Colonel
John Gunby

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iMAO^^Jj^E^- L[E Ml NfJ

of the.
Maryland L i n G

P't:-tH.''tvWf:

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Purchased from the income
of the bequest of
WILLIAM ROBERTSON COE
Honorary M.A. 1949, for
material in the field
of American Studies

BlETHPI^ACE OF JOHN GuNBY.

Colonel John Gunby
of the Maryland Line

Being Some Account of his Contribution to
American Liberty

By A. A. <pUNBY
Of the Louisiana Bar

J^

CINCINNATI
THE ROBERT CLARKE COMPANY
1902

Copyrighted, 1903, by
A. A. GUNBY

PRESS OF THE ROBERT CLARKE
CO,, CINCINNATI, V. 8. A.

DEDICATION.
To the Daughters of the American Eevolution,
whose noble efforts to preserve and brighten the
memories of the War of Independence have en
deared them to the patriots of all lands, this
humble attempt to render honor and justice to one
of the founders of American liberty is respectfully
dedicated. Its inspiration is the spirit inculcated
by all their work :
Love thou thy land with love far-brought
From out the storied Past.
A. A. GUNBY.
Monroe, La., March 28, 1902.

CONTENTS. Chapter I. PAGE
The Tribunal of History, .... 1
Chapter II.
The Eastern Shore,  9
Chapter III.
The Love of Freedom,  24
Chapter IV.
The Southern Campaigns,  39
Chapter V.
Guilford Court House,  48
Chapter VI.
Hobkirk's Hill,  67
Chapter VII.
The Court of Inquiry,  109
Chapter VIII.
After the War of Independence, . . . 125
(V)

Colonel John Gunby of the
Maryland Line

CHAPTER I.
THE TRIBUNAL OF HISTORY.
Public sentiment is not always correct. The
people are not always right. Contemporary history
is as often wrong as right, for it is more or less
swayed by the passions, prejudice, party and inter
est of the writers. But since civilization began,
ultimate history has been the great tribunal before
which all the actions of men are sifted and final
justice is administered to all. Before this august
tribunal. Truth always prevails in the end. Men
and nations are sometimes misrepresented and mis
understood for centuries. Errors are built up and
fortified with seemingly impregnable walls, but
sooner or later, some delver after truth digs deep
and the whole structure of error falls. One careless
or distorted hook will be written about a battle, or

2 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
a statesman, or a soldier, and its errors and false
hoods and defects will be copied and reiterated by
generations, and all sight of the original fact is
utterly lost.
But at last, somehow, a student is inspired to
look into that particular part of history and the
truth is surely evolved, as if by force of some un
erring law that directs the sojourn of Humanity on
this planet. Opinions are changed, old prejudices
are rooted out, blighted reputations are redeemed,
and the victims of hoary wrong stand up in bright
effulgence in the tribunal of history, the last resort
and final depository of triumphant truth.
And in this final resort of justice, those who have
received false praise and unmerited honor are un
masked when touched by Truth's Ithuriel spear.
It is a bitter doctrine for those who have enjoyed by
crime, or fraud, or accident, dignities, honors, and
reputations beyond their deserts, that "time at
length makes all things even." They do not have
to wait for some far-off mysterious, intangible judg
ment day for a just and truthful award for the deeds
done in the flesh ; their achievements, characters,
motives and impulses are to be impressed, adjusted,
passed upon and recorded with the unerring pre-

THE TRIBUNAL OF HISTORY. 6
cision of photography in the final tribunal of his
tory. This is the happy consolation of pure virtue
and unselfish loyalty. It is the ultimate survival
and triumph of the truth and right that constitutes
the greatest incentive and the noblest reward of
right living. This cosmic law makes history the
most important, as Bancroft says it is the most
cheering of all the pursuits of man. In speaking
of the chief part of the historian's duty, Tacitus
says: "It is his to rejudge the conduct of men,
that generous actions may be snatched from ob
livion, and that the author of pernicious counsels
and the perpetrators of evil deeds may see, before
hand, the infamy that awaits them at the tribunal
of posterity."
Rightly interpreted, history is always the apothe
osis of virtue . And so this great process of historic
judging and rejudging must go on in obedience to
inexorable natural law until every cause and every
character shall receive justice and shine in its true
light.
" When the common sense of most shall keep a fretful realm
in awe.
And the kindly earth shall slumber, lapped in universal law."

4 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Inspired by these sentiments, I have felt con
strained to attempt to do justice to a hero of the
American Revolution, Colonel John Gunby, of
Maryland. He commanded the First regiment of
Maryland regulars at the battles of Guilford Court
house and Hobkirk's Hill, near Camden, South
Carolina, and it has become, I might say, fashion
able among historians to charge that the Americans
lost the day at Hobkirk's Hill owing to the fault or
mistake of Colonel Gunby. General Nathaniel
Greene, who commanded at Hobkirk's Hill, stated
in the heat and excitement of disappointment, that
his defeat was caused by Gunby, and careless his
torians, without investigation, have repeated this
charge . Even the renowned Bancroft says, ' ' Gunby
absurdly ordered the regiment to retire, that they
might form again . ' ' (Vol . VI . , 403 . ) To show how
careless even Bancroft sometimes is, he says that
the battle of Hobkirk's Hill took place on April 28,
1781. In a recent work of considerable pretensions,
"The Story of the Revolution," by Senator Henry
Cabot Lodge, the injustice done to Colonel Gunby
is more noticeable. Mr. Lodge says (Vol. II., 101) r
"In the center, the Marylanders, who had fought
so admirably at Guilford, got into confusion in one

THE TRIBUNAL OF HISTORY. 5
company, and then, badly handled by their com
mander. Colonel Gunby, began to retreat just at
the critical moment when they were actually pierc
ing the enemy's line and when Greene thought vic
tory was in his grasp. This sudden and unexpected
misfortune compromised the whole position." The
same volume, page 102, says :, "Saved by his un
remitting vigilance from surprise, but defeated in
battle by the utterly unexpected blundering of an
experienced officer, Greene was sorely depressed by
the result of Hobkirk's Hill."
This distinguished writer also, with unaccount
able inaccuracy, says that this battle occurred on
April 7, 1781.
Historians have not only condemned Colonel
Gunby, but have extended their censure to the
brave troops commanded by him. For instance,
Professor Fiske, in "The American Revolution,"
Vol. II., pp. 275, 276, says: "The famous Mary
land brigade, which in all these Southern campaigns
had stood forth pre-eminent like Csesar's tenth
legion — which had been the last to leave the field
at Camden, which had overwhelmed Tarleton at
the Cowpens, and had so nearly won the day at
Guilford — now behaved badly, and, falling into

6 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
confusion through a misunderstanding of orders,
deranged Greene's masterly plan of battle."
Here it is not so much the commander as the
troops that are censured. To remove that censure,
to answer all charges against the skill of Colonel
Gunby and his men (for there never was any charge
against their courage, zeal and activity), is a task
worthy of the muse of history. I need not apolo
gize for the treatment of such a subject. The stage
on which Colonel Gunby acted was the loftiest in
the annals of the world. Nothing concerning the
American Revolution can ever appear insignificant
in the eyes of mankind. Perhaps it would be out
of place for me to attempt to state the supreme im
portance of that mighty struggle for independence
and the freedom of the people against the assumed
prerogatives of established government. Yet, in
all the great number of eulogists, who have at
tempted to justly characterize the American Revo
lution, I do not know of one who has done full jus
tice to the tremendous scope of the subject, or made
a sufficiently deep and lasting impression. I do not
believe that, even in America, the true significance
of the War of Independence is fully comprehended,
nor its influence on the world's history fully appre-

THE TRIBUNAL OF HISTORY. 7
ciated. It was not a battle for popular freedom,
but for the recognition of the rights of man to self-
government. It was the first recognition of man as
man, or, as some one has expressed it, the American
Revolution was the discovery of man. It not only
succeeded in the establishment of freedom in our
own country, but it has inspired all other struggles
for freedom in all the lands of earth. It was a revo
lution of ideas and ideals as well as a revolution of
government, and it is not too much to say, that in all
the struggles yet to come for the perfect attainment
and establishment of freedom, happiness, equality
and peace among the nations of the earth, it will be
the fountain head of every thought and every inspi
ration, and every high motive that leads to final vic
tory. It is a wonder that the American people do not
glory more than they do in the glorious and immor
tal American Revolution.
Every fact and circumstance concerning it is of
the deepest interest. Every participant in it, every
soldier who fought its battles, no matter how hum
ble his position, is a hero in American eyes. And,
when a soldier took a prominent part in some of the
most important, brilliant and influential battles of
the Revolution, as Colonel Gunby did, everything

8 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
concerning him, his life and character, his valor and
achievements, and his just deserts must possess
permanent historic value and interest as long as
American freedom endures.
It is therefore no trivial or transient subject to
which I invite the attention of the intelligent and
patriotic reader. If I can show that the strictures
on Colonel Gunby and his men are undeserved, that
his conduct and the conduct of his men at all times,
and especially in the battle of Hobkirk's Hill, de
served, instead of censure, the highest encomiums
for coolness and courage and efficiency, I shall per
form a service in the cause of historic truth and
justice.

THE EASTERN SHORE. ^

CHAPTER II.
THE EASTERN SHORE.
Maryland was one of the smaller colonies, having
but a little more than eleven thousand square miles
of territory. Yet her situation on the waters of
the Chesapeake Baj'-, the character of her people
and the character of her institutions made her one
of the most important factors in the struggle for
freedom. The three Lords Baltimore, who were
devout Roman Catholics, had selected and estab
lished Maryland, named for the Spanish Queen of
Charles I., as the hospitable and happy refuge of
their brethren and co-religionists, who were op
pressed by European intolerance. Unfortunately
the seating of a Catholic king on the English
throne caused the downfall of the Baltimores in
their American colony, where the spirit of freedom
and independence first asserted itself during the
Revolution of 1688, when the people rose and over
threw the Proprietary government, and, once for
all, made a Royal province of Maryland. What
ever we may think of the motives of this conflict.

10 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
it is well to recognize, even if we cannot estimate,
the immense influence which the successful exer
cise of this new power of revolution had upon the
minds of the people, where seeds of independence
were sown for the first time.
But the overthrow of the Roman Catholic was
far from the triumph of religious freedom in Mary
land. It established the ascendency of the Anglican
Church, and religious bigotry began to grow apace,
and kept on growing until the Catholics were prac
tically banished from the colony which had been
founded by their leaders. They were forbidden to
celebrate mass, to hold schools, or teach their prin
ciples to the young, or to wear arms in Maryland.
Stinging under these wrongs, many colonists had
sought shelter in foreign lands, aud the Carrolls,
the most prominent family in Maryland, were form
ing the project of founding another colony in Louis
iana, just before the Revolution began. Some of
these persecuted Maryland Catholics had powerful
friends in France, and it was due to their influence,
in a large measure, that the French Government,
which was intensely Catholic, joined in the war to
liberate the American colonies from the power of
Great Britain. For this cause all the Catholics of

THE EASTERN SHORE. 11
Maryland and all other discontents from the An
glican Church joined most heartily in the Revolu
tionary War, and fought side by side, and with
equal zeal, with the Puritans of New England.
It thus turned out that Maryland, although the
most aristocratic and feudal and pretentious of all
the colonies in customs, habits and institutions, yet
furnished to the American army some of the most
zealous and gallant soldiers, who took a leading
part in every signal battle of the Revolution, from
Lexington to Yorktown.
From the earliest settlement, Maryland was a
rich and prosperous colony. Her citizens possessed
all the prestige that flows from wealth, culture and
noble manners, and it is difficult to estimate how
much these elements of strength contributed to the
success of the great struggle in council and in field.
One of her poetic sons proudly and properly called
her "the battle queen of yore."
Lord Cornwallis was right when he stated to the
British Secretary of War that the Chesapeake Bay
was the center and keystone of the Revolution.
On one side of this bay was the populous and war
like state of Virginia, with its host of superb gentle
men, whose valor, wisdom and patriotism and

12 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
fighting qualities have never been surpassed on
this earth. On the other side of the Chesapeake
was a narrow but fertile peninsula called the
Eastern Shore of Maryland, which had already a
population of thirty thousand in three counties.
Of these three counties the principal one, Somerset,
borders the bay, whose waters form a succession of
inlets, estuaries, coves and creeks, where pirates
and smugglers were wont to hide from the officers
of the law until piracy was forever driven away
from the colonies. Later these indented shores,
these forest protected coves and creeks, aff'orded a
retreat for the American vessels, that carried on a
considerable commerce almost in the face of the
British. Numerous streams flow through the level
lands of Somerset county, and at the time of its
settlement it was one vast swamp, densely covered
with a luxurious growth of oak, maple, beach, pine,
hickory, ash, cedar, walnut, cypress, magnolia and
holly trees. These forests sprang from a rich soil
of black muck, in which was found the bog iron ore
and banks of Indian shells. Some ideas of the
difficulties of making a settlement of this tropical
swamp may be conceived from the fact that many
of the trees had fallen on account of the numerous

THE EASTERN SHORE. 13
storms that prevailed in that region, and their
trunks, piled one upon another, had lain for years
until they were entirely covered by vegetable
mould, broken twigs, dead leaves and gradual
accumulations of soil, which formed a surface crust
that often broke beneath the weight of the pedes
trian, letting him fall six or eight feet before he
reached a firm footing. From all this swampy
debris, which might be deemed an embryo coal
measure, the early settlers hauled out these oak
logs, dried them and rove them into an excellent
quality of hand-made shingles. In this hardy
trade John Gunby dealt for a time.
Here in Somerset county, on Gunby's Creek, six
miles from Crisfield, John Gunby was born on
March 10, 1745. Gunby's Creek is an inlet of
Pocomoke Bay, and is opposite the mouth of the
Potomac River. The house in which he was born,
a cut of which is herewith presented, taken from an
original photograph, was erected, in 1721, by Col
onel John Gunby's grandfather, who moved from
Qu6en Anne county to Somerset about 1710. The
first Gunbys in America emigrated from Lincoln
shire, England, having obtained a grant of land in
Queen Anne county from the third Lord Baltimore^

14 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
who was at that time very much in favor at the
court of Charles II. Tradition says that the fam
ily brought with them a coat of arms, and there is
still in England a Gunby Park and Manor, showing
the noble origin and standing of John Gunby's an
cestors. They were thorough loyalists and Church
of England men, and noted for energy, probity and
determination. Though reserved, quiet, reticent,
almost taciturn, they became men of weight and
substantial influence wherever they settled. His
grandfather and father were both large property
holders and leaders in the community. Their wills
are herewith presented, as well as the will of Col
onel John Gunby, as affording light on the manners,
conditions and customs of the time in which he
lived. Some of the terms used in the wills indicate
the character of the plantations they settled. In
the grandfather's will, dated the 24th of October,
1774, one of the testator's tracts of land is desig
nated as "Gunby's Venture ;" another is called the
"Meadow" (spelled, in the original, Medo) . In
his father's will, which was passed October 6, 1788,
the tracts of land are still more uniquely named :
one is called "Middle Ridge ;" another, "Chance,"
"Kirk's Chance," "Flat Cap," and "Slice." The

THE EASTERN SHORE. 15
tract in Worcester county, which was bequeathed
to Colonel John Gunby, was called "Security." It
is evident that all these lands had been redeemed
from the marsh, and we cannot help admiring the
hardy spirits, courage and endurance of the stal
wart men who redeemed them. The records of both
Somerset and Worcester show that the Gunbys were
frequent petitioners for the right to drain marsh
lands. The execution and record of these wills
show that the testators were men of wealth and po
sition. The wills contain inherent evidence of that
fact. There is much other evidence to the same
effect. The Gunby home stood only a few hundred
yards from the waters of the bay, and along the
shore in front of it stood large block-houses, which
remained in a good state of preservation until 1850.
These were used in carrying on an extensive com
merce along the coast, extending even so far as South
Carolina, in which trade a number of vessels of mean
tonnage were owned by Colonel Gunby's father,
and he, himself, was interested in this traffic up to
the breaking out of the Revolution. One of the
principal articles of this commerce was salt, which
was made or gathered by letting seawater through
ditches dug for that purpose into shallow ponds.

