power, should Albany be left defenceless, to destroy the valuable arsenal which had been there erected, and the military stores captured with Burgoyne, which had been chiefly deposited in that town. Having, after repeated remonstrances, obtained an order, directing GEORGE WASHINGTON. 177 three brigades to the Delaware, Hamilton hastened back to Putnam, and found the troops which had been ordered to join General Washington, ?till at Peekskill. ' Tfie detachment from New York had suggested to Putiiam the possibiUty of taking that place ; and he does not appear to have made very great exertions to divest himself of a force he deemed necessary for an object the acoomphshment of which would give so rauch splendour to his railitary character. In addition to tiiis circumstance, an opinion had gained ground among the soldiers that their share of service for the campaign had been performed, and that it -ivas time ibr them to go into winter quarters. Great discontents too prevailed con- cerniilg their pay, which the government had permitted to be more than six months in arrear ; and in Poor's brigade, a mutiny broke out, in the course of which a soldier who was run through the body by his captain, before he expired, shot the captain dead w ho gave the wound. Colonel Hamilton- came in time to borrow money from the governor of New York, to put the troops in motion ; and they proceeded by bri gades to the Delaware. But these several delays retarded their arrival until the contest for the forts on that river was terminated. The pi-eparations of Sir WilUam Howe being completed, a largo bat tery on Province Island of twenty -four and thirty-two pounders, and two howitzers of eight inches each, opened, early in the morning of the 10th of November, upon fort Mifflin, at the distance of five hundred yards, and'-kept up an incessaiit fire for several' successive days. The block houses were reduced to a heap of ruins ;' the palisades were beaten down ; and most of the guns dismounted and otherwise disabled. The barracks were battered in every part, so that the troops could not remain in them. They were under the necessity of working and watching the whole night to repair the damages of the day, and to guard against a storm, of which they were in perpettial apprehension. If in the day, a few moments were allowed for repose, it was taken on the wet earth, -\yhicb, in conse quence of heavy rains, bad becorae a soft mud. The garrison was re lieved by General Varnum every forty-eight hours'; but his brigade was so weak that half the men were constantly on duty. Colonel Smith was decidedly of opinion, and General Varnum con curred with him, that the garrison could not repel an assault, and ought to be withdrawn ; but General Washington still cherished the hope that the place might be maintained until he should be reinforced from the northern army. Believing that an assault would not be attempted until the works were battered down, he recommended that tho whole night should be employed in making repairs. His orders were that the place Q 178 THE LIFE OF should be defended to the last extremity ; and neyer were orders more faithfully executed. Several of the garrison were killed, and among them Captain Treat, a gallant officer, who commanded the artillery* Colonel Smith received a contusion on his hip and arm which compelled him to give up the comraand, and retire to Red Bank. Major Fieury, a French officer of distinguished merit, who served as engineei", report ed to the Commander-in-chief that, although the block houses were beaten down, all the guns in thern, except .|wo, disabled, and several breaches made in the walls, the place was still defensible ; but the garri son was so unequal to the numbers required by the extent of the lines, and was so dispirited by watching, fatigue, and constant exposure to the cold rains which were almost incessant, that he dreaded the event of an attempt to carry the place by storm. Fresh troops were ordered to their relief frora Varnum's brigade, and the command was taken, first by Colonel Russell, and afterwards by Major Thayer. The artillery, com manded by Captain Lee, continued to be well served. The besiegers were several times thrown into cpnfusipn, and a floating battery which opened on the morning of the 14th, was silenced in the course of the day. The defence being unexpectedly obstinate, the assaUants brought up their ships as far as the obstructions in the river permitted, and added their fire to that of the batteries, which was the more fatal as the cover for the' troops had been greatly impaired. The brave garrison, however, stUl maintained their ground with unshaken firmness. In the midst of this stubborn conffict, the VigUant and a sloop of war w^ere brought up the inner channel, between Mud and Province Islands, which had, (mobserved by the besieged, been deepened by the current in consequence of the obstructions in the main channel ; and, taking a station within one hundred yards of the works, not only kept up a de structive cannonade, but threw hand grenades into them; while the musketeers from the round top of the Vigilant killed every man that appeared on the platform. Major Thayer applied to the Commodore to remove the;3e vessels, and he ordered six gaUeysonthe service; but, "after reconnoitring their situa tion, the galleys returned without attempting any thing. Their report Was that these ships were so covered- by the batteries on Province Island as to be unassailable. , It was now apparent to all that the fort could be no longer defended. The works were in ruins. The position of the Vigilant rendered any farther continuance on the island a prodigal and useless waste of human GEORGE WASHINGTON. 179 life; and on. the 16th, about eleven at night, the garrison was with drawn.* A second attempt was made to drive the vessels from their stations with a determination, should it succeed, to repossess the island ; but the gaUeys effected nothing; and a detachment from Provmce Island soon occupied the ground which had been abandoned. The day after receiving inteUigence of the evacuation of fort Mif- ffin. General Washington deputed Generals De Kalb, and Knox, to confer with General Varnum and the Officers at fort Mercer en the practicability of continuing to defend the obstructions in the channel, to report thereon, and to state the force which would be necessary for that purpose. Theii: report was in favour of continuing the defence. A council of the navy officers had already been called by the Commodore in pursuance of a reqilest of the Coramander-in-chief made before the evacuation had taken place, who were unanimously of opinion that it would be impracticable for the fleet, after the loss of the island,, to main tain its station, or to assist in preventing the chevaux-de-frise, from being ¦weighed by the ships of the enemy. ' General Howe had now completed a line of defence from the Schuyl kill to the Delaware ; and a reinforcement from New York had arrived at Chesten These two circumstances enabled him to form an army in the Jerseys sufficient for the reduction of fort Mercer, without weaken ing himself so much in PhUadelphia as to put his lines in hazard. Still deeming it of the utmost importance to open the navigation of the Dela ware completely, he detached Lord CornwaUis about one in the morning of the 17th, with a strong body of troops to Chester. From that place, his lordship crossed over to Billingsport, where he was joined by the reinforcement from New York. General Washington received immediate intelUgence of the march of this detachment, which he communicated to General Varnum with orders that fort Mercer should be defended to the last extremity, With a view to mUitary operations in that quarter, he ordered one division of the army to cross the river at Burlington, and despatched" expresses to the north ern troops who were marching pn by brigades, directing them tp move down the Delaware on its northern side until they should receive far ther orders. Major General Qreene, an officer who had been distinguished early in the war by the Commander-in-chief for the soUdity of his judgment and his miUtary talents, was selected for this expedition. A hope was * In stating the defence of Mud ^land, the author has availed himself of the jour nal of Major Fieury. 180 THE LIFE OF entertained that he would be able, not only to protect fort Mercer, but to obtain some decisive advantage over Lord Cornwallis ; as the situation of the fort, which his lordship could not invest without placing himself between Timber and' Manto Greeks, would expose the assailants to great peril from a respectable force in their rear. But, before Greene could cross the Delaware, Lord Cornwallis approached with an army rendered more powerful than had been expected by the junction of the reinforce ment from New York ; and fort Mercer was evacuated. A few of tho smaller galleysescaped up the river, and the others were burnt by their crews. Washington still hoped to recover much of what had been lost. A victory would restore the Jersey shore, and this object was deeraed so important, that General Greene's instructions indicated tho expectation that he would be in a condition to iig-ht Lord Cornwallis. That judicious officer feared the reproach of avoiding an action less than the just censure of sacrificing the real interests of his country by engaging the enemy on disadvantageous terms. The, nurabers of ,the British exceeded his, even counting his militia as regulars ; and he de termined to wait for Glover's, brigade, which was marching from the north. Before its arrival. Lord Corpwalfis took post on Gloucester Point, a point of land making deep into the Delaware, which was entirely under cover of the guns of the ships, frora which place he was embark ing his baggage and the provisions he had collected for Philadelphia.* Believing that Lord CornwaUis would immediately follow the maga zines he h^ collected, and that the purpose of Sir William Howe was, with bis united forces, to attack the American army while divided. Gene ral Washington ordered Greene to recross the Delaware, and join the army. Thus after one continued struggle of more than six weeks, in which the continental troops displayed great military virtues, tho army in Phila delphia secured itself in the possession of that city, by ppening a free communication wth the fleet."]" ^ * * WhUe Lord Cornwallis lay on Gloucester Point, about one hundred and fifty men of Morgan's rifle corps undor Lieutenant Colonel Butler, and an equal number of militi.i, the whole under, the Marquis de la Fayette, who still served as a volunteer, attacked n picket consisting of about three hundred men, and drove them with the loss of twenty or thirty killed, and a greater number wounded, quite into their campj after which the Americans retired without being pursued. t 'While these transactions were passing on the Delaware, General Dickinson pro jected anotlier expi'dition against llie post on Staten' Island. He collected about two thousand men, and requested General Putnam to make a tlivfrsiort on the side of Kingsbridge, in order to prevent a reinforcement from New York. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 181 While Lord Cornwallis was in Jersey, and General Greene on the Delaware above him, the reinforcements from the north being received, an attack on PhUadelphia was strongly pressed by several officers high in rank ; and was in some measure urged by that torrent of public opi nion, which, if not resisted by a very firm mind, overwhelras the judg ment, and by controUing measures not well comprehended, may fre quentiy produce, especially in military transactions, the most disastrous effects. It was stated to the Commander-in-chief, that his army was now in greater force than he could expect it to be at any future time ; that being joined by the troops who had conquered Burgpyne, his pwn reputatipn, the reputatipn of his array, the ppinipn pf congress, and of the nation, required some decisive blow on his part. That the rapid depreciation pf the paper currency, by which the rescurces for carrying on the war were dried up, rendered indispensable some grand effort to bring it to a speedy termination. The plan proposed was, that General Greene should embark two thdusand men at Dunks' ferry, and descending the Delaware in the night, land in the town just before day, attack the eneray in the rear, and take possession of the bridge over the Schuylkill. That a strong corps should march down on the west side of that river, occupy the heights epfflading the works of the enemy, and open a brisk cannonade upon them, while a detachment from it should march down to the bridge, and attack in front at the same instant, that the party descending the river should commence its assault on the rear. Not only the Commander-m-chief, but sorae of his best officers, those whp cpuld npt be impelled by the clamours of the ill-informed to ruin the'pubUc interests; were opposed to this mad enterprise. The two armies they said were now nearly equal in point of numbers, and the detachraent under Lord CornwaUis could not be supposed to have so weakened Sir WiUiara Howe as to compensate for the ' advan tages of his position. His right was covered by the Delaware, his left by the SchuylkUl, Ws rear by the junction of those two rivers, as well as by the city pf PhUadelphia, and his frpnt by a line pf redeubts extending Knowing that success depended on secrecy, he had concealed his object even from his field-officers, until eight of the night in whioh it was to be executed. Yet by three next morning, information of his design was given to General Skinner, who, being on his guard, saved himself and his brigade, by taking refuge, on the first alarm in some works too strong to be carried by assault. A few prisoner's were made and a few men killed, after whioh General Dickinson brought off his party with the loss of only three killed and ten slightly wounded. 182 THE LIFE OF from river to river, and connected by an abbattis, and by circular works. It would be indispensably necessary tb carry all these redoubts; since to leave a part of them to play on the rear of the columns, while engaged in front with the enemy in Philadelphia, would be extremely hazardous. Supposing the redoubts carried, and the British army driven into.the town, yet all miUtary men were agreed on the great perU of storming a town. The streets would be defended by an artillery greatiy superior to that of the Americans, which would attack in front, while the brick houses wpuld be lined with musketeers, whpse fire must thin the ranks pf the assailants. A part pf the plan, pn the successful executipn pf which the whcle de pended, was, that the British rear shpuld be surprised by the corps descending the Delaware, This would require the concurrence of too many favourable circumstances to be calculated on with any confidence. As the position of General Greene was known, it could not be supposed that Sir William Howe would be inattentive to him. It was probable that not even his embarkation, would be made unnoticed ; but it was pre suming a degree of negligence which ought not to be assumed, to sup pose that he could descend the river to Philadelphia undiscovered. So soon as his raoveraent should be observed, the whole plan would be comprehended, since it would never be conjectured that General Greejie was to attack singly- If the attack in front should faU, which was not even improbable, the total loss of the two thousand men in the rear must follow ; and General Howe would maintain his superiority through the winter. The situation of America did not require these desperate mea.sures. The British general would be compelled to risk a battle oh equal terms, or- to manifest a conscious inferiority to the American army. The de preciation of paper money was the inevitable consequence of imraense emissions -vvithout corresponding taxes. It was by removing the cause, not by sacrificing the army, that this evU was to be corrected. Washington possessed too much discernment to be dazzled by the false brilliant presented by these whp urged the necessity cf stprming Philadelphia, in order to throw lustre round his own fame, and that ef his army ; and fpp much firmness of temper, too much virtue and real patriotism, to be diverted from a purpose believed to be right, by the clamours of faction or the discontents of ignorance. Disregarding the importunities pf mistaken friends, the malignant insinuations of enemies, and the expectations of the ill-informed; he persevered, in his resolution to make no attempt on Philadelphia. He saved his army^ and was able GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183 to keep the field in the face of his enemy ; while the clamour of the mo ment wasted in air, and is forgotten. The opinion that Sir William Howe meditated an attack on the American camp, was not ill founded. Scarcely had Lord CornwalUs returned to Philadelphia, and Greene to the American army, when un questionable inteUigence was received that the British general was pre paring to raarch out in full strength, with the avowed object of forcing Washington from his position, and driving him beyond the mountains. On the 4th of December, Captain M'Lane, a vigilant officer on the lines, discovered that an attempt to , surprise the American carap at White Marsh was about to be made, and communicated the information to the Commander-in-chief. In the evening of the same- day. General Howe marched out of Philadelphia with his whole force ; and, about eleven at night, M'Lane, who had been detached with one hundred chosen men, attacked the British van at the Three Mile Run, on the Germantown road, and compelled their front division to change its fine of march. He hovered on the front and flank of the advancing array, galling them severely until three next morning, when the British encamped on Chestnut Hill, in front of the Araerican right, and distant from it about three raUes. A slight skirmish had also taken „Dec. 6. place between the Pennsylvania militia under General Irvine, and the advanced Ught parties of the enemy, in which the general was wounded, and the militia, without much other loss, were dispersed. The range of hiUs on which the British were posted, approached nearer to those occupied by the Americans, as they stretched northward. Having passed the day in reconnoitring the right, Sir William Howe changed his ground in the course of the night, and moving along the hills to his right, took an advantageous position, about a mile in front of the Araerican left. The next day he inclined still fartlier to his right, and, in doing so, approached stiU nearer te tiie left wing pf the American army. Supposing a general engagement to be ap proaching, Washington detached Gist with some Maryland militia, and Mprgan with his, rifle corps, to attack the flanking and advanced parties pf the enemy. A sharp action ensued, in which Major Morrig, of Jer sey, a brave officer in Morgan's regiment, was mortally wounded, and twenty-seven of his raen were killed and wounded. , A small lo?s was also sustained in the mUitia. The parties first attacked were driven in; but the enemy reinforcing in numbers, and Washington, unwilling to move from the heights, and engage on the ground which was the scene of the skirmish, declining to reinforce Gist and Morgan, they, in turn, were compelled to retreat. 184 THE LIFE OF Sir WiUiam Howe continued to manceuvre towards the flank, and in front of the left wing of the American army. Expecting to be attacked in that quarter in full force, Washington made such changes in the dis position of his troops as the occasion required ; and the day was con sumed in these movements. In the course of it, the American chief rode through every brigade of his army, delivering, in person, his orders, respecting the manner of receiving the eneray, exhorting his ti'oops to rely principally on the bayonet, and encouraging them by the steady firmness of his countenance, as well as by his words, to a vigorous per formance of their duty.* The dispositions of the evening indicated an intention to attack him the ensuing morning ; but in the afternoon of the eighth, the British suddenly filed off from their right, which extended beyond the American left, and retreated to Philadelphia. The parties detached to harass their rear could not overtake it. The loss of the British in this expedition, as stated in the official let ter of General Howe, rather exceeded one hundred in killed, wounded, and missing ; and was sustained principally in the skirmish of the 7th, in which Major Morris fell. On no former occasion had the two armies met, uncovered by works, with superipr numbers pn the side pf the Americans. The effective force pf the British was then stated at twelve thpusand men. It has been since declared by an authprf who fhen belonged to it, but who, though a candid writer, appears to have imbibed prejudices against Sir WUliam Howe, to have amounted to fourteen thousand. The American army consisted of precisely twelve thousand one hundred and sixty-one continental troops, and three thousand two hundred and forty-one mili tia. This equality in point of numbers, rendered it a prudent precau tion to maintain a superiority of position. As the two armies occupied heights fronting each other, neither could attack without giving to its adversary some advantage in the ground; and this was an advantage which neither seemed wiUing to reUnquish. The return of Sir WUliam Howe to PhUadelphia without bringing on an action, after marching out with the avowed intention of fighting, is the best testimony of the respect which he felt for the talents of his adversary, and the courage of the troops he was to encounter. The cold was now becoming so intense that it was impossible for an army neither weU clothed, nor sufficiently supplied with blankets, longer to keep the field in tents. It had become necessary to place the troops in winter quarters; but in the existing state of things the choice of win- ? The author states this on his own observation. t Stedman. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185 ter quarters was a subject for serious reflection. It was impossible to place them in vUlages without uncovering the country, or exposing them to the hazard of being beaten in detachment. To avoid these calamities, it was determined to take a strong position in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia, equaUy distant frora the Delaware above and below that city ; and there to construct huts, in the form of a regular encampment, which might covei; the army during the winter. A strong piece of ground at Valley Forge, on the west side of the Schuyl kill, between twenty and thirty miles from Philadelphia, was selected for that purpose ; and some time before ,day on the morning of the 11th of December, the army marched to take ppssessipn pf it. By an accidental cpncurrence pf circumstances. Lord Cornwallis had been detached the same morning at the head of a strdng corps, on a foraging party on the west side pf the Schuylkill. He had fallen in with a brigade pf Penn sylvania miUtia commanded by General Potter, which he soon dispersed ; and, pursuing the fugitives, had gained the heights opposite Matron's ford, over which the Americans had thrown a bridge for the purpose of crossing the river, and had posted troops to comraand the defile called the Gulph, just as the front division of the American army reached the bank of the river. This movement had been made without any know ledge of the intention of General Washington to change his position, or any design of contesting the passage of the SchuylkUl ; but the troops had been posted, in the manner already mentioned for the sole purpose of covering the foraging party. Washington apprehended, , from his first intelligence, that General Howe had taken the field in full force. He therefore recalled the troops already on the west side, and moved rather higher up the river, for the purpose of understanding the real situation, force, and designs of the enemy. The next day Lord CornwaUis returned tb PhUadelphia ; and, in the course of the night, the American army crossed the river. Here the Commander-in-chief communicated to his army, in general orders, the manner in which he intended to dispose of them during the winter. He expressed, in strong terms, his approbation of their con duct, presented them with an encouraging state of the future prospects of their country, e'xhorted them to bear vrith continuing fortitude the hardships inseparable from the position they were about to take, and endeavoured to convince their judgments that those hardships were not imposed on them by unfeeling caprice, but were necessary for the good of their country. The winter had set in vnth great severity, and the sufferings of the 186 THE LIFE OF army were extreme. In a few days, however, these sufferings were considerably diminished by the erection of logged huts, filled- up with mortar, which, after being dried, formed comfortable habitations, and gave content to men long unused to the conveniences of life. The order of a regular encampment was observed ; and the only appearance of winter quarters, was the substitution of huts for tents. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187 CHAPTER X. Inquiry into the conduct of General Schuyler. — Burg03me appears before Ticonde roga. — Evacuation of that place, — of Skeensborough. — Colonel 'Warner defeated. — Evacuation of fort Anne. — Proclamation of Burgoyne. — Counter-proclamation of Schuyler. — Burgoyne approaches fort Edward.— Schuyler retires to Saratoga — to Stillwater. — St. Leger invests fort Schuyler. — Herkimer defeated — Colonel Baum detached to Bennington — is defeated. — Breckman defeated. — St. Leger abandons the siege of fort Schuyler. — Murder of Miss M'Crea. — General Gates takes com mand. — Burgoyne encamps on the heights of Saratoga. — Battle of Stillwater. — Battle of the 7th of October. — Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga, — Capitulates.;— The British take forts Montgomery and CHnton. — The forts Independence and Consti tution evacuated by the Americans. — Ticonderoga evacuated by the British. While, with inferior numbers. General Washington maintained a stubborn contest in the middle states, events of great variety j~y- and importance were passing in the north. After Sir Guy Carlton had distributed his army, for winter quarters, in the several viUages from the Isle Aux Noix and Montreal to Quebec, General Burgoyne, who had served under him, embarked for England, in order to communicate a full statement of affairs in the northern de partment ; and to assist in making arrangements for the ensuing cam paign. The American army, having been formed for only one year, dissolved of itself at the expiration of that term, and could scarcely furnish even the appearance of garrisons in their forts. The defence of this frontier was assigned to the regiments directed to be raised in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and the north western parts of New York ; but the recruiting service advanced so slowly, and so much difficulty was found in clothing and arming those who were enUst ed, that it became indispensable to caU in the aid of the mUitia ; and the plan of the campaign on the part of the British was involved in so much obscurity that General Washington deemed it adviseable to direct eight of the regiments of Massachusetts to rendezvous at PeekskUl. The service of General Schuyler in the northern department had been more solid than brilliant. Dissatisfied with his situation, and dis gusted with the injustice* he supposed himself to experience, he had for * "When the command of the operating army was given to General Thomas in March 1776, the head quarters of General Schuyler had been fixed by congress at Albany, and that resolution remained in force. General Gates was now directed to repair to Ticonderoga and take command of the army; and Major General St. Clait •was ordered to the same place to serve under him. 188 THE LIFE OF some time meditated a resignation, and had been retained in the service only by the deep interest he felt in the struggle of his country for inde pendence. So soon as his fears for Ticohderoga were removed by the partial opening of Lake Champlain, he waited in person on congress for the purpose of adjusting his^accounts, obtaining an inquiry into his con duct, and supporting those necessary measures of defence in the north, which were suggested by his perfect knowledge of the country. At his request, a committee, consisting of a member from each state, was ap pointed to inquire into his conduct during the time he had held a com mand in the army. The arduous services performed by this merito rious officer, when investigated, were found so far to exceed any estimate which had been made of them, that congress deemed it essential to the public interest to prevaU on him to retain his commission, ^^ ¦ The resolution which fi.xed his head quarters at Albany was repealed, and he was directed to proceed forthwith to the nerthern de partment, and tp take, the command of It. On his arrival, he found the army of the north not only too weak for the objects entrusted to it, but badly supplied with arms, clothes, and pro visions. From a spy whp had been seized near Onien River, heebtained information that General Burgoyne was at Quebec, and was to command the British forces in that department so soon as they should march out of Canada, That while Ticonderoga should be attacked by the main army. Sir John Johnson, with a strong body of British, Canadiems, and Indians, was to penetrate to the Mohawk by Oswego, and place himself between fort Stanwix and fort Edward, General Schuyler was sensible of the danger which threatened him, and made, every exertion to meet it. After completing his arrangements at Ticonderoga for sustaining a siege, he had proceeded to Albany, for the purpose of attending to his supplies, and of expediting the march of reinforcements, when he received intelligence from General St, Clair, who was entrusted with the defence of Ticonderoga, that Burgoyne had ap peared before that place. In the course of the preceding winter, a plan for penetrating to the Hudson, from Canada, by the way of the lakes, had been digested in the cabinet of London. General Burgoyne, who assisted in forming it, was entrusted -with its execution, and was to lead a formidable army against Ticonderoga as soon as the season would permit. At the same time a smaller party under Colonel St. Leger, coraposed of Canadians, newly raised Araericans, and a few Europeans, aided by a powerful body of Indians, was' to raarch from Oswego, to enter the country by the way of the Mohawk, and to join the grand army on the Hudson. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 189 Burgoyne reached Quebec as soon as it was practicable to sail up the St. Lawrence, and appeared in full force on the river' Bou quet, pn the western banks of lake Champlain, much earlier ""* ¦ than the American general had supposed to be possible. At this place he met the Indians in a grand council, after which he gave them a war feast. Much of the cruelty afterwards perpetrated by the savages has been attribated to this unfortunate officer ; but justice requires the ad mission that his speech was calculated rather to diminish than increase their habitual ferocity. He endeavoured to impression them the dis tinction between enemies in the field, and the unarmed inhabitants, many of whom were friends ; and,'addressing himself to their avarice, promised rewards for prisoners, but none for scalps. It was perhaps fortunate for America, that, in some instances, peculiarly calculated to excite and in terest the human feelings, these feeble restraints were disregarded. After publishing a manifesto at Putnam River, designed to act on the hopes and fears of the people of the country through which he was to pass, he halted a few days at Crown Point, to make the necessary dis positions for investing Ticonderoga, • From Crown Point, the royal army advanced on both sides the lake, keeping, up a communication between its divisions, by means of the fleet; and on the 1st pf July encamped within fpur miles pf the American wPrks, A strpng party was pushed forward tp Three Mile Point ; and the fleet anchcred just beypnd the range of the guns of the fort. The next day they took possession, without opposition, of the important post at Mpunt Hope, which commanded, in part, the lines on the northern side, and entirely cut off the cemmunicatipn with lake Geprge. The weakness pf his garrison induced General St. Clair, to give up this post without a struggle. Believing it to be impracticable to support it without hazarding a general action, he determined to c(^ncentrate his force about Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. After taking possession of Mount Hope, the British lines were extended on the western side of Champlain, frora the raountain quite to the lake, so as completely to inclose the garrison on that side. The German di vision under Major General Reidisel, which occupied the eastern shore of the lake, was encamped at Three Mile Poipt, and had pushed for ward a detachment near the rivulet, which runs east of Mount Inde pendence. The besiegers laboured assiduously to bring up theii artillery and complete their works. Sugar Hill, a' rugged mountain standing at the confluence pf the waters that unite at Ticpnderpga, which pverlppks the fortress and had been theught inaccessible, was examined ; and the re- Voi,. r. R 13 190 THE LIFE OF port being that the ascent, thpugh extremely difficult, was pratjticable^ the work was immediately commenced, and was pressed with so much vigour that the batteries might have opened next day, The garrison was not in a conditipn tp check these operatipns. The situatlpn pf St. Clair was now at its crisis. Only the ground b&' tween the Eastern run and the South river remained open ; and this he was informed would be occupied the next day, so that the investment would be complete. The place must be immediately evacuated, or main tained at the hazard of losing the garrison when it should be no longer tenable, , Between these cruel alternations. General St, Clair did npt hesitate to chcose the first ; but deeming it prudent to take the advice of a council of war, he convened the general officers, who unanimously advised the immediate evacuation of the fort. Preparations for the retreat were instantiy commenced. The invalids, the hospital, and such stores as could be moved in the course of the night, were put on board the batteaux, which proceeded under the guard of Colonel Long, up the South river to Skeensborough ; and, before day on the morning of the 6th of July, the main body of the army directed its march tp the same place. In the hope of making considerable progress before his retreat should be discovered. General St. Clair had ordered the troops to observe the most profound silence, and, particularly, to set nothing on fire. Th^se judicious orders were disobeyed ; and, before the rear guard was in mo tion, the house which had been occupied by General De Ferraoy was in flames. This served as a signal to the besiegers, who immediately eii- tered the works. The main body of the retreating army was rapidly pursued by Generals Frazer and Reidisel, while General Burgoyne, in person, followed the detachment under Colonel Long, The bridge, the boom, and those other works, the construction of which had employed the labour of ten months, were cut through by nine in the morning, so as to afford a passage for the Royal George and Inflexible frigates, as well as for the gun boats, which engaged the American gal leys, about three in the afternoon, near the falls of Skeensborough, In the mean time, three regiments had disembarked at some distance from the fort, with the intention pf attacking it by land, and cutting cff the retreat ef the garrison, as well as that of the detachment in the boats and galleys. This manoeuvjre being discovered, the works and batteaux were pet on fire, and the troops retired to fort Anne, On this occasion, the baggage of the army, and a great quantity of railitary stores, were either destroyed by the Ajnericans, pr taken by the British, GEORGE WASHINGTON. 191 Knowing that he could save his army only by the rapidity of his march. General St. Clair reached Castletown, thirty miles from Ticon deroga, on the night succeeding the evacuation of the fort. The rear guard under Colonel Warner halted six miles short of that place. Hav ing been augmented by those who from excessive fatigue had fallen out of the line of march, it araounted to rather more than one thousand men. The next morning at five, they were overtaken and attacked by Gene ral Frazer with eight hundred and fifty men. The action was warm and well contested. Jn its commencement, tvifo regi ments of militia, which lay within two miles of Colonel Warner, were ordered to his assistance. Instead of obeying these orders, they con sulted their own safety, and hastened to Castletown. Had these orders been executed, the corps which attacked Warner wotild probably have been cut to pieces.. While the action was maintained with equal spirit on both sides. General Reidisel arrived with his division of Germans, and the Americans were routed. In this actioA, Colonel Francis, several Cther officers, and upwards of two hundred men were left dead on the field; and one colonel, seven captains, ten subalterns, and two hundred and ten privates were made prisoners; Near six hundred are supposed to have been wounded, many of whom must have perished in attempting to escape through the woods towards the inhabited country. The British statei their own loss at thirty-five killed, among whom was one field officer, and one hundred and forty -four wounded, including two majors, and five inferior officers. It is scarcely credible j notwithstanding the difference in arms, that in a well contested action, the di'sparity in the killed could have been so con siderable. It is the less probable, as the pursuit was not of long con tinuance. To avoid that division of the British army which had proceeded up the North River, St. Glair changed his route ; and directed his march to Rutland, to which place he ordered Warner also to retire. At Rutland he feU in with several soldiers who had been separated frora their corps ; and, two days afterwards, at Manchester, was joitjed by Warner with about ninety raen. From this place he proceeded to fort Edward, where he met General Schuyler. After taking possession of Skeensborough, Burgoyne had found it ne cessary to suspend the pursuit, and to give his army refreshment. The troops were in some disorder; distinct corps were intermingled, and his detachments were far apart from each other. He determined therefore to halt a few days at that place, in order to reassemble and arrange his army. 192 THE LIFE OF Colonel Long having been directed to defend fort Anne, the ninth re giment of British, under Lieutenant Colonel Hill, had been detached against: that place. It being understood that the Americans were in some ferce, twp pther regiments, under Brigadier PeweU, were wdered tP suppprt the first party. Before the arrival of this reinforcement, Colonel Long attacked the ninth regiment, and a sharp skirmish ensued, in which the British kept their ground, a'nd the advantage was claimed by both parties. Hearing that a reinforcement was approaching. Long set fire to die works at fort Anne, and retired to fort Edward. At Stillwater, on his way- to Ticonderpga, General Schuyler was informed of the evacuation of that place ; and, on the same day, at Sara toga, of the loss of the stores at Skeensborough. He had heard nothing from General St. Clair; and was seriously apprehensive for that officer and his army; which, after the junction of £!olonel Long, consisted of about fifteen hundred continental troops, and the same number of mili tia. They were dispirited by defeat, without tents, badly armed, and had lost great part of their stores and baggage. The country was gene rally much alarmed ; and even the well affected discovered more incU- nation to take care of themselves than to join the army. In this gloomy state of things, no officer could have exerted more diligence and skUl than were displayed by Schuyler. 'Having fixed his head quarters at fort Edward, he employed to the utmost advantage the short respite frora action whioh Burgoyne unavoidably gave. The country between Skeens borough and fort Edward was almost entirely unsettled, was covered with thick woods, and of a surface extremely rough, and much inter sected with creeks and morasses. Wood creek was navigable with bat teaux as far as fort Anne; and military stores of every description raight be transported up it. He obstructed its navigation by sinking nuraerous irapediments in its course, broke up the bridges, and rendered the roads impassable. He was also indefatigable in driving the live stock out of the way, and in bringing from fort George to fort Edward, the ammu nition and other military stores which had been deposited at that place. Still farther to delay the movements pf the !l^ritish, he ppsted Cplpnel Warner pn their left flank, with instructicns tp raise the militia in. that quarter. The hppe was entertained, that the appearance of a respecta ble force, threatening tiie flank and rear of the invading army, would not only retard its advance, but would induce General Burgoyne to weaken it, in order to strengthen -the garrison of Ticopderoga, While thus endeavouring to obstruct the march of the enemy, Schuy ler was not less attentive to the best means of strengthening his own array. Reinforcements of regular troops were earnestly solicited ; the GEORGE WASHINGTON. 193 militia of New England and New York were required to take the field, and all his influence in the surrounding country was exerted to reani mate the people, and to prevent their defection frora the Araerican cause. While at Skeensborough General Burgoyne issued a second procla mation^' suraraoning the people of the adjacent country to send ten depu ties from each township to meet Colonel Skeene at Castletown, in order to deliberate on such measures as might stiU be adopted to save those who had not yet conformed to his first, and submitted to the royal au thority. ' General Schuyler apprehending some effect from this paper, issued a counter proclamation, stating the insidious designs of the ene my. Warning the inhabitants, by the example of Jersey, of the danger to which their yielding to this seductive proposition would expose them, and giving them the most solemn assurances that all who should send deputies to this meeting, or in any manner aid the enemy, would be con sidered as traitprs, and shpuld suffer the utmest rigpur of the law. 'The evacuation of Ticonderpga was a shock for which no part of the United States was prepared. Neither the strength of the invading army, lipr of the garrison had been understppd. When therefore intelligence was received that a place, on the fortifications of which much nioney and labour had been expended, which was considered as the key to the whole north western country, and supppsed tP contain a garrison nearly equal to the invading army, had been abandoned without a siege ; that an immense train of artUlery, and all the mUitary stpres, had either fallen intp the hands of the enemy, or been destroyed ; , that the army, on its retreat, had been attacked, defeated, and dispersed ; astonishment pervaded all ranks of men ; and the conduct of the officers was universally condemned. dongress recalled aU' the generals , of the department, and directed an inquiry into their conduct. Throughout New England especially, the most bitter aspersions were cast on them; and General Schuyler, who, from some unknown cause, had never been viewed with favour in that part of the continent, was involved in the comriion charge of treachery, to which this accumulation of unlocked for calainity was generally at tributed by the mass of the people. On the representations of General Washington, the recall of the offi cers was suspended, untU he should be of opinion that the service would not suffer by the measure ; and, on a full inquiry afterwards made into their conduct, they were acquitted of aU blame. In a letter of St. Clair to the Commander-in-chief, stating his motives for evacuating Ticonderoga, he represented the strength of his garrison, jncludlno- nine hundred militia, who would consent to stay but a few ? Remem. , 194 * THE LIFE OF days, at only three, thousand efSpctive rank and file, many of, whora were without bayonets. The lines required ten: thousand to man them pro perly. He also affirmedj that his supply of provisions was sufficient for only twenty days, and that the works on the Ticonderoga side were in complete, with their flanks undefended. He justified his having failed to call in a larger reinforcement of militia, by the scarcity of provisions, the supply on hand not having been procured until General Schuyler had resumed the command in the department; and attributed his not having evacuated the place in time to preserve his army and stores,, to the prevalent opinion that there was not a sufficient force in Canada to attempt so hardy an enterprise, and to his not being at liberty to adppt that measure but in the last necessity. A ceurt of inquiry justified his conduct, and he retained the confidence of the Commander-in-chief. On learning the distressed state of the remnant of the army. General Washington made great exertions to repair its losses, and to reinforce it. The utmost industry was used to procure a supply of tents ; artillery and ammunition were forwarded from Massachusetts ; the remaining troops of that state were ordered to that department ; and General Lincoln, who possessed, in a high degree, the. confidence of the New England nillitia, was directed to raise and command them. General Arnold, so often distinguished for his gallantry in the field, was ordered to the northern army, in the hope that his presence and reputation might reanimate the troops; and Colonel Morgan, with his corps of riflemen, was detached on the same service. Through the present dark gloom, Washington discerned a ray of light, and already cherished, the hope that much good might result frora present evil. " The evacuation of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence,'' said he in a letter of the 15th of July, to General Schuyler, " is an event of chagrin and surprise, not apprehended, nor within the corapass of my reasoning. This stroke is severe indeed, and has distressed us much. But, notwithstanding, things at present wear a dark and gloomy aspect, I hope a spirited oppositiop will check the pro gress pf General Burgoyne's arms, and that tl^e confidence derived from success will hurry hira into measures that wiU, in their consequences, be favourable to us. We should never despair. Our situation has before been unpromising, and has changed for the better. So, I trust, it wiU again. If new difficulties arise, we must only put forth new exertions, and proportion our efforts to the exigency of the times." On receiving a letter from General Schuyler of the seventeenth,, stat ing the divided situation of the British army, he seemed to anticipate the event which afterwards occurred, and to suggest the measure in which GEORGE WASHINGTON. 195 ¦originated that torrent of misfortune with which Burgoyne was over whelmed. « Though our affairs," he said in reply to this information, *' have for some days past worn a daric and gloomy aspect, I yet look forward to a fortunate and happy change. I trust General Burgoyne's army will meet, sooner or later, an effectual check; and, as I suggested before, that the success he has met with will precipitate his ruin. From your acccunts, he appears tp be pursuing that line pf conduct which, of ail others, is'most favourable tp iis. I mean acting in detachment. This conduct wiU certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut -one of them off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would inspirit the people, and do away, much of their present anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes; and, urged at the same time by a regard for their own security, would fly to arms, and afford every aid in their power." After allowing a short repose to his army. General Burgoyne pro ceeded with ardour to the remaining objects of the campaign. The toils and delays which must be encountered in reaching the Hudson were soon perceived. He found it necessary to open Wood creek, and to re pair the roads and bridges which Schuyler had broken up. Such was the unavoidable delay of this difficult operation, that the array did not arrive on the Hudson, in the neighbourhood of fort Edward, till the fourteenth of July. At tills place it was necessary again to halt, in order to bring artillery, provisions, batteaux, and other articles from fort George. , , - ^ ' The time afforded by this delay had been employed by Schuyler to the utmost advantage. Some reinforcements of continental troops had arrived from Peekskill, and the militia had been assembled ; but his strength did, not yet afford a reasonable prospect of success in a contest with the enemy opposed te him. On this account, as Burgoyne ap proached fort Edward, Schuyler retired over the Hudson to Saratoga, and soon afterwards to Stillwater, not far from the mouth of the Mo hawk. At this place. General Lincoln, who had been detached to take command of the militia assembling at Manchester, was ordered to re join him, and he fortified his camp in the hope of being strong enough to defend it. i At StiUwater, information was obtained that Burgoyne had evacuated Castletown ; so that the only communication with Ticonderpga, whence nearly all his supplies were drawn, was through lake Gecrge; and that the garrison pf that impprtant place had been reduced to three hundred men. In consequence of this intelligence, the orders to General Lin- 1,96 THE LIFE OF coin were countermanded, and he was directed with the militia of Mas sachusetts, New Hampshire, and of the Grants, making, as was under stood, a total of between two and three thousand men, to place himself in the rear of the British army, afid cut off its communication with the lakes. Here too he was informed that Colonel St. Leger, with a laige body of Indians, in addition to his regulars, had penetrated from Oswego, by the way of the Oneida lake and Wood creek, to the Mohawk, where he had laid siege to fort Schuyler, and had totally defeated General Her kimer, who had raised the mUitia of Tryon coufaty, in order to relieve the fort. The importance of protecting the inhabitants from the sava- • ges, and of preventing a junction between St. Leger and Burgoyne, and the consequent loss of the country on the Mohawk, determined Schuyler, weak as he was, to detach Major General Arnold with three continental regiments to raise the siege. The army was so enfeebled by this mea sure, that its reraoval to a place of greater security becarae necessary, and it was withdrawn to sorae islands in the confluence of the Hudson and the Mohawk, where the camp was deemed raore defensible. Bur goyne had now marched dovi'n the east side of the Hudson, ' and his advanced parties had crossed the river, and occupied the ground at Saratoga. On the 3d of August, after a message vaunting of his strength, and demanding a surrender, which was answered by a declaratioti that the fort would be defended to the last extremity, St. Leger invested fort Schuyler. The garrison amounted to six hundred men, all continental troops, who were coraraanded by Colonel Gansevoort. The besiegihg army rather exceeded fifteen hundred, of whom from six to nine hundred were Indians. On the approach of the enemy, General Herkimer, who commanded the railitia of Tryon county, assembled them in considerable numbers, and gave inforraation to the garrison, about eleven in the morning of the sixth, of his intention to force a passage that day through the besieging army. , Gansevoort determined to favour the execution of this design by a vigorous sortie ; and upwards of two hundred men, to be commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Willet, were drawn out for that purpose. Unfortunately St. Leger received information the preceding day of Herldmer's approach, and, early in the morning, placed a strong party, composed of regulars and Indians, in ambuscade on the road along which he was to march. His first hotice pf it was given by a heavy dis charge pf smaU arms, which was followed by a furious attack from the Indians with their tomahawks. He defended himself with resolution ; but was defeated with great slaug;hter. The general and several of the GEORGE WASHINGTON. 197 field officers were wounded ; and many others, among whom were seve ral persons of distinction, were kUled or taken prisoners. The loss was estimated at four hundred men. The destruction was prevented from being stiU more complete, by the very timely sortie made by Lieutenant Colonel WUlet, which checked the pursuit, and recalled those engaged in it to th(| defence of their own camp. As soon as Gansevoort understood that Herkimer was advancing, tho sortie vchich he had planned was made. Lieutenant Colonel Willet fell on the carap pf the besiegers, and rented thera at the first pnset. After driving, thera, seme intp the wpods, and others over the river, he return ed to the fort without the loss of a man. > Burgoyne had received early intimation of the arrival of St, Leger before fort Schuyler ; and was aware - of the advantage to be derived from an imraediate and rapid raoveraent down the Hudson, But the obstacles to his progress! multiplied daily, and each step produced new embarrassments. Not more than one-third of the horses expected frcm Canada had arrived ; and Schuyler had been active in reracving the draft cattle pf the cpuntry. With unremitting exertipn, he had been able tp transpprt frpm fbrt George to the Hudson, a distance of eighteen miles, pnly twelve batteaux, and prpvisipns for four days in advance. The defectiveness of his means to feed his army until it should reach the abundant country below him, presented an impediment to his farther progress, not readily to be surmounted. The difficulty of drawing sup plies frora fort George would increase every day with the increasing dis tance ; and the comraunications, already endangered by a considerable body of militia assembling at White Creek, could be secured only by larger detachraents frora his array than he was in a condition to make. These were strong inducements to attempt some other mode of supply. It was well known that large magazines of provisions for the use of the American army were collected at Bennington, which place was generally guarded by militia, whose numbers varied from day to day. The possession of thqse magazines would enable him to prosecute his ulteripr plans withput relying for supphes from Lake Geprge ; and he determined to seize them. Tp try the affectiens of the country, to complete a corps of loyalists, and to mount Reidisel's dragoons, were subordinate objects of the expe dition.* Lieutenant Colonel Baum with five hundred Europeans, and a body of American loyalists, was detached on this service. To faciUtate the enterprise, and be ready to take advantage of its success, Burgoyne moved down the east side of the Hudson, and threw * Letter of Burgoyne, 198 THE LIFE OF a bridge of rafts over that river for the passage of his van, which took post at Saratoga. At the same time Lieutenant Colonel Brechman, with his corps, was advanced to Batten HiU, in order, if necessary, tp support Colpnel Baum.* On appreaching Benningten, Baum discovered that he should have to encounter a much more considerable force than had been suspected. The New Hampshire miUtia, commanded by General Starke, had reach ed that place on their way to camp ; and, uniting with Colonel Warner, made in the whole abcut twp thpusand men. Perceiving his danger, Baura halted abput four miles frpm Bennihg- tpn, and despatched an express for a relrifprC^ment, In the mean time, he strengthened his ppsition by intrenchments. Lieutenant Colonel Brechman was iramediately ordered to his assist ance; but, such was the state of the roads that, though the distance %vas only twenty-four miles, and his march was pressed unremittingly from eight in the morning of the 15th, he did not reach the ground on which Baum had encamped, until four in the afternoon of the next day,f In the mean time, General Starke deterrained to attack hira in his intrenchraents. So confident were the provincials belonging ^to this party, 'of the attachment of the' country to the royal cause, that the Araerican troops, while raaking their dispositions for. the attack, were mistaken for armed friends coming to join thera. On discovering his error, Baura prepared for the contest, and made a gaUant defence. His works however were carried by storm, and great part of his detachment killed, or taken prisoners* A few escaped into the woods, and saved themselves by flight. Brechman arrivetJ during the pursuit, and obtained from the fugitives, the first intelligence of the disaster which had befallen them. He im mediately attacked the parties of mUitia who -\Vere engaged in the pur suit, and gained some advantage over thera. Fortunatefy for the Ame ricans, Colonel Warnerl: carae up at this critical juncture with his conti nental regiment, and restored, and continued the action, until the main body of the railitia re-assembled, and came to support him. Brechman in turn was corapelled to retire; but he maintained the engagement until dark, when, abandoning his artillery and baggage, he saVed his party under cover of the night. One thousand stand of arras, and nine hundred swords were taken in this battle. General Burgoyne represented his loss in men at about four hundred ; but thirty-two officers, and five hundred and sixty-four pri vates, including Canadians and loyalists, were made prisoners. The * Letter of Burgoyne. t Ibid. i Gordon. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 199 number of the dead was net ascertained, because the action, with Brech man had been fought in the wcpds, and been centinued for several miles. The British general therefore must have included in his estimate pf Ipss, pnly his Eurppean itrppps, - This impprtant success was sppn foUpwed by another ef equal influ ence on the fate of the campaign, ' Fort Schuyler had been fortified with more skUl, and was defended with more courage, than St, Leger had expected. His artUlery made no impression on its walls ; and his Indians, who were much better pleased with obtaining plunder and scalps, than besieging fortressesj became intractable, and manifested great , disgust -vyith the servicei In this temper, they understood that Arnold' was advancing with a large body of cpntinental treops ; and, soon afterwards were told that Bur gpyne and his army had been tptally defeated ; a report pro|)ably found: ed on the affair at Bennington, UnwiUing to share the misfortune of their friends, they manifested a determination not to await the arrival of Arnold, The efforts of St, Leger to detain them being ineffectual, many of them decamped immediately, and the rest threatened to follow. The time for deliberation was past. The camp was broken up with indications of excessive alarm. The tents were left standing ; and. the artillery, with great part of the baggage, ammunition, and provisions, feU'into the hands of the Araericans, The retreating army was pur sued by a detachraent from the garrison ; and it was stated by desert ers, that the Indians plundered the remaining baggage of the officers, and massacred such soldiers as could not keep up with the line of march, St. Leger returned to Montreal, whence he proceeded to Ticonderoga, with the intention of joining General Burgoyne by that route. The decisive victory at Bennington, and the retreat of St. Leger from fort Schuyler, however important in themselves, were still more so in their consequences. An army, which had spread terror and dismay in every direction, which had, previously, experienced no reverse of for-, tune, was considered as already beaten ; and the opinion became cora mon, that the appearance of the great body of the people in arms, would secure the emancipation of their country. It was too an advantage of no inconsiderable importance resulting from this change of public opi nion, that the disaffected became timid, and the wavering who, had the torrent of success continued, would have made a merit of contributing their aid to the victor, were no longer disposed to put themselves and their fortunes in hazard, to support an army whose fate was so un certain. 200 THE LIFE OF The barbarities which had been perpetrated by the Indians belonging to the invading armies, excited still more resentment than terror. As the prospect of revenge began to open, their effect became the more apparent ; and' their influence on the royal cause was the more sensibly felt because they had been indiscriminate. The murder of Miss M'Crea passed through all the papers of the con tinent : and the story, being retouched by the hand of more than one master, excited a peculiar degree of ssnsibUity.'* But there were other causes of stfll greater influence in producing the events which after wards took -place. The last reinforcements of continental troops ai-rived in camp about this time, and added both courage and strength to the army. The harvest, which had detained the northern militia upon their farms, was over ; and General Schuyler, whose continued and eminent services had not exempted him from the imputation of being a traitor, was succeeded by General Gates, who possessed a large share of the public confidence. When Schuyler was directed by congress to resume the command of the northern departraent, Gates withdrew himself from it. When the re solution passed recalling the general officers who had served in that de partment. General Washington Was requested to name a successor to> Schuyler. On his expressing a wish tp decfine this nomination, and re>- ptesenting the inconvenience of removing all the general officers. Gates was again directed to repair thither and take the copmiand, and their resolution to recall the brigadiers was suspended until the Commander- in-chief should be of opinion that it might be carried into effect with safety. Schuyler retained the command lintU the arrival of Gates, which was: on the 19th of A,ugust, and continued his exertions 'to restore the aflairs. of the department, though he felt acutely the disgrace of being recaUed in this critical and interesting state of the campaign. " It is'' said he, in a letter to the Commander-in-chief, " matter of extreme chagrin to me tc be deprived of the command at a tirae when, soon if ever, wc shall pro bably be enabled to face the eneray; when we are on the point of taking ground* where they must attack to a disadvantage, should our force be inadequate to facing them in the field ; when an opportunity will, in aU prpbabiUty,pccur, in which I might evince that I am net what ccngress have fpp plainly insinuated by taking the ccmmand frpm me." If errpr be attributable tp the evacuatien of Ticonderoga, no portion of it was committed by Schuyler. His removal from the command was * See note No. IX. at the end of the volume. t The islahds in the mouth of the Mohawk. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 201 probably severe and unjust as respected himself; but perhaps wise as respected America. The frontier towards the lakes was to be defended by the troops of New England ; and, however unfounded their prejudices against him might be, it was prudent to consult thera. Notwithstanding the difficulties which multiplied around him, Bur goyne remained steady to his purpose. The disasters at Bennington and on the Mohawk produced no disposition to abandon the enterprise and save his army. It had now become necessary to recur to the slow and toilsome mode of obtaining supplies from fort George. Having, with persevering la bour, collected provision for thirty days in advance, he crossed the Hud son on the 13th and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights and plains of Saratoga, with a determination to decide the fate of the ex pedition in a general engagement. General Gates, having been joined by all the continental troops des tined for the northern department, and reinforced by large bodies of mi htia, hkd moved from his camp in the islands, and advanced to the neigh bourhood of Stfllwater. The bridges between the two armies having been broken down, the roads being excessively bad, and the country covered with wood, the progress of the British army down the river was slow. On the night of the 17th, Burgoyne encamped within four miles of the American army, and the next day was employed in repairing the bridges between the two camps.* In-the morning of tbe 19th he advanced in full force towards the American left. Morgan was immediately detached with his corps to observe the eneray, and to harass his front and flanks. He fell in with a picket in front of the right wing, which he attacked with viva city, and drove in upon the main body. Pursuing with too much ardour, he was met in considerable force, and, after a severe encounter, was compelled, in turn, to retire in some disorder. Two regiments being advanced to his assistance, his corps was rallied, and the action became more-general. The Americans were formed in a wood, with an open field in front, and invariably repulsed the British corps which attacked them ; but when they pursued those corps to the main body, they were in turn driven back to their first ground. Reinforcements were conti nually brought up, and about four in the afternoon, upwards of three thousand American troopsf were closely engaged with the whole right wing of the British army coraraanded by General Burgoyne in person. * Letter of Burgoyne. t The accounts of the day stated that the Americans were commanded by General Arnold, but General 'Wilkinson says that no general officer was in the field. s 202 THE LIFE OF The conflict was extremely severe, and only terminated with the day. At dark, the Americans retired to their camp, and the British, who had found great difficulty in maintaining their ground, lay all night on their arms near the field of battle. In this action the killed and wounded on the part of the Americans were between three and four hundred. Among the former were Colo nels Coburn and Adams, and several other valuable officers. The Bri tish loss has been estimated at rather more than five hundred men. Each army claimed the victory ; and each believed itself to have beaten near the whole of the hostile array with only a part of its own force. The advantage however, taking all circurastances into consideration, was decidedly with the Araericans. In a conflict which nearly consuraed the day, they found themselves at least equal to their antagonists. In every quarter they had acted on the offensive ; and, after an encounter for se veral hours, had not lost an inch of ground. They had not been driyen from the field, but had retired' from it at the close of day, to the camp from which they had marched to battle. Their object, which was to check the advancing enemy, had been obtained ; while that of the British General had failed. In the actual state of things, to fight without being beaten was, on their part, victory ; while, on the part of the British, to fight without a decisive victory, was defeat. The Indians, who found themselves beaten in the woods by Morgan, and restrained from scalping and plundering the unarmed by Burgoyne, who saw before them the prospect of hard fighting without profit, grew tired of the service, and deserted in great numbers. The Canadians and Provincials were not much more faithful ;, and Burgoyne soon perceived that his hopes must rest almost entirely on his European troops. With reason, therefore, this action was celebrated throughout the United States as a victory, and considered as the precursor of the total ruin of the invading army. The utmost exultation was displayed, and the militia were stimulated to fly to arms, and complete the work so hap- pUy begun. General Lincoln, in conformity with directions which have beenstated, had assembled a considerable body of New England militia in the. rear of Burgoyne, from which he drew three parties of about five hundred men each. One of these was detached under the command of Colonel Brown, to the north end of lake George, principally to relieve a num ber of prisoners who were confined there, but with orders to push his success, shpuld he be fortunate, as far as prudence would admit. Colp nel Johnson, at the head of another party, marched towards Mount Independence, and Colonel Woodbury, with a third, was detached to GEORGE WASHINGTON. 203 Skeensborough to cover the retreat of both the others. With the resi due, Lincoln proceeded to the carap of Gates, Colonel Brown, after marching all night, arrived, at the break of day, on the north end of the lake, where he found a small post which he car ried without opposition. The surprise was complete ; and betook pos session of Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the landing place, and about two hundred batteaux. With the loss of only three killed and five wounded, he liberated one hundred American prisoners, and captured two hundred and ninety -three of the enemy. This Success was joyfully proclaimed through the northern states. It was believed confidently that Ticonderoga and Mount Independence were recovered ; and the militia were exhorted, by joining their brethren in the army, to insure that event if it had not already happened. The attempt on those places however failed. The garrison repulsed the assailants ; who, after a few days, abandoned the siege. On their return through lake George in the vessels they had captured, the militia made an attack on Diamond Island, the depot of all the stores collected at the north end of the lake. Being again repulsed, they destroyed the vessels they had taken, and returned to their former station.* The day after the battle of Stillwater, General Burgoyne took a posi- tipn almpst within cannon shot of the American camp, fortified his right, and extended his left to the river. Directly after taking this ground he received a letter from Sir Henry Clinton, informing him that he should attack fort Montgomery about the 20th of September. The messenger returned with information that Burgoyne was in extreme difficulty, and would endeavour to wait for aid until the 12th of October.t Both armies retained their position untU the 7th of October. Burgoyne, in the hope of being relieved by Sir Henry Clinton ; and Gates, in the confidence of growing stronger every day. Having received no farther intelligence from Sir Henry, and being reduced to the necessity of diminishing the, ration issued to his sddiers, the British General determined to make one more trialof strength with his adversary. In execution of this determination, he drew out on his right fifteen hundred choice troops, whom he commanded in person, assisted by Generals Philips, Reidisel, and Frazer. The right wing was formed within three-quarters of a mile of the left of the American camp ; and a corps of rangers, Indians, and provin cials, was pushed on through secret paths, to show themselves in its rear, and excite alarm in that quarter.* These movements were perceived by General Gates, who determined * Bemem. t Letter of Burgoyne. 204 THE LIFE OF to attack their left, and, at the sarae time, to fall on their right flank. Poor's brigade, and some regiments from New Hampshire, were ordered to meet thera in front; while Morgan with his rifle corps made a circuit unperceived, and seized a very advantageous height covered with wood on their right. As soon as it was supposed that Morgan had gained the ground he intended to occupy, the attack was rnade in front and on the left, in great force. At this critical mo ment Morgan poured in a deadly and incessant fire on the front and right flank. While the British right wing was thus closely pressed in front, and on its flank, a distinct division of the Anierican troops was ordered to in tercept its retreat to camp, and to separate' it from the residue of the army. Burgoyne perceived the danger of his situation, and ordered the light infantry under General Frazer, with part of the 24th regiment, to fof-m a second line, in order to cover the, light infahtry of the right, and secure a retreat. While this movement was in progress, the left of the British right was forced from its ground, and the light infantry was ordered to its aid. In the attempt to execute this prder; they were at tacked by the rifle cprps, with great effect ; and Frazer was mprtally wounded. Overpowered by numbers, and pressed on all sides by a superipr weight ef fire, Burgpyne, with great difficulty, and with the less of his field pieces, and great part of his artillery corps, regained his carap. The Americans foUpwed close in his rear ; and assaulted his works throughout their whole extent. Towards the close of day, the intrenchments were forced on their right; and General Arnold, with a few men, actually entered their works ; but his horse being killed under him, and himSelf wounded, the troops were forced out of them ; and it being nearly dark, they desisted from the assault. The left of Arnold's division was still more successful. Jackson's regiment of Massachusetts, then led by Lieutenant Colonel Brooks, turned the right of the encamp ment, and stornfed the works occupied by the German reserve. Lieu tenant Colonel Breckman who commanded in them was killed, and the works were carried. The orders given by Burgoyne to recover them were not executed ; and Brooks maintained the ground he had gained. Darkness put an end to the action ; and the Americans lay all night with their arms in their h^nds, about half a mile from the British lines, ready to renew the assault with, the return of day. The advantage they had gained was decisive. They had taken .several pieces of artillery, killed a great number of men, made upwards of two hundred prisoners, among whom were several officers pf distinction, and had penetrated the Unes in a part which exposed the whole to considerable danger. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 205 UnwiUing to risk the events of the next day on the same ground, Bur goyne changed his position in the course of the night, and drew his whole army into a strong camp on the river heights, extending his right up the river. This movement extricated hira from the danger of being attacked the ensuing morning by an enemy already in possession of part of his works. General Gates perceived the strength of this position, and was not disposed to hazard an assault. Aware of the critical situation of his , adversary, he detached a party higher up the Hudson for the purpose of intercepting the British army on its retreat, while streng ccrps were posted on the other side of the river to guard its passage. This movement compelled Burgoyne again tochangehis position, and to retire to Saratoga. About nine at night the retreat was pommenced, .and was effected with the loss of his hospital, containing about three hun dred sick, and pf several batteaux laden with provision and baggage. On reaching the ground to be occupied, he found a strong corps already intrenched on the opposite side of the river, prepared "^ ' to dispute its passage. From Saratoga, Burgoyne detached a company of^ artificers, under a strong escort, to repair the roads and bridges towards fort Edward. Scarcely bad this detachmenti moved, when the Americans appeared in force on the heights south of Saratoga creek, and made dispositions which excited the apprehension of a design to cross it and attack his camp. The Europeans escorting the artificers were recalled, and a pro vincial corps, employed in the same service, being attacked by a small party, ran away and left the ^orlcmen to shift for themselves., 1, No hppe of repairing the roads remaining, it becarae impossible to move the baggage and artUlery. ; The British array was now almost completely environed by a superior force. No means remained of extricating itself from difficulties and dangers which were continually increasing, but fording a river, on the opposite bank of which a formidable body of troops was already posted ; and then escaping to fojft George, through roads impassable by artillery or wagons, while its rear was closely pressed by a victorious enemy.* * Mr. Gordon, in his history of the war, states himself to have received from General Glover an anecdote, showing, that all these advantages were on the point of bping ex posed to imminent hazard. " On the morning of the eleventh. Gates called the general officers together, and informed them of his having received certain intelligence, which might be depended upon, that the main body of Burgoyne's army was marched off for fort Edward with what they could take; and that^he rear guard only was left in the camp, who, after awhile, were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy baggage behind. On this it was concluded to advance and attack the camp in half an hour. Vol. r. 14 206 THE LIFE OP A council of general officers called to deliberate on their situatioti, took the bold resolution to abandon every thing but their arms and such provisions as the soldiers could carry; and, by a forced march in the night up the river, to extricate themselves from the Araerican army ; and crossing at fort Edward, or at a ford above it, to press on to fort George. Gates had foreseen this movement, and had prepared for it. In ad dition to placing strong guards at the fords of the Hudson, he had formed an intrenched camp on the high grounds between fort Edward and fort Georo-e. The scouts sent to examine the route returned with this infor- mation, and the plan was abandoned as impracticable. Nothing could be more hopeless than the condition of the. British ar my, or more desperate than that of their general, as described by him self. In his letter to.Lord George Germain, Secretary of state for Ameri can affairs, he says, " A series of hard .toil, incessant effort, stubborn action, until disabled in the collateral branches of the array by the total defection of the Indians ; the desertion, or tiraidity of the Canadians and provincials, some individuals excepted ; -disappointed in the last hope of any co-operation from other armies; the regular troops reduced by losses from the best parts, to three thousand five hundred fighting raen, not two thousand of which were British ; only three days provisions, upon shprt allpwance, in stpre ; invested by an array pf sixteen thpusand men ; and no appearance of retreat remaining; I called intp cpunoil all the gene rals, field officers, and captains commanding-corps, and by their unani mous concurrence and advice, I was induced to open a treaty with Major General Gates." A treaty was opened with a general proppsition, stating the willing ness pf the British general tp spare the further effusien pf blppd, prpyided a negptiatipn cpuld be effected on honourable terms. This proposition was answered by a demand that the whole army should ground their arms in their encampment, and surrender themselves pri- The officers repaired immediately to their respective commands. General Nixon's being the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga creek first. Unknown to the Ameri cans, Burgoyne had a hne formed behind a parcel of brush-wood, to support the park of artillery where the attack was to be made. General Glover was upon the point of following Nixon. Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and examined." Thls\soldier was a deserter, and communicated the very important fact that the whole British arjriy were in their encampment. Nixon was immediately stopped : and the intelligence conveyed to Gates, who countermand ed his orders for the assault, and called back his troops, not without sustaining some loss from the British artillery. Gordon is confirmed by General Wilkinson, who was adjutant generifl in tho American army. The narrative of the general varies from that of Gordon only in minor circumstances. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 207 soners of war. This demand was instantly rejected, with a declaration that if General Gates designed to insist on it, the negotiation must imrae diately break off, and hostilities recommence. On receiving this decided answer, Gates recededifrom the rigorous terms at first proposed; and a convention was signed, in which it was agrefed that the Bri- . . Oct 17 tish army, after marching out of their encampraent with all the honours of war, should lay down their arms, and not serve against the United States till exchanged. They were not to be detained in cap tivity, but to be permitted to embark for England. The situation of the armies considered,* these terms were highly honourable to the British general, and favourable to his nation. They were probably raore advantageous than would have been granted by General Gates, had he entertained no apprehension frora Sir Henry 'CUnton, who was, at length, making the promised diversion on the North River, up which he had penetrated as far as iEsopus. The draughts made from PeekskUl for both armies had left that post in a situation to require the aid of militia for its security. The requisi- .tions of General Putnam were complied with; but the attack upon them being delayed, the militia, who were anxious to seed their farms, became impatient ; many deserted ; and General Putnara was induced to discharge the residue. Governor Clinton iraraediately ordered out half the mUitia of New York, with assurances that they should be relieved in one month by the 'Other half. This order was executed so slowly that the forts were car ried before the militia were in the field. Great pains had been taken, and much labour employed; to render this position, which is naturaUy strong, still more secure. The princi pal defences were forts Montgomery and Clinton. They had been con structed on the western bank of the Hudson, on very high ground, -extremely difficult of access, and were separated from each other by a small creek which runs from the mountains into the river. These forts were too much elevated to be battered from the water, and the hills on which they stood were too steep to be ascended by troops landing at the foot of thera. The raountains, which commence five or six miles below thera, are so high and rugged, the defiles., through which the roads lead- ino- to them pass, so narrow, and so commanded by the heights on both sides, that the approaches to them are extremely difficult and dangerous. * The American army consisted of nine thousand and ninety-three continental troops. The number of the militia fluctuated; but amounted, at the signature of the convention, to four thousand one hundred and twenty-nine. The sick exceeded two thousand tive hundred men. 208 THE LIFE OF To prevent ships from passing the fprts, chevaux-de-frise had been sunk in the river, and a boom extended from bank to bank, which was covered with immense chains stretched at some distance in its front. These works were defended by the guns of the forts, and by a frigate and galleysstationed above them, capable of opposing with an equal fire in front any force which might attack them by water from be low. Fort Independence is four pr five miles belew forts Montgomery and Clinton, and on the opposite side of the river, on a high point of land ; and fort Constitution is gather more than six miles above them, on an island near the eastern shore. Peekskill, the general head quarters of the officer commanding at the station, is just below fort Independence, and on the same side of the river. The garrisons had been reduced to about six hundred raen ; and- the whole force under General Putnara did not much exceed two thousand. Yet this force, though far inferior to that which General Washington had ordered to be retained at the sta tion, was, if properly applied, raore than corapetent to the defence of the forts against any nurabers which could be spared from New York. To insure success to the enterprise, it was necessary to draw the attention of Putnara frora the real object, and to storra the works before the gar- risorns could be aided by his army. This Sir Henry CUnton accom plished,. Between three and four thousand men embarked at New York, and landed on the 5th of October at Verplank's Point, on the east side of the Hudson, a short distance below PeekskUl, upon which General Putnam retired to the heights in his rear. On the evening of the same day, a part of these troops re-embarked, and the fleet moved up the river to PeekskUl Neck, in order to mask King's ferry, which was below thera. The next morning, at break of day, the troops destined for the enter prise, landed on the west side of Stony Point, and commenced their march through the mountains, intp the rear pf forts Clintpn and Mpnt- gpraery.* . This diserabarkation was observed; but the morning was so foggy that the numbers could not be distinguished; and a large fire, which was afterwards perceived at the landing place, suggested the idea that the sole cbject of the party on shore was the burning of some store houses. In the mean time, the manoeuvres of the vessels, and the ap pearance of a smaU detachment left at Verplank's Point, persuaded General Putnam that the meditated attack was on fort Independence. His whole attention was directed to this object ; and the real designs ? Letter of Sir JHenry Clinton. