vM ^m 'js^^»w;j YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Politics and Politigms CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. CQemoi^ial UOIiUMB, 1787-1887. A COMPLETE RECORD OF MUNICIPAL, COUNTY, STATE AND NATIONAL POLITICS FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME. COMPILED BY FREMONT O. BENNETT. Designed to he a Book of Reference and Authority for every important incident connected with the early settlement of Chicago and Northern Illinois, containing data of City, Slate and National Con ventions, Camfaigns, Elections and Administrations, important Public Meetings, complete Lists of Officials, Biographical Sketches of Noted Men, Valuable Public Records, Mayors* Messages, Resolutions of the Common Council, Official Election Returns, Tables of Population and of Voters by Wards and Na tionalities, Occupations, Valuation, Taxation, Summary of Council Proceedings, General Index of same, etc., etc.. Adoption of City Election Ea-w, Summary of same, Municipal Election of iSSb, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE HfiYMRKET MSSflCRE OF MAY 4, 1SS6, AND THE ANARCHIST TRIALS. , €50M51i5E;WIJ 1]^ 0]vrj; TCOlflfM^- CHICAGO: THE BLAKELY PRINTING COMPANY. 1886. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1886, by F. O. BENNETT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. C^yv^6'^/ '3o ' PREFACE, Beginning with the arrival of the first actual settler of Chi cago in 1779, 3.n attempt has been made to give in the following pages, on political lines, a clear idea of the unprecedented ad vancement of this great center of Western civilization, the rapid increase of population, and the speedy building up of busi ness and society on a well-laid and secure foundation. The book will be found a non-partisan medium of reference for many facts, incidents and reminiscences of national, state and city campaigns and conventions. It is hoped that it will com mend itself to every person identified with politics, or interested in the political history of our country and of municipal gov ernment. Chicago is recognized as the great political center; nearly the center of population — the " Convention City." Illi nois has furnished two of the greatest Presidents four terms, and for a quarter of a century the greatest campaigns have cen^ tered here, radiating from Chicago. Next year will be the one hundredth since the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, whereby the Northwest Territory was ceded to the United States, out of which territory the State of Illinois was formed. On the 4th of March, 1887, Chicago will have been incorporated as a city fifty years. We thus have both a centennial and semi-centennial an niversary worthy of commemoration. In this connection the book will be found to comprise a complete municipal history, from the organization of Cook county, the incorporation of the original town of Chicago, the foundation of the city govern ment in 1837 "P to ^"^ including the municipal election of 1886, with sketches of the various Mayors and administrations ; inau gural messages, resolutions and ordinances of the City Council, official election returns, redistriction of the city by wards, val uable statistical tables, an account of the building of the City Hall, county statistics, etc., etc. The increase of population from 4,170 in 1837 to 750,000 in 1886, with no cessation in growth, is evidence that Chicago is destined to be one of the greatest, if not the chief city on the American Continent. In the compilation of this work the author has consulted up ward of 100 books, files, pamphlets, and records, and is under ob ligations to the Hon. George H. Fergus, Hon. John Wentworth, Hon. J. Young Scammon, Hon. George W. Julian, Mr. D. W. Lusk, of Springfield, A. T. Andreas & Co., Chicago, and many other distinguished writers and publishers, for valuable matter embodied herein. Chicago, III., October i, 1886. INDEX TO CONTENTS Chapter I. — First Settler of Chicago, 5. Various Appellations of Chicago. .Garies' River, 6. The Main River Bed Changed. .Chicago in Virginia. .Treaty of Greenville. .OriginaJ Site of Chicago. .Illinois in Indiana Territory. .Fort Dearborn EstabHshed. .First Commandants of the Fort. .Massacre of 1812, 7. Captain John and Lieutenant Wm. Whistler. .Memorial Meeting of Citizens, 9. Address of Thomas Hoyne, 10 . .Illinois Territory. .Provisions of the Ordinance of 1787. .Congressman Nathaniel Pope. .Illinois admitted to the Union.. Chicago in Various Counties .. Earliest Political Records .. Earliest Valuation, 11. First Election Ordered. .First Public Officials. .First Marriage, 12. First Clergyman. .Chicago Never in Vermillion County. .First Voting Precincts Formed. .First Taxpayers, 13 . .List of First Justices of the Peace.. First Poll-List, 14. Personal History of First Voters.. Daniel P. Cook, 15, 16. Grant for the Illinois and Michigan Canal. .Vote on Constitution Legalizing Slavery .. First Canal Commissioners. .First School Trustees .. Survey of the Town of Chicago. .First Tavern License, 17. First Local Improvements. .State Election of 1830. .Where Held. .Death of John Kinzie, 18. Personal History of Voters of 1830. .Special Elections, 19, 21. Mark Beaubien and His Fiddle, 22, 23. Arrival of Early Settlers. .Gurdon S. Hubbard. .First Militia Muster Roll. .First Mounted Troops, 24, 26. Cook County Organized .. First County Election, First Officials, First Commissioners' Court, Proceedings of Same, Election of 1838, 26, 28. Original Town of Chicago Incor porated. .First Board of Trustees, Proceedings, 29, 30, 31. Important Meetings of Citizens, 31. Gubernatorial Election of 1834. .First Drawbridge and First Vessel Built at Chicago . . Their Builder . . First Shipment of Freight Down the Lakes . . First Public School Teacher, 32. Chapter II. — Presidential Campaign of 1836. .City Charter Discussion The Charter Procured . . Charter Election Called . . Original Wards and Boundaries . . The Election . . Official Returns by Wards and Divisions, 33, 36. John H. Kinzie. Mayor, William B. Ogden, 37, 43 . . The City Seal, 43.. .Oldest Buildings. Land Deals. The Early Press, 44, 45. Settlement of Social and Political Lines, 46. Election of 1838.. First Appearance in Chicago of Stephen A. Douglas, His Election to Congress. .National Campaign of 1840.. "Hard Cider" Recollections. ."Old Tippecanoe's" popularity. .Chicago and Cook County Remain Democratic. .Chamblee and "Billy" Caldwell on Gen. Harrison, 47, 50. Early Abolition ists, 50. First State Convention held in Chicago. .State and Congressional Election of 1842. . .National Campaign of 1844. .Result in Chicago and Cook County, 51. Municipal Elec tions.. Mayor Buckner S. Morris, 52. Mayor Benjamin W. Raymond, 53. Mayor Alex ander Lloyd.. Mayor Francis C. Sherman .His First Inaugural Message, 54. Mayor Raymond's Second Election. .Action of the Democratic Convention. .Mayor Raymond's Inaugural Message, 55. Mayor Augustus Garrett.. His First Inaugural Message.. Retrenchment Recommended .. The "Underground Railroad" Criticised, 56, 57. Mayor Alson S. Sherman, 57. Augustus Garrett's Second Election and Inaugural. .Many Improve ments Recommended, 58. Mayors John P. Chapin and James Curtiss .City Wards Increased to Nine, 59. Chapter III. — The River and Harbor Convention of 1847. .Eminent Men Connected There with. .Horace Greeley's Account of the Festivities. .Table of Population City and County 1840 to 1845. Productions, etc., 60, 62. Presidential Campaign of 1848.. Split in the Democratic Party. .The Chicago Abolitionists .Zebina Eastman, Hooper Warren, Dr. C. V. Dyer and John Jones. .Last Slave Disturbance. .A Great Free Soil Meeting. .Those Present and the Action Taken . . Nominations by the National Parties . . The Election, 62, 68. Vote on the New State Constitution an 1 For and Against the Negro Clause .State Vote. . Rival City Conventions. .Vote in the Municipal Election of 1848. .Mayor James H. Wood- worth .The City Marshal Censured by the Council. .Ordinance Against Gambling. . Mayor Woodworth's Inaugural. .Number of Pupils Attending Public Schools. .The Mortality. . Number of Names in the Directory. Operations of the Canal.. Mayor Woodworth re-Elected. .His Second Inaugural, 68, 73. Mayor Curtiss re-Elected 1850. .Agitation over the "Black Laws". .Action of the Common Council Condemning the Fugitive Slave Act. . Mass Meetings Held, 73, 75. Mayor Walter S. Gurnee..His Inaugural. .National Cam- (V) VI INDEX TO CONTENTS. paign of 1852 .A Democratic Victory of Brief Duration .. Organization of the Republican- Party .. Notable anti-Douglas Meeting at the Tremont House... The Kansas-Nebraska Movement. .The Campaign of 1856. .The Result in Detail .. Congressional Elections and Changes of Districts, 75, 79. Chapter IV. — Lincoln and Shields Rivals for the United States Senatorship. .Election of Lyman Trumbull. .Trumbull Twice re-Elected. .Lincoln and Douglas Grow Aggressive The Famous Joint Debates. .Lincoln's Nomination and Election to the Presidency Doug las' Patriotism. .Speeches at Springfield and Chicago. .Life and Services of Douglas.. Was Douglas Mobbed at Market Hall? . His Enthusiastic Reception in 1861 . .His Death . .The Christian Men of Chicago Petition Lincoln to Proclaim Emancipation of the Slaves . .His Attitude on the Question, 80 to 96. .Mayor Charles M. Gray. .Mayor Isaac L. Milli- ken Election of Mayor L. D. Boone by the "Know-nothings". .His Administration. .The Lager Beer Riot. .Sketch of Mayor Boone, 97, loi. Chapter V. — Municipal Campaign of 1856. -Mayor Thomas Dyer. .Great Free State Meeting in the Court House Square.. Col. J. H. Lane's Famous Speech, 102, 104. John Went worth the Republican Candidate for Mayor. .Trouble at the Polls Mayor Wentworth's Inaugural Message. .His Administration, 105, 109. Sketch of John Wentworth, 109, iii. Mayor John C. Haines. .Mayor Wentworth's Second Election and Inaugural, iii, 117. Mayor Julian S. Rumsey. .Incidents of His Administration, 117, 119. Constitutional Con vention of l86l. .Campaign of 1862.. Speech of Isaac N. Arnold. Sketch of Arnold. . Speech of Owen Lovejoy. .Congressional Election, 119, 122. , Chapter VI. — New City Charter .. Extension of Territory. .Mayor Francis C. Sherman's Second and Third Terms. .The "Chicago Conspiracy". .The "Sons of Liberty" .. Went worth and Vallandigham, 123, 126. Campaign of 1864.. Repeal of the "Black Code". . Illinois in the War. .Death of Lincoln. .Mayor John B. Rice. .National Campaign of 1868. First Fall City Election, Mayor Roswell B. Mason, 126, 131. The Great Fire. Message of Mayor Mason. .Efforts to Change the Location of the City Government. .Sketch of Mayor Mason, 131, 134. Chapter VII. — Constitutional Convention of 1869. .State Campaign 1870. .A Noted Congres sional Contest in Chicago. .Action of the Legislature for the Relief of Chicago The "Fire Proof" Ticket. .Official Returns, 135, 138. Mayor Medill's Administration The PoUce Board Contest Saloon Troubles, 138, 143. The "People's Party". .Preliminary Meetings ..The Kingsbury Hall Mass Meeting The Convention and Platform. .Position of the Democrats. City Treasurer David A. Gage's Defalcation. .The "Law and Order" Party.. The Election .. Official Returns, 143, 154. Mayor Colvin's Administration. His Message and Appointments. .Particulars of the Gage Deficit. City Finances. . The New Charter.. Incorporation under the General Law. .The Vote 154, 161.. .The Custom House Commis sion. .Changes in Departments. .The Wards Reduced.. The Exposition Building Mass Meeting. . Election of Thomas Hoyne. .The Reform Council and the Hovne-Colvin Contest . .Long and Short Terms in the Council. .Thomas Hoyne's Inaugural, 161, 167. Change in City Departments. .The Contest over the Comptroller .. Sketch of Harvey D. Colvin Sketch of Thomas Hoyne Death of Thomas Hoyne, Resolutions of the Common Council, etc., 167, 180. Chapter VIII.— The Great Whiskey Ring. .The Greeley Movement .. National and State Campaign of 1872 .The Patrons of Husbandry. . Election of Oglesby to the U. S. Senate. . State and Congressional Election of 1874.. The Greenbackers, 181, 186. National and State Campaign of 1876. .Election of David Davis to the U. S. Senate. .Sketch of Judge Davis,^ his Death and Funeral. .State Campaign of 1878. .The SociaHsts, 186, 190. Mayor Heath's Election to the "Short Term".. His Inaugural .Contest over the Removal of Police Superintendent, M. C. Mickey . .First Spring Election. . Mayor Heath's second term.. City Finances .. Operations of the City Council .The Hildreth-Riordan Contest Action on the death of Daniel O'Hara, 190, 199, City Certificate Emergency. Message of Mayor Heath. .The Tax Fighters The Council Indorses Gen. James Shields. .Resolutions on the Death of John T. Corcoran and Mancel Talcott. .Comptroller Farwell on the Finan ces. .Mayor Heath's Final Message. .Sketch of Mayor Heath, 199, 209. Chapter IX.— Municipal Campaign of 1879. . Election of Carter H. Harrison. .The Socialist Ticket Mayor Harrison's Inaugural. .Appointments. .Sunday Saloon Closing .Mayor Harrison vs. Fire Marshal Benner. .The Finances. .The Knights Templar and Grant Demonstrations Veto of the Chicago and Western Indiana franchise, 210, 218 The Parnell Reception. .Action on the death of S. S. Hayes. .Veto offiie Annual Appropriation. INDEX TO. CONTENTS. vii Bill..Aldermanic Election of 1880.. The Stauber-McGrath Contest .. Mayor Harrison's Annual Message, 219, 224. Republican National Convention of 1880 .Proceedings of the Convention. .The Illinois Contest. .Speeches of Raum, Anthony and Storrs . . Roscoe Conk ling s Great Speech in Nomination of Grant. .Nomination of Garfield. .Washburn and Arthur for Vice-President .Arthur Nominated. .National and State Campaicns of lOoj 224 to 254. '^ '^ Chapter X.— Municipal Election of 1881. .Harrison and Clark. .Veto of the Appropriation Bill. .Appointments. .Mayor Harrison's Second Inaugural, 255, 265. Assassination of Gar field.. Mayor's Address and Action of the City Council. .Action on the Death of Mai Lannigan .. Mayor Harrison on the "Bridge Nuisance". .Visitors from New Orleans Mayor's Annual Message. .The Grand Jury and Gambling. .Aldermanic Election of 1882 Appointments..! he Mayor Visits Europe. .Resolutions on the Death of Peter Cunning ham. .Mayor's Annual Message for 1882, 265,285. State Campaign of 1882 . Election 6f Shelby M. Cullom to the U. S. Senate. .The "Harper Law". .The Female Suffrage Bill Municipal Campaign of 1883. .Harrison vs. Gary .. Appointments and Official Bonds Act.ion of Council on Death of Ex-Ald. William Wheeler, Aid. J. E. Geohegan, Aid. J H Foley and Ex-Ald. C. L. Woodman .. A Idermanic Election of 1884. .Mayor Harrison on Kiosques. .Annual Message for 1884. .Assassination of Aid. Michael Gaynor. .Action of the Council, 285 to 304. Chapter XI.— National Canvass of 1884. .Both Great Parties Hold their Conventions in Chi cago. .Proceedings of the Republican Convention. .John A. Logan placed in Nomination for President .. Speech of Shelby M. Cullom. .Logan Withdrawn, and Blaine Seconded. . The Vote of Illinois. .Blaine Nominated. .Democratic State Convention. .Carter H. Har rison Nominated for Governor Illinois Delegates for Grover Cleveland . . Historic Letter of Samuel J. Tilden. .Cleveland's AvailabiHty. .Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention. .Cleveland and Hendricks Nominated. .Action of the Independents Adverse to Blaine. Address of the Chicago Organization to Voters. .State and Congressional Cam paign. .The Official Vote, 305 to 324. The Eighteenth Ward Election Fraud. .Indictment and trial of Mackin, Gallagher, Gleason, ^^ o/. .Great Senatorial Contest of 1885.. The Legislature a Tie.. Logan's coup dc ^i'a^. .Municipal Campaign of 1885.. Judge Sidney Smith and Carter H. Harrison Opponents for Election. ..\ Close Vote. .Theft of the Third Ward Ballot Box. .Action of the Council on Election Troubles. .The Sixth Ward Contest. . The Smith-Harrison MayoraUy Contest The Citizen's Election Law. .Its Adoption . The Election Commissioners . Mayor Harrison's Fourth Inaugural. .Memorial on the Death of Col. Dominick Welter. .Veto of the Equitable Gas Ordinance, 324 to 343. Chapter XII.— Death of Gen. U. S. Grant, and Demonstration. . Mayor's Address and Action of the Council. .Addresses of Aldermen .. Death of Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks. .Address of the Mayor and Resolutions of the Council, 344, 352. The Council favors the Adoption of the New Election Law. Veto of the Appropriation Bill of 1886.. Sketch of Carter H. Harrison. .Aldermanic and Town Election of 1886, first under New Law. .Organization of Board of Election Commissioners. .Abstract of Election Law, 352, 360. Chapter XIII. — Report of Comptroller Gurney on Taxation. .The Town Governments. .Tax Assessment Troubles. .Table of Tax and Debt per Capita, Compared with other Cities.. List of City Comptrollers. . Table of Valuation and Income, City of Chicago, 1S37 to i886. . List of Mayors of Chicago. .Table of Vote, School Census, Registration, etc., Table of Nativity of Voters. .Table Classifying City Occupations. . School Census of 1886 in Detail. . History of the Building of the City Hall and County Court House, 361 to 378. \A^HAPTEr XIV. — Socialism and Anarchism .. Growth of SociaHsm. .The Lehr und Wehr Verein. .Capt. Frank Bielfeld's Case. .The Militia Law Test Case. .The Silver Leaf Grove Riot. .The Herman Presser Case. . Federal Supreme Court Decision. .Action of the An archists in Connection with the Eight hour Labor Movement. .The "Black Road" Riot .^^ The Anarchist Call to Arms The Haymarket Massacre. .The Deadly Dynamite Bomb Thrown. .Suppression of the Arbeiter Zeitung and Arrest and Indictment of Spies, Parsons,;^ Fielden, Schwab, Lingg, Neebe, Fischer, et al., the Anarchist Conspiracy Unearthed. .Th'e Anarchist Trials. .Efforts to Obtain a Jury. .Scenes and Incidents. .Testimony of Gottfried Waller, the Informer Testimony of William Seliger. .Lingg, the Bomb-maker. .Sen sational Evidence of Detective Andrew C.Johnson .The Evidence in Detail Witness Harry L. Gilmer. .Discoveries of Capt. Schaack. .Finding Infernal Machines. .Experiments with Bombs. .Parsons' Paper, the Alarm .Spies' Incendiary Utterances. . Extracts from the Anarchist Organs. .The Defense. .The Police Arraigned. .Evidence of Dr. James D. Taylor, of August Krumm..The Russian Correspondent, Malkoff. .The Eight Prisoners VIU INDEX TO CONTENTS. Examined in Their Own Behalf . .A Funny Witness .. Letters from Anarchist Johann Most. .Arguments of Counsel for the State and for the Defense. .Capt. Black's Plea for the Defense. .State's Attorney Grinnell for the Prosecution. .Judge Gary's Instructions to the Jury.. The Verdict .. Sketches of the Condemned. .Sketches of the Jurors. .Official Police Department Report of Casualties at the Haymarket Story of the Conspiracy. . Rudolph Schnaubelt, the Bomb-thrower . The Grand Jury and their Report . Sensational Evidence Heard. .Cost of the Anarchist Trials .Comments oi the Arbeiter Zeitung. .The Socialists start a Political Movement. .Capt. Black Serves Notice for a New Trial. .The Arguments. . Remarkable Affidavits of Orrin Blossom and A. P. Love. .The Motion for a New Trial Overruled .The Condemned make Appeals in their own Behalf . .Speeches of Spies, Fischer, Schwab, Neebe, Lingg, Engel, Fielden and Parsons. .Sentence Pronounced. . Address of the Court. . Sketch of Judge Gary, 379, 500. BIOGRAPHICAL. Walter Q. Gresham 501 Anthony C. Hesing 501 Shelby M. Cullom 506 William J. McGarigle ...509 Lawrence A. Yore 514 Henry T. Murray 516 Daniel W. Ryan 520 Timothy Ryan 523 C. Herman Plautz 5J9 George Mills Rogers 534 Joseph M. Weber 53S Edward P. Burke 541 Daniel Shepard 544 Richard Prendergrast 547 George A. Meech 551 James T. Appleton 556 David S. Mead 560 William Eisfeldt 563 Charles Kern 567 James J. McGrath 571 Abner Taylor 577 Lawrence E. McGann 5^' Redmond F. Sheridan 502 Richard M. Oliver 504 William Edgar t;c6 John M. Dunphy 511 Charles F. L. Doerner. . . .515 Charles S. Petrie 519 H. A. Varnell 521 Charles E. Scharlau 524 John J. Curran 53 3 $44-8.34 1-354 8,69s8,735 10043 18,625i.>.i.s610,290 3-370 18,29s 8,670 23,240 15.405 6,999 12,940 2497s 5-540 241,793 164,835 .dn O 3 P5 4-583 2,0625,201 11-36511-497 7.518 4-755 1,670 19-155 6.335 28,130 25,260 8co II-S.50 24-731 >- C tUDo <-^ 3 U T3 OJ o ¦SPh 3 3 > $9,000 3.134 1,094 815 2,651 4-471 2.473 9856co 6,oSo 3,8933,019 1,910 960 1-91S 6,04s 42,04s oo o 33 10,728 524324 659 3,600 1-598 150 2,402 569 1-423 4,204 26,414 The total population of the city, according to the census of 1846, was that year 14,199. The census of this year, just completed, gives us on the first day of September, 1847, in round numbers, 17,000. The approach of the > Presidential campaign of 1 848 was marked by a steadily growing Interest in the slavery question. There was every evidence that a split in the Democratic party over the slavery Issue was imminent. The followers of Martin Van Buren in the East were anxious for an opportunity to avenge the wrong done their chief In 1844, and the members of the Liberty party were not unwilling to join hands with the Anti- slavery, Whigs, and Democrats of the North, if a satisfactory and honorable basis of action could be devised. This condition of affairs resulted In the call for the National Free Soil Conven tion at Buffalo, on the 9th of August, 1848. The history of the Abolition movement ; the "Black Law" agitation, arid the many momentous Issues Involved in the Free Soil movement of 1848; ihe later debates between Douglas and Lincoln, are themes of national history that have all been dwelt upon at length by able writers who have traced them up to and through the great war of the rebellion. In all of these movements Chicago and her citizens played a prominent and important part. Zebina East- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY AND ILLINOIS. 63 man, who in 1842 established In Chicago the Western Citizen, and Hooper Warren, the noted Abolitionist, and publisher of the Commercial Advertiser, were the leading spirits in every movement In behalf of freedom for the slaves. Zebina Eastman established his paper here in response to the earnest request of James H. Collins, Dr. C. V. Dyer, Calvin DeWolf, S. D. Childs, H. L. Fulton, L. C. P. Freer, N. Rossiter, the Rev. Flavel Bas com, J. Johnston, and other early Abolitionists, who had, since the murder of Elijah P. Lovejoy, at Alton, in 1837, continued to antagonize the pro-slavery men, and it was owing to threats of the latter that no Abolition organ should be established in Chi cago that they decided upon bringing Zebina Eastman to the city. Eastman had been the assistant to Benjamin Lundy, publisher of the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," at Lowell, LaSalle county, and had upon the death of Lundy continued the paper as the "Genius of Liberty." In 1853 the name of the "Western Citizen" was changed to the "Free West," and its pub lication was continued for some years thereafter. One of the many deserving colored men befriended by Zebina Eastman was John Jones, whom he taught to read, and who afterward spoke and wrote in behalf of the enfranchisement of his race. He was one of the first colored men in the state to be elected to an office, having been twice elected a County Commissioner, and serving In the same body of which Carter H. Harrison, one of our later Mayors,, was a member. It is related that John Brown was often a visitor at John Jones' house, the last time when on his way to Harper's Ferry, on which occasion he advised Mr. Jones to lay In a stock of cotton, sugar and tobacco, for he was going to "raise their price." Mr. Jones was born In North Carolina in 1816, and came to Chicago In the latter part of 1841. Mr. Jones died In 1879, leaving a widow and one child, and an estate amounting to $70,000. The Chicago Democrat and the Commercial Advertiser fre quently contained advertisements offering rewards for the cap ture of runaway slaves. The famous "Underground Railroad" had many branches centering In Chicago, and Zebina Eastman sent the first passenger over this road through Chicago to lib erty In Canada. The last slavery disturbance In Chicago is re lated by Mr. Eastman to have occurred in 1845-6, when a negro was seized by Henry Rhines, a "nigger hunter," and was rescued by citizens from the office of Justice L. C. Kerchlval, where he was on trial. The crowd of sympathizers was so dense In the little box of an office in a frame building on Clark street, and 64 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, upon the stairs, that they picked the negro up and rolled him over their heads to the street below, and at the same time pressed so closely upon Rhines that he could not use his pistol. No prosecutions followed this rescue, but a meeting was called to protest against the assembling of and " lawless acts " of mobs. The anti-slavery men gathered and secured control of this meet ing, and unanimously adopted resolutions offered by J. Young Scammon, which deprecated all illegal interference with the law, and especially Illegal arrests of people who had made Chicago an asylum from oppression, and declared that Chicago was on the side of humanity and bound to protect legally any fugitive from oppression. Dr. Charles Volney Dyer was for many years an officer of the " Underground Railroad," and spared neither time, money or personal exertion to assist in the enfranchisement of slaves. As a peculiar and fitting recognition of his efforts. President Lincoln, in 1863, appointed him Judge of the Mixed Court for the suppression of the African Slave Trade. After living a life full of honor and service to his fellow-citizens. Dr. Dyer's demise occurred at Lake View, 111., on April 24, 1878. The Gem 0 J the Prairie of June 3, 1848, contains an account of the kidnapping of Abram Ross, a colored man, from his house on State street at 1 1 :3o o'clock at night by slave agents, assisted by a band of hired ruffians. Ross was supposed to be a fugitive slave. He Is described as " a stout, good-natured mulatto, about thirty-five years of age, well known about the city, having been em ployed for some time back in delivering bottled soda for Dr. Carpenter." The men burst into the house, dragged the occu pant out of bed, secured Ross, placed him In a buggy and started for the Illinois river. The next morning several citizens started in pursuit, and they arrived at Peru just too late to inter cept the kidnappers, who had taken a boat for St. Louis with their captive. That night, while between Peru and Meredosia, Ross succeeded in climbing out of a stateroom window, swam ashore, and twenty-one days after his capture, June 24, reap peared in Chicago and gave an account of his adventure to his friends. _ It afterward transpired that the Chicago ruffians who assisted In his capture were paid in gold coin which turned out to be counterfeit. Ross, by invitation, addressed a mass meet ing in front of the Court House, giving an account of the man ner In which he was kidnapped, and his escape. The Gem of the Prairie commented on this affair as follows: " We have for some time been under tl*e Impression that we CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY AND ILLINOIS. 65 lived In a free state, and that the man-hunter would not dare- after what has happened here— to track his prey Into the midst of the city. But we have not made sufficient allowance for the audacity of these wretches. * * We give these gentry warn ing ! They now hide from the daylight. A committee of public safety should be organized to ferret them out in the darkness. Their only resource is brute violence. Let them bear in mind that outraged and insulted humanity can arm itself as well as they ! " A great Free Soil meeting was held in the Saloon building on the evening of April i, 1848. On motion of George Manierre the meeting was organized by calling His Honor, Mayor James H. Woodworth to the chair. On motion of H. W. Clarke, the following named gentlemen were nominated vice-presidents : P. Maxwell, Alexander Lloyd, Thomas Hoyne, D. Brainard Henry Brown, F. C. Hagerman, N. B. Judd, Daniel H. Gleason,' Capt. Shaffer, William B. Ogden, Mark Skinner, A. S. Sherman, F. C. Sherman, James Carney, William Jones, J. A. Relchart, E. S. Kimberly, George Manierre. On motion of Thomas Hoyne the following named gentle men were chosen secretaries : William L. Church, A. Huntington, Prentis Law, William H. Bushnell, Asa F. Bradley, Daniel Macllroy, H. W. Clarke. Dr. D. Brainard moved that a committee of five be ap pointed to draft resolutions explaining the sentiments of the meeting. The chair appointed as such committee Dr. D. Brain ard, Prentis Law, Isaac N. Arnold, Samuel Hoard, and S. S. J. Lowe. - Mayor Woodworth addressed the meeting upon the political issues of the day, and characterized slavery as a curse and a blot upon our national escutcheon. Addresses were made by Norman B. Judd and Henry Brown, the latter speaking at length in favor of harbor and river Improvements, and taking strong grounds against extension of slavery into the territory to be acquired from Mexico. The Committee on Resolutions reported through Dr. Brain ard a set of resolutions, thirteen In number, of which the follow ing is an abstract : I. Resolved, That we are unalterably hostile to the further extension of slavery ; that while we will not join in the fanati cism which converts a public misfortune into an Individual crime, we will on all proper occasions declare we regard slavery as a disgrace and blot upon the good name of our country. 5 66 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 2. That in the establishment of territory now free, it should be made a fundamental principle that neither slavery nor invol untary servitude shall be allowed, except as punishment of crime. 3. Should slavery be extended over territory free, it would be a mockery of Republican institutions. 4. Praises the ordinance of 1787 and its author, Thomas Jefferson. 5. Lays down the proposition that all slaves taken into territories become of right enfranchised. 6. Declares that In excluding slavery from free territory the Democracy recognizes no new issue. 7. Declares that the Democracy does not ask to make this a test question ; but, on the other hand, in case the issue is forced upon them and must be met, they will never turn dough face at the beck of Southern dictation and prove recreant to their convictions of right and duty. 8. Deprecates the pro-slavery movement of the South, and declares that If It be persisted In it will arouse the self-respect and energies of the Northern free Democracy, who, sacrificing for the time their party predilections to cherished principles, would ultimately accomplish for themselves a Cerro Gordo triumph. The 9th and loth resolutions again refer to the ordinance of 1786 in words of praise ; the i ith favors judicious harbor and river appropriations ; the 12th eulogizes Thomas H. Benton, and the 13th lauds Silas H. Wright. After the adoption of the resolutions by acclamation the meeting was eloquently addressed by Henry Brown, Isaac N. Arnold, Thomas Hoyne, Dr. Brainard and George Manierre. Before the meeting adjourned Thomas Hoyne, Dr. Brainard, Mark Skinner, Isaac N. Arnold, E. S. Kimberly, George Ma nierre and Asa F. Bradley were appointed a committee to formu late and issue an address to the people. On the afternoon of July 4, 1848, a meeting indorsing Mar tin Van Buren as the Free Soil candidate was held in the public square, and able speeches were made by Dr. Brainard, Thom^ Hoyne, I. N. Arnold, William B. Ogden and W. H. Bushnell. When the Free Soil party was organized the main principle enunciated In its platform was hostility to the further spread of slavery, but this alone was not sufficient to commend a new party to the disaffected of all other parties. The Liberty party had nominated John P. Hale as its candidate in 1847. The Southern Democratic slavery party had ncffrilnated Gen. Cass at CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY AND ILLINOIS. 67 Baltimore, May 22, 1848. The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia June 7, and nominated Gen. Zachary Taylor, and the friends of Henry Clay were again raising the cry of treach ery to their favorite. The Buffalo Free Soil Convention of August nominated Martin Van Buren and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-president, and already the campaign cry of "Van Buren and Free Soil — Adams and Liberty," was reverberating throughout the country. The Democratic ascendancy In Chicago and Cook county had remained uninterrupted except In 1840, when the councils of the party were temporarily divided. Now the forces of Democracy were again to be divided as between Gen. Cass, the regular nominee, and Martin Van Buren, the choice of the Northern Democratic Free Soilers, who. In the main, took Issue with their Southern friends over the admission of Texas as a slave State and the Wilmot proviso. While Van Buren carried both the city and the county by a plurality, and the Whig candidate, Zachary Taylor, received a majority over Gen. Lewis Cass, straight Democrat, the vote of the latter, added to the Democratic vote given Van Buren, would prove that the Democrats were yet largely In the majority if united. The vote in Cook county was as follows : Martin Van Buren, Free Soil Democrat, - - 2,120 votes. Lewis Cass, Stralgiit Democrat, - - 1,622 " Zachary Taylor, Whig, - - - - 1,708 " CITY OF CHICAGO. Van Buren, .... 1,543 Cass, 1.016 Taylor, 1.283 Total in county, 5,450; total in city, 3,842. The Gem of the Prairie, which was practically the weekly edition of the Tribune at this time, under date of August 19, 1848, published the following official returns of the Congres sional vote in Cook county and the. vote for county officers, the Congressional contest being the memorable one between J. Young Scammon and "Long John" Wentworth. FOR CONGRESS. Wentworth. 2,183. Scammon, 1,921 FOR STATE SENATOR. Norman B. Judd, - - - - 4.224 68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, FOR STATE REPRESENTATIVES. Sherman, Witt, 2,527 2,170 Walker, Maxwell, 1.905 2,184 FOR SHERIFF. 2,320 Burling, 2,243 Cook, FOR COMMISSIONER. Sauter, 2,282 Lane, 2,270 FOR CORONER. Kelly, 2,214 Burdell, 2,267 While the Free Soil ticket received at large something less than 300,000 votes and failed to carry any electoral votes, it snatched the long-looked for presidential prize from Gen. Cass and the Southern slaveocracy, and while Gen. Taylor was elected, the triumph of the Whig party was brief. Its death knell had been sounded. The Free Soil movement seated Chase In the United States Senate from Ohio; placed in the lower house of Congress enough men to hold the balance of power, kept slavery out of Oregon, and compelled the admission, of California as a free state. Shortly before the National election was held Chicago and the county of Cook had passed through a series of contests of an exciting local nature. The Chicago Daily Democrat for March and April, 1848, contains the vote for and against the new State Constitution, and for and against the negro clause, prohibiting escaped slaves from coming to Illinois. The vote on the adoption of the Constitution by city divisions was as follows : For the Constitution, North Division, 170; South Division, 566; West Division, 154; Total, 990. Against the Constitution, North Division, 261 ; South Division, 319; West Division, 86; Total, 666 ; Majority for, 324. By city divisions the vote on the "Negro Clause" was as fol lows : For the Negro Clause, North Division, 40 ; South Division, 95 ; West Division, 41 ; Total, 176. Against the Negro Clause, North Division, 388 ; South Division, 484; West Division, 190; Majority against, 886. The total vote in Cook county was 400 for and 1,084 against the "Negro Clause." Cook county outside of Chicago, 224 for the Negro Clause, and 32 against. • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY AND ILLINOIS. 69 For the 2-mIll tax. North Division, 164 ; South Division, 413; West Division, 193; Total, 770. Against, North Division, 259 ; South Division, 145 ; West Division, 38. Majority for. 328. Total vote In the State of Illinois : For the Negro Clause, 49,066 ; against, 20,884. The Democrat oi April 19, 1848, under the head of "Voting as Yet Viva Voce," contained the following : "Many appear to be under the impression that the voting at the next August election will be by ballot under the new Consti tution. This Is an error. Section 15, of the schedule of the new Constitution provides that the General Assembly after their first session after the adoption of the new Constitution shall pass laws regulating the mode of voting by ballot, etc., but that until such laws are passed the voting at all our elections shall be viva voce, as at present." The Democratic city convention of 1848 was held Monday, February 28, and the following nominations were made : For Mayor, James Curtiss; nominated on the second ballot, receiving 18 votes, and L. C. Kerchlval, 11. For Marshal, R. C. Ross, 21 votes,; B. Daily, 8 votes. For Collector, James Fitzslmmons, 20 ; A. D. Taylor, 7 ; H. Barnes, 3. For Treas urer, Andrew Getzler, 24 ; C. Taylor, 2 ; W. Wright, 2. For Attorney, P. Ballengall, 24 votes ; G. Manierre, 2. For Sur veyor, Asa F. Bradley, 22 ; G. W. Clark, 8 ; James Carney, 3. Assessor, South Division, Nathan H. Bolles ; Street Com missioner, Charles Baumgarten. Assessor, North Division, George O'Brien ; Street Commis sioner, Patrick Duffy. Assessor, West Division, B. Gafeny ; Street Commissioner, Patrick Denny. Aldermen, First Ward, Edward Manierre ; Second, Henry L. Rucker ; Third, William Jones ; Fourth, C. L. P. Hogan ; Fifth, T. Blaney ; Sixth, Joseph Berry; Seventh, Peter Turbot ; Sth, John Daley ; Ninth, Samuel McKay. The Independent Democrats and Whigs held a convention and made nominations as follows : For Mayor, James H. Woodworth ; City Attorney, Giles Spring ; Marshal, Ambrose Burnham ; Collector, A. D. Taylor ; Treasurer, W. L. Church ; Assessor, South Division, Thomas Church ; Street Commissioner, O. Morrison ; Assessor, North Division, P. J. Denker; Street Commissioner, Andrew Nelson; Aldermen, Seventh Ward, Elihu Granger ; Eighth Ward, W. B. Herrick ; Ninth Ward, John H. Kinzie. 70 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The election was held March 7, and resulted as follows : Mayor, James H. Woodworth, Ind., 1,971 ; James Curtiss, Dem., 1,361 ; Marshal, Ambrose Burnham, Ind. Whig, 1,973 ; R. C. Ross, Dem., 1.265 ; Collector, A. D. Taylor, Dem._, 1,948; J. Fitzsimmons, Dem., 1,254 ; Attorney, G. Spring, Whig, Ind., 1,912; P. Ballingall, Dem., 1,312; Surveyor, no opposition, A. F. Bradley ; Treasurer, W. L. Church, Ind., 1,941 ; Andrew Getzler, Dem., 1,257. The Independents also elected their Assessors and Street Commissioners in the North and South Divisions and the straight Democrats theirs in the West Division, where they had no opposition. The Independents also elected their Alderman in the Eighth Ward, and narrowly escaped get ting John H. Kinzie through In the Ninth, he having been de feated by Samuel McKay by only one vote, as the following resume will show : Aldermen, First Ward, E. Manierre, no opposition ; Second Ward, H. L. Riicker, no oppo.sltlon ; Third Ward, William Jones, 377 ; W. H. Adams, 41 ; Fourth Ward, Robert P^oss, 196 ; C. L. P. Hogan, 172 ; Fifth Ward, J. C. Haines, 248 ; T. Blaney, 3 ; R. Hugunin, 75; F. H. Taylor, 70; Sixth Ward, A. Pierce, 175 ; Joseph Berry, 90 ; Seventh Ward, P. Turbot, 135 ; E. Granger, 114 ; Eighth Ward, William B. Herrick, 291 ; J. Daley, 184 ; Ninth Ward, Samuel McKay, 131 ; J. H. Kinzie, 130. It will be seen that three other Inde pendents were elected in the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Wards who did not have the direct indorsement of the Independent conven tion. The election was an exciting one, and the summary given shows that even at this early day something besides the nomina tion of a well-organized party was sometimes necessary'^to politi cal success. For some time a feeling had prevailed that the city was be coming disorderly, and that reform was necessary. March 4, 1848, the city Council adopted the following : Whereas, Richard C. Ross, City Marshal, has proved to be an inefficient officer by countenancing gambling houses, particu larly keno tables, and with his full knowledge tolerated violations of the license ordinance ; therefore Resolved, That R. C. Ross, City Marshal, is clearly cen surable for gross neglect of duty. March 18 the Common Council passed the following : An ordinance to suppress keno. Be it ordained by the Common Council of the city of Chi cago, that any person or persons who shall keep within the city of Chicago a keno game, or who shall ru^ or otherwise use the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY AND ILLINOIS. 7 I same, or determine any chance or hazard by which any person or persons are to receive any money, check or checks, bank notes or bills, or other valuable thing, shall for each offense pay a penalty of $35, to be recovered by the city of Chicago before any Justice of the Peace, or any court having jurisdiction thereof. James H. Woodworth, Henry B. Clarke, Mayor. Clerk. Passed March i8, 1848. It is claimed that this was the first anti-gambling ordinance passed by the Chicago Common Council. Mayor James H. Woodworth's inaugural message of 1848 gives a better idea of the condition of municipal affairs than almost any other printed statement could convey. After recom mending that $5,000 be borrowed to meet current expenses he suggested that the salaries of city officers should be In a large measure derived from the fees collected. He recommended the building of a house for the hose company, and one for a hook and ladder company about to be organized. It was also sug gested that a city physician be appointed for attendance at the city hospital. The low stage of water In the Chicago river was adverted to, and it was stated that this must In a measure be remedied at the city's expense. The negotiations between the County Commissioners and the Council In respect to the public square he hoped would be brought to a favorable termination. The relative advantages between planking and paving streets should be determined. The wharfing privileges had been so arranged with individuals that the city would receive six per cent, upon a sum varying but little from $180,000 principal, pay able at the option of purchasers. The first $30,000 of the prin cipal was to be used for paying off city liabilities, and the bal ance of the principal, when paid, to be added to the school fund. The Gem of the Prairie of October 5, 1848, contains the following in reference to the attendance upon the public schools : Public Schools. — According to the report of the School Inspectors the number of scholars In attendance upon the public schools during the month of September, 1848, is as follows: District Nos. I and 2, - - District No. 3, - District No. 4, - - - - • Largest Average number. number. 749 605 471 363 569 398 72 politics and politicians. School near Jackson's, - - - - 90 75 School near Bridgeport, . - - 68 43 Total, .... 1,947 1,484 Under the date of September 15, the following statement of the mortality Is given : " Mortality in Chicago. — A comparison of the mortality of the city in the months of July and August In 1847 ^"^ 1848, on data furnished us by Mr. Bates, the city sexton, shows the fol lowing results : " 1847— July, 43. "1847 — August, 73-116. " 1848— July, 38. " 1848— August, 55-95. " It will thus be seen that, notwithstanding the large increase in population within the year, there has been a considerable gain in the public health in 1848 over that for the corresponding period of 1847." October 28 It is stated that Norris' Chicago Directory, just published, contains about 6,000 names. November 4 It is stated that the population of the city, as given by the same directory, is as follows : Males over 20 years, - - - - 6,129 Females over 20 years, . . - . 4,403 Males under 20 years, - . - . 4,484 Females under 20 years, .... 4,775 Colored of both sexes, ... - 228 Total, ..... 20,023 The Illinois and Michigan Canal was then the great com mercial highway between the city and the Interior of the state. The following references to canal craft and tolls are selected as showing the volume of traffic at that date : "September 30 : Canal Craft. — There are 150 boats of all descriptions running upon the canal, with an aggregate of about 13,000 tons capacity." "October 2 1 : The receipts of the canal from tolls up to the 13th Inst, at the office In this city amount to $40,527.27." Mayor Woodworth was re-elected by the Democrats March 6, 1849. I" his second Inaugural message, he recommended an immediate and thorough cleansing of the city, in view of the probable approach of the cholera, and the adoption of a uniform CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 73 system of drainage. Among other plans suggested was that of putting down sewers near the surface of the ground In the princi pal streets leading to the Chicago river, connecting the whole with the reservoirs of the Chicago Hydraulic Company, with a view of cleansing the pipes by forcing a rapid passage of fresh water through them by means of this connection. The increase of petty crimes and the prevalence of criminals was commented upon, and the establishment of a Bridewell or House of Correction was recommended. It was noted that the depressed condition of the city's finances made it Impossible to make such appropriations for the maintenance of the Fire De partment as its necessities required. Mention was made of dam age done by a flood In the river, and It was further stated that the public grounds between Michigan avenue and the lake shore were being wasted away by the action of the water. The outstanding orders upon the city treasury amounted to between $3,000 and $4,000, and the available means of the city were insufficient to liquidate this Indebtedness. The result of this condition of affairs was the depreciation In value of city orders, and a resultant loss to their holders of from 5 to 6 per cent. Mayor James H. Woodworth was a native of New York, who arrived in Chicago in 1833, and early became prominent in business and political life. He was engaged in the milling business, and was part owner of the old Hydraulic Mills for a time. He was elected Alderman In 1845, ^"^^ s-'^o In 1847, and in 1854 he was elected to Congress, serving during the session of 1855-7. In the spring of 1850 the Democrats again nominated James Curtiss, and he was duly elected March 5, and served as the fourteenth Mayor of Chicago. For two years following the adoption of the new state con stitution of 1848, containing the "Negro Clause," and during Mayor Curtiss' second term the agitation over the "Black Laws" was kept up by citizens of Chicago and generally through out the state. July 8, 1850, Isaac N. Arnold, J. H Collins, John M. Wilson, Edwin C. Earned, George Manierre and Grant Goodrich Issued a challenge In which, like knights of ol,d, they proposed to contend against any orators that might come, that the Fugitive slave law was unconstitutional and should be repealed. On the evening of the same day, July 8, 1850, action was taken on the matter In the Common Council, Alderman Dodge offering the following : 74 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Whereas, The Fugitive Slave act recently passed by Con gress is revolting to our moral sense and an outrage upon our feel ings of justice and humanity, because it disregards all the securi ties which the Constitution and laws have thrown around personal liberty, and its direct tendency is to alienate the_ pepple from their love and reverence for the Government and institutions of our country ; therefore. Resolved, That as the Supreme Court of the United States has solemnly adjudged that State officers are under no obliga tions to fulfill duties imposed upon them as such officers by an act of Congress, we do not, therefore, consider it our duty or the duty of the city officers of the city of. Chicago to aid or assist In the arrest of fugitives from oppression, and by withholding such aid or assistance we do not believe that our harbor appropriations will be withheld, our railroads Injured, our com merce destroyed, or that treason would be committed against the Government. The resolution was unanimously adopted. A similar resolution was offered by Alderman Throop, October 21, 1850, as follows : Wpiereas, The Fugitive Slave bill virtually suspends the habeas corpus act, and the Senators and Representatives In Con gress of the free States who sneaked away from their seats and aided and abetted in the passage of this law, richly merit the re proach of all lovers of freedom, and are only to be ranked with the traitor Benedict Arnold, and Judas Iscariot, who betrayed his Lord and Master for thirty pieces of silver ; therefore. Resolved, That the citizens, officers, and police of the City of Chicago be, and they are hereby requested to abstain from any and all Interference in the capture and delivering up of the fugitives from unrighteous oppression, of whatever nation, name or color. As an amendment to the original resolution. Aid. Sherwood offered the following: Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave law lately passed by Con gress is a cruel and unjust law, and ought not to be respected by an intelligent community, and that this Council will not require the city police to render any assistance for the arrest of fugitive slaves. The amendment was accepted, and the resolution as a whole was adopted by a vote of 9 ayes to 2 nays. A meeting of those who favored the law, and some who feared Congress would retaliate upon Chidligo for the action of CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 75 the Council by cutting off the harbor appropriations and railroad grants, was held at the City Hall, October 23. Senator Douglas addressed the meeting, expounding the Fugitive Slave law, and advocating it as a wise and necessary measure. Resolutions were adopted eulogistic of the Congress and impliedly Indorsing the Fugitive Slave bill, and B. S. Morris thereupon Introduced the following resolution, which was also adopted : Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United States are entitled to our most profound gratitude for their exertions in procuring the passage of, several laws at the late session of Congress, 'calculated to insure the completion of a railroad through the center of our State, and to restore Its credit to that position It is entitled to occupy. Resolved, That we, the people of Chicago, repudiate the resolutions passed by the Common Council of Chicago upon the subject of the Fugitive Slave law, passed by Congress at its last session. At a meeting of the Common Council held the following night, October 24, Aid. Dodge moved to reconsider the action on the Fugitive Slave law. Carried, ayes 12, nays i. Aid. Hamilton then offered a resolution to expunge the resolutions from the record, which on his own motion was laid upon the table. In February, 1851, the Democrats nominated Walter S. Gurnee for mayor. He was a substantial business man, being in the saddlery business and carrying a stock of general hardware, and was also one of the first directors of the Board of Trade. Later on, and until his retirement from business, he operated one of the largest tanneries in the West. He had great confidence in the future of Chicago, and made liberal investments In real estate. He was born at Haverstraw, New 'York, in 1813, and arrived In Chicago In 1836. In 1863 he removed to New York City. The date of Mayor Gurnee's first election was March 4, 185 1, and 'in his inaugural message, delivered March 11, he re ferred first to the report of the Finance Committee, which showed an indebtedness of $101,304.19, and recommended that inasmuch as the portion falling due during the current year bore 12 per cent, interest, the funding of the whole debt, and that bonds be issued at a lower rate of Interest. The message ad verted to the Importance of sustaining the water commissioners ; recommended a permanent system of sewerage, the excavation and purification of the river, cleansing of the streets ; the erection •]6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, of public buildings in the Court House square commensurate with the city's importance; the extension of the public schools, and the reorganization of the police department. It was also sug gested that all ordinances which could not be strictly enforced be repealed, as. If allowed to remain, they would have a tendency to encourage violations of those which were susceptible of enforce ment. Mayor Gurnee was re-elected mayor March 2, 1852, and served a second term. Irv 1850 the Democrats carried Cook county in the Con gressional election for Richard S. Molony, of Belvidere, by 2,863 votes, to 1,880 for Churchill C. Coffing, the Whig candidate; Molony's majority being 983. This vote was considered indica tive of the way In which the county would go at the next Presi dential election, and it was not a mistaken basis, for Franklin Pierce carried the county November 3, 1852, by a majority of 885 over Winfield Scott, the Whig candidate, and John P. Hale, Free Soiler, and the city of Chicago by 646 votes over the com bined vote of his opponents, the vote being as follows : FOR president COOK COUNTY. Franklin Pierce, Democrat, - - 3,767 Winfield Scott, Whig, - . 2,089 John P. Hale, Free Soil, ... 7^3 CITY OF CHICAGO. Pierce, - - - 2,835 Scott, ... 76^ Hale, ... ^24 This was the last of Democratic ascendancy in the politics of Cook county and Chicago, and the causes leading to the de cline of the party here were the same that operated adversely to the National party at large. The unpopularity of Whig princi ples and the reaction from 1848 had weakened and disintegrated. that party, and the defeat of Gen. Scott was the finishing blow. The Whigs never again nominated a candidate, but four years following many of them gave their votes to Fillmore, the candi date of the American party, and successor to President Taylor, after the latter's death. In July, 1850. The Democratic party would therefore have had a clear field in 1856 had it not been for the organization of the Republican party. By some authorities it is claimed that the Liberty party supplied the nucleus of the Republican party. In 1842 the Liberty party polled but 142 votes in Illinois; in 1852 It had 10,000 votes in the State but CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 'J'] John p. Hale, the Free Soil candidate, got fewer votes by far in Cook county than Van Buren had polled. as the first Free Soil candidate In 1848. The Republican party was not at first a party of Abolition, nor was emancipation thought of by many of its founders until the exigencies of war and the arrogant and traitorous action of the slave power moved President Lincoln to issue his famed Emancipation Proclamation. The party at first was composed of anti-slavery Democrats, anti-slavery Whigs, and anti-slavery Americans, all animated with the hope of preventing the further absorption of free territory and of checking the ag gressive movements of the adherents of slavery in the councils of the government. These unsettled elements were not all united In a distinct, well-organized and formidable party until John C. Fremont was chosen as a leader upon the bold, broad and inspiring declaration that there should be no further exten sion of slavery or aggrandizement of power by Its promoters, and the adoption of a platform embodying other popular princi ples. The question of whether the Republican party of Illinois or of the nation first had birth Is a debatable one. Biographers of Zebina Eastman relate that it was born at a meeting held In Rockford in June, 1854, which meeting was presided over by Hooper Warren or Selden M. Church, the latter for many years a citizen of Rockford, and prominently Identified with the anti- slavery movement. Other political authorities make claims of meetings having been held in Springfield, Jacksonville and Bloomington as early as 1853. ^'^ '^ probable, however, that the anti-slavery sentiment first developed organization nearer the Northern than the Southern end of the " Underground Rail road;" in the clear air and by the pure waters of Lake Michigan rather than on the sultry confines of Egypt. In April, 1854, a meeting of prominent Chicago and state politicians, including Democrats and Whigs, who were opposed to the course of Stephen A. Douglas in the United States Sen ate, was held In Room 4, Tremont House. There were present Abraham Lincoln, Lyman Trumbull, Mark Skinner, O. H. Browning, John E. Stewart, David Davis, Norman B. Judd, J. Young Scammon, Francis C. Sherman and others equally well- known. Those present pledged themselves to the support of an "Anti- Nebraska" party, and appointed a committee to agitate the subject. This led to a fusion of sentiment that revolutionized the politics of the entire northern part of the state. The first formal move In the direction of organizing a party was at a meeting of anti-Kansas-Nebraska editors held at Deca- 78 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, tur February 22, 1856. Among the prominent men present were Dr. C. H. Ray, of.the Chicago Tribune, George Schneider, founder of the Illinois Staats Zeitung, and William B. Ogden. This meeting issued a call for a state convention to be held at Bloomington, May 29. Prominent Chicago men in this con vention were James McKee, who was elected one of the Vice- Presidents ; C. L. Wilson, one of the Secretaries ; Dr. C. H. Ray, and Norman B. Judd, who were made members of the State Central Committee, and John Wentworth and Lyman Trumbull, delegates. On the 17th of June the great convention of anti- slavery Democrats and Whigs of the North was held at Phila delphia, and John C. Fremont was nominated for the presidency by the National Republican party, the name already adopted by the organization in Illinois. The election duly occurred Novem ber 4, 1856, after an exciting campaign of five months' dura tion, and the result in Cook county and Chicago, was as follows : FOR PRESIDENT COOK COUNTY. John C. Fremont, Republican, - - 9,020 James Buchanan, Democrat, - . 