16 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
where the water would evaporate, leaving a thick
deposit of salt. At the time of the Revolution, and
even as late as 1812, this salt sold for twenty dollars
($20.00) per bushel in Baltimore. The intricacy of
the forest and the secret coves and creeks enabled
them to carry on the manufacture and sale of salt
secure from the inspecting British vessels that
guarded the bay, and strictly prevented all trading
between the settlers and outsiders.
Here are the three wills referred to, representing
three generations of John Gunby. It will be seen
that the second will, which is the largest and most
interesting, is signed by the testator's mark. This
was owing to physical disability, the testator, who
was a man of fair education, having died from
paralysis. [copy.]
COLONEL JOHN GUNBY 'S LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.
In the name of God Amen I John Gunby of Wor
cester County in the State of Maryland being weak
and low but of sound disposing mind memory and
understanding do make and ordain this instrument
of writing to be my last will and testament in man
ner & form following, to wit :
Imprimis. I give and devise unto my son George

THE EASTERN SHORE. 17
Stevenson Gunby my Plantation whereon I dwell
to hion his heirs and assigns forever —
Item. It is my will and desire that my Plantation,
in Buckingham, should be sold by my Executors,
hereinafter named upon such terms as they in their
Judgment may think best and upon the purchase
money being paid or security to be paid for my said
Executors to give a deed or deeds to the purchaser
or purchasers of the same. And the money arising
from such sale I give and bequeath unto my
daughters Nancy & Sally & my son John to be
equally divided between them. It is also my will
& desire that my son George should have the use of
one Thousand Dollars out of the sale of the land
provided there is a surplus after educating and
maintaining my three children above mentioned
upon his paying legal interest for the same till they
respectively arrive to age.
Item. After my just debts are paid I give and
bequeath the remaining part of my estate of every
description to my daughters Nancy & Sally and my
son John to be equally divided between them .
Item. I Constitute and appoint my Friend An
thony Bacon Guardian to my Children until my
son George arrives at age and upon his arrival at

18 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
age it is my will and desire he should have the sole
Guardianship of my said Children and it is my
earnest wish and desire that my son George should
be attentive to the morals and education of my said
children and render them every assistance that their
tender years may require .
Lastly I constitute and appoint my friend Anthony
Bacon and my son George Stevenson Gunby Ex
ecutors of this my last will and testament revoking
and annulling all former wills by me heretofore
made ratifying and confirming this and no other to
be my last Will & testament.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand
& affixed my seal this 11th day of February Anno
Domini 1807.
Signed, sealed, published & "
declared by John Gunby,
the above named Testa
tor to be his last will
and testament in the pres
ence of us who have
subscribed as witnesses
thereto.

>>JoHN Gunby [Seal]

John C. Handy, John T. Taylor, Purnbll taylor.
True Copy. Test. Edw. P. Davis,
Reg. of Wills for Worcester County.

THE EASTERN SHORE. 19

Will of John
Gunby's Grandfather, [¦ [Copy.]
recorded 1744.

'¦}

JOHN gunby's last WILL AND TESTAMENT.
In the name of God Amen I John Gunby, being
in perfect memory doth ordain this my last will and
testament. Item, I give and bequeath to James Gunby my
tract of land called Kirk's purchase to him and his
heirs and also Gunby's Venture and also the Medo
to him and his heirs.
Item, I give to my loving wife, Sarah Gunby,
one-third of all my personal estate. I give to my
son Kirk Gunby one Shilling Sterling and give to
my daughter Prosillor Gunby one Shilling Sterling.
I give to my Daughter Graseannah Lane one Shil
ling Sterling. I give to my daughter Ardroy
Adams one Shilling Sterling. I give to Susannah
Taylor one Shilling Sterling.
Item, I give to my grandson James Gunby
and my daughter Sarah Gunby and my daughter
Ratchell Gunby all the remainder part of my
estate. I leave my wife Executrix and James
Gunby Executor of this my last Will and Testa-

20 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
ment as witness my hand and seal this 24th Day
of October 1744. John Gunby (Seal)
In the presents of Chas. West, John Horsey, Thos.
Bell, Michael Roach.
Recorded in office of Recorder of Deeds, Princess
Anne, Md.

Will of John ¦)
Gunby's Father, \ [Copy.]
recorded, 1788. ]

JOHN gunby, LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT.
In the name of God Amen. I John Gunby of
Somerset County in the State of Maryland, Planter,
being sick and weak in body but of sound disposing
mind memory and understanding and considering
the certainty of death and the incertainty of the
time thereof and being desirous to settle my worldly
affairs and thereby be the better prepared to leave
this world when it shall please God to call me
hence, do therefore make and publish this my last
will and testament in manner and form following,
that is to say.
First and principally, I commit my soul into the
hands of Almighty and my body to the earth to be

THE EASTERN SHORE. 21
decently buried at the direction of my Executors
hereinafter named and after my debts and funeral
charges are paid I devise and bequeath as follows, —
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son Kirk
Gunby all land called the middle ridge and also
all that tract or parcel of land called Chance and
also all my right of all the land or marsh called
flatt cap and also a piece of march called Kirk's
Chance and also the one-half of my Slice to him
and his heirs.
Item, I give and bequeath unto my son J^ohn
Gunby all my lands in Worcester County, known
by the name of Security to him and his heirs and
assigns forever.
Item, I give and bequeath to my daughter Mary
Gunby one cow and calf one ewe and lamb one
pewter dish one bason six metal spoons and six
pewter plates and also one negro girl called Esther
to her and her heirs forever.
Item, I give and bequeath to my son Elisha
Gunby one hundred acres of land or marsh on Janes
Island to him and his heirs forever.
Item, I give and bequeath to my son David
Gunby a negro boy named George to him and his
heirs forever.

22 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Item, I leave my negro Wot to be sold and five
pounds of the money applied to schooling my son
David and the remainder to pay my debts.
Item, If it should happen that my son Kirk
Gunby die without lawful issue then all the lands
to be the right and title of Elisha Gunby and his
heirs forever.
Item, I give to my son Elisha Gunby all my wear
ing apparel.
Item, I leave all the remaining part of my estate
to my beloved wife Sarah Gunby during her life or
widowhood. Item, I give to my daughter Betty Gunby my
silver shoe buckles and
Last do I hereby constitute and appoint my son
Kirk Gunby to be my whole and sole executor of
this my last will and testament revoking and an
nulling all forever wills by me heretofore made,
ratifying and confirming this and none other to be
my last will and testament.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my
hand and affixed my seal this sixth day of October
anno Domini seventeen hundred eighty eight.
his
John x Gunby.
mark

THE EASTERN SHORE. 23
Signed sealed published and declared by John
Gunby the above named Testator as and for his
last will and testament in the presence of us who at
his request and in his presence have subscribed our
names as witnesses thereto. John Kellam, Jesse
Lankford, Wm. Moore.

24 COLONEL 70HN GUNBY.

CHAPTER III.
THE LOVE OP FREEDOM.
Owing to its conspicuous and favorable situation
on the bay and the great extent of the business car
ried on there, the Gunby Home became the rendez
vous of all the neighboring country, and John
Gunby had occasion to mingle with the masses of
the people and imbibe the love of freedom, which
grew everywhere along with popular gatherings
and free discussions ; although his father and other
members of his family were zealous loyalists, he
soon became a Presbyterian in religion and a patriot
in politics. His father and grandfather were ves
trymen in the Anglican Church. His son founded
a Presbyterian Church in Worcester county, known
as Gunby Memorial. His father was an ardent
supporter of the Crown ; in other words, a Tory, a
name to which a great deal of undeserved odium
has been always attached in America. Yet Tory
ism in principle was nothing but a conservative at
tachment to the government and institutions of the

THE LOVE OF FREEDOM. 25
Mother country — a sentiment which had grown
stronger in strange lands and which we cannot be
little or condemn without at the same time con
demning some of the grandest men and women that
America produced. This admirable sentiment of
loyalty to the king was so strong that it required
almost the bitterness of death to break it. All the
more, we must admire the heroic manhood of the
colonies, which threw off these attachments in the
cause of freedom and endured all kinds of pain and
suffering rather than endure oppression.
It was a time when the patriots of America put
the love of freedom above everything else on earth.
To be free and independent was their highest aspi
ration. It is, perhaps, not too much to say that
this pure and disinterested and exalted love of free
dom had its first origin and development among
men in the American Revolution, and its power and
influence over men were simply marvelous. It
made them endure all hardships and face all dan
gers. It made them break the dearest ties and lay
down comfort, wealth and the most brilliant pros
pects. Hunger and pain, fatigue and cold, the ter
rors of protracted disease and death, itself, were
welcomed as a bride by men inspired alone by the

26 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
love of freedom. No martyr ever suffered the tor
tures of the stake for his religion more cheerfully
than the American patriots endured their pro
longed sufferings for the cause of liberty.
It was such a love of freedom that filled the heart
of John Gunby, and caused him to volunteer as a
minute-man in the spring of 1775, when he had
just reached the age of thirty. Finding that this
displeased his father, he returned home to interview
his parent, and, if possible, secure his consent and
approval of his joining the army. That meeting
between father and son was held at midnight in the
large family room, and it was witnessed and re
ported by Elisha Gunby, a nephew of John Gunby,
who, having heard that his uncle would be there
that night, secreted himself under a large table,
determined to hear what was said. He heard
Gunby's father say :
"John, if you join the army, you will be hung.
I want you to be loyal to the Crown, and in time
you will be rewarded."
To this the son replied :
"I am determined to join with the American
forces, come what will. We have little to fear, for
justice will dominate, and the colonies, as victors.

THE LOVE OF FREEDOM. 27
will live to adopt a crown of freedom, not one of
oppression." Again the father remonstrated, urging him to obey
the laws of England. Whereupon Gunby said :
"Your arguments, your entreaties, your com
mands, will avail of nothing. For me, I would
rather sink into a patriot's grave than wear the
crown of England."
This ended the conversation, and Gunby left that
night to form an independent company at his own
expense. He expended all his earthly possessions
in equipping this company, which was among the
first to be organized, made ready and marched to
the front.
The "Maryland Archives" (Vol. 18, p. 20) show
that the convention of Maryland elected officers for
the Second Independent Maryland Company (Som
erset county) , on January 2, 1776, as follows : John
Gunby, Captain ; Uriah Forrest, First Lieuten
ant ; William Brown, Second Lieutenant ; Benja
min Brooks, Third Lieutenant.
To the same effect is the following extract from
proceedings of Maryland Convention at Annapolis,
page 92 :

28 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
''Sunday, January 14-, 1776.
That the forces employed in the land service be
entitled to the following rations : Colonel, 6 : Lieu
tenant-Colonel, 5 ; Major, 4 ; Captain, 3 ; Subal
tern, 2 ; Staff, 2 ; Non-commissioned or private, 1.
That the following persons be officers of said forces :
. . . Independent Company Second, John Gun
by, Captain."
This extract is cited to show how early our sub
ject took the field, and also as a quaint military
item regarding the primitive manner of issuing
rations according to the rank of the soldier. Gun
by's company was immediately marched to the
scene of hostilities. We cannot produce a complete
roll of the company, but a partial list is given by
the following report made out by Captain Gunby at
Cambridge on the 21st of August, 1776. This re
port is contained in a fragment recently purchased
at auction in New York by the Maryland Historical
Society, and is appended to Vol. 18 of Maryland
Archives. A large number of names have been
torn off, but what remains reads as follows :

THE LOVE OP FREEDOM.

29

Roll of Gunby's Company.

" Second Independent Co. (Somerset Co.

Mob.March 2nd,
Mch. 4th,

March 8th,
March 9th,

March 12th,
March 14th,
March 20th,
April 8th,
April 9th,

April 15th,
April 15th,
May 1st,
May 14th,
May 15th,
May 22nd,
May 28th,
May 29th,
June 12th,
June 26th,

William Matthews,
John Tull,
Presley Brewerton,
Thomas Parramore,
Wm. Craig,
John Corksey,
Henry Chesney,
John Beed,
Nabemiah Knight,
Patrick Phillips,
James Holder,
Abraham Ervin,
George Finck,
Henry Clark,
John Hilder,
John Chittam,
Wm. Williams,
Phillip King,
Johind Gordey,
Thomas Figgin,
Thomas Adams,
Johattan Brown,
Wm. North,
Elisha Taylor,
Rich Crane Weatherby,
Will Clark,
John Mitchell,
Obadiah Summers.

) Captain John Gunby.
Sick in barracks.
Present.Sick in barracks.
Present.Present.
Present.
Sick in barracks.
Present. Sick at Princess Anne.
Deserted 24th June.
Present.

Deserted June 24th.
Present. Sick at Princess Anne.
Present.

Sick at Princess Anne.
Present.

30 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
July 4th, William Jones, Deserted 9th inst.
July 15th, James Townsend, Discharged 2ist inst.
July 26th, William Stock well, Present.
Aug. Ist, John Dawes, Sick in barracks.
Aug. 6th, Richardson Moss, Present.
Aug. 13th, Thomas Power,
1 Captain. 4 Corporals. Privates.
3 Lieutenants. 1 Drummer. 62 Infantry.
4 .Sergeants. 1 Fife. 10 deserted.
16 sick.
1 Discharged.
(Signed) G. Dvyaljj, Muster master."
"Cambridge, August 31, 1776.
I hereby certify that the Second Independent
Company, under my command, was this day
mustered by Chas. Wallace Howard. The above
is a true copy of the muster-roll of said Company.
The persons who were not present at said muster
were absent for the causes mentioned opposite their
respective names in said muster-roll aud no other.
John Gunby."
This muster roll is very interesting as it shows
how very irregularly the men were enlisted — one
of the greatest difficulties with which the American
officers had to contend. It shows that there were
103 men in Gunbj^'s Company, including officers.

THE LOVE OP FREEDOM. 31
The desertions were due in almost every instance
to privations, sickness, or want of pay.
It has been impossible for me to discover any de
tailed account of the services of this company during
the years 1776, 1777, 1778, but we know that the
Maryland troops fought with special bravery in the
battles of Long Island and White Plains in the Fall
of 1776. They were also at Trenton and Princeton,
at Brandywine and Germantown in the Fall and
Winter of '77 and '78, and at Monmouth in 1778. In
all these campaigns John Gunby participated first as
Captain, then as Lieutenant-Colonel, to which rank
he was appointed December 10, 1776, and then as
Colonel, to which rank he was promoted on April
17, 1777. There is some confusion in the arrange
ment of the "Maryland Line" by the General
Assembly of Maryland, April 1, 1777, when it was
resolved to raise seven battalions by that state.
John Gunby appears on the list of officers as
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Seventh Maryland Regi
ment, and on another list of same date he appears
as Colonel of Second Maryland Regiment. He was
subsequently made Colonel of the First Maryland
Regiment, and the change in each case meant a
promotion. During his services in the North, Gunby

32 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
was a member of five Courts-martial, which are
herewith presented :
COURTS-MARTIAL.
I. At a brigade Court-martial, ordered by Briga
dier-General McDougal, for the trial of deserters
and offenses not capital.
Lieutenant-Colonel Ware, President.
Members.
Captain Hull, Lieutenant Roxburg,
Captain Pelton, Lieutenant Strong,
Captain Gunby, Lieutenant Grant,
Lieutenant Hues, Lieutenant Sanford,
Lieutenant Jackson, Lieutenant Gather.
Ensign Fairly, of the late Colonel McDougal's
regiment, brought before the court, and accused of
taking the fatiguemen off the fatigue, contrary to
general orders. The prisoner, being arraigned on
the above complaint, pleads and confesses that he
marched the fatigue men off contrary to general
orders, but that it was the next morning after the
orders were issued, and he had not heard them ;

THE LOVE OF FREEDOM. 33
and that he was under the command of Lieutenant
Kidd, and that it was by his order that the men
marched off. . . .
The court, being cleared, are of the opinion that
Ensign Fairly's justification is sufficient, and ac
quit him on the charge alleged against him.
Frans. Ware, President.
From "Force's American Archives," 5th series.
Vol. 2, 1776, pages 1139-40.
II. At a brigade Court-martial, ordered by Briga
dier-General McDougal :
Lieutenant-Colonel Ware, President.
Member's.
Captain Hull, Lieutenant Roxburg,
Captain Gunby, Lieutenant Grant,
Captain Pelton, Lieutenant Sanford,
Lieutenant Blues, Lieutenant Gaither,
Lieutenant Strong, Lieutenant Neale,
Lieutenant Jackson, Ensign Livingston.
Captain Cornelius Hardenbergh, of Colonel
Ritzema's regiment, under an arrest, brought be
fore the court, and charges by Lieutenant Lowns-

34 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
bury with defrauding his men. The prisoner be
ing arraigned on the above complaints, pleads
"Not Guilty." Found Guilty and cashiered.
Frans. Ware, President.
From "Force's American Archives," 5th series.
Vol. 2, 1776, page 1140.
III. At a general Court-martial held by order of
Major-General Lee, at White Plains, for the trial of
such prisoners as shall be brought before them,
October 30, 1776.
Colonel Hitchcock, President.
Members.
Major S Captain Thomas,
Captain Thompson, Lieutenant Clark,
Captain Clark, Lieutenant Miller,
Captain Olney, Lieutenant Lord,
Captain Lee, Lieutenant Grant,
Captain Dodge, Lieutenant Orne,
Captain Gunby, Ensign Young.
Captain Peters appointed Judge Advocate in the
above court.
Peter Buise, of Captain Caldwell's Company, in
Colonel Haslett's Regiment, was brought before the