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 209 of the enemy were not suspected, untU a heavy firing from the ether side of the river annpunced the assault pn forts Clintpn and Montgomery. Five hundred men were instantly detached to reinforce the garrisons of those places ; but, before this detachment could cross the river the forts were in possession of the British. Having left a battaUon at the pass of Thunderhill, to keep up a com munication. Sir Henry Clinton had formed his array into two divisions; one of which consisting of nine hundred men, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, made a circuit by the forest of Deane, in order to fall on the back of fort Montgomery ; while the other, consisting of twelve hundred men, commanded by General Vaughan, and accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton in person, advanced slowly against fort Clinton.* Both posts -were assaulted about five in the afternoon. The works were defended with resolution, and were maintained until dark, when, the lines being too extensive to be completely manned, the assailants en tered them in different places. The defence being no longer possible, some of the garrison were made prisoners, while their better knowledge of the country enabled others to escape. Governor Clinton passed the river in a boat, and General James Clinton, though wounded in the thigh by a bayonet, also made his escape. Lieutenant Colonels Living ston and Bruyn, and Majors Hamilton and Logan were among the prisoners. The loss sustained by the garrisons was about two hundred and fifty men. That of the assaUants,wasstatedbySirH. Clinton,atless than two hundred. Araong the kUled were Lieutenant Colonel Carap- bell, and two other field officers. As the boom and chains drawn across the river could no longer be defended, the continental frigates and galleys lying above them were burnt, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. Fort Inde pendence and fort Constitution were evacuated the next day, and Put nam retreated to Fishkill. General Vaughan, after burning Continental village, where stores to a considerable amount had been deposited, pro ceeded, at the head of a strong detachment, up the river to .^sopus, which he also destroyed.f General Putnara, whose array had been augmented by reinforcements of mUitia to six thousand men, detached General Parsons with twothou- » Ijctter of Sir Henry Clinton. t Intelligence of the success of Sir Henry Clinton on the North River was received by General Burgoyne, in the night after the convention at Saratoga had been agreed upon, but before the articles had been signed and executed. The British general had serious thoughts of breaking off the treaty. 210 THE LIFE OF sand, to repossess himself of PeekskiU, and of the passes iri the high lands; while, with the residue, he watched the progress of the enemy up the river. The want of heavy artillery prevented his annoying their ships in the Hudson. On the capitulation of Burgoyne, near five thousand men had been detached by Gates to his aid. Before their arrival, General Vaughan had returned to New York, whence a reinforcement to General Hpwe was then abput tp sail. Great as was the injury sustained by the United States frpm this en terprise. Great Britain derived frpm it no spUd advantage. It was undertaken at fpp late a peripd tp save Burgpyne; and thpugh the passes in the highlands were acquirpd, they cpuld npt be retainedl • The British had reduced tp ashes every viUage, and alraest every house within their power ; but this wanton and useless destruction served to irritate, without .tending to subdue. A keenness was given to the resentment of the in jured, which outlasted the contest between the two nations. The army which surrendered at Saratoga exceeded five thousand men. On marching from Ticonderoga, it was estimated at nine thou sand. In addition to this great military force, the British, lost, and the Americans acquired, a fine train of artillery, seven thousand stand of excellent arms, clothing for seven thousand recruits, with tents, and pther military stores, to a considerable amount. The thanks of congress were voted to General Gates and his array ; and a medal of gold, in commemoration of this great event, was order ed to be struck, and presented to him by the President, in the name of the United States. - Colonel Wilkinson, his Adjutant General, whom he strongly recommended, was appointed Brigadier General by brevet. In the opinion that the British would not imraediately abandon the passes in the highlands, congress ordered Putnam to join General Wash ington with a reinforcement not exceeding two thousand five hundred men, and directed Gates to take command of the army on the Hudson, with unlimited powers to caU for aids of militia from the New England States, as well as from New York and New Jersey. A proposition to authorize the Commander-in-chief, after consulting with General Gates and Governor Clinton, to increase the detachment designed to strengthen his array, if he should then be of opinion that it might be done without endangering the objects to be accomplished by Gates, was seriously opposed. An attempt was made to amend this proposition so as to make the increase of the reinforcement to depend on the assent of Gates and CUnton ; but this amendment was lost by a GEORGE WASHINGTON. 211 considerable majority; and the original resolution was carried. These proceedings were attended with no other consequences than to excite some degiree of attention to the state of parties. Soon after the capitulation of Burgoyne, Ticonderoga and Mount In dependence were evacuated, and the garrison retired to Isle Aux Noix, and St. Johns. The effect produced by this event on the British cabinet and nation, was great and immediate. It seemed to reraove the delusive hopes of conquest with which they had been flattered, and suddenly to display the mass of resistance which must yet be encountered. Previous to the reception of this disastrous inteUigence, the employment of savages in the war had been the subject of severe animadversion. Parliament was assembled on the 20th of November ; and, as usual, addresses were pro posed in answer to the speech frora the throne, entirely approving the conduct of the adrainistration. In the House of Lords, the Earl of Chathara moved to amend the address by introducing a clause recom mending to his Majesty, an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty of conciliation, " to restore peace and liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent prosperity to both countries." In the course of the very animated observations made by this extraordinary man in support of his motion, he said,* " But, my Lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arras the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage ? to call into civihzed aUiance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods ? to -delegate to the mercUess Indian the, defence of disputed rights, and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment. Unless thoroughly done away they will be a stain on the national characteri It is not the least of our national misfortunes that the strength and cha racter of our army are thus impaired. Familiarized to- the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous principles which dignify a soldier. No longer sympathize with the dig nity of the royal banner, nor feel the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war that makes ambition virtue. What makes ambition vir tue 1 the sense of honour. But is this sense of honour consistent with the spirit of plunder, or the practice of murder? Can it flow from mer cenary motives? Or can it prompt to cruel deeds ?"t ? Life of Chatham. — Belsham. t See note No. X. at the end of the volume. 212 THE LIFE OF The conduct of administration, however, received the full approbation of large majorities; but the triumph these victories in ParUament afford ed them was of short duration. The disastrous issue of an expedition frpm which the mcst sanguine expectaticns had been formed, was soon known, and the mortification it produced was extreme. A reluctant con fession of the calamity was made by the minister, and a desire to re store peace on any terms consistent with the integrity of the empire found its way into the cabinet. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 213 CHAPTER XI. Defeats in the Commissary department. — Distress of the army at 'Valley Forge-.— iRepresentations of General Washington to congress on this subject. — The army subsisted by impressments. — Copbination in congress against General Washing ton. — Correspondence between him and General Gates. — Pistress of the arrny for clothes. — Washington's exertions to augment the army. — Congress sends a com- mittee to camp.-^Attempt to surprise Captain Lee. — Congress determines on a second expedition to Canada. — Abandons it. — General Conway resigns.— The Baron Steuben appointed Inspector General. — Congress forbids the eud)arkation of Burgoyne's army. — Plan of reconciliation agreed to in Parliament. — Communi cated to congress and rejected. — Information of treaties between France and the United States. — Great Britain declares war against France. — The treaties with France ratified by congress. — Complaints of the treatment of prisoners.— 'A partial exchange agreed to. The army under the , iraraediate command of General Washing. ton was engaged through the winter in endeavouring to stop the intercourse between Philadelphia and the country. To effect this object General SmaUwood was detached with one division to Wilmington ; Colonel Morgan was placed on the lines on the west side of the Schuylldll ; and General Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was stationed near the old camp at White Marsh. Major Jame son, with two troops of cavalry, and M'Lane's infantry, was directed to guard the east, and Captain Lee with his troop, the west side of that river. General Cou;4 Pulaski, a Polish nobleman who commanded the horse, led the residue of the cavalry to Trepton, where he trained them for the ensuing campaign. One of the first operations meditated by General Washington after crossing the Schuylkill was the destruction of a large quantity of hay which remained in the islands above the mouth pf Derby Creek, within the power of the British. Early in the morning after his or- ders for this purpose had been given, ' Sir WiUiam Howe marched out in full force, and encamped between Derby and the mid dle ferry, so as completely to cover the islands ; while a foraging party reraoved the hay. Washington, with the intention of disturbing this operation, gave prders for putting his array in metion, when the alarm ing fact was disclosed, that the commissary's stores were exhausted, and that the last ration had been delivered and consumed. Accustomed as were the continental troops to privations of every sort, it would have been hazarding too much to move them, under these cir- T 214 THE LIFE OP cumstances, against a powerful enemy. In a desert, or in a garrison where food is unattainable, courage, patriotism, and habits of discipline, enable the soldier to conquer wants which, in ordinary situations, would be deemed invincible. But to perish in a country abounding with pro visions, requires something more than fortitude; nor can soldiers readily submit, while in such a country, td the deprivation of food. It is not therefore surprising that, among a few of the troops, some imdications of a mutiny appeared. It is much more astonishing that the great body of the army bore a circumstance so irritating, and to them so unac countable, without a murniur. On receiving intelligence of the fact. General Washington ordered the country to be scoured, and prbvisions, for supplying the pressing wants of the moment, to be seized wherever found. In the mean time, light parties were detached to harass the enemy about Derby, where Sir WiUiam Howe, with his accustomed circumspection, kept his army so compact, and his soldiers so within the Unes, that an pppprtunity tp an- npy him was seldem afforded even to the vigilance pf Mprgan and Lee, After cpmpleting his forage, he returned, with inconsiderable loss, to Philadelphia. That the American army, while the value still retained by paper biUs placed ample funds in the hands of govemment, should be destitute of food, in the midst of a state so abounding with provisions as Pennsylva nia, is one of those extraordinary facts which can not fail to excite atten tion. Early in the war, the office Of commissary general had been conferred on Colonel Trumbull, of Connecticut, a gentleman fitted by liis talents, activity and zeal, for that important station. Yet, from the difficulty of arranging so complicated a departraent in its comraencement, without the advantages of ex|)erience, complaints were repeatedly made of the insHifficiency of supplies. • The subject was taken up by congress ; but the remedy administered, as well from the time of its application, as from the ingredients pf which it was ccmppsed, served pnly tp increase the disease. The systera was not completed until near midsummer ; and then its arrangements were such that Colonel Trumbull refused to accept the office assigned to hira ; and new men were to be called into service at a time when the strong est necessity required the exertions of those who understood the plan of supplies for the campaign in "aU its modifications. In ' addition to the commissary of purchases, and a commissary general of issues, each to bo appointed by congress, the new plan contemplated four deputies in each department, also to be appointed by that body, who were not ac- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 215 countable to, nor removeable by the head of the department, but might be suspended, and accused before congress who should exafnine the charge, and either rempve the accused frcra his office, or reinstate him in it. This imperium in imperio, erected in direct opposition to the opinion of the Commander-in-chief, drove Colonel Trumbull frora the array. Congress however persisted in the systera ; and the effects of deranging so iraportant a department as that which feeds the troops, in the midst o. a campaign, were not long in unfolding themselves. In every military division of the continent, loud complaints were made of the deficiency of supplies. The success of Gates appears to have been more endangered by this cause, than by the movement of Sir Henry CUnton up the Hud son. The army of General Washing-ton was often greatly embarrassed, and his movements not unfrequentiy suspended, by the want of provi sions. The present total failure of aU supply was preceded, for a few days, by the issuing of meat unfit to be eaten. Representations on this subject were made to the Comraander-in-chief, who, on the raorning that Sir WUliam Howe moved out to Derby, and before intelligence of that movement had been received, communicated them to congress. That body had authorized the Comraander-in-chief to seize provisions for the use of his army within seventy miles of head quarters ; and either to pay for them in money, or in cfertificates, for the redemption of which the faith of the United States was pledged. The odium of this measure was increased by the failure of the government to provide funds to take up these certificates when presented, ; At the same time, the provisions carried into Philadelphia were paid for in specie at a good price. The inhabitants of that part of Pennsyl vania were not zealous in support of the war, and the difference between prompt payment in gold or silver, and a certificate, the value of which was often diminished by depreciation before its payment, was too great not to influence their wishes and their conduct. Such was the dexterity they employed that, notwithstanding the rigour of the laws, and the vigilance of the troops stationed on the lines, they often succeeded in concealing their provisions from those who were authorized to impress for the army, and in conveying them- privately into Philadelphia. General Washington exercised the powers confided to hira with cau tion, but he did exercise them ; and by doing so, acquired considerable supplies. Congress appeared as much dissatisfied with the lenity of the Cpmmander-in-chief, as the people were with his rigour, in consequence of which the subject .was taken into consideration, his forbearance dis approved, and instructions given for the rigorous exertions in future of the powers with which he was invested. In reply to the letter commu- 216 THE LIFE OF hicatinT these resolves, the general: stated the conduct he had observed, insisted that provisions had been taken very extensively, and repeated his opinion, that such measures would be much more readily submitted to if executed by the civil authority. In obedience however to the will of congress, he issued a proclama tion, requiring the farmers within seventy miles of head quarters, to thrash out one half of their grain by the first of February, and the resi due by the first of March, under the penalty of having "the whole seized as straw. The success of this experiment did not correspond with the wishes of cono-ress. It was attended with the pernicious consequences which had been foreseen by the general, to avoid which he had considered this sys tem as a dernier resort, of which he was to avail himself only in extreme cases. In answer to a letter on this subject from the board of war, he said, I shall use every exertion that may be expedient and practicable for subsisting the array, and keeping it together; but I must observe, that this never carl be done by coercive means. Supplies of provisions and clothing must be had in another way, or it can not exist. The. small seizures that were made of the former some time ago, in consequence of , the. moat pressing and urgent necessity — when the alternative was to do that or dissolve— excited the greatest alarm and -uneasiness imaginable, even among some of our best and warmest friends. Such procedures may relieve for an instant, but eventually will prove of the most perni cious consequence. Besides spreading disaffection and jealousy among the people, they never fail, even in the most vete'ran armies, to raise in the soldiery a disposition to licentiousness, plunder, artd robbery, which it has ever been found exceeding difficult to suppress ; and which has not only proved ruinous to the inhabitants, but, in many instances, to the armies themselves.'' In a subsequent letter to congress, he added, " 1 regret the Occasion which compelled us to the measure the other day, and shall consider it as among the greatest of pur misfortunes tp be under the necessity ef practising U again. I am now obliged to keep several parties frpm the army thrashing grain, that pur supplies may not fail; but this will not do." About this time, a strong combination was forming against the Com mander-in-chief, into which several members of congress, arid a very few officers of the array are believed to have entered. The splendour with which 4he capture of a British army had sur rounded the military reputation of General Gates, acquired some advo cates for the opinion that the arms of America would be more fortunate, should that gentleman be elevated to the supreme comraand. He could GEORGE WASHINGTON, 217 not be supposed hostile himself tp the preyalepce of this opinion ; aiid some parts of his conduct would seem to warrant a belief that, if it did, not originate with, him, he was not apiong the last tp adppt it. After the victory of the seventh of October had opened to hira the prospect of subduing the army of B^rgQyI}e, he not only pmitted to communicate his success to General Washingtoji, but carried on a correspondence with General Conway, in which that officer expressed great conterap for the Cpmmander-in-chief. When the purport of this correspondence was disclosed to General Washington, Gates demanded the name of thp informer in a letter far from bejng conciliatcry in its terms, which was accpmpanled with the very extraprdinary circumstance cf being passed thrpugh ccngress.* The state ef Pennsylvaifia too, chagrined at the loss of its capital, and forgetful pf its own backwardness ip, strengthening the array, which had twice fought superipr nurabers in its defence, furnished many dis- centented individuals, They imputed it tp General Washingten aa a fault that, with forces infericr tp his enemy in numbers, and in every equipment, he had net effected the sarae result which had been produced in the north, by a continental array, in itself, much stronger than its adversary, and so reinforced by miUtia as to treble his numbers. On the report that General Washington was moving into winter quarters, the legislature of that state addressed a remonstrance to congress on the subject, manifesting, in very intelligible terms, their dissatisfaction with the Commander-in-chief. About the same tira.e, a new board of war was created, of which General Gates was appointed the President ; and General Mifflin, who was supposed to be of the party unfriendly to Washington, was one of its raerabers. General Conway, who was pro bably the only brigadier in the array that had joined this faction, was appointed inspector general, and was promoted, above senior briga diers, to the rank of major general. These were evidences that, if the hold which the Commander-in-chief had taken of the affections and con fidence of the army and of the nation could be loosened, the party in con gress disposed to change tlieir general, was far from being contemptible in point of numbers. But to loosen this hold was impossible. The indig nation with which the idea of such a chai;ige was received even by the victorious troops who had conquered under Gates, forms the most con clusive proof of its strength. Even the northern army clung to Wash ington as the Saviour of his country. These machinations to diminish the weU-earned reputation of the Commander-in-chief, could not escape his notice. They made, how- ? See note No. XI. at tjie end of th? volume. 218 'THE LIFE OF ever, no undue impression oij his steady mind, nor did they change one of his measures. His sensibilities seem to have been those of patriot ism, of apprehension for his coiintry, rather than of wounded pride. His desire to reraain at the head of the army seemed to flow from the conviction that his retaining that station would be useful to his country, rather than from the gratification his high rank might furnish to ambi tion. When he. unbosomed himself to his private frieiids, the feelings and sehtiinents he expressed were worthy of Washingfpn. To Mr. Lau rens, the president of congress, and his private friend, who, in an un official letter, had communicated an anonymous accusation made to him as president, containing heavy charges against the Commander-in-chief, he said, " I can not sufficientiy express the obligation I feel towards you for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which I am deep ly interested. I was not unapprized that a malignant faction had been for' some tirae forming tp my prejudice, which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposed of the trusts repbsCd in me, could not but give me seme pain on a personal account ; but my chief concern arises frora an apprehensipn of the dan gerous consequences which intestine dissensions raay produce to the cpmmon cause. " As I have no other view than to promote the pubUc good, and am unambitious of honours not founded iii the approbation of my country, I would Hot desire, in the least degree, to suppress a free spirit of Inquiry into any part of my conduct that even faction itself may deera repre hensible. The anonymous paper handed you exhibits many serious charges, and it is ray wish that it raay be submitted to congress. This I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment may pos sibly involve you iii embarrassment hereafter, since it is uncertain how many, or who, raay be' privy to the contents. I " My eneraies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive rae of the defence I raight otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They know I can not combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost 'moment to conceal. But why shpuld I expect to be free frem censure, the unfailing let pf an elevated statipn? Merit and talents which I can net pretend tp rival, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim tp dp the best which circumstances weuld perrait. Yet I raay have been very often mistaken in my judgment pf the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputatien pf errer,"* ? See note No. XII. at the end of the volume. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 219 Fortunately for America, these Combinations only excited resentment against those who were believed to be engaged in them. Soon after being informed of the unfavourable disposition of some members of congress towards him, and receiving the raemorial of the legislature of Pennsylvania against his going into winter quarters, the general also discovered the failure already mentioned in the comraisi sary department. On this occasion, he addressed congress in terms of energy and plainness which he had used on no former occasion. In his letter to that body he said, " Full as I was in my representation of the matters in the commissary's department yesterday, fresh and more powerful reasons obUge me to add that I am now convinced beyond a doubt that, unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place in that line, this army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these three things — to starve, dissolve, or disperse in order' to obtain sub sistence. Rest assured, sir, that this is not an exaggerated picture, and that I have abundant reason to suppose what I say. "Saturday afternoon, receiving information that the enemy, in force, had. left the city, and were advancing towards Derby with apparent de sign to forage, and draw subsistence from that part of the country, I ordered the troops to be in readiness, that I might give every opposition in my power; when, to my great mortification, I was not only informed, but convinced, that the men were unable to stir on account of a want of provisions ; and that a dangerous mutiny, begun the night before, and which with difficulty was suppressed by tbe spirited exertions of sorae officers, -was- still much to be apprehended from the want of this article. " This brought forth the only commissary in the purchasing line in this camp, and with him this melancholy and alarming truth, that he had not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter, and not raore than twenty-five barrels of flour! Frora hence, forra an opinion of our'situa- tion,. when I add that he could not teU when to expect any. " All I could do under these circurastances, was to send out a few light parties to watch and harass the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly detached different ways to collect, if possible, as much provi sion as would satisfy the present pressing wants of the soldiers; but wiU this answer? No, sir. Three or four days of bad weather would prove our destruction. What then is to become of the army this -ivinter? And if we are now as often without provisions as with them, what is to be come of us in the spring, when our force wUl be collected, with the aid perhaps of militia, to take advantage of an early campaign before the ene my can be reinforced? These are considerations of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention, and will, when my own reputation is so 220 THE LIFE OF intimately connected with, and to be affected by the event, justify my saying, that the present commissaries are by no means equal to the exe cution of the office, or that the disafection of the people surpasses all be lief. The misfortune, hpwever, dees, in my ppinipn, prpceed frpm bpth causes ; and, thpugh I have been tender heretofore of giving any opinion, or of lodging complaints, as the change in that department took place contrary to my judgment, and the consequences thereof were predicted ; yet, finding that the inactivity of the army, whether for want of provi sions, clothes, or other essentials, is charged to my account, not only by the common vulgar, but by those in power ; it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself. With truth, then, I can declare that no man, in my opinion, ever had his measures more irnpeded than I have, by every department of the army. Since the month of July, we have had no assistance from the quartermaster general ; and to want of assistancfe from this department, the commissary, general charges great part of his deficiency. To this I am to add that, notwithstanding it is a standing order (often repeated) that the troops shaU always have twp days provi sion by them, that they may be ready at any sudden call ; yet, scarcely any opportunity has ever offered of taking advantage pfthe enemy, that has not been either totally obstructed, or greatly impeded, on this ac count ; and this, the great and crying evil is not all. Soap, vinegar, and other articles allowed by congress, we see none of, nor have we seen tfiera, I believe, since the battle of Branqly wine. The first, indeed, we have littie occasion for ; few men having more than one shirt, many, only the moiety of one, and sorae, none at all. In addition to which, as a proof of the little benefit from a clothier general, and at the same time, as a farther proof of the inability of an array under the circumstances of this to perform the common duties of soldiers, we have, by a field Teturn this day raade, besides a nuraber of raen confined to hospitals for want of shoes, and others in farraers' houses on the sarae account, no less than two thousand eight hundred and ninety -eight men, now in carap, unfit for duty, becafise they are bare-foot, and otherwise naked. By the sarae return, it appears that our whole strength in continental troops, including the eastern brigades, which have joined us since the surrender of General Burgoyne, exclusive of the Maryland troops sent-to WUmington, amounts to no more than eight thousand two hundred in camp fit for duty; not withstanding which, and that since the fourth instant, our number fit for duty, from the hardships and exposures they have undergone, particu larly from the want of blankets, have decreased near two thousand men, we find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter quarters or not, (for I am sure no resolution of mine would GEORGE WASHINGTON. 221 warrant the remonstrance,) reprobating the measure as much as If they thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, atid equally insensi ble of frost and snow ;and raoreover, as if they conceived it easily prac ticable for an inferior army, under the disadvantages I have described ours to be, which are by no means exaggerated, to confine 'a superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a winter's campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to cover frora depredation and waste the states of Pennsylvania, Jersey, &c. But what makes this raatter still' more extraordinary in my eye is, that these very gentlemen, whp were well apprised pf the nakedness of the troops from pcular demon- stratipn, whp thpught their pwn spldiers worse clad than others,-and ad vised me, near a month ago, tp ppstppn'e the execution of a plan I was about to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of Congress for seizing clothes, under strong assurances that an ample supply would be coUected in ten days, agreeably to a decree of the state; (not one article of which by the by is yet corae to hand,) should think a winter's campaign, and the covering of their states from the invasion of an enemy, so easy and practicable a husiness. I can assure those gentleraen, that it is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fire-side, than to occupy a cold bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul pity those miseries which it is not in my power either to reUeve or to prevent." The representations made in this letter were not exaggerated. The distresses of the army, however, so far as respected clothing, did not arise from the inattention of congress. Measures for the importation of clothes had been adopted early in the war, but had not produced the ef fect expected from thera. Vigorous but ineffectual raeans had also been taken to obta.in supplies frora the interior. The unfortunate non-impor tation agreements which preceded the commencement of hostUities, had reduced the quantity of goods in the Country below the ordinary amount, and the war had alraost annihilated foreign commerce. The progress of manufactures did not equal the'consumption ; and such was the real scarcity, that exactions frora individuals produced great distress, without relieving the wants of the array. A warra blanket was a luxury in which not many participated, either in the camp or in the country. In the northern states, where the sea coast was too extensive, and the ports too nuraerous to be completely guarded, and where tiie people were more inclined to maritirae enterprise, supplies both of arms and clothes were attainable in a raore cpnsiderable degree than in these farther Vol. I. 15 222 THE LIFE OF south ; but the large sums of money expended in that part of the union for the support of the army, had lessened the value of the currency there more rapidly than elsewhere, and a consequent high nominal price was demanded for imported articles.- Congress deemed the terms on which some large contracts had been made by the clothier general in Massa^ chusetts, so exorbitant, as to forbid their execution ; and at the same time, addressed a letter to the state government, requesting that the goods should be seized for the use of the army, at prices to be fixed by the legislature, in pursuance of a resolutipn of the 22d of November. These recommendations from congress, so far as they exhorted the states to supply the wants of the soldiers, were strongly supported by the general. In his letters to the several governors, he represented the very existence of the army, and the continuance of the contest, as depending on their exertions in this respect. To recruit the army for the ensuing campaign became again an ob ject of vital importance ; and the Commander-in-chief again pressed its necessity on congress, and on the states. To obtain a respectable number of men by voluntary enlistraent had, obviously, becorae irapossible. Co ercion could be employed only by the state governments ; and it required all the influence of General Washington to induce the adeptipn pf a measure so odious in itself, but so indispensable to the acquirement of means to meet the crisis of the war, which, in his judgment, had not yet passed away. He enclosed to each state a return of its troops on continental establishment, thereby exhibiting to each its own deficiency. To those who had not resorted to coercive means, he stated the success with which they had been used by others ; and he urged all, by every motive which could operate on the human mind, to employ those means early enough to enable him to anticipate the enemy in talcing the field. To the causes which had long threatened the destruction of the army, the depi-eciation of paper money was now to be added. It had become so considerable that the pay of an officer would not procure even those absolute necessaries which might protect his person from the extremes of heat and cold. The few who possessed small patrimonial estates found them melting away; and others were unable to appear as gentie men. Such circumstances could not faU to excite disgust with the ser vice, and a disposition to leave it. Among those who offered their com missions to the Coraraander-in-chief, were many who, possessing a larger portion of military pride, and therefore feeling with peculiar sensibility the degradation connected with poverty and rags, afforded the fairest hopes of becoming the ornaraents of the army. This general indiffer ence about holding a coraraission; this general opinion that an obligation GEORGE WASHINGTON. 223 was conferred, not received by continuing in the service, could not fail to be unfavourable, not only to that spirit of emulation which stimulates to bolder deeds than are required, but to a corhplete execution of orders, and to a rigid observance of duty. An officer whose pride was in any. degree wounded, whose caprice was not indulged, who apprehended censure for a fault which his care lessness about remaining in the army had probably seduced him to com- Imlt, was ready to throw up a commission which, instead of being valua ble, was a burden almost too heavy to be borne. With extreme anxiety the Commander-in-chief watched the progress of a temper which, though just commencing, would increase, he feared, with the cause that produced it. He was, therefore, early and earnest in pressing! the coiislderation of this important subject on the attention of congress. The 'weak and- broken condition of the continental regiments, the strong remonstrances of the General, the numerous complaints received from every quarter, determined congress to depute a committee to reside in camp during the winter, for the purpose of investigating the state of the army, and reporting such reforms as the public good might require. This committee repaired to head quarters in the month of January. The Coraraander-in-chief laid before them a general stateraent, taking a comprehensive view of the condition of the array, and detaiUng the reraedies necessary for the correction of existing abuses, as 'well as those regulations which he deeraed essential to its future prosperity, , < This paper, exhibiting the actual state of the array, discloses defects of real magnitude in^ the existing arrangements. In perusing it; the reader is struck with the nuraerous difficulties, in addition to those re sulting frora inferiority of numbers, with which the American general was under the necessity of contending. The raemorial is too long tp be inserted, but there are parts which pught not to be entirely overlooked. The neglect of the very serious representation it contained- respecting a future permanent provision for the officers, threatened, at an after period, to be productive of such pernicious effects, that their insertion in this place wiU npt, it is presumed, be unacceptable. He recoraraended as the basis of every salutary reform, a comforta ble provision for the officers, which should render their commissi.ins va luable; to effect which the future, as weU as the present, ought to be contemplated. " A long and continual sacrifice of individual interest for the general good, ought not," he said, " to be expected or required. The nature of 224 THE LIFE OF man must be changed, before institutions built on the presumptive truth of such a principle can succeed. , , , " This position," he added, " is supported by the conduct of the officers of the American army, as well as by that of aU other men. At the com mencement of the dispute, in the first effusions of zeal, when it was be lieved the 'service would be temporary, they entered iijto it without re gard to pecuniary considerations. But finding its duration much longer than had been at first expected, and that, instead of deriving advantage from the hardships and dangers to which they are exposed, they were, on the contrary, losers by their patriotism, and fell far short of even a competency for their wants, they have gradually abated in their ar dour ; and, with many, an entire disinclination to the service, under pre sent circumstances, has taken place. To this, in an eminent degree, must be ascribed the frequent resignations dally happening, and the more frequent importunities for permission to resign, from some officers of the greatest raerit, "To this also raay be ascribed the apathy, inattention, and neglect of duty, which pervade all ranks ; and which will necessarily continue aijd increase, whUe an officer, instead of gaining any thing, is irapoverished by his coraraission, and conceives he is conferring, not receiving a favour, in holding it. There can be no su^cient tie ' on men possessing such sentiments. Nor can any method be adopted to compel those to a punc tual discharge of duty, who are indifferent about their continuance in'the service, and are often seeking a pretext to disengage thelnselves from it. Punishment, in this case, would be unavailing. But when an officer's commission is made valuable to him, and he fears to lose , it, you may exact obedience frora him. . " It is not indeed consistent with reason or justice that one set of men should make a sacrifice of property, domestic ease, and happiness ; en counter the rigours of the field, the- perils and vicissitudes of war, with out some adequate compensation, to obtain those blessings which every citizen will enjoy in coramon with thera. It must also be a comfprtiess reflection to any man, that, after he may have contributed to secure the rights of his country, at the risk of his life, and the ruin of his fortune, there will be no provision made to prevent hiraself and his family, from sinking intp indigence and wretchedness." With these and pther arguraents. General Washingten recoraraended, in addition to present corapensatien, a half pay and pensionary estabUsh ment for thp army. " I urge my sentiments," said he, " with \he greater freedom, because I can not, and shaU npt, receive the smallest benefit frpm, the establish- GEORGE WASHINGTON, , 225 ment ; and can have no other induceraent for proposing it, than a full conviction of its utUity and propriety," The wants and distresses of the army, when actually seen by the committee of congress, made a much deeper impression than could have been received from any stateraent whatever. They endeavoured to communicate to congress the sentiments felt by themselves, and to cor rect the errors which had been comraitted. But a nuraerous body, if it deliberate at all, proceeds slowly in the conduct of executive business ; and wUl seldom afford a prompt corrective to existing mischiefs, especial ly to those growing out of its own measures. Much of the sufferings of the army was attributed to mismanageraent in the quarterraaster's department, which, notwithstanding the , repeat ed remonstrances of the Commander-in-chief, had long remained with out a head. This subject was taken up early by the comraittee, and pro per representations made respecting it. But congress stUl remained under the influence of those opinions which had already produced such mischievous effects, and were still disposed to retain the subordinate offi cers of the departraent in a state of iraraediate dependence on their own body. In this teraper, they proposed a plan which, not being approved in carap, was never carried into execution. While ccngress was deliberating pn the reforms proposed, the distress es of the array appreached their acme, and its disselutipn was threaten ed. Early in February, the coramissaries gave notice that the country, to a great distance, was actually exhausted ; and that it would be im practicable to obtain supplies for the army longer than to the end of that month. Already the threatened scarcity began to be felt, and the ra tions issued were often bad in quality, and insufficient in quantity. Gene ral Washington found it necessary again to interpose his personal exer tions to procure provisions from a distance. In the apprehension that the" resources of the commissary department would faU before tiie distant supplies he had taken measures to obtain could reach him, and that the enemy designed to make another incur sion into the country around PhUadelphia, for the purpose of gleaning what yet remained in possession of the inhabitants, he detached General Wayne, with orders to seize every article proper for the use of an army within fifteen miles of the Delaware, and to destroy the forage on the islands between Philadelphia and Chester. ) To defeat the object of this foraging party, the inhabitants concealed their provisions and teams, and gave to the country every appeara-nce of having been entirely piUaged. Before any sufficient aid could be ob- U 226 THE LIFE OF tained by these means, the bread, as well as the meat, was exhausted, and famine prevailed in camp. In an emergency so pressing, the Commander-in-chief used every ef^ fort to feed his hungry army. Parties were sent out to glean the coun try ; officers of influence were deputed to Jersey, Delaware and Mary land ; and circular letters were addressed to the governors of states by the comraittee of congress in carap and by the Commander-in-chief,: de scribing the wants of the arrays and urging the greatest exertions for its iraraediate relief. Fortunately for Araerica, there were features in the character of Washington which, notwithstanding the discordant raaterials of which his army was composed, attached his officers and soldiers so strongly to his person, that no distress could weaken their affection, nor impair the respect and veneration in which they held him. To this sentiment is to be attributed, in a great measure, the preservation of a respectable mili tary force, under circumstances but too well calculated for its dissp- lution. Through this severe experiment on their fortitude, the native Ameri cans persevered steadily in the performance cf their duty; but tho cpn- duct cf the Europeans, who constituted a large part of the army, was, to a considerable extent, less laudable ; and at ho period of the war was desertion so frequent as during this winter. Aided by the disaffected, deserters eluded the vigUance of the parties who watched the roads, and great numbers escaped into Philadelphia with their arms. In a few days, the array was rescued from the famine with which it had been threatened, and considerable supplies of provisions were laid up in camp. It was perceived that the difficulties which had produced such melancholy effects, were created more by the want of due exertion in the comraissary departraent, and by the efforts of the people to save their stock for a better raarket, than by any real deficiency of food in the country. ' This severe demonstration seems to have convinced congress that their favourite systera was radically vicious, and the subject was taken up with the serious intention of reraodeling the commissary department on principles recommended by experience. But such were the delays inherent in the organization of that body, that the new systera was., not adopted until late in April. At no period of the war had the situation of the Araerican array been more perilous than at Valley Forge. Even when the troops were not entirely destitute of food, their stock of provisions was so scanty that a quantity sufficient for one week was seldom in store. Consequently, GEORGE WASHINGTON. 227 had General Howe moved out in force, the American army could not have remained in canpp ; and their want of clothes disabled thera from keeping the field in the winter. The returns of the first of February exhibit the astonishing number of three thousand nine hundred and eighty-nine men in camp, unfit for duty for want of clothes. Scarcely one man of these had a pair of shoes. Even among those returned capable of doing duty, raany were so badly clad, that exposure to the cold of the season must have destroyed them. Although the total of the army exceeded seventeen thousand men, the present effective rank and file amounted to only five thousand and twelve. While the sufferings of the soldiers filled the hospitals, a dreadful mortality continued to prevail in those miserable receptacles of the sick. A violent putrid fever swept off much greater numbers than all the dis eases of the camp. If then during the deep snow which covered the earth for a great part of the winter, the British general had taken the field, his own army would indeed have suffered greatiy, but the Araerican loss iS not to be calculated. Happily, the real condition of Washington was not well understood by Sir Williara Howe ; and the characteristic attention of that officer to the lives and corafort of his troops, saved the American array. Fortu nately, he confined his operations to those small excursions that were calculated to enlarge the comforts of his own soldiers, who, notwith standing the favourable dispositions of the neighbouring country, were much distressed for fuel, and often in great want of forage and fresh provisions. The vigilance of the parties on the lines, especially on the south side of the Schuylkill, intercepted a large portion of the supplies intended for the Philadelphia raarket; and corporal punishment was fre quently inflicted on those who were detected in attempting this infrac tion of the laws. As Captain Lee was particularly active, a plan was forraed, late in January, to surprise and capture him in his quarters. An extensive circuit was made by a large body of cavalry, who seized four of his patroles without communicating an alarra. About break of day the British horse appeared; upon which Captain Lee placed his troopers that were in the house, at the doors and windows, who behaved so gallantly as to repulse tho assailants without losing a horse or man. Only Lieutenant Lindsay and one private were wounded. The whole number in the house did not exceed ten.'* That of the assailants was said to amount to two hundred. They lost a sergeant and three raen with several horses, killed ; and an officer and three raen wounded. * Major Jameson was accidentally present, and engaged in this skirmish. 228 THE LIFE OF The result ofthis skirmish gave great pleasure to the Commander-in- chief, who had formed a high opinion of Lee's talents as a partisan. He mentioned the affair in his orders with strong marks of approbation ; and, in a private letter to the captain, testified the satisfaction he felt. For his raerit through the preceding carapaign, congress promoted hira to the rank of major, and gave him an independent partisEm corps to consist of three troojis of horse. While the deficiency of the public resources, arising frora the alarm ing depreciation of the bills of credit, manifested itself in all the miU tary departments, a plan was matured in congress, and in the board of war, without consulting the Commander-in-chief, for a second irruption into Canada. It was proposed to place the Marquis de Lafayette at the head of this expedition, and to employ Generals Conway and Starke, as the second and third in command. This young nobleman, possessing an excellent heart, and all the mili tary enthusiasm of his country, had left France early in 1777, in oppo sition to the will of his sovereign, to engage in the service of the United States. His high rank, and supposed influence at the court of Ver sailles, secured him the unlimited respect of his countrymen in Ame rica ; and, added to his frankness of manners and zeal in- their cause, recommended him strongly to congress. While the claims of others of the sarae -country to rank were too exhorbitant to be gratified, he de manded no station in the al-my ; would consent to receive no compensa- tion, and offered to serve as a volunteer. He had stipulated with Mr. Deane for the rank of major general without emolument; emd, on his arrival in Araerica, that rank was conferred on hira, but without any iraraediate command. In that capacity, he sought for danger, and was wounded at the battle of Brandywine. He attached himself with the ardour of youth to the Commander-in-chief, who smoothed the way to his receiving a coraraand in the army equal to his rank. The fii-st intimation to General Washington that the expedition was contemplated, was given in a letter from the president of the board of war of the 24th of January, inclosing one of the same date to the Mar- qui?, requiring the attendance of that nobleman on congress to receive his instructions. The Coramander-in-chief was requested to furnish Colonel Hazen's regiment, chiefly, composed of Canadians, for the expe dition ; and in the same letter, his advice and opinion were asked respect ing it. The northern states were to furnish the necessary troops. Without noticing the manner in which this business had been con ducted, and the marked want of confidence it betrayed. General Wash ington ordered Hazen's reginjent to march towards Albany; and the GEORGE WASHINGTON- 229 Marquis proceeded immediately to the seat of congress. At his request, he was to be considered as an officer detached from the army of Wash ington, to remain under his orders, and Major General the Baron de Kalb was added to the expedition; after which the Marquis repaired in person to Albanjr to take charge of the troops who were to assemble at that place in order to cross the lakes on the ice, and attack Montreal. On arriving at Albany, he found no preparations made for the expe dition. Nothing which had been promised being in readiness, he aban doned the enterprise as impracticable. Some time afterward, congress alse determined tp relinquish it; and General Washington was autho rized to recaU both the Marquis de Lafayette, and the Baron de Kalb. While the army lay at Valley Forge, the Baron Steuben arrived in camp. This gentieman was a Prussian officer, who came to the United States with ample recommendations. He was said to have served raany years in the arraies of the great Frederick ; to have been one pf the aids de carap pf that cpnsuramate ccmraander; and to have held the rank pf lieutenant general. He was, unquestionably, versed in the sys tera of field exercise which the king of Prussia had introduced, and was well qualified to teach it to raw troops. He claimed no rank, and offered to render his services as a volunteer. After holding a confer ence with congress, he proceeded to Valley Forge. Although the office of inspector general had been bestowed on Con way, he had never entered on its duties; and his promotion to the rank of major general had given much umbrage to the brigadiers, who had been his seniors. That circumstance, in addition to the knowledge pf his being in a faction hostile to the Commander-in-chief, rendered his situa tion in the army so uncomfortable, that he withdrew to York, in Penn sylvania, which was then the seat of congress. When the expedition to Canada was abandoned, he was not directed, with Lafayette and De Kalb, to rejoin the army. Entertaining no hope of being permitted to exercise the functions of his new office, he resigned his commission about the last of April, and, some time afterwards, retumed to France.* On * General Conway, after his resignation, frequently indulged in expressions of ex treme hostility to the Commander-in-chief. These indiscretions were offensive to tlie gentlemen of the army. In consequence of them, he was engaged in an altercation with General Qidwallader, which produced a duel, in which Conway received a wound, supposed for some time to be mortal. While his recovery was despaired of, he ad dressed the following letter to General Washington. Philadelphia, July '23d, 1778. Sir, — I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to yoiu: excellency. My career will soon be oVcr, therefore, justice and 230 THE LIFE OF his resio-nation, the Baron Steuben, who had, as a volunteer, performed the duties of inspector general, much to the satisfaction of the Command er-in-chief, and of the army, was, on the recommendation of General Washington, appointed to that office with the rank of major general, without exciting the slightest murmur. This gentleman was of real service to the American troops. He established one uniform system of field exercise ; and, by his skiU and persevering industry, effected important improvements through all ranks of the array during its continuance at Valley Forge. While it was encaraped at that place, several raatters of great interest „„ engaged the attention of congress. Among thera, was the Stipulation in the convention of Saratoga for the return of the British array to England. Boston was named as the place 'of embarka tion. At the time of the capitulation, the difficulty of making that port early in the winter was unknown to General Burgoyne. Consequently, as sorae time must elapse before a sufficient nuraber of vessels for the transportation of his army could be collected, its embarkation might be delayed until tbe ensuing spring. . On receiving this unwelcome intelligence, he applied to General Wash ington to change the port of embarkation, and to substitute Newport, in Rhode Island, or some place on the Sound, for Boston. If any con siderations not fpreseen shpuld make this proposal objecticnable, he then solicited this indulgence for himself and his suite. This request was communicated to congress, in terms favourable to that part of the appli cation which respected General Burgoyne and his Suite ; but the objec-' tions to any change in the convention which might expedite the trans portation of the army, were too weighty to be disregarded ; and the general pressed thera earnestly on congress. This precaution was un necessary. The facility with which the convention might be violated by the British, and the captured array be united to that under General Howe, seems to have suggested itself to the American government, as soon as the first rejoicings were over ; and such was its then existing temper, that the faith and honour of British officers were believed to be no secu rities against their appearing again in the field. Under this impression, a resolution had passed early in November, directing General Heath to truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you lopg enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of those states, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues. I am with tho greatest respect, sir. Your excellency's most obedient humble servant, Ph8. Conwav. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231 transmit to the board of war a descriptive Ust of all persons comprehend ed in the cpnventien, " in prder that, if any pfficer, scldier, pr pther per son of the said army should hereafter be found in arms against these states in North America, during the present contest, he might be con victed of the offence, and suffer the punishment in such case infficted by the law of nations." No other notice was taken of the application made by General Bur gpyne to congress through the Commander-in-chief, than to pass a reso lution " that General Washington be directed to inform General Burgoyne that congress wiU not receive, nor consider, any proposition for indul gence, nor for altering the tertns of the convention of Saratoga, unless immediately directed to their own body." Contrary to expectation, a fleet of transports for the reception of the troops reached Rhode Island, on its way to Boston, in the raonth of De ceraber. But, before its arrival, the preconceived suspicions of congress had ripened into conviction .-several circumstances combined to produce this result. General Burgoyne, dissatisfied with the accommodations prepared for his officers in Boston, had, after a fruitless correspondence with General Heath, addressed a letter to General Gates, in which he complained of the inconvenient quarters assigned his officers, as a breach of the articles of the convention. This complaint was considered by congress as being made for the purpose of letting in the principle, that the breach of one article of a treaty discharges the injured party from its obligations. This suspicion was strengthened by the indiscreet hesitation of General Burgoyne to perrait the resolution requiring a descriptive list of his troops to be executed. His subsequent reUnquishment of the objection did not reraove the impression it had raade. It was also alleged, that the number of transports was not sufficient to convey the tropps to Europe ; nor was it believed possible that Sir Wil liara Howe could have laid in, so expeditiously, a sufficient stock of pro visions for the voyage. These objections to the embarkation of Burgoyne's troops were strengthened by sorae trivial infractions of the convention, which, it was contended, gave congress a strict right to detain them. It was stipulated that " the arms" should be delivered up ; and it appeared that several cartouch boxes and other mUitary accoutrements, supposed to be com prehended in the technical term arms, had been detained. This was deemed an infraction of the letter of the compact, which, on rigid princi ple, justified the measures afterwards adopted by congress. The whole subject was referred to a committee who reported all the cir 232 THE LIFE OF cumstances of the case, whereupon congress came to several resolutions, 1778. enumerating the facts already mentioned, the last of which Jan. a -yiras in these words : " Resolved, therefore, that the embarka tion of Lieutenant General Burgoyne, and the troops under his command, be suspended, untU a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of Great Britain to congress." These resolutions, together with the report on which they were found ed, were transmitted to the several states, and to General Washingtori. Two copies of thera were sent to General Heath, with directions to de liver one of them to General Burgoyne, and with farther directions, " to order the vessels which may have arrived, or which shall arrive, for the transportation of the army under Lieutenant General Burgoyne, to quit, without delay, the port of Boston." Oil receiving these resolutions. General Burgoyne addressed a letter to congress, containing papers, on which he founded a defence of his conduct, and insisted on the embarkation of his army, as stipulated in the convention ; but the committee, to whom these papers were referred, reported their opinion, after the most attentive consideration of them, to be, " that nothing therein contained was sufficient to induce congress to recede from their resolves of the Sth of January last, respecting the con vention of Saratoga. This application was accompanied by another let ter from General Burgoyne, to be delivered if the army should still be detained, in which, in consideration of the state of his health, he soli cited permission to return to England. This request was readUy granted. The impression made on the British nation by the capitulation of Bur goyne, notwithstanding the persevering temper of the king, at length made its way into the cabinet, and produced resolutions in favour pf pacific measures. After tbe rejecticn pf repeated mptipns made by the ppppsitipn mem bers tending to the abandonment of the American war, Lcrd Nprth gave nptice, in the Hpuse pf Commons, that he had digested a plan of recon ciliation which he designed shortly to lay before the house. In conformity with this notice, he moved for leave to bring in, " first, A bill for removing all doubts and apprehensions concerning taxation by the Parliament of Great Britain in any of the colonies and plantations of North America. " Second. A biU to enable his Majesty to appoint commissioners with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and agree upon the means of quieting the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies of North America.'* The first contained a declaration that Parliament will impose no tax GEORGE WASHINGTON. 233 or duty whatever payable within any of* the colonies of North America, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce of which should always be paid and ap plied to and for the use of the colonies in which the sarae shall be re spectively levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the au thority of their respective legislatures are ordinarily paid and applied. The second authorized the appointment of comraissioners by the crown, with power to treat either with the existing governments, or with indi viduals, in America; provided that no stipulations which might be enter ed into should have any effect untU approved in Parliament, other than is afterward mentioned. It is then enacted, that the commissioners may have power " to pro claim a cessation of hostilities in any of the colonies, to suspend the operation of the non-intercourse law ; and farther, to suspend, during the continuance of the act, so much of aU or any of the acts of Parliament which have passed since the 10th day of February, 1763, as relates to the colonies. * " To grant pardon to any number or description of persons, and to appoint a governor in any colony in which his majesty had heretofore exercised the power of making such appointments." These bills passed both houses of Parliament with inconsiderable op position. Intelligence of the treaty between the United States and France having been received by the minister about the time of their being introduced, copies of thera, before they had gone through the requisite forras, were hur ried to America, to be laid before congress and the public, in the hope and expectation that they might counteract the effects which it was fear ed the treaty with France would produce. General Washington received early information of their arrival, and entertained serious fears of their operation. He was apprehensive that the publication of a proposition for the restoration of peace on the terms originally required by America, would greatly increase the nurabers of the disaffected ; and imraediately forwarded the bills to congress in a letter suggesting the policy of preventing their pernicious influence on the public mind by all possible raeans, and especially through the raedi- um of the press. This letter was referred to a committee, consisting of Messrs. Morris, Drayton, and Dana, by whom a report was raade, investigating the bills with great acuteness as weU as asperity, This report, and the resolu tions upon it, were ordered to be published. Other resolutions were passed the succeeding day, recommending it to the states to pardon un- 234 THE LIFE OF der such Umitaticns as they might think prpper to make, such of their misguided fellcw-citizens as had levied war against the United States. This resplutipn was acccrapanied by an erder directing it tp be print ed in EngUsh and in German, and requesting General Washington tp take such measures as he sliculd deem mpst effectual for circulating the cppies among the American recruits in the enemy's army.* During these transactions, the frigate La Sensible arrived with the important intelligence that treaties of alliance and of comm,erce, had been formed between the United States of America and France. The treaties themselves were brought by Mr. Simeon Deane, the brother of the American Minister in Paris. This event had long been anxiously expected, and the delay attending it had been such as to excite serious apprehension that it would never take place. France was still extremely sore under the wounds inflicted during the war which terminated in 1763. It was irapossible to reflect on a treaty which had wrested from her so fair a part of North America, without feeling resentments which would seek the first occasion of gratification. The growing discontents between Great Britain and her colonies were, consequently, viewed at a distance with secret satisfaction ; but rather as a circumstance which might have some tendency to weaken and em barrass a rival, and which was to be encouraged frora raotives of gene ral policy, than as one frora which any definite advantage was to be derived. France appears, at that tirae, to have required, and wished for, repose. The great exertions of the preceding disastrous war had so de ranged her finances, that the wish to preserve peace seeras to have pre dominated in her cabinet. The young raonarch, who had just ascended the throne, possessed a pacific unarabitious teraper, and the councils of the nation were governed by men alike indisposed to disturb the general tranquiUity. The advice they gave the raonarch was, to aid and en courage the colonies secretly, in order to prevent a reconciliation with the mother country, and to prepare privately for hostiUties, by improving his finances, and strengthening his marine ; but to avoid every thing which might give occasion for open war. The system which for a time * This request aflforded the Commander-in-chief a fair retort on Major General Tryon. That officer had addressed a letter to him enclosing the bills brought into ParUament, and containing, to use the language of General Washington himself, "the more extraordinary and impertinent request" that their contents should be com municated through him to the army. General Washington now acknowledged the receipt of this letter, and, in return, enclosed to Governor Tryon copies of the reso lution j ust mentioned, with a request that he would be instrumental in making them knpwn to the persons on whom they were to operate. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235 regulated the cabinet of Versailles, conforraed to this advice. While the utmost attention was paid to the Minister of Britain, and every mea sure to satisfy him was openly taken, intimation was privately given to those of the United States, that these raeasures were necessary for the present, but they might be assured of the good wUl of the French gov ernment. During the public demonstration of dispositions favourable to Enoland, means were taken to furnish aids of araraunition and arms, and to fa cilitate the negotiation of loans to the United States ; and the owners of American privateers, though forbidden to sell their prizes, or to procure their condemnation, found means to dispose of thera privately. Meanwhile, another party was forraed in the cabinet, to whose politi cal system subsequent events gave the ascendency. Its avowed object was to seize the present moment to revenge past injuries, humble the haughty rival of France, and dismember her empire. Matters remained in a fluctuating state until December, 1777. Pri vately encouraged, but discountenanced publicly, the prospects of the American Ministers varied according to the complexion of American affairs. Intelligence of the convention of Saratoga reached France early in December, 1777. The American deputies took that opportunity to press the treaty which had been under consideration for the preceding twelve months ; and to urge the importance, at this juncture, when Britain would, most probably, make proposals for an accoraraodation,* of coramunicating to congress, precisely, what was to be expected from France and Spain. They were informed by M. Girard, one of the secretaries of the king's councU of state, that it was determined to acknowledge the inde pendence of the United States, and to make a treaty with thera. That his Most Christian Majesty was resolved not only tp acknpwledge, but to support their independence. That in doing this, he might probably soon be engaged in a war ; yet he shpuld not expect any compensation from the United States on that account ; nor was it pretended that he acted wholly for their sakes; since, besides his real good will to thera, it was raanifestiy the interest of France that the power of England should be diminished by the separation of her colonies. The only con dition he should require would be that the United States, in no peace to be raade, should give up their independence, and return to their obedi ence to the British governraent. * Congress, in their first instructions to their coramissioners, directed them to press the immediate declaration of France in favour of the United States, by suggesting that a reunion with Great Britain might be the consequence of delay.— /Secret Jour nals of Congress, v. ii. p. 30. 236 THE LIFE OF On deterraining to take this decisive course; the cabinet of VersaiUes had despatched a courier to his Catholic majesty with information of the fine of conduct about to be pursued by France. On his return, the nego tiation was taken up in earnest, and a treaty of friendship and coraraerce was soon concluded. This was accompanied by a treaty of alliance eventual and defensive between the two nations, in which it was de clared, that if war should break out between France and England during the existence of that with the United States, it should be made a com mon cause ; and that neither of the contracting parties should conclude either truce or peace with Great Britain without the formal consent of the. other, first obtained; and they mutually engaged "not to lay down their arms uhtU the independence of the United States shall have been formally, or tacitiy assured by the treaty, or treaties that shall terminate the war." It was iife wish of the ministers of the United States to engage France immediately in the war ; and to make the alUance, not eventual, but positive. This proposition however was rejected. In a few weeks after the conclusion of these negotiations, the Marquis de NoaUles announced officially to the court of London, the treaty of friendship and commerce France had formed with the United States. The British government, considering this notification as a declaration of war, published a memorial for the pui^ose pf justifying to all Europe the hostilities it had determined to comraence. Soon after their coramenceraent, the Count de Vergennes received private inteUigence that it was conteraplated in the cabinet of London to offer to the United States an acknowledgraent of their independence as the condition of a separate peace. He immediately communicated this inteUigence to the American ministers, requesting thera to Ipse ne tirae in stating tp ccngress that, thpugh war was not declared in form, it had comraenced in fact ; and that he considered the obligatipns pf the treaty of alliance as in full force ; consequently that neither party was now at liberty to make a separate peace. Instructions of a similar import were given to the minister of France in the United States. The despatches containing these treaties were received by the presi dent on Saturday the second of May, after congress had adjourned. That body was imraediately convened, the despatches were opened, and their joyful contents communicated. In the exultation of the moraent, the treaty of aUiance, as weU as that of coraraerce and friendship was pubhshed; a circumstance which, not without reason, gave umbrage to the cabinet of Versailles; because that GEORGE WASHINGTON, 237 treaty, being only eventual, ought not to have been communicated to the public but by mutual consent. From this event, which was the source of universal exultation to the friends of the revolution, the attention must be directed to one which was productive of very (differetit serisations. Anlong the various improvements which struggling humanity has graduaUy engrafted on the belligerent code, none have contributed more to diminish the calamities of war, than those which meliorate the condi tion of prisoners. No obligations will be more respected by the gene rous and the brave; nor are there any, the violation of which could wound the national character more deeply, or expose it to more lasting or better merited reproach. In wars between nations nearly equal in power, and possessing rights acJcnowIedged to be equal, a departure from modern usage in this re spect is almost unknown ; and the' voice of the civiUzed world would be raised 'against. the potentate who could adopt a systera calculated to re establish the rigours and misery 6f exploded, barbarism. Rutin con tests between different parts of the same empire, those practices which mitigate the horrors of War yield, too'frequentiy, tp the calculations pf a blind and erring resentment. The party which suppdrts the ancient state pf things, often treats resistance as rebeUion, and captives as trai tors. The opposite party, supporting also by the sword principles be lieved to be right, wiU admit of no departure from established usage, to its prejudice; and raay be expected, if ''ppsses.sing the power, to endea vour, by retaUating injuries, to compel the observance of a raore just and huraane system. But they participate in tbe fault imputable to their adversaries, by manifesting a disposition to punish those whorti they deem traitors, with the sarae severity of which they so loudly and justjy coiiiplain, when they are themselves its victiras. General Gage, as Commander-in-chief of the British army, in the harshness of spirit which had been, excited whUe governor of Massa chusetts,- not only threw all his prisoners int'p a cpmraon jaU, but reject ed every proppsitipn for an exchange of*hera. When the command devolved on Sir WiUiam HCwe, this absurd system was abandoned, and ah exchange* took place to a considerable extent. But the Americans * In the execution of this agreement, the inconveniences arising from having com mitted the custody of prisoners to the several states, was severely felt. In addition to the delay inseparable from the necessity of inquiring for thern, and coUectmg them from different places, they were often sent in whhout the knowledge of General Washington ; and, in. some instances, they passed unobserved, with permits from a state government, through his camp, into that of the enemy. These irregularities, Vol. I. V 16 238 THE LIFE OF had not made a sufficient number of prisoners to relieve all. their eiti» zens, and many of them still remained in confinement. Representations were continually received from these unfortunate men, describing in strong terms, the severity of their treatment. They complained of suf fering almost the e.xtremity of famine, that even the supply of provisions allowed them was unsound, and that they were crowded into prison- ships, where they became the victims of disease. Wjien charged with conduct so unworthy of his character and sfta- tion. Sir WiUiam Howe positively denied its truth. , > ' It would be unjust to ascribe 'this excess oT inhumanity to- an officer who, though perhaps severe in his temper, did not mingle cruelties in his general system, which would excite universal' indignation in other wars. It must be admitted that his / supplies of provisions were neither good nor abundant; and that the American Soldiers, in their own camp, were unhealthy. But the excessive mortafity prevailing among the - prisoners can be accounted for on no ordinary principles ; and the Candid, who were least inclined to criminate without cause, have ever been persuaded that, if his orders did not produce the distress which existed, his autho rity was not interposed with sufficient energy, to correct the abuses which prevailed.. ' , , . The capture of General Lee furnished an additional ground of con troversy on the subject of prisoners. As he had been an officer in the British service, whose resignation had not, perhaps, been received when he entered into that of America, a disposition was, at first,- , manifested to consider him as a_deserter, and he was closely confined'. On receiv ing information of this circumstance, congress "directed General Howe to be assured that Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, and five Hessian field-. officers, should be detained, and should experience precisely the fate of General Lse. These officerswere taken into close custody, and inform ed that the resolution -announced to General Howe should be strictly enforced. , . The sentiments of the Commander-in-chief on the subject of retalia tion, seem, to have beei) less severe than those of congress. So great was his abhorrence of thecruelties such a practice must generate, that he was unwilling to adopt it in any. case not of absolute and apparent necessity. Not believing that of General Lee to be such a case, he remonstrated strongly against these resolutions. But congress remained inflexible; and the officers designated as the objects of retaliation, were and the remonstrances of the Commander-in-chief;- at length, induced congress lo ap point a commissary of prisoners. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239 kept in rigorous confinement until General Lee was declared to be a pri soner of war.? The resolutions of congress respecting the prisoners taken at the Cedars, were also the source of much embarrassment and Chagrin to the Comraander-in-chief. Alleging that the capitulation had been violated on the part of the eneray; and that the savages had been permitted to murder spme of the prisoners, and to plunder others, they withheld their sanction from the agreement entered into by General Arnold with Cap tain Forster, and refused to allow other prisoners to be returned in ex change for those liberated under that agreement, until the raurderers should be given up, and compensation made for the baggage said to have been plundered. As the fact alleged was not clearly established. Sir WiUiam Howe continued to press General Washington on this sub ject. Reminding hira of the importance of a punctilious observance of faith, plighted in engagements like that made by General Arnold, he per sisted fo hold the Commander-in-chief personally bound for an hpnour- able compUance with miUtary stipulations entered into by an officer under his authority. • ¦General Washington, feeling the keenness of the reproach, pressed congress to change their resolution on this subject ; but his remonstrances were, for a long time, unavailing. After the sufferings of the prisoners in New York had been extreme, and great numbers had perished in confinement, the survivors were libe rated for the purpose of being exchanged ; but so miserable was their con dition, that many of them died pn their way home. For the dead as well as the living, General Howe claimed a return of prisoners, while General Washington contended that reasonable deduction^ should be made for those who were actually dead, of diseases under which they laboured when permitted to leave the British prisons. Until this claim should be admitted. General Howe rejected any par tial exchange. General Washington was immoveable in his determina- fiom to repel it ; and thus aU hope of being relieved in the ordinary mode appeared to be taken from those whom the fortune of war had placed in the power of the enemy. In the mean time, the sufferings of the American prisoners increased with the increasing severity of the season. Information continued to be received, that they suffered almost the extremity of famine. Repeated remonstrances, made on this subject to the British general, were an swered by a denial of the fact. He continued to aver that the same food, both in quantity and quality, was issued to the prisoners, as tp * See note No. XII. at the end of the volume. 240 THE LIFE OF British tropps when in transpprts, or elsewhere, not on actual duty ; and that every tenderness was extended to thera, wTiich was Compatible with the situation of his army. He yielded to the request made by, General Washington to permit a coraraissary to visit the jails, and demanded passports for an agent to administer to the wants of British prisoners. When Mr. Boudinot, the American comraissary of prisoners, who was apppinted by General Washington tP visit the jaUs in PhUadelphia, met Mr. Ferguspn, the British ccramissary, he was infprraed, that General Howe thought it unnecessary for him to come into the city, as he would himself inspect the situation and treatment of the' prisoners. .There is reason to believe that their causes of coraplaint, so far as respected pro visions, did not exist afterwards iii the sarae degree as forraerly ; and that the strong raeasures subsequently taken hy congress, were founded on' facts of an earlier date. But clothes and blankets, were also necessary , and' the difficulty of fur nishing thera was considerable. General Howe would not permit the purchase of those articles in Philadelphia ; and they were not attainable elsewhere. To compel him to abandon this distressing restriction, and fo permit the use of paper money within the British lines, congress resolved, that no prisoner should be exchanged until aU the expenditures made in pa per for the .supplies they received from the United States, should be repaid in specie, at the rate of four shiUings and sixpence for each dollar. They afterwards determined, that from the 1st day of February, no British comraissary should be permitted, to purchase any provisions for the use of prisoners west of New Jersey,! but that all supplies for persons of that descriptipn should be furnished frora, British stores. Sir Williara Howe rerapnstrated agaiiist the last resolution with great strength and justice, as a decree which doomed a considerable number of prisoners, far removed into the country, to a slow and painfiil death by famine,; since it was impracticable to supply them iramediately, from Philadelphia. The severity of this' order, was in some degree mitigated by a resolution that each British commissary of prisoners should receive provisions frora the American commissary of purchases, to be paid for in specie, according to the resolution of the 19th of December, 1777. About the same time, an order was hastily given by the board of war, which produced no inccnsiderable de.gree pf embarrassment ; and exposed the Cpmmander-in-chief tp strictures not less severe than -those he had applied to the British general. General Washington had consented that a quartermaster, with a small escort, should ccme put, of Philadelphia, with clothes and other comforts GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241 for the prisoners who were in possession of the United States. He had expressly stipulated for their security, and had given them a passport. While they were traveUing through the country, information was given to the board of war that General Howe had refused to permit provisions to be sent in to the Araerican prisoners in Philadelphia by water. This information was not correct. General Howe had only requested that flags should not be sent up or down the river without previous permis sion obtained from himself. On this information, however, the board ordered Lieutenant Colonel Sraith immediately to seize the officers, though protected by the passport of General Washington, their horses, carriages, and the provisions destined for the relief of tbe British prison ers ; and to secure them until farther orders, either from the board or from the Cornman(Jer-in-chief. General Washington, on, hearing this circumstance, despatched one of his aids with orders for the immediate release of the persons and pro perty 'which had been confined ; but the officers refused to proceed on their journey, and returned to Philadelphia.