5,680 Millard Fillmore, American, - . 342 CITY OF CHICAGO. Fremont, - - - 6,370 Buchanan, - - 4,9^3 Fillmore, ... ^32 Dr. Levi D. Boone and W. N. Danenhower were electors on the Fillmore ticket. This ticket received 37,531 votes In Illi nois as against 105,528 for Buchanan, and 96,278 for Fremont. The Democrats secured a majority in both houses of the Legis lature. Samuel Holmes was elected Speaker of the House over Isaac N. Arnold, by a vote of 36 to 28. While Buchanan carried the state of Illinois by a plurality of 9,250, the Republicans elected BIssell governor over Richard son, by a majority of 4,697. Thus the Republican party had, by the surprising favor with which its principles were received, swal lowed up In four years the Whig and Free Soil parties, and had weakened the Democrats to such an extent that they never recovered lost ground as a National party embodying the same platforms of principles as had theretofore characterized the partv. During the time these important elections transpired the Con gressional elections in the district including Cook county fol lowed the same tendency of sentiment. • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY AND ILLINOIS. 79 The census of 1850 Increased the representation of Illinois in Congress from seven to nine members,. and by the redistribu tion the numbers of the districts were changed. In 1852 the First District extended from Galena to Waukegan, in Lake county, and Zebina Eastman and other Chlcagoans took consid erable interest in the politics of the district, although It did not belong to Chicago. The voters of the Liberty party then held the balance of power In several districts, and In the First Dis trict they were advised by Zebina Eastman not to throw away their votes. Their votes went to elect Elihu Washburne, of Galena, then a Whig, over Thompson Campbell, Democrat, or "Locofoco," and although Mr. Washburne made no pledges, he proved to be a sincere friend of the cause, and became a promi nent Republican leader when that party was formed. He repre sented the First District from 1853 to 1863, and the Third from 1863 to March 9, 1869, when he resigned to accept the office of Minister to France. Mr. Washburne gave the protection of the American flag to the Germans in Paris during the Franco-Ger man war, and in 1880 was a prominent candidate for the presi dency, his residence being then and since In Chicago, John Wentworth was elected to Congress In 1842 from the then Fourth District, which Included Cook county, and served , four terms In succession as a Democrat. He was elected as a V Democrat from the Second District and served from 1853 to 1855, and from the First District from 1855 to 1867. The Con gressional vote of Cook county in 1854, was for James H. Woodworth, Free Soil, 3,448 ; for Turner, Democrat, 1,175. In 1856 Cook county gave John H. Farnsworth, Repub lican, 8,993 votes, and John Van Nort Wyke, Democrat, 5,572 votes for Congress. In 1858 there were three candidates : John F. Farnsworth, Republican, who received 10,108 votes ; Thomas Dyer, Douglas Democrat, 8,278 votes, and Robert Blackwell, Administration Democrat, 305 votes. CHAPTER IV. lincoln, shields and trumbull — a memorable contest — the lincoln-douglas debates the campaign of 1860 chi cago and cook county in the war douglas' patriotism — ¦ life of douglas — the mob at market hall —lincoln and the emancipation proclamation — mayors gray, throop, milliken and boone— the know-nothings the "lager beer" riot. The first real break of the Democratic grasp upon the politics of Illinois in which prominent Chicago men took an active part, was at the time of the Kansas-Nebraska excitement. In the Senate of the Nineteenth General Assembly, which convened January i, 1855, were Norman B. Judd, Burton C. Cook and John M. Palmer, all anti-Nebraska Democrats. A United States Senator to succeed Senator James Shields was to be elected. Abraham Lincoln was the Whig candidate, and Gen. Shields the Democratic. The balloting commenced in joint session February 8, and resulted as follows : First Ballot — Shields, 41 ; Lincoln, 45 ; scattering, 13. Second Ballot — Shields, 41 ; Lincoln, 43 ; scattering, 15. Third Ballot — Shields, 41 ; Lincoln, 41 ; scattering, 16. On the seventh ballot Gen. Shields' name was withdrawn, and that of Joel A. Matteson substituted. The result was, Matteson, 44 ; Lincoln, 38 ; scattering 16. Eighth Ballot — Matteson, 46 ; Lincoln, 27; scattering, 25. On the ninth ballot Lincoln's name was withdrawn, and on this ballot Matteson received 47 ; Lyman Trumbull, 35 ; scatter ing, 16. The result of the tenth ballot was Trumbull, 51 ; Matteson, 47 ; scattering i, and Trumbull having received a majority of all votes cast, was declared the Senator elect. It is related that when Mr. Lincoln found that he could not get the votes of Messrs. Judd, Cook, Palmer, and that of Henry S. Baker, an anti-Nebraska Whig, which would have secured his election, he, while standing in the lobby, reached over and (80) CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 8 1 directed a member of the House to withdraw his name, which, being done, Trumbull was elected on the succeeding ballot. Lyman Trumbull was re-elected United States Senator January lo, 1861, over Samuel S. Marshall, by a vote of 54 to 46. The Republicans had a majority In both branches of the legisla ture, and it was the first time in the history of the state that any party other than the Democratic had a majority in both Houses. January 15, 1867, Mr. Trumbull was again re-elected United States Senator, this time defeating T. Lyle Dickey by a vote of 76 to 33. Senator Douglas challenged the manner In which the first election of Trumbull was brought about in his second joint de bate with Lincoln at Freeport, August 27, 1858. These two oratorical giants had debated before this at Chicago. July 9, at Chicago, Douglas made a deliberate and carefully phrased con clusion on Lincoln's speech of June 16, and the following day (July 10), Lincoln made a brief review of Douglas' speech of the 9th. This preliminary crossing of swords led to the challenge of Douglas to a joint debate by Lincoln, July 24. The challenge and reply were written in Chicago, both at the Tremont House, where both of these eminent men were frequently guests, and Mr. Lincoln's challenge was handed to Mr. Douglas by Norman B. Judd, who then represented Cook county In the State Senate. Douglas fixed upon the places of meeting and Lincoln accepted the list July 31. In his address at Freeport, Mr. Douglas said : "In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lin coln, on the part of the Whigs, undertook to Abolitionize the Whig party, by dissolving it, transferring the members into the Abolition camp, and ma} Courtney, 585. Thirteenth Ward — Campbell, 1,233; Sherwood, 853; White, 292. Fourteenth Ward — Cleveland, 1,127; Turtle^ 877. Fifteenth Ward — McGrath, 2,874 ! Casselman, 454 ; Brown, 235- Sixteenth Ward — Stout, 2,162 ; Hawklnson, 460. Seventeenth Ward — Lengacher, 2,454; Pfolstrom, 211. Eighteenth Ward — Murphy, 1,007; Handly, 606; Bean, 455 ; Barrett, 96. Nineteenth Ward — Lynch, 540 ; Greeley, 198. Twentieth Ward — Jonas, 837; Harvey, 494; Kehoe, 283. COUNTY TICKET. Judge of Superior Court — S. M. Moore, 32,019 ; Joseph P. Clarkson, 21,167. Judge of County Court— M. R. M. Wallace (on both tickets), 53,417. Clerk of County Court — Hermann Lieb, 31,156 ; James W. Brockway, 22,046. Clerk of Criminal Court — Austin Doyle, 33,031 ; W. K. Sullivan, 20,163. County Treasurer— H. B. Miller, 31,941 ; PhUip Wads worth, 21,106. Superintendent of Schools — George D. Plant, 31,248; A. G. Lane, 21,839. County Commissioners — Christian Busse, 30,837; A. B. Johnson, 31,846; Thomas Lonergan, 31,976; William B. Bur dick, 31,629 ; John Herting, 31,784 ; E. A. Lynn, 20,999 ; S. W. Kingsley, 21,782; W. B. Bateham, 21,340; William M. Laugh lin, 21,557; ^- J- Galloway, 21,626. Member of State Board of Equalization— S. S. Gardner, 10,673; R. P. Derrlckson, 9,173. Thomas Cannon and Max Eberhardt were elected " County Justices," but the Governor refused to commission them on the 154 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ground that no such office existed. With this election the Com mittee of Seventy as an active political factor came to an end. The Tribune making reference to its demise, rather ungratefully com mented as follows : " The Committee of Seventy soon absorbed the smaller organizations. It put a ticket In the field last year, but Its first venture in politics was not encouraging. During the winter it was dormant, but some three months since it smelt the battle afar off, and came out of its winter quarters. It proceeded to organize the recent campaign. In which It met with a crushing reverse. Hereafter it will be remembered in the history of local politics for good intentions, for miserable Inefficiency as a politi cal organization, and for its failure to execute the designs for which it was organized." Remnants of the committee and other advocates of the " Sunday closing " ordinance subsequently formed an organiza tion, and operating with them was a band of "praying women," similar to those that about this time created a furore in Ohio, Massachusetts and the East. A number of meetings were held which were addressed by the pastors of the city churches, and at a meeting held Friday, March 13, in the First Methodist church block, it was resolved by some six hundred ladies present to ap peal to the Common Council to enforce the Sunday closing ordi nance. A committee was appointed and waited on the Council, but a majority of that body having been elected on the other side of the issue, the appeal of the ladles was unavailing, and the Council passed an ordinance granting the right to sell, and gov erning the traffic in liquor on Sundays as well as other days, with such restrictions as were deemed proper, and repealing con flicting ordinances. The ladles appealed to Mayor Colvin to veto this ordinance, but he explained that It would be Impossible for him to do so and at the same time represent the views and wishes of the constituency to which he was pledged prior to the election. MAYOR colvin's ADMINISTRATION. Mayor Colvin, in his Inaugural address, December i, 1873, referred to the issues decided in the late election, and pledged his administration to economy and reform. The message pro ceeded : " During the last municipal administration the attention of our community has, to a great extent, been diverted from all questions referring to an economical management of the city finances, or even to the protection of life and property, by efforts as fruitless as they were frantic, t» enforce certain ordi- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 55 nances in regard to the observation of the first day of the week. It is a well known fact that those ordinances, how much soever they may have been In consonance with the public opinion of a comparatively small and homogenous population at the time of their enactment, have ceased to be so since Chicago has, by the harmonious co-operation of citizens belonging to the different nationalities, grown from a village to the rank of one of the greatest cities of the world. For a series of years It has been the practice of our municipal administration to treat those ordi nances as 'obsolete,' and to refrain from enforcing them. It Is not Intended to denounce that practice, but merely to state that within the past year it has become distasteful to a large portion of the community. In our late election the Issue has been fairly and squarely made whether the existing ordinances shall be re tained and enforced, or, upon the other hand, either repealed or so modified as to be In consonance with the present state of pub lic opinion In our community. A majority of our people, so overwhelming that it would be preposterous to designate their de cision as a ' snap ' judgment, or to cavil at its meaning, has decided the question in favor of the latter alternative. It behooves all good citizens who believe the principles of our republican form of gov ernment to accept that popular decision, to which, following the advice of my predecessor in office, they have appealed. There Is no reason to fear that those who conscientiously believe the existing ordinance upon the subject to be dictated by a spirit of religious Intolerance Incompatible with the spirit of our age, will, on their own part, defy the spirit of mutual toleration. If the Common Council, in its wisdom, and having undoubtedly full power upon the subject, should determine either to repeal or modify the Sunday prohibitions and Sunday clauses in the license law, or to fully secure the religious exercises of a portion of our citizens from all disturbance, without interfering with the harmless enjoyments of other citizens. It will do more than its duty toward the majority of the people of this city. " Our police system should be conducted upon the principle of the prevention rather than the punishment of crime. Nor should the city seek to obtain revenue by means of any of the prevalent forms of vice. When it does It becomes particeps criminis In the iniquity it professes to punish or suppress. My nature revolts against this barbarous and brutal practice, not pursued for the purpose of extirpating vice, but with the object of adding a few paltry dollars to the public revenue. It shall never receive my sanction. All that can usefully be accom- 156 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, plished in this direction Is the mitigation of the more glaring and demoralizing effects of that which in all ages and among all races has existed as an evil that may be mitigated, or perhaps, regu lated, but which has never yet been exterminated. Police officers should be made to understand and feel that laws are enacted as much to protect the unfortunate as to punish the wicked. In no case should a person be Inhumanly treated simply because he has been arrested for some petty offence or misdemeanor. I am de cidedly opposed to the practice of police officers receiving money, in the shape of rewards for services rendered, from any corporation or individual. Let them look to the city alone for remuneration. Such practice will, sooner or later, end in the force becoming merely the instruments of great corporations or wealthy Individuals. * * * j,^ conclusion, gentlemen, I would add that, in view of the prostrated condition of our city treasury our fellow citizens loudly call upon you for economical legislation. At the same time they look to me for a prompt in terposition of my veto to any measure of wasteful, excessive, or corrupt expenditur£. I hope and trust that neither will fail in the duties of our respective provinces. In the event that we do not we shall acquit ourselves to our own and the public satisfac tion, and receive the reward due to good and faithful servants." Among the first official acts of Mayor Colvin was the ap pointment of Jacob Rehm as Superintendent of Police and E. F. C. Klokke as a member of the Board of Police and Fire Com missioners. They were confirmed by the Council December 22, 1873. These appointments were followed by that of Michael C. Hickey for Captain of Police, vice Louis J. Lull. Subsequently Jake Rehm became implicated in the whisky fraud conspiracy against the government and was forced to resign, when M. C. Hickey was made Superintendent of Police, and Joseph Dixon Deputy Superintendent. Among other Important appointments made by Mayor Colvin were S. S. Hayes as Comptroller, Mat thias Benner as Fire Marshal, Michael B. Bailey as Superinten dent of Buildings, A. M. Billings and W. J. Onahan as Directors of the Public Library, Noel B. Boyden as Prosecuting Attorney, John S. Drake and S. M. Moore a's Fire Commissioners, George L. Dunlap as City Marshal, George Everhart as Assistant City Weigher, W. J. English as a member of the Board of Education, H. B. Hurd Commissioner to revise ordinances. Dr. Brockholst McVickar member of the Board of Health, Avery Moore Ap praiser of School Lands, and R. E. Goodell as City Marshal, to succeed George L. Dunlap, resigned. • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I57 December 15, 1873, Mr. John A. Rice, one of David A. Gage's bondsmen, waited on Mayor Colvin and Informed him that the City Treasurer was short In his accounts to the extent of $350,000, and in order to make good this deficiency, stood ready to turn over his entire property. Although some such denouement had been expected, when it transpired it created a great sensation. Legal measures were at once taken to recover as much as possible of the money Involved in Treasurer Gage's defalcation. The City Attorney filed a praecipe in a plea for debt against Gage and his bondsmen, William F. Tucker, Al bert Crosby, John B. Sherman, James H. McVIcker, Nathaniel P. Wilder, John A. Rice and George W. Gage, placing damages at $1,000,000. December 26, City Treasurer O'Hara, following the Instructions of the city law department, made a formal demand upon Ex-Treasurer Gage for a deficit of money belonging to the city, amounting to $507,703.58. After consultations between Gage's bondsmen, on December 30 a formal conveyance by trust deed was made by Gage of all his property to Mr. George Taylor. Proceedings were then instituted against Gage for perjury, the charge being that in his periodical statements made under oath regarding the disposition of funds and the amounts in his hands, he had repeatedly and knowingly committed perjury. The mat ter of Gage's defalcation having been brought before the Grand Jury City Treasurer O'Hara In accordance with the advice of State's Attorney Charles Reed, made another personal and form al demand upon Gage for the balance of the city funds In his hands, but Mr. Gage made no response. January 7 the Grand Jury returned Indictments against Gage for failing to pay over the moneys intrusted to his keeping, and also for perjury. The in dictment for perjury was quashed, but the February Grand Jury returned a new indictment, covering the same charge. From a careful examination of the records bearing on the Gage defalca tion it appears that Aid. Sherwood, a member of the Finance Committee of the Council, was the first to discover that anything was wrong, but it was openly charged after the defalcation be came publicly known that some of Gage's bondsmen claimed that they were not reprehensibly careless or responsible, for the reason that shortly after the "Fireproof" administration assumed charge of city affairs Gage was discovered to be short some $200,000. Some days before the election of the People's party candidates Aid. Sherwood questioned Gage about the city's funds and secured a list of banks wherein they were alleged to be deposited. He asked to see the bank books to compare them with the list of 158 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, balances, and was told that Mr. Gage had taken them away, and that they had not been written up for several months. The stubs of check books showed that current accounts were running with but two banks, the Second National and Mechanics', while the other accounts had apparently not been disturbed since 1871. Shortly before the fire, however, the water fund was known to be over $1,000,000, whereas from the records the amount in the hands of the Treasurer October 17, 1871, was seen to be only $645,727.48. Mr. Sherwood was called to Minnesota by the death of his sister, before he could pursue his Investigations further. Upon his return he received a request from Mr. Gage to meet the latter at the Grand Pacific hotel, and did so. At this Interview Gage confessed that he was short $300,000, and Mr. Sherwood said subsequently he understood from Gage that he had confessed to Mr. Bond and Comptroller Burley that he was short $250,000. Gage appealed to Mr. Sherwood's generos ity to give him ten days in which to straighten matters up. Mr. Sherwood consented, insisting that the books should be fully written up, and ended the interview, feeling satisfied Gage would make up the deficiency before he was compelled to make a set tlement with his successor. The Finance Committee made up a report to the Council which Mr. Sherwood refused to sign on account of his knowledge of the facts above given. The deficit at the end of Gage's term was $507,703.58, the amount stated in the demand of his successor, Treasurer O'Hara, of which $147,- 500 remained in the banks, leaving the actual claim against Gage $360,203.58. There-Indictment of Gage for perjury was quashed by Judge Moore, March 26, 1874, on the ground that in his affi davits Gage omitted the word "unlawfully" before the word "use," and that the affidavit was therefore merely a voluntary of fering and not a legal document within the meaning of the law. On the indictment for failing to turn over the funds, Gage ob tained a change of venue to Lake county and eventually defeated the city on this criminal charge also. In March, 1878, a judg ment was rendered in the Circuit Court of Cook county against David A. Gage and his bondsmen, William F. Tucker, Albert Crosby, John B. Sherman, James H. McVicker and Nathaniel P. Wilder, for the sum of $507,703.58. The case was taken to the Appellate Court by writ of error, by the defendants, and that Court rendered judgment January 7, 1879, reversing the judg ment of the Circuit Court. The city appealed from the judg ment of the Appellate Court to the Supreme Court, and that Court at its September term, 1879, reversed the judgment of the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 59 Appellate Court and directed the latter Court to enter judo-ment confirming the judgment of the Circuit Court, which was done. November 18, 1880, an execution was issued out of the Cir cuit Court on the judgment, and placed in the hands of the Sheriff. In December, 1873, David A. Gage and his wife had executed to George Taylor a deed of trust of several pieces and parcels of land to secure the city on account of Gage's indebtedness, and containing power of sale, etc., of this land. A certain portion de scribed as being In township 39, sec. i, was not owned by Gage, but he did own thirty acres In township 38, sec. i, which he claimed was the land he intended to convey, but that a mistake was made In the description. He subsequently conveyed the tract In township 38, sec. i, to another party, and the Trustee thereupon filed a bill to have the latter conveyance set aside, and the description in the trust deed corrected. While T. Lyle Dickey was Corporation Counsel, he filed a bill in the Superior Court of Cook county for a decree, directing the Trustee to sell a tract of 254 acres, known as the "Gage farm." Another party, a non-resident of the state, claiming interest as a creditor of Gage, filed a cross-bill, and upon his petition the cause was re moved to the United States Circuit Court, but on motion of the Corporation Counsel, the United States Court remanded the cause to the Superior Court, holding that It was not removable therefrom under the act of Congress. From this order the com plainant in the cross-bill took an appeal to the United States Su preme Court, which Court affirmed the order of the Court below remanding the case to the Superior Court of Cook county. Gage also assigned in 1873 to George Taylor, as Trustee, for the use of the city certain choses in action, such as bonds, life insurance policies, etc. Up to February 19, 1880, Trustee Taylor had realized for the city from real estate sales and other sources $67,- 644.57, which amount was credited on the judgment against the bondsmen. January 10, 1881, Corporation Counsel Adams rec ommended to the Council that authority be conferred upon the Mayor and Comptroller to make a reasonable compromise with the bondsmen for the balance due the city. With the consent of the Council, Mayor Harrison and Comptroller Gurney finally effected a compromise of the matter. The bondsmen who had gone through bankruptcy escaped payment. John B. Sherman paid the full amount of his Indebtedness under the bond— $50,- 000. W. F. Tucker paid $5,000. Gage perfected the title to the land in dispute. The city so far has realized about $125,000 l6o POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, in cash on the Gage defalcation, not including the rents from the Gage farm and other property, and when the remaining land Is sold the total Indebtedness of Gage will have been neariy wiped out, but the city will scarcely realize any Interest, even if the principal is all made good. In a message to the Council December 7, 1874, Mayor Colvin called attention to the fact that on the last day of December, 1873, the city had exhausted its power to add to Its funded debt, having reached the limit fixed by the constitution of the state. No new bonds could be issued except In renewal of existing in debtedness. It was stated that the bonded debt, December I, 1874, was $13,379,000; bonds due July i (part of debt), $100,000; interest on bonds due January i, 1875, $463,250 ; cer tificates of indebtedness due on ten days' notice, $300,000; cer tificates due from December, 1874, to June, 1875, $1,441,169.73, or an indebtedness all told of $3,193,438.89. The available as sets consisted of cash in the treasury and In New York to the amount of $1,487,229.09 ; water bonds unsold, $80,000 ; tax cer tificates for taxes of 1871 and 1872, $250,566.66 ; taxes of 1871- 2-3 appealed and uncollected, $1,451,105.29; tax warrant for 1874, $5,410,173.96. The amount then due from D. A. Gage and his sureties, partly secured by trust deed, was $482,703.58 and interest. Proceedings have been instituted to close the trust and collect the deficiency from the sureties. It will be seen that notwithstanding great reverses the city's finances showed evi dences of steady recuperation, and were essentially sound at this date. In the Council meeting, December 21, 1874, the Mayor pre sented a message notifying the members of the death of John B. Rice, Congressman for two terms from the First Chicago district, once Mayor of the city, and one of the oldest and most esteemed citizens, and suggesting that the Council attend the funeral In a body. The Council ordered the public offices closed out of re spect to the memory of the deceased, and on motion of Aid. Richardson, it was decided that the Council should attend the funeral in a body. January 4, 1875, the Council, the Mayor concurring, fixed upon Tuesday, April 23, 1875, ^s the day of election at which the question of the incorporation of the city under the general law should be submitted to the voters. There were two proposed charters at issue, one prepared by Corporation Counsel Egbert Jamieson, and known as the "Hesing" Charter, because it was favored by A. C. Hesing and the Staats ZMtung, and the charter CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. l6l which was subsequently adopted and under which the city Is now operating. The Citizen's Committee favored the latter charter, and the city administration opposed it on the ground that its pro visions were Insufficient for the proper operat'lon of the city gov ernment. Mayor Colvin, Judge T. Lyle Dickey and Mr. Jamie son, argued against the charter before the committee, and at the request of the committee Mr. Jamieson drew up the "Hesing" charter, which the committee accepted, and the state Legislature adopted. The aldermen were against minority representation In the Council, and finding that the first (or the present) charter was a "hold-over" charter, they went out in their wards and suc ceeded by reason of a light vote In carrying the election to suit themselves. The vote as canvassed May 3, was for organization of the city under the general law, 1 1,714 ; against, 10,281 ; for min ority representation in the Council 1,550 ; against, 5,544. Under the provisions of the new law the Mayoralty elections were changed from fall to spring, and the common council divided the city into eighteen wards. The old and cumbersome machinery of many governing boards was done away with and the administra tion of the law and ordinances was simplified and made more direct in the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen. Great dissat isfaction with the present charter has, however, been expressed by many citizens, and at this date the proposition to return to the election of police magistrates and clerks, and the operation of the police and fire departments by Boards of Commissioners, is frequently discussed. Mayor Colvin announced to the Council January 11, 1875, that he had received a dispatch from Lieutenant Commander W. C. Whiting, U. S. N., announcing that his Majesty King Kalakua, of the Sandwich Islands, and party, would arrive in the city the ensuing day, and suggesting that the City Council should meet and welcome the guests of the city and conduct them to the Grand Pacific hotel, which the Council decided to do. Mayor Colvin and King Kalakua became great friends, and the episodes connected with the stay of the royal party in Chicago, furnished an unending fund of amusement to the newspapers, which ex panded on the benefits Chicago was to derive from connection with the Sandwich Islands, and the alliterative toast "Kolvin and Kalakua" was frequently heard In saloons, and in the theatres and other places of public resort. In June, 1875, when it was feared the government would tear down the partially built Cus tom house, on account of the Insecurity of Its foundations. Mayor Colvin, In obedience to a resolution of the Council, appointed a l62 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, commission of expert architects, composed of J. M. Van Osdel, Chairman, W. W. Boyington, A. Bauer, Edward Buriing, J. J. Egan and O. L. Wheelock, to examine the foundations of the Custom house, consult with the government engineers, and re port to the City Council. The architects subsequently reported that In their estimation the foundations were sufficiently secure to support the contemplated structure. They subsequently put in a claim for pay for their services, and as this contingency had not been provided for, a series of troublesome negotiations en sued before the matter was adjusted. It dragged through the Council for five years ; that body at one time adopting a resolu tion requesting the government to reimburse the architects for their services, inasmuch, as was alleged. Uncle Sam had profited by them. In July, 1880, the city Finance Committee recom mended the payment of a portion of the claim, on the basis of $500 each to Van Osdel and Bauer, and $400 each to Boyington, Egan, Burling and Wheelock. A test suit had been brought by Egan against the city, and the city demurred to the declaration on the ground that the Council had no power to employ persons to perform services of this character. Justice Wilson, in the Appellate Court, decided that it was within the discretion of the Council to authorize, their employment. Accompanying the re port of the Finance Committee was an opinion of City Attorney Grinnell, recommending that the cases be compromised, and they were finally settled on the basis recommended. June 25, 1875, the Committee on Police, to whom had been referred a resolution relative to the abolishment of the Board of Police and Fire Commissioners, reported an ordinance creating the present police and fire departments, and the offices of City Marshal, Superintendent of Police and Fire Marshal, and on June 28, after a lively contest in the Council, the ordinance was passed by a vote of 28 in favor of it to 8 against. In March, 1876, the ordinance creating the fire department was amended so as to put the appointive power and full control and manage ment in the hands of the Fire Marshal. The salary of the City Marshal was fixed at $4,000 a year, and Mayor Colvin on July 30, 1875, appointed George L. Dunlap the first City Marshal under the new law. August 13 Matthias Benner was appointed Fire Marshal upon the recommendation of the Mayor. October 4 Jacob Rehm resigned as Superintendent of Police, and Mayor Colvin appointed M. C. Hickey in his stead, and Joseph Dixon Deputy Superintendent, vice Hickey, promoted. November 22, 1875, George L. Dunlap resigned as Cl4y Marshal, and R. E. Goodell was named by the Mayor for the office. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 63 February 28, 1876, the Council passed an ordinance redls tricting the city into eighteen wards, thereby reducing the num ber by two wards, as required under the provisions of the general law. The general Incorporation act having changed the date of the Mayoralty elections from November to April, Mayor Colvin thought he had the right, under the new charter, to hold over from fall till spring. The Council had passed an order for an election for city officers under the new general incorporation act, but had omitted all reference to the office of Mayor. At a special meeting of the Council held March 24, 1876, Aid. Woodman had moved that the City Clerk be instructed to call a "special election for Mayor, April 18, 1876, to fill the existing vacancy." The motion was lost by a vote of 21 nays to 16 ayes. March 27 the Judiciary Committee reported an ordinance for a special election In answer to the petition of a large number of citizens for a special election for Mayor, and the ordinance was defeated by a vote of 22 nays to 16 ayes. The newspapers for ,some months had been making violent attacks upon Mayor Colvin's adminis tration, and excitement ran high. The Chicago Times, which at one time supported the administration, turned against it and Mr. Colvin was denounced as a usurper of the office of Mayor. Meantime a public movement was started by Mr. Colvin's oppo nents and a great mass meeting, numbering upward of 40,000 people, was held in the Exposition building, and Thomas Hoyne was nominated for Mayor, notwithstanding the fact that the Council had failed to observe the requirements of the law in call ing an election for Mayor. In the ensuing election, which was held April 18, 1876, there were two tickets In the field, except as to Mayor, Thomas Hoyne running at large. The Democrats nominated a full ticket, except a Mayor, and the opposing ticket was Republican, but by some variously called the "People's Ticket," the "Taxpayer's Ticket," the "Citizen's Ticket," and the "Municipal Reform" ticket. Thomas Hoyne received 33,064 votes, against 819 scattering. The vote for the respective can didates on the two tickets in the field was as follows : CITY TREASURER. Clinton Briggs, Rep., - - - - 28,171 Clark Lipe, Dem., 22,755 CITY CLERK. Caspar Butz, Rep., - 27,993 Hans Haerting, Dem., - - - • 22,829 164 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, CITY ATTORNEY. Richard S. Tuthlll, Rep., - - - - 27,342 Francis Adams, Dem., - - - 22,980 CLERK OF POLICE COURT. Martin Best, Rep., 28,245 James H. Bonfield, Dem., - - 22,238 A majority of the reform Aldermen were elected, the names and votes of the successful candidates being as follows : First Ward, D. K. Pearsons, 1,672; Second Ward, Jacob Rosenberg, 1,614; Third Ward, William Aldrich, 1,900; Fourth Ward, John W. Stewart, 2,427; Fifth Ward, Mark Sheridan, 2,052; Sixth Ward, E. F. Cullerton, 1,467; Seventh Ward, Henry Kerber, 1,568 ; Eighth Ward, Frank Lawler, 2,076 ; Ninth Ward, John M. Van Osdel, 1,533; Tenth Ward, George E. White, 1,187; Eleventh Ward, J. B. Briggs, 2,102; Twelfth Ward, S. H. McCrea, 2,541 ; Thirteenth Ward, S. E. Cleveland, 959; Fourteenth Ward, M. Ryan, 2,018 ; Fifteenth Ward, Frank Niesen, 2,435; Sixteenth Ward, Frank Linsenbarth, 1,260; Seventeenth Ward, Michael Sweeney, 1,036 ; Eighteenth Ward, James A. Kirk, 1,886. At the Council meeting of April 28, 1876, Aid. White offered a resolution, which was adopted, calling upon the Law Department for an opinion upon the following questions : I. Is It the duty of the City Council to canvass the votes cast at the recent election for Mayor ? 2. If not, can this Council or Its successors declare a vacan cy to exist in the office of Mayor, and elect to fill such vacancy one of its members ? The Law Department, at the meeting of May i, 1876, sub mitted an opinion by Egbert Jamieson, City Attorney, in which both questions were answered in the negative. Notwithstanding this opinion Aid. .Cullerton, who was a member of the old Coun cil, moved that the clerk be Instructed to announce the number of votes cast for Thomas Hoyne, or any other person, for Mayor. Aid. Woodman called for the previous question, and the call was sustained. The question then being on the motion of Aid. Cul lerton, It was lost by a tie vote of 18 to 18. The new officials were duly sworn in, and the first act of the new Council was to canvass the vote cast for Thomas Hoyne and declare him duly elected Mayor. One of the most exciting and hazardous periods in the history of the city government ensued. Mr. Hoyne waited on Mayor Colvin at the old City Hall, known as the " Rookery," and demanded that he surrender the office of Mayor. Mr. Col- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 65 vin declined to yield possession, and a municipal war became imminent. Mayor Colvin's office and the City Council chamber were guarded by armed police, and collisions between the sup porters of the rival authorities were barely averted each day. Mr. Hoyne was backed up by the Council, and he was recog nized by all of the departments except the police, under Marshal Goodell, and the Comptroller's department^ A reference of the dispute of authority was finally had to the courts. Mayor Col vin and Comptroller Hayes retained Egbert Jamieson as their counsel (his term as City Attorney having just expired), with authority to associate with him such counsel as he desired for the purpose of resisting the claim set up by Mr. Hoyne. Judge Beckwlth and W. C. Goudy were retained with Mr. Jamieson, and proceedings were instituted in the Circuit Court. At one time Mayor Colvin, who desired harmony and held the Interests of the city above personal consideration, and who was, besides, tired of the many vexatious complications, determined to resign, and although he never relinquished his claim of right to the office, he wrote out his resignation and placed It in the hands of his friends. His counsel convinced him, however, that the legal proceedings had progressed too far to be relinquished, and that further complications would be apt to arise, and his resignation was never presented to the City Council. The legal proceed ings extended over a period of six weeks, and were finally deter mined by the full bench of the Circuit Court In favor of Mr. Col vin. At one time Messrs. Jamieson and Beckwlth favored the arrest of Mr. Hoyne upon affidavit of Mr. Colvin, but Mr. Goudy dissented from this course. Mr. Colvin refused to sign the affi davit, and Judge Beckwlth thereupon withdrew from the case. Shortly before the close of the proceedings a committee of Aldermen representing Mr. Hoyne called upon Mayor Colvin and proposed that both himself and Mr. Hoyne should resign, but this proposition, upon advice of his counsel. Mayor Colvin declined. Judge McAllister, in delivering the opinion of the court, held that Mayor Colvin or the Council should have Issued a formal call for the election, as had been customary, and further, that the election of Mr. Hoyne was informal. Mayor Colvin's adherents have ever maintained that Mr. Hoyne never was Mayor de facto, while Mr. Hoyne's supporters have declared that he was Mayor in fact, inasmuch as he was recognized by the Council, and his acts were legalized. His first appointee was Elliott Anthony, since Judge of the Circuit Court, to be Corpo ration Counsel, and the appointment was confirmed by a unani- 1 66 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, mous vote of the Council, and Mr. Anthony duly served his term out. A brief resume of the proceedings of the Council during this exciting period will give from the official records a clear idea of the^ character of the contest as waged in that body. The first meeting of the new Council was held May 8, 1876, Mayor Colvin in the chair. When the Mayor's message was presented it was, on motion of Aid. McCrea, referred by a large majority to the "Finance Committee, when that committee shall have been appointed." On several ensuing motions the Council refused to sustain the rulings of the chair by votes of 24 to 12, and 26 to 10, By the latter vote on motion of Aid. Aldrich the Clerk was instructed to produce the returns of the last election, and upon the announcement of the result Aid. Aldrich moved that Thomas Hoyne be declared elected Mayor of the city for the term ending on the third Tuesday of April, 1877. Mayor Colvin ruled the motion out of order and refused to entertain an appeal. Aid. Thompson then called upon Aid. Aldrich to put the question on his motion, and the latter stepped to the Clerk's desk and put the question, and it prevailed by a vote of 25 ayes to 1 1 nays. On motion of Aid. Thompson to fix the bond of the Mayor in the penal sum of $10,000, Mayor Colvin again re fused to entertain the motion, and Aid. Aldrich again put the question and the motion prevailed by a vote of 26 ayes to 10 nays. Pursuant to the provision of section 5, article 4, of the act of 1875 under which the city had been re-incorporated, the aldermen then proceeded to draw lots for the term to be held by each member of the Council. Those drawing lots for the first class, to continue in office for one year, were Aldermen Pearsons, Ballard, Aldrich, Gilbert, Sheridan, Lodding, Kerber, O'Brien, Beidler, Smith, Briggs, McCrea, Cleveland, Ryan, Niesen, Lengacher, Murphy and Boser. Those drawing lots of the second class to hold office for two years were Aldermen Mc- Auley, Rosenberg, Thompson, Stewart, Sommer, Cullerton, Hlldreth, Lawler, Van Osdel, White, Throop, Rawleigh, Wheel er, Baumgarten, Waldo, Linsenbarth, Sweeney and Kirk. Thus the election of aldermen to alternate terms was established. At the meeting of May 9 the Clerk announced that Mayor Hoyne had taken the oath of office and filed his official bond. Aid. Thompson moved that the bond be approved and Mayor Colvin refused to entertain the motion. The question being put by Aid. Aldrich the bond was approved by a vote of 26 ayes to 10 nays. Aid. Aldrich presented a preamble and resolution directing all city officers to recognize Hoi»k Thomas Hoyne as CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 167 Mayor and moved its adoption. Mayor Colvin ruled the resolu tion out of order and refused to entertain an appeal, but the question on the adoption of the resolution was put by Aid. Aid- rich, who was called upon by Aid. Cullerton to do so, and the resolution was adopted by a vote of 26 for to 10 against. May II the Council met and from the absence of Mayor Colvin it appeared that he had given up the fight temporarily to appeal to the courts. Aid. Aldrich was made chairman of the Council pro tempore. At the next meeting of the Council, May 15, the Clerk presented the following communication from Mayor Hoyne : Mayor's Office, May 15, 1876. To the Honorable, the Mem bers of the City Council of Chicago : Gentlemen i — I have the pleasure of communicating to you the intelligence that in obedi ence to the request contained in your resolutions of the 9th inst., I have been recognized as the legally qualified and acting Mayor of Chicago by all the departments of the municipal government, except that of the City Comptroller, who, I doubt not, will speed ily follow the .example of the other officials. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, Thomas Hoyne, Mayor. Mayor Hoyne also presented a complete list of standing com mittees of the Council, which was duly adopted by a vote of 25 to 9. The clerk announced that he had in his possession a com munication from the Hon. H. D. Colvin concerning the penal sum of the Mayor's bond. Aid. Cullerton moved that the com munication be not received and the motion prevailed by the cus tomary vote. It was at this meeting of the Council that the first official notice was received of the defalcation of George Von Hollen, City Collector. Aid. Cullerton moved, and It was car ried, that a special committee of three be appointed by the chair, whose duty It should be to fully investigate the alleged losses of the late City Collector, George Von Hollen, in various gambling houses In the city, and to that end, and for the purpose of assist ing said committee In the recovery of said money, they should have power to send for persons and papers. As members of this committee of investigation the chair appointed Aid. Culler ton, Thompson and Rawleigh. May 18 Mayor Hoyne assumed the chair as presiding officer of the Council, and delivered his In augural address. The address was voluminous and replete with recommendations for reforms and the better government of the city, the following being extracts therefrom : "Gentlemen of the City Council of Chicago : In meeting with you for the first time since my election as Mayor, it seems 1 68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, proper that I should address to you such remarks as the occasion naturally suggests. The firmness and dignity with which you have asserted the rights of the people under circumstances of in dignity in this chamber, the quiet, manly self-possession and cour- ao-e with which you have conducted all your proceedings, and niaintained the authority vested In you by the laws, have gained for you almost the unanimous commendations of the community. * * * You have entered upon the performance of your very honorable and important duties at the most critical and interest ing period of our municipal government. Both as to the circum stances attending your election, as well as to the momentous issues involved, there has been a feeling that no ordinary dangers menaced the prosperity of the city and the happiness of our peo ple. * * * An immediate return to frugal expenditures and administrative purity is the first demand of this people. It has rarely ever happened that In merely local contests the en tire body or mass of people became so directly engaged upon the issues at stake as in the last municipal election in this city. The truth is, and the fact may be candidly stated, that during the last decade of years there has been growing up and increasing In our midst a class of social and political criminals, somewhat peculiar to the civilization of large American cities. * * * No despotism Is more cruel or contemptible than that of this social barbarism. The ballot box in a free state is the arbiter of its destiny. The people make their own laws and choose their own rulers, but the choice is made through the expression of the ballot box as the vehicle through which their supreme will can be conveyed. * * * The people of Chicago have learned with amazement that at an election held In this city last year, the judges appointed to have custody of the boxes and count the ballots, themselves criminally outraged the ballot boxes of the voters by stuffing them with illegal votes, and that thus the legitimate will of the people, on a question so grave as the adop tion of the present charter of municipal government, was defeated. * * * -pj^g successful working of such schemes accounts for the number of men without other 'visible means of support' than the places which they obtain as partisans in the public offices. * * * They constitute the moral pest which disseminates the poison of official life, and debauches the tone of public morals. The justice of the courts has been debilitated in vigor. The atmosphere of the jury box and the witness stand Is redolent of perjury and intrigue. If the decrees of courts are not openly ex posed for sale, it is not because there are not official purchasers CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 69 ready to pay the price of such wares. The situation as respects the city has been summed up by the late Grand Jury In lano-uao-e no less graphic than truthful In relation to the county, where they say : 'The sj'stem of management employed by the County Board Is rotten. Officialism Is degraded by Its low Intellectual character, its depreciated moral tone, its constant association with jobbery, extravagance, Intermediates, perjury and Incom petence.' "A legitimate fruit of this Is the recent Gage and Von Hollen defalcations — the loss of over half a million of dollars to the public. * * * Under such circumstances the late adminis tration of city affairs. In which were many we must recognize as among the best of our citizens, and whom I entirely exonerate from suspicion, seemed utterly overpowered by the official in fluence in which they hopelessly struggled to overcome the con stant repetition 6f outrage upon outrage inflicted by a corrupt and inexorable majority. * * * They neglected to retrench or economize in the matter of public expenditures. '* '* ^ They increased the amount of the tax levies and made new offices. * * * They Increased the public Indebtedness of the city nearly five millions of dollars beyond the constitutional limit. * * -» They have actually jeopardized a municipal credit which was never before Impeached by Illeglmate Issues of time loan certificates, placed upon the markets of foreign cities, against law and every remonstrance which could be urged In depreciation of so fatal and ruinous a policy. * * * I think the people demand a discontinuance and the utter abandonment of the whole certificate system as soon as possible, and the anticipation of rev enue In advance of Its collection for any purpose. * * * j would deem it of the very first Importance that as soon as pos sible there should be a committee appointed with power to in vestigate all city offices, and all sources of expenditure, with a view to retrenchment in all directions where it may safely be done. If a million and a half can be saved out of the appropri ation as made by the late Council, it will go far toward liquidating the illegal certificates of Indebtedness created, and placing in our hands funds to run the schools, pay the members of the police and fire departments, the laborers and other employes of the government to whom it Is now in arrears. * * * It seems that, exclusive of the school service, the city employs a total num ber of persons In all departments of about 1,316 persons. The aggregate compensation of this number Is $1,459,000. This Is an average of about $1,100 per annum for each person. With- lyo POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, out any knowledge of the details, I venture the assertion that neither In any other civil service of any government, or any private business or enterprise whatever, where so large a number of persons are employed, even when skilled labor constitutes the mass of the employed, has there ever been so high an average compensation paid among so large a number of persons." The message proceeded to show that an average of $600 per annum to each employe would be sufficient, and that a saving of $786,282 per annum would be effected by a reduction to this average ; that of the offices of two chiefs, a marshal and a super intendent of police, each at a salary of $4,000, at least one should be abolished ; that patrolmen should receive $600 Instead of $1,000 per annum ; that Instead of four Commissioners of Public Works at salaries of $4,000 each, one competent head could do the work ; that the total expense of the Public Works Depart ment was $227,000, whereas the entire expense of running the municipal government of Milwaukee, a city one-fourth the size of Chicago, was but $202,000 ; that the Board of Health should be abolished and the duties transferred to one faithful and compe tent superintendent at a saving of $50,000 ; that the total ex pense of lighting the streets was $700,000, whereas it should be but $300,000, a saving of $400,000 ; that $75,000 could be saved In the fire department expenditures ; that an additional revenue of $10,000 per annum could be obtained from the police courts by requiring a strict account of fines to be rendered ; that four special policemen for the Mayor at an aggregate expense of $3,540 should be abolished; that the $11,000 appropriated annual ly for the support of the Tax Commissioners' office should be saved ; that functionary having ceased to perform any essential duties under the new law in force, and that the forces of fifteen street foremen, thirteen sidewalk Inspectors, twenty-eight sanitary policemen should be reduced and the Department of the Inspect ion of Buildings at an expense of $13,880 per annum, should be abolished. The message closed as follows : "In conclusion, gentlemen, two generations of men have not passed away since the site of this city was known as a military fortress in the Indian country — one of the frontier posts of the far West. Many of the earliest settlers are still among you, and although their hairs are whitening they are still vigorous and of active life. It is only thirty-eight years since the city was organ ized under Its first charter of government, when it contained less than 3,ooo souls. Today with 500,000 people and $600,- 000,000 of an annual trade, we have become the fourth city in CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I71 rank and trade of the United States. The position of the city on the great lines of that water communication which connects the two gulfs, of Mexico and the St. Lawrence, is the natural seat of a great metropolis, while our railroad system connects us with every remote part of the American continent. The energy and Intelligence of our people have overcome the effects of two of the greatest conflagrations, one of which, as a great calamity, has never been surpassed In any history of a people. The rise, prog ress and prosperity of Chicago are without any parallel In growth among cities of ancient or modern times. And now the question comes to every anxious and loving heart, proud of her glory, her unrivaled history and marvelous achievements. What of the future ? Is this magnificent progress to continue, or Is it to be now arrested ? The answer rests with you, the represent atives of the people. The question is one of government — Shall It be good or bad ? We combine In this