THE LOVE OF FREEDOM. 35
court, and charged with the crime of desertion ; and
being asked whether he was guilty or not guilty of the
charge alleged against him, the said prisoner plead
guilty, but said that his whole intentions were to
go to his wife, who was left in York City when he
marched from that place.
The court, having maturely considered the cause
before them, are of opinion that the prisoner is
guilty of a breach of the first article of war, in the
sixth section, and do therefore sentence him to
suffer death. Daniel Hitchcock, President.
I do hereby certify that more than two-thirds of
the members of the aforesaid court were agreed in
the aforesaid sentence.
Attest : Andrew Peters, Judge Advocate.
IV. Court of inquiry, held at Pompton, July 6,
1777, to inquire into the conduct of the surgeon of
the general hospital, Dr. John Cochran.
Colonel Gunby, President.
Members.
Captain Thomson, Captain Holland,
Captain Dorsey, Captain Windor,

36 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Captain Eccleston, Captain Griffith;
Lieutenant Wilson, Lieutenant Smith-,
Lieutenant Morris, Lieutenant Price,
Lieutenant Monahon. Lieutenant Smith.
Reprimanded. John Gunby, President.
From "Force's Archives," Vol. 19, No. 1730 (not
printed) .
V. Court-martial of Richard Ennis, held at
Newark, Thursday, July 31, 1777.
Charged with aiding and abetting desertion.
Thomas Price, President.
Members.
Colonel Gunby, Captain Grust,
Colonel Smith, Captain Dobson,
Major Stewart, Captain Burns,
Major Forrest, Captain Dorsey,
Major Taler, Captain Manbey,
Captain Patten.
The court, having considered the evidence, are
unanimously of the opinion that the prisoner is

THE LOVE OF FREEDOM. 37
guilty of the charge, and the sentence is that he
shall be hanged until he is dead.
Thomas Price, President.
From "Force's Archives," Vol. 19, No. 1712 (not
printed) . ' '
The Court-martial at White Plains was held on
October 30, 1776, just two days after the battle and
the defeat of the Americans at that place, and the
severe judgment rendered was no doubt due to that
fact. Or, it may have been due to the merciless
disposition of General Charles Lee, who ordered
the Court-martial. It will be seen that Colonel
Gunby presided over an important Court-martial
held at Pompton, N. J., July 6, 1777. This is good
evidence of his high standing as an officer at that
time. The records examined by me are too meager to
give any adequate statement of the services ren
dered by Colonel Gunby and his men under Wash
ington in New York, New Jersey, Delaware and
Pennsylvania. I have never seen any special his
tory of the famous "Maryland Line" which deserves
to be more fully commemorated than it has been.
When that history comes to be worthily written, it

38 colonel JOHN GUNBY.
is certain that John Gunby and his Company and
his Regiment will shine as the stars of heaven all
through those years of brave fighting, unprece
dented for noble endurance and inexpressible suf
fering and privation from 1776 to 1779.
They were champions of truth and right and
freedom, and bought the guerdon of imperishable
honor with their blood.

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS. 39

CHAPTER IV.
THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS.
The part which the Southern colonies played in
the Revolutionary War has never been adequately
set forth by historians. They not only furnished
soldiers to aid in every important battle in the
North and East, but they fought all the battles of
the Southern department with their own men and
at their own expense . Virginia was by far the most
warlike and the most powerful province engaged in
the struggle for independence, and furnished more
soldiers and more leaders than any other three col
onies. Her pre-eminence cannot be questioned.
She responded to every call. Her supplies of mu
nition and men, like her courage and fortitude,
never gave out. During the whole war there was
fighting South of the Chesapeake Bay as well as
North of it. Every year there was a Southern
campaign. But this fact did not lessen the large
reinforcements, which Virginia and other Southern
states supplied to each Northern campaign. In

40 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
recognition of this fact, Sir Henry Clinton, as early
as 1779, determined to make the South the seat of
the war. Lord Cornwallis, the ablest general on
the British side, not only concurred in this view, but
held that the Chesapeake Bay must be made the
seat of war in order for the English to succeed.
His idea was based partly on the fact that the Brit
ish navy could cooperate most effectually with the
land forces in the Chesapeake. But it was also
based on a true conception of the necessity of over
coming Virginia and her neighboring states before
the war could be terminated in favor of the King.
Cornwallis was right, but he little thought that the
practical attempt to put his idea into effect would
expedite the termination of the struggle in favor of
American Independence. Such was the result of
the surrender at Yorktown, which, itself, was the
result of the Southern campaign inaugurated at
Camden and the Cowpens, and carried on at Guil
ford Court House and Hobkirk's Hill and Eutaw
Springs. These brilliant Southern battles were
the precursors of the grand denouement at York-
town. In 1779 and during the early months of 1780,
General Lincoln was commander of the Southern

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS. 41
Army. Being hard pressed at Charleston, he ap
pealed to Congress and to Washington for aid. In
April, Washington sent General DeKalbwith 1,400
Maryland and Delaware soldiers to relieve Lincoln.
They started about the 1st of May, but did not reach
Petersburg, Va., until the middle of June. It took
them one month to descend the Chesapeake in boats
or rafts. Lincoln surrendered Charleston, May 12,
1780, so that De Kalb was too late to be of assistance.
Congress appointed General Horatio Gates, the hero
of Saratoga, to succeed Lincoln in command of the
Southern department, and granted him extraordinary
powers. He assumed command in July, 1780, and
immediately marched into South Carolina, intending
to attack the enemy whenever and wherever found.
To his surprise, he found that the enemy was also
hunting him. They met in the woods near Camden
on August 16, 1780, and a battle ensued. The
American forces consisted of several regiments of
Virginia militia, a similar number of North Caro
lina militia, and the continental Maryland and Del
aware troops under De Kalb . Bancroft calls them
brigades, but surely they were no more than two
regiments. No sooner had the battle begun, than
the Virginia and North Carolina raw troops broke

42 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
and fled, and General Gates fled with them. Ban
croft, who was not an admirer of Gates, gives an
amusing and comical account of his flight, which
did not stop until he had covered more than two hun
dred miles in three days, on horse back. Thus ig-
nominiously deserted by their commander, the Mary
land troops, with gallant DeKalb at their head, fought
bravely on until they were pressed on all sides by
overwhelming numbers and forced to retreat ; two-
fifths of the Marylanders were killed or wounded
in this desperate engagement, and the noble De Kalb
was mortally wounded. He lingered for three days,
and, before he died, paid a glowing tribute to the
valor of the Marylanders, among whom was Gunby's
regiment. This was the first battle fought by the
Maryland regiment in the South, and they certainly
bore off all the honors of the engagement and es
tablished their unequaled valor beyond all question.
The inglorious conduct of Gates resulted in his
being speedily superseded by General Nathaniel
Greene, the hardy Rhode Island warrior, one of
Washington's most trusted officers, who was se
lected for the arduous duties of Southern com
mander on the earnest recommendation of Wash
ington. I shall have more to say of Greene's

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS. 43
military character and achievements later on ; but
it may be said now that he was a patriot of the
purest type — that type that made Americans un
conquerable by any amount of defeat and dis
couragement. But General Greene never knew
Avhat it was to be discouraged or fatigued or
frightened . Another thing may be said of him :
his fidelity to Washington was unfaltering and
sublime. He was a soldier in spirit, through and
through. Greene took command in December,
1780. We shall see that he pushed events rapidly.
He had no great army. Most of his men were un
trained militia, whose term of service was very un
certain. His troops were badly scattered and still
worse supplied with arms, clothing and provisions.
He had to encounter every difficulty that neces
sarily arose from defective government and im
poverishment of the people.
But he had a brilliant array of commanders un
der him — the best the world ever saw until
Napoleon appeared on the world's military stage
— Morgan, Marion, Sumter, Moultrie, Huger,
Henry Lee, William Washington, Harrison, John
Gunby, John Howard, Otto Williams, Campbell,
Shelby, Hawes, Kirkwood and Ford. Where is

44 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
there a brighter military constellation in ancient
or modern times? Greene had another inestimable
advantage. He had the Maryland veterans, es
pecially the first regiment, commanded by Colonel
Gunby, which was the counterpart of Csesar's
Tenth Legion and Napoleon's Old Guard. We
shall see that in every fight these Marylanders
were Greene's chief reliance, hope and salvation.
They bore the heat and the burden of the day in
every battle.
Early in January, 1781, General Greene detached
four companies from the First Maryland Regiment,
and sent them under command of Lieutenant-
Colonel Howard to reinforce Morgan, who had a
separate force. On January 17th, Morgan fought
the famous battle of Cowpens, and was completely
victorious. The Maryland troops under Howard
were mainly responsible for this victory. They
charged with the bayonet at the critical stage of
the contest and literally swept the enemy from the
field. They charged into the very midst of the
Seventy-first British Regiment, and Howard is
said to have had seven swords in his hands at one
time, surrendered to him by British officers. It
was the most decisive victory gained by the

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS. 45
Americans during the whole war, and all historians
cheerfully ascribe the chief credit to the Mary
landers. Bancroft says of the Cowpens :
"During a bloody conflict their superiority of
numbers enabled the British to gain the flanks of
the Americans both on their right and their left.
At this moment Morgan ordered the Maryland Line,
which shared his own self-possession, to retreat
fifty yards and reform anew. The British eagerly
pressed on, thinking the day their own, and were
within thirty yards of the Americans when the
latter halted and turned upon them. Tlie Virginia
riflemen, who had kept their place, instinctively
formed themselves dn the sides of the British, so
that they, who two or three minutes before had
threatened to turn the Americans, found them
selves, as it were, in a pair of open pincers, ex
posed to the converging oblique fire of two com
panies of sharp shooters on each flank, and a direct
fire from the Marylanders in front. The change
was so sudden that the British were stunned with
surprise. Seeing their disorder the line of Howard
charged with their bayonets and broke their ranks,
so that they fled with precipitation. The enemy

46 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
was completely routed and pursued for upwards of
twenty miles."
John Eager Howard (as quoted in the "National
Portrait Gallery," Vol. 2) makes the following
statement relative to this maneuver at the Cow
pens :
"Seeing that my right flank was exposed to the
enemy, I attempted to change the front of Wallace's
Company ; in doing it some confusion ensued, and
first a part and then the whole of the Company
commenced a retreat. The officers along the line
seeing this, and supposing that orders had been
given for a retreat, faced their men about and
moved off. Morgan, who had mostly been with the
militia, quickly rode up to me and expressed appre
hension of the event ; but I soon removed his fears
by pointing to the line and observing that men ¦v^ere
not beaten who retreated in that order. He then
ordered me to keep with the men until we came to
the rising ground near Washington's Horse, and he
rode forward to fix upon the most practicable place
for us to halt and face about. In a minute we had
a perfect line. The enemy were now very near us.
Our men commenced a very destructive fire, which
they little expected, and a few rounds occasioned

THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS. 47
great disorder in their ranks. While in this con
fusion, I ordered a charge with the bayonet, which
was obeyed with great alacrity."
This account differs in some material respects
from that of Bancroft, but both agree that the
maneuver was executed in substantially the same
way and with the same result. It will be impor
tant to remember these statements when we come to
discuss the battle of Hobkirk's Hill.

48 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.

CHAPTER V.
GUILFORD COURT HOUSE.
After the battle of the Cowpens, which was as
splendid in results as the daring capture of Trenton
on Christmas night, 1776, Greene, in order to bring
about a juncture of his forces with those under
Morgan, made one of the most remarkable, hazard
ous and successful retreats known to rdilitary an
nals. Having brought his forces together, he gave
battle to Cornwallis, March 15, 1781, at Guilford
Court House, on ground of his own selection.
This was the hardest fought battle of the whole
War of Independence. Lord Cornwallis said : "I
never saw such fighting since God made me. The
Americans fought like demons." Here, again, the
Marylanders were the bulwark of the Greene's army
and covered the American name with glory. It is
needless for me to describe the ground or discuss
the plan of battle, which has been set forth in a
hundred narratives. Bancroft says that Greene's
arrangement of his troops was in direct reverse to

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 49
the view of Washington, who always placed his
best troops in the front line and held his raw militia
in reserve. The latter, he thought, would be en
couraged by witnessing the example of the veterans.
Greene's plan was just the reverse of this. He
formed his troops in three lines of battle, one behind
the other. The first line consisted of North Caro
lina militia. The second line consisted of Virginia
militia. The third line was the First and Second
Maryland Regiments. Behind this third line he
held two regiments of Virginia regulars as reserves.
When the battle begun, the expected happened.
The first line broke and fled in confusion without a
contest. The second line did some better, but this,
too, was soon dislodged and routed. When the
third line was reached, the real struggle began.
Bancroft says : "A fierce attack was made on the
Americans' right by Colonel Webster with the left
of the British. After a long and bloody encounter'
the British were beaten back by the Continentals,
and with great loss were forced to cross a ravine.
Webster himself received wounds which in a few
days proved to be mortal.
"The Second Battalion of the guards, led by Col
onel Stewart, broke through the Second Maryland

60 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Regiment, captured two field pieces and pursued
their advantage into more open ground. Immedi
ately, Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, who had
brought his cavalry once more into the field, made
a charge upon them with his mounted men ; and
the First Regiment of Marylanders, led by Gunby
and seconded by Howard, engaged with their bay
onets. Stewart fell under a blow from Captain
Smith, and the British party was driven back with
great slaughter and the loss of the cannon which
they had taken."
John E. Howard, who was Lieutenant-Colonel in
Gunby's regiment and took an active part in this
battle, gives the following account of it :
"The Guards (British), after they had defeated
General Stephens, pushed into the cleared ground
and run at the Second Regiment, which immediately
gave way ; owing, I believe, in a great measure, to
the want of officers and having so many new re
cruits. The Guards pursued them into our rear,
where they took two pieces of artillery. This
transaction was in a great measure concealed from
the First Regiment by the woods and the uueven-
ness of the ground. But, my station being on the
left of the First Regiment and next to the cleared

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 51
ground. Captain Gibson, Deputy Adjutant-General,
rode to me aud informed me that a party of the
fenemy inferior in numbers to us were pushing
through the cleared ground and into our rear, and
that, if we would face about and charge them, we
might take them. We had been engaged for some
time with a part of Webster's brigade, though not
hard pressed, and at that time their fire had slack
ened. I rode to Gunby and gave him the informa
tion. He did not hesitate to order the regiment to
face about, and we were immediately engaged with
the Guards. Our men gave them some well-directed
fires, and we then advanced and continued firing.
At this time Gunby's horse was shot, and, when I
met him some time after, he informed me that his
horse fell upon him and it was with difficulty that
he extricated himself. Major Anderson was killed
about this time. As we advanced, I observed Wash
ington's Horse, and as their movements were quicker
than ours, they first charged and broke the enemy.
My men followed very quickly, and we passed
through the Guards, many of whom had been
knocked down by the Horse without being hurt.
We took some prisoners, and the whole were in our
power. After passing through the Guards, as be-

52 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
fore stated, I found myself in the cleared ground,
and saw the Seventy-first Regiment near the court
house and other columns of the enemy appearing
in different directions . Washington' s Horse having
gone off, I found it necessary to retire, which I did
leisurely." Howard was an eye-witness, and his account is
good evidence of Gunby's intrepidity and prompti
tude of cool and decisive action in the most perilous
crisis. Webster and his men were celebrated as in
vincible fighters. They were in the front of Gunby
while the terrible Guards were coming down on his
rear. By a fierce, rapid charge, he drives Webster
across the ravine, then wheels and faces the oncom
ing Guards, with Stewart at their head. Another
determined charge with shot and bayonet, and this
second force was overcome and routed. Gunby was
disabled by the death and the fall of his horse, or
no doubt he would have disposed of the third col
umn, which caused Howard to retire. The claim of
Howard that he suggested to Colonel Gunby the
bold maneuvers of this battle, a thing not unusual
with narrators of occurrences in which they took a
personal share, is not borne out by Johnson, Lee,
Marshall and other contemporary writers, who must