* This untoward event was much regretted, by the Commander-in-chief. In a letter received some tirae afterwards. General Howe, after ex pressing his wiUingness that the American prisoners should be visited by deputy commissaries, who should inspect their situation, and supply their wants required, as the condition on which this indulgence should be granted", '.' that a similar permit should be allowed to persons appoint ed by him, which should be accompanied with the assurance of General Washington, that his authority wiU have sufficient weight to prevent any interruption to their progress, and any insult to their persons." This demand was ascribed to the treatment to which officers under the pro tection of his passport had already been exposed. - General Washington lamented the impediment tb the exchange of prisoners,, which had hitherto appeared to be insuperable ; and made re peated, but ineffectual efforts to remove it. General Howe had uniformly refused to proceed with any cartel, unless his right to claim for all the diseased and infirm, whom he had hberated, should be previously ad mitted. At length, after aU hope of inducing him to recede from that high ground had been abandoned, he suddenly reUnqiiished it of his own ac cord, and acceded completely to the proposition of General Washington for the meeting of commissioners, iri order to settle equitably the num ber to which he should be entitled for those he had discharged in the preceding winter. This point being adjusted, commissaries were mu- » They alleged that their horses had been disabled, and the clothing embezzled. 242 THE LIFE OF tually appointed, who were to meet on the 10th of March^ in, German- town, to arrange the details of a general cartel. The Commander-in-chief had entertained no doubt of his authority to enter into this agreement,. On the fourth of March, however, he ha(} the mortification to perceive in a newspaper, a resolution of congress calhng on the several states for the amounts of supplies 'furnished the prisoners, that they might be adjusted according to the rule of the 10th of December, before the exchange should take place. On seeing this enibarrassing resolution. General Washington address ed a letter to Sir Williara Howe, inforraing hira fhat particular circum stances had rendered it inconvenient for the Araerican commissioners to attend at the time appointed, and requesting that their meetmg should be deferred from the 10th to the 21st of March, The interval was suc cessfully eraplCyed in obtaining a repeal of the resolution, , It would seera prpbable that the dispositions of ccngress en the sub ject pf an exchange, did net cprrespond-with those of General Wash ington, Frora the fun4araental principle pf the raUitary establishraent pf the United States at its cpmraenceraent, an exchange ef prispners would necessarily strengthen the British, much- more than the American army. The war having been carried on by troops raised for short tiraes, aided by mUitia, the American prisoners, when exchanged, returned to their hpmes as citizens, whUe these of the enemy again took the field. General Washington, who was governed by a policy rnore just, and more perraanentiy beneficial, addressed himself seriously to congressj urging, as well the injury done the public faith, and his own personal honour, by this infraction of a solemn engagement, as ,the cruelty find impolicy of a systera which raust cut off for ever all hopes of an ex change, and render imprisonment as lasting as the war. He represented in strong terras the effect such a raeasure must have on the troops on whom they should thereafter be corapelled chiefly to rely, and its im pression on the friends of those already in captivity. These remon strances produced the .desired effect, and the resolutions were repealed. The comraissioners met according to the second appointment ; but, on examining their powers, it appeared that thosC given by General Wash ington were expressed to be in .virtue, of the authority vested in him; while those given. by Sir William Howe contained no such declaration. This omission produced an objection on the part pfthe United States ; but General Howe refused to change the language, aUeging that he de signed the treaty to be Cf a personal nature, founded oii the mutual con fidence and honour of the contracting generals; apd had po intention GEORGE WASHINGTON. 243 either to bind his government, or to extend the cartel beyond the liraits and duration of his own cotnraand. This explanation being unsatisfactory to the American comraissioners, and General Howe persisting in his refusal to make the required al teration in hi^ powers, the negotiation -\yas broken off, and this fair pros pect of terminating the distresses of numerous unfortunate persons passed away, without effecting the good it had promised. Some time after the failure'of this negotiation for a general cartel. Sir WiUiam Howe proposed that all prisoners actually exchangeable should be sent in to the nearest posts, and returns made of pfficer for officer of equal rank, and soldier for soldier, as far as numbers would adniit ; and that if a surplus of officers should remain,. they should be exchanged for an equivalent in privates. ¦ , On the representations of General Washington, congress acceded to this proposition, so far as related to the exchange of officer for officer, and soldier for soldier ; but rejected the part which admitted an equiva lent in privates for a surplus of officers, because the officers captured with Burgoyne- were exchangeable within the powers of General Howe.- Un der this agreeraent, an exchange took place to a considerable extent ; but as the Americans had lost more prisoners than they had taken, unless the array of Burgoyne should, be brought into computation, many of their troops were still detained in captivity. 244 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER XII. Incursion into Jersey.— General Lacy surprised.— Attempt on Lafayette at Barren hill. — General Howe resigns the command of the British army.— ris succeeded by Sir H. Clinton. — ^-He evacuates Philadelphia, and marches through the Jerseys. — A council of yvar which jdecides against attacking the British on their march. — Battle of Monmouth. — General Lee arrested.-^Scntenced to ;be suspended for one year. — Thanks of Congress to General Washington and his army. The position at Valley Forge had been taken for the purposes of covering the country, protecting the magazines, and cutting off aU supplies to Philadelphia. Although the intercourse of the inhabitants with that place could not be entirely prevented ; the suf^ ferings of the British atmy frora the scarcity of fresh provisions and forage were considerable ; arid, as the spring opened, several expeditions were undertaken both to relieve their own wants, and to distress the army of the United States. About the middle of March, Colonel Mawhood and Major Simcoe, w'ho were detached into Jersey at the head of about twelve hundred men, landed af Salem, nearly opposite Reedy Island, and dispersed the small bodies of mUitia who were stationed iri that part of the country. General Washington had given early intelligence ofthis expedition to Governor Livingston ; and had requested that he would immediately order out the militia to join Colonel Shreve, whose regiment was de tached into Jersey ; but the legislature had neglected to make provision for paying them; and the governor could not bring them into the field. Colonel Shreve, on his arrival at Haddonfield, the -place at which they had been directed to assemble, found less than one hundred men. Colonel Ellis, their commanding officer, remarked,in a letter to ¦ the governor, that " without some standing force, little was to be expected from the militia, who, being alone not sufficient to prevent the incursions of the eneray, each one naturally consults' his own safety, by not being found in arms." Mawhood, of course, was unrestrained; and the devastation Comraitted by his party was wantonly distressing. Its course of destruction was preceded by a suraraons to Colonel Hand, the commanding officer of the militia, to lay down his arms, which was accompanied with a threat of the consequences to result from his refusal. This threat was too faith fully executed. After completing his forage, without molestation, Mawhood returned GEORGE WASHINGTON. 245 to Philadelphia, During the continuance ofthis incursion, which lasted six or seven days, not raore than two hundred raen could be collected to reinforce Colonel Shreve, who was consequentiy unable to effect any. thing, and did not even march to the lower parts of Jersey, which were plundered vi^ithout restraint.* Not long after this incursion into Jersey, an enterprise was under taken against General Lacy, who, with a sraall nuraber of Pennsylvania miUtia, seldom amounting to six hundred, and sometimes not exceeding fifty, watched the roads leading to Philadelphia on the north side of the SchiiylkiU, and was generally posted within twenty miles of that town. - This expedition was entrusted to Colonel Abercrombie and Major Siracoe, who avoided aU the posts Lacy had established for his security, and threw a body of troops into his rear before he discovered their ap proach. After a short resistance, he escaped with the loss of a few men killed, and. all lys baggage, ths corps was entirely dispersed, and he was soon afterwards relieved by General Potter. To maintain the command of the water as far as was practicable, congress had ordered impediments to be sunk in many of the rivers of common use, so as to obstruct the passage up them, and had con.structed frigates, and other smaller vessels, to be employed above those impedi ments or elsewhere, as the occasion might require. Several of them had been commenced above Philadelphia, but were not completed when the British' obtained the command of the river. General Washington then became apprehensive for their safety, and repeatedly expressed his de sire that they should be sunk in such a manner as to be weighed with difficulty, should any attempt be made to raise thera. The persons, however, who were entrusted by congress with this business, supposed it would be equally secure to put plugs in their bottoms, which raight be drawn out on the approach of danger. Against; these vessels, and some stores collected at Bordento-vvn, an expedition was planned which ended in their total destruction.. < General Dickenson was in the neighbourhood, but his force was too sraall to in terrupt the execution of the design ; and General Maxwell, who had been ordered to his assistance, was retarded in his raarch by a. heavy rain, which did not obstruct the movement of the British, who, passed' up the river in vessels. To cover the country more effectually on the north of the SchUyl . kill, to forra an advance guard for the security of the raain ,. , , r 1 May 18. array, and to be in readiness to annoy the rear of the enemy, . ghOuld he evacuate Philadelphia, an event believed to be in contem- • See note No. XIV. at the end of the volume. 246 THE LIFE OF plation. General Washington detached the Marquis de Lafayette, with more than two thousand choice troops, to take post near the lines. As .this corps formed a very valliable part of the army, the Commander-in- chief recommended in his instructions to General Lafayette the utmost attention to its safety ; and, particularly, to avoid any permanent station, as a long continuance in one position would facilitate the execution of measures which might be concerted against him. The Marquis crossed the SchuylkUl and took post near Barreh-hiU church, eight or ten miles in front of the army. Iraraediate notice* of his arrival was given to Sir William Howe, who reconnoitred his posi tion, and formed a plan tp surprise and cut him pff. On the night ef the 19th ef May, General Grant with five thpusand select treops, took the road which leads up the Delaware, and conse quentiy diverges from Barren-hiU. After marching sorae distance, he incliried to the left, and passing White Marsh, where several roads unite, took one leading to Plymouth meeting-Jiouse, the position he was direct ed to occupy, something more than a mile in the rear of the Marquis, between him and Valley Forge. He reached his point of destination rather before sunrise. Here the roads fork; the one leading to the camp of Lafayette, and the othei' to Matron's ford over the SchuylkUl. In the course of the night. General Gray, with a strong detachment, had advanced up the SchuylkiU on its south side, along the ridge road, and taken, post at a ford two or three railes in front of the right flank of Lafayette, while the residue of the army ericarnped on Chesnut hill. Captain M'Clane, a vigilant partisan of "great merii, was posted on the lines some distance in front of Barren-hill. In the course of the night, he feU in with 'two British grenadiers at Three Mile Run, who informed him of the movement made by Grant, and also that a large body of Germans was getting ready to march' up the SchuylkiU. Immediately conjecturing the object, M'Clane detached Captain Parr, with a com pany of riflemen across the country to Wanderers hill, with orders to harass and retard the column advancing up the Schuylkill, and, has- » General Wilkinson, in his memoirs,' says that this notice was given Iiy a person formerly a lieutenant in Proctor's regiment of artillery, who, disgusted at being dis carded from the American service, became a spy to Sir .William Howe; and, the- bet ter to fulfil his new engageinents, kept up his acquaintance with his former comrades, and frequently visited the camp at Valley Forge. To avoid the suspicion which would be excited by his going into Philadelphia, a rendezvous, had been established on Frankford Creek, where he met a messenger from General Howe, to whora his com- munbatibns were delivered. This statement is certainly correct. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 247 tened in person* to the- camp of Lafayette. He arrived soon after day break, and communicated the intelligence he had received. It was, not long afterwards, confirmed by the fire of Parr on the Ridge road, and by an inhabitant who had escaped froin White Marsh as the British column passed that place.f Thus surrounded with danger, Lafayette took with promptitiide and decision the only course which could preserve him. He in- .stantly put his troops in motion, and passed over at Matson's *^ ' ford, 'which was rather nearer to General Grant, than to himself, with out being intercepted by that officer, or sustaining a greater loss than nine men. General Grant, who reached the ground lately occupied by Lafayette soon after it was. abandoned, followed his 'rea"r, and appeared at the ford just after the Americans had crossed it ; but, finding them advantage ously posted, did not choose to attack them ; and the whole array re. turned to 'Philadelphia, having effected nothing. He did not escapeicensure for having allowed the great advantage he had acquired, to slip through his hands uriused. He might with the ut most certainty have reached Matson's ford before the Marquis, and have ''Extracts of letters from tfie adjutant general aiid the officer of the day to Captain M'Clane. Camp Valley Forge, May 21st, 1778, ' Dear Captain, — I am happy you have with your brave little party conducted with so much honour to yourself. The Marquis effefcted, owing to your vigilance, a glo rious retreat as well as a difficult one. Signed Alex. Scammell, Adj. Gen. Camp Valley Forge, May 23d, 1778. Dear Captain, — I am pleased to hear you are still doing something to distinguish yourself in the eyes of your country. ,1 have the pleasure to inform you that your conduct with the Marquis has been very pleasing to his Excellency and the whole army. I am your obedient servant, • Charles Scott, Brig. Gen. and. officer of the day. t The danger with which this detachment was threatened, was perceived from the camp at Valley Forge, soon after it had been communicated to Lafayette. Alarm- gu-ns were fired to announce it to him; and the whole army was put under arms, to. act as circumstances might require. It has been erroneously stated that General Washington was unapprised of this movement of the British army until its object was defeated. The author was in camp at the time, saw the Commander-in-chief, accom panied by his aids arid some of the general officers ride, soon after sun-rise, to the sum- rait of the billon the side of which the huts were constructed, and look anxiously towards the scene of action through a glass. He witnessed too the joy with which they returned after the detachment had crossed the SchuylkiU. 248 THE LIFE OF cut off the only retreat which remained for him. But the same skill and address were not displayed in executing this plan as in forming it.* In the statement of this affair made by General Lafayette,- he repre sents himself to have advanced the head of a column towards- Grant, aa if to attack him, while the rear filed off rapidly towards the Schuylkill. This movement gained ground even for the front, which, whUe it ad vanced toVvards the enemy, also approached the river, and at ,the same time induced General Grant to halt, in order to prepare for battle. , . While this manteuvre was performing in the face pf the detachment under Grant, a small party was thrcwn into the church yard, on the road towards General Gray, which also gave the appearance of an. inten tion to attack in that quarter. By these dispositions, happily conceived, and executed with regularity, the Marquis extricated 'himself from the destruction which had appeared almost Inevitable. In a letter to con gress; General Washington termed it " a timely and handsome retreat," and certainly the compUraent was merited. It might be supposed that this young nobleman had not displayed the same degree of mUitary talent in guarding against the approach of dan ger, as in extricating himself frora it. But the'' imputation which gene rally attaches to an officer who permits an enemy to pass unobserved into his rear, is removed by a circurastance stated by Lafayette. The Pennsylvania railitia were posted on his left flank with orders to guard the reads abpijt White Marsh. Without his knowledge,' they changed their positipn, and retired intp the rear,leaving tfiat important pass open to the enemy. This was the last enterprise attempted by Sir William Howe, He re signed the command of the army into the hands of Sir Henry Clintpn, and embarked for Great Britain, About the' sarae tirae, orders were re ceived' for the evacuation of Philadelphia, - The part it was now evident France' was about to take in the war, and the naval forCe which had been prepared by that power before she declared herself, rendered that Citya dangerous position, and deterrained the administration to withdraw the array frora the Delaware, The preparations for this raoveraent could not be made unpbserved ;. but they indicated equally an embarkaticnpf the whple array, or an in tention to march tp New York through Jersey, The last was believed by the American chief to be most prpbable ; and he made every exertipn tp take advantage of tiie movement. His detachments were called in, * It has been said that his troops were excessively fatigued by a marCh of upwards of twenty miles, and that he waited, confident that thti Marquis could not escape' him, for information that Gray had reached his position. GEORGE .WASHINGTON. 249 and the state governments were pressed to exfiedite the march of their levies. In the mean tirae Sir Henry Clinton hastened his preparations for the evacuation of Philadelphia; and the opinion that he intended to reach New York through Jersey, gained ground. General Maxwell, with the Jersey brigade, was ordered over the De laware to take post at Mount Holly, and to join Major General Dicken son, who was assembUng the railitia of that state for the purpose of co operating with the continental troops, in breaking down the bridges, fell ing trees in the roads, and otherwise erabarrassing the march of the British General. In this state of things intelligence was received that great part of the British army had crossed the Delaware, and that the residue would soon follow. The opinion of the General officers was required on the course now to be pursued. General Lee, who had been lately exchanged, and whose experience gave great weight to his opinions, was vehement against risk ing either a general or partial engagement. The British army was com puted at ten thousand effective men, and that of the Americans amounted to between ten and eleven thousand. General Lee was decidedly of opinion that, with, such an equality of force, it would be " criminal" to hazard an action. He relied much on the advantageous ground on which their late foreign connexions had placed the United States, and contended that defeat alone could now endanger their independence. To this he said the army ought not to be exposed. It would be irapossible he thought to bring on a partial action, without risking its being made general, should such be tiie choice of the enemy, since the detachment which might engage must be supported, or be cut to pieces, A general actipn ought not to be fought unless the advantage was manifestly with the American army. This at present was not the case. He attributed so much to the superior discipline of the enemy as to be of opinion that the issue of the engagement would be, almost certainly, unfavourable. General Du Portail, a French officer of considerable reputation, main tained the sarae opinions ; and the Baron de Steuben concurred in them. The American pfficers seem te have been influenced by the counsels of the Europeans ; and, of seventeen Generals, only Wayne and Cadwal lader were decidedly in favour of attacking the enemy. Lafayette ap peared inclined to that opinion without openly embracing it ; and General Greene was inclined to hazard more than the counsels of the majority would sanction. The country, he thpught, must be pretected ; and if, in W 250 THE LIFE OF doing so, an engagement should become unavoidable, it would be neces sary to fight. On the morning of the 18th, PhUadelphia was evacuated;* and, by two in the afternoon, all the British troops were encamped on the Jersey shore, from Cooper's Creek to Red Bank. Althotjgh they availed them selves to a great extent of the transportation by water, yet their line of march was so lefi'gthened and encumbered by baggage, and the weather was so intensely hot, that they were under the necessity of proceeding slowly. Indeed their moveraents wore the appearance of purposed de lay ; and were calculated to favour the opinion that Sir Henry Clinton was wiUing to be overtaken, and wished for a general engagement. As his line of march, until he passed Cro'sswicks, led directly up the Delaware, General Washington found it necessary to make an extensive circuit, and to cross the river at Coryell's Ferry ; after which he kept possession of the high grounds in Jersey, thereby retaining the choice of bringing on, or avoiding an action. As Sir Henry Clinton encamped at, and about, AUentown, the main body of the American army lay in Hopewell township, about 'five miles from- Princeton, Major General Dickenson, with about one thousand militia, and MaxweU's brigade, hung on Sir Henry Clinton's left flank. General Cadwallader, with Jackson's regiment and a few railitia, was in his rear ; and Colonel Morgan with a regiment of six hundred raen watched his right, , Notwithstanding the almost concurrent opinion of his general officers against risking an action, Washington appears to have been strongly inclined to that measure. He could not be persuaded that, with an army rather superior in point of nurabers to his eneray, too much was hazarded by fighting him. The situation of the two armies was, therefore, pnce mere submitted tp the cpnsideratipn pf the general pfficers, who were asked whether it would be adviseable, of choice, to hazard a gencr ral action? And, if it would, whether it should be brought on by an im mediate general attack, by a partial attack, or by taking such a positipn as must compel the enemy to becprae the assailants? If the council should be of opinion that it was unadviseable tp hazard an engageraent, ¦ then he asked what measures cpuld be taken with safety fp the army, fp annoy the enemy in his march, should he proceed through the Jerseys ? ' * As the British army moved down Second street, Captain M'Lane, -with a few light horse and one hundred infantry, entered the city, and cut off, and captured one Captain, one Provost Marshal, one guide to the army, and thirty privates, without losing a man. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 251 The proposition respecting a general action swas decidedly negatived, Butit was proposed to strengthen the corps on the left flank of the enemy with a reinforcement of fifteen hundred raen, and to preserve, with the main body pf the arrays a relative position which would enable it to act as circumstances might require. In pui-suance ofthis opinion, the troops on the lines were strengthened with a detachment of fifteen hundred select men, coraraanded by General Scott ; and the army raoved forward the next day to Kingston. Though the council had been almost unanimous against a general action, several officers, whose opinions were highly valued, secretly wished for something more than light skirmishing. Knowing this. General Washington, who was still in favour of an engagement, deter mined to take his measures on his own responsibility. As the , British army moved towards Monmouth court-house, he or dered Brigadier General Wayne, with an additional detachment of one thousand select men, to join the advanced corps. As the continental troops, now constituting the front division, amounted to at least four thou sand men, he deemed it prpper that they shpuld be coraraanded by a major general. Lee had a right to claira this tour of duty ; but, as he had declared hiraself openly and strongly against hazarding even a par tial engagement, and supposed that nothing further would be attempted than merely to reconnpitre the enemy, and restrain plundering parties, he shewed no inclinatipn to assert his claim. UnintentionaUy promoting the private wishes of General Washington, that the command should be given to an officer whose view of the service comported raore with his own, Lee yielded this iraportant tour of dufyto Lafayette. The orders given to this general were, to proceed iramediately with the detachment ; and, after forming a junction with General Scott, and taking command of' the troops on the lines, to gain the enemy's left flank and rear ; give hira every practicable annoyance ; and attack by detachraent, or with his whole force, as the occasion might require. These dispositions and orders could scarcely fail to bring on an en gagement; Wayne had openly supported that measure ; and Lafayette, though against seeking a general action, had been in favour of a partial one. Of consequence, should any proper occasion offer, he w:ould cer tainly attack with his whole force, which would as certainly produce such a state of things as would render it proper to support him with the whole army. Immediately after the march of this detachment. General Washington moved to Cranberry, that he might be in readiness to support ^ .... June 26. his frpnt divisipn. 252 THE LIFE OF The intense heat of the weather ; a heavy storra ; and a temporary want of provisions, prevented the array from continuing its march that day. The advanced corps had pressed forward, and taken a position about five railes in rear Of the British army, with the intention of attack ing it next morning on its march. Thinking this corfis too reraote to be supported in case of action, General Washington ordered the raarquis to file pff by his left towards Englishtown. These orders were executed early in the raorning of the twenty-seventh. ( Lafayette had scarcely taken command of the advanced party, when General Lee began to regret having yielded it to him. He perceived that, in the opinion of all the general officers, great importance was at^ tached to it, and that his reputation was in danger of being impaired by connecting his strenuous opposition to even a partial actipn, with his' declining the command of a very strong detachment, which, it was be lieved, would engage the rear of the enCmy, He therefore soficited ear nestly for the command he had before declined,' To relieve the feehngs of Lee, without wounding those of Lafayette, General Washington ' detached hira with two additional brigades to Englishtown, tp support the raarquis. He would ^ of course, have the direction of the whole front division, which would now amount fo five thousand continental troops ; but it was expressly stipulated, that if any enterprise had been already forraed by Lafayette, it should be carried into execution, as if the coramanding officer had not been changed. Lee acceded to this condition ; and, with two additional brigades, joined the front division of the army, encamped at Englishtown. The rear divi sion also moved forward, and encamped about three miles in his rear. Morgan's corps still hovered on the right flank of the British, and General Dickenson on their left. Sir Henry Clinton occupied the high grounds about Monmouth court house, having his right flank in the skirt of a small wood, while his left was secured by a very thick one, and a morass running towards his rear. His whole front was also covered by a wood, and for a consider able distance towards his left, by a morass. This position seemed unassailable ; and the British were within twelve miles of the high grounds about Middletown, after reaching which they would be perfectly secure. -¦ Under these circumstances. General Washington ordered Lee to at tack the British rear the moraent it should raove from its ground. About fivo in the morning, intelligence was received from General Dickenson that the front of the eneray \yas in raotion. The Juno 28. . ,. ¦ troops were imraediately put under arms, and Lee was or- GEORGE ,WASHING1X)N. 253 dered to attack the rear, " unless there should be powerful reasons fp the cpntrary." He was at the same time informed that the rear divisipn wpuld be pn its march fp support him. Sir Henry Clinton had observed the appearances on his flanks and rear on the twenty-seventh ; and, conjecturing that the Araerican army was in his neighbourhood, had changed the order of his march. The baggage was placed under the care of General Knyphausen, while the strength and flower of his army, entirely unincumbered, formed the rear division, under the particular comraand of Lord CprnwaUis, whp was acccrapanied by the Coraraander-in-chief. Te avpid pressing pn Knyphausen, Cornwallis reraained on his ground untU about eight ; and then, descending, frora the heights of Freehold into an extensive plain, took up his Une of march in rear of the front division.* General Lee had made dispositipns for executing the orders given the preceding evening, and repeated in the morning; and, soon after, the British rear had moved from its ground, prepared to attack.,lt. General Dickenson had been directed to detach some of his best troops, to take guch a position as to co-operate with him ; and Mprgan was prdered te act pn the right flank. Lee appeared on the heights of Freehold soon after Lord Cornwallis had left them ; and, following the British into the plain, ordered .General Wayne to attack the rear of their covering party with sufficient vigour tp check it, burnot to press it so closely as either to force it up to the main body, or to draw reinforcements to its aid. In the, mean time, he iipitended to gain the front ofthis party by a shorter road, and, intercept ing its communication with the line, to bear it off before it could be assisted. While in the execution of this design, a gentlernan in the suite of General Washington carae up to gain intelligence ; and Lee communi cated, to him his present object. Before hereached the point of destination, there was reason ito believe that the British rear was much stronger than had been conjectured. The inteUigence on this subject being contradictory, and tlie face of the coun try well calculated to conceal the truth, he deemed it adviseable to ascer tain the fact himself. Sir Henry Clinton, soon after the rear division was in fuU march, re ceived inteUigence that an American column had appeared on his left flank. This being a corps of mUitia. was soon dispersed, and the march was continued. When his rear guard had descended from the heights, ' Letter of Sir Henry CUnton. Vol. r. 17 254 THE LIFE OF he saw it followed by a strong corps, sopn after which a cannonade was comraenced upon it ; and, at the same' time, a respectable force showed itself on each of his flanks. Suspecting a. design on his baggage, he de terrained to attack the troops in his rear so vigorously, as to compel a recall of those pn his flanks ; and, for this purppse, marched back his whcle rear division. This rapvement was in prpgress as Lee advanced for the purpose of reconnoitring. He soon perceived his mistake re-- specting the force of the British rear, but still determined to engage on that ground, although his judgraent disapproved the measure ; there being a morass imraediately in his rear, which would necessarily inlpcde the reinforceraents which might be advancing to his aid, and embarrass his retreat should he be finally overpowered, \ This was about ten. While both armies were preparing for actioBi General Scott (as stated by General Lee) mistook an obUque march of \ an Araerican coluran for a retreat ; and, in the apprehension of being abandoned, left his position,- and repassed the ravine in his rear. Being hiraself of opinion that the ground was unfavourable, Lee did not correct the error he ascribed to Scott, but ordered the whole detach ment to regain the heights. He was closely pressed, and sorae slight skirmishing ensued without much loss on either side. As soon as the firing announced the comraenceraent of the action, the rear division of the army advanced rapidly to the support of the front. As they approached the scene of action. General Washington, who had received no intelligence from Lee giving notice of his retreat, rode for ward, and, to his utter astonishment and mortification, met the advanced corps retiring before the enemy, withput having raade a single .effort to maintain its ground. The troops he first saw neither understood the mo tives which had governed General Lee, nor his present design; and could give no other information than that, by his orders, they had fled without fighting. General Washington rode to the rear of the division, where he met General Lee, to whom he spoke in terras of sorae warrath, implying dis approbation of his conduct. Orders were immediately given to Colonel Stewart aiid Lieutenant Colonel Ramsay to forra their regiments for the purpose of checking the pursuit; and General Lee was directed to take proper measures with the residue of his force to stop the British cplumn pn that grpund. The Com mander-in-chief then rode back to arrange the rear division pfthe army. These erders were executed with firmness; and, when forced frjm his ground, Lee brought off his troops in good order, and was directed to form in the rear of Ena,lishtown. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 255 This check afforded time to draw up the left wing and second line of the Araerican array on an eminence, covered by a morass in front. Lord Stirling, who coraraanded the left wing, brought up a detachment of artillery under Lieutenant Colonel Carrington, and some field pieces, which played with considerable effect on a division of the British which had passed the morass, and was pressing on to the charge. These pieces, with the aid of several parties of infantry, effectually stopped the advance of the enemy. Finding themselves warmly opposed in front, the British attempted to turn the left flank of the American army, but were repulsed. They then attempted the right with as little success. General Greene had advanced a body of troops with artillery to a commanding piece of ground in hi^ front, which not only disappointed the design of turning the right; but enfiladed the party which yet remained in front of the left wing. At this moment. General Wayne was advanced with a body of infantry to en gage them in front, wfeo kept up so hot and well directed a fire, that they soon withdrew behind the ravine, to the ground on which the action had commenced immediately after the arrival of General Washington.* The position now taken by the British array was very strong. Both flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses ; and their front was accessible only through a narrow pass. The day had been intensely hot, and the troops were much fatigued. Notwithstanding these circum- iStances, General Washington resolved to renew tho engageraent. For this purpose he ordered Brigadier General Poor, with his own and the North Carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while Woodford with his brigade should turn their left. At the sarae time the artillery was ordered to advance, and play on their front. These orders were obeyed with alacrity ; but the impediraents on the flanks of the British were so considerable that, before they could be overcorae, it was nearly dark. Farther operations were therefore deferred- until next raorning; and the brigades which had been detached to the flanks of the British army con tinued on their ground through the night,, and the other troops lay on the field of battle with their arms in their hands. General Washington passed the night in his cloak in the midst of his soldiers. The British employed the early part of the night in removing their • General Lafayette, in a communication made to the author respecting this battle, expresses himself thus: "Never was General Washington greater in war than in this action. His presence stopped the retreat. His dispositions fixed the victory. His fine appearance on horseback, his calm courage, roused by the animation produced by the vexation of the morning, (le depit de la matinfie) gave him the air best calculated to excite enthusiasm." 256 THE LIFE OF wounded; and, about midnight, marched away in such silence that their retreat was not perceived until day. As it was certain that they must gain the high grounds about Middle- town before they could be overtaken;, as the face of the country afforded no prospect of opposing their embarkation; and as the battle already fought had terminated in a manner to make a general impression fa vourable to the Araerican arms; it was thought proper to reUnquish the pursuit. Leaving a detachment to hover about the British rear, the Riain bedy pf the army meyed tpwards the Hudsen. The Cemmander-in-chief was highly gratified with the ccnduct of his tropps in this action. Their behaviour, he said, after recovering from the first surprise occasioned by the unexpected retreat of the advanced corps, could not be surpassed. General Wayne was particularly men tioned ; and the artillery were spoken of in terms of high praise. The loss of tlie Americans in the battle of Monmouth was eight pffi cers and sixty-pne privates killed, and abput pnp hundred and sixty wpunded. Ameng the slain were Lieutenant Cplpnel Bpnner pf Penn sylvania, and Majpr Dickenscn pf Virginia, bpth pf whpm were, much regretted. One hundred and thirty were missing ; but a cpnsiderable nuraber pf these after-vyards rejeined their regiments. In his pfficial letter. Sir Henry Clintcn States his dead and missing at four pfficers, and pne hundred and eighty-four privates. His wPunded at sixteen pfficers and pne hundred and fifty-feur privates. This ac- ccunt, so far as respects the dead, can not be correct, as four officers and twp hundred and forty-five privates were buried on the field by per sons appointed for the purpose, who made their report to the Cpmmand er-in-chief; and some few were after-vyards found, so as to increase the nuraber to nearly three hundred. The uncoramon heat of the day proved fatal to several on both sides. As usual, when a battle has not. been decisive, both parties claimed the victory. In the early part of the day, the advantage was certainly ¦with the British; in the latter part, it maybe pronounced with -equal certainty to have been with the Araericans. They maintained their ground, repulsed the enemy, were prevented only by the night, and by the retreat of the hostile array frora renewing the action, and suffered less in kiUed and wounded than their adversaries. It is true that Sir Henry Clinton effected what, he states to have been his principal object, — the safety of his baggage. But when it is recol lected that the American officers had decided against hazarding an ac tion, that this advice must have trararaeled the conduct, and circum scribed the views of the Commander-in-chief, he will be admitted to have GEORGE WASHINGTON. 257 effected no inconsiderableobject in giving the American arms that ap pearance bf superiority which was certainly acquired by this engagement. Independent of the loss sustained in the action, the British atoy was considerably weakened in its raarch from Philadelphia to New York. About one hundred prisoners were made, and near one thousand sol diers, chiefly foreijgners, deserted while passing through Jersey. The conduct of Lee was generally disapproved. As however he had possessed a large share pf the ccnfidence and gcpd ppinipn pf the Com mander-in-chief, it is probable that explanations might have been made which wbuld have rescued him from the imputations that were cast on him, and have restored him to the esteem of the army, could his haughty temper have brooked the indignity he believed to have been offered hira on the field of battle. General Washington had taken no raeasures in consequence of the events of that day, and would probably have corae to no resolution concerning them without an amicable explanation, when he received frora Lee a letter expressed in very unbecoming terms, in which he, in the tone of a ' superior, required reparation for the injury sustained " from the very singular expressions" said to have been u§ed on the day of the action by the Commander-in-chief. This letter was answered by an assurance that, so soon as circum stances would admit of an inquiry, he shpuld have an oppor tunity of justifying himself, to the array, to America, aiid fo ^ the world in general ; ' or of convincing them that he had been guilty of dis obedience of orders, and misbehaviour before the enemy. On his ex pressing a wish for a speedy investigation of his conduct, and for a court- martial rather than a court of inquiry, he was arrested. First. For disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of June, agreeably to repeated instructions. Secondly. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day, in making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. Thirdly. For disrespect to the Commander-in-chief in two letters. Before this correspondence had taken place, strong and specific charges of misconduct had been made against General Lee by several officers of his detachment, and particularly by Generals Wayne and' Scott, In these, the transactions of the day, not being well understood, were represented in colours rauch raore unfavourable to Lee, than facts, when properly explained, would seem to justify. These representations, most prpbably, induced the sfrcng language of the second article in the chartre, A court-martial, over which Lord StirUng presided, after a tedious investigation, found him guilty of all the charges exhibited against him, and sentenced him to be suspended for one year. This ,258 THE LIFE OF "* sentence was, afterwards, though with some hesitation, approved, alfnost unanimously, by congress. The- court softened, in some degree, the se verity of the second charge, by finding hira guilty, not in its very words, but "of misbehaviour before the enefny, by making an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a disorderly retreat." Lee defended himself with his accustomed abiUty: He' proved that, after the retreat had commenced, in , consequence of General Scott's re passing the ravine, on the approach of the enemy, he had designed to form- pn the first advantagepus piece of ground he could find; and that, in his own opinion, and in the opinion of some other officers, no 'safe and advantageous position had presented itself until he met General Wash ington ; at which tirae it was his intention to fight the enemy on the very ground afterwards taken by that officer. He suggested - a variety of reasons in justification of his retreat, which, if they do not absolutely establish its propriety, give it so 'questionable a form as to render it pro bable that a public examination never would have taken place, could his proud spirit have stooped to offer explanation instead of outrage, to the Commander-in-chief. His suspension gave general satisfaction through the army. Without being masters of his conduct as a niUitary man; they perfectiy under stood the insult offered to their general by-his letters ; and, whether rightiy or not, believed his object to, have been to disgrace Washington, and to obtain the supreme coraraand for himself. So devotedly were all ranks attached to their general, that the mere suspiciofi of such - a de sign, would have rendered his continuance in the army extremely diffi cult. Whatever judgment may be formed on the propriety of his retreat, it is not easy to justify, either the omission to keep the Commander-in- chief continually informed of his situation and intentions, pr the very rude letters written after the actipn was ever. < The battle of Monmouth gave great satisfaction to congress. A reso lution was passed unanimously, thanking General Washington for the activity with which he marched frcra the camp at Valley Ferge, in pur suit pf the«nemy ; for his distinguished exertipns in forraing the fine pf battle, and for his great gppd ccnduct in the acticn ; and he was request ed tp signify the thanks pf ccngress tp the pfficers and men under his cpmraand, whp distinguished themselves by their conduct and valour in the battle. After remaining a few days on the high grounds of Middletown, Sir .. Henry Clinton proceeded to Sandy-hook, whence his army passed over to New York, GEORGE WASHINGTON. 259 CHAPTER XIII, Count D'Estaing arrives with a French fleet. — Meditates nn attack on the British fleet in New York harbour. — Relinquishes it. — Sails to Rhode Island. — Lord Howe ap pears off Rhode Island. — Both fleets dispersed by a storm. — General Sullivan lays siege to Newport.^-D'Eslaing returns. — Sails for Boston.— Sullivan expresses his dissatisfaction in general orders. — Raises the siege of Newport. — Action on Rhode Island.— The Americans retreat to the Continent. — Count D'Estaing expresses his dissatisfaction with Sullivan in a letter to Congress.r-General Washington labours successfully to heal these discontents. — Lord Howe resigns the command of the British fleet. — Colonel Baylor's regiment surprised. — Captain Donop defeated by Colonel Butler. — Expedition of the British against Egg Harbour. — Pulaski sur- Before General Washington could reach the ground he designed 4o occupy, IntelUgence was received that a powerful French fleet, under the command of the Count D'Estaing, had appeared off Chingoteague inlet, the northern extremity of the coast of Virginia. The Count had sailed from Toulon on the 13th of April, with twelve ships of the line and six frigates, having on board a respectable body of land forces. His destination was the Delaware ; and he hoped to find the British fleet in that river, and their army in PhUadelphia. An un common continuance of adverse winds, protracted his voyage across the Atlantic to the extraordinary length of eighty-seven days. This unusual circumstance saved the British fleet and army. On reaching the capes of the Delaware, the Count announced his ar rival to congress ; and, having failed in accomplishing his first object, proceeded along the coast to New York, in the hope of being able to at tack -the British fleet in the harbour of that place. Sir Henry Clinton was again indebted to some fortunate incidents for his safety. The violent storms of the preceding winter had broken through the narrow isthraus by which Sandy-hook was connected with the continent, and had converted the peninsula into an island. This rendered it ne cessary for the army to pass from the main to the hook on a bridge of boats, which would have been impracticable, if obstructed by a superior fleet. It was effected the very day on which D'Estaing appeared off Chingoteague inlet. At Paramus, in Jersey, General Washington received a letter from the president of congress, advising hira of this iraportant event,, and requesting that he would concert raeasures with the Count for conjoint and offensive operations. 260 THE LIFE OF The next day he received a second letter on the same subject, en closing two resolutions, one directing him to co-operate with the French admiral, and the other authorizing him to call on the states from New Hampshire to New Jersey inclusive, for such aids of Wlitia as he might deera necessary for the operations pf the' allied arms. He determined to proceed immediately to "the White Plains, whence the army might co-operate with more facility in the execution of any at- tsmpt which might be made by the fleet, and . despatched Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, one of his aids de camp, with all the information rela tive to the enemy, as well as to his own army, which might be useful to D'Estaing, Lieutenant Colonel Laurens was authorized to consult on future conjoint operations, and to estabfish conventional signals for the purpose of facilitating the communication of intelligence. The French admiral, on arriving off the Hook, despatched Major, de Choisi, a gentleman of his family, to General Washington, for the pur pose of communicating fully his views and his strength. His first pbject was to attack New York, If this should be found impracticable, he was desirous of turning his attention to Rhode Island, To assist in coming to a result on these enterprises. General Washington despatched Lieu tenant Cplpnel Hamilfpn with such farther cpmraunicatipns as had been suggested, by inquiries made since 'the departure of Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, Fearing that the water on the bar at the entrance of the harbour, was not of sufficient depth to adrait the passage of the largest ships of the French fleet without much difficulty and danger. General Washington had turned his attention to other objects which might be, eventually, pursued. General Sullivan, who commanded the troops in Rhode Island, was directed to prepare for an enterprise against Newport; and the Marquis de Lafayette was detached with two brigades to join him at Providence, The next day Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton returned to camp with the final determination of the Count D'Estaing to relinquish the meditated attack on the fleet in the harbour of New York, in consequence of the impracticability of passing the bar. General Greene was imraediately ordered to Rhode Island, of which state he was a native ; and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens was directed to attach hiraself to the French adrairal, and to facUitate all his views by procuring whatever might give them effect; after which he was to act with the army under SulUvan. The resolution being taken to proceed against Rhode Island, the fleet got under way, and, on the 25th of July, appeared off. Newport, and cast anchor about five miles frcra that place, just without Brenton's GEORGE WASHINGTON. 261 Jedge; sooti after which. General Sullivan went on board the Admiral, and concerted with him a plan of operations for the allied forces. Th(* fleet was to enter the harbour, and land the troops of his Christian Ma jesty ori the west side of the island, a little to the north of Dyer's island. The Americans were to laud at the same time on the opposite coast, under cover of the guns of a frigate. Although the appearance of the French fleet had animated the whole country, and had produced a considerable degree of alacrity for the service ; although the success of the enterprise essentially depended on maintaining a superiority at sea, which there was much reason to appre hend would soon be wrested from them ; yet such are the delays inse parable from measures to bring hpsbandmen into the field as soldiers, that the operations against Newport were suspended for several days 6n this account. As the militia of New Hampshire and Massachusetts approached. General Sullivan joined General Greene at Tiverton, and it was agreed with the Adrairal that the fleet should enter the raain channel immediately, and that the descent should be made the suc ceeding day. The ships of war passed the British ^batteries and entered the harbour, without receiving or doing any considerable damage. The railitia not arriving precisely at the tirae they were expected. General Sullivan could not hazard the movement which had been con certed, and stated to the Count the necessity of postponing it till the next day. Meanwhile, the preparations for the descent being perceived. General Pigot drew the troops which had been stationed on the north end of the island into the lines at Newport, On discovering this circumstance the next raorning, Sullivan deter mined to avail himself of it, and to take immediate possession of the works which had been abandoned. The whole army crossed the east passage, and landed on the north end of Rhode Island, This move ment gave great offence to the Admiral, who resented the indelicacy sup posed to have bebn committed by Sullivan in landing before the French, and without consulting him. Unfortunately, sorae difficulties,, on subjects of mere punctilio, had previously arisen. The Count D'Estaing was a land as well as sea officer, and held the high rank of lieutenant general in the service of France, Sullivan being only a major general, some misunderstanding on this delicate point had been apprehended ; and General Washington had suggested to him the necessity of taking every precaution to avoid it. This, it was supposed, had been effected in their first conference, in which it was agreed that the Americaris should land first, after which 'X 262 THE LIFE OF the French should land, to be commanded by the Count D'Estaing in «person. The motives for ihis arrangement are not stated ; but it was %ost probably made solely with a view lo the success of the enterprise. Either his own after-reflections or the suggestions of others dissatisfied the Count with it, and he insisted that the descent should be made on both sides of the island precisely at the same instant, and that one wing of the American array should be attached to the French, and land with them. He also declined comraanding in person, and wished the Mar> quis de Lafayette to take charge of the French troops as well as of the Araericans attached to thera. It being feared that this alteration of the plan might endanger both its parts, D'Estaing was prevailed on to reduce his demand from one wing of the American army to one thousand militia. When, afterwards, General SuUivan crossed over into the island before the time to which he had himself postponed the descent, and without giving previous no tice to the Count of this movement, some suspicions seera to have been e.xcited, that the measure was taken with other views than were avow ed, and no inconsiderable degree of excitement was manifested. The Count refused to answer Sullivan's letter, and charged Lieutenant Colo nel Fieury, who delivered it, with being more an Americem than a Frenchman. At this time a British fleet appeared, which, after sailing close into the land, and communicating with General Pigot, withdrew some dis tance, and came to anchor off point Judith, just without the narrow inlet leading into the harbour. After it had been ascertained that the destination of the Count D'Es taing was America, he was followed by a squadron of twelve ships of the line under Admiral Byron, who was designed to relieve Lord Howe, that nobleman having solicited his recall. The vessels composing this squadron meeting with weather unusually bad for the season, and being separated in different storms, arrived, after fingering thrpugh a tedieus passage, in varieus degrees pf distress, en different and rempte parts ef tiie Araerican cpast. Between the departure of D'Estaing from the Hopk on the 23d pf July, and the 30th pf that mpnth, fpur ships pf sixty-four and fifly guns arrived at Sandy Hppk. This additipn tp the British fleet, theugh it left Lord Howe ccnsider- ably infcricr tp the Cpunt D'Estaing, determined him tp attempt the re lief of Newport. He sailed from New York on the 6th of August ; and, on the 9th, appeared in sight of the French fleet, before intelligence of his departure could be received by the Adrairal. At the time of his arrival the wind set directly into the harbour, so GEORGE WASHINGTON. 263 that it was impossible to get out of it; but it shifted suddenly to the north east the next morning, and the Count determined to stand out to sea, and give battle. Previous to leaving port, he informed General Sullivan that, on his return, he would land his men as that officer should advise. Not choosing to give the advantage of the weather-gage, Lord Howe also weighed anchor and stood out to sea. He was followed by D'Es taing ; and both fleets were soon out of sight. The militia were now arrived ; and Sullivan's army amounted to fen thousand men. Some objections were made by Lafayette to his com mencing operations before the return of D'Estaing, That officer ad vised that the array should be advanced to a position in the neighbour- hopd pf Newpprt, but shpuld npt break grpund until tbe Cpunt shpuld be in readiness fp act in concert with them. It was extremely desirable to avoid whatever '^raight give offence to the great ally on whose assistance so rauch depended ; but time was deemed of such importance to an army which could not be kept long together, that this advice was overruled, and it was determined to commence the siege immediately. Before thii determination could be executed, a furious storra blew down all the tents, rendered the arras unfit for immediate use, and great ly damaged the araraunition, of which fifty rounds had just been deli vered to each man. The soldiers, having no shelter, suffered extremely; and several perished in the storra, which conti- "' nued three days. On the return of fair weather the siege was com menced, and continued without any material circurastance for several days. As no inteUigence had been received from the Adrairal, the situation of the' Araerican army was becoming very critical. On the evening of the 19th, their anxieties were relieved for a moment by the reappear ance of the French fleet. ' The two Admirals, desirous the one of gaining, and the other of re taining the advantage of the wind, had employed two days in manoeu vring, without ccraing fp action. Tpwards the close of the second, they were on the point of engaging, when they were separated by the violent storm which had been felt so severely on shore, and which dispersed bcth fleets. Seme single vessels afterwards feU in with each other, but no iraportant capture was made ; and both fleets retired in a very shat tered condition, the one to the harbeur of New York, and the other to that pf Newpprt. A letter was immediately despatched by D'Estaing tp SuUivan, in forming him that, in pursuance of orders from the King, and of the ad- 264 THE LIFE OF vice of all his officers, he had taken the resolution to carry the fleet to Boston. His instructions directed him to sail for Boston should his fleet meet with any disaster, or should a superipr British fleet appear en the coast. This cpramunication threw Sullivan and his army into despair. Gene ral, Greene, and the Marquis de Lafayette were directed tp wait on the Admiral with a letter from SuUivan remonstrating against this resolu tion, and to use their utmost endeavours to induce him to change it. They represented to him the certainty of carrying the garrison if he would co-operate with thera only two days, urged the irapolicy of expos ing the fleet at sea, in its present condition, represented the port of Bos ton as equally insecure with that of Newport, and added that the expedi tion had been undertaken on condition that the French fleet and array should co-operate with them ; that confiding in this co-operation, they had brought stores into the island to a great amount, and- that to abandon the enterprise in the present state of things, would be a reproach and disgr.ice to their arms. To be deserted at such a critical moment would have a pernicious influence on the minds of the Araerican peo ple, and would furnish their doraestic foes, as well as the coramon enemy, with the raeans of aniraadverting severely on their prospects frora an alliance with those who could abandon them under circurastances such as the present. They concluded with wishing that tbe utmost harmpny and confidence might subsist between the two nations, and especially be tween their officers; and entreated the Admiral, if any personal indis cretions had appeared in conducting the expedition, not to permit them to prejudice the common cause. Whatever impression these observations may have made on the Count, they could not change the determination he had forraed. General Greene, in his representation ofthis conversatien, stated that tiie principal pfficers on board the fleet were the enemies of D'Estaing. He was properly a land officer, and they were dissatisfied with his ap pointment in the navy. Deterrained to thwart his raeasures, and to pro- vent, as far as could be justified, his achieving any brilliant exploit, they availed themselves of , the letter of his instructions, and unanimously persevered in advising him to relinquish the enterprise, and sail for Bos ton. He could not venture, with such instructions, to act against their unanimous opinion; and, although personally disposed to re-eater the harbour, declined doing so, and sailed from the island. On the return of Greene and Lafayette, Sullivan made yet another effort to retain the fleet. He addressed a second letter to the Admiral, pressing him, in any event, to leave his land forces. The bearer ofthis GEORGE WASHINGTON. 265 letter was also charged with a protest signed by all the general Officers in Rhode Island except Lafayette, the only effect of which was to irritate D'Estaing, who proceeded, witiiout delay, on his voyage to Boston. Thus abandoned by the fleet, Sullivan called a council of general officers, who were in favour of atterapting an assault if five thousand volunteers who had seen nine months service could be obtained for the enterprise ; but the departure of the fleet had so discouraged the militia, that this number could not be procured ; and, in a few days, the army was reduced by desertion to little more than five thousand raen. As the British were estiraated at six thpusand, it was deterrained to raise the siege, and retire to the north end of the island, there to fortify, and wait the result of another effort to induce D'Estaing to return. In the night of the 28th, the array retired by two roads- leading to the works on the north end of the island, having its rear covered by Colonels Livingston and Laurens, who commanded light parties on each. . Early next morning the retreat was discovered by the British, who followed in two columns, and were engaged on each road by Livingston and Laurens, who retreated slowly and kept up the action with skill and spirit until the English were brought into the neighbourhood of the main body of the Americans, drawn up in order of battle on the ground of their encampment. The British formed on Quaker Hill, a very strong piece pf ground, something more than a mile in front of the American line. Sullivan's rear was ccvered by strpng wprks ; and in his front, rather to the right, was a redoubt. In this position, the two armies cannonaded each Pther for seme time, and a successipn pf skirmishes was kept up in front of both lines until about, two in the afternoon, when the British ad-, vanced in force, attempted to turn the right flank, and raade demonsfra-. tions of an intention to carry the f-edoubt in front of the right wing. General Greene, who coramanded that wing, advanced fo its support, and a sharp engageraent was continued for about half an hour, when the British retreated to Quaker Hill. The cannonade was renewed, and kept up intermingled with slight skirmishing until night. According to the return raade by General Sullivan, his loss in kiUed, wounded and raissing was two hundred and eleveh. That of the British, as stated by General Pigot, amounted to two hundred and sixty. The next day, the cannonade was renewed, but neither array was in- cUned to attack the other. The British waited for reinforceraents, and SuUivan had at length determined to retire frora the island. The Commander-ip-chief had' observed some movements among the British transports indicating the embarkation of troops, and had sug.. 266 THE LIFE OF gested to SuUivan the necessity of securing his retreat. A fleet of trans ports soon put to sea with a large body of troops, of which immediate notice was given to Sullivan in a letter recommending his retreat to the continent. This rein forcementj- which consisted of four thousand men, commanded by Sir Henry Clinton in person, was delayed by, adverse winds until the letter of General Washington was received, and the reso lution to evacuate the island was taken. The whole army passed over to the continent unobserved by the enemy, and disembarked "' ' about Tiverton by two in the morning. Never was retreat more fortunate. Sir Henry Clinton arrived tha next day ; and the loss of the American army would have been inevitable. The complete success of this expedition had been confidently antici pated throughout America ; and the most briUiant results had been ex pected from the capture of so important a part of the British army as the garrison of Newport. The chagrin produced by disappointment was proportioned to the exaltation of their hopes. In general orders issued by Sullivan, soon after the departure of D'Estaing, he permitted some expressions to escape him which were understood to impute te the Cpunt D'Estaing, and tp the French nation, an iiidisposition to promote the in terests of the United States. These insinuations wounded the feelings of the French officers, and added, in no small degree, to the resentments of the moment. In subsequent orders, the General sought io correct this indiscretion ; and alleged that he had been misunderstood by those who supposed him to blame the Admiral, with whose orders he was unac quainted, and of whose conduct he was, consequently, unable to judge. He also stated explicitly the important aids America had received frora France, aids of which he ought not to be unraindful under any disap pointment; and which should prevent a too sudden censure of any movement whatever. The Count D'Estaing, on his part, addressed a letter to congress con taining a statement of all the movements of his fleet subsequent to its ar rival on the coast, in which his chagrin and irritation were but ill con cealed. In congress, after approving the conduct of SuUivan and his army, an indiscreet proposition was raade to inquire into the causes of the failure of the expedition ; but this was set aside by the previous question. In the first raoraents of vexation and disappointment. General Sullivan had addressed some letters to the governor of Rhode Island, Complaining bitterly of being abandoned by the fleet. These despatches were trans mitted by the governor to the speaker of the assembly, and were on the point of being submitted publicly to the house, when they were fortu- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 267 nately arrested by General Greene, whp had been introduced on the floor, and placed by the side of the chair ; and to whom they were shown by the speaker. The discontent in New England generally, and in Boston particular ly, -yvas so great as to inspire fears that the means of repairing the French ships would not be supplied. To guard against the raischief which raight result from this temper, as well as for other objects. General Hancbck had repaired from camp to Boston, and Lafayette had followed him on a visit to D'Estaing. •The consequences to be apprehended frora this unavaUing raanifesfa- tion of ill temper, soon induced all reflecting men to exert themselves to control it. In the comraencement of its operation. General Washington, foreseeing the evils with which it was fraught, had laboured to prevent them. He addressed letters to General Sullivan, to Genera! Heath, who commanded at Boston, and to pther individuals of influence in New .England, urging the necessity of correcting the intemperance of the mo- iment, and of guarding against the interference of passion with the public interest. Soon after the transmission of these letters, he received a resolution of congress, directing hira to take every measure in his power to prevent .the publication of the protest entered into by the officers of SulUvan's army. In his letter communicating this resolution, he said, 'i' the dis agreement between the army under your command and the fleet, has given me very singular uneasiness. Tbe continent at large is concerned in our cordiality, and it should be kept up by all possible means, consist ent with cur honour and policy. First impressions, you know, are generally longest retained, and will serve to fix, in a great degree, our national character with the French. In pur conduct towards them, we should reraeraber,that they are a people old in war, very strict in raili tary etiquette, and apt to take fire when others scarcely seera warm. Perrait me to recommend in the most particular manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your endeavours to destroy that ill humour which may have found its way among the officers. It is of the utmost importance too, that the soldiers and the people should know nothing ofthis raisunderstanding, or, if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its progress, and prevent its effects." In a letter to General Greene, after expressing his fears that the seeds of dissension and distrust might be sown between the troops of the' two nations, he added, " I depena much on your temper and influence, to conciliate that animosity which, I plainly perceive by a letter frora the marquis, subsists between the American and French officers in pur service. This, you 268 THE LIFE OF may be assured, will extend itself to the Count, and to the officers .and men of his whole fleet, should they return to Rhode Island, unless a re conciliation shall have taken place. The Marquis speaks kindly of a letter frora you to him on this subject. He will therefore take any ad vice from you in a friendly -way; and, if he can be pacified, the other French gentleraan will, of course, be satisfied ; since they look up to him as their head. The Marquis grounds his complaint on a general order of the^24th of August, and upon the universal clamour that pre vailed against the French nation. " I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered' into by th^ general officers from being made public. Congress, sensible of the ill consequences that wiU flow from our differences being known to the world, have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my dear sir, you can conceive ray meaning,* better than I can express it, and 1 therefore fully depend on your exerting yourself to healaU private animosities between our principal officers and the French,, and to pre vent all illiberal expressions and reflections that raay fall from the army at large." The general also seized the first opportunity to recommence his cor respondence with the Count ; and his letters, without noticing the disagree ment which had taken place, were calculated to sooth every angry sen sation which might have been excited. A letter from the adrairal stating the whole transaction, was answered' by General Washington in a man ner so perfectly satisfactory, that the irritation which threatened such serious mischief, appears to have entirely subsided. Congress also, in a resplution which was made public, expressed their perfect approbation of the conduct of the Count, and directed the presi dent to assure hira, in the letter which should transmit it, that they en tertained the highest sense of his zgal and attachment. These prudent and temperate measures restored harmony to the allied armies. The storm under which the French fleet had suffered so severely, did considerable damage also to that of Lord Howe. The British, however, had sustained less injury than the French^ and were soon in a condition to put again to sea. Having received information that the Count D'Es taing had made for Boston, Lord Howe sailed for the sarae port, in the hope of reaching it before him. But in this he was disappointed. On entering the bay he found the French fleet already in Nantasket Road, where such judicious dispositions had been n^ade for it 'defence, that he * Alluding, it is presumed, to the delicacy of suggesting to General Sullivan the mischief to be apprehended from any intemperate expressions. GEORGE WASHINGTON, 269 rehnquished the idea of attacking it, and returned to New York ; where he resigned the command to Adrairal Garabier, who was to retain it till the arrival of Adrairal Byron, Finding that General Sullivan had retreated to the continent. Sir Henry Clinton returned to New York, leaving the coraraand of the troops on board the transports with Major General Gray, who was directed to conduct an expedition to the eastward, as far as Buzzards bay. Gray entered Acushnet river, where he destroyed a number of priva teers with their prizes, and some merchant vessels. He also reduced part of the towns of Bedford and Fairhaven to ashes, in which sorae railitary and naval stores had been collected. The troops re-erabarked the next day, before the militia could be asserabled in suf ficient force to oppose thera, and sailed to Martha's Vineyard, where they destroyed several vessels, and sorae salt works, and levied a heavy contribution of live stock on tbe inhabitants. While so large a detachraent frora the British army was depredating the coasts of New England, preparations were making in New York for some distant expedition; and many were of opinion that the French fleet was its object. To be in readiness to oppose a combined attack by sea and land on the fleet. General Gates was directed with three brigades, to proceed by easy marches as far as Danbury, in Connecticut. And Washington moved northward to Fredericksburg ; while General Put nam was detached with two brigades to the neighbourhood of West Point, and General M'Dpugal, with twp pthers, to join General Gates at Danbury. Soon after the return of General Gray from New England, the British army raoved up the North River on each side in great force. _ The cpluran pn the west side, cpramanded by Lord Cornwal- Ks, consisting of about five thousand raen, took a position with its right on the river, and its left extending to Newbridge, on the Hackensack ; while the other division, which was commanded by General Knyphausen, consisting of about three thousand men, was advanced about the same distance on the east side of the Hudson. The comraand of the river enabled these two columns to communicate freely with each other; and, at any time, to reunite. Although General Washington conjectured that this movement was made for the purpose of foraging, yet it was possible that the passes in the Highlands might be its object; and orders were given to the detachraents on the lines to hold themselves in readiness tp anticipate the executipn pf such a design. Cplpnel Baylor, with his regiraent of cavalry, had crossed the Hack. ensack early in the morning of the 27th of September, and taken quar- VoL. I. 18 270 THE LIFE OF ters at Taupaun, or Herringtown, a smaU village near New Taupaun, where sorae militia were ppsted. Immediate notice of his" position was given to Lord CornwaUis, who formed a plan to surprise and cut off both the cavalry and militia. The party designed to act against Colo nel Baylor was commanded by General Gray; emd that against the mi litia, by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell. That part of the plan Which was to be executed by Campbell was de feated by delays in passing the river, during which a deserter gave notice of his approach, and the militia saved themselves by flight. But the corps commanded by General Gray, guided by some of the country people, eluded the patrols, got into the rear of the Ser jeant's guard which had been posted at a bridge oVer the Hackensack, cut it off without alarming Baylor, and completely surprised his whole regiment. The British troops rushed into a barn where the Americans slept ; and, refusing to give quarter, bayoneted for a time aU they saw. Of one hundred and four privates, sixty-seven were killed, wounded, and taken. The nuraber of prisoners, araounting to about forty, is stated to have been increased by the humanity of one of Gray's cap tains, who, notwithstanding his orders, gave quarter to the whole of the fourth troop. Colonel Baylor and Major Clough, who were both wound ed with the bayonet, the first dangerously, the last mortally, were among the prisoners. Three days after this affair. Colonel Richard Butler, with a detach ment of infantry, assisted by Major Lee with a part of his cavalry, fell in with a small party of chasseurs and yagers under Captain Donop, which he instantly charged, and, without the loss of a man, killed ten on the spot, and took the officer comraanding the chasseur, and eighteen of the yagers, prisoners. Only the extrerae roughness of the country, which impeded the action of the cavalry, and prevented part of the in fantry from coming up, enabled a raan of the enemy to escape. Some interest was taken at the time in this sraall affair, because it seemed, in some measure, to revenge the loss of Colonel Baylor. After completing their forage, the British army returned to New York. This movement had been, in part, designed to cover an expedition against Little Egg Harbour, which was completely successful ; and the works and store-houses at the place, as well as the merchandise and ves sels, were entirely destroyed. It has been already stated that Count Pulaski had been appointed general of the American cavalry. The dissatisfaction given by this appointment to the officers, had induced him to resign his coraraission ; GEORGE WASHINGTON. 271 but, thirsting for miUtary fame, and zealous in the American cause, he obtained permission to raise a legjonary corps, which he officered chiefly with foreigners, and commanded in person. In this corps, one Juliet, a deserter, had been admitted as an officer. The Count had been ordered to march from Trenton towards Littie Egg Harbour, and was lying eight or ten miles from the coast, when this Juliet again deserted, car rying with him intelligence of Pulaski's strength and situation. A plan was formed fo surprise hira, which succeeded completely so far as re spected his infantry, who were put to the bayonet. The British accounts of this expedition assert that the whole corps was destroyed. Pulaski leafed his loss at about forty ; and averred that on coming up with his cavalry to the relief of his infantry, he repulsed the enemy. It is pro- hable that the one account diminishes the iraportance of this enterprise as much as the other magnifies it. Adrairal Byron reached New York, and took coramand pf the fleet abput the middle pf September. After repairing his shattered vessels, he sailed fpr the pert pf Bpston. Soon after his arrival in the bay, for tune disconcerted all his plans, A furious storm drove him out to sea, and damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary to put into the port of Rhode Island to refit. This favourable moment was seized by the Cpunt D'Estaing, whp sailed, en the 3d pf Npveraber, for the West Indies. Thus terrainafed an expedition frora wihich the most iraportant advan tages had been anticipated. A variety of accidents had defeated plans judiciously formed, which had every probability in their favour. The Marquis de Lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theatre, was desirous of returning to France. Expecting war on the continent of Europe, he was anxious to tender his services to his king, and to hia native country. From raotives of real friendship as weft as of policy. General Wash ington was desirous of preserving the connexion of this officer with the array, and of strengthening his attachment to America. He therefore expressed to congress his wish that Lafayette, instead of resigning his commission, raight have unliraited leave of absence, to return when it should be convenient to hiraself; and might carry with him every mark of the confidence of the government. This policy was adopted by congress in its full extent. The partiality of America for Lafayette was well placed. Never did a foreigner, whose primary attachments to his own country reraained undiminished, feel more solicitude for the welfare of another, than was unceasingly manifested by this young nobleman, for the United States. 272 THE LIFE OF > There being no prospect of an active winter campaign in the nerth ern er middle states, and the climate admitting pf military pperatiens eLsewhere, a detachraent frcra the British array,- cpnsisting pf five thou sand men coraraanded by Major General Grant, sailed, early in Novem ber, under a strong corivpy, for the West India Islands ; and, towards the end of the same mpnth, anpthen embarkation was made for the southern parts of the ccntinent. This second defachrnent was com manded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, who was escorted by Commo dore Hyde Parker, and was destined to act against the southern states. As a force sufficient- for the defence of New York yet remained, the American army retired into winter quarters. ¦ The main. body was cantoned in Connecticut, on both sides the North River, about West Point, and at Middlebrook. Light troops were sta tioned nearer the lines; and the cavalry were drawn into the interior to^ recruit tho horses for the next campaign. In this distribution, the protec tion of the country, the security of important points, and a cheap and convenient supply of provisions, were consulted. , The troops again wintered in huts ; but they were accustomed to this mode of passing that inclement season. Though far from being weil clothed, their condition in that respect^was so much improved by sup plies from France, that they disregarded the inconveniences to which they were exposed. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 273 CHAPTER XlV. Arrival of the British commissioners, — Terms of conciliation proposed.— Answer of congress to their propositions. — Atlem|)t3 of Mr. Johnson to bribe some members of congress.— His private letters ordered to be published.— Manifesto of the com missioners, and counter-manifesto of congress. — Arrival of Monsieur Geiard, mi nister plenipotentiary of France. — Hostilities of the Indians. — Irruption into the Wyoming settlement. — Battle of Wyoming.— Colonel Dennison capitulates for the inhabitants. — Distress of the settlement. — Colonel, Clarke surprises St. Vin cent.— Congress determines to invade Canada. — General Washington opposes the measure.