city all the material elements of production, wealth, capital, machinery, energy, a young, thrifty and enterprising mixture of races — all we need is the protection of life and property, a good and economical muni cipal government, with wise and honest rulers to manage our affairs, and there Is nothing which' has ever been predicted by the most sagacious or sanguine as to the future of Chicago which will not be exceeded in the glory, prosperity and greatness of that genius of her destiny which has attended her progress from the beginning." At this meeting Aid. Pearsons presented the following res olution which was adopted : "Resolved, That the Comptroller be and Is hereby authorized and directed to make such arrangements as may be practicable and legal to pay punctually at maturity all the certificates of in debtedness of the City of Chicago issued for actual loans of money to the city, or for other liabilities for which an appropri ation and tax levy have been made." At the ensuing meeting of the Council, May 22, a communication was received from Mayor Hoyne removing from office forty-five employes of the Board of Health, and recommending that all duties pertaining to the Board of Health be referred to and placed under the superintendence of Dr. Brockholst McVickar, the President of the Board. In another communication Mayor Hoyne stated that he had re moved from office all the persons, thirteen In number, employed In the Department of Buildings, and recommended that until further orders, the duties of the department be referred to and performed under, the direction of the Board of Public Works. I 72 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Mayor Hoyne also announced that he had removed S. S. Hayes, the'City Comptroller, from office, for the reason that over his own signature in a morning paper Mr. Hayes deliberately declared his adherence to the financial policy which had already been con demned and had compromised and jeopardized the credit of the city. "He Insists," said Mayor Hoyne, "as the financial officer of the city, upon continuing the issue of certificates drawn against the tax levy of the year 1876 — not to pay the sums appropriated toward the expenses of this year, for which the levy was made, but to pay and take up certificates unlawfully issued In former years, and now about maturing. I am satisfied that if the levy of 1876 is drawn against for this purpose to the extent contemplated, of 75 per cent, to pay outstanding certificates, the present Council will find itself without funds to pay its current expenses, such as policemen, firemen, laborers, etc., before the end of the fiscal year." Mayor Hoyne nominated to succeed Mr. Hayes, in case his removal was confirmed, the Hon. R. P. Derickson. The Council confirmed the appointment of Mr. Derickson by a vote of 20 in the affirmative to 1 1 in the nega tive. Mayor Hoyne further recommended the removal of R. E. Goodell, City Marshal, and the abolishment of the office, and that the Superintendent of Police, M. C. Hickey, be required to perform the duties theretofore appertaining to the office. The Committee on Police also reported in favor of abolishing the office of Marshal, the reduction of salaries, and a general re organization of the police force as recommended by the Mayor in his message. At this memorable meeting of the Council the bond of Clinton Briggs as City Treasurer, in the penal sum of $5,000,000, was approved, the sureties being Clinton Briggs, William F. Coolbaugh, Calvin T. Wheeler, Asa Dow, David Kreigh, Matthew Laflin, Joseph O. Rutter, M. C. Stearns and Daniel O'Hara. At the Council meedng of May 31, the penal sum of the Comptroller's bond was fixed at $100,000 ; the office of City Marshal was abolished, and the Fire Department was directed and authorized to establish a department of repairs. Beginning with the session of June 5, 1876, each succeeding meeting grew more lively and exciting for the ensuing month. The decision of Judge McAllister on the Mayoralty contest In duced Mr. Hoyne to desist from any active antagonism of Mr. Colvin, who assumed the functions of acting Mayor and presided over the Council, but the anti-ColvIn majority of the Council made his position anything but a pleasant one to maintain. June 5 Mayor Colvin sent a message to^he Council approving CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I 73 the ordinance abolishing the office of City Marshal and notify ing the Council that he had removed R. E. Goodell, already re moved by Mayor Hoyne, from the office of Marshal. On motion of Aid. McCrea this communication was accepted and placed on file. Another communication from Mayor Colvin an nouncing that he had removed Messrs. Redmond Prindiville, J. K. Thompson and Louis Wahl from the office of Commissioners of Public Works and had apppolnted E. S. Chesbrough to dis charge the duties of the officials removed, was received, and Aid. Cullerton moved that the action of the Mayor be not concurred In. Mayor Colvin ruled that the motion under a standing rule of the Council must be referred to the Committee on Judiciary. Aid. Cullerton appealed from the decision of the chair and his appeal was sustained, arid on a subsequent ballot his motion pre vailed by yeas 28, nays 6. Mayor Colvin's next move in his contest with the Council was to return without his approval the resolution passed May 31, fixing the bond of Comptroller Derickson at $100,000. To effect this the Council passed the resolution over the Mayor's veto by a vote of 24 to 11. This approval of the bond was in turn vetoed by the Mayor and the Council again affirmed their action by approving the bond over the Mayor's veto. A call for a special meeting of the Council to consider the advisability of calling a special election for Mayor pursuant to the recommendation of the Finance Committee, was Issued and signed by Aldermen J. W. Stewart, James H. Gilbert, William Aldrich and Mark Sheridan, and pursuant to this call the Council met on June 7, 1876. In the ordinance as report ed by the committee the 27th day of June was fixed upon as the date for holding the special election. At the next meeting, June 12, the ordinance was amended by making the date of the election July 12, and It was then passed, after several obstructive votes had been overcome, by a vote of 25 ayes to^ 10 nays. At the meeting of June 19 communications were received from Mr. Colvin announcing that he had removed Redmond Prindiville from the office of Commissioner of the Board of Public Works, and appointed J ohnO'Neill to fill the vacancy created,and had removed Thomas Hamilton as inspector of steam boilers, and appointed John D. Murphy in his stead. The Council refused by a vote of 32 to 2 to concur In the removal of Redmond Prindiville and re ferred to the committee on fire and water the appointment of John D. Murphy. At this meeting the action of Mr. Hoyne in removing the employes In the Department of, Buildings was ap proved, and the Council by a vote of 25 to 5 passed an ordinance 174 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, abolishing the office of City Comptroller and transferring the duties of the office to the City Clerk. At the next ensuing meeting of the Council, June 21, Aid. McCrea presented the following communication : "Hon. S. H. McCrea, Ch.airman Finance Committee : Dear Sir, — Inasmuch as I one week ago proposed to the Hon. S. S. Hayes that we should both relinquish our claims to the office of Comptroller in order that the city affairs might not be embar rassed, and that Mr. J. A. Farwell, Chief Clerk in the Comp troller's office, be appointed to fill the place ; and it has come to my knowledge that Mr. Hayes has consented to resign his claims to that office, and that the acting Mayor has consented to ap point Mr. Farwell to the position, I therefore, through you, present to the Mayor and City Council my resignation of the office of Comptroller, to take effect on the appointment and con firmation of J. A. Farwell to the same office. R. P. Derickson." A communication from Mr.Colvin followed, wherein he named Mr. Farwell for Comptroller, and this appointment was con firmed by a vote of ayes 26, nays none. During July the city's revenue reached so low a stage that a number of moves in the direction of closer economy and increase of revenue were es sayed. The Comptroller was directed by the Council to prepare and submit a list of the names of property owners who had been successful in defrauding the city out of its just revenues for the years 1873 and 1874 ; a select committee composed of Aid. Cullerton, McCrea, Kirk, McAuley and Cleveland was appoint ed to confer with the , city officials and employes in reference to a voluntary reduction of salaries. July 3 a preamble and resolution were presented requesting the Governor to call a special session of the Legislature for the purpose of enacting laws that would facilitate the collection of taxes. At the same meeting Aid. Kirk presented a preamble and resolutions direct ing the Committee on Judiciary to prepare ordinances for dis banding the Police Fire Departments, abolishing the Depart ment of Public Works and annulling contracts with the gas com panies. The Committee on Finance submitted a report setting forth that while the books of the Comptroller showed the liabili ties of the City exclusive of the bonded indebtedness to be only about $5,000 in excess of the apparent assets, that in reality these assets were in a measure worthless and doubtful. The re port went on to state, — "Of the items included among the assets it is the opinion of your Committee that the sums of $108,007.59 and $180,323.62, uncollected taxes for the Jiears 1869 and 1870, CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I 75 are entirely worthless. The fire of 1871, which destroyed the Assessor's and Collector's books, with the County Records, also destroyed a large part of the property upon which said 'sums were levied, and consequently the collection of said sums is en tirely impracticable. It Is also the opinion of your committee that, of the amount of uncollected taxes for 1871, not more than 25 per cent, can reasonably be counted on as available ; of the taxes for 1872 not more than 50 per cent. ; of the taxes for 1873, not more than 75 per cent. ; of those for 1874 not more than 80 percent. ; of those for 1875, not more than 90 per cent. We think that these estimates of the percentage that can be collect ed of the amounts uncollected for the respective years are fully as large as can reasonably be expected, judging from past ex perience. Some of the taxes are long past due ; much levied on personal property, which, with its owners, has disappeared ; and some of the real estate taxes will be lost through mis-description and otherwise. The balance sheet, thus corrected, will more nearly exhibit the financial condition of the city at the present time, and, omitting the amount of the appropriation of 1876 on both sides of the account, will show assets of $5,122,120.02, and liabilities of $6,697,090.83." After charging that the city had been left with an inheritance of debt amounting to $1,574,910.81, for the present Council to provide for in some manner other than from any resources transmitted by the former administration, the report proceeded further to show that in addition to this it was reasonably certain that the city would not be able to realize the full amount of $587,597.18 appearing on the Comptroller's books as charged to David A. Gage, Duncan, Sherman & Co., and Treasurer Daniel O'Hara ; that there would be a shrinkage in that item of at least $250,000, and probably an additional amount besides of about $100,000 on account of the Von Hollen defalcation, making an aggregate total deficiency of $1,924,970.81. The appropriations for the current fiscal year were made, with the exception of $500,000, for specific objects, and could not legally be diverted to other purposes. In the opinion of the Committee there was but one way in which this Inherited deficit could be made good, and that was by making provision for it by proper appropriations In the future, to be met partly by applying to this object the unexpended ap propriations for such improvements as might be dispensed with, and by postponing the payment of indebtedness to certain specific funds. Ex-Comptroller Hayes having sent a communication to the I 76 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Council questioning the official acts of Mayor de facto Thomas Hoyne, and the action of the Finance Committee which was referred to the Committee on Judiciary, that committee made a report declaring that Mr. Hoyne was not only Mayor de facto but also Mayor de jure. The report went on to say that "the Council must, however, recognize the condition of matters as they actually exist. By the withdrawal of Mr. Hoyne from the contest Mr. Colvin became and is acting Mayor, and his acts as such are perfectly valid. There can be no question, also, that the City Attorney was right in holding that Mr. Hayes, who was held in the position of Comptroller by the power of the Mayor, was Comptroller de facto, and that his acts as such were perfectly valid so long as he remained in the oc cupancy of the chair." The closing features of the Colvin administration were a report of the special committee In favor of abolishing the Board of Public Works and the Board of Health, and re-organizing the same — the Board of Public Works under a Commissioner at a salary of $3,000 per year, and the Board of Health under a Health Officer at $1,500 a year salary — and a report of the Finance Committee adverse to the resolution to disband the Police and Fire Departments. Hon. Harvey D. Colvin, who was elected Mayor in 1873 by a majority of 10,251 votes, was born in Herkimer county. New York, in 1814. His father was a soldier in the war of 1812- 1814. He engaged in various occupations in New York state until the year 1854, when he came to Chicago as the general agent of the United States Express Company, which position he has since retained. Politically Mr. Colvin was Identified with the Democratic party until 1864, when, like so many others of his persuasion, he deemed that the interest of his country demanded the re-election of Abraham Lincoln, and cast his ballot for him, working ever since in the cause of the Republican party. As a business man Mr. Colvin is characterized by promptness and de cision. He was married July 3, 1836, to Miss Nancy Church ill, and has a family of six children, four sons and two daughters. One of the sons, John H. Colvin, was a prominent member of the City Council from 1879 to 1887. Thomas Hoyne was urged to again become a candidate for Mayor, but he refused, saying he considered that he had already performed his duty to the public. The career of Thomas Hoyne, L.L.D, to whose services much of the wonderful growth of the ^reat metropolis of the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOLS. ^n West is due, is full of interest to every citizen. The remarkable success met with by him in his profession as a lawyer was no less notable than his achievements as an honorable politician, and public-spirited and patriotic citizen. He was a man of strik ing individuality— able, original, genial and companionable. These characteristics made him immensely popular, and his name familiar to all. In politics he was a Democrat, but his personal following included a host of men of different political faith. He was born in New York City February 1 1, i8i 7, his parents having emigrated from Ireland two years previous. His father died in 1829, and his mother the year following, leaving Thomas the eldest of seven orphan children. He had attended St. Peter's school, and in 1830 he was apprenticed to a manufacturer of fancy goods, and was thus engaged for five years, during which time he joined a literary association, his natural bent being to ward mental accomplishments rather than mercantile pursuits, and In this literary association was thrown into contact with such able minds as George Manierre (afterward a judge), Horace Greeley, Charles P. Daly (who became a judge), W. B. Maclay, and Moses B. Maclay. Young Hoyne early decided to enter the legal profession ; and, after concluding his self-appointed studies In Latin, Greek and the English branches, he en tered. In 1836, the office of Judge Brinkerhoff. A year later he came to Chicago, and found his old companion, George Manierre, who was a deputy under Col. Hamilton, Clerk of the Circuit Court. Hoyne found employment in this office, his salary being $10 per week. In 1838 he taught one of the first public schools organized In Chicago, and in the same year he entered the law office of J. Young Scammon, and in 1839, when twenty-two years of age, he was admitted to the bar. His success was prompt and pronounced. He was elected City Clerk by the Democrats in 1840, and proved himself an able and conscien tious official. From 1847 to 1849 he held the office of Probate Justice of the Peace. Mr. Hoyne was appointed United States District Attorney for Illinois by President Pierce, in 1853, and In 1859 was made United States Marshal for the Northern dis trict of the state. While holding this office he superintended the taking of the United States census for his district. Mr. Hoyne's ability as a lawyer had In the meantime been recog nized by the entire country, and as an orator he had taken a place In the front rank. He was an earnest advocate of the Mexican War, but upon the passage of the Wilmot Proviso, prohibiting the extension of slavery into any territory acquired 178 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, from Mexico, he became a Free Soiler. He had supported Van Buren and Adams on the Buffalo platform of 1848. At the breaking out of the War of the Rebellion he was in accord with Stephen A. Douglas, and no one was more active than Thomas Hoyne In arousing public sentiment in the patriotic struggle for the preservation of the Union. He was a member of the Union Defense Committee, and also of the committee selected to urge upon President Lincoln the necessity of making a campaign down the Mississippi In 1862. In the controversy between Con gress and Andrew Johnson after the close of the war and the assassination of Lincoln, Mr. Hoyne's sympathies were with the President. In 1866 Mr. Hoyne was a delegate to the Conserva tive Convention held at Philadelphia. He supported Horace Greeley for President In 1872, and cast the vote of the First Illi nois district In the Electoral college. In 1874 he acted with the opposition, so-called, and aided in drawing up the call of the Democratic State Committee, embodying a specie plank, free commerce, civil rights, and other popular issues of that time. He was nominated for Congress by acclamation by the Demo crats of the First Illinois district in 1870, but declined the honor, and the Hon. John Wentworth was nominated instead. It was through the efforts of Mr. Hoyne that the Municipal Reform Club was organized in 1876. Of the Mayoralty contest his biographer says : " The Circuit Court decided by a vote of three to two that the election was Illegal, on the ground that the Com mon Council had not issued the call as provided by law. It was claimed by the friends of the popular candidate that the Court had no jurisdiction in the premises, but Mr. Hoyne refused to appeal to the Supreme Court, declaring that inasmuch as a reform had been accomplished he was satisfied." In 1881 Mr. Hoyne was nominated for Congress, but declined to make the race, pre ferring to devote his attention to professional work. Mr. Hoyne was an active member of the Mechanics' Institute, Academy of Science, and Chicago Historical Society. He was President in 1850 of the Young Men's Association, the leading library organ ization of the city. He succeeded William B. Ogden as Presi- . dent of the Board of Trustees of the University of Chicago, an ' institution In which he had long taken an active and beneficial interest. He contributed $5,000 to the fund for the law depart ment of the university, and the trustees established a chair in the faculty called "The Hoyne Professorship of International and Constitutional Law." He was instrumental In establishing the observatory, and bought for it the great Landlade telescope. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 179 After the great fire of 1871, when liberal contributions were coming in for the new public library, he was among the first to respond, and was ele;cted President of the first Board of Direc tors. Thursday, July 26, 1883, Mr. Hoyne left Chicago for his annual vacation. Intending to visit Saratoga and the White Mountains. Friday evening the sad Intelligence was received In Chicago that he had lost his life at Carieton Station, N. Y., in a collision on the Rome, Watertown & Ogdensburg Railroad. The body arrived in Chicago the following Monday. Seldom does the death of a well-known citizen call forth such unanimous expressions of sorrow and esteem as were exhibited over the un timely ending of Mr. Hoyne's blameless career. The remains were received by a committee of the Iroquois Club, of which Mr. Hoyne had been one of the leading spirits, and the funeral was held the following day from St. Mary's church. All public offices were closed, and city and county officials attended the funeral In a body, the melancholy cortege including the leading lawyers and citizens, and delegations of organizations innu merable. The remains now lie In Rose Hill Cemetery. Special memorial meetings were held and resolutions passed by the Chicago College of Law, Chicago University, Bar Association, Historical Society, Public Library Board, Iroquois Club, and other representative bodies, while resolutions eulogistic of the ability, attainments, patriotism and worth of the dead citizen were spread upon the records of the various courts. Action relative to his death was taken by the Common Council July 30, 1883, when Mayor Harrison read the following communi cation : "To the City Council of the City of Chicago : "Gentlemen :, It is eminently fit and proper that your honor able body should take some appropriate action upon the death of Thomas Hoyne. Mr. Hoyne has for over forty years been Identified with the history of Chicago. He has held here the positions of City Clerk, Judge, United States District Attorney, United States Marshal, and, for a short time In 1876, that of Mayor. "Mr. Hoyne was of marked characteristics, energetic and positive. He was an honest man, whose uprightness of charac ter earned for him the respect of all. In his public and pro fessional life he was noted for his eloquence, his energy, his ability, and the Integrity of all his acts and deeds. He took great interest in all public improvenients and his earnestness and l8o POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, positiveness rendered his influence in whatever he entered upon of very great weight, He was a public spirited citizen whose energetic character has been of the greatest service to the city of Chicago. It is the lot of all men of decided force of character to make enemies of some. He was not an exception to the rule ; yet even those who differed with him in opinion always conceded the purity of purpose, and honesty of aim by which Mr. Hoyne was ever actuated. In private life he was a man of sterling in tegrity and moral uprightness ; one who made strong friends and stood by them. "The tragic suddenness of his death has shocked the com munity. While he was upward of sixty years of age, his vigor ous constitution and his healthful habits gave promise of many years yet of life, and the terrible tragedy of his taking off seems too sudden a close to a life so useful to the community, so dear to his friends and family. As a man closely connected with our public interests so long. Identified with the city and Its affairs, it is becoming that you should pass suitable resolutions of tribute and respect upon his death. I have prepared the accompanying resolutions, which I herewith submit for your approval and action. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor." On motion of Aid. Sanders the Council adopted the resolu tions unanimously and resolved to attend the funeral in a body. The following are the resolutions : "Whereas, There was killed in the late railroad disaster In New York state, a citizen of Chicago whose close connection with the interests of the city and faithful services in behalf of the people, render his death a public misfortune ; "Resolved, That in the death of Thomas Hoyne the city of Chicago has lost one of its most patriotic, public-spirited and honorable citizens ; a man whose efforts in behalf of all that he believed to be best for the Interests of this community, entitled him to the respect and admiration of all good citizens. "Resolved, That all city offices be closed during the hours of the funeral, as a mark of respect to the memory of the deceased. "Resolved, That these resolutions be duly published in the proceedings of this body, and copies hereof be furnished the press for publication, and sent to the family of the deceased." CHAPTER VIII. the whisky ring the GREELEY MOVEMENT CAMPAIGN OF 1872 PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY GRANGERISM STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1874 THE GREENBACKERS CAMPAIGN OF 1 876 ELECTION OF DAVID DAVIS TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE HIS LIFE STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1878 THE SOCIALISTS MAYOR HEATH's ELECTION TO THE " SHORT TERm" — SECOND ELECTION AND AD MINISTRATION.In the fall and winter of 1874 charges were made In Chicago, St. Louis and Washington newspapers that a gigantic " ring," connected with the United States Internal Revenue Bureau, was engaged in swindling the Government out of its revenue on whisky. The headquarters of this ring were thought to be In the West, with probable headquarters at Chicago or St. Louis. Special Agents SomervIIle, Tutton and Matthews were sent by the Internal Revenue Department to Chicago to make an inves tigation, and their efforts led to a wholesale seizure of distilleries, and arrest of many manufacturers and Government revenue agents In the spring of 1875. The tax on whisky was at this time $2 per gallon, and the regulations governing Its collection were not rigidly enforced. The frauds unearthed Involved hun dreds of thousands of dollars, and were of national notoriety. The distilleries seized, and proprietors arrested early In 1875, were known as the " first batch.". All of the officials Impli cated held prominent positions, among others being Jasper D. Ward, United States District Attorney; H. B. Miller, who was elected County Treasurer on the " People's party" ticket ; A. C. Hesing, a prominent " People's party" leader ; and Jacob Rehm, Chief of Police under Mayor Colvin ; O. B. Dickinson, Dr. Brush, George Burroughs and "Old Man" Powell. These named were Indicted and lodged In the county jail. Among other in dicted ones were Internal Revenue Collector Philip Wadsworth, Deputy Collector Chester L. Root, and a number of supervisors, gangers and minor officials. The distilleries seized In the first batch were those of R. C. Merserau, the Union Copper Dis tilling company, the Lake Shore Distilling company, Gholson G. Russell & Co., William Cooper & Co., B. M. Ford & Co., (181) 1 82 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, rectifiers. Among the prominent people implicated were Roswell C. Merserau, William S. Golson, Francis A. Eastman, Parker R. Mason, Gholson G. Russell, B. M. Ford, William Oliver and George Miller. The " first batch" engaged Leonard Swett for counsel and proposed to fight the Government, but finding that the great conspiracy was in a fair way of being com pletely broken up, they proposed. If the Government would grant them Immunity, they would " squeal," or turn state's evidence on their co-conspirators, known subsequently as the " second batch." At this time Jasper D. Ward was District Attorney, he having succeeded Judge J. O. Glover In the spring of 1875. Ward was removed in December following, and as stated, was one of the officials indicted. Judge Mark Bangs was appointed District Attorney December 15, 1875, and the first matter he had to consider was whether the Government would be justified in granting Immunity to the "first batch" in return for their evidence. Their proposition was finally accepted, and the pros ecutions then commenced. Aside from the " first batch" of dis tilleries which were confiscated, there were the Black Hawk dis tillery, the Chicago Alcohol Works, the South Branch Distilling company, Dickinson, Leach & Co., Singer & Co., and In fact every distillery in the city except Shufeldt's, besides a great many rectifying houses. All of the whisky In the country pro duced by these distilleries was also seized and confiscated. Some of the indicted went to Canada, and after the trials were closed returned and compromised with the Government by paying light fines. Stamp Clerk MInty was the only person Implicated who escaped entirely. He went to Scotland, where he is supposed to be yet. Collector S. A. Irwin died of paralysis, brought on in a great measure, his friends claim, by his troubles. The dis tillers had been on each other's bonds, and the Government brought suit against them to recover damages. A. C. Hesing did not settle the judgment then obtained against him until 1883, when he finally effected a compromise. Lawyers and others conversant with the history of the great " Whisky ring" main tain that the Government won an unexpected victory in the trials of those Implicated, for the reason that the " ring" was one of the best devised and most compact ever in existence ; but, as Lord Mansfield has said, "A lack of confidence among wrong doers destroys cohesion;" and the squealers of the "first batch" settled the fate of the ring. Judge Blodgett, of the United States District Court, who heard the cases, said that for some time he could not understand how ShufeWt's distillery, which CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 83 was not In the ring, could make more money than any of the others, but he finally discovered that it was an illustration of the old adage that "honesty is the best policy ;" for the ringsters had to put up all of their gains for protection and for political funds, while Shufeldt refused to be assessed. THE GREELEY MOVEMENT. After twelve years of uninterrupted victories the Republican party was menaced in 1872 by the Greeley or " Liberal Repub lican" movement. Early in 1870 Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, through his paper advocated with great persistence and effect a more liberal and lenient policy toward the states lately In rebellion. The Republican party in Missouri, which was in control of the state, divided on the question of removing from the constitution of that state the clause which disfranchised rebels, and the issue became well defined. Mr. Greeley had paved the way for a liberal movement, and various leading journals, including the Chicago Tribune, had followed his lead. In Missouri Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown led the faction favoring the abrogation of the disfranchising clause. Dissatisfied Republicans, and leaders of factions in many sec tions, joined in the Liberal movement. Among those more prom inent In the defection under the leadership of the Tribime In Chicago were Joseph Medill, William Bross, John Wentworth, Leonard Swett and Lyman Trumbull, and throughout the state such men as John M. Palmer, Francis A. Hoffman, Gustavus Koerner, David Davis, and all the Republican state officers who made up Governor Richard Yates' cabinet. There was also at this time a large unsettled labor element in the country, having a decided political leaning. A Labor Reform convention was held at Columbus, O., and Judge David Davis of Illinois was nomi nated by this convention for the Presidency. His preferment made him an object of jealousy to the Liberal leaders, and while his friends desired him to have the Liberal nomination the oppo sition was strong enough to defeat him, and subsequently he declined the Columbus nomination. The Liberals held their National convention May i, 1872, at Cinclnnari, and nominated Horace Greeley for President, and B. Gratz Brown for Vice- President. The Republican party met in Philadelphia June 5, and renominated General Grant for President, and Henry Wilson of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The Democratic party met in Nadonal convention at Baltimore July 9, and indorsed the nominations of Greeley and Brown, thus creating a Liberal, Republican and Democratic fusion. A Democratic defection 184 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, was caused, however, by this action. Mr. Greeley's nomination was not satisfactory to the rock-rooted or straight-out Democrats, he having been an early Abolitionist and one of the chief found ers of the Republican party. The straight-out Democrats ac cordingly called a convention and met at Louisville, Kentucky, September 3, and nominated Charles O'Connor, of New York, for President, and. John L. Adams of Massachusetts, for Vice- President. In Chicago and Illinois, spurred on by the Tribune, the Liberals waged an active and vigorous contest, and from constant claims of great gains put forth by them, and the uncer tainty attending the triangular fight, it was believed by many that the Republican party was destined to be defeated. Among the electors on the Greeley ticket were William Bross, John D. Caton, Thomas Hoyne, C. C. P. Holden and Amo Voss ; on the Grant ticket Henry Greenebaum, Chauncey T. Bowen, Lester L. Bond and Mahlon D. Ogden ; on the O'Connor ticket Isaac R. Diller, David Runion, Abram Bralsted and James M. Dun can. The persistent dust-throwing on the part of the Liberal organs did not blind the voters to the real issue at stake. Be sides the bulk of the Republican party strength. Gen. Grant received a large independent vote, including many old-line Dem ocrats throughout the country ; and when the returns of the election in Illinois were made known it was found that both the Liberals and the Democrats had been literally snowed under. Grant and Wilson received 241,944 votes in the state ; Greeley and Brown, 184,938 ; 'O'Connor and Adams, 3,053 ; Black, Tem perance, 5,608; Gen. Grant's majority over all being 53,948. Horace Greeley having died prior to the assembly of the Elec toral college, the electoral vote of the Liberal party was divided among favorites, Thomas A. Hendricks receiving 42, or a major ity over all for President, and B. Gratz Brown 47, or a majority over all for Vice-President. The result on the more important state offices was as follows : For Governor, Richard J. Oglesby, Republican, 237,774 votes ; Gustavus Koerner, Liberal Repub lican, 197,084; Lieutenant-Governor, John L. Beveridge, Repub lican, 235,101 ; John C. Black, Democrat, 199,767; Auditor, C. E. Lipplncott, Republican, 241,498; Daniel O'Hara, Democrat, 192,708: Attorney-General, J. K. Edsall, Republican, 240,731: John V. Eustace, Democrat, 191,897. Members of Congress, Chicago districts ; First district, John B. Rice, Democrat, 12,- ^^°UKT^" ^- ^^'^' Republican, 7,235. Second district, Jas per D. Ward, Republican, 12,182; Carter H. Harrison, Dem ocrat, 8,873. Third district, Chas. B. Farwell, Republican, 9,202 ; John V. LeMoyne, Democrat, 4,9^2. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS.' 1 85 In 1873 the Patrons of Husbandry became strongly organ ized In Illinois, and exerted great influence in politics. The organization was founded in Washington, D. C, In 1867, audits object was to do away with "middle men," that is, brokers and commission agents, and bring about barter and trade at first hand, besides compelling the railroads to do away with car-load discrimination In freight rates. General "granges," as their clubs were called, were organized in Cook county. The movement resulted in the election of certain state officers and a legislature favorable to the demands of the "grangers," and laws were passed relating to the management and business traffic of railroads which were decidedly onerous and Impractical. James K. Edsall, At torney General of the state, was instrumental In enforcing much of this legislation. After, a fruitless effort to gain possession of the state judiciary, the demagogues who had allied themselves with the movement, ceased to take active Interest In the organiz ation ; the obnoxious laws were subsequently modified, amended and repealed, and eventually the "granger" element was elimi nated as a potent factor from our politics. In the Assembly of 1873 Daniel Shepard, of Cook, was elected Clerk of the House over Joshua L. Marsh, of Cook, by a vote of 86 to 61. John L. Beveridge, who had been elected Lieutenant-Governor In the fall of 1872, became Governor through the elevation of Governor Oglesby to the United States Senate. Lyman Trumbull was Governor Oglesby's opponent for the Senate, but was defeated, receiving 62 votes in joint ses sion to 84 for Oglesby. The state and congressional campaign of 1874 did not awa ken much interest or enthusiasm In Chicago. The Liberal Republican, or Greeley party had ceased to be a political factor. Joseph Medill, Governor Bross and John Wentworth retreated back to the Republican fold ; Trumbull, Palmer and Koerner be came Democrats and David Davis remained an Independent In politics, while the disturbed rank and file resumed old party affiliations. Out of the scattered remnant of the Liberal move ment was formed the Anti-Monopoly party. The vote for the respective candidates in the Chicago Congressional districts was as follows :— First district, Bernard G. Caulfield, Dem., 10,211 ; Sidney Smith, Rep., 9,803 ; Second district. Carter H. Har rison, Dem., 9,189; Joseph D. Ward, Rep., 9,181; Third dis trict, Charles B. Farwell, Rep., 8,177; John V. LeMoyne, Dem. 7,991 ; Francis A. Hoffman. Jr., 139. In the ensuing General Assembly of 1875 the Democrats by a fusion with the Indepen- 1 86 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, dents gained a majority of both Houses. Jere J. Crowley, of Cook, was elected Clerk of the House over Daniel Shepard by a vote of 8 1 to 68. This Legislature passed the act for the re organization of cities, under which Chicago subsequently be came reorganized as a municipality. The Greenbackers had become sufficiently organized throughout the state in 1873 to take an active part In the cam paign' They favored action on the part of the government which would make and keep the paper, or "greenback" money our standard of national currency, and were opposed to the resumption of specie payments. The' party was made up of original fiat, or paper money men and the scattered followers of the Liberal and Anti -Monopoly movements. They nominated a state ticket and the party also had a national ticket in the field, nominated May 17 at Indianapolis, with Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice- President. The Republican state convention nominated Shelby M. Cullom for Governor, Andrew Shuman, of the Chicago Evening Journal, for Lieutenant-Governor, and James K. Edsall for At torney General. There were no Chicago men on the Demo cratic state ticket. The Republican national ticket, nominated at Cincinnati, June 14, 1876, contained the names of R. B. Hayes, of Ohio, for President, and William A. Wheeler, of New York for Vice- President, and the Democratic national ticket, nominated at St. Louis, June 17, the names of Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice- President. At the outset the campaign on the Republican side was spiritless and tame, while the Democrats generally were well pleased with their ticket and entered at once into a vigorous and sustained canvass. The usual Republican majority In the state was greatly reduced. The vote in the state on Lieutenant- Governor was, Andrew Shuman, Rep., 278,167; Archibald A. Glenn, Dem., 255,970 ; James H. PIckrell, Greenback, 18,053. On the Hayes ticket for electors were the names of Peter Schuttler, George Armour and Louis Schaffner, of Chicago ; on the Tilden ticket, William F. Coolbaugh, Thomas Hoyne, S. S. Hayes, and Amo Voss ; on the Cooper ticket, A. J. Grover, A. C. Cameron, John M. Thompson and A. J. Streeter. The high est vote In the state for the Hayes electors was 278,232 ; for Tilden, 258,601 ; Cooper, 18,241. In the Chicago congressional districts the vote was as follows : — First^dlstrlct, William Aid- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 187 rich. Rep., 16,578 ; John R. Hoxie, Dem., 14,101 ; George S. Bowen, Greenback, 486 ; Second district. Carter H. Harrison, Dem., 14,732 ; George R. Davis, Rep., 14,090; S. F. Norton, Greenback, 118; Third district. Lorenz Brentano, Rep., 11,722; John V. LeMoyne, Dem., 11,435. The Republicans and Inde pendents united and organized the Thirtieth General Assembly of 1877. Lieutenant-Governor Shuman entered upan his duties as presiding officer of the Senate January 9. An exciting contest resulted when the two Houses met in joint session January 18 to ballot for a United States Senator. John M. Palmer was the Democratic caucus nominee and John A. Logan the Republican. On the first ballot the vote stood : Logan, 99 ; Palmer, 88 ; William B. Anderson 7 Senators ; David Davis 6 Representa tives. On the twenty-second ballot Gov. Palmer's name was withdrawn and on the taking of the ballot the result was, Logan, 99 ; W. B. Anderson, 85 ; John C. Haines, 7 ; William C. Goudy, 7 ; scattering, 4. On the twenty-fourth ballot the name of Gen. Logan was withdrawn, and on the ensuing ballot the result was, David Davis, 97 ; C. B. Lawrence, 86 ; John C. Haines, 7 ; scatter ing, 8. January 25 a total of 200 votes was cast and on the fortieth ballot the result was, David Davis, loi ; C. B. Lawrence 94 ; John C. Haines, 3 ; John A. Logan, i ; William H. Parish, i. David Davis having received a majority of all votes cast was declared the duly elected Senator. David Davis not only witnessed the growth of Illinois from a struggling frontier state to its present condition, but he took an active part In public affairs during the most remarkable por tion of its political history. He was perhaps Lincoln's closest friend, and It was in part owing to his efforts that Illinois fur nished the Republican candidate for the Presidency in i860. Judge Davis, though not a delegate, was one of the leading men at the Decatur State convention In May, i860, that elected delegates to the Chicago National convention. He was there selected as one of the Senatorial delegates to the latter body. More than a week prior to the nomination he had, in connection with other friends of Mr. Lincoln, opened the Lincoln head quarters at the Tremont house, Chicago, where, and throughout the city, whenever delegates were to be found, he labored day and night, almost sleeplessly, throughout that long contest, work ing with a zeal, assiduity, and skill never surpassed if ever equaled. And when those labors culminated In the choice of his trusted friend his feelings so overpowered him that not only then, but for hours after. In grasping the hands of congratulating 1 88 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, friends, he wept like a child. Among Lincoln's hosts he was emphatically the great central figure. In 1862 Judge Davis was appointed by President Lincoln one of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States. This appointment was not made by any personal solicitation of Judge Davis, but simply on account of Mr. Lincoln's knowledge of the man. At the time of his appointment he was well known in Illinois as a man of great judicial learning and the best of judgment, but his reputation had not gone beyond his state, as he had never filled a position where his decisions would be published. But when he came to the Supreme Bench of the United States his reputation as a jurist went beyond the most sanguine expectations of his friends. His opinion in the Milllgan case has attracted more at tention from the people at large than any decision since that of Judge Taney In the Dred Scott case. Many of the leaders iden tified with the Liberal movement of 1872 consider the defeat of Judge Davis in the Cincinnati convention to have been a great mistake. David Davis was born In Cecil county, Maryland, March 9, 181 5. He was educated at Newark, Del., Academy, and at Kenyon College, Gambler, O., where he graduated September 4, 1 8 3 2. In October of the same year he entered the law office of Judge Henry W. Bishop, at Lenox, Mass., and completed his law studies in the New Haven, Conn., law school. In 1835 he went west, locating In Pekin, 111., and in the fall of 1836 In Blooming ton, III, which place he made his home until his death. In 1840 he was the Whig candidate for state Senator, and was defeated by Gov. Moore. In 1844 he was elected to the Legislature and his services In behalf of internal improvements were of great public benefit. In 1847 he was elected a member of the Consti tutional convention, and in 1848 elected Judge of the Eighth Judicial district without opposition. The circuit contained an array of talent rarely equaled among the same number of lawyers. Judge Logan was the leader of the bar, but following him closely were Lincoln, Stuart, O. L. Davis, Judge Thornton, the Hon. O. B. Ficklin, Judge Emerson, C. H. Moore, Judge Benedict, Judge Parks, Judge Edwards, and others, some of whom have since become Immortal in history. Lincoln was the constant companion of Judge Davis in their travels around the extensive circuit, and at the close of their journey each day Lincoln related those humorous stories that made him so famous. Judge Davis traveled In a two-horse buggy and Mr. Lincoln rode In his own conveyance drawn by his celebrated horse Buck. The independ ence and impartiality displayed by Mr. Dm'is during his term in CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS, 1 89 the United States Senate led to his election as President of the Senate, and through the death of President Garfield and the election of Chester A. Arthur to the Presidency, David Davis became Vice-President of the United States. Of his own politi cal life he said this : "I have never been against anybody ; I have always been for some one. If the latter meant that I must op pose a man It was from the fact that I was In favor of his op ponent, and when the campaign was over my opposition to him was over." In the closing period of his public service Mr. Davis' course was calculated to provoke alternately the Ill-will of each of the political parties, and no higher tribute can be paid to him than to cite the fact that in all the criticisms thus called forth no man ever questioned the integrity, sincerity,' or patriotism of David Davis. He died at Bloomington, Saturday, June 26, 1886, after six weeks' Illness from diabetes, erysipelas and a malignant carbuncle. The Bar Association of Illinois and Indiana and other states adopted resolutions of respect, and eulogistic of his public services, and the records of many courts soon bore tran scripts of memorials. The funeral obsequies were conducted at Bloomington Tuesday, June 29, and although his relatives desired to avoid all appearance of pomp or display the city was draped In black, and the cortege was the most imposing ever witnessed In Illinois aside from those of Douglas, Lincoln, Garfield and Grant. Upward of five hundred of the most eminent statesmen, jurists and lawyers In the country were In attendance. After lying in state from 9 a. m. to 2 p. m. of Tuesday, the remains, accom panied by a vast procession, were reverentially transferred to the cemetery and deposited with their native dust. In the state campaign of 1878 the Greenback party again placed a ticket in the field, and the contest In Chicago and Cook county as elsewhere was a triangular one but devoid of great in terest. The candidates and the votes polled by each In the Chicago Congressional districts were as follows :— First district, William Aldrich, Rep., 12,165 ; James R. Doolittle, Dem., 7,136; William V. Barr, Greenback, 1,844; John McAuliff, Socialist, 2,322. Second district, George R. Davis, Rep., 10,347; Miles Kehoe, Ind. Dem., 6,111; James Felch, Greenback, 1,600, George A. Schilling, Socialist, 2,473; J- H. Condon, Ind., 250; John SebolskI, Ind. Socialist, 74. Third district, Hiram Barber, Rep., 9,574; Lambert Tree, Dem., 5,280; A. B. Cornell, Green back, 884 ; Benjamin Sibley, Socialist, 2,306. January 21 the Thirty-first General Assembly of 1879 ^'^^^ '" J^^"*^ session and elected John A. Logan United States Senator over Gen. John C. I no POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Black, the Democratic caucus nominee, by a vote of 80 to 60. Ten votes were cast for Alexander Campbell, Greenback, and three for John McAuliff, Socialist. The Chicago Socialists elected to this Assembly one Senator, Sylvester Artley and two Repre sentatives, Leo Meilbeck and Christian Meyer. The Socialists succeeded In getting a bill passed for the creation of a Bureau of Labor Statistics, and other labor legislation adopted. John Mc Auliff was an engineer by trade ; an Intelligent, well-read man, and a popular and powerful leader among his followers. He died in 1882. Leo Meilbeck published a paper printed in the Bohemian language which was extensively circulated In the Sixth and Seventh wards. He had a hobby, which was the publication of a polyglot paper, to be printed In the Bohemian,Polish, German and English languages, but never succeeded in carrying out his Idea. He became Insane and committed suicide by cutting his throat at the Alexlan Brothers' Hospital in 1883. MAYOR heath's ADMINISTRATION. The result of the special election of July 12, 1876, was the election of Mayor Monroe Heath to his first, or, as it Is known, the "short term" of the Mayoralty. July 17 the City Council met in regular session and canvassed the vote with the following result : Monroe Heath, Republican, 19,248 votes ; Mark Kim ball, Democrat, 7,509; J. J. McGrath, Independent, 3,363. Heath's plurality, 11,739 ; majority, 8,376. Mr. Heath was declared duly elected Mayor for the term ending on the third Tuesday in April, 1877, and his official bond, signed by Monroe Heath, William F. Milllgan, Peter Schuttler and Christoph Hotz, was approved. Charles Tarnow was de clared elected Alderman of the Seventh ward to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of James H. Hlldreth. The tax collection bill under which the Tax Commissioner and City Assessor had been operating having been declared un constitutional by the Supreme Court, the Council adopted a res olution calling on the Mayor to discharge the assistants and employes of both of these offices, and to remove the chief offi cials themselves. An order was also passed directing the Board of Education to withhold the construction of proposed school buildings and the Committee on Schools to report a list of all leases of school property, with the date of expiration of the same, with a view of selling a portion of the property In order to help the city out of its financial strait. The special committee appointed to consult with architects and the County Board in reference to the construction of the City hall and Courthouse CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I9I was discharged, and their duties transferred to the Committee on Public Buildings, and the Council refused to Instruct the City Attorney to take steps to enjoin the county from proceeding with Its portion of the building. The ordinance abolishing the Board of Health and re-organizing it under a commissioner of health was adopted, and the office of city physician was done away with. July 24 Mayor Heath sent his first message to the Council, of which the following is a synopsis : " To THE Honorable Common Council of the City of Chicago: " The financial condition of the city of Chicago, In all Its de tails and aspects, has been so thoroughly Investigated and dis cussed, both by this Council, the public, and the press of the city, that I consider It unnecessary to again enter Into these de tails with you ; but In assuming the position of Mayor of the city, it may not be improper that I should address to you in a general way a few words in relation to the matter which so deeply concerns our welfare. * * * I am convinced that you have not studied our constitution in vain, and that you are entering the road which will lead us in time out of our difficulties — the road of retrenchment and economy. * * * ^Vg must In any event, and under all circumstances, supply the necessary wants of this community ; our people must be protected ; and the personal safety and peaceful calling of every citizen secured. I see no good ground, even after looking at the situation from its darkest standpoint, for the despondent feeling which has be come fashionable of late with some of our people. We have rebuilt in five years a marvelous city out of the ashes and brok en fortunes of the old : for years we have been carrying on the most gigantic system of public improvements, and have rivaled in a short time the works of our oldest cities. Our unbroken march of material prosperity In the past has naturally produced a degree of recklessness and of extravagance which, with several large defalcatloos and the loss or delay in the collection of our public revenues, by the failure on the part of our citizens to pay their taxes, and the seeming inability of our Legislature to make wise or legal enactments — all have contributed to our present condition. With our past experience, and with a people alive to the great necessity of watching and protecting the property and rights of citizens ; with a better knowledge of our condition, and the absolute necessity to extend to our Government a proper and enlightened support, I do not think we need look forward to a repetition of the chief causes of our present troubles. Can we not, then, overcome all our difficulties ?" 