(4UILF0RD COURT HOUSE. 53
have had a personal and intimate knowledge of the
event. Marshall, the great jurist, was an able and
active officer during six years of the Revolutionary
War, and the popularity with all his associates,
which his genial and judicious character inspired,
made him, perhaps, more widely and more thor
oughly acquainted with the officers in the American
army than any other man in it. It is said that he
settled more disputes in the army than he did on
the bench. Judge Marshall, in his "Life of Wash
ington," volume 1, gives the following graphic ac
count of the battle at Guilford Court House :
"The North Carolina militia (who composed the
first line) were not encouraged by the great advan
tages of their position to await the shock, and
throwing away their arms and flying through the
woods, sought their respective homes.
"The British then advanced on the second line,
which received them with more firmness, and main
tained their ground for some time with great resolu
tion. Lord Cornwallis, perceiving the corps on his
flanks, brought the whole of his reserved infantry
into the line. On the right General Leslie brought
up the Guards to oppose Lee, and on the left Web
ster changed his front to the left and attacked

54 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Washington, while the Grenadiers and the Second
Battalion of Guards moved forward to occupy the
place he had just quitted.
"The ground being unfavorable to the action of
horse, Washington had posted Lynch 's riflemen,
with whom he remained in person on a height cov
ered with tliick woods, and had drawn up his cav
alry and continental infantry about one hundred
yards in the rear. On being attacked by Webster,
the riflemen broke, and Washington, finding it im
possible to rally them, rejoined his cavalry. The
British continuing to advance, and it being well
understood that the militia could not stand the
bayonet, General Stephens, who had received a
ball in his right thigh, ordered his brigade to re
treat. Lawson 's brigade having given away a
short time before, the second line was entirely
routed, and the enemy advanced boldly on the
third. "The several divisions of the British army had
been separated from each other by extending them
selves to the right and left in order to encounter
the distinct corps that threatened their flanks, and
by advancing in regiments at different times, and
the different parts of the second line had given

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 55
away. The thickness of the woods increased the
difficulty of restoring order. They pressed with
great eagerness, but with considerable irregularity.
"Greene, in this state of the action, entertained
the most sanguine hopes of a complete victory.
His continental troops were fresh, in perfect order,
and upon the point of engaging the enemy, broken
into distinct parts, and probably supposing the
severity of the action to be over. This fair pros
pect was blasted by the conduct of a single corps.
The Second Regiment of Marylanders was posted
at some distance from the First in open ground, its
left forming almost a right angle with the line, so
as to present a front to any corps, which might
attack on that flank. The British in advancing in
clined to the right, and the Second Battalion of the
Guards entered the cleared ground immediately
after the retreat of Stephens, and rushed on the
Second Maryland Regiment, while the First was
engaged with Webster. Without waiting to receive
the charge, that regiment broke in confusion. By
pursuing them, the Guards were thrown into the
rear of the First Regiment, from which they were
concealed by the unevenness of the ground and by
a skirt of woods.

66 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
"Greene was himself on the left and witnessed
the misfortune without being able to remedy it.
His militia being entirely routed, the flight of one-
fourth of his continental troops would probably de
cide the fate of the day. Unwilling to risk his
three remaining regiments, only one of which could
be safely relied upon, without a man to cover their
retreat should the event prove unfortunate, he or
dered Colonel Greene, of Virginia, to withdraw his
regiment from the line and to take a position in
the rear for the purpose of affording a rallying
point and of covering the retreat of the two regi
ments that still continued in the field.
"The Guards were soon called from the pursuit
of the Second Maryland Regiment, and led by Lieu
tenant-Colonel Stewart against the First. About
this time, Webster, finding himself overpowered by
the First Maryland Regiment, then commanded by
Colonel Gunby, and by Kirkwood's Company and the
remaining regiment of Virginia, with whom he was
engaged at the same time, had in a great measure
withdrawn from the field and retired across a ravine
into an adjoining wood. This critical respite en
abled Gunby to provide for the danger in his rear.
Facing about he met the Guards, and a very ani-

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 57
mated fire took place on both sides, during which
the Americans continued to advance.
"In this critical moment Lieutenant-Colonel
Washington, who was drawn to this part of the
field by the vivacity, of the fire, made a furious
charge upon the Guards and broke their ranks.
At this juncture Gunby's horse was killed under
him and the command devolved on Lieutenant-
Colonel Howard. The regiment advanced with
such rapidity that Gunby could not overtake it,
and was within thirty yards of the Guard when
they were charged by the cavalry. Almost at the
same instant the Maryland infantry rushed upon
them with the bayonet, and following the Horse
through them were masters of the whole battalion.
In passing through it Captain Smith of the in
fantry killed its commanding officer.
"After passing through the Guards into the open
ground, where the second regiment had been orig
inally posted, Howard perceived several British
columns with some pieces of artillery. Believing
his regiment to be the sole infantry remaining in
the field he retreated in good order and brought off
some prisoners. The cavalry also retreated.
"About the same time the remaining Virginia

58 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
regiment, commanded by Colonel Hawes and Kirk
wood's Company, who were still engaged with
Webster, were directed by General Greene to re
treat. The artillery was unavoidably abandoned —
the horses which drew the pieces being killed and
the woods too thick to admit of their being dragged
elsewhere than along the great road. The retreat
was made in good order, and Greene himself
brought up the rear."
I have quoted tliese accounts of the battle at
Guilford Court House for several reasons. In the
first place they show that the First Maryland Regi
ment, which had been organized, disciplined and
commanded by Colonel John Gunby, carried off the
honors of the day, as it did at the Cowpens, and in
every battle fought by Greene in the Carolinas.
It is an axiom of military affairs that a company
of soldiers is what its captain makes it. The same
rule applies to a regiment. Its spirit, its courage,
its discipline, its coolness, its endurance, its effi
ciency, every way are the exact reflex of the qualities
and character of its commanding officer. The First
Maryland Regiment could not have been what it
was, the Tenth Legion of tlie American Army, if

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 59
its Colonel had not been a brave and able leader,
every inch a soldier.
In the next place, the battle at Guilford Court
House shows that the First Maryland Regiment
was not only brave and well disciplined, but cool
and incapable of panic in the presence of any
perils. Just think of the situation at the time
Gunby ordered his regiment to about face and
charge the victorious Guards ! The first and second
lines of battles had been shattered. The Second
Maryland Regiment had fled in confusion. Wash
ington's cavalry had not yet come in sight. The
Virginia reserves had already been ordered by Gen
eral Greene to withdraw. The commanding Gen
eral himself was not to be seen. In such a crisis
military genius was required, a mind quick to per
ceive, a soul prompt and resolute to act and exe
cute. Gunby saw the danger, comprehended the
remedy, and took the responsibility. His men
answered the call made upon their valor, and made
a charge which has never been surpassed in all the
annals of war. The charge at Balaklava did not
equal that at Guilford Court House in supreme
devotion and disciplined courage. No wonder
Cornwallis said that they fought like demons.

60 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
No wonder that Fox said in Parliament that an
other victory like that at Guilford would destroy
the British army. The Marylanders routed Web
ster's command, and mortally wounded their
commander. The Marylanders routed the Guards
and killed their commander. It was due to
the fighting of the Marylanders that the British
were so disabled that their victory was worse than
barren, in fact, bore all the marks and was followed
by all the results of a defeat. Instead of advancing
the British retreated. Instead of remaining or
seeking to renew hostilities the victors sought to
avoid another engagement, and Cornwallis made
up his mind to abandon the Carolinas, where he
had gained nothing, and had met with so many
serious disappointments and disasters, and to
march into Virginia to join the Royal forces on
the James. So he began the movement that had
its fatal ending at Yorktown.
Such was the mighty result of American valor at
Guilford Court House, and, as long as time shall
last, a splendid share in the glory of it all be
longs to the First Maryland Regiment and its gal
lant commander. Colonel John Gunby.
Another thing is demonstrated by the true facts of

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 61
this battle. It is the peculiar weakness of Greene as
a commander. I would not detract one iota from the
merited honors of this great man. He was brave
and humane ; he was judicious, and, above all,
faithful. But he had no element of military genius.
He had scarcely a shallow knowledge of military
science and tactics. He was laborious and careful
in preparation, but always weak at the critical mo
ment. This made his career, as far as it depended
on decisive actions, a succession of blunders and
defeat. He was unquestionably responsible for the
loss of Fort Washington after the battle of White
Plains. He was inexcusably tardy at German-
town, and thereby thwarted the plans of Wash
ington .
He never gained a decisive victory in the South.
He was not at the Cowpens. If he had been there,
it is not unreasonable to fear the day would have
been lost. At Fort Ninety-six, in June, 1781, he
filled the ditches with his sacrificed soldiers, and
then ordered a retreat. At Eutaw Springs, in Sep
tember, 1781, after having routed the enemy and
swept the field with Maryland bayonets, he suffered
the enemy to take possession of the fortified posi
tion, ordered a useless charge, was repulsed, and

62 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
again ordered a retreat, and left the field, which his
men had so gloriously won in the morning, in pos
session of the enemy in the evening.
After the defeat at Ninety-six, he is said to have
been very low-spirited, almost crushed, and com
plained of his bitter fate, that would never let vic
tory perch on his banners. But his low spirits
never lasted long. He correctly represents himself
in a letter as a man who would "fight, get defeated,
and then fight again." He had bull-dog tenacity.
He had the instincts and methods of the black
smith, from whom he was descended, who ham
mered iron into shape, not by skill, but by sheer
force and repetition of blows.
He had another fault as a General ; he was al
ways over-confident at the start. Yet he worried
himself out with attention tp petty details. Ban
croft says that General Greene was worn out with
fatigue and watching before the battle began at
Guilford, and, after the battle, fainted from extreme
exhaustion, and, after regaining consciousness, re
mained far from well. It was this indisposition to
leave details to his subordinate officers that caused
General Harry Lee to retire from the army on ac
count of Greene's unfairness toward his officers and

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 63
his habit of censuring them . Yet Greene testified
that Lee was the most accomplished and ablest
officer under his command.
This failing also had the effect of causing Greene
to lose confidence as quickly as he conceived it.
While he went into an engagement with much con
fidence, he was too ready to retire before the slight
est reverse. This was clearly shown at Guilford
Court House. He did n't appreciate the fighting
qualities and strength of Gunby's men, and rather
than bring all his men into action, which would
have overwhelmed the enemy, he ordered a retreat,
because, from his position on the field, he did not
know what splendid work the Marylanders had
done. This clearly appears from the following ex
tract from General Moultrie's admirable work,
"American Revolution in Carolina and Georgia"
(Vol. 2, p. 269) .
"The cavalry under Colonel Washington, sup
ported by the Maryland troops, commanded by
Colonel Gunby and Colonel Howard, made such a
charge that they rode down the whole regiment of
Guards, in which a great many of their officers
and men were killed and wounded. This heavy
charge being well supported by the infantry, obliged

64 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
the British to fall back, and when General Huger
received orders to retreat, the Americans were
pressing close upon them."
We shall see that he fell into the same error at
Hobkirk's Hill, and ordered a retreat before it was
necessary, when, in fact, a little persistence and
firmness would have secured a signal victory. Yet
he went into that battle with almost overweening
confidence, which, however, was speedily replaced
by overcaution as soon as the first reverse ap
peared. This may have been best suited to the
conditions that surrounded Greene, but it is unlike
the conduct of any great military commander in
history. They have all had the temerity on occa
sions to burn their bridges behind them. Greene
never did. His whole system of tactics seemed to
be embodied in the self-evident proposition that
"he, who fights and runs away, will live to fight an
other day." The difference between Washington
and Greene as commanders on the battlefield may
be well illustrated by a comparison of their re
spective conduct at Monmouth and at Guilford
Court House. We have seen that Greene ordered
a retreat when his militia broke without even bring
ing all his regulars into action.

GUILFORD COURT HOUSE. 65
But at Monmouth, Washington met his men in
full retreat, in much disorder, and while Charles
Lee sat idly on his horse and ridiculed the idea
that the Americans could withstand the invincible
British, Washington rallied his men and caused
them to confront the enemy and check his victori
ous advance. This was, indeed, military genius
of the brightest order. It was on a grander scale,
but the same order of conduct as that of Colonel
Gunby, when he right faced his men at Guilford
Court House and hurled them at the advancing foe
in the rear.
It will not be denied that Greene possessed some
of the qualities of a great and good general.
While he was a good disciplinarian, yet he shared
the toils and perils and hardships of his men. He
was never afraid of soiling his hands with work.
He endured the rain and the cold and the prolonged
marches, and lived on the same scanty fare that
was given to his men.
Above all, he loved his country and was true to
the cause of freedom and its great chieftain, George
Washington. Yet the verdict of impartial history must be that
the peculiar faults of Greene prevented the Ameri-

66 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
can victory at Guilford Court House from being de
cisive and overwhelming ; and the glorious honors
won by the Americans on that occasion, when for
the first and only time during the Revolutionary
War, American regulars met an equal number of
British regulars in open field and routed and drove
them back, belong to gallant John Gunby and his
brave Marylanders.

hobkirk's hill. 67

CHAPTER VI.

HOBKIRK S HILL.

Of the four thousand five hundred Americans
who fought at Guilford, Virginia furnished sixteen
hundred and ninety-three of her militia and seven
hundred and seventy-eight of her continental
troops. Those reinforcements were sent to Greene
at a time when Benedict Arnold was invading Vir
ginia and threatening its capital. These facts con
firmed Cornwallis in the conviction that the power
ful province of Virginia was the backbone of the
war, and he promptly determined to direct his
efforts to overcoming Virginia, marching north
ward from the vicinity of the battlefield.
General Greene did not deem it necessary or ad
visable to follow Cornwallis ; so he marched south
with the intention of attacking and capturing the
British posts in South Carolina, and, if possible,
driving the enemy into Charleston. After march
ing about 150 miles, on the 19th of April, 1781,
Greene drew his army up in front of Camden, the

68 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
principal of these British posts, lying near the
center of the state, about one hundred miles to the
northwest of Charleston. By taking this impor
tant point the Americans would become masters of
the entire state outside of Charleston. Camden
was the scene of Gates's inglorious defeat the pre
vious year, and this may have had some infiuence
in the decision to attack it first. Greene had
hoped to surprise the garrison, but in this he was
disappointed. The British commander. Lord Raw-
don, although but twenty-six years of age, was a
most able, vigilant and daring officer. He learned
of Greene's approach some time before the latter
arrived and was ready at all points to repel the
attack. Finding an assault impracticable, Greene
retired north of the town and camped on a low
sandy ridge called Hobkirk's Hill, on both sides
of the Great Waxhaw road. This ridge would
hardly be called a hill in any but a level country.
Its highest point, about one mile and a quarter
from the center of the town of Camden, is only
seventy feet above the level of the town. This
ridge or knoll extends from east to west about one
thousand yards. At the time of the battle it was
covered witli thick and uninterrupted woods, and

hobkirk's hill. 69
on its east was the low marshy swamp of Pine-
tree Creek. Here Greene remained one night,
and on the 20th marched across the swamp and
camped east of Camden on the Charleston road
in order to intercept Colonel Watson, who was
supposed to be marching to the relief of Rawdon.
Before making this last movement Greene, finding
it difficult to carry the artillery across the swamps,
had detached Colonel Carrington with the North
Carolina militia to remove the artillery to a place
of safety and guard it until further orders.
On the 24th, Greene returned with his army to
Hobkirk's Hill, and sent word for the artillery to
be brought back, but only two pieces had been re
turned on the morning of the 25th.
I shall now give a description of the battle in the
words of Chief-Justice Marshall in his "Life of
Washington," Vol. II, page 5 :
"A drummer, who deserted on the morning after
Greene's return, and before he was rejoined by
Lieutenant-Colonel Carrington, gave information
to Lord Rawdon that the artillery and militia had
been detached.
"His lordship determined to seize this favorable
occasion for fighting his enemy to advantage, and.