-^lnduces congress lo abandon it. About the time that Comraodore Parker sailed for the southern states, the commissipners apppinted tp give effect te the late cpnci- liatpry acts of Parliament, embarked for Europe. They had exerted their utmost powers to effect the object of their mission, but without success. Great Britain required that the force of the two nations should be united under one common sovereign ; and America was no longer dis posed, or even at liberty to accede to this condition. AH those affections, which parts of the same empire should feel for each other, had been eradicated by a distressing war-; the great body of the people were de termined, at every sacrifice, to maintain their independence; and the treaty with France had pledged the honour and the faith of the nation, never to consent to a reunion with the British empire. The commissioners arrived in Philadelphia while that place was yet in possession of their army, and are understood to have brought ppsi- tive erders for its evacuatien. Their arrival was iraraediately anncunced tp General Washingten by Sir Henry CUnten, whp was joined with them in the commission, and a passport was requested for their secretary. Doctor Ferguson, as the bearer of their first despatches to congress. The Commander-in-chief declined granting tiiis passport until he should receive the instructions of his government; en which a letter addressed « To the president and other the members of congress," was forwarded in the usual manner. Copies of their commission, and of the acts of Parliament on which it was founded, together with propositions conform ing to those acts, drawn in,the most concUiatory language, were trans mitted with this letter. Some observations having been Introduced into it reflecting on the con- Y 274 THE LIFE OF duct of France,* the readmg was interrupted, and a motion made to proceed no farther in consequence of this offensive language to his most Christian Majesty. This motion producing some debate, an adjoUrn» ment was raoved and carried. When congress reassembled, the warrath of the preceding day had not entirely subsided ; but, after several inef fectual motions to prevent it, the letter -was read and committed. The answer which was reported by the committee, and transmitted to the commissioners, declared that " nothing but an earnest desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood, could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disrespectful to his most Christian Ma jesty, the good and great ally of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the honour of an independent nation. " That the acts of the British Parliament, the coraraission frora their sovereign, and their letter, supposed the people of the United States to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and were founded on the idea of dependence, which is totally inadmissible. "That congress was inclined to peace,' notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this was originated, and the sSvage manner in which it was conducted. They would therefore be ready to enter upon the con sideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with trea ties already subsisting, when the King of Great Britain should demon strate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition would be an explicit acknowledgment of the independ ence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies." On the 13th of July, after arriving at New York, the commissioners addressed a second letter to congress, expressing their regrets fhat any difficulties were raised which must prolong the calamities of war ; and reviewing the letter of congress in terras well calculated to make an ira pression on those who * had becorae weary of the contest, and to revive ancient prejudices in favour of England and against France. This letter being read, congress resolved that, as neither the inde pendence of the United States was explicitly acknowledged, nor the fleets and armies withdrawn, no answer should be given to it. It would seem that the first ,letter of congress must have convinced the British coramissioners that no hope could be indulged of restoring peace on any otiier terms than the independence pf the United States. Cen- gress raust have been equally certain that the coraraissicners were not empowered tp acknowledge that independence, or tp direct the fleets and • The ofTerisive words wore " insidious intorposition of a power wliich has, from the first settlement of the colonies, liecn actnatiij with enmity to us both j and notwitb standing the pretended dal« or present form of the French ofTcrs." GEORGE WASHINGTON. 275 armies of Great Britain to be withdrawn. The intercourse between them therefore, after the first communications were exchanged, and all subse quent raeasures, became a game of skill, in which the parties played for the affections and passions of the people ; and was no Jonger a diploma tic correspondence, discussing the interests of two great nations with the hope of accommodation. The first packet addressed by the commissioners to congress, con tained several private letters, written by Governor Johnson to raerabers of that body, in which he blended, with flattering expressions of respect for their characters and their conduct, assurances of the honours and emoluments to which those would be entitled who should contribute to restore peace and harmony to the two countries and to terminate the pre sent war. A few days before the receipt of the letter of the IStbof July, congress passed a resolution requiring that all letters of a public nature received by any member from any subject of the British crown, should be laid before them. In compliance with this resolution, the letters of Governor Johnson were produced ; and, some time afterwards, Mr. Read stated, in his place, a direct offer which had been made him by a third person, of a considerable sum of money, and of any office in the gift of the crown, as an inducement to use his influence for the restoration of har mony between the two countries. Congress determined to communicate these circumstances to the Araerican people, and raade a soleran decla ration, in which, after reciting the offensive paragraphs of the private tetters, and the conversation stated by Mr. Read, they expressed their opinion " that these were direct attempts to corrupt and bribe the con gress of the United States, and that it was incompatible with their honour to hold any manner of correspondence or intercourse with the said George Johnson, E^squire, especially to negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty is interested." After an unsuccessful at tempt to involve the other commissioners in the same exclusion, this de claration was transmitted to them while they were expecting an answer to a remonstrance on the detention of the army of General Burgpyne. On receiving it, Mr. Johnson withdrew from the commission, declar ing that he should be happy to find congress inclined to retract their former declaration, and to negotiate with others on terms equally con ducive to the happiness of both countries. This declaration was accom panied by one signed by the other comraissioners, in which, without ad mitting the ccnstruction put by congress on his letters, or tiie authority of the person who held the conversation with Mr. Read, they denied all knowledge of those letters or of that conversation. They at the same 276 THE LIFE OF time detailed the advantages to be derived by America from the propo sitions they had made, " advantages," they added, " decidedly superior to any which could be expected from an unnatural alliance with France, only entered into by fhat nation for the purpose of prplpnging the war, after the full knewledge pn their part pf the liberal terms intended tp be offered by Great Britain." With this declaration was transmitted a copy of the former remonstrance* against the detention of the convention troops, without the signature of Governor Johnson, and an extract from the instructions given by the Secretary of State to Sir Henry Clinton, authorizing him to demand, in express terms, a performance of the con vention made with General Burgoyne, and, if required, to renew and ratify all its conditions in the name of the king. All the publications of the British coramissioners indicate an opinion that they could be raore successTul with the people than with congress; and, not unfrequently betray the desire that the constituents of that body might be enabled to decide on the measures taken by their representa tives. On tiie part of congress, it was deemed of the utmost importance to keep the public mind correct, and to defeat all attempts to make unfa vourable impressions on it. Several members of that body entered the lists as disputants, and employed their pens with ability and success, as well ia serious argument, as in rousing the various passions which influence the conduct of men. The attempt to accomplish the object of the missron by corruption was wielded with great effect ; and it was urged with equal force that should the United States now break their faith with France, and treat on the footing of dependence, they would sacrifice all credit with foreign nations, would be considered by all as faithless and infamous, and would forfeit all pretensions to future aid frpm abroad ; after which the terms now offered might be retracted, and the war be recommenced. To these representations were added the certainty of independence, and the great advantages whioh must result from its establishment. The letters of the commissioners were treated as attempts to sow divisions among the people of which they might afterwards avail themselves, and thus effect by intrigue;, what had been found unattainable by arms. These essays were read with avidity, and seem to have produced all the effect which was expected from thera among the friends of the revo lution. The commissioners appear still to have cherished the hope, that a com. ¦* Some rx|irrssions having been used in the letter, respecting the convenlion troop", whiiih were ili-pmoil disvpspectful, no other reply was made to it than that " congress gave no answer to insolent letters." GEORGE WASHINGTON. 277 plete knowledge of the terras they had offered, operating on the disap pointment of the extravagant hopes which had been founded on the arri val of a French fleet, would make a great impression on a large portion of the American people. This opinion induced thera, before their depar ture, lo publish a raanifesto, addressed, not only to congress, but to all the provincial asserablies, and all the inhabitants of the colonies of what ever denomination, briefly recapitulating the several steps they had taken to accomplish the object of their mission, and the refusal of congress even to open a conference with them. They declared their readiness still to proceed in the execution of the powers contained in their commission, and to treat either with deputies from aU the colonies conjointiy, or with any provincial assembly or convention individually, at any time within the space of forty days from the date of their manifesto. They also proclaimed a general pardon for all treasons and rebellious practices committed at any time previous to the date of their manifesto, to such as should, within the terra of forty days, withdraw frora their opposition to the British governraent, and conduct theraselves as faithful and loyal subjects. To enable all persons to avail themselves of this proffered pardon, thirteen copies of the manifesto were executed, one of which was transmitted by a flag of truce to each state. A vast nuraber of copies were printed, and great exertions were made by flags and other means to disperse them among the people. , On being informed of these proceedings, congress, without hesitation, adopted the course which the government of an independent nation is bound to pursue, when attempts are made by a foreign power to open negotiations with unauthorized individuals. They declared the measure <' to be contrary to the law of nations, and utterly subversive of that confidence which could alpne maintain those means which had been invented to alleviate the herrors of war ; and, therefore, that the persons employed to distribute such papers, were not entitled to the protection of a flag." They recommended it to the executive departments in the re spective states, " to secure, in doge custody, every person who, under the sanction of a flag, or otherwise, was found employed in circulating those manifestoes." At the sarae tirae, to show that these raeasures were not taken for the purpose of concealment, they directed a publica tion of the manifesto in the American papers. Care, however, was taken tp accprapany it with coraments made by individuals, calculated to coun teract its effect. A vessel containing a cargo of these papers being wrecked on the coast, the pfficers and crew were raade prispners ; and the requisition of Adffliral Gambler for their release, in consequence qC 278 THE LIFE OF the privilege afforded by his flag, was answered by a declaration- that they had forfeited that privilege by being charged with seditious papers. Not long after the publicaticn pf this paper, a ccunter manifeste was issued by ccngress, in which, after tcuching pn subjects which might influence the public mind, they " sclemnly declare and prpclaim, that if their enemies presume tc execute their threats, pr persist in their present course of barbarity, they will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a like conduct," Thus ended this fruitless attempt to restore a connexion which had been wantonly broken, the reinstatement of which had become imprac ticable. With the war, and with independence, a course of opinion had prevailed in America, which not only opposed great obstacles to a re union of the two countries under one comraon sovereign, but, by substi tuting discordant raaterials in the place of the ceraent which formerly bound them together, rendered such an event tindesirable even to the British theraselves. The tirae was arrived when the true interest of that nation required the relinquishment of an expensive war, the object of which was unattainable, and which, if attained, could not be long pre served ; and the establishment of those amicable relations which recipro cal interests produce between independent .states, capable of being ser viceable to each other by a fair and equal interchange of good offices. This opinion, however, was not yet embraced by the cabinet of Lon don ; and great exertions were still to be made for the reannexation of the American states to the British empire. Even the opposition was not united against a continuance of the war for the object now proposed ; and the Earl of Chatham, who had endeavoured first tp prevent the conflict, and afterwards fo produce conciliation, closed his splendid lile in un availing efforts to prevent that dismemberment which had become inevit able.* ? The author has been favoured by his estimable friend. Major General Scott, with the perusal of an introduction written by Mr. L. De Sevelinges, to Bolta's " History of tho war of the independence of the United States of America," translated into French, Mr. De Sevelinges professes to have received the most precious explanations, rela tive to incidents and motives, from a gentleman equally distinguished fur his knowledge and his character, whose situation enabled him to become acquainted with facts which were concealed from the public. Speaking of th6 altcmpt made by Mr. Johnstone, he says, p, J9, it was essential "to break off all communication with the agents of the British ndnlster, Mr, Girard directed all his efforts to this object, and had the good furtunu to effect it. But the English faction of tories subsisted. It was powerful frqai the credit of its chiefs." In a note on this passage, ho says, " The most inHucntial vvere Samuel Adams and GEORGE WASHINGTON. 279 In the midst of these transactions with the commissioners of Great Britain, the Sieur Girard arrived at Philadelphia, in the cha racter of Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Ma- " ^ ' Jesty. The joy produced by this event was unbounded ; and he was received by congress with great pomp. While these diplomatic concerns employed the American cabinet, and while the war seemed to languish on the Atlantic, it raged to the west in its most savage form. The difficulties which the inability of the American government to fur nish the neighbouring Indians with those Eurppean articles which they were accustpmed tp use, ppposed tp all the efforts of congress to preserve their friendship, have already been noticed. Early in 1778, there were many indications of a general disposition among those savages to make war on the United States ; and the frontiers, from the Mohawk to the Ohio, were threatened with the tomahawk and the scalping knife. Every Richard Lee, ( Richard H. Lee,) the brother of Arthur Lee, one of the deputies of congress in France. He was convicted of having secret intelligence with the British minister." It would be injustice to the memoirs of these distinguished patriots to attempt their vindication against this atrocious and unfounded calumny. A calumny supported by no testimony, nor by a single circumstance wearing even the semblance of probability, and confuted liy the whole tenour of their lives. The annals of the American revolu tion do not furnish two names more entirely above suspicion than Samuel Adams and Richard Henry Lee. With the first gentleman the author was not personally ac- Although these great exertions to terminate Indian hostUify did not afford complete security to the western frontiers, they were attended, with considerable advantages. The savages, though not subdued, were intimidated ; and their incursions became less formidable, as well as less frequent. The sumraer of 1779 passed away without furnishing any circum stance in America which could be supposed to have a material influence on the issue of the war. In Europe, however, an event took place which had been long anxipusly expected, and was believed fp be ,ef decisive irapprtance. Spain at length determined tp make one common cause vvith France against Great Britain. It was supposed that the two pow ers would be able to obtain a complete ascendency at sea ; and that their combined fleets would maintain a superiority on the Araerican coast, as well as in Europe. From the first deterraination of France to take part in the war, it ap pears to have been the earnest wish of the cabinet of Versailles to en gage Spain Ukewise in the contest. . ' Her resentraents against England, her solicitude fo.dirainish fhe naval fitrength of that nation, and her wish to recover Jamaica, Gibraltar, and , the Floridas, urged her to seize the fair occasion now offered of dismem bering the British empire, and accomplishing these favourite objects. But her dread of the effect which the independence cf the United States might produce en her Pwn cclpnies,, mingled with seme apprehensipns of danger from fhe contest she was about to provoke, had produced an appearance of irresolution, which rendered her future course, for a tirae, uncertain. In this conflict of opposite interests, the influence of the cabinet of Versailles, and the jealousy of the naval power of Britain, at length obtained the victory ; and his Catholic Majesty determined to pre vent the reannexation' of the United States to their mother country ; but to effect this object by negotiation rather than by the sword. In pursuance of this pacific systera, he offered his mediation to the belligerent p.-^wers. This proppsition was readily accepted by France; but fhe minister of his Britannic Majesty evaded any explicit arrange ments on the subject, while he continued to raake general verbal decla rations of tbe willingness of his sovereign to give peace to Europe under the mediation of his CatiioliC Majfsty . In cpnsequence cf these decla rations, the Spanish minister prpposed a truce fpr a term pf years, and that a ccngress cf deputies frem the belligerent ppwers sheuld assemble GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 32? ul Madrid to adjust the terms of a permanent treaty ; ipto which depu ties from fhe United States were to be admitted, as the representatives of a scvereign nafipn. Althpugh an explicit acknpwledgment pf tl)eir independence was net fp be required, it was fo be understood that they should be independent ui fact, and should be completely separated from the British empire. This negotiation was protracted to a considerable length ; and in the mean time, all the address of the cabinet pf London was used to detach either France or the. United States frpra their alliance with each ether- Notice of it was given to the Araerican government by the minister of France at Philadelphia, as weU as by Mr. Arthur Lee, one .of their agents in Europe ; and congress was repeatedly urged by the former, to furnish those who might be authorized to represent theni in tlje confer ences for a general treaty, with ample powers and instructions to con clude it. An extraordinary degree of solicitude was manifested to hasten the full ppwers, and te rapderate the claims pfthe United States. It seems tehave been the policy pfthe cabinet pf Versailles fp exclude the American States from a share pf the fisheries, and to limit their west ern boundary to tbe settlements then made. , Either, frpra a real appre hensipn that the war might be prptracted shpuld the United States insist on the acknowledgment of their independence as a preliminary to any treaty, or frora an ppinipn that such preliminary acknowledgraent wculd leave the teritos ef the treaty less under the control of France, and the American plenipotentiaries-, more masters of their own conduct. Mon sieur Girard laboured to persuade congress to recede from that demand. If they could be independent in fact, he thought the form not ,worth con tending for.* While congress was employed in debating the instructions to their ministers, the negotiation was brought to a close. As Spain became pre pared for hostiUties, the offered mediation was pressed in such terras as to produce the necessity of either accepting or rejecting it. This drew from the cabinet of London a declaration that the independence of the United States was inadmissible ; upon which his Catholic Majesty de termined to take part in the war. On the departure of his minister from London without taking leave, the British government issued letters of marque and reprisal against the vessels and subjects of the Spanish crown ; and a powerful Spanish fleet; which had been preparing during the negotiation, was expedited, fo co- * The author has seen notes taken by a member of congress, of communications made by Mr. Girard, when admitted to an audience, which avow these sentiments. The secret journals of congress sustain this statement. 326 THE LIFE OF operate with fhat cf France. Yet the independence pf the United States was npt acknowledged, nor was their minister acbredited. Despatches, giving notice of the hostiUties meditated by his Catholic Majesty, were forwarded to Don Galyez, the governor of Leulsiana, whp ccllectted a considerable military force at New Orleans, and reduced the settleraents held by the British crown on the Mississippi, which had not been ap prized of the war. ' InteUigence of this important event was given to congress while that Dody was deliberating on the instructions to their negotiators. It is not impossible that this information had some influence on those delibera tions ; and, rendering the American government less solicitous about fhe future conduct of Spain, diminished the motives for making territprial sacrifices fp that ppwer. Their ministers were prdered te inake it a preliminary article fp any negptiation, that Great Britain should agree to treat with the United States, as sovereign, free, and independent ; and that their independence should be expressly assured and confirmed by the terras of the treaty itself. That the United States might be enabled to avail theraselves without further delays, of any'occasicn which might be presented fer terminating tho war,, Mr. Jehn Adams, who was already in Europe, was authorized to negptiate a treaty of peace, and a commercial treaty with Great Britain ; and Mr. Jay, at that time president of congress, was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the court of Madrid, with instructions to insist on the free navigatipn pf the Mississippi '; — a claim f p which Spain pb- jected, and which was discountenanced by France. As the campaign drew to a close without affording any solid founda tion for the hope that the war was about tp terminate. General Wash ington repeated those efforts which he had made so often and so unsuccess fully, to induce early preparations for the ensuing year. He submitted to the view of his government a detaUed report of the whole army, which exhibited the alarming fact, that by the last of the following June, the terms of service of nearly one half the men under his command would expire. It was not the least considerable of the inconveniences attendino- the complex system of government then prevailing in the United States, that measures essential to the safety of the nation were never taken in sea son. Thus, when the time for raising the quotas of the respective states by voluntary enlistraent had passed away, and the necessity of resorting to coercive raeans had become absolute, those raeans were so delayed, and so irregularly put in execution, that the terras of service of different portions of the army expired almost every month in the year ; and raw GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 327 troops, ignorant of the first rudiments of military duty, w6re introduced in the most critical moments of a campaign. Had timely and corres pondent measures been taken by the states to raise their respective quotas by a specified time in the depth of winter, the recruits would have received the advantage of a few months training before they were brought into actual service, and the General, that of a certain uninter rupted force for each campaign. This course of proceeding had been continually recommended, and the recommendation had been as con tinually neglected. " Ih the more early stages of the contest," said the Comraander-in- chief to congress, in a letter of the Sth of November, " when men might have been eiiUsted for the war, no man, as my whole cpnduct, and the unifprm tener pf ray letters will evince, was ever racre ppppsed tp shprt enlistments than I was ; and while there remained a prespect of obtaining rccruitsf on a perraanent footing in the first instance, as far as duty and a regard to ray station would permit, I urged my sentiraents in favour of it. But the prospect of keeping up ah army by voluntary enlistments being changed, or at least standing on too precarious and uncertain a footing to depend on for the e.xigency of our affairs, I took the liberty in February, 1778, in a particular manner, to lay before the comraittee of arrangeraent then with the army at Valley Forge, a plan for an annual draught, as the surest and mpst certain, if not the only means left us, of maintaining the army on a proper and respectable ground. And, more and more confirmed in the propriety of this opinion by the intervention of a variety of circurastances, unnecessary to detail, I again took, fhe , freedom of urging the plan to the committee of conference in January last; and, having reviewed it in every point of light, and found it right, at least the best that has occurred to rae, I hope I shall be excused by congress in offering it to thera, and in time for carrying info execution for the next year ; if they should conceive it necessary for the states t6 complete their quotas of troops. " The plan I would propose is, that each state be informed by con gress annually of the real deficiency of its troops, and called upon fo make it up, or such less specific number as congress may think proper, by a draught. That the men draughted join the army by the first bf January, and Serve untU the first of January in the succeeding year. That from the time the draughts join the army, the officers of the states from which they come, be authorized and directed to use their endeavours to enUst them for the war, under the bounties granted to the officers themselves, and to tiie recruits, by the act of the 23d of January, 1779, viz : ten dollars to the officer for each recruit, and two hundred to the 328 THE LIFE OF recruits themselves. That aU state, ccunty, and tp*n . bouijties to draughts, if practicable, be entirely abelished, en acccunt pf tlie uneasi ness and diserders they create ameng the soldiery, the desertip'ns they prpduce, and for pfher reaspns which will readily occur. That on or before the first of October annually, an abstract, or return, similar to the present -one, be transmitted to congress, to enable them to make their re quisitions to each state with certainty and precision. This I would pror pose as a general plan to be pursued ; and I am persuaded that this, or one nearly similar to it, will be found the best now in our power, as it wiU be attended with the least expense to fhe pubUc, will place the ser vice on the foeting pf order and certainty, and will be the only one fhat can advance the general interest to any great extent." These representations on the part pf the Cpramander-in-chief were net more successful than those which had before been made. Although the best dispositions existed in congress, the proceedings of that body were unavoidably slow ; and the difficulty of effecting a concert of measures among thirteen sovereign states, was too great to be surmounted. In consequence of these radical defects in the system itself, the contribu tions pf men made by the states continued to be irregular, uncertain, and out of season ; and the army could never acquire that ccnsistency and stability, which wculd have resulted frem an exact observance of the plan so often recoraraended. On receiving inforraation of the disaster which had been sustained by the allied arms at Savannah, Sir Henry Clintpn resumed his plan of ac tive operations against the southern states. A large embarkation took place soon after that event had been announced fo hira, which sailed from the Hook towards the end of December. The troops were com- mandefi by himself in person, and the fleet by Admiral Arbuthnot. The defence of New York and its dependencies were entrusted to General Knyphausen. The preparations made in New York for some distant enterprise were immediately coraraunicated by his faUhful inteUigencers to General Washington, who conjectured the object, and hastened the march of the troops designed to reinforce General Lincoln. The season for action in a northern climate being over, the General turned his attention fo the distribution of his troops in winter quarters. Habit had familiarized the American army to the use of huts constructed by themselves ; and both officers and men were content to pass the win ter in a hutted camp. In disposing of the troops, therefore, until the time for actipn shpuld return, wppd and water, a heafthy sifuatien, ccn- venience fer supplies ef prpvisipns, statipns which would enable tiiem to GEORGE WASHINGTON. 329 cover the country, and to defend particular positions, were the objecta taken into consideration, and were all to be consulted. With a view to these various circumstances, the army was thrown into two great divisions. The northern was to be commanded by General Heath ; and its chief object was the security of West Point, and of the posts on the North Riyer, as low as King's ferry. Subordinate to |his, was tho protection of the country on the Sound, and down the Hudson to the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge. The other and principal division, under the immediate comraand of General Washington, was put under cover, late in December, in the neighbourhood of Morristown. 330 THE LIFE OP CHAPTER XVIL South Carolina invaded. — The British fleet passes the bar, and gets possession of thv harbour of Charleston. — Opinion of General Washington on the propriety of de fending that place. — Sir Henry Clinton invests the town. — Tarlton surprises an American corps at Monk's Corner. — Fort Moultrie surrendered.-^Tarlton defeats Colonel White. — General Lincoln' capitulates. — Bufurd defeated.— Arrangements for the government of South Carolina and Georgia, — Sir Henry Clinton embarks for New York. — General Gates takes command of the Southern army. — Is defeated near Camden. — Death of De Kalb. — Success of General Sumpter. — He is defeated. The departure of the French fleet produced a sudden change in fhe prospects of the southern states. The sanguine hopes which had been entertained of the recovery of Georgia, gave place to gloomy and weU founded apprehensions for South Carolina. The facility with which General Prevost- had passed through fhe State, and the assurances he had received of the indisposition of a large portion of the people to defend themselves, disclosed too certainly the true situa tion of the country, not to convince all discerning men that a real at tempt at conquest would be made the ensuing year. General Lincoln perceived the approaching danger, without being able to provide against it. His power, as a military commander, was too limited, and his influ ence on the government of the state fob weak, fo draw forth even the means it possessed in time for its protection. Though the preservation of its metropolis was of vast importance to the state, no preparatipns were making to put it in a condition to stand a siege. The forts on the islands were in ruins, and the works across the neck remained unfinished. The representations made on this subject to the governor by General Lincoln were not disregarded ; but frora some defect in the existing law, the executive found it impracticable to obtain labour for these interesting objects. Adrairal Arbuthnot arrived at Savannah on the 31st of January. One of his transports, which had been separated from the fleet in a storm, was brought into Charleston harbour on the 23d of that month ; and the prisoners gave the first certain intelligence that the expedition from New York was destined against the capital of South Carolina. Before the middle of February, the fleet entered the harbour, or inlet, of North Edisfo; and landed the troops withput ppppsitipn pn St. Jphn's Island. A part pf the fleet was sent reund tp blpckade the harbour of Charleston, while the army proceeded slowly and cautiously from Stono Creek to Wappoo Cut, and through the islands of St. John and St. James. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 331 This delay, in the event so fatal, but then deemed so propitious to the American arms, was employed to the utraost advantage in improving the defeneesof Charleston. The legislature had enabled the executive to employ slaves to work on the fortifications ; and had passed an act dele gating great powers to fhe Governor and such of his council as he could -conveniently consult. Under these acts, six hundred slaves were em ployed on the works, and vigorous, though not very successful measures were taken by the executive to asserable the railitia of the country. The fallacious hope was entertained that, if the town could be rendered de fensible, the garrison would be raade sufficiently strong by reinforcements from the north, and by the railitia of the state, to maintain the place and compel Sir Henry Clinton to raise the siege. The Araerican army being too weak fo make any serious oppositipn to fhe progress of the British through the country, the cavalry, with a small corps of infantry, were directed to hover on their left flank ; and the other troops, consisting of about fourteen hundred' regulars fit for duty, aided by the railitia, were drawn into the town, and employed on the works. Understanding that great exertions were raaking to improve fhe forti fications, and that the garrison was gaining strength. Sir Henry Clinton ordered General Patterson to join him with the troops which could be spared from Georgia, and directed Lieutenant Colonel Tarlton,, after supplying the horses which had been lost during a very stormy voyage frora New York, to cover his raarch through South Carolina. In one of-the excursions of that active officer to disperse the militia who assem bled to oppose the progress of Patterson thrpugh the cpuntry, his cavalry encpuntered Lieutenant Cplonel Washington, who ccmraanded the rera nant of Baylor' s regiraent, and were driven back with sorae loss ; but the want of infantry disabled Washingfpn frora pressing his advantage. In defending Charleston, the command of the harbour is of great im portance. To preserve this advantage, congress had ordered four fri gates to South Carplina, which, with the marine force belonging tp the state, and twp French vessels, were placed under the command pf Com modore Whipple. General Washington was the more sanguine in the hope of defending the harbour, because it was understood that the bar was impassable by a ship of the line, and, that even a large frigate could not be brought over it, without first taking out her guns, or careening her so much that the crew would be unable to work her. On sounding within the bar it was discovered that the water was too shallow for the frigates to act with any effect, and that, in making the 332 THE LIFE OF attempt, they would be exposed to the fire of the batteries which the as sailants haderectisd. Under these circuxiistances, the officers of the navy were unanimpusly pf ppinipn that np successful ppppsitipn ceuld be made at the bar, and that the fleet might act more advantageously in concert with the fort on Sullivan's island. The intention of disputing the passage over the bar being abandoned, Commodore Whipple moored his squadron in a Une with fort ' Moultrie, in a narrow passage between SuUivan's Island and the middle ground ; and the Brnish ships, without their guns, passed the bar, and anchored in five fathom hole. It being now thought irapossible to prevent the fleet frora passing fort Moultrie, and taking such statipns in C.ppper river as weuld enable then* to rake the batteries on shore, and to close that corarnunicatiori between the town and country, the plan of defence was once more changed, and the armed vessels were carried into the mouth of Cooper river, and sunk in a line frora the town to Shute's folly. This was the critical moraent for evacuating fhe town. The loss of the harbour rendered the defence of the place, if not desperate, so iraprobable, that the hope to maintain it, could not have been rationally entertained by a person, who was not deceived by the expectation of aids much more considerable than were actually received. When this state of things was coraraunicated to General Washington, by Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, he said in reply, " The impracticability of defending the bar, I fear, amounts to the loss of the town and garrison. At this distance it is irapossible to judge for you. I have the greatest confidence in General Lincoln's prudence; but it really appears to rae, that the propriety of attempting to defend the town, depended on the prpbabilify pf defending the bar; and that when this ceased, the attempt ought to have been relinquished. In this, however, I suspend a definitive judgment, and wish you to consider what I say as confidential." Un fortunately, this letter did not arrive in time to influence the conduct of the besieged. , Having crossed Ashley river. Sir Henry Clinton moved down the neck, and, on the night of the first of April, broke ground within eight hundred yards of the American lines. The defences of Charleston had been constructed, under the direction of a Mr. Laumay, a French gentleman in the Araerican service; and^ although not calculated to resist a regular siege, were far from being contemptible. While the besiegers were employed on their first parallel, the garrison received a considerable reinforcement. General Woodford, who had GEORGE WASHINGTON. 333 inarched frpm Morristown in December, entered the towri with the old? continental troops of the Virginia line, now reduced to seven hundred effectives. General Hogan, with the line of North Carplina, had arrived? before him. The garrison consisted of rather raore than two thousandf regular tropps, pf abput one thousand North Carolina railitia, and of tho citizens of Charleston. The exertions of the Governor to bring in iHS! militia of South Carolina had not succeeded. By the 9th of April, Sir Henry Clinton completed his first parallel extending across the neck, and mounted his guns in battery. His works formed an oblique line, from six to seven hundred yards distant from- those of the besieged. About the same tirae. Admiral Arbuthnot passed! SulUvan's island, under a heavy and well directed fire from fort Moultriej then comraanded by Colonel Pinckney, and anchored under Jaraes' island! near fort Johnson, just out of gunshot of the batteries of the town. Being now in coraplete possession of the harbour, the British General' and Admiral sent a joint summons to General Lincoln, demanding the surrender of the town, to whichhe returned this firm and modest answer; " Sixty days have elapsed since it has been known that your intentions' against this town were hostile, in which, timehas been afforded to abandon it; but duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the' last exfreraity." On receiving this ansvrer, the besiegers opened their batteries, but' seenied to rely principally on proceeding by sap quite into the Araerican lines. About this time, the Governor with half the raerabers of the ccuncili went into the country, in the hope of collecting a respectable force in the' rear, and on the left flank of the besieging arra^. The Liputenant Governor, and the other raerabers of the council reraained in town. H!itherto, Sir Henry Clinton had not extended his Unes north of Charleston neck, and the coraraunication of the garrison with the country ncrth east of Cooper reraained open. The American cavalry, under the command of General Huger, had passed fhat riyer, and was stationed'' in the neighbourhood of Monk's corner, about thirty miles above Charles ton. As an additional security to thiSj the only remaining communicai- tion, two posts of militia were established, one between the Cooper and the Santee rivers, to which the Governer repaired in person ; and another at a ferry on the Santee, where beats were to be collected for tbo purpc^e of /acilitating the passage of the American army over that river, should it' be deemed adviseable fo evacuate the town. Such importance was attached to this object, fhat Lincoln, after Wood ford had entered Charleston, detached a part cf his regular treops, to Vol. I. 3 D 22 334 THE LIFE OF throw up some works about nine miles above the town, on Wando, the eastern branch of Cooper, and on Lamprere's point. I'he militia, it was hoped, though unwiUing to enter Charleston, might be drawn to these posts. After the fleet had entered the harbour. Sir Henry Clinton turned his attention to the country on the east of Cppper, to aCquire the plossession of which it was necessary to disable the Araerican cavalry. This ser- . vice was committed to Lieutenant Colonel Webster, who de tached Tarlton with the horse and a corps of infantry to execute if. He succeeded completely. Conducted in tbe night through unfrequented paths to the American videttes, he -entered the camp with them, kiUed and took about one hundred men, and dispersed the residue, who saved themselves on foot in a swarap. Near fifty wagons loaded with military stores, and about four hundred horses, fell into the- hands of the victors. This decisive blow gave Lieutenant Colonel Webster possession of the whole country between Cooper and Wando ; and closed the only' route by which the garrison could have retreated. The besiegers had now comraenced their second parallel, and it becarae every day raore apparent that the town raust ultimately yield to their regular approaches. An evacuation was proposed, and Lihccln is un derstood to have been in favour of that measure; but the remonstrances of the principal inhabitants, who entreated him not to adandpn them to- the fury pf a disapppinted eneray, added to the great difficulty which must attend, such an attempt, especially when opposed by the civil go vernment, deterred him from adopting the only course which afforded even a probability, by saving his army, of saving the southern states. Soon after fhe affair at Monk's corner, Sir Henry Clinton received a reinforceraent of three thousand men from New York. This addition to his strength enabled him to detach largely to the aid of Lieutenant Colo nel Webster, after which Lord Cornwallis took coramand of the troops on that side of Cooper river. Upon this change of situation, Lincoln called another councU of war. Notwithstanding, the raultinlicd difficulties attending an eva- April CO. . cuation of Charleston, he appears to have been still inclined to it. But a number of fortunate circurastanscs must have concurred to render a retreat possible; and tho attempt was effectually prevented by the opposition of the civil government. The opinion seems to have pre vailed, that the cscaps of the garrison would be followed by the destruc tion of the town, and the ruin of its inhabitants. The council advised that a capitulation should be ."iroposed, and that GEORGE WASHINGTON. 33S the town should be surrendered on condition that the garrison should be at liberty still to bear arms, and that the inhabitants should be secured in their persons and property. These propositions being rejected, hostUi ties recommenced. The besiegers had completed their second parallel, and had begun the third, when Colonel Henderson made a vigorous sally on their ri<'ht, which was attended with some success. That this was the only sprtie made during the siege, is fp be ascribed tp the weakness of the garrison. General Lincoln deemed it necessary to reserve all his strength lo man his lines in the event of an assault, or to force a retreat, should he deter mine to evacuate the city. In this state of things. General Du Portail, who had been directed to join the southern anny, was conducted by secret ways into the town. He perceived the impossibility of defending the place, and repeated fhe proposition for attempting a retreat. This proposition was again re jected ; and it only remained to defer the surrender as long as possi ble, in the vain hope that sorae fortunate occurrence raight bring relief^ Every day diminished this hope, and added to the difficulties of the besieged. The admiral took possession of Mount Pleasant, which in duced the immediate evacuation of Lamprere's point; soon after which the garrison of fort MouUrie, amounting to about two hundred men,* surrendered theraselves prisoners of war. On the sarae day, the cavalry which had escaped the disaster at Monk's corner, and had been reassembled under the command of Colonel White, of New Jersey, was again surprised and defeated by Lieutenant Colonel Tarlton at Lanneau's ferry. The investment of the town was now complete ; the advances were rapid ; and it became obvious that tlie place could be defended only a few days longer. The besiegers had finished their third parallel ; and by a sap pushed to the dam that supplied the canal with water, had drained it in many places to the bottom. The garrison, fatigued and worn out with constant duty, was too weak to man the fines sufficiently; their guns were alraost all disraounted; raost of the embrasures derao- iished ; their shot nearly expended ; their provisions, with the exception of a few cows, entirely consuraed ; and the approaches of the besiegers so near, that their raarksraen frequentiy picked off the raen frora the guns, and kUledf any person who showed himself above the works. * After the fleet passed the fort, Colonel Pinckney and a part of the garrison were withdrawn. t Colonel Parker and Captain Peyton, two valuable oflScers from Virginia, fell In this manner. 836 THE LIFE OF In this state of things, the garrison was summoned, a second time, to surrender; on which a council was again called, which advised a capi tulation. In pursuance of this advice. General Lincoln proposed terms which were refused, and hostilities recommenced. The besiegers now advanced their works in front of their third paral lel, crossed the canal, pushed a double sap to the inside ef the abbattis, and approached within twenty yards of the American works. Prepara tions for an assault by sea and land were raaking. With less than three thousand men, raany of whora were militia, lines three miles in extent were to be defended against the flower of the British army, assisted by a powerful maritirae force. Convinced that success was not possible, fhe citizens prepared a petition to General Lincoln, entreating hira to sur render the town on the terms which had been offered by the besiegers. This proposition was made and accepted ; and the capitulation was signed on the 12th of May. The town, and all public stores were surrendered. The garrison, as well the citizens Vvho had borne arms as the continental troops, militia, and sailors, were to be prisoners of war. The garrison were to march out of town, and to deposite their arms in front of their works; but their drums were not tp beat a British march, nor their colours lo be reversed. The militia were to retire to their homes on parole, and their persons and property, as well as the persons and property of the inhabitants oS' the town, to be secure while they adhered to their paroles. These terms being agreed on, the garrison laid down their arms, and General Leslie was appointed to take po.ssession of the town. The defence cf Charlesten was pbstinate, but npt blppdy. The be siegers ccnducted their appreaches with great cautipn ; and the besieged, too weak to hazard repeated sorties, kept within their lines. The loss on both sides was nearly equal. That of the British was seventy-six killed and oni; hundred and eighty-nine wounded; and that of the Ame ricans, excluding the inhabitants of tbe town not bearing arms, was ninety-two killed, and one hundred and forty-eight wpunded. Frem the official returns made to Sir Henry Clinton by his deputy adjutant general, the nuraber of prisoners, exclusive of sailors, amounted to five thousand six hundred and eighteen men. This report, however, presents a very incorrect view of the real strength of the garrison. It includes every male adult inhabitant of the town. The precise nuraber of privates in the continental regiments, according to the report made to congress by General Linceln, was pne thpusand nine hundred and se- venty-seven; ef whom five hundred were in the hospital. The unfortunate are generally condemned ; and the less of the garrj. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 337 son of Charleston so raaimed the forCe, and palsied the operations of the Araerican governraent in the south, that censure was unsparingly be stowed on the officer who had undertaken and persevered in the defence of that place. In his justificatory letter to the Commander-in-chief, General Lincoln detailed at large the motives of his conduct, and stated the testimony on which those delusive hopes of substantial assistance were founded, which tempted him to remain in town, -Until the unexpect ed arrival of the reinforceraent frora New York deprived hira of the power to leave it. The iraportance of that great raart of the southern states, which had becorae the depot for the country to a considerable extent around it; the magazines and military stores there collected, which, from the difficulty of obtaining wagons, could not be removed ; the ships of war, which must be sacrificed shoul-d the town be evacuated; the intention of con gress that the place should be defended ; the assurances received that the garrison should be made up to ten thousand men, of whom nearly one half would be regular troops ; the anxious solicitude of the govern ment of South CaroUna; all concurred to induce the adoption of a mea sure which, in its consequences, was extremely pernicious to the United States. In the opinion of those who were best enabled to judge of his conduct. General Lincoln appears to ¦ have been completely justified. The confidence of his governraent, and the esteem of the Commander- in-chief, sustained no diminution. Sir Henry Clinton was aware of the irapression his conqiiest had made, and of the value of tbe first moments succeeding it. Calculating on fhe advantages to be derived frora showing an irresistible force in various parts of the country at the same tirae, he raade three large de tachraents from his array ; — the first and most considerable, towards the frontiers of North Carolina ; the second to pass the Saluda to Ninety -Six.; and the third up the Savannah towards Augusta. Lord Cornwallis, who comraanded the northern detachment, received intelligence, soon after passing the Santee, that Colonel Buford, with about four hundred men, was retreating in perfect security towards North Carolina. He detached Lieutenant Coloriel Tarlton with his le gion, the infantry being mounted, in pursuit ofthis party. That officer, by making a movement of near one hundred miles in two days, overtook Buford, in a line of raarch, at the Waxhaws, and demanded a surrender on the terms which had been granted to the garrison of Charleston. This was refused. While the flags were passing, Tariton continued to make his dispositions for the assault, and, the instant the truce was over, his cavalry made a furious charge on the Americans, who had received 338 THE LIFE OF no orders to engage, and who seem to have been uncertain vi(hether to defend themselves or not. In this state of dismay and confusion, some fired on the assailants, while others threw down their arras and begged for quarter. None was given. Colonel Buford escaped with a few ca valry ; and about one hundred infantry, who were in advance, saved theraselves by flight ; but the regiment was almost demolished. Tarl ton, in his pfficial report, says fhat one hundred and thirteen were killed on the spot, one hundred and fifty so badly wounded as to be incapable of being moved, and fifty-three were brought away as prisoners. The loss of the British was five killed and fourteen wounded. Tarlton gives a very different account of the circumstances which pre ceded this raassacre. He says that the demand for a surrender was made long before Buford was overtaken, and was answered by a defi ance; that, en pvertaking him, tlie British vanguard made prispners pf a Serjeant and four light dragoons, in the presence of the two comraand- ers, who imraediately prepared for action ; that as he advanced to the charge, when within fifty paces, ffie American infantry presented, and were comraanded by their officers to retain their, fire until the British cavalry should be nearer.* The American officers who survived the carnage of the day, generally assert that flags passed after being overtaken, that they had received no orders from Colonel Buford when the charge was raade, and that the fire of their troops was retained until the enemy was upon them, because they did not think themselves authprized tp give it. The facts that Bu- ford's field pieces were not discharged, and that the less was sp very unequal, are net tp be recenciled with the idea cf deliberate preparatipn for battle, and justify the belief that the stateraent made by the American , officers is correct. i After the defeat of Buford, scarcely the semblance of opposition re mained in South Carolina and Georgia. The miUtary force employed by congress was nearly destroyed ; the spirit of resistance seemed en tirely broken ; and a general disposition to submit to the victor displayed itself in almost every part of the country. The two other detachraents saw no appearance of an eneray. They received the subraission of the inhabitants, who either became neutral by giving their paroles, not to bear arms against his Britannic Majesty, or ¦• Lieutenant Bowyer, an American officer who was in the engagement, near the person of Colonel Buford, in a letter which the author has lately seen, states this af fair in a manner not much conflicting with the statement made of it by Colonel Tarl ton. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 339 took the oaths of allegiance, and resumed the character of British sub jects. , , To keep up this disposition, garrisons were posted in different stations, and a series of measures was pursued for the purpose of settling the civil affairs of the province, and of giving stability to the conquest which had been made. So entirely did fhe present aspect of affairs convince Sir Henry Clin ton of thei cornplete subjugation of the state, and of the favourable dispo sition of the people towards the British government, that he ventured to issue a proclamation, in which he discharged the militia who were prisoners from their paroles, with the exception of those who were taken in Charleston and fort Moultrie, and restored them to all the rights and duties of British subjects ; declaring, at the same time, that such of them as should neglect to return to their allegiance, should be considered and treated as enemies. and rebels. This proclamation disclosed to the inhabitants their real situation. It proved that a state of neutrality was not within their reach ; that the evils of war were unavoidable ; that they must arrange themselves on the one side or the other; and that fhe only alternative presented fo them was, to drive the enemy out of their country, or take up arms against their countrymen. With the most sanguine hopes that the southern states would be re united to the British empire. Sir Henry Clinton embarked for , New York, leaving about four thousand British troops in South Carolina, under the command of Lord Cornwallis. , His lordship found it necessary to suspend the expedition he had medi tated against Nerth Carplina. The impossibility of supporting an array in that state before harvest, as well as the intense heat of the season, re quired th!s delay. His first care was to distribute his troops through South Carolina and the upper parts of Georgia, so as to promotp the great and iraraediate objects of enlisting the young raen who were wiUing to join his standard, of arranging the plan of a mUitia, and of collecting magazines at convenient places. In the mean tirae, he despatched emissaries to his friends in North Carolina, to inform them of the necessary delay of his expedition info their country, and to request them to attend fo their harvest, collect pro visions, and reraain quiet until late in August or early in Septeraber, when the King's troops would be ready to enter fhe province. The itnpatience of the royalists, stiraulated by the triuraph of their friends in a neighbouring state, and by the necessary severities of a vigi lant government, ceuld net be restrained by this salutary counsel. Anti- 340 THE LIFE OF cipating the immediate superiority of their party, they could pot brook the authority exercised over them, and broke out into premature and iU concerted insurrections, which were vigorously encountered, and gene rally suppressed. One body pf them, hpwever, ampunting'.tp abput eight hundred men, led by Cplpnel Bryan, marched dewn the east side of the Yadkin to a British post at the Cheraws, whence they proceeded to Camden. Having raade his dispositions, and fixed on Camden as the place for his principal magazines, Cornwallis left the coramand of fhe frontiers to Lord Rawdon, and retired to Charleston for the purpose of making those farther arrangements of a civU nature, whioh the state of affairs and the interest of his sovereign might require. His lordship, as well as Sir Henry Clinton, seems to have supposed the state of South Carolina to be as completely subdued in sentiment as in appearance. Impatient to derive active aids frora the new conquest, his measures were calculated to admit of no neutrality. For some time these measures seemed to succeed, and professions of loyalty were made in e-i'ery quarter. But under this imposing exterior, lurked a mass of copcealed discontent, to which every day furnished new aliment, and which waited only for a proper occasion tp show itself. The people of the lower parts of South Carolina, though far from being united, were generally attached to the revolution, and had entered into the war with zeal. They were conducted by a high spirited and inteUi gent gentry, who ardentiy sought independence as a real and permanent good. Several causes had combined to suspend the operation of this senti ment. Many of their leadei's were prisoners; and the briUiant successes of the British arms had filled numbers with despair. Others were sensi ble of the inutility of present resistance ; and a still greater nuraber, fatigued and harassed with raUitia duty, were wilUng to withdraw from the conflict, and, as spectators, to await its issue.- To compel these men to share the burdens of the war, was to restore them to their former friends. Late in March, General Washington had obtained the consent of con gress to reinforce the southern army with the troops of Maryland and Delaware, and with the first regiment of artillery. This detachment was to be comraanded by the Baron De Kalb, a Gerraan veteran who h&i engaged early in the service of the United States. Such, however, was the deranged state of American finances, and such the depression of public credit, that these troops could not be put imme diately in motion. They were at length embarked at the Head of Elk, GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 341 and conveyed by water to Petersburg, in Virginia, whence they marched towards South CaroUna. Their progress was delayed by that difficulty of obtaining subsistence which had induced Lord CornwaUis to suspend the invasion of North Carolina until harvest sheuld be gathered. No preparatipns having been raade for thera, they were reduced fp the ne cessity of spreading themselves over the country in small detachments, to collect corn, and grind it for their daily food. In this manner they proceeded through the upper parts of North Carolina fo Deep River, and encaraped near Buffalo Ford in July. At this place the Baron halted for a few days, in some uncertainty respecting his future course.* The militia of North Carolina, commanded by General Cas'tvell, were beyond the Pedee, on the road to Camden, and had nearly consumed the scarify supplies which could be gleaned frora a country that was far from being productive. The Baron was meditating on a plan for leaving the direct road and moving up the country to the fertile banks of tbe Yadkin, when the approach of Major General Gates was announced by the arrival of his aid-de-camp. Major Armstrong.* Aware of the danger lo which the loss of Charleston had exposed fhat part pf the cenfederacy, ccngress deemed it pf the utrapst importance fp select a general for that department, in whem great military talents should be corabined with that weight of character which might enable him to draw out the reseurces cf the country. They turned their eyes on Gates ;f and sanguine hopes vvere entertained that the conqueror of Burgoyne would prove the saviour of fhe southern states. On the 13th of June, he was called to the command in the southern department, and was directed to repair iraraediately to the army. He entered, without loss of tirae, on fhe duties of his station ; and, on the 25th of July, reached the carap, where he was received by the Baron De Kalb with the utmost cordiality and respect. The approach of this army, and fhe information that great exertions were making in Virginia to augment if, revived the hopes of South Caro lina, and brought again into action a spirit supposed to be extinguished. The British troops having occupied the north-western parts of the state, the most active friends of the revolution in that quarter had fled from their homes, and. sought an asylum in North Carolina and Virginia. As the discontents of their countrymen increased, and the prospect of being supported by regular troops brightened, a small body of these e.xUes, amounting to less than two himdred, assembled together, and * Journal of Colonel WilliaHns. t This apiKiintment was made without consulting the Commander-in-chief. Ha had determined, if consulted, to recommend General Greene. 342 THE LIFE OF choosing Colonel Sumpter, an old continental officer, for their chief, entered Sputh Carplina. They skirmished with the reyal mUitia and small cprps pf regulars on the frontiers, sometimes successfully, and always with the active courage of men fighting for the recovery of their property. The followers of Sumpter were soon augmented fp six hun dred men ; and a disppsitipn pnce more to take up arras showed itself in various parts of the state. Some corps of miUtia, which had been embodied under the authority of Lord Cornwallis, deserted his standard, and joined their countrymen. Perceiving this change of temper, the British general thought it necessary to draw in his out-posts, and to col lect his troops into larger bodies. On taking command of the southern army. General Gates directed the troops to hold theraselves in readiness to march at a mcment's warn ing; and, pn the raerning ef the 27th, put the whcle in raptipn. Disre garding the judicipus rerapnstrances which were made te him against pursuing the direct read, he determined en taking the nearest rputeto the advanced post of the British on Lynch's Creek, a few miles from Camden. The motives assigned by hiraself for passing thrpugh this barren cPuntry were, the necessity pf uniting witii Caswell, whe had evaded the prders repeatedly given him to join the array, the danger of dispiriting the troops, and intiraidating the people of fhe country, by pursuing a route not leading directly towards the enemy, and the assu rances he had received that supplies would overtake him, and would be prepared for him on the road. These assurances were not fulfilled ; and, the country being still more barren than had been anticipated, the distress of the army was extreme. The soldiers subsisted on a few lean cattle found in the woods, and a very scanty supply of green corn and peaches. Encouraged by the example of their officers, who shared all their sufferings, and checked occasional murmurs, they struggled through these difficulties, and, after effecting a junction with G'eneral Caswell and with Lieutenant Colpnel Perterfield,* the army reached Clermpnt, spmetimes called Rugely's mills, pn the 13th pf August. Ppssessipn was taken pf this place with out any ppposifion from Lprd Rawdpn, whp, pn the approach of the ? This valuable officer was pressing forward to Charleston when that place surren dered. Continuing to advance, he was within one day's march of Colonel Buford, when that officer was defeated. Colonel Porterfield still remained on the frontiers of , the Carolinas; and had the address not ordy to avoid the fate of every other corps sent to the relief of Charleston, but to subsist his men ; and keep up the semblance of holding that part of South Corolina. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 343 American army, drew in his out-posts, and assembled aU his forces at Camden.* The day after the arrival of Gates at Clermont, he was joined by seven hundred mUitia from Virginia, coramanded by Brigadier General Stevens, an Officer of considerable merit, who, during the campaigns of 1777 and 1778, had comraanded a continental regiment. On the same day, an, express arrived frem Cplpnel Surapter, with information that an escprt pf clpthing, araraunitipn, and pfher steres fpr the garrison at Caraden, was on the way from Ninety-Six, and must pass the Wateree at a ferry about a mile from Caraden, which was covered by a small redoubt on the opposite side of the river. One hundred regular infantry with two brass field-pieces, were immediately detached to join Colonel Sumpter, whp was prdered fp reduce the redcubt, and tp intercept fhe cpnvoy.* To attract the affenfion of the garrison in Camden, and thus co-ope rate with the expedition under Surapter, it was deterrained in a council of general officers to put the army in motion fhat evening, and to take a post about seven miles from Camden with a deep creek in front. The sick, the heavy baggage, and the military stores were ordered under a guard to Waxhaws,t and the army was directed to be in readi^ ness to march precisely at fen in the evening in the following order. Colonel Arm.and's legion ' corappsed the van. Pprterfield's Ught in fantry, reinfprced by a company of picked men from Stevens's brigade, covered the right flank of the legion ; while Major Armstrong's light infantry of North CaroUna militia, reinforced in like raanner from Cas-- well's division, covered the left. The Maryland division, followed by the North Carolina and Virginia militia; with the artillery, composed the main body and rear, guard ; and the volunteer cavalry were equally dis tributed on the flanks of the baggagci In Ihe event of an attack in front by the British cavalry, the infantry on the flanks were directed to march up, and fo continue their fire on the assailants. It was supposed they would enable Colonel Armand to resist the shock ; and his orders were positive to maintain his ground against the cavalry, whatever their numbers raight be.ij: At the tirae of coramunicating these orders to Colonel 0th oH. Wil liams, the Depiity Adjutant General, Gates, showed him a -rough esti mate of the army, making it upwards of seven thousand. Convipced - that this estimate was exaggerated. Colonel WilUams availed himself of •Journal of Colonel Williams. t Colonel Williams says these orders were not executed. t Journal of Colonel Williams. 344 THE LIFE OF his means; of information to make an abstract of the whole, which' he presented to the general, and which exhibited e.xactiy three thousanci and fifty -two in the column of present fit for duty, of whom more than two- thirds were militia. Gates expressed sorae surprise at the numbers, but said, "there are enough for'our purpose," and directed the orders to be issued to the army. About ten at night, the line of march was taken up, and the army had advanced about half way to Camden, when a firing commenced in front.* InteUigence of the approach of the American army, and of the defec tion of the country between Pedee and the Black River, had been^ coraraimicafed to Lord Cornwallis, and had induced hira to hasten in. person to Camden, which place he reached the day Gates arrived af Clermont. The British army did not much exceed two thousand men, pf whpm about nineteen hundred were regulars ; but, as the whole country was rising. Lord Cornwallis apprehended that every day would strengthen his enemy, and therefore determined to attack him in his camp ; hoping, 'by a prompt execution of this resplution, to surprise hira. By one of those caprices of fortune 6n which great events often depend, he march ed from Camden to attack Gates in Clermont, at the very hour that Gates raeved frem that place towards Camden.* About half past two in the mprning, the advanced parties pf the hes- tile arraies, fp their mutual surprise, met in the woods, and began to skirraish with each other. Some of Armand's ca valry being wounded by the first fire, threw the others info disorder, and the whole recoiled so suddenly that the first Maryland regiment, composing the front of the- column was broken, and the whole line thrown into consternation. From this first impression, fhe raw troops never recovered. The light infantry, however, particularly Porterfield's corps, behaved so well as Ip check the advance cf the British. Unfor tunately, their gallant commander received a mortal wound, which com pelled hira to leave his regiment. Yet a part of it kept its ground; and, with the aid pfthe legien infantry, stopped fhe British van; upon which order was restored to the American army. The officers were imraediately employed in forming a line of battle in front. The Maryland division, including the trppps pf Delaware, were on the right, the North Carolina militia in the centre, and the Virginia militia oh the left. In this rencounter some pri.spners were raade, frem pne pf whpm Cplo nel VViUiams drew the information that the British array, consisting of * Journal of Colonel Williams. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 345 near three thousand men, commanded by Lord Cornwallis. in person, was in full march five or six hundred yards in front. This intelligence was iramediately communicated to General Gates, who had supposed Lord Cornwallis to be still in Charleston. The general officers were assem bled in the rear of the line, and this information submitted to thera. Af ter a short silence, Stevens said, " Gentleraen, is it not too late to do any thing but fight?" No other advice being given. General Gales, who seems to have been himself disposed to risk a battle, directed the officers to re pair to their respective commands. , The ground on which the army was drawn up was so narrowed by a marsh on each flank, as to admit of removing the first Maryland brigade, so as to form a second line about twp hundred yards in rear pfthe first. The artillery was placed in the centre pf the first line, and Arnistrpng's light infantry was ordered to cover a small interval between the flank of the left wing and the marsh. Frequent skirmishes occurred during the night between the advanced parties, with scarcely any ether effect than to discover the situation of the armies, evince the intention of the generals, and serve as a prelude to the events, of the succeeding morning. At dawn of day the British appeared in front, advancing in column. Lieutenant Colonel Webster coramanded on the right, and Lord Rawdon on fhe left. The seventy-first regiment composed the reserve. Four field pieces were attached to the left, and one to the corps de reserve. Captain Singleton opened sorae field pieces on the front of the column, at the distance of about two hundred yards, soon after which the Ameri can left was ordered to comraence the action. It was then perceived that the British right was advancing in Une; and as Stevens led on his bri gade in good .order. Colonel Williams advanced in front with a few volunteers^ intending by a partial fire to extort that of the enemy at some distance^ and thereby diminish its effect oh the militia. The experiment did not succeed. The British rushed forward with, great impetuosity, firing and huzzaing at the same time ; and the terrified mihtia, disre garding the exertions of Stevens^ who,'in the firm tone of courage, er- deavoured to inspire them with confidence in the bayonets they had just received, threw down their loaded muskels, fled frora tbe field with the utmost precipitation, and were followed by the light infantry of Arm strong. The whole North Carolina division, except one regiment com manded by Colonel Dixon, an old continental officer, which was posted nearest fhe continental troops, followed the shameful exnmple. Other parts of the same brigade, which was comraanded by Gregory, paused for an instant ; but the terror of their brethren was soon communicated 2 E 346 THE LIFE OF to them, and tiiey also threw away their arras, and sought for safety in flight. Their general, while endeavouring to rally them, was danger ously wounded. Tarlton's legion charged them as they broke, and pursued them in •their flight. Gates, in person, assisted by their generals, made several efforts to rally the militia ; but tile alarm in their rear still continuing, they poured on like a torrent, and bore him with them. He hastened with General Caswell to Clermont, in fhe hope of stopping aTsufficient nuraber of them at their old encampment, to cover the retreat of the con tinental troops; but thi-s hope was entirely disappointed. Believing the- continental troops also to be dispersed, he gave up all as lost, and re treated with a few friends to Charlotte, about eighty miles from the field of battle, where he left General Caswell to assemble the neighbouring militia, and proceeded himself to Hillsborough, in order to concert some plan of farther defence with the governraent. Entirely deserted by the militia who ccmppsed the whple centre and left wing pfthe army, the cpntinental froops, with the Baron De Kalb at their head, were left without orders, under circumstances which raight have justified a retreat. But taking counsel frora their courage, and seeing only the path of duty, they preferred the honourable and danger ous part of raaintaihing their position. They were charged by Lord Rawdon about the time the militia on their left were broken by Webster ; but the charge was received with unexpected firmness. The bayonet was occasionally resorted to by both parties, and the ccnflict was main tained for near three quarters of an hour with equal obstinacy. During this time, the .regiment on the left of the second Maryland brigade being covered by the reserve, so that it could be only engaged injfront, gained ground and made prisoners. The reserve, having its left entirely exposed, was flanked by the British right wing under Webster ; who, after detaching a part of his cavalry and light infantry in pursuit of the flying railitia, wheeled on that brigade, and attacking it in front and round the left flank, threw it into sorae disorder. The soldiers were, however, quickly rallied, and re' newed the action with unimpaired spirit. Overpowered by numbers, they were again broken, and by the exertion of their officers were again formed, sp as still to maintain the combat, and still to ccver the flank pf their brethren pfthe second brigade, whp were in a raanner blended with the enemy, and who kept up a desperate conflict in fhe hope of yet ob- taining the victory. The fire of the whole British army was now directed against these two devoted brigades. They had not lost an inch of ground when Lord GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 347 Comvrallis, perceiving that they were without cavalry^ pushed his dra goons upon them, and at the same instant, charged them with the bayonet. These gallant troops were no longer able to keep the field. They were at length broken ; and, as they did not give way until intermingled with the enemy, they dispersed and fled in confusion. Before they were reduced to this last extremity, the Baren De Kalb, whp fought pn foot with the second Maryland brigade, fell under eleven wounds. His aid-de-camp. Lieutenant Colpnel Du Buysspn, received him in his arms, annpunced his rank and nation to the surrounding foe, and begged fhat they would spare his life. While thus generously exposing himself to save his friend, he received several wounds, and, with his general, was taken prisoner. The Baron expired in a few hours, and spent his last breath in dictating a letter, expressing the warmest affection for the officers and men of his division, and the most exalted admiration of their courage and gppd con duct.* Never was a victory, more complete. Every corps was broken and dispersed in the woods. The general officers were divided from their men ; and, except Rutherford of the North CaroUna miUtia who was made a prisoner, reached Charlotte at different times. Colonel Wil liams, who witnessed the whole battle, and bore a conspicuous part in it, concludes his very animated description of it, with fhe observation, that " if in this affair the militia fled too soon, the regulars may be thought almost as blameable for remaining top Ipng on the field ; especially after aU hope of victory must have been despaired of." He censures freely the conduct of the brigadiers, who gave,, he says, no orders whatever to their brigades. About two hundred wagons, with a great part of the baggage, mili tary stores, small arms, and all the artillery, fell into the hands of the conqueror. The loss of men could never be accurately ascertained, as no returns were received from the militia. - Of the Nerth Carolina divi sion, between three and four hundred were made prisoners, and between sixty and one hundred were jvcunded. Of the Virginia miUtia, three were wpunded pn the field; and, as they were the first fp fly, not many were taken. For the numbers engaged, the less sustained by the regulars was con siderable. It amounted to between three and four hundred raen, of whom a large portion were officers. The British accounts state the loss of the American army at eight or nine hundred killed, and about one thousand prispners ; while their own is said to be only three hundred and twenty- five, of whom two hundred and forty-five were wounded. Although ? Journal of Colonel Williams. 348 THE LIFE OF many of the militia were killed during fhe flight, this account is probably exaggerated. It would seem too, that while the continental troops kept the field, the loss on both. sides, in that part of the action, raust have been nearly equal. ' On his retreat, the day of fhe battie. General Gates received inforraa tion of the complete success of Sumpter. That officer had, on fhe eve ning that Lord Cornwallis marehed from Camden, reduced the redoubt on the Wateree, captured the guard, and intercepted :the escort with the stores. This gleam of light chepred the dark gloom which enveloped his af fairs but for a moraent. He was soon informed that this corps alsp was defeated, and entirely dispersed. On hearing pf the disaster which had befallen Gates, Sumpter began to retreat up the south side of the Wateree. Believing hiraself out of, danger, he had halted on the twenty-eighth, during the heat of the day, near the Catawba Ford, to give bis harassed troops sorae repose. Al that place he was overtaken by Tarlton, who had been detached in pursuit of hira on the raorning of the 17lh, and who, advancing with bis aocustoraed celerity, entered the Araerican carap so suddenly, as in a great rneasure to cut off the raen frora their arms. Some slight resistance made from behind the wagons was soon overcome, and the Araericans fled precipitately to the river and woods. Between three and four hun dred of thera were killed and wounded ; their baggage, artiUery, arms, and ammunition were lost ; and the prisoners and stores they had taken, were recovered. This advantage was gained with the loss of only nine mfen killed and- six wounded. Two videttes had been placed by Sumpter, on the road along which Tarlton bad advanced, who fired upon his van and killed one of his dra goons, upon which they were both sabred. We are informed by Colonel Tarlton fhat the inquiries made by Surapter respecting the two shots, were answered by an assurance frora an officer, just returned frora .the advanced ssntries, fhat the miUtia were firing at cattle. Intelligence of this disaster reached Charlotte next day. Generals Smallwood and Gist were then arrived at that place, and about one hundred and fifty straggling, dispirited, half famished officers and soldiers had alsp dropped in. It was thought adviseable to retreat immediately to Salisbury. From that place, General Gates directed the remnant of the troops to march toIIUlsborough, where he was endeavouring to assemble another arrtiy, which raight enable him yet to contend for the southern states. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 349 CHAPTER XVIII. Distress in the American camp. — Expedition against Staten IsIand.-^Bequi6iti9ns on the states. — New scheme of finance. — Committee pf congress deputed to camp. Resolution to make up depreciation of pay. — Mutiny in the line of Connecticut. — General Knyphausen enters Jersey. — Sir Henry Clinton returns to New York. — Skirmish at Springfield. — Exertions to strengthen the army. — Bank established in Philadelphia. — Contributions of the ladies.^Farther proceedings of the states. — Arrival of a French armament in Rhode Island. — Changes in the quartermaster's department. — Enterprise against New York abandoned. — Naval superiority of the British. 