192 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The first appointment made by Mayor Heath was that of Dr. Brockholst McVickar as Commissioner of Health, who was promptly confirmed by the Council. Mayor Heath, on the ad vice of the corporation counsel, also vetoed the ordinance passed by the Council cutting off one-half of the street lamps from being lighted at night. At the meeting of the Council, July 26, an ordinance was passed reducing the pay-roll of the Fire Department twenty-five per cent. ; the pay-roll of the Police Department the same; the pay-roll of the Board of Public Works fifty per cent. ; public library thirty per cent. ; the salaries of the Comptroller and his clerks; of the Gas Inspector; and of the Police Justices and clerks were reduced; and the offices of City Tax Assessor and City Tax Commissioner were abolished. In July, 1876, charges were made against the School Board of cor ruption and malfeasance, and that a " ring" existed among the members of the Board. The Committee on the Judiciary of the Council was directed to Investigate these charges, and in their report made, August 21, the committee stated that the charges were so vague and Indefinite as to leave no foundation for an in vestigation. Charges similar in character were made against Dr. McVickar, Commissioner of Health, and at the request of Mayor Heath were Investigated by the Committee on Health and Coun ty Relations, which committee In its report characterized the re ports as not only untrue but malicious. September 18 the Coun cil formally, by ordinance,, abolished the old Board of Public Works and vested their rights and duties in the Mayor and the Commissioner of Public Works. During Mayor Heath's first term was carried on what was known as the "sign war." Com plaints having been made that the ordinance regarding street obstructions was violated In hundreds of instances by the hang ing of signs. Mayor Heath ordered all such obstructions re moved, and the police and fire departments were Instructed to carry out the order. The Council finally decided to amend the ordinance, and the Mayor was requested to withhold the removal of the signs, but prior to this action many signs had been re moved by posses of police, and several street encounters and much excitement was the result. November 13 the Council adopted a majority report of the Committee on Police recom mending to the Mayor the removal of M. C. Hickey as Super intendent of Police. This report and recommendation was ig nored by Mayor Heath, who had suspended Superintendent Hrckey during investigation of charges made against him In the Chicago Post of October 23, and had reinsfeted him again. The CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. Ig3 charges in question were involved in what were known as the Pape's case, the TIerney case, the " Hoosier" Brown case, the Lizzie Moore case, the " horse and buggy" case, and the Dan Webster matter. In all of which except two It was charged that Superintendent Hickey had carried on unlawful dealings for gain with criminals. In the "horse and buggy" case it was charged that certain gamblers made up a purse to buy the Sup erintendent a horse and buggy, and in the Dan Webster matter that Superintendent Hickey leased a house to Webster, a cele brated colored character, and divided unlawful gains with him. In a communication to the Council November 27, Mayor Heath said he had attended the investigation and sifted all of the charges and was surprised at the report made by the committee. He had no doubt of Superintendent HIckey's honesty and efficiency, and believed It would be a great wrong and a false step to change the head of the police force at that time. Notwithstanding Mayor Heath's explanation and Indorsement of Superintendent Hickey the Council concurred in the report of the Committee on Police recommending his removal, by a vote of 22 ayes to 8 nays. A special meeting of the Council was held December 14, to take action on the death of Aid. David Murphy, at which suitable resolutions were adopted and addresses were made by Aids. Sweeney, Ryan, Stewart, McCrea, Lawler and Throop. Jan uary 9, 1877, the Council was again called upon to take action on the death of a deceased member — Aid. Mark Sheridan. Res olutions were adopted and addresses made by Aids. Sommer, Ryan, Lawler, Sweeney, Cullerton and Gilbert. March 27, 1877, Mayor Heath vetoed an ordinance allowing the North, West and South Town Collectors to retain one per cent, of their collec tions as compensation for collecting the city taxes, giving as his reason that the compensation of the town collectors was fixed by statute, and that by virtue of the general revenue law of the state the city taxes were extended on the books of the Col lector the same as state and county taxes. Under the provisions of the acts of the Legislature changing the time of holding city and town elections, approved March 9, 1877, the Council, on March 12, passed an ordinance re-districting the city into new- election precincts. March 22, 1877, the Council passed an ordi nance ordering a tax levy of $4,012,002.29, to cover the appro priations made for corporate purposes for the current fiscal year. Under the new city charter, foreign insurance companies were obliged to pay Into the city treasury a tax of two per cent, on their premiums. A bill was presented to the General Assembly 13 194 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, providing that the funds from this source should be expended in maintaining a fire insurance patrol, and April 8 the Council adopted a resolution protesting against the adoption of the bill as inimical to the best interests of the city, and requesting the Mayor to urge Senators and Representatives to exert themselves to defeat It. April 9 the Council, by a unanimous vote, adopted the following resolutions of thanks to the Hon. Thomas Hoyne: Whereas, The citizens of Chicago believe that the present Council have been honest and economical, and have reduced tax ation; Resolved, That to Thomas Hoyne, our excellent Mayor, de facto, for the month of May last, belongs the credit of starting our municipal reform. Resolved, That we tender to the Hon. Thomas Hoyne our thanks for the bold and statesman-like inaugural address deliv ered before us, and believe that the sentiments therein contained have tended to guide this Council in measures of reform, and while we are not able legally to return to him a compensation in money for his good advice, we do tender to him our sincere thanks as members of this Common Council. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be placed on the records. Among other important appointments made by Mayor Heath during the "short term" were L. D. Cleveland, Superin tendent of Buildings ; H. P. Wright, Health Commissioner, vice Dr. Brockholst McVickar resigned, and Oscar C. DeWolf, vice H. P. Wright, resigned ; Adam Graham, City Weigher ; W. H. Heafford, City Collector; H. J. Jones, Examiner of Subdivi sions, and J. F. Stafford, Oil Inspector. Tuesday, April 3, 1877, the first election for Mayor under the new law changing the time of election from fall to spring was held, and Monroe Heath was re-elected Mayor for the en suing two years. The following are the totals of the official vote as canvassed by the Council : — Mayor Monroe Heath, (Rep.), 30,881. Perry H. Smith (Dem.), '19,449. City Treas urer, Charies R. Larrabee (Rep.), 26,509. Clinton Briggs (Dem.), 23,929. City Attorney, Richard S. Tuthlll (Rep.), 28,- 186. William J. Hynes (Dem.), 22,219. City Clerk, Caspar Butz, 28,496 ; Rudolph Ruhbaum, 21,538. At the meedng of the Council April 30, 1877, Aid. Aldrich was called to the chair and Aid. Throop presented the following resolutions, which were adopted by a unanimous vote : Resolved, That the thanks of this Council are due and are CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I95 hereby tendered to Aid. William Aldrich for the able and im partial manner in which he so often presided over the delibera tions of this body ; and be it further Resolved, That while we are sorry to lose his valuable ser vices as a member of this Council in the future, we are o-lad to know that he has been transferred to a higher sphere of *useful- ness in the halls of the national Congress, where he will doubt less also distinguish himself as a champion of true reform, and our best wishes for his success go with him. Mr. Aldrich ably represented his district two terms in Con gress. His death occurred in the spring of 1886. In his second inaugural message Mayor Heath counseled a continuance of the programme of retrenchment and economy inaugurated by the preceding Council. In reference to the City's finances he stated that the uncollected taxes April i, 1876, amounted to $7,344,294.75, to which should be added the full amount of the appropriation for 1876, which was $4,045,529.27. Of the amounts outstanding April i, 1876, $290,591.1 1 embraced taxes for the years 1869 and 1870. The tax warrants for these years having been destroyed in the great fire of 1871, these bal ances were partially uncoUectable, and had been, during the year, charged off. The uncollected taxes April i, 1877, amounted to $6,903,716.35. The message proceeded: In addition to this amount there is to be added the appropriation of March i, 1877, amounting to $4,012,002.29, the warrants of which will not be delivered' to the col lectors till December next. * * ¦* A great portion of the appropriation for 1876 covered a period of only nine months, while that of 1877, which is $33,523.98 less than 1876, covers a full year, and includes the large amountof $301,087.50 for sewer age, as compared with $16,000 in 1876. * * The saving in 1877 over 1875 Is $1,1 1 1,403, or over 21 per cent. On the ist of April, 1876, there were outstanding certificates of indebtedness amounting to $3,484,856.81. This amount has been reduced to $956,114.89. To this amount should be added $150,000 of the new form of revenue warrants Issued May 4, 1876, by the previ ous administration, to retire the same amount of old certificates. Revenue time warrants, based on the several tax levies, and in accordance with the decision of the Circuit Court of Cook county, as announced by Judge McAllister, have been issued and deliv ered during the year as follows : On the levy of 1875, $510,458.34, of which there has been .redeemed, $305,065.75 ; leaving a balance outstanding of $205,- 196 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 392.59. On the levy of 1876 $2,609,666.89, on which there has been redeemed $309,181.37, leaving a balance outstanding of $2,300,485.52 ; on the levy of 1877 $339,900.00 ; total certificates and warrants outstanding April i, 1877, ^^^"^ ^^ follows : Old certificates of indebtedness issued prior to April i, 1876, $956,114.89; new revenue warrants on tax levy of 1875, $205,- 392.59 ; new revenue warrants on tax levy of 1876, $2,300,485.- 52; new revenue warrants on tax levy of 1877, $339,900.00; total $3,801,893.00 ; the bonded debt of the city Is as follows : Six per cent, bonds $1,200,000 ; seven per cent, bonds, $12- 254,000; total April i, 1877, $i3.454.ooo. Of this amount $272- 000 In six per cent, water loan bonds mature July i, 1877. The total amount of old certificates and new warrants outstanding April I, 1877, has been reduced $270,000 since that time, and further reductions are being made from receipts from taxes as opportunity offers. The remarkable growth of confidence In Chicago securities during the past year Is shown in the fact that . past due seven per cent, paper issued by a previous administra tion has lately sold at a premium in New York, while our own bankers and business men have offered us several hundred thou sand dollars at seven percent., which has been declined for the present. Only nine months ago the Finance Committee, Comp troller and Mayor were compelled to beg for funds while offer ing interest at eight per cent, per annum. The reason for this change is principally due to the fact that the revenues of the city have been collected thoroughly, and the expenses reduced in side our income. The message showed that at the end of the preceding fiscal year the enrollment of school children was 40- 805, and that during the year it grew to 43,512, showing an in crease nearly equivalent to the capacity of four twelve room buildings. There had been appropriated for sites and buildings $420,500, but nothing had been done, owing to the failure of the city to collect taxes, especially the levies of 1873 and 1874. The amount of reductions and savings In salaries In the Department of Public Works had been $92,500 and corresponding reductions in the expenses of the Police, Fire, Health and Buildings Depart ments, and in"*the matter of payments for gas consumed by the city the savings were over $300,000. The Council approved the official bond of Charles R. Lar rabee, City Treasurer, in the penal sum of $5,500,000, the sure ties being Charies R. Larrabee, William F. Coolbaugh, Heman G. Powers, Calvin T. Wheeler, John V. Farwell, Asa Dow, James W. Odell, Berthold Loewenthal, Augustus Bauer, Thos. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. I97 Lynch, Henry A. Kohn, Michael Brand, Charies H. Schwab, William N. Brainard, Orson Smith, Augustus S. Burt, Benjamin P. Hutchinson and Charles L. Hutchinson. Among the earllerj appointments made by Mayor Heath during his second term were Joseph F. Bonfield as Corporation Counsel ; A. L. LInscott, Prosecuting Attorney ; Emory Cole, Oil Inspector; A. L. Morrison, Police Justice; Messrs. J. L. Dennis, Philip A. Hoyne, E. G. Keith, C. H. Reed, M. E. Stone and William Vocke, as members of the Board of Education, and Messrs. George Mason, Sidney Smith and J. B. Walker as Di rectors of the Public Library, May 14, 1877, Aid. Ballard pre sented to the Council a resolution relative to the death of Arte- mas Carter, formerly a member of the Council, and it was unani mously adopted, as follows : Whereas, In the wisdom of Almighty God He has seen best to remove from among the living one of our fnost excellent and worthy citizens, Artemas Carter, who was an honorable member of the Common Council of the city of Chicago during the years 1857, 1858, 1859 and i860, his record stands before us for an example, therefore be it Resolved, That the sympathies of this Council be extended to his bereaved family who have so unexpectedly and so suddenly lost a father, a husband and counselor, and that a copy of these resolutions be sent to the family. During the month of July the Council was called upon to take action in reference to the lawless action of street mobs, which were created by the great labor strikes, and they did so by the adoption of a resolution deprecating lawlessness, and authorizing the Mayor to employ all means necessary to maintain the law. These riots were the outgrowth of the labor troubles that disturbed the country throughout at that time. So bold did the turbulent element become that they attempted to march a mob upon the city from the lumber district. The mob was charged by the militia and police at Halsted street viaduct and a pitched battle was fought, resulting In the killing and wounding of many of the rioters. A detachment of regijar troops viras sent to the city from the West, with a Gatling gun ; the armories were under guard, and for a time the city wore a decidedly war like appearance. The Council subsequently passed a resolution of thanks to the police force for valorous conduct during the riots. A contest of authority regarding the disposition of the militia during the riots having arisen between the Mayor and Gen. Ducat, the Council by resolution authorized the appoint- 198 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ment of a committee to investigate the matter and determine In whom the authority was vested in time of emergency. In re sponse to the public demand efforts were made to increase the police force at an addidonal expense of $110,500 per annum, an ordinance finally being passed authorizing the Mayor and Fi nance Committee to borrow the money and Increase the force by the addition of one hundred mounted patrolmen. The cost of the riots to the city for pay of special police, purchase of arms, etc., was- about $20,000. August 13 by resolution of the Council the chairman ap pointed a committee composed of Aids. Stewart, Waldo, Linsen barth, Beidler and Thompson to investigate the charge made in a city paper that Aid. Rosenberg, a member of the Finance Committee, and the City Treasurer were In a " ring" which was speculating in city certificates. This committee subsequently exonerated Aid. Rosenberg, the Finance Committee, and the Treasurer. The election to the Council of James H. Hlldreth as Al derman from the Seventh ward was contested by John RIordan, and a notable contest case ensued. The returns gave Hlldreth 1,159 votes; RIordan, 1,134; Gardner, 736. The Committee on Elections added certain votes from the town boxes to these totals, and threw out certain alleged Illegal votes and declared RIor dan elected by 44 majority, and entitled to the seat. The contest continued during 1877 and 1878. Hlldreth brought mandamus proceedings against the Council and failed to secure his seat thereby. Judge Rogers dismissing the appeal. He then carried his case to the Supreme Court where the appeal was again dis missed, and he met with similar disappointment in the Appellate Court, whence the case was taken on a writ of error. Notwith standing the fact that the Committee on Elections of the Coun cil had declared John RIordan entitled to the seat, the report was placed on file by vote of the Council, and RIordan did not succeed in getting a seat in the body until April 22, 1878, when he was admitted, together with John McNally, a special election having been called for one alderman to fill the vacancy, besides the regular election of an alderman to fill an expired term. The City Council held a special meeting October 15, to take action on the death of Daniel O'Hara, Ex-City Treasurer. The following resolutions were adopted : Whereas, Death having removed from our midst our es teemed citizen and faithful public officer, Daniel O'Hara, Esq.; and Whereas, He has proved one of the most efficient and hon orable public servants ; CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 1 99 Resolved, That the City Council tender to the bereaved fam ily its heartfelt sympathy in its distress and affliction, and direct that these resolutions of respect and condolence be promulgated to the various departments of the city government, and that all city offices be closed for this day. Resolved, That the Council, as a mark of respect to the late Daniel O'Hara, do attend his funeral in a body. Resolved, That the City Clerk is hereby directed to spread upon the journal of the Council the foregoing resolutions, and that copies thereof be furnished the press for publication, and also that a copy be sent to the family of the deceased. Alderman J. H. B. Daly addressed the Council as follows : "The sad duty we have to perform to-day of paying our last compliments to an honest and efficient officer of the city govern ment Is the object of this special meeting. The resolution does but lightly touch on the virtues of the man and the characteris tics that entitle him to the highest honors we can now pay him. Having been acquainted with him since my boyhood, and know ing a thousand instances of his kindness of heart, honesty of purpose, and purity of motives, his love for the truth, and all the qualities that the best teachers of morals and religion wish to have inculcated In the hearts of men, I wish to mingle my re grets at his loss, with the hope that his exemplary qualities will have the effect to elevate and encourage those who live to respect his memory. I am personally aware that it was his pride and pleasure to assist the afflicted, to encourage the depressed, to visit the poor, to impress upon the minds of men the Importance of industry and the sterling value of integrity ; and of him can be said as truthfully as if Goldsmith's lines had been purposely directed toward him : " 'To relieve the wretched was his pride, And all his failings leaned to virtue's side.' "May his good soul rest in peace." December 20, 1877, the Finance Committee reported on the claim of W. W. Boyington and others, architects appointed by Mayor Colvin to examine Into the condition of the Custom House. Corporation Counsel Bonfield at the same time sub mitted an opinion In which a number of court decisions were cited to show that money could not be paid out except for corporate purposes. The Finance Committee reported that while they were satisfied that the city had no power to audit and pay the claim, they were also satisfied that the services of the gentlemen were of o-reat benefit to the government of the United States, 200 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, and had saved millions of dollars to the government by showing there was no necessity for tearing down the Custom House, and the committee recommended the adoption of a resolution setting forth that in their estimation the commission of architects had a just and proper claim for compensation against the government. Mayor Heath, on February ii, 1878, sent a communication to the Council calling attention to a grave emergency arising under the decision of the Supreme Court In a test case, which, with five other similar cases, were appeals perfected from the judgment of the County Court, for state, county, city and other taxes of the city, of the levy of 1875. The appropriation ordi nance of the city of Chicago, passed June 30, 1875, upon which the levy ordinance, approved August 10, 1875, levying the taxes for that year, was based, contained the following Items : For enter taining official visitors, $2,000 ; for interest on temporary loans for Board of Public Works' appropriation fund, $40,000; for in terest on temporary loans for Fire Department, $25,000; for payment of interest on the general bonded debt of the city, and on temporary loans. In addition to the unexpended balance, April I, 1875, and to amounts received for Interest, $300,000; for interest on temporary loans for Police Department, $25,000; the total levy for interest on temporary loans being $160,000. The majority of the Court held that the items specified were illegal and void. Mayor Heath, in his communication, said that while the amount of taxes direcdy lost by virtue of this decision was comparatively small, being but $38,918.70 for the years 1873, 1874 and 1875, the principal effect of the decision was, first, to declare wholly illegal and void as a corporate debt the outstand ing certificates issued on appropriations made previous to the fiscal year 1876, and which amounted to $485,513.06 ; and sec ond, to practically, if not legally, prevent the city from there after anticipating the collection of Its revenues for the payment of corporate debts, by the Issuance and sale of certificates paya ble out of any particular fund of the annual appropriation bill. The message continued : The $485,513.06 of outstanding certifi cates declared void by virtue of this decision were wholly drawn upon the tax levy of 1875 and previous years. The outstanding and uncollected taxes of the year 1875 are $760,740; for 1874, $1,345,860; for 1873, $604,857. There can be no reason able doubt that a sufficient amount of these back taxes will before long be collected to retire these certificates. I take it for granted that the city of Chicago will not repudiate any of these just obligations, the city having received the money from CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 20I the holders of these cerdficates in good faith and used it for corporate purposes, and that the levy of the respective years for which they are drawn will and must be applied when collected to the payment thereof. * * * The most serious question for your consideration, however, which this decision forces upon you is that of providing ways and means to carry on the city government hereafter. We must not deceive ourselves as to our atdtude to-day before the commercial world; we are In a legal sense without credit ; we cannot on a purely commercial basis borrow a dollar — at least at rates which we would consider for a moment. * * * The system of carrying on our govern ment by funds procured from the issue and sale of certificates based upon an appropriation and tax levy in advance of the col lection of the tax must be abandoned under the present condition of things. * * * You should provide in the annual appropria tion bill a sufficient fund in excess of the expenditures, after having reduced them to the lowest possible minimum, which would in the course of two, three or more years leave In the treasury an amount which would, if all the taxes were collected, be used to pay as you contract current obligations, and thus avoid the necessity of andclpating in any form the tax levy of the then current year. If such a course is considered wise under the circumstances, the Council may direct by resolution, in order to provide for contin gencies and loss of revenue, that the city expenditures must be confined to 60 or 70 per cent, of the appropriation, and I will see that during my term of office no more than such stipulated per centage Is spent. The Council at this same meeting directed the City Comp troller to furnish at the next regular meeting the names of all tax-fighters who had refused to pay their taxes for the years 1873, 1874 and 1875. This list was duly prepared and submitted. It contained the names of 415 citizens, many of them among the wealthiest property owners in the city. In pursuance of the general line of economy and retrenchment Mayor Heath early in March proposed to Issue an order for the reduction of the Fire and Police Departments, and this order led to the calling of a special meeting of the Council, March 14, at which a resolution was adopted directing him to withhold any order tending toward the proposed reduction. March 25 the Council passed an ordi nance for the assessment of the taxes for the fiscal year 1878, in which the amount to be raised by the levy was fixed at $3,777,- 757.23, being the sum required to cover the appropriations there tofore legally made. 202 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The meeting of the City Council of April 29, 1878, ushered in the last year of Mayor Heath's term, as well as the close of the term of one-half of the members of the Reform Council which had co-operated with Mayor Heath in his financial policy and measures of economy. Before the roll of the new Council was called. Aid. Cook, who had been selected the previous year to preside over the deliberations of the Council in the absence of the Mayor, addressed the body, making use of the following language : " Gentlemen of the Council: — One year in the history of our city has passed since we, preferred as the choice of the citizens of the various wards we represent, were Inducted into office as legislators to make such laws as might be deemed necessary to guard the interests of the municipality. Whether we have ful filled the expectations of our constituents In the exercise of our trusts, they have had, and will ha|^e, to decide. Whether the re sult of our deliberations will eventually prove for the best inter ests of the municipality, our history alone will demonstrate, but I have no doubt each member has done that which In his best judgment he thought at the time was for the best interest of the city." May 13, 1878, Aid. J. H. B, Daly presented the following preamble and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : Whereas, Gen. James Shields, who commanded the Illinois troops in the war with Mexico, and who subsequently represented this State in the Senate of the United States, has arrived in this city, and has been welcomed by the military of Chicago and by the citizens generally ; Resolved, That the Mayor and City Council extend a hearty greeting to him, on the occasion of his visit to our city, and cor dially Indorse the enthusiastic reception with which he was greeted on his arrival. Resolved, That the distinguished patriotic services rendered by the gallant old veteran in two wars ; the wounds that he re ceived in various batdes while defending the flag and vindicating the honor of the country; his eminent services in many high positions of public trust ; the untarnished honesty of character and the elevated patriotism which has marked his entire public career, justly endtle him to the respect and the gratitude of the American people. Resolved, That we heartily indorse the purpose of the bill now pending before the United States Senate, which provides for the restoration of Gen. Shields to the»army rolls with the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 203 rank of Brigadier-General on the retired list ; and we trust that this measure of justice will pass that body, as it already has the House of Representatives, and will then receive the approval of the President. This act will be a graceful and fitting recognition and reward for the fidelity and valor of the old statesman and soldier whose honorable services, whose many wounds, and whose age and circumstances plead more eloquently than words in his behalf. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be transmitted to Gen. Shields, and the same be likewise forwarded to the Presi dent of the Senate with the request that the same be laid before that body. May 27 the Council adopted the following resolution of respect to the memory of Aid. John T. Corcoran, deceased : Whereas, It has pleased the Almighty, in his wisdom, to remove from our midst John T. Corcoran, a former member of the City Council and a man highly esteemed both as a public officer and a fellow citizen by all who knew him ; therefore, be it Resolved, That the City Council hereby tenders the bereaved family of the deceased gentleman its deep sympathy in their be reavement and distress, and at the same time expresses its sor row over the death of a noble-hearted fellow citizen who has been taken away while in the prime of life. Resolved, That the City Clerk be and he is hereby directed to spread upon the journal of the Council the foregoing pream ble and resolutions, and that a copy thereof be furnished to the family of the deceased. A special meeting of the Council was called for June 6, to take action on the death of Mancel Talcott, and the following resolutions were adopted : We, the members of the City Council of the city of Chica go, being assembled to express our regret for the death of Man cel Talcott, formerly member of this Council and President of the Board of Police, and to pay a tribute of respect to his memory, do hereby Resolve, That in the death of Mancel Talcott the city has lost one of Its oldest and most valued citizens — a landmark in its history — who, while serving it was most faithful to its interests, and a- determined foe to all dishonesty and municipal corruption. Resolved, That In the deceased we recognize one who has grown up with our city and has stood by it with unflinching in tegrity, through prosperity and adversity, one who never "gave out an uncertain sound," but who was marked for his individual ity, candor, honesty and liberality. 204 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Resolved, That we tender our deepest sympathies to the widow and family of the deceased In their great affliction, and that a copy of these resolutions be sent to them. Resolved, That the members of the City Council will attend the funeral of the deceased in a body. Aids. Daly, Cook, Phelps, Ballard, and McCaffrey were ap pointed as a committee to make arrangements for the Council to attend the funeral. June 24 Mayor Heath sent to the Council the names of John A. Farwell for City Comptroller, Joseph F. Bonfield for Corporadon Counsel, A. N. LInscott for Prosecuting Attorney, Michael C. Hickey for General Superintendent of Police, Joseph H. Dixon for Deputy Superintendent of Police, Louis Wahl, John C. Haines, and Charles G. Hammond for In.spectors of the House of Correction, Matthias Benner for Fire Marshal, W. H. Heafford for City Collector, L. D. Cleveland for Superinten dent of Buildings, F. Bensinger for Sealer of Weights and Meas ures, Emory Cole for Oil Inspector, Dr. W. P. Dunne for City Physician, John D. Murphy for Inspector of Steam Boilers, Dr. Siebelfor Gas Inspector, and James L. Allen, W. J. English, D. A. Kohn, George B. Armstrong, and Thomas Brennan for mem bers of the Board of Education. The names of Messrs. Allen and Kohn were subsequently withdrawn. The other appoint ments were all confirmed wdth the exception of M. C. Hickey, JohnC. Haines and F. Bensinger. The Committee on Police. to whom the appointment of Mr. Hickey was referred, reported recommending that he be confirmed, but the Committee on the Bridewell reported adversely to the confirmation of Mr. Haines. July 8 the Council concurred in the report as to Haines by a vote of 25 ayes to 7 nays, and Hickey was rejected for Superin tendent of Police by a vote of 22 to 11. July 15 Mayor Heath sent in the name of V. A. Seavey for General Superintendent of Police, and the appointment was confirmed by the Council July 22, by a vote of 32 to 2. Other appointments made by Mayor Heath during the last year of his administration were E. S. Chesbrough, as Commissioner of Public Works, A. C. Bart lett and James Frake, members of the Board of Education, F. C. Hotz, O. S. A. Sprague and W. J. Onahan, Directors of the Public Library, Luther L. Mills, Inspector House of Cor rection, Theodore Karis, Sealer of Weights and Measures, John D. Murphy, Boiler Inspector. August 12 Mayor Heath an nounced that he was about to leave the city for a short time and requested the Council to elect one of thftr number to act as CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 205 Mayor /ro tem during his absence. The Council proceeded to elect a Mayor /re tem by ballot, and on the second ballot Aid. James H. Gilbert was elected, receiving 19 votes out of a total of 33. August 26 the acdng Mayor announced that R. B. Hayes, President of the United States, and His Excellency the Mexican Minister at Washington would visit Chicago September 3 and 5, respectively, and on modon Aid. Pearsons, Cary, TuUy, Seaton and Jonas were appointed t© co-operate with the Citizen's Reception Committee. December 30 the Council passed an or- dinance organizing and re-organizing the Department of Public W^orks as a department of the city government existing since the adoption by the city of the "Act to provide for the Incorporation of Cities and Villages," in force July i, 1882. Under the provi sions of this ordinance E. S. Chesbrough was appointed Com missioner of Public Works, January 13, 1879, his bond being signed by W. H. Bradley, Mark Skinner, E. W. Blatchford and George Armour. About this date a great hue and cry was raised by the press about "bunko steerers" and it was charged that they openly plied their business of "roping in" unsophisticated people on the public streets. On motion of Aid. Cullerton Mayor Heath appointed a special committee consisting of Aid. Cullerton, Phelps and Waldo to ascertain if public gaming houses were permitted to run in the city. The bunko men were subsequently thinned out by the police. Comptroller Farwell in his estimate of expenses for the fiscal year January i, 1879 to December 31, 1879, niade to the Coun cil January 27, 1879, had the following to say In reference to the city finances : "In making my estimates for the current year, I have been guided by the amounts expended by the several departments during the past year, with an addition In most cases of 10 per cent., to meet estimated loss in collection. My estimates for 1879 aggregate $3,277,673.36. Deducting therefrom the esti mated miscellaneous receipts and cash in the treasury applicable thereto. In all amounting to, say, $400,000, would leave $2,877,- 673.36. These calculations are made on the assumption that the margins of unexpended appropriations for 1876, 1877, and 1878 yet uncollected will be re-appropriated so far as may be required, and 1 .should hope that whatever excess of receipts might be real ized from these sources during the present year over and above the unfilled purposes of the original appropriation could be brought forward and used in cash during the next fall and winter, 2o6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, thus saving to that extent the issuing of warrants against the appropriattons for 1879. This course pursued for a few years, with strict economy and a rigid adherence to the principle of al ways keeping a margin of, say, 10 to 15 per cent, within the ap propriations, the city would then have practically but little diffi culty in meeting its current expenses in cash." The City Treasurer reported a balance in the Treasury January I, 1879, of $791,916.58. The expenditures during the preceding year had aggregated $5,967,295.83. The net balance in the Treasury January3i, 1879, as shown by the Comptroller's report, was $886,029.21. March 12, 1879, the Council passed an appropriation bill for the fiscal year January i, 1879, to Decem ber 31, 1879, which contained Items aggregating $3,975,597-55. and March 17 Mayor Heath vetoed the bill, on the ground that a number of the items were unnecessary, and that the total ap propriations, including cash and miscellaneous receipts, footed up $4,387,597.55. Another bill was adopted by the Council March 18, In which the sum total of the appropriations was $3,- 776,450.79. This amount was inserted in the ordinance for the tax levy. April 4 the Comptroller reported that the amount of money actually In the Treasury at the close of the books Febru ary 28, 1879, was $1,061,690.78. Mayor Heath's final message, read by him in the presence of both the incoming and outgoing Council April 28, 1879, "^^^ as follows : "To THE Hon., the City Council of the City of Chicago: "Gentlemen — In pursuance of the duty imposed by the Char ter, and being about to retire from the office of Mayor of this city, it is my desire and duty to place before you for the purpose of information and future reference some of the most important of the permanent results accomplished by and during this ad ministration. I was elected Mayor July 12, 1876; on that day the bonded debt of the city was $13,457,000.00; the bonded debt Is now $13,043,000.00; reduction $414,000.00; on July 12, 1876, the outstanding illegal certificates of Indebtedness were $3,- 01 1,329.63 ; we have paid and taken up of these certificates since that date $2,762,329.63 ; balance now outstanding $249,000.00. At that date (July 12, 1876) the credit funds of the treasury had been overdrawn to meet deficits in, and drafts upon other funds owing to failures In collections and other causes, about $1,800,- 000.00 ; these overdrafts have since been paid and restored, to the amount of about $900,000.00; leaving a balance still due credit fund of $900,000.00 ; at that date also (July 12, 1876) there were CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 207 no funds in the treasury to pay the salaries of employes, about five months' pay being due. We have since, by legislation legal ized the tax levies for 1873 and 1874, then declared void, and have procured judgments for the delinquent taxes of such years in both the County and Appellate Courts. The legality of these new levies will be finally argued in the Supreme Court in J une next. If the legality of these taxes is sustained In that Court, we are certain to collect within a short time from tbe taxes of these years upon real estate alone, to wit : "Cash on deposit with County Treasurer on appeals $45,450.- 89; on forfeitures to the state, drawing Interest at 10 per cent. $901,000.00 ; on forfeitures from the taxes of 1875, $283,000.00; total good assets and taxes legalized during this administration $1,230,388.33. Deducting from these assets the amount of out standing certificates to wit, $249,000 00, and restoring outstand ing overdrafts on the treasury, to wit, $900,000.00, we will have a net balance In the treasury from these sources of $81,388.33. In addition to the above assets we hold tax deeds and certificates of 1871 and 1872, amounting to $116,922.37 ; In forfeitures of 1876 $162,814.99 ; In forfeitures of 1877 $275,196.15 ; total net assets, after paying all outstanding liabilities on illegal certificates and restoring credit funds heretofore overdrawn, $636,321.84. "I do not estimate In the above doubtful assets from delin quent personal property taxes, which will undoubtedly yield some revenue, though the amount cannot well be estimated. The es timated net reserve from the appropriations of 1878 is about $400,000, of which sum about $ 1 50,000 will be collected during the fiscal year. This reserve Is not taken Into consideration In the above enumeration of assets nor in the appropriation bill for 1879, but will, as collected, be placed to the credit of appropriate funds of this year, and may be expended and kept as a cash re serve to be added to the reserve for 1879 In 1880. During this administration, also, we have paid off floating obligations against the city for deficiencies under condemnation and other special proceedings held void In 1869-70 and subsequent years, and which amount in all to several hundred thousand dollars. With one or two exceptions, all claims of this character are now ad justed and satisfied. During the past year the powers of the corporation have been so thoroughly settled and defined In the courts that it is not likely that very grave mistakes will hereafter occur through ignorance of the law. For 1873, as appeared on the face of 'the appropriation bill itself, sixteen per cent, of the levy was Illegal ; for 1874, fourteen per cent, was illegal, and for 2o8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 1875 nine per cent, was held void. After a series of suits, we have procured finally from the Supreme Court decisions affirming the right of the city to anticipate by a proper warrant the collecdon of current taxes to pay current expenses ; and also the right of the city to refund to the holders of illegal certificates the amount of money advanced by them to the city, and repre sented by such certificates out of the taxes as collected for the year and fund in and upon which they were drawn. The certifi cates thus drawn in 1875 ^^^ 1876-7 were held to be void ; while those drawn on the levy for 1878 were sustained by the Court as legal drafts upon the treasury. Very important decisions have also been announced settling the law, and procedure governing special proceedings for taking and assessing private property for public use and improvements. The Supreme Court has also sustained the power of the city to levy taxes for school purposes and affirmed the legal existence of that body. The right of the city to license, regulate and control the management of estab lishments within or near the corporate limits of the city engaged in rendering, fertilizing, etc., has also been fully sustained. It has also been decided in our own and the Federal Supreme Court that the city is not liable to adjacent property owners for damages by reason of building the Washington and LaSalle street tunnels nor to riparian owners claiming to be specially in jured thereby ; but It is claimed the present constitution has again unsettled the law governing questions of this nature, and that the city is now liable for injuries to property abutting upon viaducts and tunnels ordered and built since August 1870. The Department of the Interior at Washington, before which the title of the city to all the land between Randolph street and Park Row and east of Michigan Avenue, including also. Dearborn Park, was litigated by parties locating Valentine Scrip thereon, has finally, after a protracted contest, rejected all the locations and confirms the title in the city. The improved financial con dition of the city enabled us, during the last year, to commence the building of the City Hall, which work, though somewhat de layed by adverse litigation, has progressed rapidly, the second story above the foundation being now nearly completed." The message closed with citations of reductions which had been made in the expenses of the principal departments. The Council adopted resolutions thanking Mayor Heath and City Clerk Caspar Butz for their able and efficient services. Mayor Heath in response, said : 'This resolution is a very flattering onsi If I have been en- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 209 abled in my administration to do anything for the good of the city, it has been because I have had the co-operation of the Council. If I could, I would like to have a resolution passed thanking the Council for its hearty support of my administration. I thank you, gentlemen, and will now announce the Induction of the new members. The Clerk will call the roll." Monroe Heath was born In a little New Hampshire town in 1828. He came West in 1847, remained a few months, and then returned to New England. In 1849 he joined the exodus to the gold mines of California, and early In the fifties he came to Chi cago, where he embarked in his present business, being the senior member and head of the extensive house of Heath & Milllgan, dealers In paints, oils, etc. Mr. Heath enjoys a well-earned and enviable reputation as a substantial businessman. He was elect ed alderman of the Twelfth Ward in 1871 and re-elected In 1873, and has held many positions of honor and trust. At the date of this writing he resides at Arlington Heights, and while still an active business man, he has taken no active part In politics since the conclusion of his term as Mayor. H CHAPTER IX. THE MUNICIPAL ELECTION OF 1 8 79 — CARTER H. HARRISON's FIRST TERM AS MAYOR — ALDERMANIC ELECTION, 1880 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1880 THE ILLINOIS CONTEST, ETC. ARGUMENTS OF RAUM, ANTHONY AND STORRS SPEECH OF CONKLING NOMINATING GRANT GARFIELD's NOMINATION OF SHERMAN — THE BALLOTING — WASHBURNE FOR VICE-PRESI DENT — THE NATIONAL AND STATE CAMPAIGNS. There were three full city tickets in the field at the munici pal election of 1879, and the campaign was a memorable one in the annals of the city. The Republicans were squarely defeated by the Democrats, whose ticket was headed by a man who rallied and united their scattered forces, and who maintained party cohe sion locally for eight years, being himself elected Mayor four times in succession, — a record unprecedented by the most popu lar of his predecessors, and who by reason of his marked indi viduality, great executive ability and political acumen speedily became and has remained the best-known Mayor in the United States. An important feature of the campaign was that it devel oped the full strength of the Socialist element in Chicago poli tics, the culmination of its power being also the signal of Its de cline. Prior to the holding of the Republican city convention there was considerable dissatisfaction existing among the adher ents of that party, one faction favoring the re-nomination of Monroe Heath and another demanding the nomination of a new leader In the person of Abner M. Wright. The latter received the nomination, Mr. Heath declining to allow his friends to use his name. At this time the Greenbackers and the Anti-Monopo lists had entered Into a fusion with the view of placing a city ticket in nomination, and In a convention held at Greenebaum's hall late in March they nominated Carter H. Harrison for Mayor. The Democrats met in convention and Carter H. Harrison being satisfactory as a candidate they nominated him also, thereby rat ifying his nomination by the Greenebaum's hall convention. The Socialists, through their ward organizations, sent delegates to a convention. In which also was represented a small labor faction that was dissatisfied with Mr. Harrisonip nomination by the (210) CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 21 1 Greenebaum hall party, and this convention placed in nomlna- don as the Socialist candidate for Mayor, Dr. Ernst Schmidt, a former Republican. While Socialism had spread through many of the wards and had a large foreign-born following In^he fall of 1878, when Sylvester Ardey was elected to the State Senate and Leo Meilbeck and Christian Meyer to the lower House, and John McAuliffe in the then First Congressional district,' and George A. Schilling and John SebolskI in the Second, with other candidates, had polled several thousand votes, it was not until the spring of 1879 that the Socialist party could be considered fully organized. Carter H. Harrison had been a County Com missioner, and had twice been elected to Congress from the then Second district as a Democrat, and therefore at this time had some experience in campaigning. He went vigorously into the contest and. by his superior qualities on the stump, and a spirited and aggressive campaign, he made great headway among the voters, and In the election achieved a splendid majority. The election took place Tuesday, April i, and resulted as follows: DEMOCRATIC TICKET. Mayor, Carter H. Harrison, .... 25,685 City Treasurer, William C. Seipp, . . 26,176 City Attorney, Julius S. Grinnell, . . 24,171 City Clerk, Patrick J. Howard, . . . 24,427 REPUBLICAN TICKET. Mayor, Abner M. Wright, .... 20,496 City Treasurer, Marcus A. Farwell, . . 20,662 City Attorney, Richard W. RIcaby, . . 21,919 City Clerk, Peter Buschwah, . . . 21,743 SOCIALIST TICKET. Mayor, Ernst Schmidt, ..... 11,829 City Treasurer, Frank A. Stauber, . . 10,874 City Attorney, Harry Rubens, . . . 11,858 City Clerk, Benjamin Sibley, . . . 11,276 The total number of votes cast in the election, including 321 scattering, was for Mayor, 58,331 ; Treasurer, 58,033 ; At torney, 58,269 ; Clerk, S7>7^7- Eighteen Aldermen were elected, the votes for the various candidates being as follows : First Ward, Arthur Dixon, Rep., 1,697; J.Ward Ellis, Dem., 722; N. H. Jorgensen, Socialist, 115; Second Ward, Addison Bal lard, Rep., 1,296; Samuel Engel, Dem., 1,130; George A. Schil ling, Socialist, 222 ; Third Ward, John M. Clark, Rep., 1,428 ; A. F. Seeberger, Dem., 730; H. L. Hull, Ind., 124; Fourth 212 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Ward, Amos Grannis, Rep., 2,151 ; Firman Church, Dem,, 1,126; Louis Hutt, Ind., 212; Fifth Ward. Michael McAuley, Dem., 1,848; Andrew Ryder, Rep., 848; T. J. Morgan, Labor, 1,688; John C. Folz, Ind., 355 ; Sixth Ward, William Curran, Dem., 1,364; T. Diener, Rep., 487 ; J. J. ^Itpeter, Socialist, 1,532; Seventh Ward, John Riordan, Dem., 1,718; J. J. Curran, Ind. Dem., 828; F. Blelefeldt, Socialist, 1,058; John Schmelz, Ind, 372; Eighth Ward, Thomas Purcell, Dem., 1,723; James O'Brien, Ind. Dem., 1,534," O. W. Barrett, Rep., 775; Henry Stahl, SociaHst, 549; Ninth Ward, James Peevey, Dem., 1,659; Richard Jones, Rep., 994; R. S. Pratt, Socialist, 97; Tenth Ward, Michael McNurney, Rep., 1,073 ; J. E. Lawrence, 470 ; Robert Beck, 361 ; E. C. Christianson, 23 ; Eleventh Ward, George B. Swift, Rep., 2,096; W. B. Bateham, Dem., 827; H. Johnson, Ind., 116; Twelfth Ward, Joseph D. Everett, Rep., 2,850 J. W. Goodspeed, Dem., 320; Max Selle, Socialist, 38; Thirteenth Ward, Hiram P. Thompson, Rep., 1,255 I B. Quirk, Ind. Rep., 1,121; George Braun, 154; Fourteenth Ward, Michael Ryan, Dem., 1,614; Reinhard Lorenz, Soclaligtt 1,718 ; Louis Martin, Rep., 1,010; Fifteenth Ward, Adam Meyer^._SQ£ialist, 1,246; John C. Ender, Rep, 918; John Feltes, Socialist, 903; Sixteenth Ward, Chris. Meyer, Socialist, 1,520 ; M. Schwelsthal, Dem., 1,111; Seventeenth Ward, Edward P. Barrett, Dem., 1,675; B. Janssen, Socialist, 655 ; Jas. Lynn, Rep., 424 ; Eight eenth Ward, Wm. G. McCormlck, Dem., 1,724 ; A. L. Chetlain, Rep., 1,450; D. Van Dewenter, Socialist, 245. There was a contest and re-count in the Second and Fifth Wards, which did not change the result as given. Aid. Ryan protested against the admission of Reinhard Lorenz, but the Council gave Lorenz the seat. At the installation of the new Council, April 28, 1879, the first business was the approval of the official bonds of the officers elect. Mayor Harrison's bond, in the sum of $10,000, was signed by John C. Richberg, Caroline D. Harrison and Murray F. Tuley ; City Treasurer Selpp's bond. In the sum of $4,500,000, by Conrad Seipp, Peter Schoenhofen, Berthold Loewenthal, Frederick Mahla, George Schneider, Louis A. Huck, William Metzger, John Buehler, Peter Schutder, Peter Wolf, and H. J. Christoph ; City Attorney Grinnell's bond in the sum of $5,000, signed by Horace A. Hurlbut and William M. Hoyt ; City Clerk Howard's bond in the sum of $5,000, signed by Harvey T. Weeks and M. J. Corboy. The inaugural address of Mayor Harrison to the Council was as follows : • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 213 "Gentlemen OF THE Common Council: — The welfare of neariy 500,000 people depends, to a large extent, upon the man ner in which you may, during the next twelve months, discharge your official duties. A city sprung into existence within your own memory, but already the third in America In populatlo-n, and In commercial Importance ranking among the ten leading cities of the world, will have its growth and progress more or less ad vanced or retarded by your action. Its citizens have, within the past eight years, struggled under difficulties sufficient to paralyze any other people. Those difficulties with them have only called forth unexampled energies. They know not how to despair. To manage the affairs of such a community is worthy of a proud ambition, and should beget in Its representatives a sense of deep and earnest responsibility. Rising from the ashes of two confla grations unequaled in the past, Chicago and her people, bur dened by an enormous debt, were at once confronted by a finan cial revulsion, which has disturbed the social foundations of nations. Labor has struggled for bread, and has often been forced to go without sufficient food. Real estate, the foundation of wealth, which furnishes four-fifths of the city's revenues, has been laid under a heavy load of taxation. Rents being low, and sales practically impossible, land has been unable to meet its obli gations. Taxation locks up money in the hands of the money dealer, where it escapes the eye of the collector, thus forcing le gitimate enterprise to bear an unequal burden. This stifles en ergy, deters Investment, and will, unless checked, dry up the sources of revenue. Chicago expects you to give her relief. She will forgive honest mistakes, but she demands of you worthy and earnest diligence. On me, gentlemen, devolves the duty and responsibility of carrying out your will, and of enforcing the laws. I accept the responsibilities with diffidence, and shall en deavor to perform the duty with an eye single to the good of the public. I have but one policy to declare. That is, to protect the lives, the property and health of the city at all times and In every emergency, and to do It In an honest and economical man ner. I recognize but one science in finance. That is, to collect the revenues and live within them. Debts can be wiped out in but one way, by payment. Surplus can be acquired only by sav ing. Saving can be made only by honest expenditures for wise and legitimate purposes, and by preventing all leakage. The bonded debt of Chicago amounts to about $13,000,000. If you will aid me, gentlemen. In an economical administration of affairs, I believe It will be possible to fund a part of this debt so as to 2 14 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, save from one to two per cent, per annum. The people will cheer fully submit to many temporary inconveniences for so permanent a relief. Life and property in cities are protected by the police. A corrupt police Is a gnawing cancer. The citizen lying down at night should not only be protected, but should feel secure. Apprehension of a fancied danger is as disgusting as that of a real one. I shall endeavor, as far as may be possible in my short term, to make the police department brave, honest and efficient. It will be my aim to have the star worn by none but proper men. "Ours Is a cosmopolitan people, aggregated from many na tionalities within a little more than one generation of man. Each of the several elements has its own Ideas of social and religious life. Its own civilization. They have one bond of union, devotion to republican institutions, and energy in pursuit of fortune. Each should study to accommodate itself as much as possible to the social life and prejudices of each of the others, and of the whole. For any one to attempt to make a Procrustean bed, to which the others should be forced to fit, would be both ungenerous and unwise. Time alone can make them all homogeneous. I can not hope to satisfy all. I shall endeavor, however, to irritate none unnecessarily, but shall try to so execute the laws and ordi nances as to do the greatest good to the greatest number, avoid ing doing an injury to any rightly acting man. A good sanitary condition is indispensable to the prosperity of the city. But sweet scents may not be its necessary concomitant ; nor is the converse necessarily true. Too many are alarmed at an unpleas ant but Innocuous odor, and inhale with pleasure a sweet perfume laden with disease. I shall endeavor to foster healthfulness, and yet not destroy our great commercial Interests. Cleanli ness is Indispensable to health, but the people should remember that Chicago has no money I-n her treasury, is forbidden to borrow, and is forced to live on revenues not collectable for nearly a year. She will perform wonders, but impossibilities must not be expected. The constitution of the land guarantees to all citizens the right to peaceably assemble to petition for re dress of grievances. This carries the right to free discussion. It also guarantees to the people the right to keep and bear arm-s. But it does not give to any one the right to use arms to threaten or to resist lawful authority. The genius of our Institutions rests on law. To it and Its officers, all good citizens should appeal for protection. I will protect all In their lawful rights. Some persons fear an organized resistance to authority in Chicago. I do not. I do not believe that there is in (»ur midst any consid- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. , 215 erable body of men mad enough to attempt such folly. For they must know they would be but as chaff compared to the solid masses who love our institutions, and are determined that law and order shall reign. If, however, there be any so ignorant as to think differently, or so rash as to attempt violence, they will quickly find that they have made a fatal blunder. Our honest citizens and brave police can, and will, protect the city. Gentle men, In sending to you names for confirmation for positions, I shall be guided first and above all by the interests of the city, secondarily by the interest of true Democracy. I have been chosen to fill this chair by a great political party. But its 25,685 voters expect and demand that I be the Mayor of the whole people." During the first year of his administration Mayor Harrison made the following Important appointments, all of which were confirmed : — Francis Adams, Corporation Counsel ; Simon O'Donnell, General Superintendent of Police ; D. J. Swenie, Fire Marshal ; Charles S. Cameron. Prosecuting Attorney ; W. P. Dunne, City Physician ; T. T. Gurney, City Comptroller ; Alexander Kirkland, Superintendent of Buildings ; W. J. Onahan, City Collector ; Charles S. Waller, Commissioner of Public Works ; William Curren, M. A. Delaney, J. C. Richberg, P. O. Stensland and I. N. Stiles, Members of the Board of Education ; R. H. Forrester, Berthold Loewenthal, A. B. Mason, Harry Rubens and D. L. Shorey, Directors of the Public Library ; Luther L. Mills, Inspector of the House of Correction ; Logan D. Wallace, Police Magistrate South Division ; W. J. Clingen, Clerk, Jeremiah Flynn, Bailiff; David Walsh, Police Magistrate West Division, John Blom, Clerk ; William Meyer, Clerk, vice John Blom, resigned; William Whalen, Bailiff; S. D. Baldwin, Gas Inspector; Walter Macdonald, Sealer of Weights and Meas ures; Mathias Franzen, Oil Inspector. May 19 majority and minority reports from the Committee on Licenses In reference to the question of closing saloons on Sunday were received. The majority report opposed any inter ference on the part of the Council with the "personal liberties" of citizens, and instanced the furore created by similar attempts under the Mason and Medill administrations. This report was signed by Aids. Ryan, Niesen, Eizner, and Lodding. The mi nority report, signed by Aid. Cullerton, advised the passage of an ordinance framed to enforce the state law and close all saloons on Sunday. On motion of Aid. Stauber, the latter report was laid on the table and on motion of Aid. Meier the majority re- 2l6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, port was adopted. June 9 Mayor Harrison sent a communication to Fire Marshal Benner calling attention to the fact that the Legislature had pas.sed a law restricting the issue of warrants or scrip to 75 per cent, of the tax levy ; showing how this would re duce the city's revenue and requesting him to reduce the ex penses of his department correspondingly. Mr. Benner main tained that he had no power to force his men to agree to a re duction and that It must be voluntary on their part, and in this view he was sustained by the Corporation Counsel, who In an opinion rendered to the Mayor, declared that unless the firemen voluntarily consented to a reduction in salaries, salaries could only be reduced by discharging the men and employing others in their stead at lower salaries ; and It was shown that the Mayor could not discharge the men, and that they could only be dis charged by the Fire Marshal by and with the concurrence of the First and Second Assistant Marshals. Fire Marshal Benner ac cordingly issued an order to chiefs of battalions directing them to ascertain how many of the men were willing to serve during the succeeding six months of the year at a reduction of 5 per cent, from their salaries as appropriated. Out of the 352 men belonging to the force but three were willing to accept the re duction ; 344 were opposed to It, and five were absent on sick leave. Mayor Harrison took offence at the attitude and action of Chief Benner, and demanded his resignation. Benner replied that he would consider the matter. Mayor Harrison thereupon peremptorily discharged him and appointed D. J. Swenie as chief of the department. Several meetings of citizens were held and protests were entered against the removal of Benner, both by these meetings and also by the Board of Underwriters. July 12 the Council by a vote of 28 to 6 disapproved of the action of the Mayor In removing Benner. At the next meeting of the Coun cil, July 14, Benner's official bond as Fire Marshal, in the penal sum of $25,000, signed by L. Z. Leiter, M. W. Powell, James A. Kirk and Louis Haas, was approved by the Council by a vote of 27 to 4. July 21 Comptroller Gurney made his first report to the Council of the money actually in the treasury May 31, 1879. The statement In brief was as follows : Amount in treasury $836,920.80. Less warrants drawn and payable on demand and not yet presented, $10,532.74. Net bal ance $826,388.06. Amount of warrants drawn against the several approprl- adons for the current fiscalyear during the^nonth of June 1879, $449,473-09. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 217 Warrants of former years redeemed by Treasurer In June, 1879, $118,141.34. Amount of warrants outstanding June 30' 1879, payable on demand, $10,532.74. Payable from taxes of 1878 when collected, $956,384.73. Payable from taxes of 1879, when collected, $445,995.56. Total $1,412,913.03. July 21 the Council granted the Knights Templar permis sion to erect a temporary building on the lake front for the meet ing of the Grand Encampment of the United States, and pitch tents for the use and comfort of Templar guests during the great Triennial Conclave in August, 1880. August 4 the Mayor called the attention of the Council to the fact that the various water pumping engines were Insufficient to supply the city in case of emergency. While the demand was but 68,000,000 gallons per diem and the nominal capacity of the engines 104,500,000 gal lons, if one engine were stopped for repairs, the head was not sufficient to supply high buildings and remote sections of the city, and complaints were frequent. He recommended the pur chase of two new pumping engines and the building of pumping works on the West side. August 25 a special election for Alder man of the First ward to fill the vacancy caused by the reslg- nadon of Aid. M. F. Tuley was called for September 24. The candidates in this election were Dr. Swayne WIckersham, Dem., David J. Lyon, Rep., and George Galde, Ind. The vote was, WIckersham 684, Lyon, 367, Gaide 30. Aid. WIckersham was duly installed September 29. October 27 the Council accepted an invitation to attend the reception to Gen. U. S. Grant, upon his return from his tour around the world. This reception oc curred In November and took the form of a popular demonstra tion. It was the greatest ovation ever paid any Am^erlcan citi zen and was entered Into by the people of all classes, without reference to political affiliations. The festivities extended over several days and included a grand procession, representing the military, civic societies and the trades ; a banquet at the Palmer house, at which speeches were made by many famous orators, and a re-union of the Army of the Potomac. Not less than 150,- 000 strangers visited the city and the monster procession wended its way through a throng of not less than half a million people, who waited patiently along the line of march from noon until 5 o'clock in the evening, the procession occupying nearly five hours in passing a given point. September 15 Mayor Harrison sent to the Council a veto of an ordinance passed September 8, granting the Chicago and 2 1 8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Western Indiana Railroad the right of way on Stewart Avenue, over which a celebrated contest and resort by the property- owners to force to protect their rights, arose. After referring to the rights conferred, the message continued : "This company may, therefore, at first acquire only the west tier of lots, or the west twenty- five feet. This would be suffici ent for a double-track road. The owners of the remaining three tiers of lots, for over one mile, would be left between the upper and nether millstone, and would be forced to sell their lots at such prices as the company would choose to offer, or to seek redress through tedious and expensive litigation. These owners are generally poor people, and illy able to bear the expense and de lay necessarily attending lawsuits. The ordinance should have made it a condition precedent that the company should acquire the entire one hundred feet. * * * The corporators of this road are few, and I am informed, have no great available responsibility, and are but the straw representatives of far more powerful persons, who will reap the rich harvest this ordinance will offer, and yet escape the responsibilities and liabilities it will entail. The road and its present and prospective property are burdened by a mortgage fully covering its value. When It pushes to Van Buren street, and has damaged a thousand property owners to a million of dollars, where will they look for redress ? They will vainly appeal to a soulless corporation ; they will sue, and after heartsickness and expense, they will obtain judgment, and find executions worthless. There will be but one consolation left, and that we will hear ; that only consolation will be In curses — loud, deep, and long — upon the city government which handed them over bound hand and foot to the tender mercies of their destroyers." The great damage that would result to property interests was dwelt upon and the evils of stoppage of traffic and resultant expense and loss of time to citizens were enumerated, and the history of various other railroads entering the city was gone into, and it was recommended that measures be taken to require all roads to concentrate their tracks and enter at Union depots. The Council, notwithstanding this able and public-spirited mes sage, passed the obnoxious ordinance over the Mayor's veto. December 8 Mayor Harrison sent to the Council a communi cation setting forth the difficulties encountered by the police in enforcing the 12 o'clock, midnight, saloon-closing ordinance, and recommending in the Interest of upward of 3,000 working men employed at night in the business district fliat saloons be allowed. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 219 upon payment of $104, in addition to the regular license fee, to remain open all night. A communication was also sent In by the Mayor embodying official records of the police department and conclusively proving that there had been no Increase in crime and lawlessness, as had been charged by certain newspapers. December 15 the Mayor called attention to the "smoke nuisance" and recommended the passage of an ordinance for Its abatement. December 22 the Council extended the freedom of the city to Charles Stewart Parnell and John Dillon, in the following reso lution : Resolved, That the Mayor be, and is hereby authorized to extend the hospitalities and freedom of the city of Chicago to the representatives of the oppressed people of Ireland, Messrs. Parnell and Dillon, now en route to this country. February 9, 1880, the Council accepted an invitation from ths Irish Land Reform and Relief Association to attend the public demonstration and reception to Mr. Parnell and his asso ciates, Monday, February 23. January 19 the Mayor appointed Aldermen WIckersham, McNally, Swift, Meier and McAuley a special committee to arrange for the reception of Parnell and Dillon. The Mayor at the head of this committee, with other city and county officials and representatives of various orders and societies, went to Kensington and received Messrs. Parnell and Dillon, and escorted them to the city, where In the evening there was an immense demonstration, and the Irish orators ad dressed a great concourse of people at the Exposition building. January 30 the Council met In special session to take action concerning the death of the Hon. S. S. Hayes, ex-City Comp troller under Mayor Colvin. In calling the Council to order the Mayor said : "You have been convened because of the death of one of Chicago's oldest and most energetic citizens — the Hon. S. S. Hayes — who died suddenly Wednesday night, with only half an hour's premonition. He had been sick, but thought himself neariy well. He has been taken from our midst, and It was deemed proper that you should be called together in order that you might express sympathy for the family ; called together be cause In the history of Chicago few men have held more respon sible positions than Mr. Hayes, or have been to a larger extent Identified with the growth and prosperity of this great city of the West." A Committee on Resoludons, composed of Aldermen Wick- ersham. Swift and Stauber, presented the following, which were adopted : 220 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Whereas, This Council has been officially informed of the death of our fellow citizen, the Hon. S. S. Hayes ; therefore, Resolved, That we have received with deep sorrow the an nouncement of the death of one who has been for nearly thirty years an honored citizen. Resolved, That our city has occasion to mourn the loss of one long identified with its government in different official posi tions, one whose rigid honesty and strict integrity was never questioned, and one whose conduct, in official and private life, was such as to endear him to all with whom he came in contact ; active in all public affairs, again and again called upon to fill po sitions of great responsibility ; an energetic, enthusiastic man, he devoted the best portion of his life to the advancement of the interests of Chicago. Resolved, That we extend our heartfelt sympathy to the be reaved family in this their hour of deep affliction. Resolved, That this Council, as a mark of respect to the memory of S. S. Hayes, attend his funeral In a body, and that the Mayor be requested to close the various departments of the City Government on the day of the funeral. Resolved, That these resolutions be placed upon the records of the Council, and a copy be sent to the family of the deceased. Aldermen Rawleigh, Peevey and Meyer were appointed a committee to make arrangements for the Council to attend the funeral in a body. March 29 Mayor Harrison vetoed items in the first appro priation bill coming under his hands, amounting to nearly $400,000, and In reference to practices of economy had the fol lowing to say : _ "Permit me most respectfully to say that not one cent of savings of past years should be spent for ordinary expenses of the current year. It would have been more prudent to have found out exactly what the levy would be, and then resolutely to so restrict ordinary expenses as to bring them within the limita tion. A city such as Chicago is constandy liable to unforeseen demands upon its treasury. Savings should be sacredly held to meet such demands, or for wiping out the debt. A demand is now and has been pressing upon us In the nature of an emergency. 1 refer to the floating debt, which can be wiped out only from savings, and can be met only by issuing scrip. This scrip is a badge of disgrace, and entails a loss upon the corporation or Its employes, variously estimated at $150,000 and upward. In past years it has perhaps reached $2oo,»oo to $300,000 per CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 221 annum. Denied the right to pay cash, the city is often forced to negotiate with only a few, who set such prices upon their wares as they wish. The open market is closed to Chicao-o. As an illustration of the effect of this I need only refer to coal purchased last year for the Water Department which cost $3,623/^ per ton, while other coals, to be paid for In scrip cost $4.50 per ton. The real difference between cash and scrip did not exceed 4 per cent, but cash dealers refused to bid. This scrip blot will and must rest upon us as long as you force expenditures of sav ings. High salaries of minor offices and employments is the bane of American politics ; the city pays at least 50 per cent. more for all ordinary capacity than the same could earn In pri vate business. The result is that thousands dance attendance around the public crib and demoralize the primaries. The great mass has to eat the bread of disappointment. The longer the waiting the more necessary the ultimate fruition, and conse quently the more urgent the pressure and the more unscrupu lous the means used to reach success. The pay is too little for brain, and too much for muscle. The best brain seeks pri vate fields for employment, where the reward is measured by the talent furnished. The state or the municipality gets meager ability, or If by chance it obtains real worth It keeps It only so long as love of honor or ambition may be gratified, and loses It when experience has been added to native capacity." The ordinance covering the appropriation bill for the fiscal year as finally passed by the Council authorized a tax levy of $3,899,126.98. The spring Aldermanic election of 1880 was held Tuesday, April 6, resulting as follows : First Ward, Swayne WIckersham, Dem., 992 ; F. W. Warren, Rep., 698 ; Wm. Clemens, Ind., 12 ; Second Ward, P. Sanders, Dem., 1,074 ; H. S. Billings, Rep., 961 ; George Schilling, Socialist, 41; Third Ward, D. L. Shorey, Rep., 941 ; Robert Law, Dem., 367 ; Fourth Ward, W. W. Wat- kins, Rep., 1,140 ; H. E. Mallory, Dem., 910 ; A. F. West, Ind., 662 ; R. Munster, 14 ; Fifth Ward, Edward P. Burke, Dem., 1,664; George Turner, Rep., 1,098; Thomas Ryan, Ind., 643; Sixth Ward, E. F. Cullerton, Dem., 967 ; M. Baumbrucker, Ind., 896; Wm. Curran, Ind., 766; Seventh Ward, James H. Hll dreth, Dem., 1,209 ; Jos. Duffy, Ind., 735 ; F. Blelfeldt, Socialist, 331 ; James H. Gill, Ind., 163; Eighth Ward, Frank Lawler, Dem., 1,598; P. Rafferty, Ind., 450; M. Conway, Ind., 386; A. L. Amberg, Rep., 358; George Krick, Socialist, 79; Ninth Ward, John M. Smyth, Rep., 1,074 i Jas. Pratt, 21 ; W. Turrell, 222 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 1 6 ; Tenth Ward, H. Schroeder, Dem., 444 ; J- H. Cruver, Rep., 426 ; D. Nelson, 368 ; R. Beck, loi ; H. Ackhoff, 67 ; Eleventh Ward, Thomas N. Bond, Rep., 1,206 ; P. Ryan, Dem., 78 ; A. M. Glasgow, 12 ; Twelfth Ward, Alvln Hulbert, Rep., 1,421; R. P. Williams, 1,189; Thirteenth Ward, O. M. Brady, Rep., 941 ; JohnE. Dalton, Dem., 877; C. G. Dixon, Socialist, no; Four teenth Ward, Frank A. Stauber, Socialist, 1,410; J. J. McGrath, Rep., 1,379; Fifteenth Ward, W. S. Young, Rep., 860; D. Long, Dem., 796; John R. Soiler, Socialist, 567; Sixteenth ward, Anton Imhoff, Dem., 1,046; Henry Stahl, Rep., 801 ; Seventeenth ward, John Murphy, Dem., 1,039; P. TIerney, Rep., 896 ; A. Gould, 73 ; Eighteenth ward, A. H. Burley, Rep., 1,309; J. E. Geohegan, Dem., 1,291. In this Aldermanic elecdon the vote as canvassed of the Fourteenth Ward gave J. J. McGrath, Rep., 1,379 ; Frank A. Stauber, Socialist, 1,410. The Seventh precinct, was not counted because of erasures by the judges. No result was declared by the Council and a con test ensued, Stauber presenting the affidavits of 116 voters in the Seventh precinct affirming that they voted for him. McGrath held the seat for a time, but Stauber was finally seated. The case was a celebrated one, Stauber securing legal victories over McGrath in both the Circuit and Appellate Courts, and McGrath then appealed to the Supreme Court. March 7, 1881, when the roll was called In the Council on various matters, Stauber, who was present by advice of counsel, when the Fourteenth ward was reached each time, invariably demanded to have his name called by the clerk In place of that of McGrath. Great disorder ensued. Stauber was backed up by the other Socialist Alder men and a delegation of sympathizers in the lobby, and Mc Grath by his friends. At one time a free fight was narrowly averted, and the Socialist Aldermen In high dudgeon withdrew from the Council chamber in a body. After they retired Stau ber's name was on motion stricken from the rolls. March 9 an opinion was rendered by Corporation Counsel Adams to the effect that after the judgment of ouster against McGrath In the Circuit Court and the refusal of the Appellate Court to grant him a supercedeas. It was Stauber's due that the Council take some action toward according him his rights. The Coun cil thereupon adopted a resolution rescinding one of July 26, 1880, which seated McGrath, and declaring Frank A. Stauber the duly elected Alderman from the Fourteenth ward. Among the more Important appointments made by Mayor Harrison in 1880, were those of William J*McGarigle as.Gener- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 223 al Superintendent of Police ; Jas. L. Allen, Bernard Callaghan, L. W. Kadlec, and John B. Walker, Directors of the Public Li brary ; J. C. Burrows, M. J. Dunne, Philip A. Hoyne, E. G. Keith, F. A. E. Maas and Conrad Nelhoff, members of the Board of Education ; Enos Ayres, Mark Kimball and John G. Shortall, Appraisers of School Lands; O. P. Ingersoll, Magis trate ; Charles B. Hefter, Bailiff, and Redmond Sheridan, Clerk of the Southwest Division Police Court ; M. A. La Buy, Clerk of the West Division Police Court; H. T. Howe, Butter and Cheese Inspector; Patrick H. TIerney, Boiler Inspector. The newly elected members of the Council took their seats May 10. Aid. Ballard presented resolutions declaring James H. Hlldreth ineligible, which, on motion of Aid. Peevey, were laid on the ta ble by a vote of 21 to 9. Mayor Harrison submitted a message reviewing the operations of the various departments. Reference was made to the fact that the city had reached a stage where the issuance of scrip was unnecessary, and that its credit was re stored, and on a substantial footing. A financial exhibit prepared by Comptroller Gurney, and incorporated in the message, showed $781,000 of the bonded debt, and $462,070 of Interest on bonds to be due July i, 1880; back taxes collected during 1879, $5,052,414; taxes due and uncollected, most of which was sup posed to be ultimately collectable, $4,322,098. The exhibit showed that the amount due from David A. Gage, and still in cluded in the assets, was $456,545 ; due from Duncan, Sherman & Company, $35,542 ; amount of George Von Hollen defalca tion, $134,085. Cash balance December 31, 1879, $1,951,386. Ex penditures during 1879, °" account of old certificates of indebt edness, $249,000 ; interest on same, $26,643. Amount of funds of 1879 expended on appropriations to March 31, 1880, $2,247,- 970. A considerable portion of the message was devoted to the subject of street pavements, and the employment of macadam was recommended, and also the passage of an ordinance requir-, ing trucks, drays, and carts to have wide wheel tires. The good management and serviceable condition of the Police and Fire De partments were referred to In high terms of praise. The Public Library was stated to be In a prosperous and excellent condition, but in pressing need of a safer, more commodious and accessible building. A considerable saving In the consumption of gas was noted ; the sanitary operations of the Health Department were shown to have been carried out at a total expense for the year of $53,470.37, the death rate being in the rado of 17.23 to each 1,000 of population. Three new school buildings with a capacity 224 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, for 2,640 pupils, had been opened ; two more would be opened May 3, and two September i, 1880 ; the number of teachers em ployed was 895 ; number of pupils enrolled nearly 57,000; In crease for the year, 3,446. The House of Correction expendi tures had been $32,695.92; earnings over general expenses, $199.32. The Fullerton Avenue conduit had been completed about the beginning of the year, and had performed the purpose for which It was constructed— the cleaning out of the North Branch. Complaints had been made that the impurities were drawn Into the lake crib and distributed throughout the city to consumers of water, but the Mayor was satisfied that the impuri ties came from the sewage emptying* into the main and South Branches of the river, and not from the North Branch. The year 1880 was full of political Interest for Chicago, as for the rest of the country. This city had come to be recog nized as a great political center — the "City of Conventions." The unequaled hall, hotel, railroad and telegraph facilities offered by Chicago, made this city the choice of a majority of the members of the Republican National Committee as the place for holding the Seventh National Convention of the Republican party — the greatest ever held by the party with the possible exception of the historical Convention which nominated the immortal Lincoln, which was held In Chicago twenty-four years previously. The efforts to secure this Convention for Chicago were Inaugurated in the main by James P. Root, member of the National Com mittee for Illinois, and John B. Jeffery. The interest and Influ ence of other prominent citizens were erilisted ; a large delega tion was sent to Washington to present the claims and attrac tions of Chicago to the National Committee, which met In that city December 1 7, 1879. Members of the National Committee rep resenting the Western and Southwestern states, were invited to , stop over In Chicago, when on their way to Washington, that they might look over the ground and see for themselves the su periority of the Garden City over other cities as the place for holding the Convention. A special palace car conveyed the lo cal delegation and their guests to the national capital. The lo cal delegation consisted of Messrs. James P. Root, Chairman ; Jno. B. Jeffery, Secretary and Treasurer; C. B. Farwell, Daniel Shepherd, W. K. Sullivan and C. A. Snowdon. Among the members of the National Committee : Hon. Elihu Enos, of Wisconsin ; P. B. S. Pinchbeck, of Louisiana ; John A. Martin, of Kansas ; J. Y. Stone, of Iowa ; Joseph N. Carey, of Wyom ing ; Wm. Rule, of Tennessee ; Gen. L. W. Heath, of Michi- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 225 gan ; Gen. John T. Averill, of Minnesota ; G. M. Buchanan, of Mississippi; Newton Edmunds, of Dakota; E. W. Keyes and Gen. Hazelton, of Wisconsin, and others. At Washington, the headquarters of the Chicago delegation were established at the Ariington House, where handsome parlors and suites of rooms, worthy of Chicago and Its distinguished guests, had previously been engaged. The local delegation was ably assisted, while In Washington, by Senator John A. Logan, and Congressmen Will iam Aldrich, George R. Davis, Hiram Barber, and other mem bers of the Congressional delegation from Illinois. The Con vention was secured for Chicago ; an Executive and Finance Committee and sub-committees of well-known citizens were formed, and the magnificent Convention hall, within the Exposi tion building, capable of seating 15,000 people, was completed, at a large outlay of time and money. The Executive Committee was composed as follows : Jesse Spalding, Chairman; John B. Jeffery, Secretary; William H. Bradley, Treasurer; Lyman J. Gage, Chairman of the Committee on Finance ; Gen. Wm. E. Strong, Chairman of the Committee on Lumber; William E. Johnson, Chairman of the Committee on Hardware ; Gen. John L. Beveridge, Chairman of the Committee on Transportation ; Gen. Anson Stager, Chairman of the Committee on Telegraphy; William Henry Smith, Chairman of the Press Committee ; A. N. Eddy, Chairman of the Committee on Hotel Accommodations and Music ; George M. Bogue, Chairman of the Committee on Selection uf Employes; James P. Root, Chairman of the Com mittee on Printing, Decorations and Hall. May 26, 1880, seven days prior to the meeting of the Convention, the Convention Chamber was turned over to a sub-Committee of the National Committee, and upon the assembling of the Convention Gen. Wm. E. Strong was unanimously elected Sergeant-at-Arms. This Convention Is worthy of mention at length for the reason that It v/as the great Convention of the Republican party, and fairly Inaugurated the era of conventions in Chicago. The ef forts of the supporters of James G. Blaine to nominate that great leader and to defeat the movement of the Grant men, in favor of the "Old Commander;" the gallant stand of the "306" ; the "Third Term" cry; the fact that Elihu Washburne was made an unwilling candidate In Cook county against Grant, and that the bitterest fight in the Convention was caused by party differ ences In Illinois — all contribute to make It of the greatest local Importance. It is maintained by many politicians that the de feat of Blaine and the downfall of the Republican party four 15 226 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, years later, can be traced to the differences growing out of this Convention, and that Grant would have been nominated had there been no contest in Cook county. The Convention was opened at 12 o'clock noon of Wednesday, June 2, 1880, by J. Donald Cameron, Chairman of the Republican National Com mittee. During the first day's proceedings Gen. John A. Logan introduced the following resolution : Resolved, That the committee on the distribution of tickets is hereby instructed to furnish each day to the chairman of the Veteran Soldiers' Association, five hundred tickets of admission for distribution among the veteran Union soldiers. Gen. Logan: — I desire to say one word, sir, in reference to that resolution. The veterans have had a meeting In the City of Chicago, and are here, and have expected that at least they would be treated as they have been in former national con ventions. In 1868, in the city of Chicago, I was Chairman of the Veteran Association, and marched into the National con vention at the head of these veterans, and that by the invitation of the National Republican convention. Application was made to the National Committee for their admission to this Republi can convention, and I am told, however, not being a member of that committee, I cannot vouch for the truth of the statement, that it was voted down In that committee. If that be true, I ask this convention to do for them that justice which has been done by every other convention where the application has been made. On looking around and observing seats unoccupied all day to day, I ask, What Republican will say that the veteran soldiers, many of them wearing wooden legs — the men that saved your nation — should not be furnished with tickets of admission to this convention? It is not for that that I ask their admission ; but It Is that these men, who in time of trial went forth and saved their country, and nine-tenths of whom are Republicans, should not be denied their rights. Mr. Chairman, I do not wish to complain, nor do I complain of the National Committee, but sir, this morning when I entered this convention, although a delegate- at-large from Illinois, I had to enter it without a ticket of admis sion as a delegate, excepting a provisional ticket given me by a man appointed by that committee. I went to every member of that committee whom I could find, and they finally said that they gave no such Instructions. No man questioning my right to a seat in this hall, I was not permitted to enter this hall with a delegate's ticket. I entered with a ticket signed by James P. Root.- Now, sir, I do not say this by way*of complaint — I am CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 227 here ; but I want to see admitted these men that have asked this committee to be permitted to look upon the convention. They do not desire to come here to cheer for any man, but ask merely that they may be permitted, as men who have served their coun try faithfully, to look upon this convention that nominates the candidates for whom they are asked to vote. The resolution was seconded by Gen. Kilpatrick, of New Jersey, and was adopted. In regard to the status of the contest between Illinois delegations there were majority and minority reports of the Committee on Credentials. The majority report was as follows : Fourth — Illinois. The committee recommend the admis sion of the following delegates and alternates within the state of Illinois In the place of sitting members : — First Congressional district — William J. Campbell, Elbridge G. Keith. Alternates, Arthur Dixon, Louis Hutt ; Third Congressional district — Washington Hesing, Elliott Anthony. Alternates, George Struckman, John A. Mason ; Fourth Congressional district — C. W. Marsh, Lot B. Smith. Alternates, D. M. Marsh, A. C. Fassett ; Fifth Congressional district — Robert E. Logan, W. H. Holcomb. Alternates, J. H. Mosler, J. S. Kosier; Sixth Congressional district — James K. Edsall, John P. Hand. Alternates, L. J. Hume, William Jackson ; Ninth Congressional district — John A. Gray, W. Seldon Gale. Alternates, C. Ballance, John Lackey ; Tenth Congressional dis trict — Henry Tubbs, John Fletcher. Alternates, William Ven- able, J. P. Graham ; Thirteenth Congressional district — F. Low, E. D. Blenn. Alternates, R. D. Smith, W. E. Gapen ; Seven teenth Congressional district — William E. Kueffner, E. Guelich. Alternates, H. M. Kimball, C. W. Thomas. The committee find that a state convention was held at Springfield, Illinois, on the lothday of May, to elect delegates to the National convention. During the convention the delegates from each of the foregoing Congressional districts assembled and organized district conventions, and elected two delegates and two alternates to the Chicago convention, by a clear majority of all the delegates elected to the state convention, in each of said districts, as is shown by the credentials accompanying this report. The state convention, by means of a committee of one from each Congressional district, selected, and afterward assumed to elect, forty-two delegates to the National convention, including the sitting members from the foregoing districts, the delegates from each of which filed In the state convendon, protests against said elections by the state convention. 228 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Fifth — The Committee report against the validity of the contest In the Second district of Illinois, of the seats of sitdng members, A. M. Wright and R. S. Tuthlll. Sixth — The Committee report against the objections to the seats of the four delegates-at-large from Illinois. minority report. With reference to the state of Illinois, the minority respect fully submit to this convention, and through the convention to the country, the following conclusions : "It was understood, when notice was given of this contest in the Convention, that the contest related merely to delegates in the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, Tenth, Thirteenth and Seventeenth Congressional districts ; but upon the assembling of the Committee a memorial was presented to it, very general in Its character, signed by the contesting dele gates and their alternates, challenging the rightfulness of the entire delegation, and to this general memorial. In which this general challenge is embodied, we first address ourselves. The leading feature of that memorial maybe stated to be a very vehe ment and sweeping denunciation Of the State convention for the state of Illinois, held at Springfield on the 19th day of May; sweeping and vehement charges of unfairness on the part of its presiding officers ; sweeping and vehement assertions of a con spiracy formed prior to the convention, to perpetrate, through the action of the convention, a fraud upon the Republican electors of the state of Illinois. "Of these charges so positively made, not one syllable of proof has been adduced before the committee. We cannot re gard the unsupported declarations of these contesting delegates as furnishing even the slightest proof satisfactory to us, or to the convention, or to the country, of the truth of the charges which they make. * '* * Not a syllable of evidence was adduced, and an examination of the record of the proceedings of that con vention, so far from furnishing any evidence on which to base these charges. In our judgment completely and decisively refutes them. " It is asserted In the memorial to which we have referred that an agreement was entered Into on Sunday, the 9th day of May, to 'bolt' the county convention held in Cook county. No evidence of any such agreement has been furnished to us, nor to the committee, although during the session of the committee a call was made by the representatives of the seated delegates for the production of such evidence, if any exisfed. The memorial CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 229 neglects to state what clearly and conclusively appears to be the fact, that not only was there no ' bolt ' premeditated, but that there was none in point of fact. We deem it unnecessary to enter Into the details of either the Cook county convention or of the primary election which preceded the meeting of that conven don. * * * It appears that the Republican State Commit tee of the state of Illinois, in 1876, adopted for Cook county the plan of having Its delegates vote in said convention, not as a county, but by Senatorial districts. Within the territorial boun daries of Cook county there are seven Senatorial districts from the First to the Seventh, both Included. In State convention these Senatorial districts vote as such, and the county, as a county. Is not known. Notwithstanding the gross frauds prac ticed at the primaries at those elections, the delegates known as the Grant delegates carried three Senatorial districts, the First, Third and Fourth; and had a positive and decided majority in the Second. This entitled them to thirty-six delegates to the State con vention, that being the number of delegates to which those Sena torial districts were entitled to vote. These primaries were held on Saturday, the 8th of May, and it appears in the Issue of the daily papers on Sunday, the Chicago Tribune among the number, the right of these thirty-six delegates was not even ques tioned, but during that day a scheme was concocted In violation of all the precedents and traditions of the party in Cook county, to smother these Senatorial districts, to deny them the right to select their own delegates, and to send a solid ' anti-Grant ' del egation to Springfield, notwithstanding the fact that when the call for Cook county was reached, these Senatorial districts were Independently called. This corrupt and dishonest scheme was proclaimed by the public press in the city of Chicago on Monday morning, and a full history of the conference which led to it given in the Chicago Tribune. Mr. Horace M. Singer, whose Integ rity seems to be unquestioned, a steadfast and life-long Republi can, is chairman of the Cook County Central Committee, and as such chairman It devolved upon him to call the convention to order. With the utmost fairness this he proceeded to do, after having consulted with various gentlemen, representing all Inter ests, as to the policy he should adopt. He decided to himself as presiding officer, in effecting a temporary organization, to place In nomination Mr. George Struckman, a well-known citizen and a prominent ' Washburne ' delegate. Calling the convention to order, he proceeded to nominate Mr. Struckman. He was at once Interrupted, was unable to be heard ; a scene of great con- 230 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, fusion ensued. Some one in the body of the hall proceeded to make another nomination, which was declared carried. Mr. Singer was violently hustled from his position, but returned, and beseech ing order, announcing, as he himself, and as the Chicago Tribune, in its detailed report of the proceedings of this convention states, his desire only to submit the name of Mr. Struckman to the con vention for its action ; but utterly unable to secure order, and as Mr. Singer declares, the proceedings being so riotous and tumult uous that no business could be conducted, declared the conven tion adjourned to meet at the Palmer house club rooms. The fact that Mr. Singer declared this convention adjourned is stud iously and steadily ignored by the contestants and their repre sentatives, but the fact exists nevertheless, and upon this point we submit the statement made by Mr. Singer himself. It Is absurd to call these proceedings thus far the result of any premeditation ; there was no conspiracy whatever, except the conspiracy which the Chicago Tribune promulgated to stifle the voice of three Senatorial districts In that convention, and to deprive them of their right to the selection of delegates to the State convention. At the close of the description of this conspiracy thus to stifle the voice of three Senatorial districts, the Chicago Tribune in its article already referred to, says : ' In the appointment of this committee, the business of the morning was ended, so far as pre liminaries were concerned, and the delegates marched through the pouring rain to Farwell hall, where the scalping was expected to commence at 10 o'clock sharp.' This is all the conspiracy, and the only conspiracy, of the existence of which any proof was offered to this committee. Upon the adjournment of the con vention by Mr. Singer, a large body of delegates repaired, pur suant to the adjournment, to the club rooms of the Palmer house, where they were called to order by Mr. Singer, and an organization was effected. Ninety-two delegates were selected by Senatorial districts, and upon the assembling of the State convention appeared there, contesting the right of the so-called ' Farwell hall ' delegation. The fragment left of the ' Farwell hair convention proceeded to its work, threw out the regularly elected delegates from the Twelfth ward, thus securing a major ity of the Second Congressional district; seated the fraudulently elected delegates of the First ward, thus securing another Con gressional district ; selected their ninety-two delegates to Spring field, and it is proper to remark, selected their delegates by Sen atorial districts, the result being that the delegates from the First, Third and Fourth Senatorial districts were«elected by the delel CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 23 1 gates from the other Senatorial districts, thus recognizing the call of the State convention, and thus recognizing clearly and emphat ically the right of each Senatorial district to elect Its own delegates. Appearing before the State convention, the State Central Commit tee, recognizing the contest, gave to both delegations the privi lege of seats In the gallery of the convention hall. A Committee on Credentials was selected, composed of one from each Con gressional district, to which committee the whole question was submitted, and three reports were made, one recommending the seating of fifty-six of the ' Farwell hall ' delegates, and thirty-six of the ' Palmer house' delegation ; another recommendino- the seating of the entire ' Palmer house' delegation, upon which no action was taken by the convention; and a third recommending the seating of the entire 'Farwell hall' delegation. There certainly was no effort to stifle discussion on this contest before the Committee on Credentials In the State convention. That committee had the question under consideration for nearly a day and a half before submitting these reports. Upon the presentation of these re ports to the State convention time was allotted to each side there represented to present its case through its own chosen represent atives, and both sides were fully and thoroughly heard. First, upon the report recommending the seating of the entire Farwell hall delegation, which was rejected by a majority of eighty, which has been erroneously stated to be a majority of only thirty-eight. The question then came up on the report recommending the ad mission of fifty-six of the Farwell hall delegation, and thirty-six of the Palmer house delegation, which was adopted by the con vention by a majority of eighty ; whereupon the admitted dele gates Immediately took their seats in the convention, and par ticipated in all the subsequent proceedings. A permanent or ganization being effected, a resolution was offered that the dele gates to the National convention be selected by a committee of one from each Congressional district, to be appointed by the chair. This motion led to long and animated discussions, con suming many hours, and was finally adopted by a positive major ity. The chair named a committee, and that committee recom mended as delegates to the National convention the re-seated delegates, selecting two from each Congressional district pur suant to the call of the National Committee, and four delegates from the state at large. Upon the motion to adopt the report of that committee discussion was had, and the report was adopted by a decisive and positive majority. All the delegates thus selected, and whose selection was thus reviewed and in- 232 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, dorsed by the action of the State convention, appear before this convention with their credentials regularly signed by the Presi dent and Secretary of the State convention. The names of no other delegates were submitted to that convention for Its action, and we can only know that other delegates were selected in any other form by the statements which have been made before the- committee, for It Is conceded upon all hands that, whatever other selections of delegates may have been made, such selections were never presented to the convention for Its action, and no re port of such selections was ever made, or evidence furnished to the State-convention, save such as may be embodied In the pro tests filed by these various Congressional districts as the conven tion was about closing its deliberations." Then followed a copy of the call for the State Convention with comments thereon, and citations of many precedents In the history of party usage in Illinois, the report concluding : — We cannot recognke the action of the minority, even when it is tak en separately and in detail, and we are confident In the belief that this Convention can take no step more certain to lead to the most disastrous results in the future than the denial to the Re publican electors of the state of Illinois of the right of a majori ty of those electors to express In this Convention their will, and in their fashion, and through their selected agents. Thus confi dently believing, we respectfully submit to this Convention, and through the Convention to the country, that the regularly elect ed and now seated delegates, should retain their seats in this body. All of which is respectfully submitted. The question occurred upon the division of the report, and was debated as to all -the states presenting contests. Gen. Greene B. Raum, Elliott Anthony, and Emory A. Storrs were heard upon the question of the adoption of the majority report relating to Illinois. Gen. Raum, of Illinois. — Mr. President : I rise on behalf of the sitting delegates, whose seats the majority report. If adopt ed, will vacate, and confer upon other gentlemen. My disting uished friend who has taken his seat, has been vehement in pre senting what he understands to be the traditions and laws of the Republican party In the state of Illinois, in respect to the selec tion of delegates to the National convention of the United States. I say to you, Mr. President, and to the honorable gen tlemen of this Convention, that the sitting delegates from the state of Illinois are willing to rest their rights upon the law of this case, and upcm the precedents which have been established CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 233 by long usage of the party in the state of Illinois. We are here, Sir, asking for justice. We ask for nothing more. We expect that gentlemen, when they come to vote upon this great ques tion, will not be biased by the interests of their respective candi dates, but treat this question in a dispassionate, fair-minded and just manner. It has been well said by various gentlemen who have addressed this Convention, that there Is not to-day, and never has been, a uniform rule in all the states in respect to the selection of delegates In the National convention. Whenever a uniform rule shall be adopted by the authoritative declarations of the Republicans of the United States, the Republicans of Illinois will cheerfully acquiesce in that rule ; but I say to you, Mr. President, as Is said In this minority report, that we do not wish to be subjected to an expos t facto rule — a rule adopted after the facts. We want this case tried by the law as it exists to day, that law having been established by the usages of the Re publican party since 1856. I say to the distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conger) that he is In error in regard to his facts. I say to him that there is an unbroken line of prece dents in the state of Illinois, to the effect that the state conven tions from time Immemorial have selected the delegates, in structed the delegates, and sent them to the Republican National conventions of this country. Why, Mr. President, the usage of both of the parties in the state of Illinois, has been the same for the last forty years, and to my individual knowledge — for. Sir, I was born and raised In this great state, and to my certain knowledge since 1852, no convention — Whig, Democratic, or Republican — sending delegates to the National conventions In this country, have acted otherwise than through a state conven don. I assert it as a fact that cannot be controverted, that there never was a district convention held In the state of Illinois to select a delegate to a National convention. "Gentlemen may say that the committee of a State convention, going out under the instructions of that convention to perform certain duties, are Congressional conventions. I deny the state ment in toto. What constitutes a convention? What are the preliminary steps which lead to the organization of a convention? Did you ever hear of a convention meeting in the state of Illi nois unless there was a call Issued for that convention ? Think, if you please, of a convention meeting, electing. Instructing those delegates, and sending them to a national convention, unless there was a call for that convention. Mr. President, the call under which the sitting delegates were selected was a call for a 234 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, State convendon. The Republicans In the various coundes of the state of Illinois were requested to send delegates to a state convention, for the purpose of nominating state officers, for the purpose of sending delegates to the National convention, for the purpose of selecting electors, and creating a State Republican Central Committee. This has been the practice In the state of Illinois since the organization of the Republican party. In i860, when Lincoln, of sainted memory, was presented by the Repub licans of Illinois for the suffrages of the people of this country, the delegates were selected by a state convention, and I had the following resolution adopted : — 'Resolved, That Abraham Lin coln is the choice of the Republican party of Illinois for the Presidency, and the delegates from this state are instructed to use all honorable means to secure his nomination by the Chicago convention, and vote as a unit for him. And the said delegates shall have power to fill all the vacancies.' Mr. President, we have recognized Abraham Lincoln as a man possessed of some little political sense and experience. There Is the resolution, under which the Republican delegates sent to the National con vention, acted when Abraham Lincoln was nominated in i860. In 1864 the delegates were selected In the same way, by a state convention, and a similar resolution was passed, instructing the delegates to that convention to vote for Abraham Lincoln as a unit. In 1868, when the Republican convention of this state met at Peoria, I happened to be a delegate to that convention. I was on the Committee on Resolutions, and I assisted In the preparations of the letter of instructions to those delegates. Those delegates were selected by the State convention. They took their instructions from the State convention, and went to the National convention, and assisted in the nomination of Ulysses S. Grant. And how were those delegates selected? They were not selected otherwise than by a committee ; a com mittee selected under the orders of the convention composed of one delegate from each Congressional district in the state ; they retired ; they considered of the subject intrusted to their care, and they reported the necessary delegates, and their report was received by the convention, and was adopted. How was- it In 1872 ? I state these facts, Mr. President, from actual knowledge, because I was a delegate at these conventions. In 1872 Ulysses S. Grant was again presented by Illinois to the suffrages of the people of this country. I had the honor of penning the letter of instructions to the delegates to use all honorable means and vote as a unit for Ulysses S. Grant. How wiere the delegates se- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 235 lected? They were selected In 1872 by a committee. That committee was raised under the orders of the convention — one member from each Congressional district. They reported the names of the delegates ; that report was received by the con vention, and it was ratified, and those delegates performed the dutieswith which they were Intrusted. * * * Why, Mr. Presi dent, the fact that the Republicans of Illinois have always and everywhere claimed the right to instruct their delegates is con clusive evidence that they also claim the right of selecting dele gates that would obey their Instructions. What was the Issue in the Springfield convention ? When we went down to Spring field, we found a minority in that convention who were threaten ing up and down the streets of that city, and through the corri dors of the hotels, that unless we conducted the affairs of that con vention according to their will and pleasure, they would bolt the convention. There was an Issue. The majority of that con vention was In favor of selecting delegates to support Ulysses S. Grant, and the minority of that convention told us In the con vention itself. In the course of debate, that they would not obey the Instructions that that convention might give them, to vote for Ulysses S. Grant. "When Abraham Lincoln sitting at the capitol of the state of Illinois, had his friends to Instruct the delegates to vote .for him as a unit ; when, at the second term, the same course was pursued; when, in 1868, the same course was pursued, when in 1872 the same course was pursued In regard to instructions, you have a line of precedents which conclusively shows that the Re publicans of the state of Illinois have at all times claimed. In convention assembled, to hold in their hands the authority of selecting delegates to carry out their will. When the majority at Springfield found that the minority selected as delegates to this convention would disobey their Instructions, they concluded, and righdy concluded, to give expression to the great majority of the Republicans of the state of Illinois by selecting delegates who would carry out the will of the Republicans of Illinois. These delegates come here to-day. They occupy these seats. They are regular delegates. They represent the great voice of the Republi cans of the state of Illinois. I ask you, Mr. President, and I ask honorable gentlemen of this convention, and I wish them to take it deep into their hearts this night, whether by revolutionary means Inaugurated after the fact, they propose to put these eighteen dele gates out by adopting an expost facto law In their case. Why, Mr. President, we have been told by the honorable chairman of the 236 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Committee on Credentials that there were fifty contests here in this Nadonal convendon. Why these contests ? Why is it that from one end of this country to the other you find that there are con tests for seats in this National convention ? I will tell you, Mr. President, why. It Is because you are seeking to Invade, to over turn and destroy, the ordinary methods of the Republican