70 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
at the head of nine hundred men, marched out of
town on the morning of the 25th to attack the
American army. Lieutenant-Colonel Carrington
had arrived in camp that morning and brought
with him a supply of provisions, which had been
issued to the troops, some of whom were employed
in cooking and others in washing their clothes.
Notwithstanding these occupations, they were in
reach of their arms and were in readiness to take
their ground and engage at a moment's warning.
By keeping close to the swamp and making a cir
cuit of some distance. Lord Rawdon gained the
American left without being perceived ; and about
eleven his approach was announced by the fire of
the advance pickets, who were a half mile in front
of Greene's encampment. Orders were immedi
ately given to form the American line of battle.
"The Virginia brigade, commanded by Colonel
Huger, consisting of two regiments under Campbell
and Hawes, was drawn up on the right of the great
road. The Maryland brigade, commanded by Col
onel Williams, consisting also of two regiments
under Gunby and Ford, was on the left, and the
artillery was placed in the center. The North
Carolina regiment, under Colonel Reed, formed a

hobkirk's hill. 71
second line, and Captain Kirkwood, with the light
infantry, was placed in front for the purpose of sup
porting the pickets and retarding the advance of the
enemy. General Greene remained on the right with
Campbell's regiment.
"Captain Morgan, of Virginia, and Captain
Benson, of Maryland, who commanded the jiickets,
gave the enemy a warm reception, but were soon
compelled to retire. Captain Kirkwood was driven
in and the British appeared in view. Rawdon con
tinued his march through the wood along the low
ground in front of the Maryland brigade, which
was in the act of forming, until he reached the road
where he displayed his column.
"Perceiving that the British advanced with a
narrow front, Greene ordered Colonel Ford, whose
regiment was on the extreme left, and Lieut. -Col.
Campbell, whose regiment was on the extreme
right, severally to attack their flanks, while Gunby
and Hawes should advance upon their front with
charge bayonets. To complete their destruction
by cutting off their retreat to the town, Lieutenant-
Colonel Washington was ordered to pass their left
flank and charge them in the rear.
"The regiments commanded by Ford and Camp-

72 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
bell, being composed chiefly of new levies, did not
change their ground and perform the evolution
necessary for the duty assigned to them with the
requisite rapidity and precision ; in consequence of
which, Rawdon, who instantly perceived the danger
that threatened his flanks, had time to extend his
front by bringing the volunteers of Ireland into
his line.
"This judicious movement disconcerted the de
sign on his flanks and brought the two armies into
action fronting each other. But the regiments of
Ford and Campbell were thrown into some con
fusion by the abortive attempt to gain the flanks
of the British. Colonel Washington, too, was com
pelled by the thick underwood and felled trees,
which obstructed his direct course, to make so ex
tensive a circuit that he came into the rear of the
British at a greater distance from the scene of ac
tion than was intended, in consequence of which
he fell in with their medical and other staff, and
with a number of the followers of the army and
idle spectators, who took no part in the action.
Too humane to cut his way through this crowd, he
employed so much time taking their verbal parol
that he could not reach the rear of the British line

horkirk s hill. 73
until the battle was ended. These casualties disap
pointed this very interesting part of Greene's intended
operations. The artillery, however, played on the
enemy with considerable effect, and the regiments
of Gunby and Hawes advanced on the British front
with resolution. Some companies on the right of
the Maryland regiment returned the fire of the
enemy, and their example was followed by the
others. Notwithstanding this departure from or
ders, they continued to advance with intrepidity,
and Greene entertained sanguine hopes of victory.
His prospects were blasted by one of those inci
dents, against which military prudence ^can make
no provision.
"Captain Beatty, who commanded on the right of
Gunby's regiment, was killed, upon which his com
pany, with that adjoining it, got into confusion and
dropped out of the line. Gunby ordered the other
companies, which were still advancing, to fall back
and form with the two companies behind the hill,
which the British were ascending. This retrograde
movement was taken for a retreat, and the regiment
gave way. Encouraged by this circumstance, the
British pressed forward with increased ardor, and
all the efforts of Colonel Williams and of Gunby

74 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
and Howard to rally the regiment were for a time
ineffective. This distinguished regiment, distin
guished alike for its discipline and courage, which,
with the cavalry of Washington, had won the bat
tle of Cowpens and nearly won that of Guilford
Court House, was seized with an unaccountable
panic, which for a time resisted all the efforts of
their officers.
"The flight of the First Maryland Regiment in
creased the confusion which the change of ground
had produced in the Second, and, in attempting to
restore order, Colonel Ford was mortally wounded.
Lord Rawdon improved these advantages to the ut
most. His right gained the summit of the hill,
forced the artillery to retire, and turned the flank
of the Second Virginia Regiment, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Hawes, which had advanced
some distance down the hill. By this time the
First Virginia Regiment, which Greene had en
deavored to lead in person against the left flank of
the British, being also in some disorder, began to
give ground. Perceiving this reverse in his affairs,
and knowing that he could not rely on his second
line, Greene thought it most advisable to secure
himself from the hazard of a total defeat by

hobkirk's hill. 75
withdrawing the Second Virginia Regiment from
action. "The Maryland Brigade was in part rallied, but
Lord Rawdon had gained the hill, and it was
thought too late to retrieve the fortunes of the
day. Greene determined to reserve his troops for a
more auspicious moment, and ordered a retreat.
"Finding that the infantry had retreated. Colonel
Washington also retired, with a loss of only three
men, bringing with him about fifty prisoners,
among whom were all the surgeons belonging to
the British army.
"The Americans retreated in good order about
four miles from the field of battle, and proceeded
next day to Rugeley's Mill. The pursuit was con
tinued for about three miles. In the course of it,
some sharp skirmishing took place, which was ter
minated by a vigorous charge made by Colonel
Washington on a corps of British Horse who led
their van. This corps being broken and closely
pursued, the infantry in its rear retreated precipi
tately to Camden."
I have given this account of the battle in full be
cause it is necessary to examine very closely into all
the details of this battle in order to determine the

76 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
exact cause and responsibility for the defeat of the
Americans. It will be seen that Marshall attributes
no blame whatever to Colonel Gunby, but says
Greene's "prospects were blasted by one of those
incidents against which military prudence can make
no provision." But he seems to attach blame to
the First Maryland Regiment, speaking of its
"flight," and saying it was "seized with an unac
countable panic which for the time resisted all ef
forts of their officers."
I shall produce conclusive evidence that there
was no "flight," and no "panic," and that the
defeat, or rather retreat, for I do not admit that
the American forces were defeated, was due to
the errors which could have been foreseen and
easily avoided by ordinary military prudence, and
that Gunby. was not to blame. In order to under
stand the battleground I herewith present a sketch
drawn by one of the British officers, who partici
pated in the battle as a member of Rawdon 's regi
ment of Irish volunteers, and first published by the
British historian Stedman.
Lossing and other historians have made use of
the same map, and it is substantially correct as to
the general topography of the field and the posi-

©IF

hobkirk's hill. 77
tion of the troops, but it is not complete. The
memoranda on the map are those made by Captain
Vallancey, and are as follows: ''a-a are American
militia on the Waxhaw road leading from Camden
to Salisbury ; b-b, the Virginia line ; c-c, the Mary
land line ; d, the reserve with whom was General
Greene ; e, the British light infantry, approaching
the rear of the American camp from the swamp of
Pine-tree Creek ; /, Irish Volunteers from New
York ; g, South Carolina Loyalists under Rawdon ;
h, Sixty-third British Regiment ; i, New York
Loyalists ; j, King's American Regiment ; k, Con
valescents ; I, place where first attack was made ;
m-m, British Dragoons." (Taken from "Lossing's
Field-book of American Revolution.")
It will be seen that the Maryland line is given
an advanced position with the British right, in
fantry, dragoons, and a part of the Irish Volunteers,
beyond their left flank. The American troops on
the right, where Greene was, have no British in
front of them, and are not represented as far to
the front. The facts are that some of the troops
on the British right were advanced further than
represented on this map. Both the light infantry
and dragoons of the British had reached the rear

78 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
of the American left after a circuitous march from
Camden through the swamps, and then ascending
the branch at the head of which the Americans
were camped at Martin's Spring. This spring is
now known as Greene's Spring, and a view of it is
herewith given. This spring is half way up the
slope of Hobkirk's Hill on the side next to the
swamp on Pine-tree Creek. The soldiers of Greene
were washing their clothes at this spring and cook
ing their breakfast near by when the British ap
peared on their flank and rear. It seems that there
were no pickets on the side next to the swamp.
Rawdon had marched the main body of his men
down the road, and when the Marylanders formed
and advanced they were really between the two
lines, as they had been at Guilford Court House.
The British light infantry on the left rear of the
Americans were in sight of the British regulars in
front and the Irish Volunteers on the left also ; and
all those forces made a rush to join each other.
It will be seen from the map that none of the
British forces are in front of the Virginia line on
the American right. It is clear that they were not
in a position to support the Marylanders, who had
all the fighting to do, as usual. At the time of the

Gkhene's Spuing.
Off to right of tliis picture are the woods. Picture shows road leading from Camden. The horseman is
almost on crest of Hobkirk. The .scene shows where Gunby and the Marylaiid line broke, and where the
path verges on the road wliere Beatty is .said to have fallen Rawdon came up this road to co-operate with
forces supposed by that time to be oh the other side of the hill. When at this point the Enslish caught sight
of the other section of army, and, supposing they had been trapped, made a grand rush to join forces, which
they did in fleld to right.

Greene's Spking.
Here it was that Kirkwood's Delawares were camped, which is at head ot first fork ot the run mentioned
by deserter and mistaken by the Brilish as the second. This is the scene of the first fighting, and is located on
tlie eastern slope ot Hobkirk, about half way up. Here it was that many men were washing tiieir clothes, etc.

hobkirk's hill. 79
battle this ground was covered with forest trees,
and the land below the hill was quite marshy, as
it still is in the spring time.
Let us also take into consideration that the Amer
ican troops had been worn out by long marches and
severe privations, and had just received two days'
scanty rations, which they were preparing to eat
when the British made their appearance ; that they
had been seeking to draw the British out of their
fortifications, and had for several days been march
ing around Camden with the idea of besieging or
assaulting the British position, and we can realize
that the Americans did not expect an open attack
from their enemies. It was the last thing in the
world they expected. The attack was a complete
surprise, and it is so recorded in Washington's
diary. "So little did the Americans expect the
British out of their lines, that the second in com
mand, General Huger, told me that they had just
come to their ground, and that a number of officers,
with himself, were washing their feet and a number
of soldiers were washing their kettles in a small
rivulet that ran by this camp, when their picket
was engaged with the enemy. They ran to camp
as fast as they could, and the British were soon

80 COLONEL .TOHN GUNBY.
after them, when a general action took place, and
it would probably have been a serious surprise upon
General Greene had it not been for Washington's
cavalry, which was saddled and only the bits of
their bridles out of their mouths. They were soon
got ready, and General Greene ordered them to
charge the enemy's right flank, which they did, and
soon got into their rear ; this threw them into the
greatest confusion, and gave General Greene time
to make a good retreat to Gum Swamp, about five
miles away." (Moultrie's "American Revolution
in Carolina and Georgia," Vol. 2, p. 276.)
General Moultrie is certainly good authority on
this subject. He was a prisoner in Jamaica at the
time of the battle at Hobkirk's Hill, having sur
rendered at Charleston the preceding year, but he
was personally acquainted with all of the officers
and most of the men who participated in that en
gagement, and he prepared his "Memoirs" in con
sultation with the principal actors in the struggle.
There is plenty of other contemporary evidence,
both from British and American sources, to confirm
the conclusion that General Greene was taken by
surprise, and that he acted botli before and during

hobkirk's HILL. 81
the battle with imprudence and inconsiderate con
fidence. (See " Tarleton 's Campaigns.")
Yet General Greene always attributed the loss of
the battle exclusively to the order of Colonel Gunby
to his regiment to fall back and reform on the two
disordered companies, and many historians have
charged Gunby with "blundering," and his regi
ment with having acted badly. As a sample, take
the following from Fiske's "The American Revolu
tion," Vol. 2, p. 275:
"The famous Maryland brigade, which in all
those Southern campaigns had stood forth pre-emi
nent like Csesar's tenth legion — which had been the
last to leave the disastrous field at Camden, which
had overwhelmed Tarleton at the Cowpens, and had
so nearly won the day at Guilford, now behaved
badly, and, falling into confusion through the mis
understanding of orders, deranged Greene's mas
terly plan of battle."
Here we see that Professor Fiske, like Judge
Marshall, shows uo disposition to censure Colonel
Gunby's orders, but says they were misunderstood,
and places the censure on the soldiers of the First
Maryland Regiment. This, I shall show, is inex
cusable error and injustice. Neither Colonel Gunby

82 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
nor his men were to blame for the failure to gain
a decisive victory at Hobkirk's Hill. Let us see
what General Greene says about the causes of his
defeat, and then I shall lay before the reader what
others have said on the subject, to be followed by a
comparison and some discussion of these author
ities. The next day after the battle, Greene, in general
orders, commended the exertions of several corps,
but implicitly and by silence censured the infantry
of the battalions. (Gordon's "History of the
United States," Vol. 4, p. 85.) ''April 25, 1781.
"Much dissatisfaction is expressed by the General
with the conduct of the officers, but we (the
soldiers) are loaded with honor." (Moore's "Diary
of the American Revolution," Vol. 2, p. 415.)
On April 27, 1781, two days after the battle. Gen
eral Greene addressed a report of the engagement
dated at Saunder's Creek to Samuel Huntingdon,
Esq., who was at that time president of the Con
gress at Philadelphia, and in this report, General
Greene says :

hobkirk's HILL; 83
"About eleven o'clock our advanced pickets re
ceived the first fire of the enemy. Colonel Gunby,
with the First Maryland Regiment, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Hawes, with the Second Virginia Regi
ment, had orders to advance down the hill and
charge them in front. The enemy were staggered
in all quarters, and upon the left were retiring
when, unfortunately, two companies on the right
of the First Maryland Regiment were entirely
thrown into disorder, and by another stroke of for
tune, Colonel Gunby ordered the rest of the regi
ment, which was advancing, to take a new position
toward the rear, where the two companies were
rallied. This movement gave the whole regiment
an idea of retreat, which soon spread through the
Second Regiment, which retreated accordingly.
They both rallied afterwards, but it was too late.
The troops rallied more than once, but the disorder
was too general and struck too deep for one to think
of recovering the fortune of the day, which prom
ised us at the outset such a complete victory. I
have the honor to be, with the greatest respect.
Your Excellency's most obedient and
most humble servant,
Natl. Greene."

84 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
"P. S.^The cavalry and a part of the infantry
charged the enemy in the dusk of the evening and
made them fly with precipitation into the town."
This is certainly a most remarkable postscript to
the official report of a battle represented to have
been lost. However, there is indubitable evidence
that it is true, and it is truly strange that Greene
seemed disposed to subordinate or depreciate the fact
that at sunset the battlefield was in the possession
of the American forces and remained so during the
night, notwithstanding the commanding General
was five miles away with his retreating army. In
fact, there is a singular resemblance in the conduct
of General Greene to that of Gates on nearly the
same battleground. Both were surprised, both
were too ready to accept defeat, and both left be
fore the fight was finished. On the 28th of April,
three days after the battle, Greene wrote to Major
Henry Lee, who had been detached before the
battle of Hobkirk's Hill to reduce Fort Watson,
and gave the following account of that battle :
"The First Maryland Regiment being a little
disordered had orders to retire a few rods. This
threw them into disorder. The Second Maryland

Position of Reserves when Americans Broke.
Road is a branch of Camden Road and starts about fifty yards from base of hill. To the right is ori.sinal
position of Maryland line upon forming. This scene is taken from crest of Hobkirk looking southeatt and on
left of Camden Road leaving that town.

hobkirk's HILL. 85
Regiment, seeing them fall back, soon got into
disorder also, and the whole retired off the ground.
This encouraged the enemy, who before were re
tiring, and they pushed on and gained the top of
the hill and the artillery was obliged to retreat.
Colonel Hawes 's regiment was then advancing in
tolerable order within forty yards of the enemy,
and they in confusion in front, but the enemy
having gained their flank by the retreat of the
Marylanders, I was obliged to order them to retire
also, to save them from being cut to pieces. I was
with this regiment myself, and they suffered more
than all the rest. Colonel Campbell's regiment got
disordered about the same time that the Maryland
troops did, but by his exertions and Captain
Pierce's, my aid, they were soon rallied, and the
whole of the troops rallied at different times, but
not in such order or with such spirit as to recover
the misfortunes of the day." ("Lee's Campaign
of 1781," page 278.)
In this letter to Lee, it will be seen that Greene
says the First Maryland Regiment was "a little
disordered," whereas, in his letter to President
Huntington, he says, "Two companies were en
tirely disordered." In the Lee letter,- he says the

86 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
regiment was ordered to "retire a few rods," and
he attributes the disorder of the Second Maryland
Regiment to their seeing the First fall back,
whereas other reports show that the Second Regi
ment was disordered first ; but in the Lee letter
General Greene admits that Campbell's regiment,
which consisted of North Carolina militia, got dis
ordered about the same time the Maryland troops
did, and hence their disorder was not caused by the
latter. In neither of the reports cited did Greene
credit his defeat to the orders given by Colonel
Gunby, nor ascribe the disorder to him. In both
reports he states that the Marylanders rallied sev
eral times. It is quite strange that he does not
mention the death of Captain Beatty, which was
undoubtedly the true cause of whatever disorder
there was.
George Washington Greene, grandson of General
Greene, wrote an elaborate and authoritative life of
his grandfather, from which we extract the follow
ing account of the battle of Hobkirk's Hill :
"Campbell was ordered to wheel upon their right
flank, Ford upon their left, Hawes and Gunby to
charge in front with the bayonet, and Washington
to pass around them in the rear with the cavalry^

View Taken from Left of Camhex Rhad .vxd on Toi> of Hobkirk.