0 While disasters thus crowded on each other in the southern states, the Coraraander-in-chief found himself surrounded with diffi- 1780 cullies, which required his utmost exertions to avoid calamities equally distressing. His urgent requisitions for men to supply thp places of those who were leaving the service, were not complied with, and the solfiiers who remained, could scarcely be preserved from either perishing with cold and hunger, or dispersing and living on plunder. . General Greene and Colonel Wadsworthi, who had, for the preceding year, been at the head of the quartermaster and commissary depart ments, possessed distinguished merit, and had employed assistants of unqiiestionable abiUty and integrity. Yet, for a great part of the cam paign, the rations were frequently reduced, and the array was rarely supplied with provisions for raore than a few days in advance. Soon after coming into winter quarters, the magazines were exhausted, and afforded neither meat nor flour to be delivered to the raen. ' This state of things had heen long foreseen ; and all the means in the povver of the Commander-in-chief had been used to prevent it. Repeat ed representations of the actual famine with which the army was threat ened, had been made to congress, and to the slate governments,; but no adequate relief was afforded ; and such was the condition of the finances, so embarrassing the state of affairs, that it was perhaps attainable only by measures which the governraents could not venture to adopt. The rapid depreciation of the continental currency, had long been viewed with apprehensive anxiety by the enlightened friends of the revo lution, and various unsuccessful expedients had been essayed for the purpose of checking its progress. All perceived that the great quantify in circulation was the principal cause of the diminution of its value ; and congress had resolved not to exceed two hundred miUions of dollars in their emissions. In the mean time, the utraost endeavours were used to Vol. I. 23 3.50 THE LIFE OF defer an evil so justiy dreaded, and among the expedients employed, was that of withholding from the public agents, the money which was neces sary for public purposes. This unwise experiment, while it defeated its own object, threatened the dissolution of fhe American army. The difference between the value of the article at the times of contract and of payment was soon perceived, and, of course, influenced its price. But this was the least mischievous consequence of this mistaken policy. The public agents contracted enormous debts which they were unable to discharge. Repeated disappointments destroyed their credit ; and, to wards the close of the year 1779, fhey found it irapracticable to obtain supplies for the subsistence of the array. Frora these causes, the contracts entered into could not be co-extensive with the public wants;, and many of those which were made were not complied with. In this critical state of things, an entire revolution was made in the comraissary department. Such was the prejudices against the system adopted by Great Britain, for supplying by contract, that it had been usual to allow, as a compensation to the coraraissary, a stipulated com mission on all the monies expended on public account. After some time, this allowance was supposed "tp be an induceraent tp purchase at high prices ; and an arrangement was raade en the first of January, by which the coraraissary, general was to receive a fixed nominal salary in the paper currency, and was permitted to appoint assistants whose compen sations were also fixed, and who were to defray, out pf thpse compensa tions, all the expenses attending the transactions of the business. The practice pf allowing thera ra.tit)ns and ferage was discontinued. This new systera was unfprtunalely sp mpdified as tp increase the em barrassments of the department. It was found difficult to obtain assistants and agents for the compensation allowed ; and, those whp were willing fp be emplpyed, were unequal te the duties assigned thera. For several days, the soldiers were reduced to half allpwance, and soraetiraes to less. At length, affairs came to the crisis which had lono- been threatened ; and, early in January, a letter was received from Colonel Wadsworth, informing the general that if was absolutely out of his power to supply the army longer with meat, as he was without money, and had totally exhausted his credit. Abeul the same time, the assistant ccramissary, residing in camp, gave nptice that his sleek of provisions was on the peint pf being expended, and that he had np immediate pres pect of a farther supply. This stale of things, corapelled the Comraander-in-chief to adopt effi cacious measures, to relieve fhe immediate and pressing wants of hia GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 351 ' soldiers. He required from each county in the state of Jersey, a quantity of meat and flour proportipned tp its reseurces, te be raised and forward ed fp the army within a liraited time, not exceeding six days. In a cir cular letter addressed tb the magistrates, he stated the pressing wants of the army, and the necessity of resorting to coercion should his requi sition fail. To the honour of the magistrates and people of New Jersey, although their country was much exhausted, the supplies required were instantiy furnished, and a temporary relief obtained. The patient and uncomplaining fortitude with which the soldiers bore their sufferings, was strong evidence of their patriotism, and could not fail to make a deep irapression on their general. ButwhUe their virtues excited his sensibilities, he expressed his fears very freely to congress, that they might be too severely tried. The unusual severity of the winter, seemed to furnish an opportunity for active enterprise, which the Comraander-in-chief observed, without being able to improve. The garrison of New York and its imraediate dependencies, was supposed to be reduced to fen or eleven thousand effectives ; and the security heretofore derived frora its insular situation no longer existed. The ice was so strong that the whole array, with its train of wagons and artillery', raight pass over without danger. This circura stance afforded a glorious occasion for striking a blow, which, if success ful, would most probably terminate the war. The effort would seem not to have exceeded the strength of America, could that strength have been exerted in proper season ; but the government possessed neither sufficient energy nor concentration of power to call it forth ; and this op portunity passed away, as many which present themselves in the course of human affairs, must pass away, if those who should take advantage of them, only begin to deliberate about raaking preparations in the season for action. The force under the iraraediate command of General Washington, was decidedly inferior to that in New York ; and so far was he from having reason to expect immediate reinforcements, that congress had not agreed on making a requisition for thera. In addition to this feebleness in point of nurabers, the soldiers were not half clothed ; provisions for imraediate use could be obtained only by contributions from the people ; the quar termaster's department was unable to put an array in raotion ; and the military chest did not contain a dollar. Under the pressure ofthis combination of discouraging circumstances, the active mind of Washington stiU looked forward to the possibility of deriving some advantage from fhe exposed situation of his adversary. 352 THE LIFE OF The troops on Staten Island were computed at one thousand or twelve hundred men ; and the firm bridge of ice now uniting that island to the Jersey shore, seemed to furnish an opportunity for bearing off this corps. General Washington determined to make the attempt with two thousand five hundred men, lo be commanded by Major General Lord StirUng. The more distant trppps rapved dewn pn sleds ; and, fp favpur a sur prise, the ppinipn was inculcated that they cnly ccnstituted a relief for the detachment already pn the lines. On the night pfthe 14th pf January, Lprd Stirling raoved oyer from De Hart's point; and, detaching Lieutenant Colonel WUlet tp Decker's house, where Buskirk's regiment was stationed, proceeded himself to the watering place, where the main body was posted. Notwithstanding fhe precautions which had been taken, the alarm had been given at each post, and the troops had saved themselves in their works ; so that only a 'few prisoners were made. Contrary to the intelligence previously re ceived, the coraraunication, with New York was still open; and the works appeared too strong to justify the hazard of attempting to carry them by assault. The object of the expedition being unattainable. Lord StirUng ccm- menced his retreat, which was-effected with inccnsiderable loss. A body of cavalry, which charged his rear, was repulsed; but, from the intense- ness of the cold, and the defectiveness pf his means to protect his men from it, sorae of them were frost bitten, and a few stragglers were made prisoners. The excessive cold continuing, the rivers were soon afterwards com pletely blocked up. Even arms of the sea were passable on the ice; and the islands about the raouth of the Hudson, presented the appearance of one whole and unbroken continent. This state of things produced a great degree of suffering among all classes in New York. The suppUes usually received by water failed lotaUy, and a great scarcity of provi sions and of fuel was the consequence. To increeise this scarcity, the American troops on the lines were so disposed as to interrupt the com raunication between the country and the town; and these arrangements produced a partisan war, in which the advantage was rather on the side of the British. i In one of the most important of these skirmishes. Captain Roberts, of Massachusetts, with fourteen of his men, were killed on the spot; seven teen were wounded, of whom three died in a few days ; and Lieutenant Colonel Thorapson, of Massachusetts, who coraraanded the party, two cap tains, four subalterns, and ninety npn-cpmmissipned pfficers and privates were made prispners. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 353 The emission of fhe full sum of two hundred millions of dollars in con tinental bills of credit, which congress had solemnly resolved not to ex ceed, had been cprapleted in Nevember, 1779, and the meney was ex pended. The requisiliens pn the states to replenish the treasury by taxes were not fully complied with ; and, had they even been strictly observed, would not have produced a sum equal to the public expendi ture. It was therefore necessary lo devise other raeasures for the pro secution of the war. During the distresses which brought the army to the brink of dissolution, these measures were under consideration. So early as December, 1779, congress had determined to change the mode of supplying the army frora purchases to requisitions of specific articles on the several states. As preliminary to this systera, coraraissicners were appointed to make the estimates, and to introduce every practica ble reform in the expenditures. This subject was under deliberation until the 25th of February, when sundry resolutions were passed, ap portioning on the states their respective quotas of provisions, spirits, and forage, for the ensuing campaign. The value of the several articles was estimated in specie ; arid assurances were given that accounts be tAveen the states should be regularly kept, and finally settled in Spanish ' milled dollars. For the purpose of inducing and facilitating a compliance with these requisitions, congress also resolved, " that any state which shall have taken the necessary measures for furnishing its quota, and have given notice therecf to congress, shall be authorized to prohibit any continen tal quartermaster or comraissary from purchasing within its liraits." These resolutions, constituting fhe basis of a new systera on which the future subsistence of the array was essentially to depend, were too deep ly interesting not to receive the anxious attention -of the Commander-in- chief. With regret, he communicated to congress the radical defects he perceived in their arrangements, with his apprehensions that this untried scheme would fail in practice. His judgment, and the judgment of all men engaged in high and re sponsible situations, was decidedly in favour of conducting the war on a national- rather than on a state system. But, independent ofthis radical objection, economy had been so much more consulted than the probable necessities of the army, that, in almost every article, the estimate had fallen far short of the demand to be reasonably expected. The total omission to provide raeans for supplying pccasicnal deficien cies frem the surplus reseurces pf any particular state, was an error of still greater magnitude. It was pbvipus that the demand in any stale which shpuld beccme the theatre ef war, wpuld be much greater than 354 THE LIFE OF its quota ; and experience had shown that the carriage of specific arti cles from distant places was always difficult and expensive, and sorae tiraes irapracticable. Yet no means were adopted to st(pply such extra ordinary demand, whatever might be the resources of the country. A still more radical objection to the system was the principle, enabUng any state which should fake means to comply with the requisition, and should notify those means to the government of the United States, to prohibit the cpntinental agents frpm making any purchases within its terrifpry. Arapng the states which adcpted the preppsitipn of congress was New Jersey, in which the largest division of the army was station ed. Its legislature passed an act prohibiting the purchase of provisions within its jurisdiction by the staff of the contmental line, under severe penalties ; and refused to authorize its own agents to provide for any emergency however pressing. It was an additional objection to these requisitions, that they specffied no periods of the year within which cer tain portions of the articles demanded should be raised, and consequent ly might be complied with, although the army should be left destitute of every necessary for a considerable part of the campaign. » These suggestions, however, with others less material to the military operations, did not receive fhe attention which was due to their import ance. A disposition in the members of congress, growing' inevitably out of the organization of the government, to consult the will of their re spective states, and to prefer that will to any other object, had disco vered itself at an early period, and had gained strength with time. The state of the national treasury was calculated to promote this disposition. It was empty, and could be replenished only by faxes, which congress had not the power to impose ; or by new emissions pf bills of credit, which the governraent had pledged the public faith not to raake, and which would rest for their redemption only on that faith, which would be vio lated in the very act of their emission. Under these circurastances, it required a degree of energy seldora found, to struggle with surrounding difficulties for the preservation of a general system, and lo resist the temptation to throw the nation at the feet of the states, in whom the vital principle of power, the right to levy taxes, was exclusively vested. WhUe the continental currency preserved its value, this essential defect of the constitution was, in some measure, concealed. The facility with which money was obtained from the press, was a temporary substitute for the command of the resources of the country. But when this expe dient failed, it was scarcely possible to advance a single step, but under the guidance of the respective states. Whatever might be the future effect ofthis system, it w^as irapractica- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 355 hie to bring it into immediate operation. The legislatures of the several states, by whom it was to be adopted, and carried info execution, were, many of them, not then in session; and were to meet at different times through the ensuing spring. It was consequently- to be expected that great part of the summer would pass away before the supplies to be raised by the measure, could be brought into use. In the mean tirae, and until a new scheme of finance, which accompanied the requisition of specific articles, should be tried, there was no regular provision for the army. Bills to the amount of £100,000 sterling, payable at six months' sight, were drawn on Mr. Jay, and others to the same amount, on Mr. Laurens, who were empowered lo negotiate loans in Europe. These biUs were sold in smaU sums on pressing occasions ; and the loan offices remained open for the purpose of borrowing from individuals. This new scheme of finance was a second ,essay to substitute credit unsupported by solid funds, and resting solely on the public faith, for money. The vast quantify of bills unavoidably emitted before the establish ment of regular governments possessing sufficient energy to enforce the collection of taxes, or to provide for their redemption, and before the go vernments of Europe were sufficientiy confident of their stability to afford them aid or credit, was assigned by congress as the principal cause of that depreciation which had taken place in the continental currency. The United Stales were now, they said, under different circunistances. Their independence was secure ; their civil governments were establish ed and vigorous ; and the spirit of their citizens ardent for exertion. The government being thus rendered competent to the object, it was necessary to reduce the quantity of paper in circulation, and lo appro priate funds fhat should ensure the punctual redemption of the bills. For these purposes, the several slates were required lo continue to bring into the continental treasury, monthly, from February to April inclusive, their full quotas of fifteen millions of doUars. In complying with this requisition, one Spanish milled doUar was to be received in lieu of forty dollars of the paper currency. The bills so brought in were not to be reissued, but destroyed ; and other bills, not to exceed one dollar for every twenty received in dis charge of taxes, were to be emitted. These bills were to be redeemable within six years, and were to bear an interest of five per centum per annum, to be paid at the time of their redemption in specie, or, at tbe election of the holder, annually, in bills of exchano'e drawn by the United States on their comraissioners in Europe, at four shilUngs and six pence sterling for each^doUar. They were to 356 THE LIFE OF be issued in ascertained proportions on the fuqds of the several states, with a collateral security on the part of the government, to pay the quota of any particular stale, which the events of the war might render incapable of complying with its own engagements. The biUs were to be deposited in the continental loan-offices of the sevejral states, and were to be signed only as the money then in circulation should, be brought in by taxes or otherwise. After being signed, six-tenths of them were to be delivered to the stales on whose funds they were to be issued, and the remaining four-tenths to be retained for the use of fhe continent. The operation of this scheme of finance was necessarily suspended by tbe same causes which suspended that for requiring specific articles. It depended on the sanction and co-operation of the several state legisla tures, many of which were yet to convene. As il would be impracticable to maintain the value of the raoney about to be emitted, should the states continue lo issue bills of credit, they were earnestly requested to suspend future emissions, and to caU the current paper out of circulation. But, the time , for this measure was not yet arrived, and many of the states continued the use of the prfess liU late in, the foUowirig year. The establishraent of the army for the ensuing campaign, was fixed at thirty-five thousand two hundred and eleven men, and the measures for recruiting it were founded on the state systera, which was becorae en tirely predominant. - The few intelligent statesmen who could combine practical good sense with patriotism, perceived the dangerous inefficacy of a system which openly abandoned the national character, and proceeded on fhe princi ple that the American confederacy was no raore than an alliance of in dependent nations. That great delays would be experienced, that the different parts of the plan would be acted on loo unequally and loo uncertainly lo furnish a solid basis for railitary calculations, that the system would be totally deranged in its execution, were mischiefs foreseen and lamented by many, as resulting inevitably from a course of measures to which the goverameptof the Union was under the painful necessity of submitting. " Certain I am," said the Commander-in-chief, in a cpnfidential letter tp a member of the national legislature, "that unless congress speaks in a more decisive tone ; unless they are vested with powers by Iheseve- ral states, competent to tho great purposes of the war, or assume them as matter of right, and they and the states respectively act with more 'energy than they liitherts have done, our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge pn ill the eld way. By ill-timing the adeptipn pf mea- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 357 sures ; by delays in the execution pf thera, er by unwarrantable jea lousies ; we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit from thera. One stale will comply with a requisition frora congress ; another neglects to do it ; a third executes it by halves ; and all differ in the raanner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are all working up hill ; and, while such, a system as the present one, or rather want of one, pre vails, we ever shall be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage. " This, ray dear sir, is plain language to a meraber of congress ; but it Is the language of truth and friendship. It is the result of long think ing, close application, and strict observation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen ; I see one army branching into thirteen ; and, instead of looking up to congress as the supreme controlling power of the United States, consider themselves as dependent on their respective states. In a word, I see the power of congress declining too fast for the respect which is due tp them as the great representative body of Ame rica, and am fearful of the consequences." But whatever might be his objecticns to the proppsed systera. Gene ral Washingten \yas unremitting in his endeavours lo render the plan perfect in detail, and lo give to its execution all the aid which his situa tion and influence enabled him to afford. The distresses of the army for fopd, which had found temporary re lief in the particular exertions of the magistrates and people of New Jersey, soon returned; and it became once more necessary, even after the magazines had been in some degree replenished, to recur to the same persons for assistance. The supplies of forage had failed, and a great proportion of the horses had perished, or been rendered unfit for use. Neither funds nor credit were possessed for the purchase of others, and the quarter-master-general found himself unable to transport provi sions frora remote magazines into camp. This circumstance reduced the Coramander-in-chief to the painful necessity of calling on the pa triotism of private citizens, under the penalty of a military impressment, should a voluntary contribution be refused, for those means of convey ance which the gcvernmenl could not supply. The want of food was not the only difficulty tc be surmounted. Others of a serious nature presented theraselves. The pay of an officer was reduced by tiie depreciation of the currency, Ip such a raiserable pittance as Ip be unequal to the supply of the most raoderate demands. The pay of a major general would no longer hire an express' rider, and that of a captain would not purchase the shoes in which he raarched. The Araerican officers were not rich ; and many of thera had expended 2 F 358 THE LIFE OF their Uttle all in the service. If they had exhausted their private funds, or if they possessed none, they cpii'ld rely only on the state to which they belonged for such clothing as the state might be willing or able to furnish. These supplies were so insufficient and unequal, as to produce extreme dissatisfaction. In the Unes of some of the states, the officers gave notice in a body, of their determination to resign on a given day, if some decent and certain provision should not be made for them. The remonstrances of the Comraander-in-chief produced an offer to serve as volunteers unlil their successors should be appointed ; and, on the rejec tion of this proposition, they were with difficulty induced to remain in service. Under these complicated embarrassments, it required all that enthu siastic patriotism which pre-eminentiy distinguishes the soldier of prin ciple ; all that ardent attachment to the cause of their country which originally brought them into the field, and which their sufferings could not diminish ; all the influence pf fhe Cemraander-in-chief, \vhora they almost adored ; to retain in the service raen whe felt themselves neglect ed, and who believed themselves to be the objects of the jealousy of their country, rather than of its gratitude. Among the privates, causes of disgust grew out of fhe very composition of the army, which increased the dissatisfaction produced by their mul tiplied wants. The first effort made to enlist troops for the war, had, in some degree, succeeded. While these men found themselves obliged lo continue in service without compensation, and often without the common necessa ries of life, they perceived the vacant ranks in their regiments filled up by men who were to continue only for a few months, and who received bounties for that short service, from individuals or from the states, which were of great real value, and which appeared to soldiers not acquainted with the actual state of depreciation, to be immense. They could not fail to compare situations, and to repine at engagements which deprived them of advantages which they saw in possession of others. Many were induced to contest those engagements ;* many to desert a service in which they experienced such irritating inequalities ; and all felt with the more poignant indignation, those distressing failures in the commis sary department, which so frequently recurred. In consequence of tbe strong representations made to congress on * In some instances, the civil power of the state in which such soldiers happened to be, attempted to interfere and to discharge even those belonging to the lines of other states, who asserted their right to be discharged. It was with some difEculty the general could arrest this dangerous interposition. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 359 these various causes of disquiet, a comraittee of three members repaired to camp for the purpose of consulting with the Comraander-in-chief on such arrangements as the means in possession of the governraent would ena ble it to raake, and the present state of the array might require. In re presenting the condition of the troops, they said, " That the array was unpaid for five raonths ; that it seldora had more than six days pro visions in advance, and was on several occasions, for several successive days, without meat ; that the army was destitute of forage ; that tbe medical department had neither tea, chocolate, wine, or spirituous li quors of any kind; that every department of the army was without mo ney, and had not even the shadow of credit left; that the patience of the sbldiers, borne down by the pressure of complicated sufferings, was on the point of being exhausted." To relieve this gloomy state of things by transfusing into it a ray of hope for the future, a resolution was passed, declaring that congress would make good to the line of the army, and to the independent corps thereof, the deficiency qf their original pay, which had been occasioned by the depreciation of the continental currency ; and that the money or other articles heretofore received, should be considered as advanced on account, to be comprehended in the settlement to be finally raade. The benefits of this resolution were confined to those who were then in actual service, or should thereafter come into it, and who were engaged for the war or for three years. This resolution was published in general orders, and had considerable influence on the array, but not sufficient to remove the various causes of dissatisfaction which existed, and were continually multiplying. The engageraent to raake good the depreciation of their pay, was an act of justice too long withheld ; and no promise for the future, could supply the place of present comfortable subsistence. No hope was given that their condition, in this respect, would be improved. For a considerable lime, the troops received only from one-half lo one-eighth ef a ratipn of meat; and, at length, were several days wifheut a single peund pf that neces sary article. This leng cpurse ef suffering had unavpidably produced seme relaxa tion of discipline, and had gradually soured the minds of the soldiers to such a degree, that their discontents broke out into actual mutiny. On the 25th of May, two regiraents belonging to Connecticut paraded under arras with a declared resolution to return home, or to obtain sub sistence at the point of the bayonet. The soldiers of the other regi ments, though not actually joining the mutineers, shewed np disppsition to suppress the mutiny. By great exertions on the part of the officers, 360 THE LIFE OF aided bj' the appearance of a neighbouring brigade , of Pennsylvania, then commanded by Colonel Stewart, the leaders were secured, and the two regiraents brought back to their duty. Sorae sentiraents, however, were disclosed by the soldiers, in answer to the rerapnstrances cf their officers, of a serious and alarraing nature. Their pay was now five months in arrear, and the depreciation of the raeney, they said, was sush, that it would be worth nothipg when received. When rerainded of tbe late resolutipn pf ccngress for making gpod the loss sustained by depreciation, of the reputation acquired by their past good conduct;' arid of the value pfthe object for which they were contending; they answered that their sufferings were too great lo be longer supported ; that they wanted present relief; and raust have sorae present substantial recora- pense for their services. A paper was found in the brigade, which ap peared to have been brought by some emissary from New York, stimu lating the troops to the abandonment of the cause in which they were engaged. The discontents of the army, and tbe complaints excited in the coun try by the frequent requisitions on the people of New Jersey, had been coramunicated, with such exaggeration, to the officer coramanding in New York, as lo induce the opinion that the American soldiers were ready to desert their standards ; and the people of New Jersey to change their governraent. To countenance these dispositions, General Knyphausen embarked at Staten Island, and landed in the night with about five thousand raen at Elizabethtown Point, in -New Jer sey. Early next raorning he raarched towards Springfield, by the way of Connecticut Farms, but soon perceived that the real temper, both of the country and the army, had been misunderstood. On the appearance of the enemy, the militia asserabled with alacrity, and aided the small patrolling parties of continental troops in harassing him on his march from Elizabethtown to the Connecticut Farms, a dis tance of five or six miles, where a halt was made. In a spirit of reven ' ' mounted, he passed the Sound where il was twenty miles wide, mai'ched across the island in the night, and so completely surprised the fort, that his troops entered the works on Ihrpe different sides before the garrison was prepared to resist them. The British look refuge in two houses connected with the fortifications, and commenced a fire from the doors and windows. These were instantiy forced cpen ; and the whple GEORGE WASHINGTON. 391 party,. anjQunting to fifty-four, among whom were a lieutenant colonel, captain, and subaltern, were killed er taken. Stores tp a cpnsiderable ampunt were destroyed, the fort was demolished', and the magazines were consumed by fire. The objects of the expedition being accomplished, MajCr Talmadge recrossed the Sound without having lost a man. On the recommendation of General Washington, congress passed a reso lution, expressing a high sensfe of the merit of those engaged in the ex pedition. No objects for enterprise presenting themselves, the, troops were placed in winter quarters early in December. The Pennsylvania line was sta tioned near Morristown ; the Jersey line about Pompton, on the confines of , New. York and New Jersey; and the troops belonging to the New England states, at West Peint, and in its vicinity, en bpth sides the Nerth River. The line of the slate of New York ^remained at Albany, to which place it had been detached for the purpose of opposing an in vasion from Canada. Majpr Carlton, at the head ef pne thousand men, coraposed of Euro peans, Indians, and Tories, had made a sudden irruption into the northern parts of New York, and taken forts Ann and George, with their garri-^ so^is. At fhe same tirne. Sir John Johnson, at the head of a corps com posed of the same, materials, .appeared on the, Mohawk. Several sharp skirmishes were fought in that quarter with ifie continental troops, and a regiment of new levies, aided by the mUitia of the country. General Clinton's brigade was ordered to their assistance ; but before he could reach the scene of action, the invading armies had retired, after laying waste the whole country, through which they passed. While the disorder of the Aw^erican finances, the exhausted state of the, country, and the debility of the government, deterrained Great Britain to persevere in offensive war against the United Stales, by keeping alive her hopes of conquestj Europe assumed an aspect not less formidable to the permanent grandeur of that nation, than hostile fo its present views. In the summer of 1780, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, entered into the .celebrated, corapact, which has been generally denorainated " THE ARMED NEUTRALITY." Holland had also declared a de terraination to accede to the sarae confederacy ; and il is not iraprobable that this measure contributed to the declaration of war which was raade by Great Britain, against that power towards the close of the present year. The long friendship which had existed between the two nations was visibly weakened frora the comraencement of the American war. Hol land was peculiarly desirous of participating in that commerce which 392 THE LIFE OF the independence of the United States would open to the world : and, from the coramenceraent of hostiUties, her merchants, especially those of Amsterdara, watched the progress of the war with anxiety, and en gaged in speculations which were profitable to theraselves and beneficial to the United States. The reraonstrances made by the- British rainister at the Hague against this conduct, were answered in fhe most amicable manner by the government, but the practice of individuals continued the same. When the war broke out between France and England, a number of Dutch vessels trading with France, laden with materials for ship building, were seized, and carried into the ports of Great Britain, although the existing treaties between the two nations were understood to exclude those articles from the list of contraband of war. ' The British cabinet justified these acts of violence, and persisted in Tefiising fo permit naval stores to be carried fo her enemy in neutral bottoms. This refusal^ how ever, was accompanied with friendly professions, with an oler to pay for the vessels and cargces already seized, and vi'ith preppsals fp.form new stipulatipns for the future regulatien pf that ccramerce. The States General refused tc enter intp any negotiations fer the modificafipn pf subsisting treaties; and the merchants cf aU the great trading tpwns, especially these pf Amsterdara, expressed the utrapst in dignation at the injuries they had sustained. In consequence of this cpnduct, the British gpvernraent required these succours which were stipulated in ancient treaties, and insisted that the casus fcederis had now occurred. Advantage was taken pfthe refusal of the Stales General to ccmply with this deraand, te declare the treaties between the twe natipns at an end. ' The temper prpduced by this state pf things, inclined^ Hplland tP enter intp the treaty fpr an armed neutrality; and, "in Npvember, the Dutch gpvernment acceded tp it. Sprae unknpwn causes prevented the actual signature of the treaty on the part ef the Slates General, until a circura stance pccUred which was used for the purppse ef placing them in a situaticn not to avail themselves pf fhe aid stipulated by fhat cenfederacy tp its raerabers. While Mr. Lee, pne ef the ministers of the United States, was on a mission to the courts of Vienna ,and BerUn, he fell in company with a Mr. John de Neufwille, a merchant of Amsterdam, with whom he held several conversations on tjfie subject of a comraercial intercourse between the two nations, the result of which was, that the plan of an eventual commercial treaty was sketched out, as one which might thereafter be concluded between thera. This paper had received the approbation of GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 393 the Pensionary Van Berkel, and of the city of Amsterdam, but not of the States General. , Mr. Henry Laurens, late president of congress, was deputed to the States General with this plan of a treaty, for the double purpose of en deavouring to complete it, and of negotiating a loan for the use of his government. On the voyage he was captured by a British frigate ; and his papers, which he had thrown overboard, were rescued from the waves by a British sailor. Araong thera was found the plan of a treaty which has been raentioned, and which was immediately transmitted lo Sir Joseph Yorke, the British minister at the Hague, lo be laid before the government. The explanations of this transaction not being deemed satisfactory by the court of London, Sir Joseph Yorke received orders to withdraw from the Hague, soon after which war was proclaimed against Holland. This bold measure, which added one of the first maritime powers in Europe to the formidable list of enemies with whora Britain was already encPmpassed, was perhaps, npt less prudent than ccurageeus. There are situations, to which only high minded nations are equal, in which a daring poUcy will conduct those who adopt itj safely through the very dangers it appears to invite ; dangers which a system suggest ed by a timid caution might multiply instead of avoiding. The present was, probably, one of those situations. ' HoUand was about tp become a meraber of the arraed neutrality, after which her immense navigation would, be employed, unraolested, in transporting the property of the ene mies of Britain, and in supplying them with all the materials for ship building, or fhe whole confederacy must be encountered. Araerica, however, received with delight the intelligence that Holland also was engaged in the war ; and founded additional hopes of its speedy termination on that event. 2 I 394 THE LIFE OF CHAPTER XX. Transactions in South Carolina and Georgia.— Defeat of Ferguson. — Lord Comwallis enters North Carolina. — Retreats out of that state. — Major Wemys defeated by Sumpter. — Tarlton repulsed. — Greene appointed to the command of the Southern army. — Arrives in camp. — Detaches Morgan over the Catawba.. — Battle of the Cowpens. — Lord Cornwallis drives Greene through North Carolina into Virginia. — - He retires to Hillsborough. — Greene recrosses the Dan.— Loyalists under Colonel Pyle cut to pieces.— Battle of Guilford. — Lord Cornwallis retires to Ramsay's mills. — To Wilmington.^Greene advances to Rams-ay's mills. — Determines to' enter South Carolina. — Lord Cornwallis resolves to march to Virginia. In the South, Lord Cornwallis, after having nearly demoUshed the American army at Camden, found himself under the necessity of suspending, for a few weeks," fhe new career of conquest on which he had intended to enter. Hfs army was enfeebled by sickness as well as by action; the weather was intensely hot, and fhe stores ne cessary for an expedition intp Nprth Carplina had not been brought from Charleston. In addition, a temper so hostile to the British interests had lately appeared in South Carolina as to make it unsafe to withdraw any considerable part of his force from that state, until he should subdue the spirit of insurrection against his authority. Exertions were made in other parts of the stale, not inferior fo those of Sumpter in the north-west. Colonel Marion, who had been compelled by the wounds he received in Charleston to retire into the country, had been promoted by Governor Rutledge to the. rank of a brigadier general. As the army of Gales ap proached South Carolina, he had entered the north eastern parts of that state with only sixteen rrien ; had penetrated into the country as far as the Santee ; and was successfully rousing the well-affected inhabitants to arms, when- the defeat of the 16th of August chilled the growing spirit of resistance which he had contributed fo increase. With the force he had collected, he rescued about one hundred and fifty continental troops who had been captured at Camden, and were on their way to Charleston. Thpugh compelled, for a short tirae, to leave the stale, he sopn returned tP it, and at the head pf a few spirited men, made repeated excursions frcra the swamps- and marshes in which he concealed himself, and skirmished successfully with the militia who had joined fhe British standard, and the small paities of regulars by whom they were occasionally supported. His talents as a partisan, added to his knowledge of the country, ena- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 395 Wed him to elude every attempt to seize him ; and such was his huraanity as well as respect for the laws, that no violence or outrage was ever at tributed to the party under his comraand. The Interval between the victory of the 16th of August, and the ex pedition into North Carolina, was employed in quelling what was termed the spirit of revolt in South Carolina. The efforts of the people to recover their independence were considered as new acts of rebellion^ and were met with a degree pf severity which policy was supposed lo dictate, but which gave a keener edge to the resentments which civil discord never fails to engender. Several of the most active militia men who had taken protections as British subjects, and entered into the British railitia, having been afterwards found in arms, and made prisoners at Caraden, were executed as traitors. Orders were given to officers commanding at dif ferent posts to proceed in the same manner against persons of a similar description ; and these orders Were, in many instances, carried into exe cution. A proclamation was issued for sequestering the estates of all those inhabitants of the province, not included in the capitulation of Charleston, who were in the service, or acting under the authority of Congress, and of all those who, by an open avowal of what were termed rebellious principles, or by other notorious acts should manifest a wicked and desperate perseverance in opposing the re-establishment of royal authority.* While faking these measures lo break the spirit of independence. Lord CornwalUs was indefatigable in urging his preparatipns for the expedi tion into North Carolina. The day after the battle near Camden, emissaries had been despatched into that state for fhe purpose of inviting the friends of the British go- yernment to take up arms. Meanwhile the utmost exertions were con tinued tc embedy the peeple ef the country as a British miUtia ; and Major Ferguson was employed in the district of Ninety-six, to train fhe most loyal inhabitants, and fo attach them to his own corps.f After being employed for some time in Ninety-six, he was directed to enter the|Westei:n parts of North Carolina, for the purpose of embodying the royalists in that quarter. The route marked out for the main array was from Camden, through the settleraent of the Waxhaws to Cbarloftestpwn, in North Carolina. On the 8lh of September Lord Cornwallis moved frora Camden, and reached Chariotte late in that month, where he expected to be joined by Fergu son. But in attempting to meet hira, Ferguson was arrested by an event as important as it was unexpected. * Rem. t Sted. 396 THE LIFE OF Celpnel Clarke, a refugee frem Geprgia, had forraed a plan for tne reduction of Augusta, which was defended only by a few provincials, under the coramand of Lieutenant Colonel Brown. About the time Lord CornwalUs commenced his march from Camden, Clarke advanced against Augusta, at the head of a body of irregulars whom he had col lected in the frontiers of North arid South Carplina, and invested that place. Brown raade a vigorous defence ; and the approach ef Lieutenant, Cplonel Cruger with a reinforceraent from Ninety Six, compelled Clarke to relinquish the enterprise, and to save himself by a rapid retreat. In telUgence of the transactions at Augusta Was given to Ferguson, who, to favour the design of intercepting Clarke, moved nearer the mountains, and remained longer in that country than had been intended. This de lay proved fatal to him. It gave an opportunity to several volunteer corps to unite, and to constitute a forraidable force. The ' ' hardy mountaineers inhabiting the extreme western parts of Virginia and North Carolina, asserabled on horseback with their rifles, under Colonels Campbell, M'DoweU, Cleveland, Shelby, and Sevier, and moved with their accustomed velocity towards Ferguson. On receiving notice of their approach, that officer commenced his march for Charlotte, despatching, at the ^arae tirae, different messengers to Lord Cprnwallis with infprmatipn of his danger. These messengers being intercepted, ne mpvement was made fp favpur his retreat. When within abeUt sixteen miles of GUbert-tewn, where Ferguson was then supppsed telle, Col.M'Dowellwasdepnted tP Gates with a request that he weuld appoint a general pfficer fp comraand them ; and, in the mean tirae. Colonel Carapbell of Virginia was chosen for that purpose. On reaching Gilbert-town, and finding that the British had coraraencedj their retreat, it was deterrained to follow thera with the utraost celerity. At the Cowpens, this party was joined by Colonels WilUaras, Tracy, and Branan, of South Carolina, with about four hundred men, who also gave information respecting the dis tance and situation of their eneray. About nine hundred choice men were selected, by whom the pursuit was continued through the night, and through a heavy rain ; and, the next day, about three in the afternoon, they cafne within view, of Ferguson, who, finding that he must be overtaken, had deterrained to await the attack on King's mountain, and was encamped on its summit, — a ridge five or six hun dred yards long, and sixty or seventy wide. The Americans, who had arranged theraselves intp three cclumns, the right commanded by Colonel Sevier and Major Winston, the centre by Colonels Campbell and Shelby, and the left by Colonels Cleveland and GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 397 Williams, immediately rushed to the assault. The attack was com menced by the centre, while fhe two wings gained the flanks of fhe Bri tish Une ; and, in about five minintes, fhe action became general. Fer guson made several impetuous charges with the bayonet, which, against riflemen, were necessarily successful. But, before any one of them could completely disperse the corps against which it was directed, the heavy and destructive fire of the lOthers, who pressed him on all sides, caUed off his attention to other quarters, and the broken corps was ral lied, and brought back to the attack. In the course of these successive repulses, the right and centre had becorae interraingled, and were both, by one furious charge of the bay onet, driven almost to the foot of the mountain. With some difficulty they were rallied and again brought into the action ; upon which the British, in turn, gave way, and were driven along the summit of the ridge, on Cleveland and Williams, who still maintained their ground on the left. In this critical state of the action, Ferguson received a mortal wound, and instantiy expired. The courage of his party fell with him, and quarter .was iraraediately demanded.* The action continued rather more than an hour. In this sharp action one hundred and fifty of Ferguson's party were killed en the spet, and about the sarae nuraber were wounded. Eight hundred and ten, of whom one hundred were British troops, were raade prisoners, and fifteen hundred stand of exceUenf arms were taken. The Americans fought under cover of trees, and their loss was incon siderable ; but among the slain was Colonel Williams, who was greatly and justly lamented. As cruelly generaUy begets cruelty, the example set by the British at Camden was followed, and ten of the most active of fhe royalists were selected from the prisoners, and hung upon the spot. The victorious mountaineers, having accompUshed the object for which they asserabled, returned to their homes. The destruction of this party arrested the progress of Lord Cornwallis in North Carolina, and inspired serious fears for the posts in his rear. He retreated to Wynnsborough, between Caraden and Ninety- six, where he waited for reiilforcements from New York. The victory obtained on fhe 16fh of August having suggested views of more extensive conquest in the south. Sir Henry Clinton had deter mined to send a large reinforcement to the southern army. In the opi nion that Lord Cornwallis could meet with no effectual resistance in the ¦* The details ofthis battle are chiefly taken from a paper signed by Colonels Camp bell, Shelby, and Cleveland, and published in the Virginia Gazette of the 18th of No vember, 1780. Vol. I. 26 398 THE LIFE OF Carolinas, he had ordered the officer commanding this reinforcement to enter the Chesapeake in the first instance, and to take possession of the lower parts of Virginia, after which he was to obey the orders he should receive from Lord CornwaUis, tp whpm a copy of his instructions had been forwarded. The detachment ampunted to near three thousand men, under the command of General Leslie. It sailed on the 6th of October, and, en tering James river after a short passage, took possession of the country on the south side as high as Suffolk. After a short tirae, Leslie drew in his out-posts, and began to fortify Portsmouth. At this place he received orders from Lord Cornwallis to repair to Charleston by water. While CornwaUis waited at Wynnsborough for this reinforcement t the light corps of his army were employed in suppressing the parties which were rising in various quarters of the country, in opppsition fp his authp- rify. Maripn had becerae sp fprmidable as tP endanger the cemmuni catipn between Caraden and Charlesten. Tarlten was detached against him, and Marion was under the necessity of concealing himself in the swamps. From the unavailing pursuit of him through ra.arshes which were scarcely penetrable, Tarlton was called to a different quarter, where an enemy supposed to be entirely vanquished, had reappeared in considerable force. Sumpter had again asserabled. a respectable body of raounted mUitia, at the head of which he advanced towards the posts occupied by the British. On receiving intelUgence of his approach. Earl CcrnwaUis formed a plan for surprising him in his camp pn Brpad river, the execu tipn pf which was cpmmifted te Major Werayss. That pfficer marched frcm Wynnsbcrpugh at the head ef a regiraent pf infantry and about forty dragoons, reached the carap of Surapter seve ral hours before day, and Imraediately charged the out piquet, which made but a slight resistance. Only five shot are said lo have been fired, but from these Werayss received two dangerous wounds which disabled hira frora the perforraance of his duty. The assaUants fell into confu sion, and were repulsed with the loss of their coraraanding officer and about twenty men. After this action, Surapter crossed Broad river, and, having forraed a junction with Clarke and Branan, threatened Ninety Six. Alarmed for the safety of that post. Earl CornwaUis recalled Tarlton, and ordered him to proceed against Sumpter. So rapid was his move ment that he had nearly gained the rear of his enemy before notice of his return was received. In the night preceding the day on which he expected to effect his purpose, a deserter apprized Sumpter of the ap proaching danger, and that officer began his retreat. Tarlton, pursuing GEORGE WASHINGTON. 399 with his usual rapidity, overtook the rear guard at the ford of theEn- noree, and cut it to pieces ; after which, fearing that Sumpter would save himself by passing the Tyger, he pressed forward, with, as he states, about two hundred and eighty cavalry and mounted infantry, and, in the afternoon, came within view of the Americans, who were arranged in order for battie. Sumpter had reached the banks of the Tyger, when the firing of his videttes announced the approach of his eneray. He iramedi- - ately posted his troops to great advantage on a steep erai- nence, having their rear and part of their right flank secured by the river, and their left covered by a barn of logs, into which a considerable , number of his raen were thrown. Tarlton, without waiting for his infantry, or for a field pjece left with them .n his rear, rushed to the charge with his usual impetuosity. Af ter several ineftectual attempts lo dislodge the Americans, he retired frora the field with great precipitation and disorder, leaving ninety-two dead, and one > hundred wounded. After remaining in possession of the ground for a few hours, Sumpter, who was severely wounded in the action, crossed the Tyger, after which his troops dispersed. His loss was only three killed, and four wounded. Availing himself of the subsequent retreat and dispersion of the Ame rican militia, Tarlton denominated this severe check a victory ; while congress, in a public resolution, voted their thanks tp General Surapter and the militia he commanded, for this and other services which had been previously rendered. The shattered remains of the array defeated near Caraden, had been slowly collected at Hillsborough, and great exertions were madetoreor- ganize and reinforce it. The whole nuraber of continental troops in the southern army amounted to about fourteen hundred men. On receiving intelligence fhat Lord Cornwallis had occupied Char lotte, Gates detached Smallwood to the Yadkin, with directions lo post hiraself at the ford of that river, and to take coraraand of all the troops in that quarter pfthe country. The raore effectually to harass the ene my, a light corps was selected frora the army and placed under the com mand of Morgan, now a brigadier general. As Lord Cornwallis retreated. Gales advanced to Charlotte, Sraall wood encamped lower down the Catawba on the road to Caraden ; and Morgan was pushed forward sorae distance in his front. In the expec tation that farther active operations would be postponed until the spring, Gates intended to pass the winter in this position. Such. was the ar rangement of the troops when their general was removed. 400 THE LIFE OF On the 5th of November, without any previous indiciations of dissatis faction, congress passed a resolution requiring the Comraander-in-chief to order a court of inquiry on the conduct of General' Gates as cora mander of the southern army, and fo appoint some other officer to that comraand, until the inquiry should be made. Washington, without hesitation, selected Greene for that important and difficult service. In a letter to congress recommending hira to their support, he mentioned General Greene as " an officer in whose abilities, fortitude, and integrity, frora a long and intiraate experience of them,, he had the most entire confidence." To Mr. Matthews, a delegate from South Carolina, he said, "You have your wish in the, officer appointed to the southern coraraand. I think I ara giving you a general ; but what can a general do without men, without arras, without clothing, vrithout stores, without provisipns 7" Abput the same time the legion of Lee was ordered into South Carolina. Greene hastened to the army he was to command ; and, on the second of December, reached Charlotte, then its head quarters. ^Soon aftM- his arrival in camp, he was gratified with the intelligence of a small piece of good fortune obtained by the address of Lieutenant Colo nel Washington. Smallwood, having received inforraation that a body of royal mUitia had entered the country in which he foraged, for the purpose of inter- fCepting his wagons, detached Morgan and Washington against them. Intelligence of Morgan's approach being received, the party retreated ; but Colonel Washington, being able to move with more celerity than the infantry, resolved lo make an alterapt on another party, which was sta tioned at Rugely's farra, within thirteen miles of Camden. He found them posted in a logged barn, strongly secured by abbattis, and inacces sible to cavalry. Force being of no avail, he resorted to fhe following stratagem. Having painted fhe trunk of a pine, and mounted it on a carriage so as to resemble a field piece, he paraded it in front of the ene my, and demanded a surrender. 'The whole party, consisting of one hundred and twelve men, with Colonel Rugely at their head, alarmed at the prospect of a cannonade, surrendered themselves prisoners of war.* To narrow the limits of the British army, and to encourage the in habitants, Greene detached Morgan west of the Catawba, with orders to take a position near the confluence of the Pacolet with the Broad River. His party consisted of rather more than three hundred chosen continent al troops; commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Howard, of Maryland, of * The author received this account both from General Morgan and Colonel Wash ington. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 401 Washington's regiment of light dragoons, amounting to about eighty men, and of two corapanies of militia from the northern and -western parts of Virginia coraraanded by Captains Triplet and Taile, which were composed alraost entirely of old continental soldiers. He was also to be joined on Broad River by seven or eight hundred volunteers and mi litia commanded by General Davidson, and by Colonels Clarke and Few. After making this detachment, Greene, for the purpose of entering a more plentiful country, advanced lower down the Pedee, and encamped on its east side, opposite the Cheraw hUls. Lord Cornwallis remained at Wynnsborough, preparing to comraence active operations, so soon as he should be joined by Leslie. The position' he occupied on the Pedee was about seventy railes from Wynnsborough, and towards the north of east from that place. The de tachment coramanded by Morgan had taken pest at Grindal's ford on the Pacolet, one of the south forks of Broad River, not quite fifty miles north west of Wynnsborough. The active courage of his troops, and the enterprising temper of their commander, rendered him extremely formidable to the parties of royal miUtia who were embodying in that quarter of the country. Supposing Morgan to have designs on Ninety Six, Lord Cornwallis detached Lieutenant Colonel Tarlton with his legion, part of two regi ments of infantry, and a corps of artillery with two field pieces, consist ing altogether of about one thousand men, across the Broad River, to cover that important post. As he lay between Greene and Morgan, he was desirous of preventing their junction, and of striking at one of them while unsupported by the other. To leave it uncertain against which division his first effort would be directed, he ordered Leslie to half at Camden until the preparations for entering North CaroUna should be completed. Plaving determined to penetrate into that state by the up per route, he put his army in motion and directed his, course 1781. north westward, between the Catawba and Broad Rivers. Les- January. lie was directed to move up the banks of the former, and to join him on the march ; and Tarlton was ordered to strike at Morgan. Should that pfficer escape Tarlton, the hope was entertained that he might be inter cepted by themain array.* High wafers delayed Cornwallis and LesUe longer than had been ex pected ; but Tarlton overcarae the same obstacles, and reached Morgan before a correspondent progress was made by the other divisions.* The combined moveraents of the British army were communicated to * Letter of Lord Cornwallis. — Stedman. 402 THE LIFE OF General Morgan on the 14th of January i Perceiving the insecurity of his own position, he retired across the Pacolet, the fords over which he was desirous of defending. But a passage of that river being effected- at a ford about six miles below him; he raade a preci pitate retreat; and, on the evening of the same day, his pursuers occu pied the carap he had abandoned. .Morgan retired to- the Cowpens, where he deterrained to risk a battie. It was beUeved that he might have crossed the Broad River, or have reached a mountainous country which was also near hira, before he could have been overtaken ; and the superiority of his adversary was so decided as to induce his best officers to think that every effort ought to be made to avoid an engagement. But Morgan had great and just confidence in hiraself and in his froops ; he was unwilling tp fly from an enemy net sp decidedly his superior as to render it raadness to fight him ; and he also thpught that, if he shpuld be pvertaken while his men were fatigued and retreating, theprpbability of success would be much less than if he should exhibit the appearance of fighting from choice. These considerations determined him to halt earlier than was absp- lutely necessary.* Tarlten, having left his baggage under a streng guard, with prders npt tp mpve until break of day, recoramenced the pursuit at Jan. 17. ,.-,,.three in the raorning. Before day, Morgan was Inforraed of his approach, and prepared to receive hira. Althpugh censured by many for having determined to fight, and by sorae for the ground he chose, all adrait the judgment with which his disposition was made. On an erainence, in an open wood, he drew up his continental troops, and Triplet's corps, deeraed equal to continentals, araounting fo between four and five hundred raen, who were commanded by Lieutenant Colo nel Howard. In their rear, on the descent of the hiU, Lieutenant Colo nel Washington was posted with his cavalry, and a small body of mounted Georgia mUilia comraanded by Major M'Call, as a corps de reserve. On these two corps rested his hopes of victory, and with them he remained in persen. The frpnt line was ccmppsed entirely of miU tia, under the comraand of Colonel Pickens. Major M'DoweU, with a battalion of North Carolina volunteers, and Major Cunningham, with a ballaUon of Georgia volunteers, were advanced about one hundred and fifty yards in front of this Une, with orders to give a single fire as the * These reasons for his conduct were given to the authoi by General Morgan soon after his return from the southern campaign. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 403 enemy approached, and then to fall back into the intervals, which were left for them in the centre of the first line. - The militia, not being ex pected to maintain their ground long, were ordered to keep up a retreat ing fire by regiments, until tbey should pass the continental troops, on whose right they were directed' again to form. His whole force, as staled by hiraself, araounted lo only ^ight hundred men. Soon after this disposition was made, the British van appeared in sight. Confident of a cheap victory, Tarlton formed his line of battle, and his troops rushed forward with great impetuosity, shouting as they advanced. After a single well directed fire, M'DoweU and Cunningham fell back on Colonel Pickens, who, after a short but warm conflict, retreated into the rear of the second line.* The British pressed forward with great eagerness ; and, though received by the continental troops with a firm ness unimpaired by the route of the front line, continued to advance. Soon after the action wi'th the continental troops had commenced, Tarl ton prdered up his reserve. Perceiving that the enemy extended beycni hira both on the right and left, and that, on the right especially, his flank was on fhe point of being turned, Howard oi'dered the company on his right to change its frpnt, sP as to face the British on that flank. Frora some mistake in' the officer commanding this company, it fell back, in stead of fronting the eneray, upon which the rest of the line, supposing a change of ground for the whole lo have been directed, began to retire in perfect order. At this moment General Morgan rode up, and directed the infantry I'p retreat ever the summit ef the hill, about one hundred yards to the Cavalry. This judicious but hazardous movement was made in good order, and extricated the flan,ks from immediate danger. Be Ueving the fate of the day to be decided, the British' pressed on with increased ardour, and in some'disorder ; and when the Americans halted, were within thirty yards of thera. The orders then given by Howard to face the eneray were executed as soon as they were received ; and the whole line poureddn a fire as deadly as it was unexpected. Sorae con fusion appearing in the ranks of the enemy, Howard seized the critical mometit, and ordered a charge with the bayonet. These orders were instantly obeyed, and the British line was broken. At the sarae raoraent the detachraent of cavalry on the British right was routed by Washington. The railitia of Pickens, who rode to the greund, had tied their horses in the rear of Howard's left. When Ihe front line was broken, many of thera fled to their horses, and were closely pursued by the cavalry, who, while the continental infantry were • Some of them formed afterwards, and renewed the action on Howard's right. 404 THE LIFE OF retiring, passed their flank, and were cutting down the scattered miUtia in their rear. Washington, who had previously ordered his men not to fire a pistol, now directed them to charge the British cavalry with drawn swords. A sharp conflict ensued, but if was not of long duration. The British were driven from the ' ground with considerable slaughter, and were closely pursued. Both Howard and Washington pressed the ad vantage they had respectively gained^ until the artillery, and great part of the infantry had surrendered. So suddejn was fhe defeat, that a con siderable part, of the British cavalry had not been brought into action; and, though retreating, remained unbroken. , Washington, followed by Howard with the infantry, pursued thera rapidly, and attacked* them with great spirit; but, as they were superior lo him in numbers,, his cavalry received a temporary check ; and in this part of the action he sustained a greater loss than in any other. But the infantry coming up to support hira, Tarlton resuraed the retreat. j" In this engagement upwards of one hundred British, including ten commissioned officers, vvere killed ; twenty-nine coraraissiohed officers, and five hundred privates were raade prisoners. Eight hundred raus- kets, two field pieces, two standards, thirty-five baggage wagons, , and one hundred dragoon horses, fell into the hands of the conquerors. Tarlton retreated towards the head-quarters of Lord CornwalUs, then about twenty-five miles from the Cowpens. This complete victory cost the Araericans less than eighty men in killed and wounded. Seldom has a battie in which greater nurabers were not engaged, been so important in its consequences as that of the Cowpens. Lord Corn wallis was not only deprived of a fifth of his nurabers, but lost a raost powerful and active ^art of his array. Unfortunately, Greene was not in a condition to press the advantage. The whole sputhern array did not rauch e.xceed two thousand raen, a great part of whora were railitia. The carap of Lord Cornwallis at Turkey creek pn the east side ef * In the eagerness of pursuit, Washington advanced near thirty yards in front of his regiment. Throe British officers, observing this, wheeled about, and made a charge upon him. The officer on his right aimed a blow to cut him down as an American Ser jeant came up, who intercepted the blow by disabling his sword arm. The officer' on his left was about to make a stroke at him at the same instant, when a waiter, too small to wield, a sword, saved him by wounding the officer with a ball from a pistol. At this moment, the officer in the, centre, who was believed to be Tarlton, made a thrusf at him which he parried; upon which the offiper retreated a few paces, and then discharged a pistol at him, which wounded his horse. t The author has received statements ofthis action from General Morgan and from Colonels Howard and Washington. GEORGE WASHINGTON. 405 Broad river, was as near as the Cowpens to the fords at which Morgan was tp crpss the Catawba. Of cpnsequence, that pfficer had much cause to fear that, encumbered as he was with prisoners and military stores, he might be intercepted before he could pass fhat river. Comprehend ing the full extent of his danger, he abandoned the baggage he had taken, and leaving his wounded under the protection of a flag, detached the militia as an escort to his prisoners, and brought up the rear in per son with his regulars. Passing Broad river on the evening of the day on which the battie was fought, he hastened lo the Catawba, which he crossed on the 23d, at Sherald's ford, and encamped on its eastern bank. Lord CornwaUis employed the 18fh in forming a junction with Leslie. Early next morning he put his army in raotion, and, on the 25th, reach ed Rarasay's mills, where the roads taken by the two armies unite. At this place, fo accelerate his future movements, he destroyed his bag gage ; and, after collecting a small supply of provisions, resumed the pursuit. He reached Sherald's ford in the afternoon of the 29lh ; and, in the night, an iraraense flood of rain rendered the river impassable. While Morgan remained on the Catawba, watching the motions of the British army, and endeavouring to collect the militia. General Greene arrived, and look command of the detachment. In his camp on the Pedee, opposite the Cheraw hills, Greene had been joined by Lee's legion, amounting to about one hundred cavalry, and one hundred and twenty infantry. The day after his arrival, he was ordered to join Marion for the purpose of attempting to carry a, British post at Georgetown, distant about seventy-five railes from the American array. The fort was surprised, but fhe success was only partial. On receiving intelligence of the victory at fhe, Cowpens, Greene de tached Stevens' brigade of Virginia militia, whose terms of service were on the point of expiring, to conduct the prisoners to Charlottesville in Virginia, and turned his whole attention to the effecting of a junction be tween the two divisions of his army. It was principally with a view to this object that he hastened lo the detachment under Morgan, leaving the other division to be commanded by General Huger. Early in the morning of the first of February, Lord Cornwallis forced a passage over the Catawba, al a private ford which was defended by General Davidson, with about three hundred North Carolina militia. Davidson was killed, and his troops dispersed. They were followed by Tarlton, who, hearing in the pursuit, that several bodies of militia were assembUng al a tavern about ten mUes frora the ford, hastened to the 2 K 406 THE LIFE OF 'place of rendezvous, and charging them with his usual impetuosity, broke their centre, killed some, and dispersed the whole party. It was found impracticable to bring the militia info the field, and Huger, who had been directed to march to Salisbury, was ordered to effect a junction between the two divisions of the army at some place farther north. . Greene retreated along the Salisbury road, and, in fhe evening of fhe third, crossed the Yadkin at the trading ford. His passage of the river, then already rauch swollen by the rain of the preceding day, was facili tated hy boats which had been previously collected. The rear guard, which, being impeded by the baggage of the whigs who fled from Salis bury did not cross till midnight, was overtaken by the van of fhe British army, and a skirmish ensued in which some loss was sustained, but the Americans effected the passage of fhe river. The rains having rendered the Yadkin unfordable, and the boats be- ing collected on the opposite side, the pursuit was necessarily suspended ; but Greene continued his march lo Guilford court house where he was joined by Huger. After some delay, and apparent hesitation respecting his movements. Lord Cornwallis raarched up the Yadkin, which he crossed near its source on the raorning of the eighth. After fhe junction between the divisions of Huger and Morgan, the in fantry of the American army, including six hundred militia, amounted to about two thousand effectives ; and the cavalry to between two and three hundred. Lord CornwaUis lay twenty-five railes above thera at Salera, with an army estiraated frora twenty-five hundred to three thou sand men, including three hundred cavalry. Having failed in his af- *erapt to prevent fhe junction of the two divisions of the American array, nis object was fo place himself between Greene and Virginia, and force that officer to a general action before he could be joined by the reinforce ments which were known fo be preparing for him in that state, ffls situation favoured the accomplishment ofthis object. ^ Greene, on the other hand, was indefatigable in his exertions to cross fhe Dan without exposing himself fo the hazard of a battle. To effect this object, the whole of his cavalry, with the flower of his infantry, amounting together fo rather more than seven hundred men, were formed into a light corps, for the purpose of harassing and impeding the advance of the eneray, until the less active part of his force, with the baggage and military stores should be secured. Morgan being rendered incapa ble of duty by severe indisposition, the coraraand of this corps was con ferred on Colonel Otho H. WilUaras. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 407 Lord Cornwallis had been inforraed that it would be impossible to ob tain boats at the ferries on the Dan in sufficient nurabers for the trans portation of the American troops before he could overtake them. And, as the river could not be forded below, he calculated with confidence on succeeding in his object by keeping above Greene, and prevent his reach ing those shaUow fords by which alone il was thought possible to escape into Virginia. Dix's ferry is about fifty miles frora Guilford court house, and was al most equidistant from the two armies. Considerably below, and more than seventy miles from Guilford court house, were two olher ferries, Boyd's and Irwin's, which were only four miles apart. By directing their march towards the lower and raore reraote ferries, the distance from Lord Cornwallis was so much ground gained ; and by despatching an officer with a few men lo Dix's, the boats af that, and at an interme- diafe ferry, might be brought down the river in lime to meet fhe army at the intended crossing place. These facts being suggested by Lieutenant Colonel Carrington, quartermaster general for the southern department, the proposition was instantly adopted, and an officer despatched lo bring the boats from above down to Boyd's ferry.* The next day both arraies resuraed their line of march. While Ge neral Greene pressed forward to Boyd's, Williams gained an interme diate road leading to Dix's ferry, and thus placed himself between the two armies, a small distance in front of the one, and considerably in rear of the olher. Such was the boldness and activity of this corps that Lord CornwaUis found it necessary to temper the eagerness of his pur suit' with caution. Yet he raoved with great rapidity ; — marching nearly thirty miles each day. On the raorning of the third day, he attempted to surprise the Americans by raarching frora the rear of his coluran into the road which had been taken by thera, while his van proceeded slowly on its original route. Infornjation of this raoveraent was received, and Lieutenant Colonel Lee charged his advanced cavalry with such ira- petuosity, as to^ut a corapany nearly to pieces. A captain and several privates were made prisoners. ' The whole British army turned into this road and followed in the rear of Williams, who used every effort to delay their raarch. The measures adopted by Greene for coUecting the boats were suc cessful; and, on the fourteenth, he effected' the passage of his troops and stores. When Williams supposed that the American army had reached the Dan, he left the road leading to Dix's ferry, and entering that which * The author received this fact from Colonel Carrington. 408 THE LIFE OF Greene had taken ; urged his march to the lower ferries with the utmost celerity. Lord CornwaUis, being al length informed that Greene had taken the lower road, turned into it about the same time by a nearer way, and his front was in sight of the rear of WilUaras. So rapid were the raoveraents of both arraies that, in fhe last twenty-four hours, the Araericans marched forty miles ; and the rear had scarcely touched the northern bank, when the van of the eneray appeared on the opposite shore. That General Greene was able to effect this retreat without loss, evi dences the judgment with which he improved every favourable circum stance. The exertions, the fatigues, the sufferings, and the patience of both arraies, during this long, toilsome, and rapid pursuit, were extreme. Without tents, without .>ipirils, often without provisions, and always scan tily supplied with them ; through deep and frozen roads, high waters, and frequent rains; each perforraed, without a murmur, the severe duties assigned to it. The difference between them consists only in this, — the British troops were well clothed ; the Araericans were alraost naked, and many of them barefooted. Great praise was bestowed by the general on his whole array ; but the exertions of Colonel WiUiams, and of Lieutenant Colonel Carring ton were particularly noticed. Although that part of North Carolina through which the armies had passed, was well affected to the American cause, such was the rapidity with which they moved, and such the terror inspired by the presence of the enemy, that no aid was drawn from the railitia. Indeed, those who had joined the army from the more remote j-yarls of the country could not be retained ; and, when it reached the Dan, the militia attached fo it did not exceed eighty men. ¦ Having driven Green out of North Carolina, Lord Cornwallis turn ed his attention to the re-establishment of regal authority in that stale. For this purpose, he proceeded by easy marches to Hillsborough, at that Feb 18 '''™ ^'¦^ capital, where he erected the royal standard, and.is- sued a proclamation inviting the inhabitants lo repair to if, and lo assist him in restoring the ancient government. As soon as it was known that General Greene had entered Virginia, he was rr-inforced by six hundred militia drawn from the neighbourino counties, the command of which was given to General Stevens. Apprehensive that Lord Cornwallis, if left in the undisturbed posses- sion pf Nprth Carolina, wpuM succeed, to the extent of his hppes, in re- cruiting his army and procuring the submission of the people, General GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 409 Greene determined, on receiving this small reinforcement, to re-enter that state ; and, avoiding a generijil engagement, to keep the field against a superior eneray, who had deraonstrated his capacity for rapid move ment and hardy enterprise. On the 18th, while Lord Cornwallis remained on the opposite shore, the legion of Lee had passed the Dan. On the 21st, the light infantry also recrossed it; and, on the 23d, they were foUowed by the main body of fhe army. The light infantry hung round the quarters of the enemy, while the main body advanced slowly, keeping in view the roads to the western parts of the country, from which a considerable reinforcement pf miUfia was expected.* General Greene was not mistaken in the consequences of leaving Lord Cornwallis in the peaceable possession of North Carolina. He was informed that seven independent companies were raised in one day. A large body of royaUsts had begun to embody themselves on fhe branches of the Haw river ; and Colonel Tarlton, with the cavalry of his legion and sorae infantry, was detached frora Hillsborough to fa vour their rising, and lo conduct them to the British array. IntelUgence of the raoveraents of the loyalists and of Tarltpn being received, Greene Ordered Lieutenant Colonel Lee with the cavalry of his legion, and General Pickens with between three and four hundred militia, who had just formed a junction near Hillsborough, to move against both parties. In a long lane, Lee, whose cavalry was in front of the whole detach ment, came up with the royalists. He was raistaken by them for Tarlton, whom they had not yet seen, to whose encamp ment they were proceeding, and whose corps was then taking refresh ment, not much more than a mile distant frora them. Perceiving their mistake, Lee received their expressions of joy and attachment, and had just reached their colonel, fo whom he was about fo make communica tions which might have enabled hira to proceed on his design of sur prising Tarlton, when the infantry who followed close in his rear, were recpgnised by the insurgents ; and a firing tppk place between them. It being apparent that this circumstance must give the alarm fp fhe Bri- * The western militia had been engaged in a war with the Cherokee Indians, who, neglected by the United States, and incited by the British, had determined once more to take up the hatchet. The militia from the western parts of Virginia and North Carolina entered their country, burnt their towns, containing near one thousand houses, destroyed fifty thousand bushels of grain, killed twenty-nine mon, took seve ral prisoners, and compelled the nation to sue for peace. 410 THE LIFE OF tish, Lee changed his plan, and turning on the royalists, who still sup posed him fp be a British pfficer, cut them fp pieces while' they were making pTOfestations of loyalty, and asserting that they were "the very best friends of the king." More than one hundred, among whom was Colonel Pyle, their leader, fell under the swords of his cavalry. This terrible but unavoidable carnage broke, in a great measure, fhe spirits of the teries in that part of the country. Sorae who were on their raarch to jein the British standard, returned, deterrained to await fhe issue of events before they went too far to recede. The hope of surprising Tarlton being thus disappointed; Pickens and Lee determined to postpone the attack till fhe raorning ; and took a position for the night between hira and a corps of railitia which was advancing frora the western counties of Virginia under Colonel Preston. Tarlton had meditated an atterapl on this corps ; but at midnight, when his troops were paraded to march on this design, he received an express from Lerd Cprnwallis, directing his iraraediate return tp the army. In obedience lo this order, he began his retreat long before day, and cross ed the Haw, just as the Araericans, who followed him, appeared on the opposite bank. Two pieces of artUlery commanded the ford and stop ped the pursuit. To approach more nearly the great body of the loyalists, who were settled between Haw and Deep rivers, and to take a position in a country less exhausted than that around Hillsborough, Lord Cornwallis crossed the Haw, and encamped on AlUmance creek. As the British array retired. General Greene advanced. Not being yet in a condition to hazard an engagement, he changed his ground every night. In the course of the critical movements, which were raade in order lo avoid an action, and at the same tirae to overawe the loyalists, and maintain a position favourable to a junction with the several de tachraents who were marching from different quarters fo his assistance, he derived immense service frora a bold and active light infantry, and from a cavalry which, though inferior in nurabers, was rendered supe rior in effect to that of bis enemy, by being much better mounted. They often" attacked boldly and successfully, and made sudden incursions into the country, which so intimidated the royalists, that Lord Cornwallis found it difficult to obtain intelligence. By these means, all his attempts to bring fhe American general to action were frustrated ; and his lord ship was under fhe necessity of keeping his men close in their quarters. During this hazardous trial of skill. Lord Cornwallis moved out in full force towards Reedy fork, where the light infantry lay, in the hope of surprising that corps under cover of a thick fog; . GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 411 and probably with ulterior views against General Greene. His approach was perceived, and a sharp skirraish ensued between a part of the light infantry, and a much superior body of British troops comraanded by Lieutenant Colonel Webster, in which the loss was supposed to be nearly equal. The advance of the British array obliged Williams to retire; and General Greene, by recrossing the Haw and uniting with the light in fantry on its north eastern bank at the Rocky ford, disappointed any farther designs which might have been formed against the army then under his comraand, or against the reinforceraents which were approach ing. Being thus foiled. Lord Cornwallis withdrew lo Deep river, and General Greene fell back lo the Iron-works on Troublesorae creek. At length his reinforcements, though much inferior to the number he had been taught lo expect, were received, and Greene, in his turn, sought a battle. With this view, he dissolved the corps of Ught in fantry, advanced towards his enemy, and encaraped within eight miles of hira, at Guilford court house. His army, including officers, amounted to about four thousand five hundred men, of whom not quite, two thousand were continental troops and the residue consisted of Virginia and North Carolina militia. Those of Virginia were commanded by Generals Stevens and Lawson, and by Colonels Preston, Campbell, and Lynch ; and those of North CaroUna, by Generals Butler and Eaton. Of the four regiments which composed the continental infantry, only one, the first of Maryland, was veteran. The other three consisted of new levies, with a few old continental soldiers interspersed among them. The legion of Lee, and the cavalry of Washington, like the first regi ment of Maryland, added every advantage of experience to approved cpurage ; and nearly all the pfficers cemmanding the new levies were veteran. Having deterrained tc risk an action, Greene chose his ground with judgment. Early in the raorning of the 15th, the fire of his reconnoi tring parties announced the approach of the enemy on the great Salis bury road, and his army was immediately arranged in order of battle. It was drawn up in three lines, on a large hill, surrounded by other hills, chiefly covered with trees and underwood. The front line was corappsed of the two brigades of North Carolina mUitia, who were posted to great advantage on the edge of the wood, behind a strong rail fence, with an extensive open field in front. The two brigades of Virginia militia formed the second line. They were drawn up entirely in the wood, about three hundred yards in rear of the first, and on either side of the great Salisbury road. 412 THE LIFE OF ^ The third line was placed about three hundred yards in rear of the second, and was composed of continental troops. The Virginia brigade, commanded by General Huger, was on the .right ; that of Maryland, commanded by Colonel WilUaras, was on the left. They were drawn up obliquely, with their left diverging from the second line, and partly in open ground. The first and third regiments of dragoons, amounting to one hundred and two troopers, Kirkwood's company of light infantry, and a regiment of militia riflemen under Colonel Lynch, formed a corps of observation for the security of the right flank, which was comraanded by Lieutenant Colonel Washington. The legion, consisting of one hundred and sixty- eight horse and foot, and a body of riflemen comraanded by Colonels Campbell and Preston, formed a corps of observation for the security of the left flank, which was placed under Lieutenant Colonel Lee. The artUlery was in the front line, in the great road leading through the cen tre, with directions to fall back as the occasion shpuld require. Though Lord CornwalUs was sensible that the nurabers of fhe Ameri can army were greatly augmented by troops whose continuance in ser vice would be of short duration, he deemed it so important to fhe inte rests of his sovereign to maintain the appearance of superiority in the field, that he was unwilling to decline fhe engagement now offered hira. On the advance of Greene, therefore, he prepared for action ; and early in the raorning raoved from his ground, determined to attack fhe adverse array wherever it should be found. About four miles fro(n Guilford court house, the advance, led by Lieutenant Colonel Tarlton, fell in with Lee, and a sharp skirmishjj^nsued, which was ter minated by the appearance of such large bodies of British troops, as ren dered if prudent for Lee fo retire. His Lordship continued to advance until he carae within view of the American army. » His disposition for the attack was then made in the following order. The seventy -first British regiment, with the German regiment of Bpse, led by General Leslie, and supperted by the first battalion of the guards under Colonel Norton, forraed fhe right, and the twenty -third and thirty- third regiraents, led by Lieutenant Colonel Webster, and supported by Brigadier General O'Hara with the grenadiers and second battalion of the guards, formed the left. The light infantry of the guards and fhe Yagers, posted in the wopd pn the left pf the artUlery, and the cavalry in cclumn behind it in the read, formed a ccrps pf pbservatipn.