party in these states. I say to you that these are revolutionary meas ures. This convention can turn these eighteen delegates out ; you have the power to do it, but I say to you, that if this revo lutionary spirit Is carried forward another four years, the hour has struck for the destruction and overthrow of the Republican party. I will support your candidate, I will go forward and ask the people of Illinois to support him ; but I warn you, Mr. Presi dent, and I warn you gentlemen of the Convention, that the Re publican party cannot stand such a strain another four years. We ask these delegates in the National convention assembled, to do us justice. We ask them to administer the law, and I have stated the law. We are willing to learn from New England. We are willing to learn from adjacent states. We are willing to be taught our A B C's In politics. I have been in politics now these thirty years, and I find that I do not know anything about it. I find that the whole thing is to be learned over again. I find that if a State convention meets, and nobody objects, why then they can send delegates to a National convention. But If somebody gets into one corner of a hotel, and gathers two or three around him, and files a protest, and comes with credentials, and says, 'Here was a district convention, and you must not stifle the voice of a district convention,' then your State con vention is of no validity. [A voice from the gallery. Is that your experience at the Palmer house] ? Gen. Raum. — "The gentleman in the gallery has alluded to the Palmer house. That is not pertinent to this inquiry. But, Mr. President, It seems to excite some curiosity, and it would .seem from what has just passed that I would be afraid to speak of the Palmer house. I have no fears of alluding to what occurred here in Cook county some few weeks ago. I do not live In Cook county. I live 350 miles south of Cook county. I have nothing to do with broils in politics here; but there is one Important feature in this Cook county affair that does not seem to be understood by the gentlemen who have come up to this convention from 'a distance. When the primary elecdons were held In the county of Cook, and In the great city of Chicago, It was found that that candMate that lives in the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 237 northeastern corner of this nation was unable to carry Cook county against Ulysses S. Grant, and it was found necessary to drag another name into that race against his consent, and to drag him Into that race in a manner that is calculated to cause those who are not his friends to say that it was an ungracious act, and an act of Ingratitude ; and they did this for the purpose of uniting all elements against Ulysses S. Grant. Why, Mr. President, when this popular uprising we have heard so much talk about occurred, one-fourth of the votes were cast — just one-fourth of the votes — and Ulysses S. Grant beat James G. Blaine about two thousand. [A delegate — Three thousand.] Three thousand ; and he beat E. B. Washburne by a large majority. Why, if the ninety-two delegates had been voted for at large in the county of Cook, every one of them would have been elected as Grant delegates — every one of them. They would have been elected according to the poll that was made at that election. And when the returns came in it was found that Ulysses S. Grant had a large majority in three of the Senatorial districts. * * * Now, Mr. President, when these contesting delegates went down to the city of Springfield they were met by six hundred dispassionate men who had nothing to do with this contest. They sat upon that contest two days, and laying aside the form of that county con vention, but looking to the substance of primary election, they gave to these parties the number of delegates they were entitled to according to the votes that were cast at that primary election. Why, my distinguished friend here [Mr. Conger] stickles, se verely stickles, to have delegates close up to the people. Here were delegates that were close to the people. Here were dele gates which by the voice of three Senatorial districts In the county of Cook were chosen by the great majority of the people of these districts. Much has been said of the action of that State convention, Mr. President. I was not a delegate to that conven tion. I visited Springfield on business and to look at the pro ceedings of that convention. I have attended nearly all the conventions In this state since the war. After two days in that great mass of excited men it was believed that I would be able better to control these elements than any other gentleman there. I undertook that duty, and I performed it as well as I could with my Inexperience as a presiding officer. I did justice as I saw it. I tried to do justice to every man In that convention. But, sir, I call your attention to the fact that it was a very excit ing convention. It lasted three days and two nights. We had one continuous session from seven in the afternoon until nearly 238 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, two at night, which was filled with debate, and excited debate at that. Laying aside that convention, Mr. President, I come again to state to these delegates of the National convention that we want you to do us jusdce ; and In doing us justice you will leave those eighteen men in their seats." ^ The President. — The Chair informs the Convention that Mr. Elliott Anthony, a contestant from the Third Congressional district, desires to occupy a portion of the time assigned to that side of the question. Gentlemen of the Committee on both sides agree to that. Is there objections ? The Chair hears none. Mr. Anthony. — Mr. President: I do not, in the short space of time that I shall occupy here, intend to travel over the ground covered by the gentleman who just preceded me, but shall confine myself to the question before the Convention. That question as I understand it, is. What has been the practice of the Republi can party in the state of Illinois, in selecting their delegates to the National convention? This is a question, Mr. President, that is to be determined, and ought to be determined without any reference to the bearing it may have upon the distinguished soldier that was referred to by one of the sitting delegates from Illinois, and without any reference to the bearing it may have upon the distinguished statesman that has been referred to by other gentlemen here ; but it must be decided on the facts of this case, and as I say again, in accord with the practice. Now, what has been the practice in this state ? The gentleman that preceded me, as I understood him, laid down the doctrine that It was the State conventions that elected the delegates to the Na tional convention. I wish here In my place to deny it as a ques tion of fact ; and I meet it fairly and squarely by saying that never In the history of the state of Illinois were the delegates to the National convention ever selected by anybody, except by conventions of the Congressional districts. I repeat i't again In the most emphatic manner, and If the gentleman meant what he said, he stands before the public and the people of Illinois as a perverter of history. This Is no time to mince words over a question of this character, and I am emphatic upon this, particu larly so because I understood from the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Boutwell) who has introduced a reso lution here, that he was in favor of having delegates selected and organized in the way and manner that the precedents of the par ty had been for years in the past. Now, the first Republican conventloi^that was called in the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 239 State of Illinois, was in 1856. The resolution that was intro duced upon that subject was by a distinguished gentleman that occupies a seat In the First Congressional district here to-day. The Honorable John Wentworth introduced this resolution: "Resolved, That the delegates in attendance from the several Congressional districts be requested to suggest the name of one person from each Congressional district for Presidential Electors, and three persons for delegates to the National convention : and that a committee of nine, consisting of one from each Con gressional district, be appointed by the Chair, to recommend two such electors, and six delegates for the state-at-large. Take the next record and follow it down to the present time. I wish to state to the gentlemen here, that( for the first time In the history of the state of Illinois was there a committee ap pointed upon motion of any gentlemen upon the floor, and it was the first time in the history of the party that the distinguished gentleman that spoke here a moment ago took out of his pocket himself a list of the committees without their being suggested b)' the various Congressional districts In the state. What are the facts in this case, as shown by statistics here ? The facts are that dele gates were elected to the State convention. They went there, and In accordance with the custom of the party, they held there the Congressional district election. They selected their men as we had done since 1856. The first thing we knew, as I stated, after this had been done, and each of the Congressional districts In the state had selected their delegates to the National conven don, it was found that in various ones of thesei Congressional districts they would represent different persons, in their prefer ences from what the majority of that convention at that time wanted, and they proceeded to set aside the men that had been selected to this convention. Take i860 ; that was the next State convention of the Republican party at which delegates to the National convention were appointed. It w.as held in Decatur, May 9 and 10, i860. The following Is an extract from the pro ceedings of that body : — Mr. John M. Palmer moved that a committee of one member from each Congressional district be appointed by the Chair, to nominate four delegates from the state- at-large to the Chicago convention, with alternates and two can didates for electors from the state-at-large. Mr. Murphy moved to amend Mr. Palmer's proposition by providing that the mem bers of the National Committee be selected, not by the Chair, but by "the several representatives present from the Congressional districts." At a subsequent stage of the proceedings appears 240 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, this : — 'The report of the Committee on Delegates and Alternates- at-large was presented and received. The committee recom mended the selection of the following gentlemen." Then follows the names of the gentlemen. "On motion it was ordered that the various Congressional districts through the proper persons, hand in a list of district delegates selected by them, and also the district alternates." What did the gentleman mean when he stood up before you here to-night and said that the State convention had selected the delegates to the National convention ? I have the record here. Take the convention of 1864. The Republican State convention of that year met at Springfield May 25, and the record on this point is as follows : — "Mr. Scammon of Cook, moved that a committee to consist of one delegate from each Congressional district, to be selected by the delegates from among themselves, be appointed to nominate six delegates-at-large for the Baltimore convention, and their alternates, and to select two delegates from each Congressional district and their alternates, and one candi date for elector for President and Vice-President in each Con gressional district." Mr. Cook, of LaSalle, moved to amend the last branch of the resolution so as to read as follows : "That the delegates from each Congressional district select two delegates to the Baltimore convention, and two alternates. The amend ment was accepted by Mr. Scammon." That was the action in 1864. Take 1868. In that convention it was as follows: The Republican State convention met at Peoria, May 6. As part of the proceedings of that, Mr. Franklin Corwin of LaSalle was elected President, and then announced that four committees had been decided upon, one of which was a committee to choose elect ors land delegates to the National convention. The various Con gressional districts were called upon to name one member for each of these committees, and it was announced as follows : Committee to Name Delegates to the National convention. First district, A. C. Hesing ; Second, George S. Bangs, and so forth. Mr. Murphy, of New York. — I would like to ask the gentle man if he did not state in the corridors of the hotel two days ago this week that, under no circumstances would he vote for General Grant, if he was nominated ? Mr. Anthony.— Sir ? I never said so In my life, and I never thought of saying such a thing in my life. No, sir ; I will support General Grant or any other man that this convention nominates. I want to say that I represent here the Third Congressional district in this county. It has a population of ^er 120,000. Nearly CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 24I 50,000 of that population are Germans. In that district at the Cook county elections there were only two men that were elected as Grant men In the entire district. Myself and the other delegate, Mr. Hesing, were by the Congressional conven tion elected unanimously as delegates to this convention. Whom did they take to place over us ? They took and placed over us, for one, the Hon. John L. Beveridge, who was beaten out of sight In his own town. They could not find Germans enough In that district to make a representative of, and they took a most reputable man, a good man, but a Bohemian, who does not represent the German population at all. The gentleman pictures to you what disasters will follow. I want to tell you that these ten Congressional districts of the state of Illinois constitute the Republican party itself. In 1876 they gave a Republican ma jority of nearly 28,000. The counties down South that voted solid against us gave at that time more than 8,000 Democratic majority. These gentlemen talk about revolutionary measures. The men to introduce and inaugurate revolution were the men who operated and co-operated with the gentlemen. We are here pleading for justice, and we ask no more than to follow the precedents of the party. Mr. Storrs, of Illinois. — Mr. President : A proposition is made for the first time In the political history of a nadonal con vention to abolish state conventions In Illinois. It will not work. We have gone along since 1856 under our system of state con ventions, and have rolled up magnificent Republican majorities. I hope that Maine, I hope that Ohio, looking back to their troublesome history as Republican states, will not undertake to force upon us their methods. It is very clear that they had better adopt ours. The gentleman who last addressed the con vention has arrogated to the Congressional districts for whom he .speaks, the supreme credit of being the Republican party of the state of Illinois. The First, Second and Third Congressional districts two years ago gave Democratic majorities of 17,000. So much for history. The gentleman must have been out of the party, and have forgotten the event. I stand here to-night with the only evidences of title as a delegate to this convention that a delegate from the state of Illinois ever presented. It is a ques tion of dtle. No delegate from Illinois ever appeared in a national convention that did not bear with him the credentials of the state which he represented in that body — never ; and the Ilh- noisan who got into the convention on any other terms crawled In under the canvas, or was appointed doorkeeper. He never 16 242 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, got in In the regular way. It Is a question of title. I hold to night the credentials from the State convention, and my title is no better because the evidences are the same as of the eighteen delegates whom you propose to exclude. You admit me and you exclude them, on precisely the same evidences of tide, Reconcile the Inconsistency if you know how. Since 1856 this state has held Republican state conventions, and there has never been an Instance "in its history — not one— In which a delegate was appointed to a national convention where the authority to make the appointment did not proceed from the convention at large. I do not care how vigorous, declamatory, noisy and vehement the assertion to the contrary may be. That is the history of the state. When committees were formed for the selection of delegates, they were formed because the convention authorized them to be formed. Is the creature, I ask this body, superior to the creator ? If It was a committee selected by the Congressional districts, it was because in every instance the con vention authorized the organization of the committee, and directed the body from which it should be constituted ; and on all occasions the committee, clothed with this power, derived Its authority, not to select, not to appoint, but merely to name delegates to the National convention ; and their action was re- ¦ ported back to that body for Its approval or its disapprobation. That has been the history of the state. Now it is proposed to change It. It has been urged, however, that a great, blessed privilege, that of district representation, has been invaded. "All these delegates are from the Congressional districts for which they were named, and there is but one exception to this statement of fact. Among the contesting delegates there is one delegate selected from the Sixth district who is not a resident of the district, and has not been for years past. I go further with this history. I shall not detain you to-night by reading ; but let me call your attention to the call for that convention. It is a convention of what ? Of the Republicans of the state of Illinois. To meet how? To meet in State convention. For what purpose ? As a state convention — as an endre, complete, indivisible, polit ical body to nominate candidates for state ofifices, and to name forty-two delegates to this body. That is the call. Recognizing the call, the thousands of Republicans of this state sent 693 del egates, not to a congregation of Congressional conventions, but to a great solid body called a state convention, In which either the majority or the minority must rule. And in this instance the majority decided to rule. Never has thei^ been an instance in CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 243 the entire history of this state when such a thing as a Congres sional district convention was held within, outside, on the verge of, nearby, or adjacent to, a state convention — never. In this long history to which I have referred, sometimes the convention has appointed a committee made up of one person from each Congressional district, to do what? Sometimes the chair has named the committee ; sometimes the convention has named the committee, to select delegates to the National convention. When that has been done the work has been referred back to that body, and they approved. The state convention has set its seal of ap proval on the work, and by Its credentials sent each delegate here, and he has represented not merely a school district, not merely a sewing society, not merely a fractional part of a Congres sional district, but he has represented, in part, the majesty of the great state of Illinois. Now, what Is the offense which the state of Illinois on this occasion has committed? It desired, speaking authoritatively through Its state convention, to give expression to its will. Whatever its will, we knew of but one method by which that will could be ascertained. It was by an appeal to the convention itself. When the convention, representing the Re publicans of the state, declared by its majority its preference for a particular candidate, that was the will of the state, and If It had the power thus to express Its wish, it had, I undertake to say, power to make this expression effectual. If it had the right to instruct, and no one denies that it does possess that power, with the right to instruct, it had the right to make its instructions so vigorous that they would be obeyed. If it could express Its will it had a right to enforce the execution of that will ; it had a right to defend Itself against treachery, trickery, fraud, corruption, vio lated faith, broken pledges and disregarded instructions. It did protect Itself, and that convention, as all prior conventions have done, selected men who needed not to be Instructed. It selected men who knew no law but the will of the majority which they represented ; who knew no ' boss' and no allegiance to anything, and recognized no despotism except the stern. Inexorable and irresistible despotism of duty. "It has been suggested, however, that an argument can be drawn from the call of this convention. Looking back to the various calls of national conventions from 1864 down to this day, no allusion whatever has been made to Congressional dis tricts. There has merely been an expression indicating the num ber of delegates which each state was to select, but in this case the call was prepared by one of the members of the committee 244 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, at the suggestion of Its chairman, and never referred to the com mittee as a body for Its action. Is the will or accident of some scrivener to be substituted for and made the law of a great na tional convention ? * * * I appeal to considerations way beyond the mere personal preferences which we feel to-night. I appeal to those considerations Infinitely grander, vastly nobler, than those personal preferences that inspire the galleries, and I am afraid, the body of this convention. I appeal to the great cause which absorbs within itself, and is grander than all the greatness of our individual leaders. I appeal for that harmony in the future which we must have. I appeal to that just judg ment of the party which I do not believe will ever knowingly, or willingly, or deliberately, inflict a wrong. I conjure you to stay your hand over what the Republican party in this state will re gard as an outrage on Its dignity, and on the freedom of Its action. "I wish to indulge In no line of commentary that can Intensi fy the bitterness which already exists. I wish to denounce no one. But I have been upon this platform advocating a cause which has been espoused here to-night, and announce;d in the re port of this majority of the Committee, what looked to me like disembodied spirits of the party of the Liberal movement of 1872. I am in favor of no such resurrection. When the bolter dies, I hope that he may die. Sir, the death that knows no waking. It does seem as If all the tombs of all the chronic bolters of the state had been rifled, and their forms, re-fleshed, set up here to speak a law to the Republicans of the state of Illinois. I object to being instructed from that quarter. And now, looking to this future with which we are so rapidly walking, looking to this great contest upon which we are so soon entering, do not, I beg you, by one single word that you may utter, or one vote that you may cast, impair the energy of that great rank and file which constitute the 50,000 Republican majority of the state of Illinois. I beg you to_ deal justly with us all, and whatever individual preference this great convention may express, will be responded to, not half-heartedly, not despairingly, not doubtingly, but with whole soul and in dead earnest. Nominate James G. Blaine if you will, and when the gentlemen who are cheering in the gal leries to-night are reposing under the soft summer sky, tired of politics and disgusted with Its fatigues, you will find the follow ers of the grand old, silent, soldier awake by their camp-fires, and carrying the banner of the sluggard forward to triumphant victory. (Loud and long-continued applai!tee). Give the grand CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 245 old state that never knew a draft, and never filled up a regiment with paper soldiers — give the grand old state, the home of Lin coln, and Douglas, and Grant, a fair chance. Put no Indignity on the honor of her sons. Then, If you can nominate the worthy son of Ohio, John Sherman, do It fairly, and when the hysterical gentlemen who are afraid that he is not popular enough to carry Illinois, are inquiring their way to the polls, the grand old guard, whose representative I am, will have planted the banner of vic tory on the citadels of the enemy. By all means let us be free and absolutely untrammeled ; put no just cause for complaint on us ; have no hesitancy in a candidate who exhibits scars, pro vided they are honorable scars, won in honorable warfare. Se lect no man without a record ; pull no skulker from under the ammunition wagon, because he shows not upon him the signs of battle ; take the old tried hero — let us take him if we can get him ; and then I believe, with the old guard behind him, who have never kept step In this world to any music but the music of the Union, and with the friends of Blaine, and the friends of Sherman, and the friends of all good men, a victory will be achieved, the like of which has never been recorded in the annals of our national politics. Citizens of one country, members of one party, let us remember that, while we accept no indignities from our enemies, we hope, and trust, and pray our friends will put none upon us. Here In the midnight, with the storm with out, and these assembled Republicans within, we are first to be just, first to be fair, and victory is ours as sure as the morning comes. Gentlemen, I thank you." The roll was called on a motion of Mr. Powell Clayton, of Ar kansas, to substitute the minority for the majority report of the Committee on Credentials, in reference to the First district of Illinois, and the motion was lost by a vote of yeas 353, nays 387. So much of the majority report as related to the First district of Illinois was then adopted by a vote of yeas 384, nays 356 ; the majority report in relation to the Third district was adopted by a vote of yeas 385, nays 353, and that portion of the majority re port relating to the Fourth district was adopted by yeas 388, nays 351. The convention adjourned at 2:20 o'clock A. M. Roscoe Conkling, of New York, placed Gen. U. S. Grant in nomination for the Presidency in this convention, and the speech of this celebrated statesman was pronounced one of his most splendid efforts. The speech was as follows : « » And when asked what state he hails from. Our sole reply shall be, ^ 2^6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, He hails from Appomattox And its famous apple tree.' "In obedience to Instructions which I should never dare to disregard, expressing also my own firm convictions, I rise, Mr. President, in behalf of the state of New York, to propose a nomination with which the country and the Republican party can o-randly win. The election before us is the Austeriitz of Amer-' fcan politics. It will decide for many years whether the country shall be Republican or Cossack. The supreme need of the hour Is not a candidate who can carry Michigan. All Republican can didates can do that. The need is not of a candidate popular in the territories, because the territories have no vote. The need is of a candidate who can carry doubtful states. Not the doubt ful states of the North alone, but also the doubtful states of the South, which we have heard, if I understand aright, ought to take but little or no part here, because the South has nothing to give, but everything to receive. The need which urges itself on the conscience and reason of the convention is of a candidate who can carry doubtful states, both North and South. And be lieving that he, more surely than any other man, can carry New York against any opponent, and carry not only the North, but several states of the South, New York Is for Ulysses S. Grant. Never defeated in peace or In war, his name is the most illus trious borne by living man. His services attest his greatness, and the country — nay, the world — knows them by heart. His fame was earned not alone by things written and said, but by the arduous greatness of things done ; and perils and emergencies will search In vain in the future, as they have searched in vain In the past, for any other on whom the nation leans with such con fidence and trust. Never having had a policy to enforce against the will of the people, he never betrayed a cause or a friend, and the people will never desert or betray him. Standing on the highest eminence of human distinction, modest, firm, simple and self-poised, having filled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only the high-born and the titled, but the poor and lowly. In the uttermost ends of the earth, rise and uncover before him. He has studied the needs and defects of many systems of gov ernment, and he has returned, a better American than ever, with a wealth of knowledge and experience added to the hard common sense which shone so conspicuously in all the fierce light that beat upon him during sixteen years of the most trying, the most porten tous, the most perilous. In the nation's history. Villified and reviled, ruthlesgly aspersed by numberless^resses, not in other CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 247 lands but in his own, assaults upon him have seasoned and strengthened his hold on the public heart. Calumny's ammuni tion has all been exploded ; the powder has all been burned once. Its force Is spent, and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and Imperishable star in the diadem of the Republic, when those who have tried to tarnish it have moldered in foro-otten graves ; and when their memories and their epitaphs have van ished utterly. " Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, he has ever, in peace as in war, shown the very genius of common sense. The terms he presented for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest prophecies and principles of true reconstruction. Victor in the greatest war of modern times, he quickly signalized his aversion to war and his love for peace by an arbitration of international disputes, which stands the wisest, the most majestic example of its kind In the world's diplomacy. When Inflation, at the height of its popularity and frenzy, had swept both Houses of Congress, it was the veto of Grant, single and alone, which overthrew expansion, and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him. Immeasurably more than to any other man, is due the fact that every paper dollar is at last as good as gold. With him as our leader we shall have no defensive campaign. We shall have nothing to explain away. We shall have no apologies to make. The shafts and arrows have all been aimed at him, and they lie, broken and harmless, at his feet. "Life, liberty and property will find a safeguard in him. When he said of the colored men in Florida : ' Wherever I am they may come also,' he meant that, had he the power, the poor dwellers In the cabins of the South should no longer be driven in terror from the homes of their childhood, and the graves of their murdered dead. When he refused to receive Dennis Kear'ney in California he meant that communism, lawlessness and disorder, although It might stalk high-headed and dictate law to a whole city, would always find a foe in him. He meant that, popular or unpopular, he would hew to the line of right, let the chips fly where they may. His Integrity, his common sense, his courage, his unequaled experience "are qualities offered to his country. The only argument — the only one — that the wit of man or the stress of politics has devised is one which would dumbfound Solomon, because Solomon thought there was nothing new under the sun. Having tried Grant twice and found him faithful, we are told that we must not, even after an interval of years, trust him again. My countrymen!— my 248 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, countrymen ! — what stultification does not such a fallacy involve ? The American people exclude Jefferson Davis from public trust. Why ? Because he was the arch traitor and would-be destroyer. And now the same people Is asked to ostracize Grant, and not to trust him ! Why ? Why ? I repeat. Because he was the arch preserver of his country, and because, not only in war, but twice as Civil Magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. Is this an electioneering juggle, or Is it hypocrisy's masquerade ? There Is no field of human activity, responsibility or reason In which rational beings object to an agent because he has been weighed In the balance and not found wanting. There Is, I say, no department of human reason in which sane men reject an agent because he has had experience, making him exceptionally competent and fit. From the man who shoes your horse to the lawyer who tries your cause, the officer who manages your railway or your mill, the doctor into whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks to save your soul, what man do you reject because by his works you have known him, and found him faithful and fit ? What makes the presidential office an exception to all things else in the common sense to be applied to selecting Its incumbent? Who dares to put fetters on that free choice and judgment which is the birthright of the American people ? Can it be said that Grant has used official power and place to perpetuate his term ? He has no place, and official power has not been used for him. Without patronage, without emissaries, without committees, without bureaus, without telegraph wires running from his house or from the seats of influence to this convention, without appli ances, without electioneering contrivances, without effort on his part. Grant's name Is on his country's lips. He is struck at by the whole Democratic party, because his nomination is the death blow of Democratic success. He is struck at by others, who find an offense and disqualification in the very services he has ren dered, and the very experience he has gained. Show me a better rnan. Name one, and I am answered. But do not point as a disqualification to the very experience which makes this man fit beyond all others. There is no "third term" In the case, and the pretense will die with the political dog-days that engendered it. One week after the Democratic convention we shall have heard the last of this rubbish about a " third term." Nobody now Is really disquieted about a third term except those hopelessly longing for a first term, and their dupes and coadju tors. Without effort or intrigue on his parj^ he is the candidate CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 249 whose friends have never threatened to bolt unless this conven don did as they said. He is a Republican who never wavers. He and his friends stand by the creed and the candidate of the Republican party. They hold the rightful rule of the majority as the very essence of their faith, against not only the common enemy, but against the chariatans, jayhawkers, tramps and guerillas who deploy between the lines and forage, now on one side, and then on the other. The convention is'master of a su preme opportunity. It can name the next President of the United States. It can make sure of his election. It can make sure not only of his election, but of his certain and peaceful in auguration. It can assure a Republican majority In the Senate and House of Representatives. More than all. It can break that power which dominates and mildews the South. It can overthrow an organization whose very existence is a standing protest against progress. "The purpose of the Democratic party is spoils. Its very hope and existence is a solid South. Its success Is a menace to order and prosperity. This convention can overthrow and disin tegrate these hurtful forces. It can dissolve and emancipate a distracted 'solid South.' It can speed the nation in a career of grandeur, eclipsing all past achievements. Gentlemen, we have only to listen above the din and look beyond the dust of an hour, to behold the Republican party announcing, with its ensigns res plendent with illustrious achievements, marching to certain and lasting victory with its greatest Marshal at Its head." Mr. Joy of Michigan, placed James G. Blaine of Maine, in nomination, seconded by Mr. PIxley of California ; Mr. Drake of Minnesota placed in nomination William WIndom, of the same state; James A. Garfield of Ohio, placed John Sherman of that state In nomination, and the following extract from his speech and a historic Incident of the convention are taken from the official proceedings : "Not here, in this brilliant circle where 15,000 men and women are gathered, is the destiny of the Republic to be decreed for the next four years. Not here, where I see the enthusiastic faces of 756 delegates, waiting to cast their lots Into the urn and determine the choice of the Republic ; but by four millions of Republican firesides, where the thoughtful voters, with wives and children about them, with the calm thoughts Inspired by love of home and country, with the history of the past, the hopes of the future, and reverence for the great men who have adorned and blessed our nation in days gone by, burning in their hearts — 250 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, there God prepares the verdict which will determine the wisdom of our work to-night. Not in Chicago, In the heat of June, but at the ballot boxes of the Republic, in the quiet of November, after the silence of deliberate judgment, will this question be settled. And now, gentlemen of the convention, what do we want ? [A voice. We want Garfield.] Mr. Garfield. — Bear with me a moment. "Hear me for my cause," and for a moment "be silent that you may hear." Mr. Billings of Vermont, placed in nomination George F. Edmunds of that state ; Mr. Cassoday of Wisconsin, placed in nomination Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois, seconded by Mr. Brandagee of Connecdcut. On the first ballot the vote stood. Grant 304 ; Blaine 284 ; Sherman 93 ; Edmunds 34 ; Washburne 30 ; WIndom 10 ; total number of delegates 756 ; necessary to a choice 379. James G. Blaine received his highest number of votes on the first ballot ; Grant received 307 on the twenty-eighth ballot, and increased to 313 on the thirty-fifth ballot, when Blaine's vote had dropped to 257. One Pennsylvania delegate voted for Garfield on and after the second ballot ; on the sixth and most of the ensuing ballots Garfield received 2 votes ; on the thirtieth John Sherman received his highest number ; on the thirty-fourth Garfield received 17, of which 16 were from Wisconsin; on the thirty-fifth Garfield received 50, of which 27 were from Indiana and 4 from Maryland, and on the thirty-sixth ballot he was nominated, receiving 399 to Grant's 306. Ohio did not vote for Garfield until the final ballot. Roscoe Conkling moved to make the nomination unanimous, and Senator Logan seconded the motion, speaking as follows : Mr. Logan, of Illinois. — Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : We are to be congratulated that we have arrived at a conclusion in reference to the presenting of a candidate to become the standard bearer of the Republican party for Presi dent of the United States. In union and harmony there is strength. Whatever may have transpired in this convention that may have momentarily marred the feelings of any one here, I hope that, in our conclusion. It will pass from our minds. I, sir, with the friends of, I think, one of the grandest men that graces the earth, stood here to fight a friendly battle In favor of his nomination ; but sir, this convention has chosen another leader. The men that stood by Grant's banners will be seen In the front of this contest on the field. We will go forward in this contest, sir, not with tied hands, not with sealed lips, not with bridled tongues, but to speak the tiauth in favor of the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 25 1 grandest party that has ever been organized In this country ; to maintain Its principles, to maintain its power, to preserve its ascendancy ; and sir, with the leader you have selected, my judgment is that victory will perch upon our banners. I, sir, as one of the representatives from the state of Illinois, second the nomination of James A. Garfield of Ohio, and I hope it may be made unanimous. Nomination of Elihu B. Washburne for Vice-President. On the call of the roll for the nomination of Vice-President, Mr. PIxley of California, spoke as follows : — Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : I rise for the purpose of placing a man in nomination for the office of Vice-President of the United States, in which he was born ; but only In consultation with and by the desire of my own state — California. In the en-. thusiasm of the choice that has given us undoubtedly one of the ablest and strongest men of the nation to head our ticket as candidate for President, I think we ought not to lose sight of the Importance of securing an equally able and equally strong man for the second place upon that ticket. The nomination that has been made is undoubtedly one that will commend itself to the best intelligence of the whole Republican party of the United States; and although our delegates did not obtain the eminent gendeman for whom we voted, we go back to our Western shore In confidence that those three states will back up their political traditions of the last twenty years, and give the electoral vote of California, Nevada, and Oregon again to the Republican party. I have had the pleasure of the acquaintance of the gentleman whom I am about to name, for a great many years. For sixteen years he was In the Congress of the United States. He made a magnificent record there. He made a record In the direction of questions that are now becoming very prominent before the American people. I had the further pleasure, Mr. President, to meet this gentleman under very trying circumstances, in the city of Paris, when I was abroad. You all know to whom I refer — it Is Elihu B. Washburne, of Illinois. Mr. President, I saw that gentleman, too, at a period when it tested the true dignity and bravery of the American character. I saw him chosen, because he was Ambassador of the United States, to be the Ambassador of the belligerent German powers. I saw him throw the pro tecting shield of the American banner over that class of our fel low-citizens that are so largely represented In the United States. I desire to have all that my friend, Mr. "Brandegee, of Connecti cut, said when he placed Mr. Washburne In nomination for Pres- 252 POLITICS and politicians, Ident, to be re-said of him now as candidate for Vice-President ; for surely If he was so largely respected and loved by the German people for his dignity of character while in Paris, as a candidate here for this high ofifice, with the same dignity of character he will command the same respect from the same people, and bring to the party every German vote. I am conscious and certain that In every one of the great cities, whether the Republican party is strong there or weak, the German population will be grateful to this convention If we shall give them the strongest ticket that can be made for all the people of the country — James A. Garfield for President, and Elihu B. Washburne for Vice- President. With a single word I shall close. The question of locality is sometimes considered, and I have heard it suggested here. But If the delegates from Ohio nominate their man, and the delegates from Illinois consent to Mr. Washburne, I think the locality will not be considered as being of any importance, or cutting any figure as opposed to the general fact that Mr. Washburne will bring to our ticket that large foreign element that is working with the Republican party, and has done so ever since it has been a party in the United States. Chester A. Arthur of New York, was placed in nomination for Vice-President by Gen. Woodford of New York, and the nomination was seconded by Emory A. Storrs as follows : Mr. Storrs, of Illinois. — On behalf of the majority of the Republican delegates from the state of Illinois, it Is my duty, as it is my extreme pleasure, to second the nomination made for the Vice-Presidency, of Hon. Chester A. Arthur, of the state of New York. I believe that every dictate of political wisdom and political prudence looks in that direction. I believe that the "_ old guard," which stood through thirty-six ballots 306, whose line never wavered, in whose ranks there never was a shrinking man, in whose solid front there never was a desertion — I believe that this old guard, that has carried in the past and will carry in the future the flag of the party to triumph, wishes and prays for the nomination of Chester A. Arthur. I know that these stal wart Republicans, representing hundreds of thousands of Re- pubHcans throughout the Union, are as firmly resolved that Gar field shall be elected President as If the modest man, the great statesman, the silent soldier, had received the nominadon of this convention. We have suffered no defeat ; nothing could have defeated nor dismayed us but a wavering of the line, and the line never wavered. With our banners still flying, members of the same army, inspired by the same eleva^d purpose, animated CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 253 by the same patriotic spirit, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, joining hands together, will carry the flag through to a triumph as splendid as the party ever achieved. I know I speak In behalf of those who have always been Republicans ; I know I speak In behalf of those who are now Republicans ; I know I speak in behalf of those who always will be Republicans; I know I speak in behalf of the great silent soldier, when I second the nomination of Chester A. Arthur, of New York. The ensuing ballot resulted as follows : Chester A. Arthur of New York, 468 ; Elihu B. Washburne of Illinois, 193 ; Mar shall. Jewell of Connecticut, 44; Horace Maynard of Tennes see, 30; Blanche K. Bruce of Mississippi, 8; James L. Alcorn of Mississippi, 4 ; Edmund J. Davis of Texas, 2 ; Thomas Set tle of Florida, i ; Stewart L. Woodford of New York, i. The Greenback National convention was also held at Chi cago June 20, and James B. Weaver of Iowa, was nominated for President, and P. J. Chambers of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Democrats nominated Winfield S. Hancock of Pennsyl vania, for President, and William H. English of Indiana, for Vice-President, at Cincinnati in July. The state campaign of 1880, so far as its Influence In Chicago and Cook county was felt, was not productive of anything more exciting than a closely con tested election. There were five electoral tickets — Republican, Democratic, Greenback, Prohibition and Anti-Secret Society — In the field, and in the Chicago districts the Trade and Labor ele ment and the Socialists ran candidates for Congress. The Dem ocrats selected a Chicago man, Lyman Trumbull, as their candi date for Governor, and his Republican opponent was Shelby M. Cullom. In the First Chicago district, for Congress, William Aldrich, Rep., received 22,307 votes ; John Mattocks, Dem., 18,024; J. Altpeter, Socialist, 605; Richard Powers, Trade and Labor, 532. In the Second district George R. Davis, Rep., re ceived 20,603 votes ; John F. Farnsworth, Ind. Rep., 16,014; O. A. Bishop, Trade and Labor, 29 ; Charies G. Dixon, Green- backer, 461 ; Reinhard Loremy, Socialist, 514. In the Third dis trict Charles B. Farwell, Rep., received 16,627 votes; Perry H. Smith, Jr., Dem., 11,903; Charles H. Adams, Greenback, 221; Oscar Neebe, Socialist, 141 ; Adolph Waldmann, Socialist, 114. Among the Garfield electors were George Schneider, Robert T. Lincoln, John M. Smyth and James A. Kirk, and among the Hancock electors William C. Seipp, W. J. Hynes and Francis A. Hoffman, Jr. Garfield's highest vote In the state was 318,037, which number was received by Robert T. Lincoln; and Han- 254 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, cock's highest was 277,321, received by William C. Seipp. The vote for President and Vice-President in Cook county was as follows : Garfield and Arthur, Rep., 54,816; Hancock and English, Dem., 44,302 ; Weaver and Chambers, Greenback, 1,168. For Governor, Shelby M. Cullom, Rep., 53,899; Lyman Trumbull, Dem., 44,657; A. J. Streeter, Greenback, 1,235. The vote In the state for Governor was, Cullom, 314,565 ; Trumbull, 277,532. CHAPTER X. MUNICIPAL ELECTION OF 1 88 1 — MAYOR HARRISOn's MESSAGE AND APPOINTMENTS ACTION OF THE MAYOR AND COUNCIL ON THE ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD RESOLUTIONS ON DEATH OF CITY EMPLOYES MAYOr's ANNUAL MESSAGE COMMENT ON THE ACTION OF THE GRAND JURY STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1882 CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION ELECTION OF UNITED STATES SENATOR THE HARPER BILL, ETC. MUNICIPAL CAM PAIGN OF 1883 — MAYOR Harrison's third term. The Democratic city convention of 1881 was held at the Palmer house in March, and Carter H. Harrison was re-nomi nated for Mayor by acclamation. In accepting the nomination. Mayor Harrison made a terse and vigorous speech, denouncing the press for making partisan attacks upon him, and proposing to run on his first two years' record as Mayor. Rudolph Brand was nominated for City Treasurer; Patrick J. Howard re-nomi nated for City Clerk, and Julius S. Grinnell re-nominated for City Attorney, on the ticket with Mr. Harrison. John M. Clark was the nominee of the Republican convention for Mayor ; John Raber, for City Treasurer ; Thomas W. Sennott, for City Clerk, and W. D. Underwood for City Attorney. The Hon. Jesse Spalding was a prominent candidate for Mayor, and had sufficient delegates to divide the convention. There were a number of so-called "Harrison Republicans," who voted against A. M. Wright in 1879, ^^'^ ^hls faction made threats that they would not support the Republican Mayoralty candidate unless they were allowed to name the nominee. For this and other reasons Mr. Spalding's friends withdrew his name, at his solici tation, from before the convention, and Mr. Clark was duly nom inated. The election occurred Tuesday, April 5, and resulted as follows : mayor. Carter H. Harrison, Dem., . . . 35.668 John M. Clark, Rep 27,925 TREASURER. Rudolf Brand, Dem., .... 33.99^ John Raber, Rep 28,570 (255) 256 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, CITY ATTORNEY. Julius S. Grinnell, Dem., .... 34.561 W. D. Underwood, Rep 28,127 CITY CLERK. p. J. Howard, Dem., .... 33,264 Thos. W. Sennott, Rep 29,159 In this election Timothy O'Meara ran independently for Mayor, receiving 764 votes. The Socialists nominated George Schilling for Mayor, and Frank A. Stauber for Treasurer, serv ing no purpose other than to show the complete breaking down of their movement in politics since the election of two years be fore. Schilling received 240 votes, and Stauber 1,999. There were 1,885 scattering votes on City Attorney, and 1,838 on City Clerk. The Aldermanic vote in the various wards was as follows : First ward, Arthur Dixon, Rep., 1,740; Michael Burke, Dem., 1,281. Second ward, James T. Appleton, Dem., 1,337; H. F. Billings, Rep., 1,219; Addison Ballard, Ind. Rep., 165. Third ward, O. B. Phelps^ Rep., 1,842 ; Thomas P. Glody, Dem., 896. Fourth ward, O. D. Wetherell, Rep., 2,693 ! Sam'I P. Cady, Dem., 1,258. Fifth ward, Henry F. Sheridan, Dem., 3,414; Edward Wall, Ind., 1,699 '< Franz Koch, Ind., 487. Sixth ward, J. J. Alpeter, Rep. and Soc. Fusion, 1,654; Charles F. L. Daemer, Dem., 1,503 ; G. A. Wooley, Ind., 589. Seventh ward, John RIordan, Dem., 1,399; James Clowry, Ind. Dem., 1,245; WiUiam A. Love, Rep., 1,182; S. Goldwater, Ind., 67; L. Artley, Socialist, 163. Eighth ward, Thomas Purcell, Dem., 2,051 ; Cornelius Ryan, Ind. Dem., 1,547 I R- M. Oliver, Rep., 1,328. Ninth ward, James Peevey, Dem., 1,475 ; 0. W. Dan iels, Rep., 1,284. Tenth ward, Daniel Nelson, Rep., 1,115; John Connell, Dem., 492 ; W. H. Ford, Ind., 379 ; M. McNurney, Ind., 55; Eleventh ward, Thaddeus Dean, Rep., 2,249; F- Fisher, Dem., 148. Twelfth ward, Joseph D. Everett, Rep., 3,254; Scattering, 12 Thirteenth ward, James M. Wanger, Rep., 1,409; Sam'I J. Doggett, Dem., 1,345. Fourteenth ward, Clemens Hirsch, Rep., 1,830; Thomas Ryan, Dem., 1,422; Pet er Peterson, Ind., 860; J. J. McGrath, Ind. Rep., 947. Fif teenth ward, Adam Meyer, Rep., 1,865 i H. E. D. Sickel, Dem., 1,533 ; O- Waltman, Ind., 41. Sixteenth ward, Chris. Meier, Socialist, 1,416; Amo Voss, Dem., 1,376. Seventeenth ward, Edward R Barrett, Dem., 1,577; Thomas Cannon, 1,401. Eighteenth ward, Frank M. Blair, Rep., 2,5^9 ; George Keller, Dem., 1,526. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 257 Mayor Harrison's official bond for the ensuing term was signed by his late opponent, John M. Clark, and by William G. McCormlck. March 30, 1881, Mayor Harrison vetoed the annual appro priation bill, saying In connection therewith : — In the year 1879 this administration was forced to issue $1,250,000 in scrip, and In 1880, although there was $1,411,000 in the General Fund, we were forced to issue $589,000 In scrip. There was but one way to get rid of this blot upon our credit ; that was to levy, and then to save from the levy. Mr. Heath saved from the levy of 1878 about $400,000. I saved from the levy of 1879 neariy $600,000, and from the levy of 1880, $400,000. This saving was made by a rigid ecoiiomy, an economy for which we were constantly abused by the thoughtless, and often by those who ought to have been more wise. By this means, and by collection of back taxes, we found the city in a condition at the beginning of this year to be able to pay its General Fund about $2,050,000. This was not in cash, but was In credits, and from various other funds, and to be paid as the taxes for 1880 shall be collected. * * * j cannot help thinking that the School Board could easily have reduced its demand. I think $1,146,- 274 too much by at least $150,000. Boards which are respon sible to no one are ever found to magnify their necessities, and unless held in check will eat up an inordinate amount of taxes. * * * I have been told that If I veto this ordinance I will fatally Injure myself for next Tuesday. I would prefer going out of politics now with a consistent record than to win a further term by doing or permitting to be done what I believe to be a wrong upon this fair city. The bill as finally passed by the Council, April 11, contained Items aggregating $4,136,608.38. During 1 88 1 Mayor Harrison made the following appoint ments : — Directors Public Library, George B. Armstrong, William J. Hynes, Ernst Schmidt ; Members Board of Educa tion, Thomas Brennan, Norman Bridge, William Floto, James T. Healy, Adolph Kraus, Adolph Schoenlnger ; City Physician, French Moore ; Fish Inspector, John K. Miller ; City Collector, W. J. Onahan, re-appointed ; Police Justice, West Division Police Court, Daniel Scully ; Comptroller, T. T. Gurney, re appointed ; Chief of Police, W. J. McGarigle ; Fire Marshal, Denis J. Swenie ; Health Commissioner, Oscar C. DeWolf ; Commissioners of Public Works, Charles S. Waller, D. C. Cregler. 