I his shows Camden in the distance. Here it was that Greene gave orders to Virgiuians and Mary
landers to lorni, which they did. Beatty descending from hill and leadim; men across Cam.ieii
IZa t £"'.".' "¦'"=¦.''!; \^.^y broke. At the edge of woods on right is where Wasliiiigton struck main
body of British \yith his cavalry.

hobkirk's hill. 87
"But unfortunately, for the success of those ma
neuvers, the regiments of Campbell and Ford were
new levies, not yet trained to fire. . . . Mean
while the artillery had opened a brisk fire, and the
regiments of Gunby and Hawes were advancing to
the charge with a firm countenance. The enemy's
fire also began to grow heavy, and some companies
on Gunby's right, forgetting the order to use only
their bayonets, returned it. Still they continued
to advance without any other indications of dis
order, but at this moment. Captain William Beatty,
a favorite officer, dropped dead at the head of his
company, shot through the heart.
"The company became deranged and the con
fusion quickly extending to that nearest it, both
fell out of line. The other companies were still
advancing, and had the rear companies been pressed
forward at quick time, the onward impulse might
have been preserved, and all yet have gone well ;
but instead of pushing them all forward, Gunby or
dered them to fall back to the foot of the hill and
form there anew. The order was fatal. 'We are
commanded to retreat,' said one to the other, and
the enemy pressing eagerly forward, the whole
regiment gave way. Williams, Gunby, Howard,

88 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
honored and revered as they were, could do noth
ing to allay the disorder, and the victors of Cow
pens and almost victors of Guilford yielded to a
sudden panic and broke. Before they could be
jallied again, the day was lost." (G. W. Greene's
"Life of Natl. Greene," Vol. 3, p. 247.)
It will be seen that this account correctly ascribes
the "derangement" to the dramatic fall of Captain
Beatty. What it says of Colonel Gunby's fatal
order and the subsequent panic, is wholly inac
curate, and wholly unreasonable and inconsistent,
as will be shown further along. All historians con
cur in attributing the disorder to the death of
Beatty, and many attribute the defeat entirely to
this cause. For instance, Lossing states the matter
as follows :
"Notwithstanding their inferiority of numbers
and disadvantage of position, the British main
tained their ground most gallantly until Gunby's
charge, when they faltered. Hawes was then de
scending the hill to charge the New York Volun
teers, and the falchion that should strike the de
cisive blow of victory for the Americans was up
lifted. At that moment, some of Gunby's veterans
gave way. Their commander was killed. Colonel

hobkirk's hill. 89-
Williams, who was near the center, endeavored to
rally them, and Gunby and other officers used every
exertion to close their lines. In this attempt. Col
onel Ford was mortally wounded and carried to the
rear. Gunby, finding it impossible to bring them
into order, directed them to rally by returning
partially to the rear. The fall of Captain Beatty
of Gunby's regiment was the cause of its defection.
He was leading a battalion of Gunby's command to
a bayonet charge when a musket ball entered his
forehead and he fell dead. To save him from the
British bayonets, then close at hand, the officers,
not knowing that he was killed, rushed forward to
pick him up. This produced a halt and some con
fusion. The Bi'itish perceived it, pushed forward,
.broke the line of the battalion and caused a general
retreat. To the fall of the brave Beatty must be
attributed the loss of victory to the Americans."
(Lossing's "American Revolution and War of 1812, ' '
pp. 473 and 475.)
I have no doubt that the death of this gallant
young captain, who was as athletic as he was brave,
and as brave as he was intelligent and patriotic,
was a great shock to his companions, especially as
he was leading the extreme right of the regiment,

90 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
where the regimental colors were ; but it is too
much to say that his death caused the loss of the
battle, even indirectly. But if Lossing is right, if
the death of Beatty caused an uncontrollable panic
in this veteran regiment, then the disorder was due
to causes over which Gunby had no control, and he
is clearly exonerated from all blame. This, how
ever, would throw the blame on the First Maryland
Regiment, a result with which I am not satisfied.
I propose to show that the responsibility for the de
feat rests neither on the regiment nor its com
mander. Here is another account of the causes
which led to the defeat :
"Perceiving that the British advanced with a
narrow front, Greene ordered Ford's regiment on
the left and Campbell's on the right to wheel re
spectively on their flanks, the regiments of Hawes
and Gunby to charge with bayonets without firing,
and, with inconsiderate confidence in gaining the
victory, weakened himself irretrievably by sending
William Washington with his cavalry to double the
right flank and attack the enemy in the rear. . . .
The regiments under Hawes and Gunby advanced
with courage, while the artillery played effectively
on the head of the British column. But, on the

Scene of Greene's Headquarters.
Between the four trees this tent was pitched. Large tree on right was standing at that time^

This

is directly on top of Hobkirk and about 200 yards from bluff overlooking Camden. The road from
Camden is visible on left.

hobkirk's hill. 91
right of Gunby's regiment. Captain Beatty, an officer
of the greatest spirit, fell mortally wounded ; his
company, left without his lead, began to waver, and the
wavering affected the next company. Seeing this,
Gunby ordered the regiment to retire, that they
might form again. The British troops, seizing the
opportunity, broke through the American center,
advanced to the summit of the ridge, brought their
whole force into action on the best ground, and
forced Greene to retreat. The battle was over be
fore William Washington vnth his cavalry could
make the circuit through the forest to attack their
rear. Each party lost about three hundred men."
(From Bancroft's "History of the United States,"
Vol. 5, 1776-1782, pages 498 and 499.)
It is strange that Bancroft should make such an
erroneous statement with regard to Washington's
part in the battle. The fact is, Washington had
been eminently successful in his movement, and
had reached the rear of the British army and gone
as far as the Log Town marked on the map. At
the moment when Greene ordered the retreat, Wash
ington had captured two hundred prisoners, among
whom were all the surgeons attached to Rawdon 's
army, and about fifty citizens. He lost some time

92 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
in taking paroles from these prisoners, otherwise
his presence in the rear of the enemy might have
been made known to Greene and encouraged him
to remain on the field. It was some time before
Washington found out that the Americans had re
treated ; then he marched around and got in front
of the British, and charged and drove them back
to their breast-works at Camden. It is my opinion
that Washington's cavalry and the First Maryland
Regiment could have alone whipped Rawdon' s
army, if Greene had been absent the entire day.
The British historians give a humorous tinge to
their account of this battle by speaking of Colonel
Washington as "this remarkable gentleman who
did not understand the situation, but continued to
make prisoners of British officers after the main
body of the Americans were in full retreat." They
seem to think this was a breach of discipline on
Washington's part. Landrum, in his "History of
Upper South Carolina," says that Washington lured
Captain Coffin, who was left by Rawdon in charge
of the field, into ambush, and all but annihilated
his forces ; thus actually ending the day in favor of
the Americans. There is also ample authority to

hobkirk's hill. 93
show that the Marylanders were hurried into the
fight in a half-formed and discouraging condition.
Thus, in "McSherry's History of England," page
292, it is said : "Worn down by previous sufferings,
emaciated from the scantiness of their food, and
brought suddenly to a charge when only half
formed, these brave men seemed to forget the
laurels which they had already won. They had
rallied at length, but too late to retrieve the
day." Such statements carry with them the strongest
repudiation of the censure bestowed on those brave
soldiers. It was not their fault that they were
surprised and were suddenly hurried into a charge
without adequate formation. It was not their fault
that they had been taxed beyond the bounds of
physical endurance, and yet ordered to charge upon
an advancing foe without firing a gun. After the
battle of Cowpens, Greene seemed to rely on the
bayonet alone, in season and out of season. Half
of his men were away on detached service. His
artillery, except two pieces, was also out of the
way, yet, instead of standing on the defensive on
the top of Hobkirk's Hill, where he could have
fought his enemy at terrible disadvantage, he

94 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
hastily ordered his disorganized forces to throw
themselves against a well-formed and advancing
enemy. It was inevitable that disorder should spring
from such movements, and it was due to Gunby's
coolness and good judgment and military skill that
Greene was not utterly routed. It will be observed
that in all of the reports of this battle it is stated
that Gunby's regiment was rallied, but too late to
do any good. This is a grievous error. They
rallied in time to save the entire American army.
They rallied "in a few rods" of the position from
which they fell back and reformed in time to steady
the other troops. I shall now produce two reliable
historians who show what valuable service Gunby's
regiment rendered, even after the disorder. The
first is Judge William Johnson of the United States
Supreme Court, who emulated the example of his
great chief. Judge Marshall, in devoting a part of
his leisure and talents to American history. This
great philosopher and jurist was born and reared
in South Carolina, being ten years old at the time
of the battle of Hobkirk's Hill, and, no doubt, as
he grew up, he formed a personal acquaintance
with most of the participants in it.

hobkirk's HILL. 95
In his "Life and Correspondence of Nathaniel
Greene," Judge Johnson says : "Greene had no
common adversary to deal with in Lord Rawdon.
With that promptness in conception and in action
which distinguishes genius combined with bravery,
the British supporting columns were instantly pro
truded, and the American wings were quickly ex
posed to the very disadvantage which they hoped
to impose upon their enemy — they were outflanked,
their wings were enfiladed, and their rear threat
ened. Disorder necessarily followed; for the extreme
right and left were necessarily checked and de
flected. But no permanent effect could have re
sulted from this state of things in the wings had
not other occurrences produced a state of things in
the center which admitted of no remedy.
"The First Maryland Regiment, the tenth legion
of the army, that to which all eyes were turned
for example, the same which had conquered at the
Cowpens and fought half the battle at Guilford,
now shrunk away in a panic which was not to be
overcome. ' 'The first symptom of confusion was exhibited by
the commencement of a firing contrary to orders.
This was scarcely suppressed when Captain Beatty,

96 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
who led the right company of the First Maryland,
and who was the delight of his command, fell
pierced to the heart. His fall caused those nearest
him to check their progress, and the halt was
rapidly communicated from right to left through
two companies before the cause was understood.
Some hesitation being exhibited by the men when
urged to regain the line Colonel Gunby dispatched
Colonel Howard with orders to the remaining com
panies of the regiment, then advancing with con
fidence, to halt, fall back, and encourage the falter
ing companies to proceed. This retrograde move
ment soon produced a general panic in the regi
ment, which exhibited itself in a tendency to con
tinue to retreat in some confusion. Nor did the
evil end here. While Williams, Gunby and How
ard were exhausting all their resources in a com
bined effort to rally this regiment, Colonel Ford,
whilst gallantly executing his orders on the American
left, fell from his horse, pierced with a mortal
wound. His regiment, dispirited by the fall of its
leader, and severed from the line by the retirement
of the First Maryland, soon faltered, and could
only be kept from absolute confusion by being per-

hobkirk's hill. 97
mitted to halt ; to be permitted to retire was the
unavoidable consequence. ... In the midst
of the flight of bullets which then showered about
him, for he was then almost alone upon the most
exposed part of the hill. General Greene's orders
were issued in a tone of perfect composure, to draw
off the right and left regiments and form them on
Gunby's regiment, which was now rallied; while
Hawes, with the Second Virginia, should cover their
retreat." The next author is William Gilmore Sims, also a
South Carolinian, who says in his "Life of General
Nathaniel Greene," pages 219 and 221 :
"This center was composed of the very flower of
the army — one of its two regiments being that of
Gunby, or the First Maryland, whose conduct at
Guilford had been so conspicuous for its bravery.
Firing against orders was one proof of confusion,
which was increased by the fall of Captain Beatty,
of the right company of the regiment, who was
much beloved, and who was stricken down by a
bullet that pierced his heart. His fall checked the
progress of his command. The halt influenced the
other companies. It became a panic ; it spread
from right to left, from front to rear ; and, finally.

98 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
produced the recoil of the whole regiment. Un
happily, while Williams, Gunby and Howard were
exhausting themselves in the most earnest efforts to
restore firmness and consistency. Colonel Ford fell,
mortally wounded, while gallantly leading the other
Maryland regiment on the American left. The death
of their leader, and the halt of Gunby's veteran
command, determined their career. They recoiled
also." . . . Greene's "only hope was to draw
off the right and left regiments from the now un
equal struggle, and form them on the regiment of
Gunby, which had now rallied; while Hawes, with
the Second Virginia, should cover the retrograde
movement. The order was given and well ex
ecuted." Here it is stated by both Johnson and Sims that
Greene formed the right and left regiments on
Gunby's regiment. What would have become of
them if Gunby's regiment had not been there? Let
it be remembered that Campbell's regiment on the
American right and Ford's regiment on the left
were all militia, and had run at Guilford. Let it
also be remembered that General Greene says him
self that Campbell's regiment, which was not in
sight of the Marylanders, became disordered at the

hobkirk's hill. 99
same time that the First Maryland regiment did.
Let it also be remembered that Colonel Ford was
killed on the top of the hill in trying to stop the
confusion in his regiment of "new levies," as
George Washington Greene calls them, and it will
be clear that Gunby's falling back "a few rods"
to re-align his forces was not the cause of the right
and left wings giving way. It was extremely for
tunate for Greene that Gunby had restored order in
his own regiment, and had rallied his men so as to
be able to check the furious onslaught of the Brit
ish. If Gunby had permitted a part of his regi
ment to advance while two companies were in dis
order, and confusion, it is easy to see that the whole
army would have been routed and perhaps de
stroyed. Now, I have given Greene's account of the battle
and his opinion of the cause of his defeat, an opin
ion which has been too often flippantly and incon
siderately followed by stereotyped historians. I
will proceed to give the real cause of his defeat, in
the language of one of the best military authorities
in the Revolutionary War. I allude to Colonel
Henry Lee, known as "Light Horse Harry," whose
character was in some degree a reflection of his eel-

100 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
ebrated eulogy on George Washington — "First in
War, First in Peace, and First in the Hearts of his
Countrymen." Colonel Lee was a brilliant and
successful soldier before he went to South Carolina,
and General Greene warmly testified that Lee was
the very ablest officer under his command. Be
longing to the most distinguished families of Vir
ginians, and a graduate of Princeton College, he
combined with learning and noble lineage the ut
most daring and skill, and his "Legion" became
famous throughout the world. In 1809, General
Lee wrote his "Memoirs of the War in the Southern
Department of the United States," an able and
successful work, the third edition of which was re
vised and published by General Robert E. Lee, the
illustrious son of the author, in 1868, at Lexington,
Virginia. As already stated, Lee was not at Hob
kirk's Hill, but was engaged at the time in a suc
cessful attack on Fort Watson, winning a decisive
victory there for the Americans. This detracts
nothing from the zest and reliability of his work.
Lee says: "That General Greene exhibited an
imprudent confidence in detaching Washington's
force before the action began to develop itself from
the support of his own army upon an extensive

hobkirk's hill. 101
circuit against the British rear. Had this formid
able officer been at hand when Gunby's regiment
failed, the consequent advance of the enemy would
have been checked, the rallying of that regiment
facilitated and the victory secured."
This goes to the root of the question, and it will
be seen from the following extract that Lee re
pudiates the idea that Gunby's order was a blunder :
"The First Regiment of Maryland, as has been
mentioned, deservedly held up to the army as its
model, and which upon all preceding occasions
behaved well (it was this regiment which forced
the Guards at the battle of Guilford Court House,
killing their commandant, and driving them back,
seeking shelter under cover of the British artillery ;
and a portion of the same regiment constituted a
part of the infantry which, under Howard, gave us
the victory at the Cowpens by the free use of the
bayonet) , now shrank from the conflict, abandoning
their general, their country and their comrades ; this,
too, in defiance of the efforts and example of
Williams, Gunby and Howard, all dear to the
troops, and when the British line, so far from hav
ing gained any advantage, was beginning to stagger
under the combined operation fast bearing upon it.