* This disppsitipn being made, the British troops advanced to the charge, with the cool intrepidity which discipline inspires. • Letter of Lord Cornwallis. — Stedman. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 413 The North Carolina militia were not encouraged by the great advan tages of their position lo await the shock. They broke instantly ; and, throwing away their arms and flying through the woods, sought their respective homes. The British then advanced on the second line, which received them with more firmness ; and maintained their ground for some time with great resolution. Lord Cornwallis perceiving the corps on his flanks, brought the whole of his reserved infantry into the line. On fhe right. General Leslie brought up the guards to oppose Lee ; and, on the left, Webster changed his front to the left, and attacked Washington, while the grenadiers and second battalion of guards moved forward to occu py the place which he had just quilted.* The ground being unfavourable lo the action of horse, Washington had posted Lynch's riflemen, with whom he remained in person, on a height covered with thick woods ; and had drawn up his cavalry and continental infantry about one hundred yards in their rear. On being attacked" by Webster,'the riflemen broke; and Washington, finding it impossible lo rally them, rejoined his cavalry. The British continuing lo advance, and il being well understood that the militia could not stand the bayonet. General Stevens, who had re ceived a ball in his right thigh, ordered his brigade fo retreat. Lawson's brigade having given way a short time before, the second line was en tirely routed ; and the enemy advanced boldly on the third. The several divisions of the British army had been separated from each other by extending themselves to the right and left in order lo en counter the distinct corp^ which threatened their flanks ; and by advanc ing in regiments at different times, as the different parts of the second line had given way. The thickness of the wood increased fhe difficulty of restoring order. ¦ They pressed forward with great eagerness, but with a considerable degree of irregularity. Greene, in this state of the action, entertained the most sanguine hopes of a complete victory. His continental troops were fresh, in perfect or der, and upon the point of engaging an enemy, broken into distinct parts, and probably supposing the severity of the action fo be over. This fair prospect was blasted by the misconduct of a single corps. The second regiment of Maryland was posted at some distance fVom the first, in open ground ; its left forming almost a right angle with the line, so as to pre sent a front to any corps which might attack on that flank. The Brit ish in advancing, inclined lo the right; and the second battalion of guards entered the open ground imraediately after the retreat of Stevens, ? Letter of Lord Cornwallis. — Stedman. Vol. I. 27 414 THE LIFE OF * ^. and rushed on the second regiment pf Maryland while the first was en gaged with Webster. Wifheut waiting fp receive the charge, that regi ment broke in confusion. By pursuing them, the guards were thrown into the rear ef ^^e first regiment, from which they were concealed by the unevenness of the ground, and by a skirt of wood. . Greene was himself on the left, and witnessed the misfortune without being able to remedy it. His militia being entirely routed, the flight of one-fourth of his continental troops would most probably decide the fate of the day. UnwUling fo risk his reraaining three regiraents, only one of which could be safely relied on, without a man to cover their retreat should the event prove unfortunate, he ordered Cplpnel -Greene of Vir ginia to withdraw his regiraent frora the line, and to take a position in the rear, for the purpose of affording a rallying point, and of ccvering the retreat ef the twp regiraents which stfll ccntinued in fhe field. The guards were soon called from the pursuit of the second Maryland regiment, and led by Lieutenant Colonel Stuart against the first. About this time Webster, finding hiraself overpowered by the first Maryland regiraent, then comraanded by Colonel Gunby, and by Kirkwood's com pany and the remaining regiment of Virginia, with whora he was en gaged at the same time, had in a great measure withdrawn from the ac tion," and retired across a ravine info an adjoining wood. This critical respite enabled Gunby to prpvide fpr the danger in his rear. Facing about, he met fhe guards, and a very aniraated fire took place on both sides, during which the Americans continued to advance. In this critical raoraent. Lieutenant Colonel Washington, who was drawn to this part of the field by the vivacity of the fire, made a furious charge upon fhe guards and broke their ranks. At this juncture, Gun- by's horse was killed under him, and the comraand 'devolved ^pn Lieu tenant Celpnel Hpward. The regiraent advanced with such rapidity that Gunby could not overtake it, and was within thirty yards of the guards when fhey were charged by fhe cavalry. Alraost at the same instant the Maryland infantry rushed upon thera with fhe bayonet, and following fhe horse through them, were masters of the whole battalion. In passing through it. Captain Smith of the infantry killed its command ing officer. After passing through the guards into fhe open ground where fhe second regiment had been originaUy posted, Howard perceived several British columns, with some pieces of artillery. Believing his regiment to be the sole infantry reraaining in the field, he retreated in good order, and brought off some prisoners. The cavalry also retreated.* * After passing through tho guards into the cleared ground, Washington, who al- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 415 About the same time the remaining Virginia regiment commanded by Colonel Hawes, and Kirkwood's infantry, who were still engaged with Webster, were directed by General Greene lo retreat. The artillery was unavoidably abandoned ; the horses which drew the pieces being killed, and the woods too thick to adrait of their being dragged elsewhere than along the great road. The retreat was made in good order, and Greene, in person, brought up the rear. Though the action was over on the right and centre, Carapbell's rifle men still maintained their ground on the extreme of the American left, against General Leslie with the regiment of Bose and the first battalion of guards. After the guards had routed fhe brigade comraanded by Lawson, they were attacked on their right flank by the infantry of Lee's legion and by Carapbell's rifleraen, and were driven behind the regiment of Bose, which having moved with less impetuosity, was advancing in compact order. This regiraent sustained the American fire until Lieutenant Colonel Norton was able lo rally the guards and lo bring them back to the charge ; after which the action was maintained with great obstinacy on both sides untU the battle was decided on the right. Lieutenant Colonel Tarlton was then ordered to the support of LesUe. The legion infantry had retreated, and only a few resolute marksmen remained in the rear of Campbell who continued firing from tree to tree. Being unable to resist a charge of cavalry, they were quickly driven frora the field. Two regiraents of infantry and a detachment of cavalry pursued the right wing. and centre of the Americans for a short distance, but were soon ordered to return. On examining his situation. Lord Cornwallis found hiraself top rauch weakened, and his troops too much fatigued by the action, to hazard its renewal, or fo continue the pursuit. General Greene halted about three miles frora the field of battle, behind Rudy fork creek, for the purpose of collecting his stragglers ; after which he retired about twelve miles, lo the iron works on Troublesome creek, fhe place appointed for the rendezvous of his army in the event of its being defeated. The returns made iramediately after the action, exhibited a loss in Idlled, wounded and missing in the continental froops, of fourteen corn- ways led the van, perceived an officer surrounded by several persons who appeared to be aids-de-camp. Believing this to be Lord Cornwallis, he rushed forward in the hope of making him a prisoner, but was arrested by an accident. His cap fell from his head, and, as he leaped to the ground to recover it, the officer leading the column was shot through the body, and rendered incapable of managing his horse. The animal wheeled round with his rider, and galloped off the field. He was followed by all the cavalry, who supposed that this movement had been directed. 416 THE LIFE OF missioned officers, and three hundred and twelve non-commissioned offi cers and privates. Major Anderson, a valuable officer of Maryland, was killed ; and General Huger, who coraraanded the continental troops of Virginia, was wounded. The sarae return states the loss of the railitia at four captains and, seventeen privates killed ; and, in addition to General Stevens, one raajor, three captains, eight subalterns, and sixty privates, were wounded. A great proportion of this part of the army was missing ; but it seems lo have been expected that they would either rejoin their corps, or be found at their homes. The victory at Guilford was dearly purchased. Official accounts state fhe loss of the British array at five hundred and thirty two men, araong whora were several officers of high rank and distinguished raerit. Lieu tenant Colonel Stuart of the guards was killed, and Lieutenant Colonel Webster, who was ranked by his eneraies among the best officers in the British service, was mortally wounded. This loss, when compared with the numbers brought by Lord Cornwallis into the field, was very con siderable. The Americans did not corapule his troops al more than two thousand rank and file, but his own accounts state them at only fourteen hundred and forty-five. No battle in fhe course of the war reflects raore honour on fhe courage of fhe British troops, than that of Guilford. On no olher occasion have they fought with such inferiority of numbers, or disadvantage of ground. Estimating his first line at nothing. General Greene's army consisted of three thousand two hundred men, posted on ground chosen by himself; and his disposition was skilfully made. The Araerican general, expecting to be again attacked, prepared for another engagement. But, the situation of Lord Cornwallis had be come too desperate to hazard a second battie, or fo maintain his position. He found himself under the necessity of retreating to a place of greater security, where provisions might be obtained. When the expedition into North Carolina was originaUy meditated. Major Craig, af fhe head of a small military and naval force, took pos session of Wilmington, a town near fhe mouth of Cape Fear, and exfend- ' ed his authority several miles up the river. Lord Cornwallis now looked to a communication with this post for aids which had become indispensa ble to the farther operations of the campaign. On the third day after the battle, he broke up his encampment, ,, , „ and proceeded by slow and easy marches towards Cross March 18. , "^ •' creek. General Greene, on hearing that the British army was retreating, re- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 417 solved to follow it. The difficulty of subsisting the troops in an exhaust- ed and hostile counti-y ; and the necessity of waiting for a supply of am munition, impeded the march of his army so much that he did not reach Rarasay's mills unlil the 28th of March. At this place Lord Cornwallis had halfed, and here General Greene expected to overtake and attack hira. But, on fhe approach of fhe American array, his lordship resumed his march to Cross creek, and afterwards fo Wilmington, Where he arrived on the 7th of April. General Greene gave over' the pursuit at Ramsay's mills. - So exces sive had been the sufferings of his army from the want of provisions, fhat many of the men fainted on the march, and it had becom^e absolutely necessary to allow them some repose and refreshment. The expiration of the tirae for which the Virginia railitia had been caUed into service, furnished an additional raotive for suspending the pursuit. At this place, the bcld and happy resolutipn was taken fp carry ffie war info South Carolina. "The motives which induced tbe adoption of this raeasure were stated by himself in a letter communicating his determination to the Command er-in-chief^ It would compel Lord Cornwallis lo follow hira, and thus liberate North' CaroUna, or to sacrifice all his posts in fhe upper parts of South Carolina and Georgia. The Southern army araounted to, about seventeen hundred effectives. That of Lord CornwaUis is understood to have been stUl less numerous. So impotent were the means employed for the conquest and defence -t)f states which were of imraense extent and value. This unexpected movement gave a new aspect to affairs, and produced sorae irresolution in the British general respecting his future operations. After weighing tiie probable advantages and disadvantages of following Greene into South Carolina, he decided against this retrograde movement and determined to advance into Virginia. 2 L 418 THE LIFE OP CHAPTER XXi; Virginia invaded by Arnold. — He' destroys the stores at Westham and at Richmond. — Retires to Portsmouthli — Mutiny in the Pennsylvania line. — Sir H. Clinton at tempts to negotiate with the mutineers. — They compromise with the civil goveirn- ment. — Mutiny in the Jersey line. — Mission of Colonel Laurens to Francec-^Pro- positions to Spain. — Recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize goods. — Reform in the Executive departments. — Confederation adopted.^-Militaty transactions; — Lafayette detached to Virginia. — Cornwallis arrives.^ — Presses La fayette. — Expedition to Charlottesville, to the Point of .Fork. — Lafayette forms a junction with Wayne.— .Cornwallis retires to the lower country.— General Wash ington's letters are intercepted. — Action near Jamestown. . ,., The evacuation of Portsmouth by Leslie afforded Virginia but a short interval of repose. So early as the 9th of December, 1780, a letter frora General Washington' announced fo the governor that a lajge embarkation, supposed to be destined for the south, was about taking place at New York. On the 30th, a fleet of transports under convoy, having on board between one and two thousand men, com manded by General Arnold, anchored in Hampton road. The troops were embarked the next day on board vessels adapted to the navigation, and proceeded up James' river under cpnvpy pf two small ships of war. On the fourth of January they reached Westover, which is distant about twenty-fivfe miles frora Richmond, the capital of Virginia. On receiving intelligence that a fleet ' had entered the capes. General Nelson was employed in raising the militia of the lower country'; and. on the 2d of January orders were issued to call out those abpve the rae- tropoUs and, in its neighbourhpod. 'On reaching Westover, Arnpld landed with the greater part ef his army, and commenced his mai'ch towards Richraond. The few conti nental troops at Petersburg were ordered to the capital ; and between one and two hundred militia, who had been collected from the town and its immediate vicinity, were directed to harass the advancing enemy. This party was too feeble for its object ; and, the day after landing at Westover, Arnold entered Richraond, where he halted with about five hundred men. The residue, araounting to abput four hundred, including thirty hcrse, proceeded under Lieutenant Colp nel Simcce to Westham, where they burnt a valuable foundry, boring mill, powder magazine, and other smaller buildings, with mUitary stores to a considerable amount, and many valua^ile papers belonging to the governraent, which had been carried thither as to a place of safety. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 419 This service being effected. Lieutenant Golpfiel §imcoe rCjpined Ar neld at Richmcnd; where the public steres, and a large quantity pf rum and salt, .the prpperty of private individuals, were entirely destroyed. Leaving Richmond the next day, the army returned to WesfpVer* pn the seventh ; and, re-embarking en the morning of the tenth, preceeded dewn the river. It was followed by the Baron Steuben, whp ccmraanded in Virginia ; and, near Hoods, Colonel Clarke drew a party of them into an arjibuscade, and gave thein one fire with some effect ; but, on its being partially returned, the Araericans broke and fled in the utmost confu- sion.f Arnold proceeded slowly down the river ; and on the twentieth reach ed Portsmouth, where he manifested the intention of estabUshing a per manent post. ., The loss of the British in this expedition, was sfated in the gazette of New York, at seven killed, including one subaltern, and twenty-three wounded, among whora was one captain. This sraall toss was sustained almost entirely in the ambuscade near Hoods. In the north, the year cominenced with an event, which, for a tirae, threatened the American cause with total ruin. The accuraulated sufferings and privations of the array constitute a large and interesting part of the history of that war which gave inde pendence to the United Stalest Winter, without much lessening their toils, added to those sufferings. The soldiers were perpetually on the point of starving, were often entirely without food; were exposed without proper clotiiing to the rigours of the sCaSon, and had now served almost twelve raonths without pay. This stale of things had been of such long continuance that scarcely the hope of a, change could be indulged. It produced, unavoidably, sorae relaxation of discipline; and the murmurs, occasionally escaping the officers, sqraetiraes heard by the soldiers, were not without their influ ence. " In additipn to the general causes of dissatisfaction, the Pennsylvania line coraplained of a grievance alraost peculiar to itself. When congress directed enUstments to be made for three years, or during the war, the recruiting officers of Pennsylvania, in sorae instances, instead of engaging their men, definitively, for the one period or the other, engaged them generally for three years, or the war. This ambi- * While the army lay at Westover, Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe, at the head of less than fifty horse, attacked and dispersed a body of militia at Charles City court house, with the loss of only one man lulled, and three wounded. f The author witnessed this skirmish. 420 THE LIFE OF giiity in fhe terras of enlistraent produced its natural effect. The soldier claimed his discharge at the expiration of three years, and the officer insisted on retaining him in service during, the. war. The soldier sub mitted with the more reluctance to the .supposed imposition, as he con stantiy witnessed the imraense bounties given to those who were not bound by a former eriUstmeht. The discontents which these various causes had been long fomenting, broke out on the night of the 1st of January, in an open and almost uni versal revolt of the line. . ¦• On a signal given, the great body of the non-comraissioned officers and privates paraded under arms> avowing fhe determination to march to the seat of congress, and either obtain redress of their complicated grievances, or serve no lotiger. In the attempt to suppress -the mutiny, six or seven of the mutineers were wounded on the one side; and on the other. Captain BiUing was kUled, and several other officers were dan gerously wounded. The authority of General Wayne availed nothing. On cocking his pistol, and threatening some of the raost turbulent, the bayonet was presented to his bosora ; and he perceived that strong measures vVould produce his own destruction, and perhaps fhe massacre of every officer in camp. A few regiraents who did not at first join the rautineers, were paraded by their officers ; but, had they even been wil ling lo proceed lo extreraities, they were not strong enough to restore order. Infected quickly with the general contagion, or inliraidated by the threats of the mutineers, they joined their comrades; and the whole body, consisting of about thirteen hundred men, with six field pieces, marched, under the comraand of their Serjeants, towards Princeton. The next day. General Wayne, accompanied by Colonels Butier and Stewart, officers possessing, in a high degree, the affections of the sol diery, followed them, in the hope of bringing them back to their duty, or af least of dividing them. They were overtaken near Middlebrook, and invited by a written message frpm General Wayne, to appoint one man frora each regiment to stale the grievances of which .they complained. In consequence of this invitation, a Serjeant from each' regiment met the officers at their quarters, and some verbal . comraunications were raade, frora the complexion of which sanguine hopes were entertained that fhe affair might be terminated without farther hazard, or much in jury to the service. On the following day, the Une of march was resumed, and the soldiers pro^qeeded to Princeton. The propositions of fhe general and field officers were reported fo them, and a comraittee of Ser jeants, to whom they were referred, stated their claims. These were, GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 421 1st. A discharge for all those who Imd served three years under their original engageraents, whatever those engagements niight have been, and who had not taken the increased bounty, and re-enlisted for the war. 2nd. An immediate payment of all their arrears of pay and clothing, as weU to those who should be discharged, as to those who should oon-- tinue in service. 3rd. The residue of their boUhty, and fliture real pay to those who should continue in fhe army. General Wayne being unwUling to discharge all those who had not re-enlisted for the war, the subject was referred to the civil power. On receiving intelligence of the mutiny, congress appointed a com mittee fo confer with the executive of Pemfsylvania respecting it. The result of this conference was that both the committee, and the governor with some raerabers of the executive councU, left Philadelphia • for fhe purpose of endeavouring to accoraraodate this dangerous comraotion. At his head quarters, at New Windsor, on the Nerth River, General Washingten received InteUigence of this alarraing mutiny. Accustom ed as he had been tp cohtemplate hazardous and difficult situations, it was not easy, under existing circurastances, to resolve instantiy on the course it was raost prudent to pursue. His first irapression — to repair to the carap of the rautineers — soon gave place to opinions which were forraed on more mature reflection. It was almost certain that the business was already in the hands of the civil government, with whose arrangements it raight be improper for hira to interfere. Independent of this consideration, other raotives of irresistible influence detained him on the North River. The most important among those subjects of ccmplaint which were alleged as the causes of the rautiny, were true in fact, were common to fhe whole array, and were of a nature to disserainatC too generally those seeds of disquietj which had attained their full growth and raaturrty in the Pennsylvania Une. Strong syraptoras of discontent had already been manifested; and it was, therefore, impossible to say with confi dence, how far the same teraper existed araeng fhe other troops ; or how far the contagion of exareple had or would spread. The danger arising from this state of things was rauch increased by the circumstance that the river was perfectly open, and afforded Sir Henry Clinton an easy and rapid transportation for his army to West Point, should the situation of its garrison invite an enterprise dgainst that post. It was an additional consideration of great weight, that it might have 422 THE LIFE OF a mpst pernicious influence on the discipline of the whole army, should the authority of the Commander-^in-chief be disregarded; He ought not to place himself in a situation whefe his orders might be disobeyed with impunity ; an event much fp be apprehended, sheuld he repair te the carap ef the rautineers, 'unattended by a military force adequate tp the occasion. ' Such a force could not be immediately comraanded. His effectives in the Highlands amounted only to thirteen hundred and seventy-six men; and that whole division of the army, dispersed at various and dis tant stations, excluding the sick and those on furlough, did not exceed four thousand. Assuming therefore the fidelity of the troops, if was im practicable to raarch iraraediately with a force sufficient ,to reduce the Pennsylvania line, without leaving the Highlands undefended. Nor was it unworthy of cpnsideralipii that, in the ' actual situaficn pf the muti neers, the probability of their being attacked by such a force might drive them to the enemy, or disperse thera, events, either of which -would de prive the army of a valuable part of its strength. It was therefore thought adviseable to leave the negetialipn with the civil ppwer, and to prepare for those raeasures which ought to be adopt ed in the event of its faUure. The disposition of the troops on the North River was sounded, and found to be favourable ; after which, a detach ment of eleven hundred men was ordered to be in readiness to raove on a raoment's warning. On the first notice of the mutiny, the railitia of Jersey took the field under General Dickenson, and measures were taken to call out those of New York should fhe occasion require it. To avail himself of an event appearing so auspicipus tp the rpyal cause. Sir Henry Clintpn ordered a large body of trppps tp be in readiness to move on the shortest notice ; and despatched three emissaries with tempting offers to the revellers ; and instructions to invite them, whUe the negotiation should be depending, to take a posi tion behind the South River, where they should be effectually covered by detachments frora New York. While these raeasures were taking, Sir Henry kept his eye on West Pointj and held himself in readiness to strike at that place, should any movement on the part of General Wash ington open to him a prospect of success.* His emissaries were imraediately seized by the revolters, and their proposals communicated to General Wayne, With assurances of the utter detestation in whioh every idea of going over to the common ene my was held. This favourable symptom, however, was accompanied by suspicious * Letter of Sir Henry Clinton, GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 423 circumstances. They retained the British emissaries in their own pos session J and couid not be induced to cross the Delaware, or to march from Princeton. They would not permit any of their former officers, other than those already mentioned, to enter their camp; and General St. Clair, the Marquis .d^ Lafayette, and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, were ordered to leave Princeton. Such was the state of things when the committee of congress, and President Read with a part of his executive councU, arrived in the neigh bourhood of the revolters. The, former having delegated their power to the latter, a conference was held with tiie Serjeants who now comraand ed, after which proposals were made and distributed among fhe troops for consideration. In' these proposals the government offered, 1st. To discharge aU those who had enlisted indefinitely for three years or during the war, the fact fo be examined info by three corarais sicners, to be appointed- by -the executive; and to be ascertained, when the original enlistraent could not be produced, by the oath of the soldier. 2dly. To give imraediate certificates for the depreciation on their pay, and to settle the arrearages as soon as.circurastances would adrait. 3dly. To furnish them imraediately with certain specified articles of clothing which were raost warited. On receiving these propositions j the troops agreed to raarch tOi Tren ton. At that place the terras were accepted, with the addition -that three coraraissicners should algo be deputed by fhe line, who, conjointly with those of the executive should constitute the board authorized to deter mine on the claims of the soldiers lo be discharged ; and thereupon the British emissaries were surrendered, who were tried, condemned, and executed as spies. Until the investigation should be raade, and discharges given to those who should be found entitled to thera, the Serjeants retained their cora mand. In consequence of the irksomeness of this, stale of things, the business was pressed with so rauch precipitation, that before the enlist ments themselves could be brought from the huts, alraost the whole of the artillery, and of the five first regiraents of infantry, were liberated on the testimony of their own oaths. The enlistments being then pro duced, it was found that not many of the reraaining regiments had en- gaged on the terms which, under the compact, would entitle them to leave -the service; and that, of those actuaUy dismissed, far the greater number had been enlisted absolutely for the war. The discharges given> however, were not cancelled,; and the few who were to remain in aei» vice received furloughs for forty days. 424 THE LIFE OF Thus ended, in a temporary dissolution of the whole line of Pennsyl vania, a mutiny,, which a voluntary performance of much less than was extorted, would have prevented ; and which, in the actual condition of the army, was of a nature and extent to inspire the most serious alarm. The dangerous policy of yielding even to the jiist demands of soldiers made with arms in their hands, was soon Ulustrated. The success of the Pennsylvania line inspired that of Jersey, many of whom were also foreigners, with the hppe ef obtaining similar advantages. On the night of the 20th, a part of the Jersey brigade, which had been stationed at Pompton, rose in, arms; and, making precisely the same clairas which had been yielded to the Pennsylvanians, raarched to Chathara, where a part of the same brigade was cantoned, in the hope of exciting them also to join in the revolt. General Washington ,\ who had been extremely chagrined at the issue of the rautiny in the Pennsylvania line, andwhb was now assured of the confidence to be placed in the fideUty of the eastern froops, who were coraposed of natives, determined, by strong measures, lo stop the farther progress of a spirit* which threatened the destruction of fhe army, and ordered a detachraent to march against the mutineers, and to bring them to unconditional submission. General Howe, who comraanded this de tachraent, was instructed fo raake no terras with the insurgents while in a state of resistance ; and, as soon as they should surrender, to seize a few of the most active leaders, and to execute them on the spot. These orders were proraptly obeyed, and the Jersey rautineers returned to their duty. ' • . ' In the hope of being more successful with the revolters of Jersey than he had been with those of Pennsylvania, Sir Henry Clinton offered them the same terms which had been proposed to the mutineers at Princeton ; and General Rcberfsen, at the head pf three thpusand men, was detach ed to Staten Island with the avcwed purpose of crossing over into Jersey, and covering any movement which they might make towards New York. The emissary, being in the Araerican interest, delivered his pa pers to the officer commanding at the first station to which he came. Other papers were dispersed among the mutineers ; but the mutiny was crushed loo suddenly to allpw time for the operation of these propo sitions. The vigorous meeisures talcen in this instance were happily followed by such an attention on the part of the states, to the actual situation of the army, as checked the prpgress of discontent. Influenced by. the re presentations of the Coraraander-in-chief, they raised three months pay in specie, which they forwarded to the soldiers, who received it with joy. GEORGE WASfflNGTON.' 425 cpnsidering it as evidence that their fellcw citizens were not entirely vUnraindful pf their sufferings. Althpugh fhe array was thus reduced Ip such extrerae distress, the discpntents pf the peeple were daUy raultiplied by the ccntributipns which they were required tp raake, and by the irritating manner in which these cpnfribulipns were drawn frem thera. Every article for public use was pbtained by irapressraent ; and the taxes were either unpaid, er cpUected by ceercive means. Strong remonstrances were made against this- systera; and the dissatisfaction which pervaded the mass of the coraraunity, was scarcely less dangerous than that which l^ad been manifested by the array. To the judicious patriots throughout Araerica, the necessity of giving greater powers to the federal governraent becarae every day more ap parent ; but the efforts of enUghtened individuals were too feeble to cor rect that fatal disposition of power which had been made by enthusiasm uninslructed by experience. To relieve the United States from their complicated embarrassments, a foreign loan seemed an expedient of indispensable necessity, and from France they hoped to obtain it. Congress selected Lieutenant Colonel Laurens, a gentleraan whose situation in the faraUy of the Coramander- in-chief had enabled him to take a cemprehensive view of the miUtary capacities and weaknesses of his country, for this interesting service ; and instructed hira alsp tp urge fhe advantage of raaintaining a naval superiority in the Araerican seas. Before his departure, he passed sorae days at head 'quarters, and received, frora General Washington in the form pf a letter, fhe result pf his refleclicns pn the existing state Cf things. , • In this paper he detailed fhe pecuniary Crabarrassraents of the govern raent, and represented, with great earnestness, the inability of the nation to furnish a revenue adequate to the support of the war. He dwelt on the discontents which the systera of irapressraent had excited araong the people, and expressed his fears that the evils felt in the prosecution of the war, might weaken the sentiments which began it. From this sfate of things, /he deduced the vital importance of an imrae diate and araple supply of raoney, which raight be fhe foundation for sub stantial arrangeraents of finance, for reviving public credit, and giving vigour to future operations ; as well as of a decided effort of the allied arras on the continent to effect the great objects of the aUiance, in the ensuing campaign. / Next fo a supply of money, he considered a naval superiority in the American seas, as an object of the deepest interest. 426 THE LIFE OF To the United States, it would be of decisive importance, and Fra,nce also might derive great advantages from transferring the maritime war to the coast of her ally. The future abiUty of the United States to repay any loan which might now be obtained was displayed ; and he concluded with assurances that there was stUl a fund of incfination and resource in the country, equal to great and continued exertions, provided the means were afforded of stopping! the progress pf disgust, by changing the present system, and adopting another more consonant with the spirit of the nation, and mpre capable pf infusing activity and energy intp public measures ; pf which a ppwerful succeur in money must be the basis. ^' The people were discpntented, but it was with the feeble and' oppressive mode of conduct ing the war, not with the war itself." ¦ With reason did the Commander-in-chief thus urge on the cabinet of Versailles, the policy of advancing a sum of money to the United States which might be adequate to the exigency. Deep was the gloom with which their political horizon was overcast. The British, in ppssessipn pf Sputh Carplina and pf Geergia, had pverrun the greater part pf Nprth CarpUiia also ; and it was -with equal haizard and address' that Greene maintained himself in the northern frofifier of that state. A second detachraent from New X°^^ '^^^ making a deep impression on Virginia, where the resistance had been neither so prompt nor so vi gorous* as the strength of that state and the unanimity of its citizens had given reason to expect. . The perplexities and difficulties in whiph the affairs of America were involved, were estiraated by the British government even above their real value. Intercepted letters of this date from the minister, expressed fhe most sanguine hopes that the great superiority offeree at the disposal of Sir Henry Clinton, would corapel Washington with his feeble army to take refuge on the eastern side of fhe Hudson. Even congress relaxed for an instant from its habitual firmness ; and, receding from the decisive manner in which that body had insisted on the territorial and marifirne rights of the nation, directed the Araerican rainister at Madrid to relinquish, if it should be absolutely necessary, the clairas of the United States to navigate the Mississippi below the thirty -fif st . degree of north latitude, and to a free port on fhe b^nks of that river within the Spanish territory. It is remarkable that only Mas sachusetts, Connecticut, and North Carolina, dissented frora this reso lution; New York was divided.f On a subsequent day, the subject * A slave population must be unfavourable to great and sudden exertions by militia. t Secret journals' of Congress, v. 2, pp. 393, 396, 407. This measure was mov- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 427 was again brought forward, and a proposition was made for still farther concessions to Spain; but this proposition was negatived by aU the states.* Happily for fhe United States, Mr. Jay, their minister at the court of Madrid, required as the price of fhe concessions he was instructed to make, that the treaty he was labouring to negotiate should be immedi ately concluded. The establishment of a revenue subject to the exclusive contrpl and direction of the continental gpvernraent, was connected inseparably with the restoration of credit. The efforts therefore to negotiate a foreign loan were accompanied by resolutions requesting the respective slates to place a fund under the control of congress, which should be both per manent and productive. A resolutipn was passed, recommending to the respective stales lo vest a power in congress fo levy for the use of the United Stales a duty of five per centum advalorem on all goods impprted into any pf thera ; and alse pn aU prizes cendemned in any pfthe Ame rican cpurts pf admiralty. This fund was tp be appropriated to the payment of both the principal and interest of all debts contracted in the prosecution of the war ; and was to continue until those debts should be completely discharged. Congress, at that time, contained several raerabers who perceived the advantages which would result froni bestowing on the governraent of the nation the full power of -regulating coraraerce, and, consequentiy, of in creasing the import as circumstances might render adviseable ; but state influence predominated, and they were overruled by great majorities. Even the inadequate plan -which they did recommend was never adopt ed. Notwithstanding the greatness pf fhe exigency, and fhe pressure pf the nafipnal wants, never, during the existence of fhe confederaticn, did all the states unite in assenting tp this recommendation ; so unwilling are men possessed of ppwer, fp place it in the hands of others. About the same time a reform was introduced intp the administration, the necessity of which had been long perceived. From a misplaced pre judice against institutions sanctioned by experience, all the great execu tive duties had been devolved either on comraittees of congress, or on boards consisting of several raerabers. This unwieldy and expensive systera had raaintained itself against all the efforts of reason and public utUity. But the scantiness of the national raeans at length prevailed over prejudice, and the several committees and boards yielded to a secretary ed by the delegation from Virginia, in consequence of instructions of 2d Jan. 1781. Sec. 10, H. at large, 538. * Secret journals of Congress, v. 3, p. 468. 428 THE LIFE OF for foreign affairs, a superintendent of finance, a secretary of war, and a secretary of marine. But so miserably defective was the organization of congress, as an executive body, fhat the year had far advanced be fore this measure, the ufUity of which aU acknowledged, could he car ried into complete operation by rnaking aU fhe appointments. About this time the articles of confederation were ratified. Much dif ficulty was encountered in obtaining the adoption ofthis instrument. The numerous objections raade by the states yielded successively to the opinion that a federal compact would be of vast importance in the prose cution of the war. One impediraent it was found pecuUarly difficult to remove. Within the chartered Umits of several states, were imraense tracts of vacant territory, which, it was supposed, would constitute a large fund of future wealth ; and the states not possessing fhat advan tage insisted on considering this territory as a joint acquisition. At length this difficulty also was surmounted; and, in February, 1781, to the great joy of America, this interesting compact was rendered com plete.* Like many other human institutions, it was productive, neither V * The secret journals of congress, published under the resolutions of March 27th, 1818, and April 21*t, 1820, contain " A History of the Confederation." The course of public opinion on a most important point — the nature of the connexion which ought to be maintained between these United States — may be iri some degree perceived in the progress of this instrument, and may not be entirely uninteresting to the Ame rican reader. So early as July 1775, Doctor Franklin submitted " Articles of Confederation and perpetual union" to the consideration of congress, which were to continue in force until a reconciliation with Great Britain should take place on the terms demanded by the colonies. Into this confederation, not only all the British colonies on the conti nent, but Ireland and the West India islands Were to be admitted. Congress was to consist of meriibcrs chosen by each colony in proportion to its num bers, and was to sit in each succesfflvely. Its powers were to embrace the external relations of the country, the settling of all disputes between the colonies, the planting of new colonies; and were to extend to ordinances on such general subjects as, though necessary to the general welfare, particular assemblies can not be competent to, viz. " Those that may relate to our general commerce, or general currency ; the establishment of ports ; and the regulation of pur common forces." The executive was to consist of a council of twelve, selected by congress from its own body, one-third of whora were to be changed annually. Amendments were to be proposed by congress; and, when approved by a majority of the colonial assemblies, were to become a part of the constitution. In June,- 1776, a committee was appointed to prepare and digest the form of a con federation to be entered into between tho United Colonies, which brought in a draft (in the hand writing of Mr. John Dickinson) on the 12th of the succeeding month. This report was under debate until the 14th of November, 1777, on which day con gress agreed on the articles afterwards adopted by the states. In the scheme supposed to be prepared by Mr. Dickinson, the confederation is coiv i GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 429 in war nor in peace, of all the benefits which its sanguine aavocafes had expected. Had peace been made before any agreement for a permanent sidered as an sUiance of sovereign states, who meet as equals by their deputies assem bled to deliberate' on their common concerns, each sovereign having a voice. This principle was retained; but several modifications in the language and principle of the original scheme were made, which indicate a watchful ?nd growing jealousy of tho ppwers of congress, In each, an article is introduced reserving the rights of the states. That which is found in the report, "reserves to each state the sole and exclusive regulation and gD- vernment of its internal police, in all matters that shall not interfere with the articles of this confederation." , ~ This article was so iiiodified as to declare that "each state retains its sovereignty," "and eyery power, jurisdiction and right, which is not;by this confederation c^press/i/ delegated to the United States in congress assembled." This denial of all incidental powers had vast influence oh the affairs of the United 1 States. It defeated, in many instances, thc^ granted powers,, by rendering their exer cise impracticable. -. The report permits the states to impose duties on imports and exports; provided they "do not interfere with any stipulations in treaties hereafter entered into by the United States." The confederation confines this restriction on the power of the state to such duties as inljerfere with the stipulations in treaties entered into " in pursuance of any trea ties already prbposedby congress to the courts of France and Spain." Each plan assigns to the state in which troops shall be raised for the common de fence, the power of appointing the field and inferior officers. The confederation adds the-power of filling up such vacancies as may occur. . The report inhibits a state from endeavouring by force to obtain compensation for advances made or injuries suffered during- the war, which shall not be allowed by con- The confederation omits this inhibition. The report gives to congress the power of making treaties. The confederation adds a proviso, " that no treaty of conimerce shall be made where by the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imports and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibit ing the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatever." The report authorizes congress to appoint " courts foV the trial of all crimes, frauds, and piracies committed on the high seas, or on any navigable river not within a county or parish." The confederation limits the jurisdiction to "piracies and felonies committed on the high seas." ¦. Both empower congress to appoint courts for the trial of appeals in cases of capture^ but the consideration provides that rio member of congress shall be appointed a judge of any such court. Both empower congress to settle differences between the states. The confederation prescribes minutely the manner in which this power shall be exercised. Both empower congress." to regulate the trade and manage all affairs with the In dians." The confederation provides " that the legislative right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated!" The report gives the power of "establishing and regulating post offices throughoui Vol. I. 2 M 23 430 THE LIFE OP unibn was formed, it is far from being iraprobable that the different parts might have fallen asunder, and a dismeraberment have taken place. If the confederation really preserved the idea of union until the gopd sense of the nation adopted a raore efficient .system, this service alone entitles that instrument to the re^'ectful recollection of the American people, and its fraraers to their gratitude. ' - Such was the defensive strength of the positions taken by the adverse armies on the Hudson, and such their relative force, that no decisive, blovv; could be given by either in that quarter of the continent. The anxious attentions of General Washington, therefore, were unremittingly directed to the south. One of those incidents which fortune occasionally produces, on the'seizing or neglect of which ffie greatest miUtary events frequently depend, presented, sooner than was expected, an opportunity all the United Colonies (states) on the lines of communication from one colony (state) to another." The confederation varies the phraseology and adds, " and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office." The report places ftiany important portions of the executive power in a council of state, to consist of one delegate from each state to be named annually by the delegates of that state. The confederation empowers congress to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of congress, to be denominated "a committee of the states," and to consist of one dele gate from each state, to exercise such powers as congress might from time to time vest them with. A few of the states agreed to ratify the confederation unconditionally. By many, amendments were proppsed which were steadily rejected by congress. It was obvious that the delays would be almost interminable should congress relax this determina tion, because every change would make it necessary again to submit the instrument as amended to the several states. It is remarkable that Jersey alone proposed an en largement of the powers of congress. That state was desirous of investing' the re presentatives of the state with the ppwer of regulating commerce. The states possessing, no vacant lands, or an inconsiderable quantity withm their chartered limits, pressed earnestly and perseveringly their claim to partipipatc in the advantages of territory, which was, they said, acquired by the united arms of the , WholS'; and Maryland refused, on this account, to accede to ths confederation^ At length, several of the states empowered their members in congress to ratify that instru ment as forming a union between the twelve states who bad assented to it. Mary land, alarmed at the 'prospect of being excluded from the union, gave her reluctant consent to the confederation, accompanied by a protest, in which she still asserted her claim to her interest in the vacant territory which should be acknowledged at the treaty of peace, to be within the United States. ¦ It required the repeated lessons of a severe and. instructive experience to persuade the American- people that their greatness, their prosperity, their happiness, and even their safety, imperiously demanded the substitution of a government for their favonrite league; GEORGE WASHINGTON. 431 which he deemed capable of being improved to the destruction of the British army in Virginia. The French fleet, from its arrival on the Araerican coast, had been blocked up m the harbour of, Newport; and the land forces of that nation had been reduced to a state of inactivity hf the necessity of defending their ships. Late in January, a detachment from the British fleet was encountered on the east end ofLong Island by a furious storra, in which such-damage was sustained as to destroy for a tirae the naval superiority which Arbuthnot had uniformly preserved. To turn this teraporary superiority to advantage. Monsieur Dtesfouches resolved to detach a ship of the line, with two frigates, fo the Chesa peake; a force which the delegation from Virginia had assured hira would be sufficient fpr the purppse. On receiving certain acccunts pf thei less sustained in the storra. General Washington conceived the design of improving that circum stance by immediate and powerful operatipns against Arnold. Confi dent fhat, the critical moment must be seized, or fhe enterprise would faU, he ordered a detachment of twelve hundred men, under the com mand of the Ma!rquis ^e Lafayette, te the head of the Chesapeake ; there to embark for that part of Virginia which was to become fhe theatre of action, under convoy of a French frigate, for which he applied to the adrairal. He immediately coramunicated this raeasure lo the Count De Rochambeau, and to Monsieur Desfouches, fo whom he also Stated his conviction that no serious advantage could be ¦expected frora a few ships, Unaided by land trppps. " There were," he said, " a variety 6f positions to be taketi by Arnold, one ef which was Pprfsmouth, his present sta tion, where his ships might be so protected by his batteries on the shore, as, to defy a mere naval attack ; and where he would certainly be able to maintain himself until the losses sustained in the late storra should be repaired, a^nd the superiority, at sea recovered, when he would unques tionably be relieved." To insure the success of the expedition, he recommended fliat the whole fleet should be eraployed on it, and that a detachraent of one thou sand men should be' embarked for fhe same, service. These representations did not prevail. The original plan had already been put in execution, On the 9th of February, a sixty-four gun ship with two frigates, under Monsieur De Tilley, had sailed for the Chesa peake; and, as some of the British ships had been repaired, the French adrairal did not think il prudent to put to sea with the residue of his fleet. As had been foreseen by General Washington, De Tilley found Ar- Uold in a situation not to be assailed with a!ny prospect of success. Af- 432 THE LIFE OF ter shewing hiraself therefore in the bay, and inaking an ineffectua attempt tc enter EUzabeth river, he returned te Newpprt. At the capes, he feU in with the Romulus, a fifty gun ship, coraing from Charleston to the Chesapeake, which he captured. Both the Count De Rochambeau, and the Chevalier Destouches, being well disposed to execute the plans suggested by General Washington, they determined, pn the return of Monsieur De Tilley, fo make a second expeditien tp the Chesapeake with the whole fleet, and eleven hundred men. General Washingten, therefore, hastened to Newport, that in a personal conference with theraj he might facilitate the execHticn pf an enterprise frpra which he still entertained sanguine hcpes.- Early en the 6th of March he reached Newport, and went instantly on board the Adrairal, where he was raet by the Count DelRpcharabeau. It was deterrained that a detachraent frora the army, then in perfect rea diness, should be embarked under the Count De Viominll ; and that the fleet should put to sea as soon as possible. The wind was favourable to the French, and adverse to, the British. Yet the fleet did not saU until the evening of the eighth. It appears from a letter of Monsieur Des touches, that this delay was in some measure attributable to a disaster which befel one of his frigates in getting out of port ; and there is reason to suppose that it raay be ascribed to a want of supplies. Whatever may have been the cause, Arnold is most probably indebted to it for his escape from the fate which his treason merited. Two days after Destouches had sailed, he was followed by Arbuthnot, who overtook hira off the capes of Virginia. A partial engageraent en% sued which continued about an hour, when the fleets were separated. The French adrairal called a council of war the next day, in which it was declared unadviseable tc renew the action, and he returned to Newport. The arrival pf twp thqusand men cpramanded by General PhUip'>j gave the British a decided superiprify in Virginia, and changed the destination of Lafayette, who had been ordered to join , the southern army, but to whom the defence of that state was new com raitted. The troops under his comraand being taken chiefly frora the eastern regiments, had imbibed strong prejudices against a southern cli mate ; and desertions becarae so frequent as to threaten the dissolution of the corps. This unpromising state of things was coinpletely changed by a happy expedient adopted by Lafayette. Appealing to the generous principles of his soldiers, principles on which the feelings of his own bosom laUght him to rely, he proclaimed in orders, that he was about to enter on an GEORGE,. WASfflNGTON. 433 enterprise of "great danger and difficulty, in liifhlch he persuaded himself his soldiers would not abandon him. If, however, any individual of fhe detachment was unwilling to accompany him, a permit to return should most assuredly be granted him. This measure had the desired effect, and put an end fo desertion.* Tp keep up the good dispositions of the moment, this ardent ypung npble- man, whp was as unmindful of fortune as he Was ambitious pf fame, ber- rpwed frpm the merchants cf Baltirapre^ on his private credit, a sura of money sufficient to purchase shoes, linen, spirits, and other articles of immediate Necessity for the detachment.f Having made these pireparations for the campaign, he marched with the utmost celerity to the defence of Virginia. That state was in great need of assistance. The enemy had penetrated deep into its bosom, and was committing those excesses on its inhabitants to which a country unable to repel invasion must always be exposed. General Philips, on his arrival, took ccmmand pf all the British trppps in Virginia; and, after cpmpleting the fortification of Portsraputh, com menced pffensive pperatiohs. Abput Iwp thousand^ five hundred men were embarked on board some sraall vessels, and landed at various places in the neighbour hood of WiUiarasburg. Different detachraents spread them selves over the lower part of that neck of land which is made by York and James 'riverS ; and, after destroying, without opposition, a ship yard beldnging to fhe state, with sorae arraed vessels and public stores, re- erabarked and proceeded to City Point, where they landed in the after. nopn pf the 24lh. The next day they marched against Petersburg, at which place, immense quantities of tobacco and other stores were de posited. Baron Steuben was not in a situation to check their prpgress. The levies pf Virginia had marched tc the aid pf General Greene; and the whele nuraber pf raflitia, at that tirae in the field, did' npt much exceed twp thousand men. Unwilling tp abandpn sp important a place as Pe tersburg 'withcut the serhblance pf fighting, the baren posted about one thousand men a mile below the town with orders to, skirraish with the enemy. The British troops, without being able to bring him to a close * The author was assured by General Lafayette that this was true. Such was the enthusiasm of the moment, that a lame Serjeant hired a place in a cart to keep up with the army. tit is not unworthy of notice, that the ladies of Baltimore charged themselves with the toil of immediately making up the summer clothing for the troops. Innumerable. instances of their zeal in the common cause of their country were given in every state in the union. 434 THE LIFE OF engagement, were two orthree hours employed in driving him across the Appamaftox, the bridge over which being .taken up as soon as the militia had passed it, farther pursuit became impracticable. This skirmish having terminated with scarcely any loss on either side, the baron retreated towards Richmond, and PhUips took quiet possession'"' of Petersburg ; where he destroyed a considerable quantity of, tobacco, and all the vessels lying in the river. > ¦„ This service being accomplished, Arnold was detached through Os- bornes to Warwick, between which place and, Richmond, a respectable naval force, censisting pf smaU armed vessels, had been cellecfed with the intentien pf cc-pperating with the French fieet against Pbrtsrapulh ; and a few railitia were stationed en the northern bank ef the river te as sist in defending the, fiptilla. ' The* crews pf the vessels, en receiving a fire frem a few field pieces prdered by Arnpld to the bank, scuttled thera, escaped to the ppppsite shere, and dispersed with the militia. Philips marched with the residue of the array to Chesterfield court house, the place of rendezyous for the new levies of Virginia, where he destroyed fhe barracks with ' .a few public stores ; after which he joined Arnold in the neigh bourhood of Warwick, and marched without interruption to Manchester, a small town on the southern bank of Jaraes river, imraediately opposite to, Richraond ; where, as was the general practice, the warehouses were set en fire, and all the tobacco consuraed. On the preceding evening, the Marquis de Lafayette, who had raade a forced march frora Baltirapre, arrived with his detachment af Rich mond ; and that place, in which a great proportion of the miliiary stores of the state were then collected, was saved, for the time, from a visit which was certainly designed. . The regular troops composing this detachment were joined by about two thousand miUtia, and sixty dragoons.' Not thinking it adviseable to attempt the passage of the river in the presence of so respectable an army, General Philips retired to Berrauda Hundred, a point of land in . , the confluence of the Jaraes and Appomatox, at which place he re-embarked his troops, and fell down the river to Hog Island. The Marquis fixed his head quarters on the north of Chiccahominy, about eighteen miles from Richmond ; where he remained unfU a letter frora Lord Cornwallis called PhUips again up James river. When that nobleman 4etermined on inarching from Wilmington into Virginia, he signified his wish that the British troops in that state, should take their station at Petersburg. , GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 435 On receiving this letter. Philips proceeded to comply with the request it contained. As soon aS the fleet moved up the river. La- fayetle returned to the defence of Richmond. Having, on his arrival, received intelligence that Lord Cornwallis was marching north ward, and finding Philips larided at Brandon on the south side of the river, he was persuaded that a junction of the twe arraies raust be in tended, and hastened 'te take possession of Petersburg* be fore Philips cpuld reach that place. In this however he was "^ anticipated by the British general ; upon which he recrossed James river, and, encamping a few miles below Richmond, used his utmost ex- ertions to remove the military stores in that town to a place of greater security. In this position his array was perraitted tp reppse itself but a few days. Lerd CprnwaUis, after passing through North Carolina and the southern parts of Virginia without encountering much opposition, and effecting a junction with Arnold, who had succeeded by the death of Philips to the comraand of the array in Virginia,f found hiraself at the head of a force which nothing in that state could resist; and deterrained on a vigorous plan of offensive operations. His iraraediate object was, to bring, the Marquis to an action; for which purpose he crossed James river at Westover, where he was joined by a reinforcement frora New York, and attempted, by turning'the left flank of the Ameri- , ; ' can army, to gel into its rear. Lafayette was not in a condition to risk an engagement. His .objects were the security, of the public stores, the preservation of his small army for future services, and a junction with the Pennsylvania line which was on its march southward, under the command pf General Wayne. , As Lerd CprnwaUis crossed James river, he retired towards the upper country, inclining his route to the north in order to favour a junction with Wayne. The fine horses found in the stables of private gentiemen, gave lo the British general ant efficient cavalry; and' enabled him to mount so many infantry, as to move large detachments with unusual rapidity. With these advantages, he was so confident of overtaking and destroying his eneray, as to say exultingly ifi a letter which was intercepted, ^' the boy can not escape rae." His sanguine hopes however were disappointed. * General Lafayette states that this movement also facilitated the transportation of some military stores to the southern army, which were greatly needed. t General Philips died the day on whioh the army entered Petersburg. Arnold on succeeding to the command addressed b letter to Lafayette, which the American general refused to receive, informing the officer who brought it, and whom he treated in other respects witji great politeness, that he w'ould receive no letter fVom Arnold.^- Cor. of Lafayette. 436 THE LIFE OF Lafayette moved with so much celerity and caution as to convince Gorn- wallis of the impracticabiUty of overtaking him, or of preventing his junction with Wayne. After marching some distance up, the northern side.of Northanora, his lordship relinquished the pursuit, and turned his attention to other ob jects which were raore attainable. Military stores had been collected in various parts of the middle coun try, and, araong others, at the Point of Fork, a point of land made by the confluence of the Rivanna and Fluvanna, the two branches of James' river. Colonel Siracoe was detached with five hundred men against this post, which was protected by between five and six hundred new 'levied, and a few railitia. . Tarlton, with two hundred and fifty cavalry and mounted infantry, was ordered at the same time against Charlottesville, where fhe general assembly was in session. So rapid were his move ments that a mere accident prevented his entering the tovi;n before any notice of his approach was- given. A private gentleman,-'Mr. Jouiette, who was acquainted with a nearer route than the great road, hastened to Charlottesville on a fleet horse with the interesting inteUigence, and entered the town about two hours before the British cavalry. Nearly all* the raerabers of the legislature raade their escape, and reassembled at Staunton, on the western skle of the Blue Ridge. Tarlton, after destroy ing the stores at Charlottesville, proceeded down the Rivanna to the . Point of Fork. The detachment commanded by Simcoe, heing. coraposed chiefly of infantry, could not raove with equal celerity. That officer, however, conducted his raarch Tvit h so much secrecy and address, fhat Steuben seeras to have been either unapprized of his approach, or to have had no accurate information of his numbers. InteUigence of the expedition to CharloftesvUle had reached him, and he had prudentiy employed him self in removing his stores from the Point of Fork to the south side of the Fluvanna. > The river was at the time unfordable; and the boats were all secured on the southern bank. Yet Steuben, suspecting the detachment of Sira coe to be the van of the British army, or apprehending that Tarlton might get into his rear, withdrew precipitately in the night, and marched near thirty miles, leaving behind him such stores as could nqt be re moved. These were destroyed next raorning by a small detachment of men who crossed the river in a few canoes. To secure his junction with Wayne, and to keep open his communi- cation towards the north, Lafayette had crossed the Rapidan. , * Seven fell into the hands of Tarlton. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 437 These moyeraents of the two armies had tlirown Lord Cornwallis be tween Lafayette and the military stores which had been transported frora Richraond up James' river, and deppsited at different places, but princi pally at Albemarle old court house, high up that river. To this place Lord Cornwallis directed his march. The Marquis, having effected a junction with the Pennsylvania line consisting of eight hundred men, recrossed the Rapidan, and advanced with so much celerity towards the British array, that he encaraped within a few miles of it, while upwards of a day's raarch from its point of desti nation. Confident thai the object of the Araerican general must be to protect the magazines on the Fluvanna, Lord CornwalUs encamped at Elk isl and, and advanced his light, troops to a position coramanding the road, by which it was supposed the Araericans raust pass. Lafayette however discovered in the night a nearer road which had long been disused ; and fhe next raorning the British general had the mortification to perceive that the Araerican array had crossed the Ri vanna, and taken a strong position behind the Mechunk creek, which, in a great raeasure, coramanded the route leading frora the camp of his lordship to Albemarle old court house. At this place a considerable re inforcement of mountain militia was received. Apprehending the force opposed to him to be greater than it was in reality, and probably desirous of transferring the war tp the lower country. Lord CornwaUis abandoned tbe objects he had pursued, and .retired first to Richmond, and afterwards to Williamsburg. The Marquis followed with cautious circumspection. On the 18th of June, he was reinforced by four or five hundred new levies under the Baron Steuben, which augmented his array to four thousand raen, of whora two thousand were regulars. That of Lord Cornwallis was, probably, rather more numerous. As the British army retreated- to WUUamsburg, Lafayette, who sought a partial, though he avoided a general engagement, pressed lis rear with his light parties. Colonel Simcoe, who covered the retreat, was over taken by Colonel Butler about six railes from Williaftisburg, and a sharp action ensued. The Americans claimed the advantage ; but were com pelled to retire by the approach of the whole British army. In the hpld and , rapid cpurse taken by Lord CornwaUis through the lower and central parts of Virginia, much private as weU as pubUc pro perty* was destroyed ; and the resources of the state were considerably * 'While the British army overran the country, their ships sailedup the rivers, pil laged the farms, received the slaves who fled from their masters, and, in some instan- 438 THE LIFE OF diminished; but no solid advantage was obtained. Altl^ough; from va rious causes, especially from a want of arms, and from that general repugnance which a harassed, unpaid. miUtia, will universally manifest to mihtary service, less resistance was encountered than was to be expected from the strength and populatipn pfthe state; np disppsitipn was ppenly manifesjed te jpin the rpyal standard, or to withdraw frora the contest. The Marquis complained of "much slowness, and much carelessness in the country; but the dispositions of the people," he said, " were good, and they required only to be awakened." This, he thought, wpuld be hest effected by the presence cf General Washingten, an event for which he expressed the mestanxipus spUcitud^. But Washington deemed if of more importance to remain on the Hudson, for the purpose of digesting and conducting a grand plan of combined operations then meditated against New York, by the execution of which he cpunted mpre certainly pn relieving the seuthern states, than by any ether measure it was in his ppwer fp adppt.- , An express carrying, letters, cpmraunicating tp ccngress the result of his consultations pn this subject, with the ccraraanders pf the, land and naval ibrces pf France, was intercepted in Jersey. The Inteiresting dis closure made by these letters, alarmed Sir Henry. Clinton for the safety of New York, and determined hira to require the return of a part of the trppps in Virginia. Supppsing hiraself fpp weak, after coraplying with this requisition, to remain at WiUiarasburg, Lord CornwalUs took the resolution of retiring to Pprtsmputh. In pursuance pf this resplutipn, he raarched frora WiUiams- burg and encaraped in such a manner as to cover fhe ford into ces, reduced the houses to ashes. Wbile they were in the Potowmac, a flag was sent on shore at Mount Vernon, requiring a supply of fresh provisions. The steward of General Washington, believing it to be his duty to save the property, of his principal, and entertaining fears for the magnificent buildings of the' Commander-in-chief, went on board with the flag, carried a supply of fresh. provisions, asked the restoration of the slaves who had taken refuge iri the fleet, and requested that the buildings might be spared. Mr. Lund 'Washington, to whom the general had entrusted the manage ment of his estate, comipunicated these circumstances to him, and informed him that he too had sustained considerable losses. " I am sorry," said the general, in reply, "to hear of your loss ; I am a little sorry to hear of my own. But that which gives me most concern is, that you should have gone on board the vessels of the enemy and fur nished them with refreshments. It would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have lieard, that in consequence of your non-compliance with their request, they had burnt'my home and laid the plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my representative, arid sholild have reflected on the bad example of com municating with the enemy, and making a voluntary offer of refreshment to them, with a view to prevent a conflagration." , , GEORGE WASfflNTGON. 439 the island of 'Jamestown. On the same evening, the Queen's rangers crossed over info the island ; and the two succeeding days were employ ed in passing over the baggage. The morning after the evacuation of WiUiamsburg; Lafayette changed his position, and pushed his best froops within nine miles of the British camp, with the intention of attempting their rear, when the main body should have passed into Jaraestown. Suspecting his design, LordiCornwaUis encamped the greater part of his army on fhe main land as compactly as possible, and displayed a few troops on the island in such a manner as, in appearance, to magnify their nurabers. All the inteUigence received by Lafayette concurred in the representation that the greater part of the British array had passed over to the island in fhe night. Believing this to be the fact, , he detached sorae riflemen to harass their-oufposts, while he advanced af fhe head of the continental troops in order to cut off the rear. Every appearance was calculated fo countenance the opinion he had formed. The British light parties were drawii in, and the piquets were forced by the riflemen without much resistance, but an advanced post which covered the encampment from the view of fhe Americans, was perseveringly maintaihed, though three of the officers corhmahding it were successively picked off by the riflemen. Lafayette, who arrived a littie before sunset, suspected from the obstinancy with which this post was raaintained, that it covered more than a rear guard, and deter mined to reconnoitre the camp, and judge of its strength from his own observalien.* Il was in a great measure concealed by woods ; but from a tongue of land stretching into the river, he perceived fhe British force to be much more considerable than had been supposed^ and hastened fo call off his men. He found Wayne closely engaged. A piece of artUlery had been left weakly defended, which Wayne deterrained to seize. Scarcely was the attempt made, when he discovered the whole British army, arranged in order for battle, moving out against him. To retreat was impossible, and the boldest had become fhe safest measure. Under this impression he advanced rapidly, and, with his sraall detachraent, not exceeding eio^ht hundred raen, raade a gallant charge on the British line. A warm action ensued, which was kept upwith great spirit until the arrival of Lafayette, who,. perceiving Wayne to be oiit-flanked both on- the right and left, ordered him to retreat and form in a fine with the Ught infantry,, • Correspondence with Lafayette. 440 THE LIFE OF I. . who were drawn up about half a mile in his rear. The vi^hole party then saved itself behind a morass. ¦ ' Fprtunafely for Lafeyette, Lerd CprnwaUis did npt imprpve .the ad vantage he had gained. Suspecting this to he a stratagem of the Ame rican general to draw him into an ambuscade, a suspicion equally favoured by the hardiness and tirae of the attack. Lord CornwaUis, who supposed his eneray lo be stronger than he was in reality, would allow no pursuit ; andj, in the'cpurse pf the njght, cressed ever into tl;ie island, whence he, soon afterwards, proceeded to Portsmouth., In this action, the Americans lost one hundred and eighteen men, among whom were ten officers; and two pieces of artillery were left on the field, the horses attached to them being kiUed. The British loss was less considerable. . ' , - AU active operations were now suspended ; and the harassed, array of Lafayette was allowed some repose. ' Although no briUiant service was perforraed by fhat young nobleman, the carapaign in Virginia enhanced his raUitary reputation, and raised hira in the general esteem. That with so decided an inferiority of effective force, and especiaUy of cavalry,'he had been able to keep the. field inan open country, and to preserve a considerable proportion of his military stores, as well as his army; was believed to furnish unequivocal evidence of the prudence and vigour of his conduct. . GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 441 CHAPTiER XXII. Farther stale of affairs in the beginning of the year 1781. — Measures of Mr. Morris, the superintendent of finances. — Designs of General 'Washington against New York. — Count Rochambeau marches to the North River. — Intelligence from the Count de Grasse. — Plan of operations against Lord Cornwallis. — Naval engagement. — The combined armies march for the Chesapeake. — Yorktown invested. — Surrender of Lord Cornwallis. The deep gloom which had enveloped the prospects of Araerica in the coraraencement of the year, which darkened for a time in the south, had also spread itself ever the nprth. The tptal incora- petency pf the pplitical systera adopted by the United States fo their own preservation, became every day raore apparent. Each state seeraed fearful of doing too rauch, and of taking upon itself a larger porfien of the comraon burden than was borne by its neighbour. The resolutions of congress had called for an array of thirty-seven thousand raen, to be in camp by the first of January. Had this requisi tion been made in time, it is not probable that so large a force could have been brought into the field ; but it was made late, and then the dif ficulties and delays on the part of the several states, exceeded every rea sonable calculation. The regular force drawn from Pennsylvania to Georgia inclusive, at no time, during this active and interesting cara paign, araounted to three thousand effective raen; and the slates from New Hampshire to New Jersey inclusive, so late as the month of April, had furnished only five thousand infantry. Of these, the returns for that month'exhibil, in the northern department, less than three thousand effectives. The cavalry and artillery, at no time, araounted to one theu- sand men. This small army was gradually and slowly augmented so as, in the month pf May, tp exhibit a fetal pf near seven thpusand men, pf whpm rather mere than feur thpusand might have been relied en for acticn. The prospects for fhe campaign were rendered still raore unproraising by the failure ef supplies for the support of the troops. The long ex pected clothing frora Europe had not arrived ; and the want of provi sions* furnished a still more serious cause of alarm. After congress had come to the resolution of emitting no mere bills on the credit of the continent, the duty of supplying the array with provi sions necessarily devolved on the states, who were required to furnish * See note, No. XVIII. at the end of the volume. 2 N 442 THE LIFE OF certain specified articles for the subsistence of the troops, according to 3 ratio established by the federal governraent. These requisitions had been neglected to such ,a degree as to excite fears that the soldiers must be disbanded frora fhe want of food. To increase the general embarrassmeijit, the quartermaster depart ment was destitute of funds, and unable to transpprt prpvisipns pr pther stpres frora place to place, but by raeans pf irapressraent supperted by a military force. This measure had been repeated, especially in New York, until it excited so much disgust and irritation among the people, that the Commander-in-chief was under serious apprehensions of actual resistance to his authprity. While in this state ef deplprable imbecUily, intelligence from every quarter announced increasing dangers. Information was received that an expedition was preparing in Canada against Fort Pitt, to be conducted by Sir John Johnston, and Colonel Conelly ; and it was understood that many, in the country threatened with invasion, were ready to join the British standard. The Indians too had entered into forraidable combinations, endangering the whole extent of the western frontier. In addition to these alarraing circumstances, some vessels had arrived at Crown Point from Canada, with information that three thousand men had been assembled on the lakes, for the purpose of atterapting, once more, an invasion frora that quarter. This information, though unfounded, was believed to be true, and was, at that critical moment, the more alarming, because a correspond ence of a criminal nature had just been discovered between sorae per sons in Albany and in Canada. A letter intercepted by Generals Schuy ler and Clinton, stated the disaffection of particular settlements, the pro vision made in those settiements for the subsistence of an invading army, and their readiness to join such army. This inteUigence from the northern frontier derived increased interest from the ambiguous conduct observed by the inhabitants of that tract of country which now constitutes, the state of Vermont. They had settled lands within the chartered limits of New York, under grants from the governor of New Hampshire; and had, early in the war, declared them selves independent, and exercised the powers of self-government. The state of New York, however, still continuing to assert her claim of so vereignty, the controversy on this delicate subject had becorae so vio lent as to justify the apprehension that, in the opinion of the people of Vermont, fhe restoration of British authority was an evil not of greater magnitude, than fhe establishment of that of New York. The declara- GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 443 tion was openly raade that, if not adraitted into the union as an indepen dent state, they held theraselves at liberty to make a separate peace ; «and some negotiations had been commenced, which were believed to mani fest a disppsitipn in Vermont, lo abandon the commcn cause of America. Accustomed to contemplate all public events which might grow out of the situation of the United Slates, and to prepare for them while at a distance, the Araerican chief was not depressed by this state of Ameri can affairs. With a mind happily tempered by nature, and improved by experience, those fortunate events which had occasionally brightened the prospects of his country, never relaxed his- exertions, or lessened his precautions ; nor could the most disastrous state of things drive him to despair. Although entirely uncertain what operation he raight be en abled to undertake during the approaching carapaign, he had adopted such preparatory steps as raight enable hira to turn to advantage any fortunate incident which might occur. In consequence of conferences previously held with the Count de Rochambeau, for the purpose of di gesting a system adapted to contingent events, orders were transmitted to that officer, directing him to be in readiness to march as large a body of the French troops to the North River, as could be spared from the protection of the fleet. Early in May, tiie Count de Barras, who had been appointed to the command of the French fleet stationed on the Araerican coast, arrived in Boston accompanied by the Viscount de Rochambeau, and brought the long expected information from the cabinet of Versailles, respecting the naval armaraent designed to act in the Araerican seas. Twenty ships of the line, to be coraraanded by the Count de Grasse, were des tined for the West Indies, twelve of which were to proceed to the conti nent of Araerica, and raight be expected to arrive in the month of July. An interview between General Washington and the Count de Ro chambeau imraediately took place at Weathersfield, in which it was de termined to unite the troops of France to those of America on the Hud son, and to proceed against New York. The regular army at that sta tion was estimated at four thpusand five hundred men,* and theugh it was understppd that Sir Henry Clintpn wpuld be able to reinforce it with five pr six thpusand militia, it w^as believed that the pest cpuld not be maintained without recaUing a considerable part of the froops from the south ; in which event, the aUied army might be employed advantageous ly in that part of fhe union. * Sir H. Clinton in a letter to Lord Cornwallis, dated June 11, 1781, states liis ef fective foree atten thousand nine hundred and thirty-one. 444 THE LIFE OF The prospect of expelling the British from New York roused the northern slates frora that apathy into which they appeared to be sinking, and vigorous measures were taken to fill their regiments. Yet those measures were not completely successful. In the month of June, when (he army took the field, and encamped at PeekskiU, its effective nurabers did not exceed five thousand raen. Such was the Araerican force in the north, with which fhe campaign the heads of fhe columns reached the ground assigned them respectively ; and, after driving in the piquets and some cavalry, encamped for the evening. The next day, the right wing, consisting of Americans, extended farther to the right, and occupied the ground east of Beverdam creek ; while the left wing, consisting of French, was stationed on the west side of that stream. In the course of the night. Lord Cornwallis withdrew from his outer lines ; and the works he had evacuated were, the next day, occupied by the besieging army, which now invest ed the town completely on that side. Two thousand raen were stationed on the Gloucester side for the pur pose of keeping up a rigorous blockade. On approaching the lines, a sharp skirraish took place which terminated unfavourably for the Bri tish ; after which they remained under cover of their works, making no attempt to interrupt the blockade. On the night of the ^xth of October, untU which tirae the besieging GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 453 army was incessantiy employed in disembarking their heavy artillery and military stores, and drawing them to carap, the first parallel was coraraenced within six hundred yards of the British lines. This opera tion was conducted with so much silence, that it appears not to have been perceived until the return of daylight disclosed it to the garrison ; by which time the trenches were in such forwardness as fo cover the men. By the evening of the ninth, several batteries and redoubts were completed, and the effect of their fire was soon perceived. New batte ries were opened the next day, and the fire became so heavy that fhe be sieged withdrew their cannon from the embrasures, and scarcely return ed a shot. The shells and red hot balls from the batteries of the allied arrny reached the ships in the harbour, and, in the evening, set fire fo the Charon of forty-four guns, and to three large transports, which were entirely consumed. Reciprocal esteem, and a spirit of emulation between .the French and Araericans, being carefully cultivated by the Commander-in-chief, the siege, was carried on with great rapidity. The secend parallel was epened, pn the night ef the eleventh, within three hundred yards of the British lines. The three succeeding days were devoted to the corapletion of this paraUel, during which the fire of the garrison, which hadopened several new embrasures, became more destructive than at any previous time. The raen in the trenches were particularly annoyed by two redeubts advanced three hundred yards in front of the British works, which flanked the second parallel of the besiegers. Prieparations were made, on the fourteenth, to carry thera bcth by stprm. The attack- pf one was cprafflitfed te the Araericans, and ef fhe pther to the .French. The Marquis de Lafayette comraanded the Araerican detachraent, and the Baron de Viorainel the French. Towards the close of the day, the two detachments marched with equal firmness to the assault. Colonel Hamilton, who had com manded a battaUon of light infantry throughout this campaign, led the advanced corps of the' Americans ; and Colonel Laurens turned the re doubt at (he head of eighty men, iij order to take the garrison in reverse, and intert-ept their retreat. The troops rushed to the charge without firing a gun and without giving fhe sappers time to reraove the abbattis and paUsrides. Passing over them, they assaulted the workswifh irre sistible impetuosity oil all sides at, the same time, and entered thera with such rapidity that their loss was inconsiderable.