17 258 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, May 9 1881, the Council approved the official bonds of Julius S. Grinnell, City Attorney, and Rudolph Brand, City Treasurer. The former's bond in the sum of $10,000 was signed as sureties by W. M. Hoyt and Horace A. Hurlbut, and City Treasurer Brand's bond in the sum of $4,500,000 by Michael Brand, Conrad Seipp, George Schneider, Peter Schoenhofen, Ernst Uiich, H. J, Christoph, Tobias Almendinger and Fred erick Wacker as sureties. At this meeting of the Council Mayor Harrison submitted his second Inaugural message, as follows : To THE City Council of the City of Chicago :— Gentle men, ^In passing from my first into a second term of office as Mayor of this great city, I wish to express to the citizens of Chi cago my deep gratitude for the high honor they have conferred upon me, and to assure them that In re-electing me by so hand some a majority I feel most keenly that they have placed me under Increased obligations to do my best to merit their confi dence. A public man should seek popularity only by being worthy of it. It shall be my earnest endeavor so to win It. To deserve the applause of the people Is my highest ambition, to obtain It my greatest pleasure. It is with confessed pride, gen tlemen, that I congratulate you and the people of Chicago upon the unexampled prosperity she has enjoyed during the past two years, and upon the proud financial position she occupies among the cities of the world ; and I felicitate myself that this proud •eminence has been attained, to a great extent, during my first term of office. But while saying this, I wish to acknowledge that it has been my good fortune to be at the head of the city's affairs during a brighter day than was vouchsafed to my imme diate predecessors. At the same time I owe to my able assist ants the statement that they have been prompt in taking advant age of this brighter day, and that they have not wasted the sun shine. Permit me to call your attention to the condition In which I found the city affairs two years ago, and to contrast it with the present financial status. Then, and for several prior years, the city, not having the means to pay her servants and to obtain supplies with cash, was forced to issue scrip or warrants on the Treasurer, to be paid from taxes to be collected many months after such issuance. In 1878, my predecessor — an eco nomical officer — issued about $2,238,000 of this scrip. This entailed upon employes a loss of from 5 to 10 per cent, on the dollar, and upon the city, through its contracts, a loss* of from $150,000 to $200,000 per annum. By a system of most rigid economy I h#ve been enabled to CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 259 reduce the issuance of scrip to less than $1,500,000 In 1879, and in 1880 to less than $590,000. In 1881 I hope to escape the blot of scrip entirely. For twenty-one months every employe has been paid In cash. The city cannot legally borrow a dollar, and yet, not having ready money to meet her semi-annual inter est, she was compelled to hypothecate the interest coupons when due, and to pay a heavy commission for carrying them until taxes could be collected. These illegal commissions cost her each year from $50,000 to $70,000. Since 1879 we have promptly met our interest without borrowing or paying one cent of commissions. Two years ago the city owed $249,000 of what was known as Hayes-Colvin certificates. These the courts had declared Illegal. But our good name demanded that they should be paid. We have taken them all up, paying them in full, together with Interest, the whole amounting to $275,643. In 1880 we paid off $291,000 of 7-100 water bonds, and re funded $490,000 of 6 and 7 per cent, sewerage bonds, with a like amount of 4^ per cent, bonds, which we sold at over 2 per cent, premium, and on the first of April of this year we refunded $843,500 of 7 per cent, municipal bonds, with a like amount of 4 per cent, bonds, which command to-day about 4 per cent, pre mium. The annual savings of interest thus effected amount to $54,215. In former years the sinking fund had become depleted by the amount of $236,024 ; this we have restored. From the appropriations of 1879 and 1880 we saved $1,050,000. This heavy saving, added to taxes of prior years collected, and to cash from various sources, enabled us to contribute to the appropri ation for 1 88 1 $550,000, and yet left in the general fund nearly $1,500,000 as a reserve to meet current expenses, and to enable us to avoid the issuance of scrip. * * * This financial showing I make, gentlemen, not boastfully, but to enable you and the people to enjoy with me a feeling of justifiable pride. * * ¦» The Department of Public Works. — Under the Immediate eye and control of this department rests all work of a public character. Without a vigilant care and the strictest honesty, thousands of dollars would be annually squandered, and rings of a most dangerous character fostered. The record of this department has demonstrated that Its pres ent head thoroughly understands the requirements of his posl- don, and has rendered the public signal service by his firm course In awarding contracts upon their merits, and not through favoritism. Strict business principles have prevailed, and every contractor has been fairly and honestly served. In consequence 26o POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, there has been a most free and healthy competition for all public works. The rings that predominated before have been routed at every turn. Their various attempts to assert themselves in important contracts have been frustrated, and the city has been a gainer thereby by thousands of dollars. More work has been accompHshed for less money than the same class of work has cost before, and small appropriations have answered where larger ones would have been required, were the old order of things in vogue. * * * I believe the wooden period for street paving should pass away from Chicago. Our central and heavily traf ficked streets need something more durable than sappy pine or cedar blocks cut from burnt-over swamps. Granite and Medina sandstone can be had without stint. The beauty and health of the city require that such pavements should become the rule, and not the exception, in the heart of the city. A few nervous gentlemen may object to the noise, but they should remember that the music of the pine-covered forests is not compatible with the busy traffic of a mighty commercial city. * * * The Po lice Department. — In'speaking of this department, I can say that it is upon a most efficient and satisfactory footing. Less crime has been prevalent than heretofore, and the morals of the city were never in better condition. The chiefs of this department have rendered me prompt and energetic service, and criminals have found It safer and more comfortable to remain away from the city. What has been done can be best shown by the statement that while the recoveries of stolen property for the years 1877 and 1878 were within $70,207 of the value of property reported stolen, they were only $31,754 below the value of stolen property In 1879 and 1880. Besides, the value of stolen property has been less for the past two years by $69,444. * * * In connection with this improved state of affairs, I desire to say that the telephone police alarm stations have proved a most valuable adjunct to the department. We began with its introduction In the West Twelfth street district, which was overrun with desperadoes, roughs and footpads, and finding it so useful in summoning police to apprehend this class, we have so extended the system to other portions of the city that districts hitherto comparatively unprotected are now thor oughly under police surveillance. There have been established already some ninety alarm stations, and had the City Council set a larger appropriation than It did, we should cover other still remote and unprotected sections. But for this change the present police force would be entirely ina4equate to meet the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 26 1 demands of the city. Our force is the smallest of any large citv in the country. The present number composing it Is almost the same as it was when we had a little over half of our present population. Increased efficiency and telephonic communicadons have rendered the force doubly serviceable, and aided in a very material and perceptible decrease In crime. For this telephonic innovation and Improvement upon old police methods we are chiefly Indebted to Prof. John P. Barrett and Mr. Austin J. Doyle, who originated and perfected the sys tem. The system contemplates connections with business houses and private residences, and already several have availed themselves of its benefit, to be in a position to receive prompt police assistance in case of an emergency. It has already proved Itself of incalculable value to the department, and will be made to cover the city as rapidly as means will permit. * * * The Fire Department. — In looking over the records of this department for the past four years, I find that It has not only coped more successfully with fires, but kept down the average loss during the past two years at a point below that of the two preceding years. In spite of the greater number of conflagrations In the latter period.^ In 1877 and 1878 there were 923 fires, and the amount of loss involved was $1,351,314, making the average loss $2,989, while In 1879 and 1880 there were 1,606 fires, and a loss of $1,707,898, making the average loss only $1,980. It will be accordingly noted from this that while there were 683 more fires during the past two years than during the two preceding years, the average loss has been $1,009 ^^ss for the past two years. This speaks volumes of praise for the effective working of the force as at present constituted. Health Department. — No department of the city has shown more efficiency during my term of office than this. The city has grown in population with great rapidity. It has been im possible for the appliances necessary to health to keep pace with this growth. While the population of the city Is that of one of cen turies' growth, the street pavements and sewerage system has been necessarily that of a city of two generations of men. Many of the manufacturing Interests have extended with a rapidity vastly beyond the city's growth ; some of these Interests are of a character ordinarily offensive to the senses, and supposed to be Injurious to the health. A quarter of a century ago there were packed in Chicago 56,000 hogs, during the last year over 6,000,- 000. The slaughtering of other animals has Increased almost as rapidly. Nearly all of this growth has been within the past 262 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, decade. The great amount of refuse matter from this vast horde of animals has to be taken care of. The most of it is utilized. This naturally gives out offensive odors, and if not prompdy attended to, breeds disease. For years the summer air was offensive, that of autumn and winter often almost intolerable. Some of the finest pordons of the city were oftendmes for weeks unfit for delicate people to live in. By a steady perseverance, knowing no favor and fearing no opposition, fighting in the courts, abused and villified— the head of the health department has done his duty. While he has fought stenches, he has stood by me in upholding our great manufacturing Interests. Conse- quendy it can be said to-day that there has been nothing to offend the nostrils within eighteen months. * * * The flood pouring from an overflowed country lately caused a changed water to come from our crib and affected our people temporarily. It was Injurious to very weak people and caused strong ones (to their bodily discomfort) to take to so-called mineral water or toin- dulge unusually In beer or liquor, and at once reporters seeking Items find doctors eager to cry "poison in our water." A little precaution for a week or so every few years can prevent our peo ple from suffering, and during all the remainder of their lives here they enjoy the coolest and purest water of the inhabitants of any large city on the face of the globe. The mortality statistics of the principal American cities were quoted, and Chicago's mortality, 20.8 per 1,000 of popula tion was shown to be lower than the mortality in eight principal cities. The message continued : One of the questions which has agitated our citizens and the public press lately Is that of gambling. On this subject I have been severely criticised in some quarters and In other quarters as eminently respecVable I have been indorsed in the position I have assumed. If not openly it has been very generally tacitly admitted that it is Impossible to thoroughly eradicate the evil, but as to the exact course to pursue toward It, a diversity of opinions exists among those who have examined this phase of social life. " We cannot," some say, "rid the community of gam bling, but how can the evil be reduced to its minimum effect?" There seems to be the rub. Those who have so rigorously cried out for its extermination have failed to suggest any possible or practicable plan by which the desired end can be accomplished. In their blind zeal they seem to forget the essential results of all attempts, viz.: That every effort at its annihilation has been a dismal failure. They are by no means left without practical ex- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 263 amples of the results of such efforts. If they would only pause In their frenzy and direct their attendon to the dme sportina or club houses were presumptively clcsed, they would easily recall facts that Indicated that not only the private precincts of hotels and public buildings, but fashionable resorts, were invaded, and games of chance indulged in. There, free from and unobserved by the guardians of the law, young as well as old were "taken in and fleeced." A few wealthy gamblers managed to run their places behind locked doors and by means of a liberal feeing, offi cers intrusted to see that there was no gambling, blinked at vio lations of the law, passed on, and kept the central authorities In ignorance of their existence. When It was finally discovered that one place was in full blast, the police made a descent upon it, an explosion of powder ensued, and the case went Into the state courts, where Judge McAllister held substantially that po lice officers had no authority to break in the doors of places where it was not absolutely certain that gambling was being reg ularly conducted therein. This decision was looked upon as a victory by the gamblers, and gambling shops opened, with various self-imposed restrictions, in different sections of the city. Ropers-in flourished extensively, and gamblers held undisputed sway behind doubly barred and screened doors. Subsequently the owners of these places put a bold front to their vocation, and In view of former experience, the then existing administration evinced no special inclination to break them up. They -were accordingly in a high tide of prosperity long before I entered upon the Mayoralty, and the authorities were fully cognizant at all times of their location. Considering what the results had been, I came to the conclusion, on becoming Mayor, that the evil must be kept within proper bounds and restrictions. More than that, I deter mined to restrict these houses to the central portions of the city, where they could be closely watched and kept In check. By this course of procedure I had in view the easy and unrestricted entrance of either the police, to detect sharp practices by the gamblers, keep minors out, and find any crooked person who might seek its enchantments, or of business men, who might de sire to see whether an employe was squandering money surrep- dtiously taken from his funds. By such course as I have thus oudlned I have had the indorsement of a large number of cidzens, and the results have been far better than they would have been under different conditions. Under the apparent rigid rule in vogue In 1873, there were in the city forty-four gambling 264 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, establishments and twenty odd bunko places; in 1877, over thirty gambling houses and a dozen or more bunko rooms, while during 1880 there have not been seventeen of the former, and not a single bunko establishment. 1 notice the correspondent of the Tribune says there are in Washington city, with a popu lation less than one-third of that of Chicago, from twenty-five to thirty gambling houses in full blast, and yet, he says, they pull them frequendy, and break up their furniture. The present state of affairs here Is due to restrictions, and while a great num ber of complaints came to my office shortly after my in auguration, there have been not more than a half dozen within the past eighteen months. The plan of keeping these places in the heart of the city enables the police officers to learn where brace boxes are played upon unsuspecting victims. Such houses are promptly dealt with. Those that are run are put upon their good behavior ; minors are excluded, and those who must play protected from the tricks of dealers, and games of a character cal culated to attract the man of small means and the young, are being entirely prevented. I am not defending gambling per se, but if my position Is wrong in dealing with it from a practical standpoint, the people have their remedy. They can appeal to an authority higher than mine, and strange It is that such citizens and news papers as have assailed me have not also directed their batteries toward that authority. Those who think my plan not the best have a state law under which any one so disposed can take his hand in suppressing gambling. I fear, however, that Mr. Lincoln was not mistaken when he said that " statutory enactments can't tirrn a calf's tail Into a third hind leg." The fireside, the lyceum and the well-stocked public library will do more than laws to suppress social evils. But those who differ with me have a law under which a citizen, feeling that the community has been out raged by the existence of gambling, can go and swear out a war rant and secure satisfaction. The Grand Jury are open to his complaints, and even the assistance of the State's Attorney can be Invoked. In conclusion, I desire to return my thanks to the members of the outgoing Council and to the heads of the dif ferent departments for their kind assistance and courtesies, and to ask the indulgence and aid of the Incoming Council in all measures looking to the welfare and prosperity of the city. Carter H. Harrison, Mavor. The official bond of Theodore T. Gurney, Comptroller, In the sum of $100,000, signed by Sidney A. Kent, Henry Botsford, John B. Lyon, Sylvester D. Foss and Wllejj M. Egan, and the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 265 official bond of Charles S. Waller, Commissioner of Public Works, in the sum of $50,000, signed by Edward Waller. Will iam O. George and James L. Waller as suredes, were approved by the Council May 30, as also were the bonds of William J. McGarigle, General Superintendent of Police, for $25,000, signed by J. H. Whitbeck, M. J. Sullivan and George Schneider ; D. J. Swenie, Fire Marshal, for $25,000, signed by T. E. Courtney, Louis Haas and Thomas Lynch; Oscar C. DeWolf, Health Commissioner, for $5,000, signed by George W. Hale and Sex- tus N. Wilcox as sureties. July 6, 1881, Mayor Harrison sent the following communication to the Council in reference to the assassination of President James A. Garfield by Charles J. Gulteau : Mayor's Office, Chicago, July 6, 1881. To the City Council of the City of Chicago — Gentlemen : Since your last session the hand of an assassin has been lifted against the life of the President of the United States. It has caused a thrill of horror to fill the hearts of all good men throughout the civilized world, and the people of the United States have been Inexpressibly shocked that such an attempt should have been a second time made against their chief magis trate and their most exalted servant. The citizens of Chicago have had but one feeling aroused by this horrible deed — a feel ing mingled with detestation of the great crime, and heartfelt sympathy with President Garfield and his family. While they deeply deplore that any one could conceive and execute so das tardly a deed, they yet know that it was the act of a single man, and not the conspiracy of others, and they earnestly condemn the rancor which could even suggest that Gulteau 's crime v/as the premeditated act of any faction of the country. They recog nize that assassination as a means of removing a public servant can never become a growth on free American soil. The assas sin may shock the sentiment of Americans, but cannot cause them to doubt the safety of the Republic, nor can he materially disturb the equipoise of Its institutions. Chicago now rejoices that the condition of the President gives hopes of his recovery. I recommend that you pass resolutions of sympathy with him and his family. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor. Aids. Buriey, WIckersham and Hlldreth were appointed a committee to prepare resolutions. The resolutions were adopted by a rising vote of the Council, and were as follows : Resolved, That we, the Common Council of the city of Chicago, deeply deplore and emphatically condemn the recent attempt to assassinate the President of the Republic. 266 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Resolved, That the act was one of unequaled and unparal leled atrocity, inasmuch as it was an attempt to destroy a Chief Executive who blends in himself the qualities that distinguish a President and a Statesman, and adorn a man. Resolved, That we trust that God in his mercy will spare his life for his country's sake. Resolved, That our heartfelt sympathies are extended to the President and his family. Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon our records, and that a copy be telegraphed to the Honorable Secretary of State. September 20, a special meeting was held to take action suit able to the occasion, the Mayor and thirty-four aldermen being present. The Mayor presented the following message : To THE Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Chicago, IN City Council Assembled — Gentlemen : Last nigfht while you were discussing an important matter, the fire gong startled you by Its measured toll It said, " The President Is dead I " You at once silently adjourned. I have called you together to make the formal announcement that the Chief Magistrate of the United States, after a heroic struggle of eighty days with grim death, has at last given up the fight — that his spirit at 10:35 last night winged Its flight to the presence of Its God, leaving behind it a name which will live as long as history continues to be writ ten. This Is a painful announcement, whether you think of James A. Garfield as a man or as the executive head of this mighty Republic. As a man he had his faults, perhaps, for who that is human has not? But his virtues were even greater than have been bestowed upon even a minority of the men whom the world has called great. He was a kind and generous friend, a loving and gentle husband, and a devoted father. He was an industrious public servant, and endeavored to square all his public acts by an upright and peculiarly sensitive conscience. He was an earn est patriot, and showed his love for his country on the batde-field as well as In the legislative halls. He was ambitious, but his ambition was of that exalted character which pined for an eter nal fame. He has been cut off in a manner which will cause his name to live forever. But he has been robbed of his most dar ling wish, which was that he would fasten his name to some act that would forever endear him to his fellow-men. As President of this mighty land, had he been spared, this most earnest desire might have been gratified. It is a bitter thing for such a man to be cut off thus on the threshold of his grfkt opportunity. Re- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 267 garding him as a man, we can profoundly mourn his untimely death ; but when we regard him as the chief magistrate of the United States, we have far more poignant pain. He was mur dered, not because he had awakened personal animosity, not because he had embittered a human life, but because he was the chief magistrate. The assassin aimed at his heart, not because that heart was a man's, but because It beat beneath a President's breast. It Is a terrible thought that the man whom a nation ex alts to be Its chief executive, its chief servant, should be a target for a fanatic's bullet. Thank God but one feeling animates the hearts of all men and women in this broad land — execration and horror of the deed, and of the wretch who perpetrated it. I hope this execration will grow Into a hatred of the vile system In our body politic which maddened Guiteau's brain. The assas sin of the President was a mad fanatic, but his last act was the result of political pyaemia in our governmental fabric — greed of office. It has been charged that the black axiom, " To the victor belong the spoils," was promulgated by a great man. Every friend of the defender of New Orleans should resent the vile aspersion. To that axiom we owe the rapid diffusion of the poison which belongs to the spoils system. Office Is for the good of the people, and not spoils for the officeholder. That party should be entitled to the longest life in this country which most boldly and honestly demands that this upas tree of Repub lican institutions be eternally and utterly eradicated. The death of James A. Garfield brings this hideous monster plainly before the eyes of the world. He believed In reform in the civil ser vice. His countrymen can best show their appreciation of his worth by following what he would advise could his spirit speak to them to-day. Let It be written In letters of blood, "Guiteau's bullet was sped by the spoils system. In the name of Garfield, death to the vile system." Gentlemen, I recommend that you adopt appropriate resolu dons, that the same be spread upon the records, and that you appoint a committee of the Council to attend the funeral of our lamented President, and, in the name of Chicago, to drop a tear upon his grave. I shall Issue a proclamation calling upon all the people of this great city to desist from all labor and amusements during the hours of the funeral, and thus to show their respect for the dead President of the United States, and their horror of the black deed which so untimely took him off. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor. Aids. WIckersham, Phelps, Everett, Young, Meier and Bur- 268 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ley were appointed a committee to prepare and present to the Council such resolutions as they might deem appropriate. While the committee retired Aid. Burley addressed the Council as fol lows : The President of the United States is dead. Again we are called to mourn the death of the Chief Magistrate by the hand of an assassin. Again we are obliged to see our system of Republican government tested, and let us hope that all our peo ple will now, as In days gone, be united in the determination that our government .shall stand. Whatever may be the individual differences of opinion, let us be united In the one idea that in union and in the supremacy of law lies our safety. The Presi dent is dead ! Long live the President. The President Is dead, but we still have a president and a government. While we mourn the loss of our late honored Chief Magistrate, let us reaffirm our loyalty to our government, and to those upon whom Its cares and duties devolve. Let us pray that God in His divine provi dence will direct our rulers and guide them, and preserve our country from Internal dissensions and external wars. There is little to be said upon an occasion like this. I cannot avoid ex pressing my admiration for the man we have lost, and expressing the hope that his successor may be all we could hope or wish him to be. I will suggest with regard to the resolutions that it would be proper to add one that the Mayor and a Committee of Alder men, to be appointed by him, attend the funeral ceremonies wherever they are held, as representatives of the city of Chicago. The committee presented the following resolutions, which were adopted by a rising vote : Whereas, We have learned with profound sorrow and re gret of the death of the eminent and respected Chief Magistrate of the nation, James A. Garfield, who, during his short occupan cy of the highest posidon in the gift of a great people, and as the ruler of 50,000,000, had won their entire confidence, their es teem, and their admiration by his manly character, his broad views, and his statesmanlike qualities ; who gave promise of giv ing our country an administration under which unexampled pros perity would be a ruling characteristic alike In all sections, indus tries of all kinds fostered and encouraged as they never have been encouraged before in the history of America, and our rela tions as a corporate body-politic established on a closer, firmer, and more intimate and amicable basis than ever before, with the other nations of the worid ; and who had evinced, in all the rancors of political strife between party factions, a deep sense of a feeling which should always animate the Ut-east of a great peo- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 269 pie — a feeling to which the martyred Lincoln gave memorable utterance In the epigrammatic sentence : "With malice toward none, with charity for all," and. Whereas, Our grief has been made the more keen and intense by the fact that his death has been by the hand of an un principled, and dastardly assassin ; that In his demise the law lessness, utter abandonment and recklessness of a man should be made manifest in a country of pure and liberal principles, where "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" is guaranteed to all in the Constitution of our land, and that the wish of all for his continued administration should thus be ruthlessly set aside, by one iniquitous individual ; and. Whereas, Our sense of sorrow is also most deeply touched at a time when it seemed that, after so long and anxious waiting for his recovery, he might still be saved to the nation, and that the long and heroic struggle he made for life gave hopes for a return of health ; therefore be It, Resolved, That we extend to the family of our late Chief Magistrate our heartfelt and tender sympathy in their irrepara ble loss. Resolved, That as a proper mark of respect the City Hall be draped in mourning for the period of thirty days, and that on the day of the funeral ceremonies, his Honor, the Mayor, direct that all the public offices and schools be closed, and that he re quest that all places of amusement be closed, and business be suspended. . Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the rec ords of this Council, and that copies be sent to the President of the United States, and the heads of departments in Washington, and to the family of the late President Resolved, That his Honor, the Mayor, and a committee of nine Aldermen, to be appointed by him, attend the funeral cere monies wherever they are held, as representatives of the city of Chicago. The Mayor and Committee of Aldermen, accompanied by a committee of the County Board, attended the funeral ceremonies at Cleveland, O. On the same day there was an Imposing dem onstration of military and civic organizations in Chicago, the procession accompanying a catafalque through the principal streets of the city. The excitement attending Guiteau's Infamous act was in tense. Crowds of people surrounded the newspaper and tele graph offices daily to learn the latest particulars of the President s 270 politics and politicians, condition. When the announcement came, on the evening of September 19, that he had breathed his last in the cottage at. Elberon, the Council was In session, and when the fire-gongs began their dismal toll the Chairman's gavel fell, and the Council arose In a body and adjourned with silent impresslveness. All public and many private buildings In the city were profusely draped with mourning emblems, and in no city in the Union was detestation of this black crime in the history of the nation more conspicuously expressed, nor was sympathy with the President's bereaved family more genuine and spontaneous. That portion of the Mayor's first communication deploring a certain mani festation of rancor, had reference to inuendoes in certain organs of the so-called Blaine or " Featherhead" Republican faction, that the assassination was satisfactorily received by the " Stal warts," the opposing faction in the party. The public generally repudiated this partisan attempt to create a suspicion that any portion of the people were gratified at the commission of this infamous crime. Charles J. Gulteau, the assassin, was called by many newspapers a Chicago "crank," but he was no more a Chicago product than of other cities which he made his residence during a strange and erratic career. His parents lived in Free- port, III, and at one time he wandered through the wilds of the West in a religious frenzy. His history is now too well known to need repetition. When in this city he lived a portion of the time with his brother-in-law, George Scoville, a lawyer, who had married his sister some years before. He resorted to the Public Library a great deal In the preparation of his peculiar religious pamphlets. Lawyer Scoville and Charles H. Reed, ex-State's Attorney of Cook county, who had taken up his residence In Washington some time before, defended Gulteau in his trial. While the general belief in Chicago was that Gulteau was Insane, and witnesses were summoned from this city to attest the fact, physicians expert in insanity disagreed, and Gulteau was exe cuted. Many of those who believed him insane did not regret his partial expiation of the crime, and esteemed it a salutary public warning to criminal malefactors or murderously Inclined "cranks"^he latter being a term fittingly applied to Gulteau and to Individuals possessing his traits, by the public press of the country. September 12, 1881, the Council by a rising vote adopted the following resolutions of respect to the memory of the young, brave and popular Major John H. Lannigan, deceased : Resolved, That as members of the Citji^ Council of the city CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 27 I of Chicago, we desire to place upon the records of this Council a tribute of respect to the memory of Major John H. Lannigan. Major Lannigan was born in 1844 at Detroit, Mich., came to Chicago in 1861, enlisted as Second Lieutenant In the Twenty- third Illinois Infantry, Col. Mulligan commanding, and served with bravery, fidelity and distinction in that regiment till it was' mustered out at the close of the war, being In the meantime pro moted to the rank of First Lieutenant. He was at the battle of Winchester when Col. Mulligan was killed. He returned to Chicago after the war, and in 1874 entered the employ of the city, being connected with the Treasurer's office from that time to the day of his death. For the past two years he has held the position of Assistant Inspector General of the state militia, and was a member of the Second Regiment, holding the position of Major. His sudden death has caused a shock to all who knew him. He was a gentleman, kind, courteous, and ever friendly to all, and possessed In a high degree all that the word gentleman Implies. His connection with the City Treasurer's office for over seven years has made him familiar to every person connected with this Council and with the city officers, and to every one having business with the treasury. His courteous and obliging manners have endeared him to all ; his Integrity and fidelity in the city's employ calls for respect and honor, and his pleasant and lovable nature has made him the kind friend. On Wednes day, the 7th inst, he left his desk sllghdy ill. On Saturday, the loth inst, he sent word that he would be on duty the Monday following. Saturday he became worse, and on Sunday died In the bloom and vigor of manhood, deeply mourned by mother and sisters, in whose midst he passed away, regretted, and his loss deplored by his friends, but with the honor and respect of all for his manly, upright, and blameless life. . Resolved, That these resolutions be published In the regular proceedings of this Council, and that the Clerk cause a copy of the resolutions to be sent to the family of the deceased. In a message to the Council September 19, Mayor Harrison referred to the bridge nuisance in the following language : "The bridge nuisance has grown to be almost Intolerable. Sooner or later the river, at least from the juncdon of the two branches up to some point near the mouth of the canal, must be closed and a new channel cut thence to the lake. The West side is now half of the city, and it will not long submit to the delays and vexa tions caused^ by the opening and closing of the bridges. The change I Indicate is one of great magnitude, and cannot be 272 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, brought about for several years. But in the meantime some thing must be done. Tunnels do not seem to sadsfy the people. Immediate relief can only be brought about by numerous bridges, and those bridges to be as wide as the streets leading to ^hem, so as to admit the passage of teams, as along the streets. In London and Paris the bridges are all now being built of equal width with the streets. But there such bridges do not require to be drawn, as here. Ours must be drawbridges. So few locali ties require such structures that inventive genius Is not called into activity to devise new systems and plans sufficient to enable double rows of teams to cross and yet not narrow the channel of the river when vessels are passing. I have thought much of this, and have come to the conclusion we can get the aid of inventive genius only by offering a generous reward for the best practical plan for a drawbridge suitable to our necessities. I recommend, therefore, that you empower the Mayor to offer a reward of $5,000 for such plan, the same not to be paid unless something valuable be submitted, and to pay such rewards out of moneys not otherwise appropriated." October 26 the Mayor submitted a communication in refer ence to a letter from Walker Blaine, Third Assistant Secretary of State, announcing that the representatives of Baron Von Steuben would arrive In Chicago October 30, and requesting that the municipality should receive them. The matter was left in the hands of the Mayor with power to act. The distinguished guests were tendered a public reception by the city officials at the Palmer house upon their arrival. November 28 the Council adopted the following resolution, tendering the freedom of the city to visiting officials from New Orleans : Whereas, The reception tendered by the municipality of New Orleans last spring to the Mayor, Chief of Police, Firemen and Aldermen of Chicago who visited the Crescent City, was spontaneous and generous ; and Whereas, Aid. F"itzpatrick, Administrator of Finance, Aid. Meally and Pagan, Sheriff Duffy, and other city officials, are now on their way here ; therefore, be it Resolved, That the freedom of the city of Chicago be ten dered these gentlemen during their visit, and that a committee of three be appointed by His Honor the Mayor, to receive the guests and make such arrangements as may conduce to their comfort during their stay in our city Aids. Hlldreth, Hulbert and Peevey w«re appointed as such CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 273 committee. February 6, 1882, Mayor Harrison, submitted his annual message to the Council, from which the following excerpts were taken : To THE City Council of the City of Chicago, — Gen tlemen : The time for the presentation of the Mayor's annual message has been established by custom on the Inauo-ura- don of a new Council. The fiscal year ends with the 31st of December, and as the new Council does not take its seat until the first week in May, it has occurred to me that the proper time for laying before you statements and suggestions In regard to the conduct of municipal affairs ought to be made as soon as pos sible after the end of the year. Instead of four months thereafter. I have, therefore, decided to take a new departure on this occa sion, and with your kind indulgence, will set forth the operations of the city government for the year just closed. * * ¦» What I now desire to call your attention to at the outset. Is the fact that for the first time in several years, the city has not been obliged during 1881 to issue any "city scrip." In my last message I said I would earnestly endeavor to so manage the municipal affairs as to evade any necessity for Issuing the paper. The city, I hope, will never again be compelled to resort to the cumber some system. This can be done only by properly guarding the general fund so that we may pay cash as we go. * * * The exhibits I herewith give have been prepared by Comptroller Gurney, and show what has been done in the finance department for the last year. Amount of taxes received during the year 1881, $4,115,- 408.04 ; $251,000 of the above amount was for taxes of 1881. Amount In treasury at close of year, $755,479.26. Amount expended by Department of Public Works, $684,445.69 ; for maintenance of the Fire Department, $568,760.87. Police De partment, $576,815.52. Amount expended by the School De partment for construction, janitors and office employes, $678,- 180.23. Amount paid for superintendent and teachers, $663,- 972.49. Savings from appropriation of 1881, approximated $100,000.00. Income for the year 1882, approximated 350,- 000.00. Water bonds due July i, 1882, $333,000. These figures forcibly demonstrate the desirability of this city for residence and business purposes. Merchants and manufacturers elsewhere are beginning to appreciate the fact, and our population is being rapidly increased by accessions from their ranks. * * * J have reliable Informadon -that during this year there will be a very large increase of manufacturing Interests In the city, by iS 274 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, reason of heavy establishments locating branches, or entirely moving here. * * * A lltde over a year ago the Health Department was authorized to establish a system of inspectors of manufactories ; although the system Is but partially perfected, enough statistics have been gathered to establish the fact that there are over 135,000 operatives employed in manufacturing establishments in this city. This is a startling fact, when one remembers that forty-five years ago Chicago was a village, and that twenty years since, excepting agricultural machinery, we had virtually no manufactures. * * * Our police depart ment is at present In a most active and efficient condition. I can see no possible means of increasing the force, unless you will use your chartered rights to raise money by a judicious, and at the same time, comprehensive system of license. * * * Without such system we can do no more than to strengthen and improve what is already at our command. The message recommended that In addition to $40,000 already expended on the police telephone, or patrol system, the system be carried out and perfected at an additional cost of $60,000, and the running expenses of the system were estimated at $49,380 per annum. The total number of arrests during the year was given at 31,713; the fines assessed amounted to $163,937, and the value of stolen property of all kinds recovered, $108,802.56. The work of the Fire Department for the year was shown to have been fully up to its standard of excellence. The department responded to 1,104 alarms, eight of which were outside the city limits, 89 false alarms, and 112 false and still alarms. The valuation of theproperty Involved was $19,738,508 ; amount of insurance, $9,662,326 ; estimated loss by fire, $921,495, or an average loss for each fire In the city of $1,029. In connec tion with the operations of the Health Department reference was had to an epidemic of small-pox, and general and thorough vac cination was urged as a safeguard. The origin of the disease was attributed to the large number of Immigrants who had come to the city or had passed through on their way to the West The mortality of the city during the year was 13, 830, or at the rate of 25.61 In each 1,000 of population. In connection with the schools it was shown that the Increase of children of school age had been 20,000, or about the same average as for nine years previous. Seven new school building.^, with accommodation's for 6,237 pupils. The number attending half-day sessions on account of lack of accommodations, was 9,594 during the month of November. There had been a very decld^i increase in the -CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 275 funds from water collections, the receipts being $936,639.24, while for the previous year they were $865,618.35. The earnings of the House of Correction were placed at $32,865.43 above all expenses, which were $72,800. The message also made refer ence to the old lake tunnel, which had been closed fifteen years before, and It was set forth that in obedience to the order of the Council the water had been pumped out, and It had been found in an admirable condition. While the new tunnel was seven feet in diameter, there was no doubt but that in the near future the demand for water would exceed the capacity of both tunnels, and the message recommended the enlargement of the old tunnel from five feet to seven or eight feet in diameter. The message set forth that there had been 459 transfers of saloon li censes during the license year, and recommending action by the Council that would prevent loss to the city In the collection of license fees growing out of the privilege of transfer, which many saloonkeepers had abused. The message continued : One more suggestion, and I will conclude. This city Is destined to be one of the great cities of the world. Nothing but some dire political revolution can check her growth. In providing for the wants of to-day we should look to the neces sities of the great future. Public Improvements ample for to day will prove wholly inadequate to-morrow. We should en deavor to provide for the morrow not only what will be needed m.aterially, but also for the demands of a refined and refining taste. It cannot be expected that the people of to-day will or should rob themselves to gratify the people of the future. No city In a free country can be made magnificent out of the pro ceeds of immediate taxation. It should be made grand, but coming generations should help to bear expense. We should pay every cent needed for present municipal purposes, but we should provide for future Chicago, and should ask that future to help us so provide. That can be done only by issuing bonds for great and permanent public improvements. To this end the legislature should be asked to move for a change In the state's consdtudon, to permit to issue bonds for such permanent im provements. Checks should be so thrown around the Issuance of such bonds that extravagance may not be fostered, and that speculative and corrupt rings may not be brought into existence. Bonds should be permitted to be issued only to a limited amount during any one year, and should only be for permanent Improvements. Some means will have to be devised for car rying sewage out of the city, and a water system must in a short 276 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, time be inaugurated sufficient for a million of people. Our present tunnels will be ample for 700,000 to 800,000 people ; we will reach that before 1890. We should have viaducts of a permanent character, of stone. These and their approaches will be very costly, and in a few years we shall have to turn over our new City Hall to the courts of the county. A new city hall will then have to be built It should be commensurate with the wealth of Chicago. We shall need each year large and airy public schools. All of these public improvements should be built, not for to-day, but for hereafter. The wealth of the future should be drawn upon for their cost. In conclusion, gentlemen, permit me to thank you for your uniform courtesy to me and for your hearty co-operation in all matters of great pub lic interest. Gentlemen, since the foregoing was written, a so- called report of the late Grand Jury of Cook county has been published In the papers, which is so unjust to the Mayor and the Police Department that I feel I owe to you a refutation of Its false slanders. Sometime I was told by a well-known Republican that a certain number of that Grand Jury intended, If possible, to besmirch me in the jury report. He told me that he himself was not my friend In any sense, but that he was opposed to the Grand Jury being used as a political machine, and he therefore, wished me to know that this scheme was on foot The regular report of the Grand Jury is signed by its foreman, but there is published w^^hat purports to be a supplemental report, with no signature. The Grand Jury is instructed and sworn not to divulge what transpires during Its sessions ; yet this paper pretends to report the testimony given by myself and by the Chief of Police and other policemen. It has these words : "He (the Mayor) denied, however, to be in possession of the slightest evidence on which a Grand Jury could act ; but admitted in the same breath to have forced the owners of gambling houses, citing that of M. C. McDonald In particular, by threats of a raid, to refund money lost in their establishments." This Is false. I made no such denial. I told them I had seen keno played in two establish ments less than a year ago, and named the houses ; that I went to them for that purpose, and that I had ordered keno stopped, and had caused one of the houses to be raided for not obeying the order ; but that I had not personally seen any other In any of the so-called gambling houses. I did tell them that I asked McDonald by note to refund money claimed to have been lost in his house ; that the said McDonald had come to me and asked If I really wished him to give this money baflk, and went away leav- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 277 ing upon my mind the impression that he would not do so, and thereupon I had ordered his house pulled. But I did not say I had threatened McDonald that I would raid his house ; I told them that about dusk of that day a partner of a prominent law firm had telephoned me that McDonald had repaid the money. The Grand Jury could easily have summoned the members of this law firm, and so obtained all the testimony necessary. I told them I had gotten back other moneys lost They did not ask who were the parties paying the same ; they were not looking for testimony. This paper says : " He (the Mayor) admitted finally to have instructed the police repeatedly to permit gambling under certain restrictions." This is false ! In answer to a question if I had not done so, I stated most positively that I had never given any such instructions, but that I had instructed the police that if minors, drunken men or poor mechanics were allowed to play in any house, or If suppers were furnished or liquors given away or sold, or if ropers-in were employed, or cards of adver tisement were issued, or if a house was kept open after seven o'clock Saturday evenings, then the house or houses so offending must be raided ; that otherwise I left the matter to the discretion of the Police Department. This paper says : " Mayor Harrison claims that the laws against gambling could not be enforced with out detriment to the public." This is entirely false! I told them that I could do better by attempting to close them up, as previous administrations had attempted to do, with signal failure, and then told them there were fewer gambling establishments In the city to-day than had been during any administration since the fire. The man who wrote this so-called report Is a bitter enemy of mine, and, I have learned, got himself appointed on the Grand Jury, and boasted to one of the fellow jurors, before they were sworn in, that he intended making things hot for the Mayor. The Chief of Police and the Chief of Detectives fur nished the jury with a list of all of the gambling houses known to them in the city. On this list, opposite each house, on one side was the names of those reputed and believed by the police to be the owners, and on the other side the names of men em ployed in the respective houses, who claimed and acknowledged themselves as owners, and in two instances the same name was on each side. And yet, with this testimony, this report falsely states that no evidence .was furnished them on which they could find an indictment. They could have found true bills against the reputed owners, and the State's Attorney could easily have 278 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, found testimony to convict They could have found true bills against those who claimed and confessed themselves to be owners, and the witnesses were before them to prove the con fession, and to prove that those men were dealers or regular partners in the several houses. This Grand Jury, for reasons best known to Itself, did not wish to hurt the gamblers, and one man was bent upon throwing mud upon the city officials for political purposes, and others permitted this paper, concocted in the office of a political newspaper, to be attached to the regular report of the jury. And yet this Grand Jury, which violates Its oath in divulging what transpired during its sessions, which perverts the truth or positively asserts falsehoods in this so-called supplemental report, sets itself up to be the moral censor of the city administration, and made itself the tool of one man, who got himself upon the jury to vent his personal venom, and to make political capital. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor. April 21 the Council passed the annual appropriation bill ; the amount appropriated and ordered levied for the fiscal year, January i, 1882, to December 31, 1882, being $4,227,402.29. Following is an abstract of the votes cast for the election of members of the new Council, April 4, 1882 : First ward, Swayne WIckersham, Dem., 903 ; William B. Clapp, Rep., 525. Second ward, Patrick Sanders, Dem., 1,515 ; Marx Wineman, Rep., 705 ; John Gelder, Ind. Dem., 51. Third ward, Daniel L. Shorey, Rep., 865 ; Melvin McKee, Dem., 543. Fourth ward, William W. Watklns, Rep., 774 ; Sylvester D. Foss, Rep., 1,370 ; Frank Baker, Dem., 526. Fifth ward, Ed ward P. Burke, Dem., 2,405 ; Fred. Aye, Ind., 896 ; Edward O'Hare, Rep., 1,080. Sixth ward, E. F. Cullerton, Dem., 1,950; John W. Garney, Rep., 1,183. Seventh ward, James H. Hll dreth, Dem.. 1,674 ; G. H. Torrey, Rep., 273 ; M. Sebasdan, Ind., II. Eighth ward, Frank Lawler, Dem., 2,044. Timothy E. Ryan, Dem., 1,117; Jas. Kelly, 64. Ninth ward, Michael Gaynor, Dem., 1,745 ; Ira H. Tubbs, Rep., 624 ; John C. Boyd, 35. Tenth ward, George E. White, Rep., 1,028 ; Henry Schraeder, Dem.. 415. Eleventh ward, Thomas N. Bond, Rep., 1,164; Samuel Simons, Rep., 507; Thos. E. Courtney, Dem., 143. Twelfth ward, John Marder, Rep., 1,746 ; Henry Baker, Ind. Rep., 1,335. Thirteenth ward, John E. Dalton, Dem., i,- 423 ; Bart Quirk, Rep., 725. Fourteenth ward, Michael Ryan, Dem., 1,559 ; Jacob Stampen, Socialist, 619; John J. Bloch, Ind. Dem., 286; Henry K. Thornbush, Rep., 179; Michael O'Day, Dem., 371 ; Henry C. Kersting, Ind., ^. Fifteenth ward. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 279 James M. Quinn, Dem., i,oi6 ; Wm. S. Young, Rep., 625 • John McCauley, Ind., 695; J. C. Petersen, 178. Sixteenth ward, John H. Colvin, Dem., 880; Anton Iriihoff, 519; Fred. Kerstens 36; Matthias E. Essner, 434; Wm. DeWald, 19. Seventeenth ward, John Sweeney, Dem., 1,117; John Murphy, Rep., 1,092. Eighteenth ward, JohnE. Geohegan, Dem., 1,423; Augustus H. Burley, Rep., 1,089. During the year 1882 Mayor Harrison made the following appointments :— Directors of the Public Library, William Curran, T. C. McMillan, Adolph Moses, Harry Rubens, W. H. Wells and John W. Enrlght, vice William Curran, resigned. Members of the Board of Education, M. A. Delaney, John W. Garry, Michael Keeley, C. L. Niehoff, Frank A. Stauber, P. O. Stens land, A. C. Storey. Superintendent of Police, Austin J. Doyle, November 13, vice W. J. McGarigle, resigned. William J. McGarigle made an efficient and popular Chief of Police. Dur ing the earlier part of his term he spent several months in Eu rope, investigating the police and detective systems there. He resigned to become the candidate of the Democratic county convention for Sheriff. July 31, 1882, Aid. Blair presented to the Council a pream ble and resolutions granting permission to his Honor the Mayor to take a vacation, and moved its adoption. The motion pre vailed by yeas 32, nays i — Aid. Nelson. The following Is the resolution as adopted : Whereas, Our worthy Mayor has devoted his time and attention to the duties of his office with the utmost zeal and fidelity, giving to the affairs of the city a greater degree of care and consideration than a business man would do to his own pri- 'vate business, has been daily at his desk dispatching matters re quiring executive action and giving audience to all who have had Important business to lay before him, and have Invariably attended the sessions of this Council, greatly aiding us in our deliberations and expediting business, therefore be It Resolved, That as a recognition of this faithful service of the Mayor, and in view of the further fact that In the three years and a quarter of his connection with the affairs of the city, he has only taken two weeks' vacation, this Council does hereby grant him a leave of absence until the 4th of September next, that he may if he so chooses visit Europe for relaxation and rec reation, and that In the event of his finding matters which may require a longer time for study for the interests of Chicago, an extension of one or two weeks is also hereby allowed, at his discretion. 