102 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
It is true that Captain Beatty, commanding the
company on the right, fell at this moment ; and it
is also true that Colonel Gunby, with a view of
bringing the regiment to range with its colors, or
dered it to fall back to the right of the company ; but
Morgan had given the same order, at the Cowpens, to
the corps of Howard, which was not only executed with
promptitude, but was followed by its decisive advance
and consequent signal success.
"Relinquishing an investigation which does not
promise a satisfactory solution, I cannot but ob
serve that the battle of Hobkirk adds to the many
evidences with which military history abounds of
the deranging effects of unlimited confidence. It
is the only instance in Greene's command where
this general implicitly yielded to its delusive coun
sel, and he suffered deeply in consequence of it ;
for had he for a moment doubted the certainty of
success, the cavalry would not have been detached
in the rear until the issue of the battle had begun
to unfold itself." (From Lee's "Memoirs of the
War," page 340.)
We cannot doubt the high value of this authority.
The impartiality and ability of Colonel Lee cannot
be questioned, and his high standing in social,

hobkirk's HILL. 103
political and military circles give his work un
equaled weight ; and his military opinions were
approved by Robert E. Lee, one of the greatest
military chieftains and ablest tacticians of the
world, who placed the seal of his great name upon
this work. Lee says that Gunby's orders to bring
his regiment in range with their colors was not an
error, and cites as a precedent for Gunby's order
the similar order given by Morgan at Cowpens,
which was executed and followed by signal success.
Howard, as we have seen, was particularly proud
of the execution of his order to fall back at the
Cowpens. Now, it must appear to any reasonable
mind that if Gunby made an error at Hobkirk,
then Morgan and Howard made the same error at
the Cowpens ; but Greene, the commander, did not
condemn this maneuver at the Cowpens, nor at
Guilford Court House, when Gunby ordered his
men to face clear around and charge to the rear to
meet a new foe. No matter if it did prove for
tunate, Greene should have warned his officers
against its repetition if it was unmilitary. This
he did not do, but when surprised at Hobkirk, and
chagrined at his own neglect, he readily threw

104 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
blame on Gunby for following precedents so recent
and so brilliant.
To recapitulate, I have quoted Judge Marshall to
show that Campbell's and Ford's troops were disor
dered before the Marylanders fell back and that it
was the general confusion of these troops that led
Greene to save his forces for a more auspicious
occasion. I have shown by Sims and Johnson
that the re-alignment and steadying of Gunby's
regiment proved a fortunate thing for Greene, as
it enabled him to form his broken militia on this
firm regiment. I have shown by Moultrie and
others that Greene was completely surprised and
his men were marched to battle in a half-formed con
dition ; and to crown all this, I have shown by Lee
that the loss of the battle was due to Greene's bad
judgment in sending his cavalry away on a wild
goose chase. I have also shown by Lee that the
order given by Gunby for the advanced companies
of his regiment, to range themselves with the
colors, so far from being a blunder, was a correct
and judicious order, which restored perfect forma
tion to his gallant regiment and saved Greene from
total route. My friend, Armand Hawkins of New
Orleans, has in his wonderful collection of arts,

hobkirk's HILL. 105
antiques and relics, a splendid silk flag which was
presented to General Greene by the ladies of New
Jersey and used by him in all his battles. The motto
stitched across its ample folds is "Stand by your
colors . ' ' With such a motto Greene should have been
the last to censure an attempt to keep the regiment
in line with its colors. That was the way to steady
and enthuse the regiment and prepare it to repel
the reckless charge of the over-confident foe. This
was effected. The whole regiment was formed in
a line in perfect order, and if Greene could have
held his other troops for a short time the tide of
battle would have been turned by the Marylanders,
as it was at Cowpens.
The fact is that Greene was disconcerted by the
sudden appearance of the enemy. His position on
Hobkirk Hill was formidable, and might have been
held by proper tactics against a much larger force
than Rawdon commanded. The historian Botta
says there were entrenchments on the top of the
hill. This, I think, is doubtful. There should
have been entrenchments, but without them the
position was almost impregnably strong if vigilantly
guarded. Greene only had to keep his army still
and await the approach of the foe. This would have

106 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
given him great advantage ; but his fondness for
the bayonet, after it proved successful at Cowpens,
caused him to order his troops to abandon all their
advantages of position and march down the hill to
meet a charging foe. This, too, when his troops
were half formed and necessarily ruffled by the
suddenness of the attack. Why could he not act on
the defensive, as Rawdon had when Greene ap
peared before the ramparts of Camden? It actually
seems that Greene was in a hurry to charge upon
the enemy for fear they would retire before he got
a chance at them. Suppose that Meade's army at
Gettysburg had forsaken Cemetery Ridge and
charged down the hill to meet Pickett's men.
What a foolish move it would have been !
I feel that I have not only completely exonerated
Colonel Gunby from all blame, but have shown that
he and his regiment were the heroes of this battle,
as they were at Guilford Court House, truly the
tenth legion of the American cause, the bulwark of
every battle in which they participated.
I cannot close this chapter without saying some
thing more of the brave Captain Beatty, who died
for his country at Hobkirk's Hill. No truer patriot.

hobkirk's hill. 107
no braver soldier, ever offered himself as a sacrifice
on the altar of freedom. Liberally educated, with
bright prospects of advancements in other lines of
activity, he chose the hardships and perils of war,
aud at the early age of twenty-four saw his noble
life go out. I present herewith a photograph of
the spot where Beatty fell. This scene is taken
from the top of Hobkirk's Hill, and Camden mtiy
be seen in the distance. Beatty was leading his
men from the right toward the left, and was just
crossing the road when he was shot. It is to be
hoped that this spot may some day be marked by a
fitting monument erected to the memory of this
noble soldier. The place is now a part of Colonel
Canty's farm, and near the spot where Beatty fell
his SAVord or rapier was dug up in 1899, and may
now be seen at Camden. I present a photograph
of this interesting relic. It still shows marks of
having been very beautiful. On the hand shield
are carved scenes of primitive American life, and in
many places the heavy gold plate is just as bright
as ever. Around the handle are two bands of silver
chain, neatly interwoven and perfect in design.
This rapier is thirty inches in length.

108 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Beatty was a hero, and full, though tardy, honor
must be done to him by all Americans, for we must
not forget that the self-devotion and heroism of men
like him constitute the true glory and best wealth
of America.

Sword Found Two Years Ago on Colonel Canty's Place
Near Camden.

the COURT OP INQUIRY. 109

CHAPTER VII.
the COURT OP INQUIRY.
Charles Botta, the distinguished classical Italian
historian, the contemporary of Washington and
LaFayette, says, in reference to the battle of Hob
kirk's Hill, "Greene endeavored to repair the neg
ligence of which he felt culpable." One of the
ways in which his chagrin found vent was in charg
ing that Colonel Gunby had caused the loss of the
battle. Some historians state that General Greene
ordered a Court of Inquiry, and sent Colonel
Gunby before it. This is a misstatement, as ad
mitted by G. W. Greene. Colonel Gunby asked for
a Court of Inquiry, and it was granted by General
Greene. The battle took place on Wednesday, the
25th of April, 1781. On Saturday, the 28th, in
camp at Rugeley's Mill, General Greene appointed
General Huger, Colonel Harrison, of the artillery,
and Lieutenant-Colonel Washington, of the cavalry,
to "compose a court to inquire into the conduct of
Colonel Gunby in the action of the 25tli inst.," and

110 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
on the following Wednesday, May 2d, this Court
made the following report :
"The Court, whereof Brigadier-General Huger is
president, appointed to inquire into the conduct of
Colonel Gunby, in the action of the 25th ultimo,
report as follows, namely :
"It appears to the Court that Colonel Gunby re
ceived orders to advance with his regiment and
charge bayonet without firing. This order he im
mediately communicated to his regiment, which ad
vanced cheerfully for some distance, when a firing
began on the right of the regiment, and in a short
time became general through it. That soon after
two companies on the right of the regiment gave
way. That Colonel Gunby then gave Lieutenant-
Colonel Howard orders to bring off the other four
companies, which at that time appeared disposed
to advance, except a few. That Lieutenant-Colonel
Howard brought off the four companies from the left
and joined Colonel Gunby at the foot of the hill, about
sixty yards in the rear. That Lieutenant-Colonel
Howard there found Colonel Gunby actively exerting
himself in rallying the two companies that broke
from the right, which he effected, and the regiment
was again formed and gave a fire or two at the

THE COURT OP INQUIRY. Ill
enemy, which appeared on the hill in front. It
also appeared, from other testimony, that Colonel
Gunby, at several other times, was active in rally
ing and forming his troops.
"It appears, from the above report, that Colonel
Gunby's spirit and activity were unexceptionable.
But his order for the regiment to retire, which
broke the lino, was extremely improper and un
military, and, in all probability, the only cause why
we did not obtain a complete victory." (From
Scharf's "History of Maryland," Vol. II., 1765-
1812, pages 418 and 419.)
It will be seen that the Court pays the highest
tribute to the "spirit and activity of Colonel Gunby, ' '
but finds that he committed an error of judgment,
or to be more precise, an error in military tactics.
This report, made almost in the heat of battle, made
in camp without consultation of authorities, made
when the commanding general and his officers were
smarting under the sting of defeat, is the completest
possible exoneration and vindication of Colonel
Gunby from any misconduct or failure of duty
and zeal. Considering the circumstances and the
natural incentive to find a "scape-goat" to burden
with the responsibility and shame of defeat, it is

112 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
remarkable that those officers spoke so highly of
Gunby in their report. If historians would read
this report before writing, they would be compelled
to acknowledge the compliment paid a deserving
officer in a most trying ordeal. They would also
correct their statements with regard to the "panic"
and "flight" of the Maryland Regiment, for this
report shows there was nothing of the sort, nor was
there any confused retreat and alarm by the soldiers
at Gunby's order, as some narrators erroneously
state. Colonel Howard executed the "order" of
Gunby, and he brought off the four companies in
good order. General Greene admits this in his re
port to Congress. Gunby did not give this order to
the four remaining companies. Howard gave it.
If it was misunderstood for an order to retreat,
Howard was to blame : but it was not so misunder
stood. Howard did his full duty, and well, in the
battle, and no blame has attached to him. Yet, if
there was blame, it must fall on Howard. Gunby
did not give an order to retreat nor to retire. His
order was to fall back and form on the "colors."
This is precisely what the regiment did. Instead
of flight, the Court says they fell back (Greene says
"a few rods") about sixty yards, and joined Gunby

THE COURT OF INQUIRY. 113
at the foot of the hill, and when he had rallied and
reformed the two disordered companies ; thus, a
falling back of a hundred and eighty feet at most
has been described as a disorderly flight which
caused the loss of the day. This is so absurd that
it does not require an answer. It would certainly
bring military operations and military science into
contempt if a regiment's falling back "a few rods"
and restoring its order and alignment could have
such an effect. That the regiment was not panic-
struck is shown by the Court's statement that "the
regiment was again formed and gave a fire or two
at the enemy." They were not rattled, nor their
spirits broken.
As to the two companies that, it is said, "broke
from the right," we know full well that their con
fusion and disorder was due to the death of Captain
Beatty and their half-formed condition on entering
the battle. Nobody has ever charged that Colonel
Gunby was responsible for their confusion. It was
beyond his power to foresee or prevent what occur
red when Beatty fell, as it was to prevent the fall
Beatty. The Court did not blame Gunby for the
conduct of these two companies which he rallied as
quickly as possible. They blame him for ordering

114 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
Howard to bring back the other four companies in
line with their colors. The Court expresses the
opinion that this order was "in all probability the
only cause why we did not gain a complete vic
tory." As we have seen, this opinion is not concurred in
by Light Horse Harry Lee, who was certainly su
perior as a military authority to any member of the
Court of Inquiry. Colonel Lee was disinterested.
The members of the Court of Inquiry were all in
terested in throwing the responsibility for defeat on
other shoulders than their own. They also had an
interest in pleasing their disappointed general.
The Court does not state why Gunby's order was
unmilitary, nor why in their opinion it produced
such unhappy results . Their opinion is simply the
brief announcement of a foregone conclusion. It
is not in keeping with all the facts of the battle
which we now know was lost on account of other
ample causes than that assigned by the Court. Nor
is it in keeping with sound reason, for, if Gunby
had not issued his order, the advancing companies
would soon have felt the absence of the two com
panies on their right, and confusion and disaster
would have followed. We also know that the re-

THE COURT OP INQUIRY. 115
formation of Gunby's regiment acted like an anchor
for the restoration of order to the other regiments
which threatened disorderly flight. It was not fair
for the Court to omit mention of these facts, nor
was it fair nor true for the Court to assume that the
battle was lost when Gunby's regiment reformed
sixty yards to the rear. The Marylanders were not
whipped then ; like John Paul Jones on the Bon-
Homme Richard, they "had just begun to fight."
With Washington in the rear of the British, as he
was at that moment, and the Marylanders in front
of them, the battle was not lost. It would never
have been lost, if Greene had not prematurely and
precipitately ordered a retreat, as usual. It is evi
dent that the Court took none of these things into
consideration. It is also evident that they did not
sufficiently distinguish between the disorder of the
two companies and the falling back of the other
four companies "in range with their colors." It is
apparent that they sought to blame Gunby with the
former as well as with the latter movement.
Lee gives good reason for his opinion in favor of
Gunby's wisdom, by citing the precedent at the
Cowpens. He might have found in ancient history
other apt illustrations of the wisdom of a "feigned

116 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
retreat," and a falling back, or retiring, even in the
face of the enemy, in order to present a more solid
front. He could also have found plenty of author
ity to show that soldiers are not disconcerted nor
broken by a falling back a short distance. Even
soldiers who are panicky and in full retreat can be
brought back into good order by an able general, as
was done by Washington at Monmouth. One of
the most signal illustrations of this military prin
ciple occurred during the American civil war, at
the first battle of Manassas, on July 21, 1861. In
the early part of that famous fight, four regiments,
under the command of General Bee and Colonel
Bartow, encountered and held back a largely su
perior force, on disadvantageous grounds, until
General Bee ordered them to fall back to a better
position ; but, in falling back before overwhelming
odds, an unaccountable panic seized the men, and
they fled in confusion for twelve hundred yards.
They were at length rallied and brought back into
the field by the herculean efforts of Bee and Bartow.
It was during this struggle to rally his men that
General Bee pointed them to the Virginia brigade
and said : "There stands Jackson like a stone wall,"
thus giving birth to the most celebrated military

THE COURT OP INQUIRY. 117
soubriquet of modern times. Bee's men were rallied,
and did good service on the plateau around the
Henry house, though Bee and Bartow both lost their
lives, and the spots where they fell, a few yards
from each other, are still marked on the battlefield.
I could cite many other instances where soldiers
have been confused, disordered or stampeded, yet
have been rallied and won the day. Equally nu
merous instances will occur to every military stu
dent where soldiers have been ordered to fall back,
either through necessity, or as a matter of strategy,
to gain a better position, or to form a more perfect
organization or line of battle. It is nonsense for
this hasty and excited Court of Inquiry to rule
otherwise. In the light of military experience, the numerous
authorities cited, and the facts and circumstances
which we know, but which were unknown to the
Court of Inquiry, we are justified in concluding that
Colonel Gunby's order to Lieutenant-Colonel How
ard to bring back the advancing companies to a
line with the colors, whether judged from the
standpoint of necessity, strategy, or prudence, was
in the highest degree proper and military, and that

118 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
his judgment and skill, like "his spirit and
activity," were unexceptionable.
It does not appear that anything further was
done with this report. It was not submitted to
nor approved by the commanding general. It is
singular that it does not mention Colonel Williams
who was near the center of the First Maryland
Regiment and participated in rallying the dis
ordered companies. This officer shortly afterwards
wrote to his brother that he and many other officers
were mortally mortified at the inglorious defeat at
Hobkirk's. (Potter's "American Monthly," Vol.
IV, page 99.)
This does not sound like they put all the blame
on Gunby. It does not appear that he made any
effort to appeal or carry the matter further. He
regarded it simply as a difference in opinion be
tween him and brother officers on a question of
tactics, and he was too good a soldier and patriot
to dispute about opinions when war's rude alarms
were all around him. Colonel Gunby was desirous
to so act as to disarm prejudice against the Mary
landers, which Greene exhibited, as shown by his
papers and letters : "Maryland has given no assist
ance to this army. Not a recruit has joined us

THE COURT OP INQUIRY. 119
from that state, and we are discharging her men
daily, their time of service being expired." (Letter
of May 4, 1781, from Wm. Johnson's "Life of
Greene," page 88.)
In the face of these unjust censures, Gunby did
not sulk like Achilles in his tent, but volunteered to
go upon a difficult and important duty of recruiting
the fast thinning ranks, quietly but vigorously dis
charging his duties until the close of the war. At
the conclusion of the war, as Greene was passing:
through Baltimore, the citizens waited on him and
presented him with a congratulatory and eulogistic
address. He made a deliberate and studied reply,
and I don't think it is possible to frame a more un
answerable reply to the unjust charges against
Gunby and the First Maryland Regiment. Here
is what he said :
"Baltimore, September 30, 1783.
"Gentlemen — Nothing can be more welcome than
your kind congratulations upon my return, or any
thing more flattering to the feelings of a soldier
than your sentiments of the Southern operations.
Every opportunity of expressing my obligations to
the officers and troops of this state affords me the

120 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
highest satisfaction. They have been companions
with me in the hours of adversity, and have greatly
contributed to all our little successes. Your pro
fessions of respect and generous wishes for my
happiness excite the most lively emotions of a
grateful mind, and I beg leave to offer my warmest
acknowledgments upon this occasion, and to add
my good wishes for the prosperity and happiness
of this town.
"I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most
obedient and humble servant, Nathaniel Greene."
(Reply to citizens of Baltimore, from Scharf's
"Chronicles of Baltimore," page 212.)
General Greene knew better than any one else
the full extent of his obligations to the officers and
troops of Maryland, and after this frank and unre
served acknowledgment it seems a shame that any
historian should perpetuate the ill tempered and
inconsiderate charges after the battle of Hobkirk's
Hill, at least without their just and signal refuta
tion. After the fall of Yorktown, Colonel Gunby
passed through Camden on his way home, and re
mained there a week, visiting and examining every

Cornwallis House.
Occupied by Cornwallis, Rawdon and Tarleton. Gunbv entertained here after Revolu
tion. This building was destroyed by Sherriian during Civil War.