* This redoubt was de- * One sprjennt and eight privates were killed; and one lieutenant colonel, four cap tains, one subaltern, one Serjeant, and twenty-five rardc and file, were wounded. The irritation produced by the recent carnage in fort Griswold had not so far sub dued the humanity of the American character as to induce retaliation. Not a man 2 O 454 THE LIFE OF fended by Major Campbell, with some inferior officers, and forty-five privates. The major, a captain, a subaltern, and seventeen privates, were made prisoners, and eight privates were killed while the assailants were entering the works. The redoubt attacked by the French was defended by a greater num ber of raen ; and the resistance, being greater, was not overcome so quickly, or with so little loss. One hundred and twenty men, com manded by a lieutenant celpnel, were in this werk, eighteen pf whom were killed, and forty-two, including a captain and two subaltern offi cers, were made priscners. The assailants lest,' in- killed and: weunded,- near pne hundred raen. The Commander-in-chief v/as highly gratified with the active courage displayed in these assaults. Speakina of il in his diary, he says — " The bravery exhibited by the attacking trppps was emulous and praisewor thy. Few cases have exhibited greater proofs of intrepidity, coolness, and firmness, than were, shown on this occasion." The prders of fhe suc- ceeding day, cengratulating the army on the capture of these ' - ' iraportant works, expressed a high sense of the judicious dis- ppsitipns and gallant ccnduct cf bpth the Baron de Viorainel and the Marquis de Lafayette, and requested thera to cenvey tp every pfficer and man engaged in the enterprise, the ackncwledgraents of the Com mander-in-chief for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanced to the attack, and for' the admirable -firmness with which they supperted themselves under the fire cf the enemy without returning a shot. " The general reflects," conclude the prders, " with the highest -degree pf pleasure, en the confidence which the trpops of the two nations must hereafter have in each cither. - Assured pf mulug.1 support, he is con vinced there is no danger which they will not oheerfuUy encounter, no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."* was kil^d except in action. " Incapable," said Colonel Hamilton in his report, "of imitating examples of barbarity, and forgetting recent provocation, the soldiery spared' every man that ceased to resist."- Mr. Gordon, in his History of the American War, states the orders given by Lafayette, with the approbation of 'Washington, to have directed that every man in the redoubt, after its surrender, should be put to the sword. These sanguinary orders, so repugnant to the character of the Commander-in-chief and of Lafiryelte, were never given. There is no trace of them among the papers of General Washington ; and Colonel Hamilton; who took a part in thfe enterprise, which assures his perfect knowledge of every material occurrence, has publicly con tradicted the statement. It has been also contradicted by Lafayette. * General Lafayette states a fact which proves in an eminent degree the good feel ings of the American soldiers towards their allies. 'While encamped together under his comin.-^nd at Williamsburg, the Ainericaps, who were bivouacked, saw their allies under tents without a murmur ; and saw theiQ supplied regularly with rations of flour GEORGE WASHINGTON. 455 During the same night, these fredeubts were included in the second parallel ; and, in the course of the next day, some howitzers were plaged ih them, which, by five in the afternoon, were opened on the besieged. The situatipn pf Lprd Cprnwallis was becoraing desperate. His works were sinking, in every quarter, under the fire of the besiegers. The batteries already playing' ofi him had silenced nearly all his guns, and the second parallel was about to open, which must in a few hours ren der the town untenable. To suspend a catastrophe which appeared al most inevitable, he resolved on attempting to retard the completion of the second parallel, by a vigorous sortie against two batteries which'ap- peared to be in the greatest forwardness, and were guarded by French troops. The party making this sortie was led by Lieutenant Colonel Abercrombie, who attacked the two batteries with great inripelupsity abput four in the mprning; and carried bcth with incpnsidera- ' _,„ ble less; but fhe guards frem the trenches immediately ad- - vancing en the assailants, they retreated without being able to effect any thing of importance. ' About four in the afternoPn the besiegers opened several batteries in their second parallel ; and it was apparent that, in the course of the en suing day,'the whole line of batteries in that parallel would be ready lo play on the town. The works of the besieged were not in a condition to sustain so tremendous , a fire. In this extremity. Lord CprnwaUis formed the bold design of forcing his way to New York. He determined to leave his sick and baggage behind, and, crossing over in the night with his effectives to the Gloucester shore, to attack J)e Chois6. After cutting to pieces or dispersing the troops under that offi cer, he intended to mount his infantry on the horses taken from that de tachment, and on others to be seized on the road, and, by a rapid rriarch to gain the fords of the great rivers, and, forcing his way through Ma ryland, Pennsylvania, and Jersey, to form a junction with the army in •New York.* ' ' This desperate attempt would be extreraely hazardous ; but the situa tion of the British general had becorae so hopeless, that il could scarcely he changed for the worse. Boats prepared Under other pretexts were held in readiness fp receive for three days from' the American magazines, while corn meal was measured out very irregularly to themselves. The superior officers lent their horses to those of France and walked themselves. Although their general was himself a Frenchman, the Ame- rican;j saw not only without jealousy, but with pleasure, every prefefence given to their allies. ?Stedman, Annual Register, letter of Lord Cornwallis. 456 THE LIFE OF the troops at ten in the evening, and convey them ever the river. The arrangements were made with such secrecy that the first embarkaficn arrived at the ppint unperceived, and part pf the troops were landed, when a sudden and violent storm interrupted the execution of this haz ardous plan, and drove the boats' down the river. The storm continued tUl near daylight, when the boats returned. But the plan .was necessa rily abandoned, and the boats were sent to bring back the soldiers, who were relanded on the southern shore in the course of the forenoon with out much less. '> . , ' In the -mprning pfthe seventeenth, several new batteries were epened in the secpnd parallel, which peured in a weight pf fire not to be re sisted. The place being no longer tenable. Lord Cornwallisj about ten in the forenoon, beat a parley, and proposed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, that comraissioners might meet at Moore's house, 'which was just in the rear of the first parallel, lo settie terms for the surrender of the posts of York and Gloucester. To this, letter General Washington returned an immediate answer declaring his " ardent desire to spare tjie further effusion of blood, and his readiness to listen to such terras as were adraissible ;" but as in the present crisis he could not con sent to lose a mornent in fruitless negotiations, he desired that " previous to the meeting of the commissioners, the proposals of his lordship might be transmitted in writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities for two hours should be granted. The general propositions* stated by Lord Cornwallis as forming the basis of the capitulation, though npt all adraissible, being such as led lo the opinion that no great difficulty would occur in adjusting the terms, the suspension of hostilities was prolonged for the night. In tbe mean tirae, to avoid the delay of useless discus sion, the Commander-in-chief drew' up and proposed such articlesf as he would be willing fo grant. These were transmitted fo Lord Corn wallis with the accompanying declaration that, if he approved them, comraissioners might be imraediately appointed to digest thera into forra. In consequence of this message, the Viscount De Noailles, and Lieutenant Colpnel Laurens, were met next day by Colonel Dundass and Major Ross ; but, being unable to adjust the terms of capi tulation definitively, only a rough draught of them cpuld be prepared, which was to be submitted lo the consideration of the British general. Deterrained not tP exppse himself tp thpse accidents which tirae might prcduce. General Washington could not perrait any suspense on the part pf Lprd Cprnwallis. He Iherefpre imraediately directed the rcugh arti- I ? See note. No. XIX. at the end of the volume. + Sec note, No. XX. at the end of the volume. GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 457 cfcs which had been prepared by the commissioners to be fairly tran scribed, and sent them to his lordship early next morning, 'with a letter expressing his expectation that they wotild be signed by eleven, and that the garrison Would march out by two in fhe after noon. Finding all attempts to obtain better terms unavaiUng, Lord Corn waUis submitted to a necessity no longer to be avoided, and, on fhe 19fh of October, surrendered the posts of Yorktown and Gloucester Point, with their garrisons, and the ships in fhe harbour with their seamen, to the land and naval forces of America and France. ' The army, artillery, arms, military chest, and public stores of every denomination," ¦were surrendered to General Washington ; the ships and seamen, to the Cbtint de Grasse. The total nuraber of prisoners,* ex cluding searaen, 'rather exceeded seven thousand men. The loss sus tained by the garrison during the siege, amounted to five hundred and fifty-two men, including six officers. Lord CornwalUs endeavoured to introduce an article into the capitu lation, for the security of those Americans who had joined the British army; but the subject was declared fo belong to the civU department, and the article was rejected. Its object, however, was granted without appearing to concede it. His lordship was permitted tp send the Bonelta sloop of war untouched, with despatches lo Sir Henry Clinton ; and the Araericans whose conduct had been most offensive to their countrymen were embarked on board this vessel. The allied army may be estimated, including militia, at sixteen thou sand raen. In the course of this siege, they lost, in killed and wounded, about three hundred: The treaty was opened on the eleventh day after the ground was broken by the besiegers, and the capitulation was signed on the thirteenth. The whole army merited great approbation ; but, frora the nature of the service, the artillerists and engineers were enabled to distinguish themselves particularly. Generals du Portail and Knox were each promoted to the rank of Major General ; and Colonel Govioii, and Captain Rochfontaine, of the corps of engineers, were each advanc ed a grade by brevet. In addition to the officers helonging' fo those de partments. Generals Lincoln, De Lafayette, and Steuben, were parficu- * The return of prisoners contained two generals, thirty-one field officers, three hundred and twenty-six captains and subalterns, seventy-one regimental staff, six thousand five hundred and twenty-seven non-commissioned officers and privates, anil one hundred and twenty-four persons belonging to the hospital, commissary, and wa gon departments, making in the whole seven thousand and seventy-three prisonera To this number are to be added six commissioned, and twenty-eight non-commission ed oSicers and privates made prisoners in the two redoubts which were stormed, and in the sortie made by the garrison. 458 THE LIFE OF larly mentipned by the Comraander-in-chief, in his orders issued the day after the capitulation ; and terras of peculiar warmth were applied to Governor Nelson, who continued in the field during the whole siege, at the head of the railitia of Virginia ; and also exerted himself! in a parti cular manner, to furnish the army vrith thpse supplies which the cpuntry affprded. The highest acknowledgments were made to the' Count de Rochambeau ; and several other French officers were naraed with dis tinction. So many disasters had attended the forriier efforts of the Uni ted States to avail themselves of the succours occasLonaUy afforded by France, that an opinion not very favourable to the alliance appears to have gained some ground in the country, and to have insinuated itself into the army. The Commander-in-chief seized this occasion to discountenance a course of thinking from which he had always feared pernicious conr sequences, and displayed the great value of fhe aids lately received, in language highly flattering to the French raonarchj as well as to fhe land and naval forces of that nation. Knowing the influence which the loss of the army in Virginia raust have on the war, Sir Henry CUnton determined to- hazard much for its preservation. About seven thpusand pf his best trbeps sailed for the Chesapeake, under convoy of a fleet augmented to twenty-five ships of the line, This armament left the Hook the day on which the capitula tion was signed al Yorktown, and appeared off the capes of Virginia on the 24th of October. Unquestionable intelligence being there received that Lord Cornwallis had surrendered, the British general returned to New York. The exultation manifested throughout the United States at the capture ofthis formidable array was equal to the terror it had inspired. In con gress, the intelligence was received with joy proportioned to the magni tude of the ev«nf ; and the sense of that body on this brilliant achieve ment was expressed in various resolutipns, returning the thaiiks ef the United Stales tp the Cpmmander-in-chief, to the CcUnt de Rpoharabeau, tp the Cpunl de Grasse, tp the pfficers of the allied army generally, and to the corps' of artiUery, and engineers particularly. In addition to these testimonials of gratitude, it was resolved that a marble column should be erected at Yorktown, in Virginia, with emblems of the alliance between the United States and his most Christian Majesty, and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender of Earl Cornwallis to his Excellency General Washington, the Comraander-in-chref of the corabined forces of America and France ; fo his Excellency the Count de Rpcharabeau, com manding the auxiliary troops of his most Christian Majesty in America.; and to his Excellency Count de Grasse, ccmraanding in chief the naval GEORGE WASfflNGTON. 459 army cf France in the Chesapeake. Two stand of coloiu's taken in Yorktown were presented to General Washington; two pieces of field ordnance to the Count de Rochambeau ; and application was made to his most Christian Majesty, tp permit the Admiral to accept a testimonial of their apprcbation similar tp that presented to the Ceunt de Rpcham- beau., Ccngress deterrhined tp gp in^splemn prpcessicn tp the Dutch Lutheran church, tp return thanks tp Almighty Gpd fpr crcwning the aUied arms vi^ith success, by the surrender of the whole British array under Lptd Cprnwallis ; and a\^o issued a prpclaraaticn, apppinting the 13th day pf Deperaber fpr general thanksgiving and prayer, on account of this signal interposition of Divine PrCvidence. It was not by congress only that the public joy at this great event, and the public approbation of the conduct of General Washington were dis played. The , most flattering aiid affectionate addresses of congratulation were presented from every part of the union; and state governments, corporate towns, and learned institutions, vied with each other in fhe testimonials they gave of their high sense of his important services, and pf their attachment to his person and character. The superiority of the allied force, opened a prospect of stiU farther advantages. The remaining posts of the British in the southern states were too weak fo he defended against the array which had triuraphed over .Lord CornwalUs ; and the'troops which occupied thera could neither escape nor be reinforced, if fhe Count de Grasse could be prevailed on to co-operate against, them. Although, in his first conference, he had explicitly ..declared his inabiUty to engage in any enterprise to be under taken subsequent to that against YorklPwn,* the siege pf that place, had eraployed so, rauch less time than the admiral had consented to appro. priate fo if, that the general resumed his plan of southern operations. In a letter addressed lo De Grasse, he used every argument which might operate on his love of fame,' Or his desire to promote tbe interests, cf the allies, tp prevail pn him to co-operate in an expedition against Charleston. If this object should be unattainable, his attention was next turned to Wil'mington, in North CaroUna, which was still occupied by a small de tachment of British troops who kept that slate in check. The capture of this detachment, though not' an object of much consequence in itself, was supposed to derive some importance frora fhe influence wljich fhe cora plete fiberation of North CaroUna might have on the future military operations of the United Stales; and on their negotiations. General Washington proposed to send a detachment intended to reinforce General Greene, as far as Wilmington, under convoy. The reduction of that * See note, No. XXI. at the end of the volume. 460 THE LIFE OF, &c. place, he supposed, would detain the fleet but a few days; after which it might proceed fo the West Indies. To enforce the representations contained in'his letter, as well as to pay his respects to the admiral, and fo express in pSrson the high sense en tertained, of his important services, the Commander-in-chief repaired on bpard, the Ville de Paris. The Cpunt acknowledged his conviction df the advantages to be expected from an expedition against Charleston ; but said, that " the orders of his court, ulterior projects, and his engage ments with the Spaniards, rendered it irapossible for him to remain on the coast during the time which weuld be required' for the pperatipn." As he alsp declined taking on board the troops designed to reinforce General Greene, preparations were raade for' theii- march by land ; arid Major General St. Clair, who coraraanded the detachraent, was ordered to take WUraington in his route, and to gain possession of that poSt. - The Count de Grasse having consented to reraain in the bay a few days for the purpose of covering the transportation of the eastern troops, and of the ordnance to the Head of Elk, they were erabarked iri the be ginning pf November, under the command of Greneral Lincoln, who was directed to march them into New Jersey and New York, and fo canton them for the winter in those states.* The French froops remained in Virginia, not only for fhe protection of that state, but to be in readiness to march southward or riorthward, as the exigencies of the ensuing cam- ''paign might require. The transportation of the troops and ordnance to the Head Of Elk' be ing effected, the Count de Grasse sailed for the West Indies, and the Commander-in-chief prpceeded tc PhUadelphia. ? See note, No. XXIL at the end of the volume. NOTE— No. I. It will not be unacceptable to the reader to peruse this first report of a young gen tleman who afterwards performed so distinguished a part in the revolution of his country, it ir therefore inserted at large. I was commissioned and appointed b^ the Hon.' Robert Dinwiddle, Esq. Governor &c. of 'Virginia, to visit and deliver a letter to the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio, and set out on-the intended journey on the same day : the next, I arrived at Fredericksburg, and engaged Mr. Jacob Vanbraam to be my French interpreter, and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided necessaries. From thence we went to Winchester, and got baggage, horses, &c. and from tl^ence we pursued the new road to Wills' Creek, where we arrived the 14th November. Here I engaged Mr. Gist to pilot us out, and also hired four others as servitors, Barnaby Currin, and John M'duire, Indian traders, Henry Steward, and William Jenkins; and in company witl^ those persons left the inhabitants the next day. The excessive rains and vast quantity of snow which had fatten, prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier's, an Indian trader, at the mouth of Turtle creek, on Monon gahela river, until Thursday the 22d. "We were informed here, that expresses had been sent a few days before to the traders down the rivef, to acquaint them with the French general's death, and the return of tlie major part of the French army into winter quarters. The waters were quite impassable without swimming our horses, which obliged us to get tW loan of a canoe from Frazier, and to send Barnaby Currin and Henry Steward down the Monongahela, with our baggage, to meet us at the forks of Ohio, abput ten miles ; there, to cross the Alleghany. As I got down before the canoe, I spent some time in viewing the rivers, and the land in the forkj which I think extremely well situated for a fort, as it has the absolute command of both rivers. The land at the point is twenty, or twenty-five feet above the comnipn surface of the water ; and a considerable bottom of flat, well timbered land all around it very convenient for building. The rivers are each a quarter of a mils or more across, and run here very neariy at right angles ; Alleghany, bearing northeast ; apd Monongahela, southeast. The former of these two is a very rapid and swift manning water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible fall. Aijout two miles from this, on the southeast side of the river, at the place where the Ohio company intended to erect a fort, lives Shingiss, king of the Delawares. "We called upon him, to invite him to council at the Loggstown. As I had taken a good deal of notice yesterday of the situation at the fork, my cu riosity led me to examine this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for defence or advantages ; especially the latter. For a fort at the fork would be equal ly well situated on the Ohio, and have the entire comrtiand of the Monongahela, which runs up our settlement, and is extremely well designed for water carriage, as it is of a Vpi.1. 30 2 NOTES. deep, still nature. Besides, a fort at the fork might be built at much less expense tfian at the other places. Nature has well contrived this lower place for water defence ; but the hill whereon it must stand being about a quarter of a mile in length, and then descending gradually on the land side, will render it difficult and very expensive to make a sufficient fortifi cation there. The whole flat upon the hill must be taken in, the side next the de scent made extremely high, or else the hill itself cut away : otherwise, the enemy may raise batteries within that distance without being exposed to a single shot from the fort. Shingiss attended us to the Loggstown, where we arrived between sun-setting and dark, the twenty -fifth day afl;er 1 left "Williamsburg. We travelled over some ex tremely good and bad land to get to this place. As soon as I came into town, I went to Monakatoocha (as the half king was out at his hunting cabin on Little Beaver creek, about fifteen railes off) and informed him by John Davidson, my Indian interpreter, that I was sent a messenger to the French general ; and was ordered to call upon the sachems of the Six Nations to acquaint them with it. I gave hira a string of wampum and a twist of tobacco, and desired him to send for the half king, which he promised to do by a runner in the ndorning, and for other sachems. I invited him and the other great men present, to my tent, where they stayed about an hour and returned. According to the best of)servations I could mak^ Mr. GifTs new settlement (which we passed by) bears aboiit west northwest seventy miles from "Wills' creek ; Shana- pins, or the forks, north by west, or north northwest about fifty 'miles from that; and from thence to the Loggstown, the course is nearly west about eighteen or twenty miles : so that the whole distance, as we went and computed it, is, at least, one hun dred and thirty-five or one hundred and forty miles from our back inhabitants. 25th. Came to town, four 6f ten Frenchmen, who had deserted from a company at the Kuskuskas, which lies at the mouth of this river. I got the following account from them. They were sent from New Orleans with a hundred men, and eighf ca noe loads of provisions, to this place, where they expected to have met the same num ber of men, from the forts on this side of lake Erie, to convoy them and the stores up' who were not arrived when they ran off. I inquired into tl>e situation of the.French on the Mississippi, their numbers, and what forts they had built. They informed me, that there were four small forts between New Orleans and the Black Islands, garrisoned with aboutthirl'y or forty men, and a few small picCes in each. That at New Orleans, which is near the mouth of the Mississippi, there are thirty-five companies of forty men eacli, with a pretty strong fort mounting eight carriage guns ; and at the Black Islands there are several com panies and a fort with six guns. The Black Islands are about a hundred and thirty leagues above the mouth of the Ohio, which is about three hundred and fifty above New Orleans. ' They also acquainted me, that there was a small pallisadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Obaish, about sixty leagues from the Mississippi. The Obaish heads near the west end of lake Erie, and affords the communication betweeii the French on the Mississippi and those on the lakes. These deserters came up from the lower Shannoah town with one Brown, an Indian trader, and were going 10 Philadelphia. About three o'clock this evening the half king came to town. I went up and in vited him with Davidson, privately, to my tent; and desired him to relate some of the particulars of his journey to the French commandant, and of his reception there; also, to give me an account of the ways and distance. He told me, that the nearest and levelest way was now impassable, by reason of many large mijy savannas ; that NOTES. 3 we must be obliged to go by Venango, and should not get to the near fort in less tlian five or six nights sleep, good travelling. When he went to the fort, he said he was received in a very stern manner by the late commander, who asked him very abruptly, what he had come about, and to declare his business : which he said he did in the fol lowing speech r ' " Pathfers, I am come tp tell you your own speeches ; what your own mouths have declared. Fathers, you, in former days, set a silver basin before us, wherein there was the leg of a beaver, and desired all the nations to come and eat of it, to eat in peace and plenty, and not to be churlish to one another : and that if any such person should be found to lie a disturber, I here lay down by the edge of the dish a rod, which you must scourgfe them with ; and if your father should get foolish, in my old days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others. "Now, fathers, it is you who are .the disturbers in this land, by coming and building your towns ; and taking it away unknown to us, and by Ibrce. "Fathers, we kindled a fire a long time ago, at a place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not.'to come and intrude upon our land. I now desire you may despatch to that place ; for be it known to you, fathers, that this is our land and not yours. "Fathers, I desire you may hear me in civilness ; if not, we must handle that rod which was laid down for the use of the obstreperous. If you had come in a peaceable manner, lilte our brothers the English, we would not have been against your trading with us, as they do ; but to come, fathers, and build houses upon our land, and to take it by force, is what we can not submitto. " Fathers, both you and the English are white, we live in a country between ; there fore, the land belongs to neither one nor the other. But the great Being above allow ed it to be a place of residence for us ; so, fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our brothers the English ; for I will keep you at arm's length. I lay this dovvn as a trial for both, to see which will have the greatest regard to it, and that side we will stand by, and make equal sharers with Us. Our brothers, the English; have heard this, and I come now- to tell it to you ; for I am not afraid. to discharge you off tills land." This he said was the substance of what he spoke to the general, who made this reply. • "Now, my child, I have heard your speech; you spoke first, but it is my time to speak now. Where is my wampum that you took away, with the marks of towns in it 1 This wampum I do not know, which you have discharged me off the land with : but you nerd not put yourself to the trouble of speaking, for I will not hear you. I am not afraid of flies or musquitoes, for Indians are such as those : I tell you down that river I will go, and build upon it, according to my comrriand. If the river was blocked up, I have forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my feet al! thai stand in opposition, together with, their alliances j for my force is as the sand upon the sea shore : therefore here is your wampum ; I sling it at you. Child, you talk foolish ; you say this land belongs to you, but there is not the black of my nail yours. I saw that land soorter than you did, before tbe Shannoahs and you were at war; Lead was'the man who went down and took possession of that river. It is my landj and I will have it, let who will stand up for, or say against it. I will buy and sell with the F.nglish (mockingly.) If people will be ruled by nie, they may expect kindness, but not else." ¦ The half king told me he had inquired of the general after two Englishmen, who were made prisoners, and received this answer: 4 NOTES. "Child, you think it a very great hardship that I made prisoners of those two peo ple at 'Venango. Don't you concern yourself with it : we took and canied them to Canada, to get intelligence of what the English were doing in Virginia." He informed me that they had built two forts, one on lake Eriej and another on French creek, near a small lake, about fifteen miles asunder, and a large wagon road between. They are both built after'the same model, but different in size : that on the lake the largest. He gave me a plan of them of his own drawing. The Indians inquired very particularly after their brothers in Carolina gaol. They also asked what sort of a boy it was who was taken from the south branch ; for they were told hy some Indians, that a party of French Indians had cairried a white boy by Kuskiiska town, towards the lakes. 26th. We met in council at the long house about nine o'clock, where I, spoke to them as follows ; " Brothers, I have called you together in council, by order of your brother the gov ernor of "Virginia, to acquaint you, that I am sent with all possible despatch, to visit and deliver a letter to the French commandant, of very great importance to your bro thers the English ; and I dare say to you, their friends and allies. " I was desired, brothers, by your brother the governor to call upon you, the sa chems of the nations, to inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to pro ceed the nearest and best road to the French. You see, brothers, I have gotten thus far on my journey. " His honour likewise desired me to apply t6 you for some of your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way ; and be a safeguard against those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoken thus par ticularly to you, brothers, because his honour our governor treats you as good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. To confirm what I have said, I give you this string of wampum." , After they had considered for some time on the above discourse, the half king got up and spoke. " Now, my brother, in regard to what my brother the governor had desirpd of me, I return you this answer. "I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers, and one peo ple. We shall put heart in hand- and speak to our fathers, the French, concerning the speech they made to me ; and you may depend that we will endeavour to be your guard. " Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until 1 can provide a company to go with you. The French speech belt is not here ; I have it to go for to my hunting cabin. , Likewise, the people whom I have ordered in are ndt yet come, and can not until the third night from this ; until which time, brother, I must beg you to stay. " I intend to send the guard of Mingos, Shannoahs, and Delawares, that our bro thers may see the love and loyalty we bear tliem." As I had orders to make all possible despatch, and waiting here was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked him in the most suitable manner I could ; and told him that my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit of that delay. He was not well pleased that I should offer to go before the time he had appointed, and told me, that he could not consent to our going without a guai;d, for fear some ac cident should befall -us, and draw a reflection upon him. Besides, said he, this is a matter pf no small moment, and must not be entered into without due consideration ; for 1 intend to deliver up the French speech belt, and make the Shannoahs and Pela- NOTES. 5 wares do the same. And accordingly he gave orders to king Shingiss, who^ was pre sent, to atte.nd on Wednesday night with the wampum; and two men of their nation to be in readiness to set out .with us next morning. As 1 found it was impossible to get off without aflTronting them in the' most egregious manner, I consented to stay. I gave them back a string of wampum which' I met with at Mr. Frazier's; and whii!h they sent with a speech to his honour the governor, to inform him, that three nations of French Indians, viz. Chippoways, Ottoways, and Orundaks, had taken up the hatchet against the English; and desired them to repeat it over again. But this they postponed doing until they met in foil council with the Shannoah and Delaware chiefs. 27th. Runners were despatched very eariy for the Shannoah chiefs. The half king set out himself to fetch the French speech belt from his hunting cabin. 28th. He returned this evening, and came with Monakatoocha, and two other sa chems to my tent ; and begged (as tliey h-ad complied with his honour the governor's request, in providing men, &c.)'to know on what business we were going to the French 1 This was a question I had all -along expected, and ,had provided as satisfactory an swers to as I could ; which allayed their^curiosity a little. Monakatoocha informed me, that an Indian from Venango brought news, a few days ago, that the French had called all the Mingos, Delawares, &c. together at that place; and told them that they intended to have been down the river this fall, but the waters were growing cold, and the winter advancing, which obliged them to go into quarters; but .that they might assuredly expect them in the spring, with a far greater number ; and desired that they might be quite passive, and not intermeddle unless they had a mind to draw all their force upon them : for that they expected to fight the Eng lish three years (as they supposed there would be some attempts made to stop them) in which tire^e they should conquer. But that if they should prove equally strong, they and the English would join to cut them all off, and divide the land between them ; that though they had lost their general, and some few of their soldiers, yet there were raen enough to reinforce them, and make them masters of the Ohio, This speech,' he said, was deUvered to them by one Captain Joncaire, their interpre ter in chief, living at Venango, and a man of note in the army. 29th. The half king and Monakatoocha, came very early and begged me to stay one day more ; for notwithstanding they had used all the diligence in tlieir power, the Shannoah chiefs had not broiight the wampum they ordered. But would certainly be in to night ; if not, they would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as soon as they arrived. When I found them so pressing in their request, and know that re turning of wampum was the aboUshing of agreements ; and giving this up was shak ing off all dependence upon the French, I consented to stay, as I believed an offence offered at this crisis, ijiight be attended with greater ill consequence, than another day's delay. They also informed me, that Shingiss could not get in his men ; and was prevented from coming himself by his wife's sickness; (I believe, by fear of the French) but that the wampum of that nation was lodged with Kustalogo, one of their chiefs, at Venango. In the evening, late, they came again, ahd acquainted me that the Shannoahs were not yet arrived, but that it should not retard the prosecution of our journey. He de livered in my hearing the speech that was to be made to the French by Jeskakakc, one of their old chiefs, which was giving up the belt the late commandant had asked for, and repeating nearly the same speech he himself had done before. He also delivered a string of wampum to this cluef, which was«ent by king Shin- 2 P 6 NOTES. giss, to be given to Kustalogo, with orders.to repair to the French, and deliver up the wampum. He likewise gave a very large string of bla(!k and white wampum, which was to be ¦ sent up imnlediately to the Six Nations, if the French refuaefd to quit theland at this warning; which was the third and last time, and was the right of this Jeskakakc to deliver. , ' 30th. Last night, the great men assembled at their council house, to consult fuirther about this journey, and who were to go ; the result of which was, that only three of their chiefs, with one of their best huriters, should be our convoy. The reason they gave for not seiiding more, after what, had been proposed at council the 26th, was, that a greater number might give the French suspicions of some bad design, and caiise them to be treated rudely : but I rather think they could not get their hunters in. . We set out about nine o'clock with the half king, Jeskakakc, White Thunder, and the Hunter; and travelled on the road to Venango, -where we arrived the fourth of December, without any thing remarkable happening but a continued series' of bad weather. This is an old Indian town, situated at the mouth of French creek, on Ohio ; and lies near north about sixty miles from the Loggstown, but more than seventy the way we were^bliged to go. We found the French colours hoisted at a house from which they had driven Mr. John Frazier, an English subject. I immediately repaired to it, to know where the commander resided. There were three officers, one of whom. Captain Joncaire, in formed ine that he had the command of the Ohio ; but that there was a general officer at the near fort, where he advised me to a{)ply for an answer. He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the re straint which at first appeared in Iheir conversation, and gave a license to their toiigues to reveal their sentiments mpre freely. They told me, that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and 6y G**d they would do it : for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La SoUe, sixty years ago ; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto. From the best intelligence I could get,. there have been fifteen hundred men on this side Ontario lake. But upon the death of the general, all were recalled to about six or seven hundred, who were left to garri son four forts, one hundred and fifty or thereabout in each. The first of them is oij French creek, near a small lake, about sixty miles from Venango, near north north west ; the next lies on lake Erie, where the greater part of their stores are kept, about fifterin miles from the other : from this it is one hundred and twenty miles to the car rying place, at the falls of lake Erie, where there is a small fort, at which they lodge their goods in bringing them from Montreal, the place from whence all their stores are brought. The next fort lies about twenty miles from this, on Ontario lake. Be tween this fort and Montreal, there are three others, the first of which is nearly oppo site to the English fort Oswego. From the fort on lake-Erie to Montreal is about six hundred miles, which, they say, requires no more (if good weather,) than four weeks voyage, if they go in barks or large vessels, so that they may cross the lake : but if they come in canoes, it will require five or six- weeks, for they are obliged to keep un der the shore. NOTES. 7 5th. Rained excessiirely all day, which prevented our travelling. Captain Joncaire sent for the half king, as he had but just heard that he came with me. He affected to be much concerned that I did not make free to bring them in before. I excused it in the best manner of which I was capable, and told him, I did not think their compa-' ny agreeable, as I had heard him say a good deal in dispraise of Indiani in general: but another rnotive prevented me from bringing them into his corapany : I knew that he was an interpreter, and a person of very great influence among the Indians, and had lately used all possible means to draw them over to his interest; therefore, I was desirous of giving him no opportunity that could be avoided. When they came in, there was great pleasure expressed at seeing them. He won dered how the^ could be do near without coming to visit hirn, made several trifling presents, and applied liquor so fast, .that they were soon rendered incapable of the business -they came about, notwithstanding the caution which was given. Gth. The half king came to my tent, quite sober, and insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the French. I fain would have prevented him from speaking any thing until he came to the commandant, but could not prevail. He told me, that at this place a council fire was kindled, vvhere all their business with these people was to be transacted, and that the management of the Indian affairs was left solely to Monsieur Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issue of this, I agreed tb stay ; but sent our horses a little way up French creek, to raft over and en camp; which I knew would make it near night. About ten o'clock, they met in council. The king spoke much the same as he had before done to the general ; and offered the French speech belt which had before been demanded, with the marks of four towns on it, which Monsieur Joncaire refused to receive, but desired him to carry it to the fort to the commander. 7th. Monsieur La Force, Commissary of the French stores, and three other sol diers, came over to accompany us up. We found it extremely difficult to get the In dians off to-day, as every stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me. I had last night left John Davidson (the Indian interpreter) whom I brought with me from town, and strictly charged him not to be out of their company, as I could not get them over to my tertt; for they had some business with Knstologa, chiefly to know why he did not deliver up the French speech belt which he had in keeping : but I was obhged to send Mr. Gist ovei- to-day to fetch them, which he did vvith great persuasion. At twelve' o'clodt, we set out for the' fort^ and were prevented from arriving there until the eleventh by excessive rains, snows, and bad travelling through many mires and swamps; these we were obliged to pass to avoid crossing the creek, which was impossible, either by fording or rafting, the water was so high and rapid. We passed over much good land since we left Venango, and through several exten sive and very rich meadows, one of which, I believe, was nearly four miles in length, and considerably wide in some places. , 12th. I prepared early to wait upon the coramander, and was received, and conduct ed to him by the second officer in command. I acquainted him with my business, and offered my commission and letter : both of which he desired me to keep until the ar rival of Monsieur Eeparti, captain at the next fort, who was sent for and expected every hour. , This coraraander is a knight of the military order of St. Louis, and named Legar- deur de St. Pierre. He is an elderly gentleman, and has much the air of a soldier. He was sent over to take the command, immediately upon the death of the late gene ral, and arrived here about seven days before me. At two o'clock, the gentlemaa who was sent for arrived, when I offered the letter. 8 NOTOS. &c. again, which they received, and adjourned into a private apartment for the captain to translate, who understood a little English. After he had' done it, the commander desired I would walk in and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it ; which I di<^. 13th. The chief officers retired to hold a council of war, which gave me an oppor tunity of taking the dimensions of the fort, andmaking what observations I could. It is situated on the south, or west fork of French creek, near the water ; and is almost surrounded by the creek, and a small branch of it which forms a kind of island. Four houses compose the sides. The bastions are made of piles driven into the ground, standing more than twelve feet above it, and sharp at top ; with pprt holes cut for cannon, and loop holes for the small arms to fire through. There are eight six pound pieces mounted in each bastion, and one piece of four pound before the gate. In the bastions are a guard house, chapel, doctor's lodging, and the commander's pjri- vate sfore ; round which are laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on. There- are several barracks without the fort, for the soldiers' d welling, covered, some with barkj and some with boiirds, made chiefly of logs. There are also several other houses, such as stables, smith's shop, &c. , I could get np certain account of the number of men here; but according to tbe best judgment I could form, there are an hundred, exclusive of officers, of which there are many. I alsb gave orders to the people who were with me, to take an epcact ac count of the canoes which were hauled up to convey their forces down in the spring. This they did; and told fifty of birch bark, and an hundred and seventy of pine ; be sides many others which were blocked out, in readiness for being made. 14th. As the snow increased very fast, and our horses daily became weaker, I sent them o.ff unloaded, under the care of Barnaby Currin and two others, to make all convenient despatch to Venango, and there to wait our arrival, if there was a prospect of the river's freezing: if not, then to continue down to Shanapin's town, at the foi-ks of Ohio, and there to wait until we came to cross the Alleghany; intending myself to go down by wafer, as 1 had the offer of a canoe or, two. As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians' business, and prevent their returning with me, I erideavoured all that lay in my power to frustrate their schemes, and hurried them on to execute their intended design. They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening, which at length was granted them, privately, to the com mander and one or two other officers. The half king told mo that, he offered -the wampum to the commander, who evaded taking it, and' made many fair promises of love and friendship ; said he wanted to live in peace and trade amicably with them, as a proof of which, he would send some goods immediately down to the Loggstown for them. But I rather think the design of that is to bring away all pur straggling tra ders they* meet with, as I privately understppd they intended tp carry an pfficer,' &c. with them. And what rather cpnnrms this opinion, J[ was inquiring of the commander by what authority he had made prisoners of several of onr Engl'ish subjects. He told me that the country belonged to them ; that no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters; and that he had orders to make every person prisoner who attempted it pn the Ohio, pr the waters pf it. I inquired of Captain Reparti about the Ixjy that was carried by this place, as it' was done while the command devolved on him, between the death of the late general, and the arrival of the present. He acknowledged that a boy had been carried past : and that the Indians had two orthree wlhile men's scalps, (f was told by some of the Indians at Venango, eight) but pretended to have forgotten the name of the place where the boy came from, and all the particular facts, though ho had questioned him for some hours, as they were carrying past. I likewise inquired what they had done with John Tirol- NOTES. 9 ter and James M'Clooklan, two Pennsylvania traders, whom they had taken with all their goods. They told me that they had been sent to Canada, but were now re turned home. This evening, 1 received an answer to his honour tho governor's letter, from tho commandant. , 15th. The commandant ordered a plentiful store of liquor, provision, &c. to be put on board our canoes, and appeared to be extremely complaisant, though he was exert ing every artifice which he could invent to set our Indians at variance with us, to pre vent their going until after 'our departure : presents, rewards, and every thing which could be suggested bjr him or his officers. I can not say that ever in my life I suffered so much anxiety as 1 did in, this affair. I saw that every stratagem, which the most fruitful brain could invent, was practised to win the half king to their interest ; and that leaving him there was giving them the opportunity they aimed at. I went to the half king and. pressed him in the strongest terms to go ; he told me that the command ant would not discharge him until the morning. I then went to the,cpmmandant, and desiri^d him to do their business, and complained of ill treatment ; for keeping them, as they were part of my company, was detaining me. This he promised not to do, but to forvvard my journey as much as he could. ¦ He protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the cause of their stay ; though I soon found it out. He had pro mised them a present of guns, &c. if they would wait until the morning. As I was very much pressed by the Indians to wait this day for them, I consented, on a promise that nothing should hinder them in the morning. IGth. The French were not slack in tbieir inventions to keep the Indians this day also. But as they were obliged, according to promise, to give the present, they then eiideavoured to try the power of liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this : but I urged and insisted with the king so closely uppn his word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged. We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage down the creek. Several times we had like to have been staved against recks ; and many times were obliged all hands to get out and remain in the water half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one place, the ice had lodged', and made it impassable by water ; we were, therefore, obliged to carry our canoe across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. Wc did not reach Venango until the 22d, where we met with our horses. This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the distance between the fort and Ve nango, can not be less than one hundred and thirty miles to follow the meanders. 33d. When I got things ready to set off, I sent for the half king, to know whether he intended to go with us, or by water. He fold me that White Thunder bad hurt himself much, and was sick, and unable to walk ; therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a canoe. As I found he intended to stay here a day or two, and knew that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme to set him against the EngUsh, as he had before done, I told him, 1 hoped he would guard against his flattery, and let no fine speeches influence him in their favour. He desired I might not be concerned, •for he knew the French too well, for any thing to engage him in their favour j and that though he could not go down with us, he yet would endeavour to raeet at the forks with Joseph Campbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his honour the governor. He told me he would order the Young Hunter to attend us, and get pro visions, &c. if wanted. Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the baggage so heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the necessaries which the journey would require) that we doubt ed much their performing it Therefore, myself and others, except the drivers, who 10 NOTES. Were obliged to ride, gave up our horses' for packs, to assist along with the baggage. , I put myself in an Indian walking dress, and continued vvith them, three days, until I found there was no probability of their getting home in any reasonable time. The horses became less able to travel every day ;. the cold increased ve»y fest ; and the roads were becoming much worse by a deep snow, continually freezing : therefore; as I was uneasy to get back, to make report of my proceedings to his honour the gover nor, I determined to prosecute my journey, the nearest way through the woods, on foot. Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our baggage, with money and di rections to provide necessaries from place to place for themselves and horses, and to make the most convenient despatch in travelling. ^ I took my necessary papers, pulled Off my clothes, and tied myself up in a watch coat. Then, with gun in hand, and pack on my iback, in which were my papers and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the same manner, on Wednesday the 26th. The day following, just after we had passed a place called Murdering town, (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the country for Shanapin'S'town) we fell in with a party of French Indians, wl^o had laid in wail for us. One of them fired at Mr,' Gist or me, not fifteen steps off;. but fortunately missed. We took this fellow into custody,. and kept him until about nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked all the reraaining part of- the night without making any stop, that lye might get the start, so far, as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since we were well assured they would follow our track as soon as it was light. The next day we continued travelling uiitil quite dark, and got to the river about two miles above Shanapins. We expected to have found the river frozen, but it. was not, only about fifty yards from each shore. The ice, I suppose, had broken up above, for it was driving in vast quantities. There was no way forgetting over but on a raft, which we set about, with but pne poor hatchet, and finished just after sun setting. This was a whole day's work : we next got it launched, then went on board of it, and set off; but before we, were half way over, we were jammed in the ice, in such a manner, that we expected every mo ment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out my setting pole to try to stop the raft, that the ico might pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into ten feet water; but I fortu nately saved myself by catching hold of one, of the raft logs. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raft aiid make to it. The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his fingers, and some of his toes frozen, and the water was shut up so hard, thit we found no difficulty in getting off the island on the ice in'the morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with twenty warriors, who were going to the southward to vrar ; but coming to a place on the head of the great Kanawa, where they fbund seven people killed and scalped, (iVU but one woman with very light hair) they turned about and ran back, for fear the inhabitants should rise and lake them as the authors of the murder. They report that the bodies wore lying about the hpuse, and some of them much torn and eaten by ,the hogs. By the marks which were left, they say they were French Indians of the Ottoway nation, &c, who did it. As we intended to take horses here, and it required some time to find them, I went up about three miles to the mouth of Yohogany,, to visit queen Alliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we passed her in going to the fort. I made her a present of a watch coat and a bottle of rum, which latter was thought much the best present of the two. NOTES. 11 Tuesday, the fifst of January, we left Mr, Frazier's house, and arrived at Mr. Gist's, at Monongahela, the second, where I bought a horse, saddle, &c. The sixth, we met seventeen horses loaded with materials and stores for a fort at the forks of Ohio, and the day after, some families going out to settle. This day, we arrived at Wills' creek, after as fatiguing a journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad weather, Frpm the first day pf December tp the fifteenth, there was but pne day on which it did not rain or snow incessantly; and throughout the whole journey, we met with nothing but one continued series of cold, wet weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable lodgings, especially after we had quitted our tent, which was some screen from the inclemency of it. On the 11th, I got to Belvoir, where I stopped one day to take necessary rest ; and' then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 16th, when I waited upon his honour the governor, with the letter I had brought from the iTrench commandant, and to give an account of the success of my proceedings. This I beg leave to do by offering the foregoing narrative, as it contains the mpst remarkable occurrences which happened in my journey, . I hope what has been .said will be sufficient to make your honour satisfied with my conduct ; for that was my aim in undertaking the jourrtey, and chief study through out the prosecution of it. NOTE— No, IL , TVic author is indeibted, for the letter alluded to, to the Editor qf the Lancaster Journal. Sir, — I am really sorry that Ihave it not in my power'to answer your request, in a more satisfactory manner. If you had favoured me with the journal a few days sppn- er, I would have examined it carefully, and endeavoured to point out sich errors as might 'conduce to your use, my advantage, 'and the public satisfaction ; but now it is out of my power, I had no time to make any remarks upon that piece which is called my journal. Theenclosed are observations on the French notes. They are pf np use to me sepa rated, nor will they, I believe, be of any to you; yet I send them unconnected and in coherent as they were taken, for I have no opportunity to correct them. In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition : rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took,'and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphpsed — sorae parts left out which I reraeiiiber were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the naraes of raen and things egregiously miscalled ; and the whole of what I saw Englished, is vpry in correct and nonsensical : — yet, I will not pretend to say that the little body who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one. Short as my time is, I can not helj) remarking on Villiers' account of the battle of, and transactions at the Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent He says the French received the first fire. It is well known that we received it at six hundred paces distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to re treat in the most disorderly man ner after the capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account 1 He acknowledges that we si^stained the attack, warmly, from ten in the morning until dark, arid that he called first to pariey, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhe- 12 NOTES. red to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer fo parley as an artifice to^ get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vain glory, have saiij, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment ; so will every officer that was present The interpret er was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the, English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English j but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the death, ot the loss of the Sieur Jumon ville. So we received and so we understood it, until to onr great surprise and mortifi cation, we found it otherwise in a literal translation. That we left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is certain ; that there was not even a ppssibihty to bring them away is equ,ally certain, as we had every horse belonging to the camp killed or taken away during the action ; so that it was impracticable to bring any thing off that our ¦ shoulders were not able to bear, and to wait there was impossible, fpr we had scarce three days provisions, and were seventy miles from a supply ; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false ; notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their Indians to pillage our baggage, and corarait all kinds of irregularity, we were with them until ten o'clock the next day; we destroyed our powder and other stores, nay, even our private baggage, to prevent its falUng into their hands, as we could not bring it off. When we had got about a raile from the place of action, we missed two or three of the wounded, and sent a party back to bring them up — this is the party he speaks of. We brought them all safe off; and encamped vvithin three miles of fhe Meadows, These are circumstances, I think, that malce it evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of danger. The colours, he speaks of to be left, was a large flag of immense size and weight ; our regimental colours were brought off and are now in ray possession. Their gasconades, and boasted clemency, must appear in the most ludicrous light to every considerate person who reads Villiers' journal ; — such preparations for an attack, such vigour and intrepidity as he pretends to have conducted his march with, such revenge, as by his own account, appeared in his at tack, considered, it will hardly be thought that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. But to sum up the whole, Mr, Villiers pays himself no great compliment, in saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were adjusted. We surely could not be afraid without cause, and if we had cause after capitulation, it was a re flection upon himself. I do not doubt, but your good nature will excuse the badness of my paper, and the incoherence of my writing — think you see me in a public housein a crowd, surround ed with noise, and you hit my case, "Vou do me particular honour in offering your friendship : I wish I may be so happy as always to merit it, and deserve youi: corres pondence, which I should be glad to cultivate. NOTE— No. in. Sib, — We your most obedient and affectionate officers, beg leave to express our great concern, at the disagreeable news we have received of your determination to> resign the command of that corps, in which we have under you long served. NOTES. 13 The happiness we have enjeyed, and the hpnpur we have acquired tegether, with the mutual regard that has always subsisted between ypu and your officers, have im planted SP sensible an affectipn in the minds pf us all, that we can net be silent pn this critical occasion. In our earliest infancy you took us under your tuition, trained us up in the practice of that discipline, which alone can constitute good troops, from the punctual observ ance of which you never suffered the least deviation. Your steady adherence to impartial justice, your 'quick discernment, and invariable regard to merit, wisely intended to inculcate those genuine sentiments of true honour and passion for glory, frora which the greatest military achievements have been deri ved, first heightened. our natural emulation and our desjre to excel. How much we improved by these regulatipns and ypur own example, with what alacrity we have hitherto discharged our duty, with what cheerfulness we have encountered the sever est toils, especially while under your particular directions, we ^brait to yourself, and flatter ourselves that we have in a great measure answered your expectations. lodge, then, how sensibly we must be affected with ithe loss of such an excellent commander, such a gipcere friend, and so affable a companion. How rare is it to find thpse amiable qualificaticns blended together in one man I , How great the loss of such a man ! Adieu tp that superiprity, which the eneray haye granted us pver pther troopsj and which even the regulars and provincials have done us the honour publicly to ac knowledge 1 Adieu to that strict discipUne and order, which you have always main tained 1 Adieu to that happy union and harmony, which have been our principal cement ! It gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find our unhappy country will re ceive a loss no less irreparable than our own. Where will it meet a man sp experi enced in military affairs — pne so renowned for patriotism, conduct, and couragel Who has so great a knowledge of the enemy we have to deal with ? — who so well acquaint ed with their situation and strengthl — who so much respected by the spldiery 1 — whp, in shprt, so able to support the military character of "Virginia 1 Your approved Ipve tp your king and country, and your uncommon perseverance in prolnoting ,the honour and true interest of the service, convince us that the most cogent reasons only could induce you to quit it; yet we, with the greatest deference, presume to intreat you to suspend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us on to assist in the glorious work of extirpating our enemies, towards which, sp cpnsidera ble advances have, been already made. In you, we place the most implicit confidence. Your presence only will cause a steady firmness and vigour to actuate in every breast, despising the greatest dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while led on by the man, we know and love. But if we must be so unhappy as to part, if the exigencies of your affairs force you to abandon us, we beg it, as our last request, that you will recpmmend spme perspn mpst capable tp command, whose military knowledge, whose honour, whose conduct, and whose disinterested principles, we may depend on. Frankness, sincerity, and a certain openness of soul, are the true characteristics of an officer, and we flatter ourselves that you do not think us capable of saying any thing contrary to the purest dictates of our minds. Fully persuaded of this, we beg leave to assure you, that, as you have hitherto been the actua.ting soul of our whole corps, we shall at all times pay the most invariable regard to your will and pleasure, and will always be happy to demonstrate by our actions with how much respect and esteem we are, &c. 14 NOTES. NOTE— No, IV. , The delegat^s^of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina : , To George Washington, esquire. We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valour, conducti and fideUty, do, by these presents constitute and ^point you to be general and command er-in-chief of the army of the UnitedfColonies,. and of all the forces npw raised, pr tp be raised by them, arid pf all others who shall voluntarily offer their service, and join the said array for the defence of Araerican liberty, and for repelling every hpstile in vasion thereof: and you are herfeby invested with full power and authority to act as you shall think for the good and welfare of the service, ' And we do ' hereby strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the exercise of their several duties. And we also enjoin and require you to be careful in executing the great trust re posed in you, by causing strict discipline and ojder to be observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised and provided with all convenient necessaries, _ And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the rules and discipline of war, (as herewith given you) and punctually to observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time as 'you shall receive from this or a future congress of these United Colonies, or comraittee of congress. This commission to continue in force, until revoked by us, or a future congress. NOTE— No. V. T%is letter is so truly characteristic qf the writer, and treats in a manner sc pecu liar to himself, the measures of congress on this subject, that, although it may not be immediately, connected with the Life of General Washington, the reader will not be displeased with Us insertion.- Stamford, January 23, 1779. Sir, — As General Washington has informed the congress of his motives for detach ing me, it is needless to trouble ypu uppn the subject I ani therefpre only to inform you that I have collected a body, of about twelve hundred men frqm the colony of Con necticut, whose zeal and ardour demonstrated on this occasion can not be sufficiently praised. With this body I ara raarching directly to New York to execute the differ ent purposes for which I am detached. I am sensible, sir, that nothing can carry fhe airof greater presumption than a servant intruding his opinion unasked upon his mas ter, but at the same time there are certain seasons when the real danger of the master may not only excuse, but render laudable, the servant's officiousness. I therefore flat ter myself that the congress will receive with indulgence and lenity the opinion I shall offer. The scheme of simply, disarming the tories seems to, me totally ineffectual; it will only emhitter their minds and add virus to their venom. They can, and will, al ways be supplied with fresh arms by the enemy. That of seizing the most dangerous will, I apprehend, from the vagueness of the instruction, be attended with some bad consequences, and can answer no good one. It opens so wide a door for partiality and prejudice to the different congresses and committees on the continent, that much dis- NOTES 15 cord and animosity will probably ensue ; it being next to imppssible to distinguish who are, and who are not the most dangerous. The plan of explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits of the American cause is certainly generous and humane, but I am afraid, will be fruitless. They are so riveted in their opinions, that I am persuaded should an angel descend from heaven with his golden trumpet, and ring in their ears that their conduct was criminal, he would he disregarded, I had lately my self an instance of their infatuation which, if it is not impertinent, I will relate. At Newpprt I took the liberty, without any authority but the conviction of necessity, to administer a very strong oath to some of the leading tories, for which liberty 1 hum bly ask pardon of the congress. One article pf this oath was to take arms in defence of their country, if called upon by the vpice of the congress. To this Cplonel Wanton and others flatly refused their assent ; to take arms against their sovereign, they said, was too monstrous an impiety. I asked them if they had lived at the time of the revolution whether they, would have been revolutipnists — their answers were at first evasive, cir- cuitpus, and unintelligible, but, by fixing thera down precisely to the question, I at length drew frora them a positive confession that no violence, no provocation ori the part of the court, could prevail upon them to act with the continent Such, I am afraid, is the creed and principles of the whole party great and small. — Sense, reason, argument, and eloquence, have been expended in vain ; and in vain you may still argue and reason to the end of time. Even the common feelings and resentments of huma nity have not aroused them, but rather with a malignant pleasure they have beheld the destruction of their fellow-cilizens and relations. But I am rurining into declama tion, perhaps impertinent and presuming, w-hen I ought to confine myself to the scheme I submit to your consideratfbn. It is, sir, in the first place, to disarip all the manifestly disaffected, as well pf the lower as the higher class, not pn the principle of putting' them in a state of impotence (for this I observed before Will not be the case) but to supply our troops with arms of which they stand in top great need. Seccndly, tp appraise their estates and oblige them lo deposite at least the value of one half of their respective property in the hands of the cpntinental ccngress as a security for , their good behaviour. And 'lastly, to administer the strongest oath that can be de vised to act offensively and defensively in support of the Common rights. I confess that men so eaten upwith bigotry, as the bulk of them- appear to be, will not .consider theniselves as bound by this oath ; particuhirly as it is in some measure forced, they will argue that it is by no means obligatory; but if I mistake not, it will be a sort of crite rion by which you will be able to distinguish the desperate fanatics from those who are reclaimable, ' The former must of course be secured and carried to some interior parts ef the ccntinent where they can not be dangercus. This mode of proceeding I conceive (if any can) will be effectual — but whether it meets with the approbation or disapprobation of the congress, t most humbly conjure them not to attribute the pro posal to arrogance, or self-conceit, or pragmatical officiousness, but, at worst, to an in temperate zeal for the public service. Notwithstanding the apparent sUmnesS of the authority, as I am myself convinced that it is substantial, I think it my duty to communicate a circumstance te congress. I have with me here, sir, a deserter from Captain Wallace's ship before Newport. It is nece'ssary to inform you that this Captain Wallace has tbe reputation of being the most iraprudent and rash of aU mortals— particularly when he is heated with wine, which, as reported, is a daily incident : that in these moments he blabs his mPst secret ihstructipns even to the common men. This dieserter, then, informs us that the cap tain a few days ago assembled the sailors and marines on the quarter-deck, arid assured them, by way of encouragement, that they were to proceed very soon to New York, 16 NOTES. where they were to be joined by his majesty's most loyal subjects of White Plains, Poughkeepsie, and Long Island, and at the same time bestowed abundantly his curses on the admiral and general for their dilatofiness and scandalous conduct in not avail ing themselves sooner of the invitation they had received from the worthy. gentlemen. The congress will make what comments they please on this iriformation, which I must repeat I thought it my duty to communicate. Upon the whole, sir, you may be assured that it is the intention of the ministerialists tp take possession, and immediately, of New York, The intercepted letters, the unguarded expressions of their officers, in their interviews with ours on the lines, but above all the manifest advantages resulting to their cause from this measure, put their intention beyond dispute. With submission therefore tp the wisdpm pf the congress, it behooves them, I should think, not to lose a moraent in securing this important post, which, if in the hands of the enemy, must cut the continent in twain, and render it almost impossible for the northern and southern colonies to support each other. This crisis, when every thing is at stake, is not a time to be over complacent to the timidity of the inhabitants of any particular spot I have now under my command a respectable force adequate to the purpose of securin'g the place, and purging all its envircns pf traitprs, pn which subject I shall expect with impatience the deterrainaticn of the congress. Their orders I hope te receive befere or immediately pn my arrival, This instant, the enclosed, express from the provincial congress of New York, was delivered into my hands, but as these gentlemen probably are not fully apprised of the danger hanging over their heads, as I have received intelligence from the camp that the fleet is sailed, and that it is necessary to urge my march, I shall proceed with one division of the forces under my command to that city. A moment's delay may be fa tal. The force I shall carry with me is not strong enough to act offensively, but just sufficient to secure the city against any immediate designs of the enemy. If this is to give umbrage, if the governor and captain of the man of war are pleased to construe this step as an act of positive hostility, if they are to prescribe what number of your troops are and what number are not to enter the city, all I can say is that New York must be considered as the minister's place, and not the continent. I must now, sir, beg pardon for the length of this letter, and more so, for the presumption in offering so freely my thoughts to the congress, from whom it is ray duty simply to receive my or ders, and as a servant and soldier strictly to obey ; which none can do with greater ar dour and affection than. Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, CHARLES LEE. Tb the honourable John Hancock, esquire, president of the continental congress. NOTE No. VL THE UAMES OP THE MEMBERS WHO SUBSCRIBED THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE WERP AS FOLLOW, VIZ: New Hampshire, Josiah Bartlett, Matthew Thornton. William Whipple, Massachusetts Bay. Samuel Adams, Robert Treat Paine, John Adams, • Elbridge Gerry. NOTES. 17 Stephen Hopkins, Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, Cesar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean. Samuel Chase, WiUiam Paca, George Wythe; Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, William Hooper, Joseph Hughes, Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, jun. Rhode Island, tfv. William Ellery. Connecticut. William Williams, OUver Wolcott New York. Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey. John Hart, Abram Claik. Pennsylvania. James Smith, Geprge Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. Delaware. George Reed. Maryland, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, qf Carrollton. Virginia. Thomas Nelson, jun. Francis Lightfoot^L^e, Carter Braxton. North Carolina. John Penn. South Carolina. Thomas Lyncli, jun. Arthur Middleton. Georgia. Lyman HaU. Buttpn Gwinn, George Walton, The people of the United States have taken sueh universal interest in the compo sition of this celebrated instrument as to excuse a more minute attention to it than has been bestowed on the other cotemporaneous state papers. ' Mr. Jefferson has preserved a copy of the original draft as reported by the cpmmit- tee, with the amendments made to it in congress, which has been published in his correspondence. The following is extracted from that work. Mr. Jefferson's draft as reported by the As amended by congress. comm-ittee. A declaration by fhe representatives of A declaration by the representatives ot the United States of America in general the United States of America in congress congress assembled. assembled, Vpl. I. 2 Q 31 18 NOTES. When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dis solve the poUtical bonds which have con nected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the sepa rate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect for the opinions of man kind requires that they sho'uld declare the i causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with inhe rent and inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con sent of the governed; that whenever any forra of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organising its powers in such form, as to them shall seera most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed will dictate that govern ments long established should not be changed fur Ught and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the fprms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations be gun at a distinguished period and pur suing invariably the same object, evinces . a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off such government, and to pro vide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferings of these colonies ; and such is now the neces sity which constrains them to expunge their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Brin tain is a history of unremitting injuries and usurpations among which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform te nor qf the rest, but all have in direct ob* Not altered. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that aU men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the go verned; that whenever any form of gp vernment becpmes destructive pf these ends, it is the right of the pebple to alter orio abolish it, and to institute new govern- •meht, laying its foundation on such prin ciples, and organising its powers jn such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Pru dence indeed will dictat^e that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and ac cordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right them selves by aboUshing the forms to which they are -iccustqmed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a de sign to reduce them under absolute des potism, it is their right, it is their duty to throvy off such government, and to provide new guards for iheirf uture security. Such has been the. patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains thera to alter their for mer systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpa tions, all having in direct object the es tablishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this let facts bp submitted to a candid world. NOTES. 