THE COURT OP INQUIRY. 121
portion of the battle ground. While there he was
feted or given a reception by the citizens of Camden
in the Cornwallis House, a view of which is here
with presented.
This famous house was occupied by Cornwallis,
and afterwards by Rawdon as headquarters, and
Greene also occupied it for a while. It stood until
the late civil war, when it wa^destroyed by Gen
eral Sherman. At the reception given in his
honor Gunby made a speech, the only one in his
life, in which he referred to the battle on the 25tli
of April, 1781, its origin, incidents and results.
He claimed that the day ended in an American
victory, and this was due to a misunderstanding
between Lord Rawdon and a deserter from the
American army who reached Camden on the morn
ing of the 25th. This deserter, being questioned as
to the success of an attack, replied : "If you go out
from the east side of the town, following along the
edge of the marsh until you reach the second fork
of the run, then up to its source, you will find that
you are in Greene's rear, thus cutting off his retreat
and prevent the joining of the forces which are
scattered over two miles square."
This plan failed owing to the fact that Rawdon 's

122 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
men counted as the first fork of the branch a swale
flowing from a near-by spring. Arriving at what
they supposed to be the second branch, they as
cended to its head and marched directly into the
camp of Kirkwood and his Delawares, striking
their front, not, as supposed, their rear. Here the
fighting began ; this small body of men holding the
British in check until Greene could collect his
scattered forces and present a formidable front.
Another section of Rawdon's army left Camden by
the Waxhaw road, which runs directly through
the battlefield. It was this body of men that
Washington's cavalry attacked as they were push
ing forward to co-operate with the forces supposed
by that time to be in Greene's rear. This was a
deep laid and bold scheme, which nearly proved a
success. Gunby stated that he successfully exe
cuted his efforts to calm the disordered portion of
his men, whose momentary confusion he attributed
to the surprise and suddenness of the attack, to
Beatty's death, and to heavy firing on the left of
the Americans, who were forbidden to fire. The
reason why he ordered the first line to fall back was
because it was far in advance of the second line,
and directly between the two sections of the British

THE COURT OP INQUIRY. 123
army, which were then in sight of each other and
intending to join forces. These two forces sup
posed they had been duped by the deserter and
were determined to join forces. Besides the Irish
Volunteers, Rawdon's favorite regiment, which he
had raised and equipped in New York, were
charging down upon the left flank of the Americans
with renewed vigor. Discovering this state of
affairs, that the enemy at that moment was all
but in the rear of the left of his regiment, and the
ground in front was marshy and had not been re-
connoitered, Gunby said he deemed it best, if not
absolutely necessary, to have the advancing com
panies, which were already in advance of all the
other Americans, to fall back and range them
selves with the two companies that had been
checked and disconcerted by the death of Beatty,
so as to present a solid front to the oncoming
enemy. Gunby said that his orders, which had
been misunderstood, turned out fortunately in the
end. He said that they were surprised by the
attack of the British, which occurred before the
Americans had time to pitch their tents.
Although there is no written record of this re
ception and speech of Colonel Gunby, it is one of

124 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
the treasured traditions of the people of Camden, a
city which has not much to excite its thoughts, ex
cept the scenes of its stirring past. Hobkirk Inn,
with much of beauty in its environment, affords a
fit setting for these martial traditions in which
Gunby's reception pre-eminently figures. It is
worthy of remark that these good people, who were
the contemporaries of the battle, had nothing but
words of commendation for Colonel Gunby, and so
had all his brother officers and his men, who with
one according voice acclaimed his intrepidity, in
tegrity and cool, sound judgment in time of peril.

AFTER THE WAR OP INDEPENDENCE. 125

CHAPTER VIII.
AFTER THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
Having demonstrated that Gunby and his Mary
landers achieved and received the highest honors
of war, it remains for us to follow him through the
days and victories of peace, "No less renowned
than those of war."
The last official arrangement of the Maryland
line made in 1783, after the termination of the war,
shows John Gunby as Colonel of the First Regi
ment, and Lieutenant-Colonel Peter Adams as suc
ceeding in command of Second. His army com
mission dated August 1, 1779. (See "Maryland
Archives," Vol. 18, pages 363 and 476.) As we
have seen, he was promoted from Captain to Colonel
of the Seventh Maryland Regiment, and then to
Colonel of the Second, and then to Colonel of the
First Maryland, all these changes signifying, as I
am informed by the War Department at Washing
ton, promotions on account of merit. At all times
he was held to be an officer worthy in every respect

126 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
of the able corps he commanded. Shortly after
the close of the war, he was given the title of
Brigadier-General, but I have been unable to find
by what authority. He was an original member of
the Society of the Cincinnati for the State of Mary
land, and in the minutes of that society for July 5,
1784, I find the following entry: "Brigadier-
General Gunby, present."
There is no warrant for the assumption that this
grave and dignified society entered a mere compli
mentary title on its pages. The minutes of the
meeting of the Cincinnati, February 4, 1830, at the
residence of General Samuel Smith, in Baltimore,
contains the following :
"Mr. George Handy then nominated as a candi
date to be balloted for, at the next annual meeting of
the Society, Mr. John Gunby, eldest son of General
John Gunby, an original member." It may be re
marked that this candidate was duly elected and
took his seat July 4, 1831.
At the time of John Gunby's death, the news
papers spoke of him as General Gunby. For ex
ample, "The Republican Star," or "Eastern Shore
General Advertiser," published in Talbot County,
June 8, 1807', contains the following notice : "Died,

AFTER THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 127
on the 27th ult., at his farm near Snow Hill, Gen
eral John Gunby, in the sixty-third year of age.
This gentleman early embarked in the cause of his
country during the late war which ended in the in
dependence of the United States, and from almost
the commencement to the close of the conflict with
Great Britain, he was an officer of distinguished
rank, activity and zeal in the services." This is
certainly good evidence that John Gunby was well
and widely known under the title of General. His
grandson, E. K. Willson, United States Senator
from Maryland, records in the "Congressional Di
rectory" that his mother was a daughter of General
John Gunby. Senator Willson also had the title of
General inscribed on his grandfather's tombstone.
From all this evidence, extending from 1784 until
after his death, I am justified in the conclusion
that the rank of Brigadier-General was justly con
ferred upon him by the proper authority at the close
of the Revolutionary War.
As far as tradition has preserved the personal
traits of John Gunby, we know that he was six feet
and two inches tall, gaunt, high cheek bones, sandy
hair and beard, and gray eyes. He had a rugged
and brusque manner and a slight impediment of

128 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
speech. He was exceedingly reticent, cared little for
society, had many friends, but was by choice a re
cluse, as far as it was possible to be. He sedulously
refrained from politics and all connection with pub
lic positions. His father died in 1788, and be
queathed to him a large but not valuable farm in
Worcester county, two miles south of the town of
Snow Hill. His farm must have been chiefly
marsh, for there are of record numerous prayers of
its occupant for right of drainage, etc.
Here, in 1796, he built, on what is now known as
the Gunby farm, the comfortable home in which
he died, of which I herewith present a sketch.
This building is a masterpiece in every respect.
The walls are of red brick, on which the date 1796
is stamped. It has two stories and a garret. The
hall of the first floor is fifteen by fifty feet, sur
mounted in the center by a large, imposing arch,
with a stairway on the right commencing about fif
teen feet from the main entrance. On this floor are
two rooms, twenty by twelve, plain but exceedingly
attractive and commodious. The second floor cor
responds with that below it with the exception of a
small room at the end of the hall. The house is
powerfully constructed and still sound and useful,

_0J

H '2

AFTER THE WAR OP INDEPENDENCE. 129
though, I am sorry to say, it is now used for a barn
or granary, showing a decided lack of taste and
perception on the part of its present owners. In
this house, John Gunby spent the last ten years of
his life, supremely devoted to the operations of ag
riculture. But, while absorbed in private pursuits,
his spirit of philanthropy was not idle. For some
years he maintained at his own expense three fam
ilies of officers killed during the campaigns in
South Carolina. Tradition says that one of these
families was named Windor and another was named
Cole. He was also largely interested in financially
and morally promoting many meritorious projects,
such as opening and constructing new roads, erect
ing houses for poor people and awaiting their con
venience for payment, furnishing teams free of ex
pense to those in need, and largely contributing to
the maintenance of places of worship. It is not
known that he ever built a church, but his son.
Dr. John Gunby, erected a Presbyterian Church at
Stockton, eight miles from Snow Hill, known as
Gunby Memorial Church, an act of sublime filial
reverence- and devotion. In fact, John Gunby was
a universal benefactor in the community in which
he lived, meeting all the exigencies of life with per-

130 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
feet judgment, ease and fortitude. His life in peace
was just what we would expect from a brave, mod
est, unselfish and distinguished soldier who never
sought prominence, but fought solely for love of
country and freedom. The heavy responsibilities
of that death struggle had worn out the ardors of
ambition, and, like his great commander-in-chief,
he loved and longed for the quiet and wholesome
and congenial enjoyment and exercise of domestic
life on the farm. Some of the leading soldiers of
the Revolution were forced into political life, and
long kept there by their admiring fellow-citizens,
and these are the ones for the most part whose deeds
as soldiers and statesmen are blazoned on the pages
of history. But there were other soldiers of the
highest merit whose preference was for a life of ab
solute retirement. Sometimes it was because they
were misunderstood and did not possess the secret
of popular favor ; sometimes it was because of
financial stress and poverty, which enforced a life
of economy, frugality and thrift, inconsistent with
the demands of public office ; but oftenest, I think,
this stern refraining from all public activity was
due to a feeling that all other causes were trivial
and inconsequential compared with the great cause

AFTER THE WAR OP INDEPENDENCE. 131
they had fought for and won. The great tragedy
in which they took a leading part had closed. Like
the calm of nature after a great convulsion, they
desired rest and composure. It was the hush of
great souls conscious of a lofty destiny, waiting
while the universe passed verdict on their great
achievements, unmixed with the lesser deeds or im
purities of smaller ambitions. It was one of those
great silences of which Carlisle speaks as being in
finitely ennobling. It was not exaltation ; it was
not vanity nor gloom ; it was a profound sense of
the mightiness of the events through which they
had passed, and the awe-inspiring anxiety for the
result. Perhaps we can never realize the feelings
with which the survivors of the Revolution con
templated their work. A thinly-settled, narrow
strip of country along the shores and rivulets of the
Atlantic Ocean had established the liberties of a
continent and founded a new order of government.
The immensity of the work was staggering even
then, much more so now, Avhen viewed through all
the calcium lights of one hundred and twenty years.
The old government overturned by the people ! the
"pride of heraldry and the boast of power" de
stroyed ! the stone which the builders rejected be-

132 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
come the chief of the corner ! And all this the
work of a few leaders, and the worst equipped
and most impoverished soldiery the world ever saw.
The thought of it makes the blood tingle now.
How it must have thrilled the inmost recesses of
the souls of the successful actors in that tremendous
conflict who were aAved and oppressed with the
thought, would it turn out well 1
Well might the most fortunate of mortals envy
the heroic Gunby the gracious and prosperous
quietude of these' later years, spent in congenial
pursuits beneath the skies of the state he loved so
well, near the beautiful bay on which he was born,
and not far from the mouth of the Potomac, on
which lived Washington, his great exemplar, as a
soldier, as a citizen and as a farmer. It is pleasing
to know that he enjoyed the esteem of his neigh
bors and the plaudits of all his comrades in arms.
Most happily General Greene had withdrawn all
censure from the officers and men of Maryland, and
had acknowledged most warmly his obligations to
their valor and efficiency on all occasions. Greene,
too, had paid the debt of nature, falling an un
fortunate victim as early as 1785 to the labors and
exposures of the plantation presented to him by the

Grave of Gunby', Wipe and Son.
Erected by E. K. Willson about 1900 on Gunby's farm near Snow
Ilill.Md.

AFTER THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 133
Georgia legislature. This would have disarmed re
sentment if Gunby had felt any, which he did not.
Unruffled and serene, he spent his last years filled
with all that should accompany old age. As has
been stated, John Gunby died May 27, 1807, on his
farm near Snow Hill. He was buried in the family
burial lot fifty yards north of his residence. The
enclosure is surrounded by a substantial iron fence,
and contains but one tombstone, which simply
states that the remains of General John Gunby, his
wife, Amelia, and their son, Dr. John Gunby, who
died in 1886, are interred therein. This fence and
stone were placed there by Senator E. K. Willson,
a photograph of which is herewith presented. It
will be observed that the word General is spelled
with a J, as a result, I am sure, of carelessness
more than ignorance on the part of the carver.
The neglected condition of this graveyard is another
sad commentary on the folly of the old-fashioned
and affectionate custom of having private family
burial grounds near the homestead. They soon
fall into obscurity and decay, and are struck
away by the ruthless hand of oblivion. Thus
passes away the glory of this world, at last, as far
as it is commemorated by graveyards and tomb-

134 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
stones, but it is the grateful task of the historian
to clear away the moss and dust from these in
scriptions and chisel them deeper in the minds
and love of posterity, which are the best of monu
ments of the living and the dead.
As an humble follower of Old Mortality, I have
tried to perform this pious task for a valued and
able revolutionary patriot and officer and the brave
Maryland men whom he led to battle. I could
wish that I had performed my appointed task
better, with ampler materials, wider scope and
more authoritative discussion and presentation of
my exalted theme. But imperfect as my work is,
it has required no small labor to obtain the evi
dence and citations which I have given in this work.
I desire to acknowledge my indebtedness to J. W.
Kennedy, Assistant in the Library of Congress at
Washington. Combining quick intelligence with
untiring energy, exhaustless patience and indom
itable spirit in the search for truth, Mr. Ken
nedy's aid to me has been invaluable and indis
pensable. I also received kind attention and
valuable aid from Professor Wm. Beer, Superin-'
tendent of the Howard Library at New Orleans.
I only hope that I have performed my task in a

AFTER THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 135
manner to give satisfaction not only to the descend
ants and admirers of Colonel Gunby, but to all
those who feel a patriotic and growing interest in
all that relates to the American revolution and the
immortal men who made it, the men who gave the
first birth on this earth to "government of the
people, for the people and by the people." There is
no man on the civilized globe who has not received
a share of benefit from the work accomplished by
our revolutionary sires. And the scope of that
work has not yet fully appeared, for there are
brilliant signs in the firmament of human affairs
that it is the destiny of the Great Republic to girdle
the world with free institutions and carry the
blessings of freedom and enlightenment even to
the downtrodden hosts that have lived so long be
yond the confines of civilization. If it is not too
much for me to hope, I would like to believe that
my humble efforts may inspire some abler pen to
celebrate the deeds of the glorious Maryland line,
and all the other heroes in the mighty drama of
our history, and that the love of freedom and our
native land may become so interwoven with the
warp and woof of our national life that the whole
world shall become Americanized and

136 COLONEL JOHN GUNBY.
" In all lands and through all human story,
The path of duty, be the path to glory."
This memoir might be greatly extended by a
book-maker, but it is long enough to teach some
useful lessons. It is useful to clear up some im
portant passages of American history. It is useful
to teach that even among the subordinate leaders
of the Revolution, there were examples of such
great military talent, such superb manhood, mag
nificent courage, and immeasurable powers of en
durance and self-sacrifice, that we cease to wonder
at their splendid achievements. But, while our
wonder is decreased, our love and veneration must
be increased for our sacred champions of Freedom
and Independence.

TALL UNIVERSITY

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