19 ject the establishment of an absplute ty ranny ever these states, Tp prove this let facts be submitted to a candid world. Jar the truth of wliich we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood. He has refused his assent tp laws the mpst whpleseme and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing import ance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended he has utterly neg lected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accpmmpdatipn pf large districts of people,, unless those people would relin quish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bo dies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depositary of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses "repeatedly and continually, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause others to be elected, w/hereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean time, ex posed to the dangers of invasion from withput and convulsions within. He has endeavoured to prevent the po pulatipn of these states; fpr that purpose ¦obstructing the laws for the naturalizatinn «f foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raiang the conditions of new appropria tions of lands. He has suffered the administration of justice totally to cease in some qf these states, refusing his assent tp laws for es tablishing judiciary powers. He has made our judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, Not altered. Not altered. Not altered. Not altered. He has dissolved representative liouses repeatedly for opposing with manly firm ness his invasions on the rights of the people. Not altered. Net altered. He has obstructed the administration of justice fty refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their oflices, 20 NOTES. and theamount and payment of their sa laries. He has erected a multitude of new of fices, by a self-assumed power, and sent hither swarras of new officers to harass our people and eat out their Substance, He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies and ships of war without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the miUtary independent of and superior to the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our consti tutions and Unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting by a mock trial from punishment for any mur ders which they shpuld ccmrait on the in habitants of these states ; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world'; for iraposing taxes on us without our consent ; for depriving us of the benefits of trial by jury ; for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences; for abo lishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring province, estabUshing therein an arbitrary government, and en larging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the sarae absplute rule intp these states; for taking away our char ters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments ; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves in vested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, withdrawing his governors and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large arraies of foreign mercenaries to coraplete the works of death, desolation and tyraii- ny already begun with circumstances of and the amount and payment of their si- laries: He has erected a multitude of new of fices, and sent hither swarms of new offi cers to harass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies without the consent of our legislatures. Not altered. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our consti tutions and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent tp their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting by a mock trial from punishment for any mur ders which tbey shpuld commit on the in habitants ef these states ; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes on us withput our consent ; for depriving us in many cases of the be nefits Of trial by jury ; fpr transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended of fences ; for abolishing the free systera bf English laws in a neighbpuring prpvince, establishing therein an arbitrary gpvern ment, and enlarging its bpundaries,'so as to render it at once an example and fit in strument for introducing the same abso lute rule into these colonies; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments; fnr sus pending our own legislatures, and declar ing themselves invested with power to legislate fbr us in aU cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here by declaiing us out of his protection and waging war against «*. Not altered. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, destruction and tyran ny already begun with circumstances of NOTES. 21 crueUy and perfidy unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has endeavoured to bring on the in habitants of the frontiers the merciless Indian savages whose known rule of war fare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions of exist ence. He has excited treasonable insurrec- ' tions of our fellow-citizens, with the al lurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property. He has waged cruel war against hu man nature itself, violating its most sa cred rights of life and liberty in the per sons of a distant people who never offend ed him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserahle death in their transporta tion thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of INFIDEL powers, is the warfare of the CHRISTIAN king pf Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative foir suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguish ed die, he is now exciting those very peo ple to rise in arms among us, and to pur chase that Uberty of which he has de prived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus pay ing off former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES gf another. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most hurable terms; our repeated petitipns have ¦been answered enly by repeated injuries, A prince whpse character is thus mark ed by every act which may define a tyrant cruelty and perfidy scarcely, paralleled in the most barbarous ages and totally un worthy the head of a civiUzed nation. Not altered. He has excited domestic inmirrections among us and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of the frontiers the merciless Indian savages whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished de struction of aU ages, sexes, and conditions. Struck out. Struck out Not altered. A prince whose character ia thus mark ed by every act which may define a tyrant 22 NOTES. is unfit to be the .ruler of a people who mean io be free. Future ages will scarce ly believe that the hardiness qf one man adventured, within the short compass qf twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in prin ciples of freedom. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend a jurisdiction over these our slates. We have reminded thera of-the circumstances of our emigra tion and settlement here; no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension ; these were effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain; that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common king; thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them ; but that submission to their parliament was n-o part qf our con stitution, nor ever in idea if history may be credited; and we appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, as well as to the tics of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations which were likely to interrupt our connexion and cor respondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of ccnsangui- nity, and when occasions have been given them by the regular course qf their laws, of removing from their councils the dis turbers of our harmony, they have by tlieir free election re-established them in power. At this very time too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers qf our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to invade and destroy- us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing af fectipn, and manly spirit bids us lo re nounce for ever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavour to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friemjk. ¦ We might have been a is unfit to be the ruler of a free' pecK pie. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from tirae to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrant able jurisdiction over us. We Have re minded them of the circumstances of Our emigration and settlement here; we have appealed to their native justice and mag nanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations which would ine-vitdbly interrupt our connexion and correspond ence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must tlierefore acquiesee in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, ene mies in war, in peace friends. NOTES. 23 Jree aiA a great people together ; but a him by pur laws, pr principles pf justice, would have been perhaps unprecedented, he certainly shpuld have suffered an ignomi- nipus death, had I net been cpnvinced frcm my circumstances and cbservation, beyond the possibility bf a doubt, that a pardon under the terms which I presentedj and they accepted, would, be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent similar mischiefs. "The above instance excepted, your inteUigence respecting the cruelty of the In dians is false. • "You seem to threaten me with European pubUcatioJis, which affect me as Uttle 26 _ NOTES. as any other threats you could make; but in regard to American publications, whe ther your charge against me, which I acquit you of believing, was penned /rom a gazette, or for a gazette, I desire and demand of you, as a man of honour, that should it appear in print at all this answer may follow it" NOTE-No. X. Lord Suffolk, secretary of state, contended for the employment of Indians, in the war, "Besides its policy and necessity," his lordship said, "that the measure was alsp allowable on principle, for that it was perfectly justifiable to use aU the means that God and nature had put into our hands," j ' This moving the indignatipri pf Lprd Chatham, he suddenly ruse, and gave full vent te his feelings in pne pf the mpst extraprdinary bursts pf elpquence that the pen ef histpry has recprded : " I am astonished," exclaimed his Iprdship, "shpcked tp hear such principles cenfessed ; tp hear them avpwed in this hpuse pr even this cpuntry. My lurdSj'I did npt intend to have encroached again on your attention, but I can not repress my indignation. I feel myself impeUed to speak. My lords, we are called upon as members of this house, as men, as christians; to protest against such horrible barba rity. That Gpd and nature had put into our hands l^'what ideas of God and nature that noble lord may entertain I know not, but I know that such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity. What, to attribute the sacred sanc tion of God and nature to the massacres of the Indian scalping knife! to'the cannibal savage, torturing, murdering, devouring, drinking the blood of his mangled victims ! such iiotions shock 'every precept of morality, every feehng of humanity, every senti ment of honour. These abominable principles and this more abominable avowal of them, demand the most decisive indignation, I call upon that right reverend and this most learned bench to vindicate the religion of their God, to support the justice of their cpuntry. 1 call uppn the bishops to interpose the unsuHied sanctity of their lawn, uppn the judges tp interppse the purity pf their ermine, tP save us frem this ppUutipn, 1 call upon the honour of your lordships, to reverence the dignity of your ancestors, and' to maintain your own, I call upon the spirit and humanity of my country, to vindi cate the national character, I invoke the genius of the constitution. From the tapes try that adorns these walls, the immortal ancestor of this noble lord, frowns with in dignation at the disgrace of his country. In vain did he defend the liberty, and es tablish the religion of Britain against the tyranny of Rome, if these worse than popish cruelties and inquisitorial practices are endured among us. To send forth the merci less cannibal thirsting for blood !^-against whom? — "^our protestant brethren — tp ky waste their cpuntry, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name, by the aid and instrumentahty of these horrible hell-hounds of war! SJiaincan no longer boast pre-eminence of barbarity. She armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico, but we more ruthless, Iqose these dogs of war against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify huma nity. My lords', I solemnly call upon your Iprdships, and upon every order of men in the state, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. More particularly I call upon the holy prelates of our religion to do away this iniquity ; let thera perform a lustration to purify their country frora this dcep.and deadly sin. My lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more, but rtiy feelings and indignation were too strong tp have said less. I could not have slept NOTElS. » 2i this niglit in my bed, nor reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving this vent to iny eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles." NOTE— No, XI, TVie following are the letters which passed between the two generals on this subject! ' Albany, December 18, 1777. Siii,^-I shaU not attempt to describe what, as n private gentleman, 1 can not help feeling, on representing to my mind the disagreeable situation which confidential let ters, when exposed to public inspection, may place an unsuspecting correspondent in; but, as a public pfficer, I conjure your excellency, to give me all the assistance you fcan, in tracing out the author (if the infidelity, which put extracts from General Cpn- way's letters to me into your hands. Those letters have been stealingly copied j but, which of them, when, or by whom, is to me, as yet, an unfathomable secret; There is not one officer in my suite, or amongst those who have a free access to me, upon whom I could, with the least justification tb myself, fix the suspicion ; and yet, my uneasiness may deprive me of the usefulness of the worthiest raen. It is, I believe, in your excellency's power to do rae; and the United States, a very important service, by detecting a Wretch who may betray me, and capitally injure the very operatipns under your immediate direction. For this reason, sir, I beg your excellency will fa vour me with the proofs ypu can prbcure to that effect. But, the crime being, eventu ally so important, that the least loss of time maybe attended with the worst conse quences; and, it being unknown to me whether the letter came to you from a member of congress, or from an officer, I shall have the honour of transmitting a copy of this to t'he president, that congress may, in concert with your exceUency, obtain,' as soon as possible, a discovery which so deeply affects the safety of the states. Crimes of that magnitude ought not to remain unpunished, 1 have the honour to be, Sir, With the greatest respect. Your excellency's most humble and most obedient servarit, HORATIO GATES. His excellency General Washington. Valley Forge, .January 4, 177a Sir,- Your letter of the 18th ultimo, came to my hands a few days ago, and to my great surprise informed me, that a copy of it had been sent to congress, for what rea son, 1 find myself unable to account; but, as some end doubtless was intended to be answered ,by it, I am laid under the disagreeable necessity of returning my answer through the same channel, lest any member of that honourable body should harbour an unfavourable suspicion of my having practised some indiscreet means to come at the contents of the confidential letters betiween you and General Conway. I am to inform you then, that *»**»»*»»», on his way fo congress in the month of October last, fell iii with Lord Stirling at Reading ; and, not in confidence that I ever understoml, irtformed his aid-de-camp, Major M'Willianis, that General Conway had written thus to you, "heaven has been deterrained to save your country, or a weak general and bad counsellors* would have ruined it" Lord Stiriing; from motives of ¦ One of whom, by the by, he was. 28 . NOTES. friendship, transmitted the account with this remark. "Tlie ericlosed was communi- cated'by »»?**??*** to Major M' Williams; such wicked duplicity of conduct 1 shall always think it my duty to detect" In consequence of this information, and without having any thing more in view, than merely to show that gentleman that 1 was not unapprised of his intriguing dis position, I wrote him a letter in these words. "Sir, a letter which I received last night contained the following par^agrapti. "In a letter from General Conway to General Gates, he says, heaven has been de termined to save your country, or a Weak general and bad counseUors would have ruined it. I am, sir, &c." Neither the letter, nor the information which occasioned it, was ever, directly, or indirectly, communicated by me to a single officer in this army (out of my own family) excepting the Marquis de Lafayelfe, who having been spoken to on the subject, by General Conway, appUed for, and saw, under injunctions of secrecy, the letter which contained this information ; so desirous was I of conceaUng every matter that could, in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to the tranquiUity of this army, or afford a gleam of hope to the enemy by dissensions therein. Thus, sir, with an openness and candour, which I hope wiU ever characterize and mark my conduct, have I complied with your request The only concern I feel i^pon the occasion, finding how matters stand, is, that in doing this, I have necessarily been obUged to name a gentleraan, who, I am persuaded, (although I neyer exchanged a word with him upon the subject) thought he was rather doing an act of justice, than committing an act of infidelity; and sure I am, that, until, Lord Stirling's letter came to my hands, I never knew that General Conway, (whom I viewed in the Ught of a stranger to you) was a correspondent of yours, much less did I suspect that I was the subject of your. confidential letters. Pardon me then for adding, that, so far from con ceiving that the safety of the states can be affected, or in the smallest degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, or that I should be calfed upon in such solemn terms fo point out the author, that I considered the information as coming frorii yourself, arid given with a friendly view to forewarn, and consequently forearm me, against a secret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous incendiary, in which character sooner or later, this country will know General Conway. But, in this, as well as other matters of late, I have found myself mistaken. ' lam, sir, ^ Your most obedient servant, GEO: WASHINGTON. To Major (3eneral Grates, NOTE— No, XIL During the existence of this faction, an attempt appears to have been made io alien ate the affections qf. the leading political personages in the states from the com mander-in-chief. The following letters exhibit a very unsuccessful effort of this sort, which was made on Governor Henry, of Virginia, by. a gentleman not tup- posed to be a member of congress from that state. I Williamsburgh, February 20, 177a Dear Sir, — You wUl no doubt be surprised at seeing the enclosed letter, in'which the encomiums bestowed on me are as undeserved, as the censures aimed at you are unjust I am sorry there should be one man who counts himself my friend, who ia not yours. NOTES. 29 Perhaps I give you needless trouble in handing you this paper. The writer of it may be too insignificant to deserve any notice. If I knew this to be the case, 1 should not have intruded on your time, which is so precious. But there may possibly he some scheme or party forming to your prejudice. The enclosed leads to such a sus picion. Believe me, sir, I have too high a sense of the obligations America has to you, to abet or countenance so unworthy a proceeding. The most exalted merit hath ever been found to attract envy. But 1 please myself with the hope, that the same fortitude and greatness of mind which have hitherto braved all the difficulties and dan gers inseparable from your station, will rise superior to every atlem|it of the envious partisan, 1 really can not tell who is the writer of this letter, which not a little perplexes me. The hand writing is altogether strange tp me, Tp give ypu the trouble ofthis, gives me pain. It wpuld suit my inclination better, te give you some assistance in the great business of the war. But I will not conceal any thing from you, by which you may be affected, for I really think your personal welfare and the happiness of America are intimately coniiectcd. I beg you will be assured of that high r'egard and esteem with which I ever am. Dear sir, Your affectionate friend and very humble servant, P. HENRY. His excellency General Washington. (^Letter enclosed in tlie preceding.) 'yorkto'wn, January 12, 1778. Dear Sir, — The common danger of our country first brought you and me together. I recollect with pleasure the influence of your conversation and eloquence upon the opinions ofthis country in the beginning pfthe present controversy. You first taught us to shake off our idolatrous atlachment to royalty, and to oppose its encroachments upon our liberties with our very lives. By these means you saved us from ruin. The independence of America is the offspring of that liberal spirit of thinking, and acting, which followed the destruction of the sceptres of kings and the mighty power of Great Britain. But sir, we have only passed the Red Sea, A dreary wilderness is still before us, and unless a Moses or a Joshua are raised up in our behalf, we must perish before we reach the promised land. We have nothing to fear from our enemies on the way. General Howe, it is true, has taken Philadelphia; but he has only changed his prison. His dominions are bounded on all sides by his outsentries, America can only be un done by herself. She looks up to her councils and arms for protection; but alas! what are theyl her representation in congress dwindled to only twenty -pne members — her Adams — her Wilspn — her Henry, are no more among them. Her councils weak — and partial remedies applied constantly for universal diseases. Her armv — what i^ it? a major general belonging to it called it a few days ago in my hearing a mob. Discipline unknown or wholly neglected. The quartermaster and commissary's departments filled with idleness, ignorance and peculation — our hospitals crowded with six thousand sick, but half provided with necessaries or accommodations, and more dying in them in one month, than perished in the field during the whole of the last campaign. The money depreciating without any effectual measures lieing t:ikcn to raise it — the country distracted with the Don Cluixote attempts to regulate the prices nf provi sions, an artificial flimine created by it, and a real one dreaded from it. The spin) 2 R 30 NOTES. of the people failing through a more intimate acquaintance with the causes of our misfortunes — raany submitting daily to General HoWe, and more wishing to do it, only to avoid the calamities which threaten our country. But is our case desperate ? by no means. We have wisdom, virtue, and strength enO" to save us if they could be called into action. The northern army has shown us what Americans are capable of doing with A GENERAL at their head. The spirit of the southern army is no ways inferior to the spirit of the northern, A Gates — a Lee, or a Conway would, in a few weeks,, render them an irresistible body of men. The last of the above officers has accepted of the new office of inspector general of our array, in order to reform abuses — but the remedy is only a palliative one. In one of his letters to a friend he says, "a great and good God hath decreed America to be free — or the ?*?»???**? and weak counsellors would have ruined her long ago" — you may rest assured of each of the facts related in this letter. The author of it is one of your Philadelphia friends, A hint of his narae, if found out by the hand writing, must not be, mentioned to your most intimate friend. Even the letter must be thrown in the fire. But some of its contents ought to be made public in order to awaken, enlighten, and alarm our country, I rely upon your pru dence, and am, dear sir, with my usual attachment to you, and to our beloved inde pendence. Yours, sincerely. His excellency P. Henry. 'Williamsburgh, March 5, 1778, Dear Sir, — By an express which Colonel Finnic sent to camp, I enclosed you an anonymous letter, which I hope got safe to hand, I ara anxious to hear something that will serve to explain the strange affair, which I ara now informed is taken up, respect ing you, Mr, Custis has just paid us a visit, and by him I learn sundry particulars concerning General Mifflin, that much surprise me. It is very hard to trace the Echcraes and windings of the enemies to America, I really thought that man its friend : however, I am too far from him to judge of his present temper, . While you face the armed eneriiies of our liberty in the field, and, by the favour of God, have been kept unhurt, I trust your country will never harbour in her bosom the miscreant who would ruin hor best supporter, I wish not to flatter; but when arts unworthy honest men are used to defame and traduce you, I think it not amiss, but a duty, tn assure you of that estimation in which the public hold you. Not that I think any testimony I can bear, is necessary for your support, or private satisfaction, for a bare recollection of what is past must give you sufficient pleasure in every circumstance of life. But I can not help assuring you, on this occasion, of the high sense of grati- tUile which all ranks of men, in this your native country, bear to you. It wiU give me sincere pleasure to manifest my regards, and render my best services to you or yours. I do not like to make a parade of these things, and I know you are not fond of it; how ever, I hope the occasicn will plead my excuse. The assembly have at length empewered the executive here to provide the Virginia troops serving with you, with clothes, &c. I am making provision accordingly, and hope to do something towards it. Every possible assistance from government is afforded the cpmmissary of provisions, whose department has npt been attended te. It was taken up by metpp late tp dp much. Indeed the lead pf business devplved en me is teo great to be managed well. A French ship, mounting thirty guns, that has been long chased by the EngUsh cruisers, has got into Carplina, as I hear last night Wishing yeu all ppssible felicity, I am, my dear sir, Your ever affectionate friend, and very .humble servant, P. HENRY. Hia excellency General Washington. NOTES. 31 Valley Forge, March 27, 1778. Dear Sir,- About eight days past, I was honoured with your favpur pf the 20th altimp. Ypur friendship, sir, in transmitting me the anonymous letter you had received, lays me under the most grateful obligations ; arid, if any thing oould give a still further claim to my acknowledgments, it is the very polite and delicate terras in which you have been pleased to make the communication. I have ever been happy in supposing that I held a place in your esteem, and the proof of it you have afforded on this occasion makes rae peculiarly so. The favourable light in which you hold me is truly flattering, but I should feel much regret if I thought the happiness of America so intiraately connected with my personal welfare, as you so obUgingly seem to consider it AU I can say, is, that she has ever had, and, I trust, she ever wUl have, ray honest exertions to promote her interest, I can not hope that my services have been the best ; but my heart tells me that they have been the best that I cpuld render. That I may have erred in using the means in my power for accomplishing the ob jects of the arduous, exalted station withSvhich I am honoured, I can not doubt; nor do I wish my conduct to be exempted from fhe reprehension it may deserve. Error is the portion of humanity, and to censure it, whether committed by this or that public character, is the prerogative of freemen, »«*«?» This is not the only secret insidious attempt that has been made to vvound my reputa tion. There have been others equally base, cruel, and ungenerous ; because conducted with as Uttle frankness and proceeding from views perhaps as personally interested, I am, dear sir, &c, GEO: WASHINGTON. To his excellency Patrick Henry, esquire, Governor of Virginia. Camp, March 28, 17ra Dear Sir, — Just as I was about to close my letter of yesterday, your favour of the fifth instant came to hand. I can only thank you again, in the language of the most undissembied gratitude, for your friendship- and assure yOu, the indulgent disposition which Virginia in par ticular, and the states in general entertain towards rae, gives me the most sensible pleasure. The approbation of my country is what I wish; and, as far as my abilities and opportunity will perrait, I hope I shaU endeavour to deserve it. It is the highest reward to a feeling mind ; and happy are they who so conduct themselves as to merit it. The anonymous letter with which you were pleased to favour me, was written by *.»*M*M.H.*t safjj jjg I can judge from a sirailitude of hands. * • * » My caution to avoid any thing that could injure the service, prevented me from •communicating, except to a very few of my friends, the intrigues of a faction which I know was formed against me, since it might serve to .publish our internal dissensipns; 82 NOTES. but their own restless zeal to advance their views has too clearly betrayed them, and made concealment pn my part fruitless, I can npt precisely mark the extent of their views, but it appeared in general, that General Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and influence. This I am authorized to say from undeniable facts in my own possession, from publications the evident scope of which could not be mis taken, and from private detractions industriously circulated, *************, it is com monly supppsed, bore the second part in the cabal; and General Conway, I know, was a very active and malignant partisan ; but I have good reason tp believe that their ma- chinatipns have recpiled mpst sensibly uppn themselves, I am, dear sir, &c. GEO: WASHINGTON. His excellency Patrick Henry, esquire, Gevernor of Virginia, The following extract is taken from' a letter written about the same time to a gen tleman in New England, who had expressed some anxious apprehensions occor sioned by a report that ihe commander-in-chief had determined to resign his station in the ar^iy i " I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the present contest; but to report a design of this kind, is among the arts, which those who are endeavouring to effect a change are practising to bring it to pass, I have said, and I StUl do say, that there is not an officer in the service pf the United States, that wpuld return to the sweets of domestic life with more heartfelt joy than I should. But I would have this declaration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satisfied with my endeavours, I mean not to shrink from the cause : but the mo ment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shaU do it with as much pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest. NOTE— No, XIII. Thefollowi.Pg is an extract of a letter addressed on this occasion hy General Wash ington to congress : "Thougli I sincerely commiserate the misfortune of General Lee, and feel much for his present unhappy situation; yet, with all possible deference to the opinion of congress, I fear that tlieir resolutions will not have the desired effect, are founded in impolicy, and will, if adhered to, produce consequences of an extensive and melan choly nature, "Retaliation is certainly just, nnd sometimes necessary, even where attended' with the severest penalties : but when the evils which may, and must result from it exceed thoW intended to be redressed, prudence and policy require that it should beavoiilcd. "Having premised thus much, I beg leave to examine the justice and expediency of it in the instance before us. Prom the bost infi>rnTation I have been nble to obtain, General Lee's usage has not l)een so disgraceful and dishonourable, as to authorize the treatment decreed to these gentlemen, was it not prohibited bv many other import ant considerations. His confinement, I believe, has been more rigorous than has been generally experienced by the rest of our officers, or those of the enemy who have been in our |>ossession j but if the reperts received on that head be true, ho has been pro- NOTES. 33 Vided with a decent apartment, and with most things necessary to render him com fortable. This is not the case with one of the officers comprehended in the resolves, if his letter, of which a copy is transmitted, deserves your creilit. Here retaUation seems to have been prematurely begun, or to speak with more propriety, severities have been, and are exercised towards Colonel Campbell, not justified by any that General Lee has yet received, " In point of policy, and under the present situation of our affairs, most surely tli« doctrine can not be supported. The balance of prisoners is greatly against us, and a general regard to the happiness of the whole should mark our conduct Can we ima gine that our enemies will not mete the sarae punishments, the same indignities, the same cruelties, to those belonging to us in their possession, that we impose on theirs^ why should we suppose them to have more huraanity than we possess ourselves '7 or why should an ineffectual attempt to relieve the distresses of one brave man, involve many more iri misery 1 At this time, however disagreeable the fact may be, the enemy have in their power, and subject to their call, near three hundred officers belonging to the army of the United States, In this number there are sorae pf high rank, and the mpst pf them are men pf bravery and of merit The quota of theirs in our hands bears no proportion, not being more than fifty. Under these circumstances, we cer tainly should do no act to draw upon the gentlemen belonging to us, and who have already suffered a lon,g captivity, greater punishments than they now experience. If we should, what will be their feelings, and those of their numerous and extensive con nexions'! Suppose the treatment prescribed for the Hessian oflicers should be pur sued, will it not estabUsh what the enemy have been aiming to effect by every arti fice, and the grossest misrepresentations 7 I mean, an opinion of our enmity towards them, and of the cruel conduct they experience when they fall into our hands ; a pre judice which we, on our part, have heretofore thought it politic to suppress, and to root out by every act of kindness and of lenity. It certainly will. The Hessians will hear of the punishments with all the circumstances of heightened exaggeration, and would feel the injury without investigating the cause, or reasoning upon the justice of it. The mischiefs which may, and must inevitably flow from the executipn of the resolves, appear to be endless and innumerable," NOTE— No. XIV, TTie following petition addressed to Governor Livingston, will furnish some evi dence of the situation to which that part of Jersey was reduced. To his excellency William Livingston', esquire, governor, captain general, and com mander-in-chief in and over the state of New Jersey and the territories thereunto belonging in America, chancellor and ordinary in the same — the humble petition of the officers, civil and military, whose names are hereunto subscribed, Shpweth,— That a large detachment of the British army, a few weeks ago, made an invasion into the lower counties of this state on Delaware, and plundered a few of the inhabitants. That at present a large detachment are invading them a second time. That the enemy in this second incursion, have, as we have been credibly in formed, by the express orders of Colonel Mawhood, the commanding officer, bayoneted and butchered in the most inhuman manner, a number of the miUtia who have un fortunately fallen into their hands. That Colonel Mawhood immediately after the massacre, in open letters, sent to both officers and privates by a flag, had the effrontery to insult us with a demand, that we should lay down our arms, and if not, threatened Vpl. I. 32 34 NOTES. to burn, destroy, and lay the whole country waste, and more especially th? property of a number of our most distinguished men, whom he named. That he has since put his threat into execution, in one instance, by burning one of the finest dwelling houses in Salem county, and all the other buildings on the same farm, the property of Colp nel Benjamin Home, That plunder, rapine, and devastation in the most fertUe and populous parts of these counties, widely mark their footsteps wherever they go. That they are spreading disaffection, they are using every possible means to corrupt the minds of the pepple, whp, within their lines, have so little virtue as to purchase from them, I' That we are in no state of defence. That we are so exposed by reason of our situa tion, that some of our officers, civil and military, have moved out of the counties for safety. That our militia, during the last winter, have been sp fatigued out by'repeated calls' and continued service, and disaffection is now so widely diffused, that very few can be called out, in some places, none. That we have no troops of Ught horse regU- lurly embodied, there is a scarcity of small arms among us, and no field pieces. ' That in those two incursions, we have very sensibly felt the want of field pieces and artil-, iery men, that the number of us assembled is so small, that though we sheuld use the greatest cpnduct and bravery, we could only provoke, not injure pur enemy. 'I'hat Ihe extent of our country is so great, that our small number of men fatigued out, indifferently armed and without field pieces, can not defend it That, as Delaware runs all along those counties, we are liable to be attacked in numberless places. ,. That the acquisition of these counties would be of great .advantage to the enemy. Tliat they could nearly maintain their whole army a campaign by the plunder, forage, and assistance they could draw from them. That although the United States might not need them, yet it might perhaps be adviseable to defend them, to preverit the ad- ^-antage the enemy might receive from them. That our riches, and former virtue, make us a prey, to an enemy, whose tender mercies are cruelties. . That in short, our situation is beyond description deplorable. That the powers civil and military are daily relaxing, and disaffection prevailing. That we can neither stay at our bouses, go out, nor come in with safety. That we can neither plough, plant, sow, reap nor gather. That we are fast falhng into poverty, distress, and into the hands of our enemy. That unless there can be sent to our relief and assistance a sufficient body of standing tropps, we must be under the disagreeable necessity of leaving the country to the enemy, and removing ourselves and families to distant places for safety. That although the present detachment may be fled and gone, be fore the relief reaches us, yet a body of troops are necessary for our protection, as long as the enemy possess Philadelphia. And these are the sentiments not only of us the subscribers, but of all the rest of the officers civU and mihtary,, and other the good su^ jects of this state in these counties. note-No, xv. The following is ihe report made by the committee: "January 1, 1779, The committee appointed to confer nrith the commander-in- chief on the operations of the next campaign, report, that the plan proposed by con gress for the emancipation of Canada, in co-operation with an army from France, was the principal subject of the said conference. That, irapressed with a strong sense of the injury and disgrace whioh must attend an infraction of tho proposed stipulations, on the part of these states, your committee NOTES. 35 have taken a general view of our finances, pf the circumstances pf pur army, pf the ma gazines ef clcthes, artillery, arms and ammunitipn, and pf the prpvisipns in store, and which can be collected in season. Your committee have also attentively considered the intelligence and observations communicated to them by the Commander-in-chief, respecting tbe number of troops and strong holds, of the enemy in Canada; their naval force, and entire command pf the water cpramunicatinn with that cpuntry— the difficulties, while they pessess such signal advantages, pf penetrating it with an army by land — the obstacles which are to be surmounted in acquiring a naval superiority— the hostile temper of many cf the surrounding Indian tribes towards these states, and above all tbe uncertainty whether the enemy wiU not persevere in their systera of harassing and distressing our sea-coast and frontiers by a predatory war. That on the most mature deliberation, your committee can not find room for a weU grounded presumption that these states wiU be able to perform their part of the pro posed stipulations. That in a raeasure of such moment, calculated to call forth, and direct to a single object a cpnsiderable portion pf the force of our ally, which may otherwise be essentially employed, nothing else than the highest probability of success could justify congress in making the proposition, ' , Your committee are therefore of opinion that the negotiation in question, however desirable, and interesting, shpuld be deferred until circumstances render the cp-opera- tion of these states raore certain, practicable, and effectual. That the minister plenipptenliary pf these states at the court of Versailles, the mi nister of France in Pennsylvania, and the minister of France, be respectively informed that the operations of the next campaign must depend on such a variety of contingen cies to arise, as well frora our own internal circumstances and resources, as the pro gress and raovements of our enemy, that time alone can mature and point out the plan which ought to be pursued. That cpngress, therefore, can npt, with a degree of con fidence answerable to the magnitude of the object, decide en the practicability of their co-operating the next campaign, in an enterprise for the emancipation of Canada; that every preparation in our power will nevertheless be made for acting with vigour against the common enemy, and every favourable incident embraced viith alacrity, to facilitate, and hasten the freedom and independence of Canada, and her union with these states — events which congress, from motives of policy vvith respect to the United States, asweU as of affection fpr their Canadian brethren, have greatly at heart" Mr. de Sevelinges in his introduction to Botta's History, recites the private instruc tions given to Mr. Girard on his mission to the United States. One article was, " to avoid entering into any formal engagement relative to Canada and other English pos sessions which congress proposed to conquer. Mr. de Sevelinges adds that " the po licy of the cabinet of VersaiUes viewed the possession of tho?e countries, especially of Canada by England, as a principle of useful inquietude and vigilance to the Ameri cans. The neighbourhood of a formidable eneray must make them feel more sensibly the price which they ought to attach to the friendship and support of the king of France." The author has reason to believe that this policy was known tO' the Marquis de Lafayette when his devotion to the interests of the United States induced him to add his influence to their solicitations for aid to this enterprise. 36 NOTES. note-No. xvi, A letter to President Heed of Pennsylvania from which the following extracts are taken, is selectedfrom many others written with tlie same view, Morristown, May 28lh, 17E». Dear Sir, — I am much, obliged to you for your favour of the 23d, Nothing coujd be more necessary than the aid given by your state towards supplying us with provi sions, I assure you, every idea you can forrii of our distresses, will fall short of the reality. There is such a combination of circumstances to exhaust the patience of the soldiery, that it begins at length to be worn out, and we see in every line of the army, the raost serious features of mutiny and sedition : all our departments, aU our opera tions are at a. stand ; and unless a system very different froni that which has for a long time prevailed, be immediately adopted throughout the states, our, affairs must soon become desperate beyond the possibility of recovery. If you were on the spot, my dear sir, if you could see what difficulties surround us on every side, how unable we are to adrainister to the most ordinary calls of the service, you would be convinced that these expressions are net tpp strpng: and that we have everything tp dread: Indeed I have almost ceased to hope. The country in general is in such a state of in sensibility and indifference to its interests, that I dare not flatter myself with any change for the better. The committee of congress in their late address to the several states, have giyen a just picture of our situation, I very much doubt its making the desired impression; and if it does not, I shall consider our lethargy as incurable. The present juncture is so interesting, that if it does not produce correspondent exertions, it wiU be a proof, that motives of honour, public good, and even self-preservation, have lost their influ ence upon our minds. This is a decisive moment, one of the most, I will go furtlier and say, the most important America has seen. The court of France has made « glorious effort fpr pur deliverance,- and if we disappoint its intentions by our supine- ness, we must becorae contemptible in the eyes of all mankind ; nor can we, after that, venture to confide that our allies will persist in an attempt to establish what it will appear we want inclination or ability to assist them in. Every view of our own circumstances ought to determine us to the most vigorous efforts ; but there are considerations of another kind, that should have equal weight The combined fleets of France and Spain last year were greatly superior to those of tbe enemy ; the enemy nevertheless sustained no material damage, and at the close of the campaign gave a very important blow to our allies. This campaign, the differ ence between the fleets, from every account I have been able to collect, wUl be incon siderable : indeed it is far frora clear that there wUl be an equality. What are we to expect will be the case if there should be another carapaign? In all probability the advantage would be on the side of the English, and then what would become of Ame rica 7 We ought not to deceive ourselves. The maritime resources of Great Britain are more substantial and real than those of France and Spain united. Her commerce is more extensive than that of both her rivals; and it is an axiom, that the nation which has the most extensive commerce wUl always have the most powerful marine. Were this arguraent less convincing, the fact speaks for itself: her progress in the course of the last year is an incontestable proof, "It is true France in a manner created a fleet in a very short space, and this may mislead us in the judgment we form of her naval abiUties, But if they bore any com parison with those of Great Britain, how coraes it to pass, that'with all the force of Spain added, she has lost so much ground in so short a time, as now to have scarcely NOTES. 37 a superiority. We should consider what was done by France, as a violent and unna tural effort of the government, which, for want of sufficient foundation, can not con tinue to operate proportionable effects, " In riiodern wars, the longest purse must chiefly determine the event, I fear that of the enemy wUl be found to be so. Though the government is deeply in debt and of course poor, the nation is rich, and their riches affprd a fund which wUl npt be easily exhausted. Besides, their systera pf pubUc credit is such, that it is capable of greater exertions than that of any other nation, Speculatists have been a long tirae foretelling its downfall ; but we see no symptoms of the catastrophe being very near. I am persuaded it will at least last out the war, " France is in a very different position. The abilities of the present financier, have done wonders ; by a wise administration of the revenues, aided by advantagepus loans, he has avoided the necessity of additional taxes. But I am well informed if the war continues another campaign, he will be obUged to have recourse tp the taxes usual in time pf war, which are very heavy, and which the people of France are not in a con dition to endure for any length of time, Wh,en this necessity cpmmences, France makes war pn ruinpus terms, and England, frpm her individual wealth, will find much greater facilities in supplying her exigencies, "Spain derives great wealth from her mines, but it is npt sp great as is generally imagined. Of late years the profit to government is essentially diminished. Com merce and industry are the best mines of a nation ; both which are wanted by her, I ara teld her treasury is far frpra being sp weU filled as we have nattered ourselves. She is also much divided on the propriety of the w-ar. There is a strong party against it. The temper of the nation is too sjuggish to admit of great exertions ; and though the ccurts pf the two kingdoms are closely linked together, there never has been in any of their wars, a perfect harmpny of measures, nor has it been the case in this ; which has already been no small detriment tc the cpmmon cause, " I mentipn these things tp shpw that the circumstances pf pur allies, as well as pur own, call for peace, to obtain which we raust make one great effort this campaign. The present instance of the friendship of the court of France, is attended vvith every circumstance that can render it important and agreeable, that can interest our grati tude or fire pur eraulatipn. If we do our duty we may even hope to make the cam paign decisive of the contest But we raust do our duty in earnest, or disgrace and ruin will attend us. I am sincere in declaring a full persuasion that the succour will be fatal to us if our measures are not adequate tp the emergency, "Now, my dear sir, I must observe to you, that much will depend on the state of Pennsylvania. She has it in her power to cpntribute, without comparison, more to our success, than any other state, in the tvvo essential articles of flour and transporta tion. I speak to you in the language of frankness, and as a friend. I do not mean to make any insinuations unfavourable to the state. I am aware of the embarrassment the government labours under from the open opposition of one party and the under hand intrigues of another. I know that with the best dispositions to promote tbe pub lic service, you have been obUged to raove with circumspection. But this is a time to hazard, and to take a tone of energy and decision. All parties but the disaffected wUI acquiesfce in the necessity and give their support. " The matter is reduced to a point Either Pennsylvania must give us all we ask, or we can undertake nothing. We must renounce every idea of co-operation, and must confess to our allies that we look wholly to them for our safety. This will be a state of humiliation and bitterness against which the feelings of every good American ought to revolt Yours I am convinced will, nor hape I the least doubt, but that ypu 38 NOTES. wiU employ all your influence to animate the legislature and the people at large. The fate of these states hangs upon it God grant we may be properly impressed with the cpnsequences. " I wish the legislature cpuld be engaged to vest the executive with plenipotentiary powers. I should then expect every thing practicable from your abiUlies and zeal. This is not a time for formality and ceremony. The crisis in every point of view is extraordinary, and extraordinary expedients are necessary. I am decided in this opi- NOTE— No. XVII. Andre having been unquestionably a spy, and his sentence consequently just ; and the plot in which he had engaged having threatened consequences the most fatal to Araerica ; his execution, had he been an ordinary person, would certainly have been viewed with cold indifference. But he was not an ordinary person. In a letter writ ten at the time by Colonel Hamilton, who in genius, in candour, and in roihantic heroism, did not yield to this unfortunate Englishman, the character of Andre is thus feeUngly and eloquently drawn, " There was something singularly interesting in the character and fortunes of Andre, To an exceUent understanding, well improved by education and travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the ad vantages of a pleasing person. It is said he possessed a pretty taste for the fine arts, and had himself attained some proficiency in poetry, music, and painting. His know ledge appeared without ostentation, and embellished by a diffidence that rarely accom panies so many talents and accoraplishments, which left you to suppose more than ap peared. His sentiments were elevated and inspired esteem, they had a softness that conciliated affection. His elocution was handsome, his address easy, pplite, and insi nuating. By his merit he had acquired the unlimited ccnfidence pf his general, and was making rapid, prpgress in military rank and reputation. But in the height of his career, flushed with new hopes from the execution of a project the most beneficial to his party that could be devised, he is at once precipitated from the summit of prospe rity, sees all the expectatiohs of his ambition blasted, and himself ruined. The cha racter I have given of him is drawn partly from what I saw of him myself, and partly from inforraation, I am aware that a man of real merit is never seen in so favourable a light as through the mediura of adversity. The clouds that surround hira are so many shades that set off his good quaUties, Misfortune cuts down little vanities, that in prosperous times, serve as so many spots in his virtues; and gives a tone to huma nity that makes his worth more amiable, "His spectators, who enjoy a happier lot, are less prone to detract frora it through envy ; and are rauch disposed by compassion to give the credit he deserves, and per haps even to magnify it" NOTE-No. XVIIL On the first of May, 1781, General Washington comraenced a military journal. The following is a brief statement of the situation of the army at that time. " I begin at this epoch, a concise journal pf miUtary transactions, &c. I lament not having attempted it frpm the cemraencement of the war in aid of ray memory : and wish the multiplicity of matter whioh continually surrpunds me, and the embarrassed state ef NOTES. 39 tiur aflfairs, which is momentarily caUing the attention to perplexities of one kind or another, may not defeat altogether, or so interrupt my present intention and plan, as to render it of little avail. " To have the clearer understanding of the entries which may follow, it would be proper to recite, in detail, our wants, and our prospects ; but this alone would be a work of much time, and great magnitude. It may suffice to give the sum of them, which I shall do in a few words, viz ; " Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty pittance scat tered here and there in the diflerent states, "Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores, they are pooriy provided, and the workmen all leaving thera, — Instead of having the various articles of field equipage in readiness to deliver, the quartermaster general is but now applying to the several states (as the dernier resort) to provide these things for their tropps re spectively. Instead of having a regular system of transportation established upon cre dit — or funds in the quartermaster's haijds to defray the contingent expenses of it — we have neither the one or the other ; and all that business, or a great part of it, being done by miUtary impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alienating their affections. Instead of having the regiraents com pleted to the new establishments (and which ought to have been so by the of agreeably to the requisitions of congress, scarce any state in the union has, at this hour, one-eighth part of its quota in the field; and there is little prospect that I can see of ever getting more than half In a word, instead of having every thing in readiness to take the field, we have nothing. And instead of having the pros pect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and gloopny prospect of a defensive one ; unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, land troops and money from our generous aUies : and these at present are too contingent to build upon. NOTE-No. XIX. York in Virginia, 17ih October, 1781, half paat four, P. M. Sib, — I have this moment been honoured with your excellency's letter dated this day. The time limited for sending my answer will not admit of entering into the de tails of articles, but the basis of my proposals will be, that the garrisons of York and Gloucester shaU be prisoners of war with the customary horiours ; and for the conve nience of the individuals which I have the honour to comraand, that the British shall be sent to Britain, and the Gerraans to Germany, under engagements not to serve against France, America, or their alUes, until released or regularly exchanged. That all arms and public stpres shall be delivered up tp ypu, but that the usual indulgence of side arms to officers and of retaining private property shall be granted to officers and soldiers; and the interests of individuals in civil capacities, and connected with us, shaU be attended to. If your excellency thinks that a continuance of the suspension of hostilities will be necessary to transrait your answer, I shall have uo objection to the hour that you propose, I have the honour to be. Sir. vour most obedient and most humble servant, ¦^ CORNWALLIS. His excellency General Washington, &c, &c, &o. 40 ~ NOTES. 'NOTE-No, XX, Head quarters before York, 18th October, 1781, My Lord, — To avoid unnecessary discussions and delays, I shall at once, in an swer tp ypur lordship's letter of yesterday, declare the general basis upon which a defi. nitive treaty of capitulation must take place. The garrison of York and Gloucester, including the seamen, as you' propose, will be received prisoners of war. The condi tion annexed* of sending the British and Gerraan troops to the parts of Europe to which they respectively belong, is inadmissible. Instead of this, they will be raarched to such parts of the country as can most conveniently provide for their subsistence j and the benevolent treatraent of prisoners, which is invariably observed by the Ameri cans, wiU be extended to them. The same honours wiU be granted to the surrendering army, as were granttd to the garrison of Charleston. The shipping and boats in the two harbours, with aU their guns, stores,, tackling, furniture, and apparel, shall be delivered !iii their present state to an officer of tjie navy appointed to take possession of them. The artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores of every deno mination, shall be delivered unimpaired, to the heads of departments, to which they respectively belong. The officers will bo indulged in retaining their side arms, and the officers and sol diers may preserve their baggage and effects with this reserve, that property taken in the country will be reclaimed. With regard to the individuals in civil capacities, whose interests your lordship wishes may be attended to, until they are more particularly described, nothing defini tive can be settled. ' I have to add, that I expect the sick and wounded will be supplied with their own hospital stores, and attended by British surgeons particularly charged with the care of them. Your lordship will be pleased to signify your determination either to accept or re ject the proposals now offered, in the course of two hours from the delivery of this let ter, that commissioners may be appointed to digest the articles of capitulation; or a renewal of hostilities may take place. T have the honour to be, my lord, &c, GEORGE WASHINGTON, Lieutenant General Earl Cornwallis, York, in Virginia, 18th October, 1781. Sir, — I agree to open a treaty of capitulation upon the basis of the garrisons pf Vork and Gloucester, including seamen, being prisoners of war without annexing tho condition of their being sent to Eiirope; but I expect to receive a compensation in arranging the articles of capitulatipn fpr the surrender of Gloucester in its present state of defence. I shall in particular desire that the Bonetta sloop of war, may be left entirely at my disposal from the hour the capitulatipn is signed, tn receive an aid-de-camp tp carry my despatches to Sir Henry Clinton and such soldiers as I may think proper to send as passengers in her, to be manned with fifty men of her own crew, and to be perraitted to sail without exaraination when my despatches are ready ; engaging on ray part that the ship shall be brought back and delivered to you, if she escapes the dangers of the Kea; that the crew and spldiers sent as passengers shall be accpunted fpr in future ex changes as prispners ; that she shall carry pff np pfficer withcut ypur consent nor public property of any kind ; and I shall likewise desire that the traders and inhabitants NOTES. 41 may preserve their property, and that no person may be punished pr molested for having joined the British troops. If you choose to proceed to negotiation on these grounds, I shaU appoint two field officers of my army to meet two officers frora you at any time and place you think proper, to digest the articles of capitulation, 1 have the honour to be, sir, , Ypur most obedient and most humble servant, * CORNWALLIS. His exceUency General Washhigton, &c. &c, &c. NOTE-No, XXI. Head quarters, 20lh October, 1781. SiH, — The surrender of York,'frora which so much glory and advantage are de rived to the allies, and the honour of which belongs to your excellency, has greatly anticipated our most sanguine expectations. Certain of this event under your auspi ces, though unable to determine the time, I solicited your excellency's attention in the first conference with which you honpured me, tp ulteripr pbjects of decisive importance to the comraon cause. Although your exceUency's answer on that occasion was un favourable to my wishes, the unexpected promptness with which our operations have been conducted to their final success having' gained us time, the defect of which was one of your excellency's principal objections, a perspective of the raost extensive and happy consequences, engages me to renew my representations, Charleston, the principal maritime port of the British in the southern parts of the continent, the grand deposite andpoint of support for the present theatre of the war, is open to a eqmbined attack, and might be carried with as much certainty as the place which has just surrendered, ' This capture would destroy the last hope which induces the eneray tb continue the war; for having experienced the impracticability of recovering the populous northern states, he has deterrained to confine himself to the defensive in that quarter, and to prosecute a most vigorpus offensive in the south, with a view of conquering states, whose spare population and natural disadvantages render them infinitely less suscep tible of defence ; although their productions render thera the most valuable in a com- mercisd view. His naval superiority, previous to your excellency's arrival, gave him decisive advantages in the rapid transport of his troops and supplies : whUe the im mense land marches of our succours, too tardy and expensive in every point of view, subjected us to be beaten in detail. It wiU depend upon your exceUency, therefore, to terminate the war, and enable the allies to dictate the law in a treaty, A campaign so glorious and so fertile in con sequences, could be reserved only for the Count de Grasse, It rarely happens that such a combination of raeans, as are in our hands at present, can be seasonably obtained by the most strenuous of human exertions. — A decisively superior fleet, the fortune and talents of whose coraraander overawe all the naval force that the most incredible efforts of the enemy have been able to coHect ; an army flushed with success,' and demanding only to be conducted to new attacks; and the very sea son which is proper for pperating against the points in question. If upon entering into the detaU of this expedition, your excellency should still de termine it irapracticable, there is an object which though subordinate to that above mentioned is of capital iraportance to our southern operations, and raay be effected at infinitely less expense; 1 mean the enemy's post at Wilmington in North CaroUna. 2 S 42 NOTES. Circumstances require that I should at this period reinforce the southern army under General Greene, This reinforcement transported by sea under your excellency's convoy, would enable us to carry the post in question with very little difficulty, and would wrest from the British a ppint nf support in North CaroUna, which is attended with the most dangerous consequences to us, arid would liberate another state. This object would require rtotbing more than the convoy of your excellency to the point of operation, and the protection of the debarkation, I intreat your excellency's attention to the points which I have the honour of lay ing before you, and to be pleased at fhe same time to inform me what are your dispo sitions for a maritime force to be left on the American station. I hav$ the honour to be, &c. GEORGE WASHINGTON. NOTE— No, XXU. Late in October an irruption was made into the country on the Mohat*k, by Major Ross, at the head of about five hundred men, composed of regulars, rangers, and In dians, Colonel WiUet, with between four and five hundred men, partly of the troops denominated levies, and partly militia^ iramediately marched in quest of theni, and fell in with them at Johnstown, where they vvere slaughtering cattle, apparently unappre hensive of an enemy. Before showing himself, he detached Major Rowley of Massa chusetts with the left wing to fall on the rear, while he should engage the front On his appearance the British parly retired to a neighbouring wood, and the American advance was just beginning to skirmish With them, when that whole wing, without any apparent cause, suddenly fled frora the field, leaving a field-piece posted on a height in order to cover a retreat, to fall info the hands of the enemy. Fortunately for the party, Rowley appeared in the rear at this critical juncture, and regained what the light wing had lost. Night soon coming on, Major Ross retired further into the wood, and encaraped on the top of a mountain. He seeras after this skirmish to have been only intent on repassing the dreary wUderness in his rear, and securing his party; an object not to be accomplished without immense fatigue and great suffering, as Colonel Willet had cut off their return to their boats, and they were to retreat by the way of Buck island, or Oswegatchie. With a select part of his troops who were fur nished with five days provisions, and about sixty Indians who had just joined him, and who, he said, " are the best cavalry for the service of the wilderness," he commenced a rapid pursuit, and in the morning of the 30th, at a ford on Canada creek, feU in with about forty whites and sorae Indians who were left in the rear to procure provisions. These were attacked and the greater number of. them killed or taken, upon which the main body fled with such rapidity that the pursuit proved ineffectual. In the party at Canada creek was Major Walter Butler, the person who perpetrated the massacre at Cherry-valley, His entreaties for quarter were disregarded, and he fell tlie victim of that vengeance which his own savage temper had directed against liimself. £NS OF VOLUME I. INDEX. PAOE. Birth of Mr. Washington, 1 His mission to the French on the Ohio, ....... 2 Appointed Lieutenant Colonel of a regiment of regular troops, .... 4 Surprises Mpnsieur JuraonvUle, ..... - ib. Capitulation of Fort Necessity, - ......5 Is appointed Aid. le-camp to General Braddock, --..-- 8 Defeat and death of that general, ,- ......g Is appointied to the command of a regiment, - - - - - - 11 Extreme distress of the frontiers, and exertions of Colonel Washington, to aug ment the regular forces of the colony, - - - - , - ib. Exp^ition against fort Du Cluesne, -- -----S3 Defeat of Major Grant, 25 Fort Du Cluesne evacuated by the French, and taken possession of by the English, 26 Resignation of Colonel Washington, - - - - ib. His marriage, --- ------27 Colonel Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the American forces, - 23 Arrives at Cambridge, - ------29 Strength and disposition of the two armies, ¦,--"-- 'h, Peficiency of the Americans in arms and ammunition, - . ... 30 Distress of the British from the want of fresh provisions, - - - - 32 Falmouth burnt, .....••.33 Success of the Araerican crui-sers, ..••-•.34 Measures to form a continental army, .-•••-•.35 Difficulty of re-enUsting the troops, ..--•--•36 Plan for attacking Boston, ...-..---.37 Temporary governments formed, ..---..-38 General Lee detached to New York, .....-•-41 Possession taken of the heights of Dorchester, •....- 43 Boston evacuated, - -...--•.ib. Correspondence respecting,prisoners, .•-..--44 Invasion of Canada meditated, ..•-•..-'. 4,6 The Americans enter that province, .---•.--47 Siege of St. John's, - .-..-.-.. ib. Capture of fort Chamblee, -.-..-----48 Carleton's defeat at Longueisle, ..•-••-.-ib. St John's capitulated, .....-.•-.ib, Montreal surrenders, -..---••---49 Arnold's expedition, ..........50 He arrives before Cluebec, ....••....51 u INDEX. PiOB. Retires to Point Aux Trembles, ........52 Montgomery lays siege to Cluebec, ........54 Urisuccessful attack on that place, '-- - - - - - 55 Death of Montgomery, - - - - - - - - -ib. Blockade pf Cluebec, .......60 General Thomas takes command of the army, ...... 61 The blpckade raised, -- ...-•--62 General Sullivan takes the cpmmand, -...--.-63 Battle pfthe Three Rivers, 64 Canada evacuated, ........65 General Carletpn cpnstructs a fleet, ....-..-66 enters Lake Champlain, ....... ib. defeats the American flptilla, ...... 67 takes ppssessipn pf Crpwn Point, - - • - - ib. retires into winter quarters, ------ ib. Transactions in Virginia, ....... .68 Action at Great Bridge, - ....••..69 Norfolk evacuated, - .-..-••..ib, Norfolk burnt, .'-.-. .......ib. Transactions in North Carolina, ........70 Action at Moore's Creek bridge, ... . . . - . . 71 Invasion of South Carolina, .-......--72 British fleet repulsed at fort Moultrie, ....... ib. Transactions in New York, . - - .- - . . - .74 Measures leading to Independence, , ........70 Independence declared, ........80 Lord and Sir William Howe arrive before New York, • - - . 81 Circular letter of Lord Howe, ..-.•...82 State of the American army, ...-•..84 The British land in force on Long Island, --....- 87 Battle of Bropklyn, --90 Evacuation of Long Island, --...•.•..92 Fruitless negotiations, -....••..95 New York evacuated, - .-..-..- loi Skirmishes on the heights of Haerlem, . - .... 103 Letter on the State of the army, ..-•..- 104 The British land at Frog's neck, - .....ij^O The American army evacuates York island, except Fort Washington, - - 111 Both armies move towards the White Plains, ...... jb. Battle of the White Plains, - - 113 The British army returns to Kingsbridge, - - - . . • - 115 General Washington crosses the North river, --.... 116 The liiips of Fort Washington carried by the British, • • • • -118 Evacuation of Fort Lee, ---••.,. ng Weakness of the American army, ---••-., 121 General Washington retreats through Jersey, . - . - . - 121 Ineffectual attempts to raise the militia, -.---.. 123 General Washington crosses the Delaware, .-•-..- il^. Capture of General Lee, - - - • • • - -. 124 INDEX. iii PAGE. Panger of Philadelphia, - - - - 124 The British go into winter quarters, --.-.... 125 Battle of Trenton, --.-....... 128 Battle of Princeton, ----....... 132 Firmness of congress, ......... 134 American army inoculated, ----...... 137 General Heath removes to Kingsbridge, ---•... 139 returns to Peekskill, .--.....ib. Skirmishes, ... -..-•-.. 139 State of the army, - --...-...ji,. Destruction of stores at PeekskiU, -- -....14X at Danbury, ---.... 143 Expedition to Sagg Harbour, ---..... 143 Camp formed at Middlebrook, - --..,..- 145 Sir William Howe moves out to Somerset Court House, - . - 147 returns to Amboy, - . - . 149 attempts to cut off the retreat of the American army to Middlebrook, - - - - I49 Lord CornwalUs skirmishes with Lord StirUng, -.-... ib. General Prescot surprised and taken, ------ 151 The British army embarks, - - - - ib. General Washington commences his march to the Delaware, ... 152 takes measures for pursuing Burgoyne, ... ib. Expedition against Staten Island, - - .... 153 British army lands at Elk River, ....... ib. General Washington advances to Brandywine, ..... 154 Retreat of MaxweU, - - 155 The Battle of Brandywine, - - - - . . 157 Slight skirmish near fhe White Horse, and retreat to French Creek, - - IGO General Wayne surprised, - - - ... I6I General Howe takes possession of Philadelphia, ----- 163 Removal of congress to Lancaster, , ... - - ibi Measures to cut off the communication between the British army and fleet, 166 Battle of Germantown, - ----- 168 Measures to intercept supplies to Philadelphia, --.--. I'TS 4ttack on fort Mifflin, - ib. on Red Bank, --..... .174 The Augusta blows up, -------- - ih. Fort Mifflin evacuated, ..-..•-.-178 Skirmish at Glpucester Point, -....-•-. 179 Fort Mercer evacuated, .--....-.. 180 The British open the communication with their fleet, .... ib. Washington urged to attack Philadelphia, ....--. 181 General Howe marches out to Chestnut HUl, ..-.-. 183 returns to Philadelphia, ...-•.. 184 General Washington goes into winter quarters, ..... 186 Inquiry into the conduct of General Schuyler, ------ 188 Burgoyne appears before Ticonderoga, ....... jh. Evacuationof that place, ......--. igo iv INDEX. PAGE. Evacuation of Skeensborough, .•--..-- 190 Colonel Warner defeated, ..-_••••-. 191 Evacuation of fort Anne, .••..«••. 192 Proclaraation of Burgoyne, .......... 193 Counter proclamation of Schuyler, ..--.--,.- ib. Burgoyne approaches fort Edward, - • - - - -- - 195 Schuyler retires to Saratoga, ...•---. ib. to Stillwater, ..-••..-.ib. St. Leger invests fort Schuyler, ..•..-. 196 Herkimer defeated, ...-•--.. ib. Cplonel Baum detached te Bennington, ....... 197 is defeated, -.•.-•.. 198 Brechman defeated, ........ ib. St, Leger abandons the siege of fort Schuyler, ...... igg Murder of Miss M'Crea, ........200 General Gates takes command, ........ -ib. Burgoyne encaraps on the heights of Saratoga, ...... 201 Battle of StiUwater, .....ib. Battle of the 7th of October, .......--204 Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga, - --..... 205 capitulates, ........ 207 The British take forts Montgomery and CUnton, - - - - - 209 The forts Independence and Constitution evacuated by the Americans, - ib. Ticonderoga evacuated by the British, ----- 211 Defects in the commissary department, - ' - - - - 214 Distress of the army at VaUey Forge, - -.-.-- 215 Eepresentations of General Wasl^ingtpn to congress on this subject, - - 216 The army subsisted by impressment, - - . . . ib. Combination in congress against General Washington, .... jb. , Corresjiondence lietween him and General Gates, .---.. 217 Distress of the array for clothes, . - -. . . . . 220 Washingtcm's exertions to augment the army, ...... ^3 Congress sends a committee to camp, - ..... ib. Attempt to surprise Captain Lee, ....... 227 Congress determines on a second expedition to Canada, - - - . 228 abandons it, ......... 229 General Conway resigns, -- ...... ib. The Baron Steuben appointed inspector general, ...... 230 Congress forbids the embarkation of Burgoyne's army, .... 232 Plan of reconciliation agreed to in Parliament, - . . . . ib, communicated to congress, and rejected, ... 233 Information of treaties between France and the United States, ... 234 Great Britain declares war against France, ...... 236 The treaties with France rarified by cengress, ...... ib. Complaints of the treatment of prisoners, ---.... 237 A partial exchange agreed to, -.-..-,... 243 Incur.sion intp Jersey, -->-.,..... 244 General Lacy surprised, --•-..••.•. 245 Attempt on Lafayette at Barren hill,, .i.^..,,.,.,,^ 246 INDEX. V PAGE. General Hpwe resigns the cpmmand of the British army, - - - - 218 is succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton, ib. He evacuates Philadelphia and marches through Jersey, ... 250 A councU of war decides against attacking the British on their march, - 251 Battle of Monmouth, ------- . 254 General Lee arrested, ----.-.-.. 257 Sentenced lo be suspended for one year, . .... ib. Thanks of congress to General Washington and his army, . - - 258 Count D'Estaing arrives with a French fleet, - - . . 259 meditates an attack on the British fleet in New York harbour, 260 , relinquished, ....... ib. sails to Rhode Island, ....". jb. Lprd Howe appears off Rhode Island, ....... 2G2 Both fleets dispersed by a storm, - . - . . - . . 263 General SuUivan lays siege to Newport, ....... jb. D'Estaing returns, . ........ ib. sails for Boston, ........ 264 Siege of Newport raised, .......... 265 Action on Rhode Island, ........ib. The Americans retreat to the continent, - . . . . . 266 Sullivan expresses his dissatisfaction in general orders, - . ib. Count D'Estaing expresses his dissatisfaction with SuUivan in a letter tn cpngress, ib. General disccntent with the cpnduct pfthe fleet, - - - 267 General Washington labpurs successfully to heal these discontents, - ib. Lord Howe resigns the command of the British fleet, ... - 269 Colonel Baylor's regiment surprised, ...... 270 Cajtoin Donop defeated by Colonel Butler, ...... jb. Expedition of the British against Egg harbour, ..... 271 Pulaski surprised, ' ----- . ib. Count D'Estaing saUs for the Wesl Indies, ------ ib. The American army retires into winter quarters, ..... 272 Arrivalof the British commissioners, ...... 273 Terms of conciliation proposed, ..... ib. Answer of congress to theii: proposition, - - - - - 274 Attempts of Mr, Johnson to bribe some members of congress, - - 275 His private letters ordered to be published,' .... ib, Manifestopf the cpramissioners and counter manifesto of congress, . - 277 Arrival of Monsieur Girard, minister plenipptenliary of France, - - 279 Hostilities of the Indians, - - - - - ih. Irruption into the Wyoming settlement, - .... 280 Battle of Wyoming, - 281 Colonel Dennison capitulates for the inhabitants, -..-.- 283 Distress pf the settlement, ....-..- ib, Celpnel Clarke surprises St Vincent, -------- 284 Congress determines to invade Canada, -, ..... 285 General Washington opposes the measure, ------- 288 induces congress to abandon it, - - - - lb. Divisions in congress, -- 290 Letters of General "VVashingtou o^ the state pf pubiic affairs, - .. - ib vi INDEX. PAGE. General Howe defeated bv Colonel Campbell, - . - - - - 293 Savannah taken, ..--....--- 294 Sunbury surrenders, ......... ib. Georgia reduced, - .-......-ib. General Lincoln takes command of the southern army, .... 295 Major Gardner defeated by General Moultrie, ...... 296 Insurrection of the tories in SoUth Carolina, ...... ib. They are defeated by Colonel Pickens, .....-- ib. Ash surprised and defeated, -..••-..- 297 Moultrie retreats, - ........298 Prevost marches to Charleston, ....... ib. Lincoln attacks the British at Stono ferry unsuccessfully, ... 299 Invasion of Virginia, ........ 300 Discontents in a part of the Jersey line, ...... 303 Letter from General Washington on the subject, - - - . . ib. Colonel Vanschaick destroys an Indian settlement, ..... 306 Expedition against the Indians meditated, ...... ib. Stony Point evacuated, ._...-.. 308 Fort Fayette surrendered to the British, ....... ib. Invasion of Connecticut, .....•-.. 309 General Wayne storms Stony Point, .•••--. 311 The British move up the Hudson, --••.... 312 Stony Point evacuated by the Araericans, ...... 313 repossessed by the British, .*¦----. ib. Sir Henry Clinton withdraws to York Island, -.i'' . . - - . ib. Expedition against Penobscot, - - - i^ - - - - - - ib. Powles Hook surprised by Major Lee, - ' - - - - - - 315 Arrival of Admiral Arbuthnot at New York, ...... 317 of the Count D'Estaing on the southern coast, .... ib. Siege of Savannah, -.-....... 318 Unsuccessful attempt to storm that place, ...... 3ig Siege raised, •- .--..... 320 General SuUivan defeats the Indians near Newtown, .... 322 Spain offers her mediation to the beUigerents, ...... 324 declares war against England, ...... 325 Letter from General Washington to congress respecting the annual formation of the army, 327 The array goes into winter quarters, - .... 328 South CaroUna invaded, ..... . . 330 The British fleet passes the bar, and gets possession of the harbour of Charleston, 332 Opinion of General Washington on the propriety of defending that place, - ib. Sir Henry Clinton invests the town, ..----- ib. The fleet enters the harbour, - ... - 333 Tarlton surprises an American corps at Monk's corner, - . . . 334 Fort Moultrie surrendered, - ........ 335 Tarlton defeats Colonel Wliite, ..... . ib. General Lincoln capitulates, ......... 336 Buford defeated, ... -.-.... 337 Arrangements for the government of South Carolina and Georgia, - • 339 INDEX. vji Sir Henry Clinton embarks for New York, .... "g^g General Gates takes command of the southern army, . . - ' . ' . 341 13 defeated near Camden, oak. Death of De Kalb, - . . ' • - • d45 Success of General Sumpter, . ^1 He is defeated ' . ' ' " ' • Distress in the American camp, . . - .. _"_' qLn Expedition against Staten Island, ".".' 350 Requisitions on the states, ".'.' 'qijq New scheme of finance, -----...," otc Committeeof congress deputed to camp, ......_ 359 Resolution to make up depreciation of pay, - ib Mutiny in the Une of Connecticut, - ------ ib' General Knyphausen enters Jersey, - - - - . . 36O Sir Henry Clinton returns to New York, 352 Skirmish at Springfield, . - . . - . 363 Exertions to strengthen the army, - - - ... - 335 Bank established in PhUadelphia, '.. jl, Contributions of the ladies, . . ..... oag Tardy proceedings of the states, . ggg Arrival of a French armament in Rhode Island, ..... 36g Changes in the quartermaster department, .... . 373 Enterprise against New York abandoned, ..... 373 Naval superiority of the British, ....... jb. Treason and escape of Arnold, ----.....375 Preiiautions for the security of West Point, ....... 37g Trial and execution of Major Andre, ...... ib Letter of General Washington on American affairs, ..... 334 Proceedings of congress respecting the army, ...... 337 Major Talmadge destroys the British stores at Coram, ..... 390 The army retires into winter quarters, ....... 391 Irruption of Major Carleton into New York, ...... ib. European transactions, ......... ib. Transactions in South Carolina and Georgia, --.... 394 Lord Cornwallis enters North CaroUna, ....... 395 Defeat of Ferguson, - --.......ib. Lord Cornwallis retreats out of that state, ...... 397 Major Wemyss defeated by Sumpter, --..-... 398 Tarlton repulsed, ..--..-.... 399 Greene appointed to the command of the southern army, .... 400 arrives in camp, .......... jb. detaches Morgan over the Catawba, . . - - - . ib. Battle of the Cowpens, - . 403 Lord CornwalUs drives Greene through North CaroUna into Virginia, - . 405 He retires to Hillsborough, ......... 408 Greene recrossed the Dan, .......... 409 Loyalists under Colonel Pyle cut to pieces, ...... ib. Battle of Guilford Court House, .----••-.4U Lord CornwalUs "retires to Ramsay's MUIs, ..•••. 4x7 Vol. I. 33 vui INDEX. PAGE. Lord CornwalUs retires to Wilmington, .-.-... 417 Greene advances to Ramsay's Mills, ........ib. determines to enter South Carolina, ...... ib. Lord CornwaUis resolves to march to Virginia, ------ ib. Virginia invaded by Arnold, .-..-•••. 418 He destroys the stores at Westham and at Richmond, - - - • - ib. Retires to Portsmouth, ......... 4ig Mutiny in the Pennsylvania line, ....... 420 Sir Henry CUnton attempts to negotiate with the mutineers, ... 422 They compromise with the civil government, ...... 423 Mutiny in the Jersey Une, ...... .. 424 Mission of Colonel Laurens to France, .... . . 425 Propositions to Spain, ....... 426 Recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize goods, ... 427 Reform in the executive departments, ....... ib, Confederatipn ratified, .......... 428 MiUtary transactiens, .......... 430 Lafayette detached to Virginia, ...... .... 432 Cornwallis arrives, ---........ 435 Presses Lafayette, ...........ib. Expedition to Charlottesville, ......... 436 to the Point of Fork, -......-ib. Lafayette forms a junction with Wayn^ ....... 437 Cornwallis returns to the lower country, ....... ib. General Washington's letters are intercepted, ...... 438, Action near Jamestown, --........ 439 Farther state of affairs in the year 1781, - • - , • - - - 441 Measuresof Mr. Morris, superintendent of finance, • . . . . 444 Designs of General Washington against New York, .... 445 Count Rochambeau marches to the North River, ...... 446 InteUigence from tbe Count de Grasse, ....... 447 Plan of operations against Lord CornwaUis, ...... jb. Naval engagement, ........... 443 The combined armies march for the Chesapeake, ...... 449 Expedition against New London, ........ ib, Yorktown invested, ........... 452 Surrender of Lord CornwalUs, ---...... 457 YALE a39002 00397023itb YALE s bill \ 1^ ?^ ) R ii>i- im