2 8o POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Mayor Harrison during his absence was honored by being given the freedom of the city of Dublin, and was entertained by the Corporation. Upon his return, September 20, he was the recipient of an immense popular ovation on the part of the city employes and citizens, there being a monster procession and fire works, and public speaking on the lake front October 2 the Council adopted resoludons tendering A. M. Sullivan, M. P., the Irish patriot, the hospitalides of the city; sympathizing with Ireland In her struggle for self-government, and resolving to adjourn and attend in a body the lecture of A. M. Sullivan, which he was In the course of delivering at Central Music hall. October 23 the fc^llowlng resolutions were passed relative to the death of Peter Cunningham, an old citizen, prominent in politics, and for many years a trusted city employe : Whereas, The hand of death has removed from our midst Peter Cunningham, of the Mayor's office ; therefore be it Resolved, That In the sudden and unexpected demise of Mr. Cunningham the city has lost a valued and trusty servant, his family a most kind and affectionate father, and society an active member ; a man who in his public as well as social rela tions bore a high and enviable reputation, and who discharged the duties of life with ability and most faithfully, honestly and conscientiously, and be it further Resolved, That this Council, together with the various de partments of the city, do hereby tender to his afflicted family and relatives their heartfelt sympathy and condolence In this their hour of grief, and that the City Clerk be directed to send a copy of these resolutions to his family, duly engrossed, and that the same be spread upon the records of the Council. December 27 resolutions of respect to the memory of ex- Ald. Thomas Cannon, deceased, were adopted, and ordered spread upon the records March 12, 1883, Mayor Harrison, by resolution of the Council, appointed Aids. WIckersham, Dean, Colvin and Altpeter as a committee on reception to receive and entertain President Diaz of Mexico, and party, on the occasion of their visit to the city. March 21, 1883, Mayor Harrison sent his annual message to the Council, In which, before reviewing the operations of the city departments, he had the following to say : I regret the necessity of saying anything which may savor of politics, but the good name of Chicago has been shamelessly attacked for partisan purposes by a part of*its press, which has CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 28 1 grown fat with Its prosperity. So persistently has this been done that people In other localities and some of our own people, who are prone to believe whatever they see In print, have been made to believe that this city Is a sink of festerino- crime ; Its officials In league with thieves and cut-throats, and thrlvino- by wasting the funds of the public. As the Mayor of Chicago, proud of Its good name, I cannot silently permit that good name to be tarnished by the slanders of men, who, had they lived eighteen hundred and odd years ago, would have sold their mas ter for thirty pieces of silver. Newspapers within the past few days have had the hardi hood to assert that the economy practiced during the Incumbency of this administration has been the forced fruit of the two per cent limitation for the tax levy. The saving of over $600,000 from the appropriation of 1879, during seven months of that year, was not forced by such limitation. The appropriation was made under my predecessor. His expenditures during the first four months of the year were based on a saving of less than ten per cent This administration took the fifth month to study the question and to mature its plans, and then proceeded to save 25 per cent of the appropriation, and as a result one and a quarter million dollars in scrip were Issued that year, against two and a quarter millions under my predecessor the year before. And what is more, the greater portion of that one and a quarter millions of dollars was paid for expenditures from January to May, during the term of my predecessor. In 1880 not greatly over a half million dollars of scrip were issued, and thenceforth the city was redeemed from its curse. I wish to call your atten tion also, while on the subject of finances, to another reform in this line. Prior to June, 1879, officials and employes of the city were rarely paid before the 8th of the month, and generally later, and often between the loth and 15th, and other creditors were put off from day to day, without any good reason therefor. I could not understand why Chicago should not be as prompt In paying as any business institution. Orders were given that it should be made so. I am happy to say that for three and a half years all monthly payments have been prompdy met on the first day of the month, with some few exceptions, where they have been deferred a day or two. This has proved not simply a benefit to those direcdy paid by the city, but, by causing nearly a quarter of a million dollars to be monthly put in circulation at fixed and well understood periods, has helped to give life to all business interests In the city. That the administration has been 282 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Still looking to the Interests of the people may be judged by the following financial exhibit from our efficient and capable Comptroller, Mr. Gurney : Amount of money In the treasury January i, 1883, $910,- 887.09; amount of city taxes for 1882 uncollected January i, 1883, $3,952,402.98; total receipts from all sources during the year, $8,605,507.37; total disbursements for the same period, $8,450,099.54; the endre bonded debt of the city January i, 1879, $13,043,000.00; the amount retired during the past four years, $291,000.00; total bonded debt December 30, 1882 (which includes the entire debt of the city), $12,752,000.00. Of the above amounts the following was refunded : 6 per cent sew erage bonds, due July i, 1880, refunded at 41^ percent, $80,- 000,00; 7 per cent sewerage bonds, due July i, 1880, refunded at 4>-^.per cent, $410,000.00; 7 per cent municipal bonds, due April I, 1881, refunded at 4 per cent, $843,500.00 ; 6 per cent water bonds, due July i, 1882, refunded at 3.65 per cent, $198,- 000.00; 7 per cent water bonds, due July i, 1882, refunded at 3.65 per cent., $135,000.00; means on hand for paying the bonded debt, being the resources of the various sinking funds restored during the past four years, and are classified as follows: General sinking fund, $130,637.32; river improvement sinking fund; $41,771.02; school sinking fund, $49,806.83; sewerage sinking fund, $45,950.16; the net savings in the Interest on the bonded debt since 1879, Is per annum, $53,221.01. A table was given showing the receipts of the city for the year ending December 30, 1882, to have been $8,605,507.37, and the expenditures for the same time $8,450,099.54, or a surplus of receipts over expenditures of $155,407.83. Health Depart ment. — During the year 1882 the city has been remarkably free from epidemic diseases, with the exception of small pox, and with two exceptions no city of our population in the civilized world presents so low a death rate. There were 13,334 deaths reported. If we estimate our present population at 560,693, we have had a death rate of 23.60 per thousand per year. The death rate amongst children less than five years of age Is high, and is due to the overcrowding, indifferent care and unsanitary conditions Inseparable from our rapid growth from the immigrant class. Our position as the converging point for the great lines of Immigrant travel from the East and South, and the fact that Chicago is the immigrant distributing center for the Northwest, have surrounded us with peculiar dangers from the incursions of small pox. Sixty per cent, of all Immigmnts entering the ports CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 283 of this country during the year 1882 passed through Chicago, and until the Nadonal Board of Health in June last undertook the supervision of this Incoming class by placing medical inspec tors upon all trains leaving ports of entry westward, there was lltde interruption to the direct transmission not only of those suffering with the disease, but of numberiess individuals unpro tected by vaccination, who were invariably attacked when ex posed. It should be remembered to the credit of Chicago that no case was ever passed along, but was immediately removed and cared for. Three thousand six hundred and eleven cases have been reported during the year, of which number one thou sand and fifty-five were treated in hospital. The labor imposed upon the Department of Health in this work alone has been great, and of a peculiarly trying nature, but has been so efficlendy and quietly performed that our large commercial interests have not been imperiled, our schools have not been Interrupted, nor the peace and quiet of our citizens disturbed. There have been 110,915 vaccinations made by the department during the year, and this work has oftentimes been surrounded by peculiar diffi culties. There have been 13,564 nuisances examined, reports made upon them, and abated. There have also been 994 sewer connections ordered and made; 6,421 privy vaults cleaned, 13.733 dead animals removed from the streets, and 403,440 pounds of various meats unfit for food found In our markets have been condemned and sent to the rendering tanks. The tenement house and workshop inspection, and the supervision of houses in process of erection, have been energetically and successfully pur sued by the department. The Police and Fire Departments, the Department of 'Public Works, the Law Department and the Gas Department were reviewed, and showed to be more economically conducted and in more serviceable working order than ever before. The Public Library was shown to have 92,312 volumes and 22,000 book-borrowers ; an annual circulation of 400,000 — the largest in the country with one exception— and the number of visitors to the reading room and reference tables was 610,000. The need of a fire-proof building for this splendid library was dwelt upon, and the efforts to secure Dearborn Park from the government for a site for a library building were referred to. The Schools. — There has been a considerable increase in school attendance as well as school accommodations during the school year. The total number enrolled was 68,614, an increase over the previous year of 5,473, and at the beginning of the year 284 politics and POLITICIANS, there were In process of erection five new schoolhouses, which have been completed at a total cost of $232,639, and will seat 4,347 pupils. On the ist of January last, four other buildings were erected, and these will seat 2,772 pupils. Plans for two new high school buildings are In course of preparation. The school census taken in June last shows that there were 32,038 pupils In private schools, and that the total number of persons between the ages of six and sixteen years, was 1 10,389. During the year there were 9,244 pupils In double divisions, who could only attend school one-half of the day, and to accommodate these and the natural increase in attendance, the Board of Education Is laboring to erect as many new buildings as the funds at their dis posal will permit. The total receipts of the department were $1,457,120.55, and the expenditures $1,146,924.34, thusleavlnga surplus of $310,196.21 net, of which the board has been enabled to pay salaries in cash up to January i last, instead of resorting to scrip after the expiration of the school year in July, as formerly. A table was given showing that the number of saloon licenses issued was less In proportion to population than under the two preceding administrations. The message continued : I know but one way to prevent or diminish improper char acters from obtaining licenses, and that is the passage of a law that no license be issued unless before Its Issuance application therefor be made some two weeks or a month beforehand, and that the name of the applicant be posted up on some official board for scrutiny. Then persons who are not Interested in the morals of the city can notify the Mayor in writing. In that way, if Injury be done an applicant, he can have recourse to a proper tribunal for redress. But no Mayor can accept the state ments of irresponsible men, or can refuse to a man a license simply because some newspaper, which fattens on blackening private character for sensational purposes, attacks such a man. A Mayor, who Is himself wantonly maligned, cannot put much faith In the statements of the mallgner as to the character of others. But aside from these considerations, there has not been a Mayor that I can learn of who has himself personally examined Into the character of applicants before licenses were issued. The duties of the office have been such as to preclude such a possibility. This talk of a personal scrutiny therefore, resolves Itself simply into attacks for partisan ends. A table showing the tax levies for a series of years was given, and the following deductions drawn : Taking the tax CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 285 levies of the four years ending 1882, we find that the total Is $12,087,084, while for the four years ending 1878, the total Is $14,717,380, thus showing that we had $2,630,296 less money to run the city with, and yet in spite of the demands In other directions, which were fully met, more has been accomplished In the latter than In the former period of time. The message closed as follows : For many years the great papers of the North, the great pe riodicals and the public teachers have belonged to the Republi can party. From prejudice or from interested motives these have all labored day and night to convince the people that the Democratic party would not or could not conduct any public cor poration — state or municipal — on principles of honesty, integrity and economy. This has been Injurious to the people at large, and has made them rather bear the Ills they had than fly to oth ers they knew not of. People should believe In the principles of their party, but should also believe In the honesty and patriotism of those opposed to them. Four years ago thousands of Repub licans in Chicago were so prejudiced against the Democratic party that they did not give it credit for either honesty or abili ty. To-day these thousands, having seen a Democratic adminis tration conducting the affairs of this city on business principles ; having seen no robbery of the treasury ; having heard no whis per against the honesty of a single official or employe, while so much speculation has gone on In certain corporations controlled by Republicans — these thousands have learned that a Demo cratic administration could be honest, faithful and capable ; and, though they have differed with such administration in many of its methods, have come to believe that they will not and would not be ruined, even if their own party should not be at the helm. This one thing alone Is worth to Chicago a great deal. As long as people can believe others as honest as themselves, as capable as themselves, they will not be satisfied to vote for unfit men simply because their party says so, but will be more particular in getting good men to the front Thus each party vying with the other in having as their leaders good men, the city will thrive and prosper, whatever party rnay control its affairs. The ordinance covering the appropriation bill and directing the tax levy for the fiscal year 1883, as prepared by the Comp troller, was passed by the Council April 20, 1883, and contained items aggregadng $4,540,506.13. , ,., j In the Thirty-second General Assembly, which convened January 5, 1881, William J. Campbell, of Cook county, was 286 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, elected President /re tempore of the Senate over W. P. Callon of Morgan county, by a vote of 2)Z to 28, and in the House, Horace H. Thomas of Cook, was elected Speaker over Bradford K. Durfee of Macon, by a vote of 81 to 71. The Legislature met in special session March 23, 1882, and reapportioned the State into Congressional and Senatorial districts. In the state campaign of 1882, in which a State Treasurer and Superinten dent of Public Instruction were elected, the German Republicans of Cook county, as elsewhere throughout the state, in large numbers bolted the nomination of Charles T. Strattan, the Re publican nominee for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and gave their votes to Henry Raab, the Democratic candidate, for the reason that Strattan, while a member of the Assembly, had voted in favor of submitting to the people a constitutional pro hibitory amendment, prohibiting the manufacture and sale of spirituous or malt liquors. The Greenbackers and the Prohibi tionists had tickets in the field, and although the latter ware urged' to vote for Strattan, they, because the Republican state convention had voted down a resolution favoring the submission of the constitutional amendment, voted straight out for their candidate, Mrs. Elizabeth B. Brown. The result was the elec tion of John C. Smith, Republican candidate for State Treasurer by the small plurality of 6,137, and of Henry Raab, the Demo cratic candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction by the still smaller plurality of 2,869, and it was maintained that the vote of the Germans in Cook county alone brought about Raab's election. In the Second Congressional district there was a hotly contested contest between John F. Finerty, editor of The Citizen, an Irish Nationalist weekly, who for years had been a well-known journalist connected with the Chicago Times, and Henry F. Sheridan, also a prominent Irish- American, iden tified with many powerful Irish societies. The result of the Congressional elections by districts in Chicago was as follows : First district. Ransom W. Dunham, Rep., 11,571 ; John W. Doane, Dem., 10,534; A. J. Grover, Anti-Monopoly, 644. Sec ond . district, John F. Finerty, Ind. Dem., 9,360; Henry F. Sheridan, Dem., 6,939; J- Altpeter, Ind., 189; Sylvester Artley, Socialist, 180. Third district, George R. Davis, Rep., 12,511; William P. Black, Dem., 10,274; Caleb G. Hayman, Anti- Monopoly, 748. Fourth district, George E. Adams, Rep., 11,- 686 ; Lambert Tree, Dem., 9,446 ; Frank P. Crandon, Prohibi tionist, 663 ; Chrisdan Meyer, Anti-Monopoly, 128. In the Thirty-third General Assembly, wlich convened Janu- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 287 ary 3, 1883, W. J. Campbell of Cook, was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, over Thomas M. Shaw of Marshall, by a vote of 23 to 15, and In the House Lorin C. Collins, Jr., of Cook, was elected Speaker over Austin O. Sexton of Cook, by a vote of 78 to 75. January 16 the two Houses voted separately on the question of electing a successor to David Davis In the United States Senate. Shelby M. Cullom, nominee of the Republican caucus, received 105 votes, and John M. Palmer, nominee of the Democratic caucus, 95 votes. Three members of the House re fused to vote, and there was consequently no election. January 17 the two Houses met in joint session and balloted, Mr. Cullom receiving 107 votes, and Mr. Palmer 95. Mr. Cullom was de clared duly elected Senator. February 7, on account of the resignation of Gov. Cullom, Lieut-Gov. John M. Hamilton be came Governor, and William J. Campbell acting Lieutenant- Governor. Early In this session Representative Harper of Cook, introduced a bill intended to create a uniform license for the sale of spirituous liquors, known as the " Harper Law." The bill provoked almost the united opposition of the retail liquor interests of the state, and Chicago dealers were especially active in their opposition to the proposed measure. The bill was under discussion nearly five months. It passed the House June 8 by a vote of 79 yeas to 65 nays, and the Senate June 15 by a vote of 30 yeas to 20 nays. The " Harper Law," governing the sale of spirituous liquors, was the last to date of a long line of measures affecting the liquor traffic which have at times been presented to our legislators for action. A committee of ladies bearing a petition signed by 80,000 voters and 100,000 women, asking the passage of a law allowing women to vote on questions relative to the liquor traffic, waited on the House of Representatives March 6, 1879. Among the Chicago ladies on the committee were Miss Frances E Willard, President of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Illinois ; Mrs. T. B. Carse, President of the Chicago W. C. T. U.; Mrs. J. B. Hobbs, Miss Lucia Kimball, Mrs. M. A. Cum- mlngs, Mrs. R. Greenlee, Mrs L. A. Hagans, Mrs. Willis A. Barnes, Mrs. C. H. Case and Mrs. D. J. True. On motion of Representative Sol. P. Hopkins of Cook, Miss Willard was Invited to address the House. April 10 the same committee presented the petition to the Senate and by a vote of 24 for to 19 against, a recess of thirty minutes was taken, during which time Miss Willard addressed the body. The Senate took no action, but the House considered a bill which 2 88 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, provided for an amendment to the Constitution allowing women over 21 years to be registered as voters, and that before a saloon could be opened the keeper should be able to show to the municipal authorities that he had secured the consent of a major ity of both men and women over 21 years of age in the com munity. The bill was ably championed, and as ably opposed. It reached a third reading May 30, when It was lost by a vote of 55 nays to 53 yeas. It was claimed that the agitation set on foot throughout the state by the temperance women had much to do in securing the passage of the Harper law in 1883. In the House 70 Republicans and 9 Democrats voted for the bill, and 51 Democrats and 4 Republicans against it. In the Sen ate 29 Republicans and i Democrat voted for It, and 19 Demo crats and I Republican against it Thus, the Republicans assert, and are clearly entitled to the claim, that the law was a Republican measure, and passed by substantially a party vote. In the spring municipal campaign of 1883, the Republicans were somewhat disheartened over successive reverses for their city tickets. The newspapers charged that Mayor Harrison's campaigns were conducted by the gamblers under the leadership of M. C. McDonald and Joseph C. Mackin, who controlled the party machinery, and certain Aldermen who had the worst ele ments of the population subject to their commands. A commit tee of citizens representing both parties, was organized to con sider this subject, and take action In reference to placing a "Re form" city ticket in the field. They met In Falrbank hall. Central Music hall building, and became known as the "Fair- bank Hall Silk Stockings." The Republicans duly held a con vention and a compromise was effected with the Falrbank hall people, whereby Eugene Cary was nominated for Mayor, Den nis O'Connor for Treasurer, B. F. RIcholson for City Attorney, and Emil DIetzsch for City Clerk. The Democratic convention, held at the Palmer house, re-nominated Carter H. Harrison for Mayor by acclamation, and John M. Dunphy for City Treasurer, Julius S. Grinnell, re-nominated for City Attorney, and John G. Neumelster, nominated for City Clerk. The election occurred Tuesday, April 30, and was an exciting one. The result was as follows ; MAYOR. Carter H. Harrison, Dem., . . . 41,226 Eugene Cary, Rep., . . . . 30,963 CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 289 CITY TREASURER. John M. Dunphy, Dem., . . . 37,604 Dennis O'Connor, Rep., .... 34,322 CITY ATTORNEY. Julius S. Grinnell, Dem., - - . . 42,355 Benjamin F, RIcholson, Rep., ... 29,543 CITY CLERK. John G. Neumelster, Dem., - - - 38,994 Emil DIetzsch, Rep., ----- 32,952 In the wards the vote for Aldermen was as follows : First ward, Arthur Dixon, Rep., 1,703; A. Calder, Dem., 10. Second ward, James T. Appleton, Dem., 2,094 ; Charles H. Lithgow, Rep., 1,338; J. H. Howard, Rep., 38. Third ward, Frank H. Follansbee, Rep., 1,457; O. B. Phelps, Rep., 1,378. Fourth ward, O. D. Wetherell, Rep., 3,244 ; P"rank Meyers, Dem., 1,529. Fifth ward, H. F. Sheridan, Dem., 4,493 ; Nick Murphy, Ind. Rep., 1,651. Sixth ward, C. F. L. Doerner, Dem., 2,953 .' Frank Hubka, Bohemian Independent, 1,071. Seventh ward, John RIordan, Dem., 2,042; Charles P. Brady, Rep., 1,244; John L. Mulfinger, Ind., 803. Eighth ward, Thomas Purcell,, Dem., 2,896 ; Jeremiah Flynn, Dem., 1,417; Josiah Grey, Rep., 563 ; Maurice O'Conner, Ind., 229. Ninth ward, John H. Foley,. Dem., 2,059; I'^a H. Tubbs, Rep., 555 ; J. S. Carlisle, Ind., 14.. Tenth ward, James Walsh, Dem., 1,100; Daniel Nelson, Rep., 823 ; Charles King, Ind., 446. Eleventh ward, Samuel Simons„ 2,650 ; Scattering, 6. Twelfth ward, Walter S. Hull, Rep., 4,148; Daniel O'Day, Dem., 986. Thirteenth ward, John W. Lyke, Rep., 1,459; Samuel J. Daggett, Dem., 853; Pat rick Rice, Dem., 595 ; W. H. Dobson, Ind., 610. Four teenth ward, Frank Schack, Dem., 2,148; Charles F. Struble, Rep., 1,910; Andrew Kurr, Socialist, 1,080. Fifteenth ward, Winiam Eisfeldt, Rep., 2,411 ; Nich Gerten, Dem., 1,803 ; John Wagner, Ind., 23. Sixteenth ward, Henry Severin, Rep., 1,495 ; M. J. DeWald, Dem., 1,469. Seventeenth ward, Andrew J. Sullivan, Dem., 1,719; John Murphy, Rep., 1,624. Eighteenth ward, William R. Manierre, Dem., 2,535 > Julius Jonas, Ind. Dem., 1,780; Watson Ruddy, Rep., 278. The appointments of officials made by Mayor Harrison In 1883-4 were T. T. Gurney, Comptroller, reappointed; Oscar C. DeWolf, Health Commissioner, reappoirited ; DeWitt C. Cre gler, Commissioner of Public Works, reappointed ; Austin J. Doyle, Superintendent of Police, reappointed ; D. J. Swenie, 19 290 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Chief of Fire Department, reappointed ; Eugene Prager, Oil Inspector; School Inspectors, M. J. Dunne, to succeed himself Frank Wenter, to succeed F. A. Maas ; Graeme Stewart, to sue ceed Philip A. Hoyne ; John M. Clark, to succeed E. G. Keith J. R. Doolitde, Jr., to succeed J. C. Burroughs; Directors of the Public Library, L. W. Kadlec, to succeed himself ; Bernard Callaghan, to succeed himself ; H, W. Rogers, to succeed J. D. Walker; Sealer of Weights and Measures, Philip Reidy; In spector of Steam Boilers, Patrick TIerney ; City Collector, W. J. Onahan ; Commissioner of Buildings, Alexander Kirkland ; Police Magistrate, East Chicago Avenue Station, George Kers- ten ; Police Magistrate, Desplaines Street Station, Charles White ; Police Magistrate, West Twelfth Street Station, O. P. Ingersoll ; Police Magistrate, Harrison Street Station, Peter Foote ; Police Court Clerks, R. Sheridan, West Twelfth street ; W. C. Clingen, Harrison street; M. A. La Berg, Desplaines street; August TImm, East Chicago avenue; John Kelly, bailiff, Desplaines street; Charles Hefter, bailiff. West Twelfth street; Henry Schraeder, Superintendent West Randolph Street Mar ket ; Peter Conlon, Member of the Board of Education ; Chris. Meyer, Clerk of East Chicago Avenue Police Court, vice Aug. TImm ; M. R. M. Wallace, Prosecuting Attorney ; Frederick S. Winst-on, Corporation Counsel. The official bonds of the Mayor and incoming officials were approved by the new Council May 14, 1883. Mayor Harrison's bond for $10,000 was signed by Rudolf Brand and George Sher wood as sureties ; City Treasurer Dunphy 's bond in the sum of $5,000,000 was signed by Columbus R. Cummlngs, Charles R. Farwell, Daniel Kelly, Nadian Corwith, William B. Howard, Charles A. Munn, W. C. D. Grannis, and John H. Dwight ; City Clerk Neumelster's bond of $5,000 was signed by Rudolf Brand and George Neumelster ; City Attorney Grinnell's bond of $5,000 was signed by F. S. Winston, Jr., and Francis Adams. May 28, 1883, the Council adopted the following preamble and resolutions relative to the death of Ex-Alderman William Wheeler : Whereas, It has pleased Divine providence to remove from this life Ex- Alderman William Wheeler, who recendy filled the office of Alderman from the Thirteenth ward. In the City Coun cil, with credit to himself and the people of Chicago, and Whereas, By the death of Ex-Alderman WiUiam Wheeler, the city of Chicago has lost an upright and honorable cidzen and business man, and his family a lovlng^nd devoted husband and father ; therefore. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 291 Resolved, That the City Council tender to the family of the deceased its heartfelt sympathy in this their hour of deep affliction : Resolved, That the City Clerk be requested to send a copy of these resolutions to the family of the deceased, and that they be also spread upon the records of this Council. February 27, 1884, a special meeting of the Council was held for the purpose of taking suitable action relative to the death of Aid. J. E. Geohegan. Aid. Manierre addressing the Council, said : It has become my painful duty to announce to this Council the death of my late associate and colleague. Alderman J. E. Geohegan. This vacant chair, draped with the emblems of mourning, which he so lately filled in the full vigor of life, re minds us that he will no more join with us in our official duties. It Is therefore meet, as he now stands amid the silent shadows of those gone before, mutely claiming at our hands kind tributes of remembrance, that we should take appropriate action. I would therefore move, Mr. Chairman, that a committee of five be appointed for such purpose. After remarks by Alderman Hlldreth, who paid a glowing tribute to the memory of the deceased, saying that he was a kind, faithful, generous and true friend, husband and father, the following resolutions were adopted : Whereas, This Council has learned with regret and sorrow of the death of our late colleague, Alderman J. E. Geohegan, who has represented in this body for nearly two years past the Eighteenth ward, and has discharged his duties to his people and to the city with zeal, fidelity and ability ; and Whereas, In his unexpected demise this body has lost an energetic member, the city an enterprising citizen, and his friends a warm and true-hearted man, a man who was in the prime of life and always active in the interest of the public, striving In all public measures to advance the growth, prosperity and material beauty of the city, and lending his efforts and influence in matters calculated to enhance the reputation of the city abroad, and make it the great center of the Northwest ; therefore, be It Resolved, That this Council hereby tender the afflicted family of our late colleague our sincere and heartfelt sympathy In their sad bereavement and their irreparable loss ; and be it further Resolved, That, as a proper mark of respect, this Council do attend the funeral in a body, and that during the day of the 292 politics and politicians, funeral all the departments of the city be closed during the entire day ; and be It further Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the records of this Council, and that a copy be forwarded to the family of the deceased ; and be It further Resolved, That a committee of six be appointed to act as an escort from Valparaiso, Ind., to the residence of the deceased, on the arrival of the remains from Washington, and that such com mittee be requested to aid, if so desired by the family, in making arrangements for the funeral. The committee appointed to meet the remains were Alder men Manierre, Appleton, Doerner, Ryan, Gaynor and Sweeney, and Aldermen Hlldreth, Dixon and Lyke were appointed a committee to confer with the family of the deceased in reference to the funeral arrangements. Alderman Geohegan died of pneumonia, contracted while In Washington as a member of a delegation sent to secure the holding of the Democratic National convention in Chicago. March 17 the Council was called upon to take action In ref erence to the death of another member, Aid. John H. Foley, of the Ninth ward. The resolutions adopted were as follows : Whereas, It having pleased Almighty God, In His infinite wisdom, to remove from our midst our much respected associate in the City Council, Aid. John H. Foley, of the Ninth ward, we, the members of the City Legislature, as a mark of our regard for the memory of the deceased, unanimously adopt the follow ing resolutions : Resolved, That we hereby tender to the bereaved family our heartfelt sympathy in their hour of affliction and sorrow, and that as a token of respect to the memory of the deceased this Coun cil do attend the funeral in a body, and that all city offices be closed for one day immediately following the adoption hereof. And be It further Resolved, That as a mark of our apprecia tion of the loss we have sustained in the death of our late asso ciate. Aid. John H. Foley, a committee consisting of six members of this body be appointed by the Chair, who as a guard of honor shall accompany the remains of our deceased associate to the city of Buffalo, N. Y., for interment. And be It further Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with the family of the deceased in making arrangements for the funeral. And be It further Resolved, That the City Clerk be and he is hereby directed to spread upon the recotds of this Council the CHICAGO, cook county, AND ILLINOIS. 293 foregoing resolutions, and that a copy thereof be forwarded to the family of the deceased. Suitable remarks were made by Aids Bond, Lawler, Ryan and Hlldreth. Aids. Gaynor, Lawler, Appleton, Ryan, Sullivan and Doerner were appointed to accompany the remains to Buffalo, and Aids. Lyke, WIckersham and Hlldreth a committee on arrangements. The appropriation bill for corporate and school purposes for the fiscal year January i, 1884, to December 31, 1884, was passed April 28, and directed a tax levy of $4,872,456.60. At the same meeting the following resolutions relative to the death of ex-Ald. Charles L. Woodman were adopted : Whereas, Death has removed from our midst our fellow citizen, ex-Alderman Charles L. Woodman, who was long Iden tified with the city government ; a man whose rigid honesty and strict Integrity was never questioned, and whose conduct, in official and private life, was such as to endear him to all with whom he came in contact ; Resolved, That the City Council tender to the bereaved family of the deceased its heartfelt sympathy in their sore dis tress and affliction. Resolved, That these resolutions be placed upon the records of the Council, and a copy be sent to the family of the deceased. Following is an abstract of the vote polled at the Aldermanic election April i, 1884: First ward, Moses J. Wentworth, Dem., 225 ; William P. Whelan, Ind. Dem., 1,403. Second ward, Patrick Sanders, Dem., 1,841 ; Nic Reis, Rep., 667. Third ward, Daniel L. Shorey, Rep., 1,328; S. M. Keogh, Dem., 449. Fourth ward, Thomas C. Clarke, Rep., 1,755 ; Edwin O. Seymour, Ind. and Dem., 1,394. Fifth ward, E. P. Burke, Dem., 2,795 ; Charles Hillock, Ind. Dem., 2,789. Sixth ward, Edward F. Cullerton, Dem., 2,739; Frank Fruclk, Ind., 916. Seventh ward, J. H. Hil- dreth, Dem., 2,502 ; James Monahan, Ind. and Rep., 1,308. Eighth ward, Frank Lawler, Dem., 2,734 ; William McCoy, Ind., 739 ; William Kasper, Rep., 892. Ninth ward, Michael Gay nor, Dem., 1,662 ; Thos. W. Hill, Rep., 705. Tenth ward, M. McNurney, Dem., 951 ; Daniel Nelson, Rep., 678. Eleventh ward, Thomas N. Bond, Rep., 1,641 ; W. C. McClure, Dem., 3. Twelfth ward, James L. Campbell, Rep., 2,553. Thirteenth ward, John E, Dalton, Dem., 1,300; Samuel J. Daggett, Rep., 1,067. Fourteenth ward, Michael Ryan, Dem., 1,664; Daniel Ryan, Rep., 1,410 ; Joseph Gilmelster, Ind., 673. Fifteenth ward, 294 politics and politicians, W. S. Young, Jr., Rep., 1,568; J. M. Quinn. Dem., 1,401. Six teenth ward, John H. Colvin, Dem., 1,511 ; George Knerr, Rep., 552. Seventeenth ward, John Sweeney, Dem., 1,439; John F. Lennox, Rep., 11. Eighteenth ward, John T. Noyes, Dem., 1,839; ^- H. Burley, Rep., 1,339. April 14, 1884, Mayor Harrison presented the following veto message to the Council : To THE Honorable the City Council of the City of Chicago : Gentlemen, — I return herewith, without my approval, an or dinance respecting kiosques, passed by you April — , 1884. A kiosque is not a well known thing in this Western world. To the ordinary denizen of Chicago, the word awakens no familiar memories. To a few, whose wanderings have carried them to the far-off land of the Osmanll, it brings back visions of turbaned Turks and dark-eyed Circassian beauties ; of bubbling fountains and gurgling nargillahs ; of bowers of jasmine and rose, and of the crescent and the scimeter ; of the sack and the green rolling Bosphorus. It carries some graybeard back to a far distant day when he looked down upon Damascus nestling In Its wealth of emerald, and he, like Mohammed, almost dreaded to enter into its charmed precincts. Or, In memory, he reclines on deeply piled Turkish rugs before his tent door, pitched upon Scutari's heights, while below are the hundred gilded domes of Stamboul, and as the god of day drops behind the curtain of the far-off west the weird cry of the muezzin, " La Allah, il Allah ; Mohammed resoul Allah," steals on the stilly air from a thousand minarets across the Golden Horn, telling the faithful that " there is no God but God, and Mohammed Is His prophet" He remembers how he then dreamed a dream — a dream that he was a nine-tailed pasha and had a hundred wives ; how by day he cut down with his own flashing Damascene blade a hundred uncircumcised dogs, and at evening rested in the rose-embowered kiosque, and inhaling from his amber-mouthed narglllah the sweet breath of the Persian weed, drank in his own praise from the rosy lips of the " light of his harem," who sat at his feet blazing with jewels, but she the brightest gem of them all. The favored few — the cultured remnant of Chicago — may say to the great sweating majority of the city, that a kiosque is a sort of dome-shaped summer house in a Turkish garden, in which the beaudes of the harem disport for the delectation of their lord and master. They will tell the Ignorant many of this giant young city of the West, that lately Matthew Arnold flashed along the stilly depths of the turbulent Adantic IJie information that CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 295 the ethical culture of this city was on a very low plane, that her divines preached inane platitudes to congregations who were be moaning the last fall of pork, or making calculations as to the next rise In lard, and that thereupon the Chicago Kiosque Com pany determined to educate our people Immediately in esthetics, and ultimately In ethics. That It would take down the black', dismal lamp posts along Boiler avenue and put In their stead beautiful summer houses, on whose lateral surfaces would be pictured descriptions of how man and beast are entertained in the palatial edifices along that classic street. That in front of an opera house on the levee they would have a kiosque resplendent at night — all night — with dissolving views, epitomizing the leg drama performed by Jerry's unpalnted beauties. How another oriental marvel, exquisite in design, worked out to the satisfaction of the Commissioner of Public Works, would stand near the two-story portico of a down-town theater, and when Abbey comes to town again there will be pic tured upon "" translucent material " that Impressario's ballet corps, sweating under a single garment of cobweb gossamer. How, on a corner near a brown stone printing place, will be a hectagonal kiosque, with pictures splendidly portraying the mas sacre on yesterday of the garrison at Khartoum, worked up by an Arabian artist in a balloon, and sent by "special cable." Esthetics will be inculcated by day on summer houses along our streets, and ethics will be an all night lesson on Illuminated kiosques "about and around," and for all this wealth of pictorial education the Kiosque Company ask no other payment than the right to erect these summer houses and these Illuminated kiosques, at such points as said company may choose, where dismal lamp posts now stand, such kiosques and summer houses not to be less than ten feet high, they may be ninety — and not less than eighteen Inches square — they may be ten feet or more iri dimen sions, and this right only to last for thirty years ! You and I and our children will have the full advantage of this pictorial educa tion, but our grandchildren will be left in utter darkness. And forty years hence some future Matthew Arnold will again bemoan Chicago's lack of ethical culture by "special cable." Seriously, gentlemen, were it not that shrewd men Interested In this ordinance have urged me to sign it, I would think you In tended It as an April joke. It says the said kiosques are to be erected " of a model design and dimensions, such as shall be ap proved by the Commissioner of Public Works, provided, how ever, that no kiosque shall be required to be erected of less than 296 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ten feet In height, and presenting a lateral surface equal to the surface of a quadrilateral, each of whose sides are equal to a foot and a half in width." That is, every such kiosque shall be at least i}i feet square, and ten feet high. Each of our present lamp posts are from three to four Inches in diameter on a level of a man's vision. The smallest of the kiosques will be four to five times as large, thereby increasing the obstruction of the street and vision along the street by that much. The smallest one will be as much an obstruction as the largest telegraph pole, should the same stand on the sidewalk. The minimum size is fixed, but there* Is no limit to the size over this, except in the dis cretion of the Commissioner of Public Works. Who can guaran tee the discretion of all the incumbents of that office for the next thirty years ? I have been shown drawings of some of the kiosques to be erected; they are octagonal. Our patrol boxes are octagonal, and each lateral surface is one foot wide, yet such boxes are nearly four feet in diameter. An octagonal, with l-ateral surfaces of eighteen inches, each would be much over four feet in diameter. If this ordinance be legal, whenever a foolish or cor rupt Commissioner shall give a permit for a large kiosque, at once a vested right vests in the company, and the thing will be there to stay. Are you going to give such power to a Commis sioner of Public Works thus to permit obstructions to our streets ? But suppose the company erects no kiosques over eighteen inches square ? That will be a great obstruction. But, says this company, it will save the city the expense of lighting the streets. That Is a snare, and I fear, a deliberate fraud. The company is not compelled by the ordinance to erect their structures ; it is s'lmpXy permitted to do so when, during thirty years, it may wish, and where, throughout this city. It may desire. It will pick out such corners on our crowded thoroughfares as may be profitable to it, and then farm out other points when it finds a profitable opportunity. If the thing be a good thing are you willing to give a monopoly of the many thousand lamp posts to this com pany for thirty years ? If the thing can be made to pay, then the city should reserve to Itself the right to sell such lamp post sites to such as will pay the highest price for them year by year, and not to vest In any city officer the vast discretion given to the Commissioner of Public Works throughout a generation and a half. But I deny that the Council has the right and power thus to farm out parts of Its streets, as is do%e by this ordinance. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 297 The streets and sidewalks of the city belong to the people of the city and state, for the purpose of locomotion, and to the property owners along the street as an easement You have the power to permit railroads along the streets. Why? Because such is a legitimate use of a street or highway. But a railroad has no right absolutely to obstruct a street. Its rails stretch along or across a street, but such rails simply incommode other channels of locomotion ; they do not absolutely obstruct such other loco motion. Besides, railroads are a public necessity. Such use of parts of the streets is a legitimate use of such street Such being the case, you have the power to give such permission. Erecting boxes for advertising purposes along a highway is not giving such highway to a legitimate purpose, and while I think a Council may probably permit such things to be done tem porarily, one Council cannot bind the city so that another Council cannot order the obstructions down. If you have the power to give the right for thirty years, you have the power to grant t'he right for all time. The charter gives you no such power. The ninth power of the Council grants power to regu late the use of streets. That Is, to regulate the use of streets for their legitimate purposes. The legitimate use of a street Is for locomotion of the people along it The carrying of people or goods In vehicles is a legitimate use. The transmission of In formation or messages, whether in carriages or on wires, is a legitimate use. The erection of signs or advertisements, to the obstruction of the other legitimate uses. Is not legitimate. We erect patrol boxes on the streets under police pov/ers, and_ to protect the people. A railroad — a legitimate occupant of a highway — runs along a street ; we erect a wall between such railroad and other parts of the street, to protect the people from the damage caused by the railroad, thereby giving the people absolute safety along a part of the street, rather than give them the whole street at the cost of safety along Its entirety. A municipal corporation holds the streets in trust for the entire public, and cannot surrender its rights over them to any individual or corporation, by a contract running for a number of years. Such a contract requires the consent of the supreme power, to-wit, the Legislature of the state of Illinois. Again, the ordinance vests in the Commissioner of Public Works the power to permit these structures to occupy just as much of the streets as he may choose. This is a delegation of the discretionary power vested In the Council over the city streets to a mere executive officer, and as such is clearly illegal and ultra vires. 298 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, I further object to the ordinance in that the interests of the city are not sufficiently or properly protected, for the reasons I have given above. Respectfully yours. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor. Mayor Harrison delivered his annual message before the new Council May 5, 1884. It was as follows : Gentlemen of the City Council of the City of Chi cago : It is required by the Charter, and expected of the Mayor, that at the close of the municipal year he shall present to the City Council "information relative to the affairs of the city, and shall recommend for their consideration such measures as he shall deem expedient." The various departments of the city are likewise required to submit annual statements, and a message of the Mayor can, therefore, do little else than summarize their reports, draw comparisons between various periods to better il lustrate the progress that has been effected, and present sugges- tions as to what improvements for the future can be promoted by your honorable body. The reports of the various departments for the past year are full and complete, and It will only be neces sary on this occasion to briefly refer to them. The finances of the city are of the first consideration, as they are of the utmost importance to the management of the municipality and the pro gress of the city ; and whatever may be charged by a partisan press to the contrary, I feel warranted by the facts in stating that the public moneys have been judiciously, wisely, and eco nomically expended. The greatest care and the utmost scrutiny have been exercised in seeing that the greatest amount of good and substantial work has been accomplished for the public by the least outlay of money consistent with the highest regard for the varied interests to be subserved, and for the general welfare. The growth of this city has been unprecedented In the annals of municipalities, and no other city on the continent is so peculiarly hampered by laws relating to taxation and indebtedness as Chi cago. The imposition of obstacles to check and prevent extrav agance, waste, recklessness and dishonesty, is highly commenda ble, for the eariier experiences of all cities go to show that .one or the other of these features has prevailed, to the great Injury of the tax payer, and the detriment of a city ; but there certainly should exist laws which, while they protect the tax payers, should give a city like Chicago the power to secure for itself appropria tions adequate to the continued growth and Increased needs of the city. As to how this end could be accomplished there exists CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 299 differences of opinion— some holding that Chicago should con stitute one taxing district, under one assessor. Instead of three as at present, and others contending that the laws are ample enough were only supervisors appointed such as contemplated by the County Commissioners ; but just what sort of a law would cover the case to a nicety is difficult to determine. Certainly the system now in operation does not produce satisfactory re sults. The assessments do not keep pace with the population, and while it may not precisely present the exact status of affairs' yet It may be stated so as to more nearly approximate to the truth, that while our population has increased almost In a o-eo- metrical proportion, the assessments have increased only iif an arithmetical proportion. The Comptroller, in his annual report to your body, has presented a tabulated statement, showing the assessments of the city since 1872 down to the present time, and as I do not propose to weary you by a long array of figures, I can best illustrate the defective system of assessments by quoting one of his concluding observations on the table presented by him. He says : It will thus be seen, from the foregoing, that in May, 1872, but a few months after the fire of 187 1, and after two hundred millions' worth of property had been destroyed by the conflagra tion, valuations reached the sum of $284,000,000. Ten years thereafter, however, with a doubled population (and consequent increase of values) and a replacement of property destroyed largely more valuable than that burned, valuations fell to the Insignificant sum of $125,358,537, reaching the lowest limits In 1880— $117,133,643. Before the session of the Legislature next winter I trust your honorable body may be able to devise and suggest some new plan that will reach and remedy the difficulties under which we now labor, and that thereafter the city may be in a position to secure what is needed to make improvements absolutely required by a city fast approaching to a population of a million. In a prior message to the Council I pointed out the neces sity of a great, growing and prosperous city like this to anticipate future requirements, by the construction of works of an enlarged and permanent character. This can only be done by the Issuance of bonds, so guarded by provisions of law as to prevent any reck lessness or dishonesty, and the history of all cities shows that it has only been in this manner that great Improvements could be carried out, so as to not only meet the wants of a present time, but future possibilities and growth. Great undertakings like the 300 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Suez canal, the Panama canal, the Pacific railroads and like en terprises, have been projected and carried out long before, in anticipation of future demands and requirements, and had it not been for pledging future resources by issuing bonds for present fulfillment of vast projects, all these wonderful works would still remain mere speculations, and undeveloped in the womb of time. Now that Chicago Is destined beyond a peradventure of doubt, to attain in time a population of 2,000,000 — 1,000,000 of it in the course df years not very remote — the efforts of the present should be to build according to the needs of so large a population, and what money may be required to that end should be secured largely by pledging the faith and credit of that population which will enjoy and profit by all permanent Improvements of a public character. It certainly would be too much to ask the present population to reach down into its pockets for all the necessary means to construct the works the city should have, in addition to what taxes it may pay for the present ; but by a law authorizing the issuance of bonds the amount to be paid by the future would be a mere bagatelle, spread as the payments would be, over a series of years. Had the city not anticipated the wants of the people in the matter of waterworks, the supply of water at the present time would have been inadequate and wholly unsatisfac tory, and I would therefore commend to your careful considera tion the maturing of some law, to be proposed for adoption by the people of the state, as an amendment to the present consti tution of the state, so as to permit the city to issue bonds for the construction of various works already needed by the present, and absolutely required by the future. The agitation of this question will demonstrate the necessity of such a plan, and when fully understood, the people will gladly and willingly approve of it The finances of the city, as I have already stated, have been managed with prudence and economy, and the year safely passed without any resort to methods of the old "scrip days" preceding 1879. The receipts of last year were : From saloon licenses, $385,643-82, of which $20,000 was set aside, under the state law, for the Washingtonlan home, an increase over the preceding year of $189,702.45, due to the raising of license fees from $52 to $103 ; from licenses other than saloons, $250,239.22, an increase of $85,258.08, and from the two per cent tax levy $2,664,610.08, an increase of $157,439.44. Taking as a basis the amount of money already paid in for saloon licenses for the four months expiring on August 7 next, the probability is that during the municipal year of 1884-5 the receipts from»this source will reach CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 301 fully $1,200,000; but had the clamors of a pardsan press been heeded prior to July i, 1883, a sum far less than that would only have been secured. The time for changing from a low license to a high license was exceedingly short, and the saloon-keepers were unprepared for It, as they expected up to the last moment that the so-called " Harper Act" would fail of passage In the Legislature, and had not your honorable body exercised its lawful prerogatives before the act took effect, by changing the municipal year so as to permit the issuance of licenses on a basis of $103 before the date fixed by the new law, the consequences would have been that on July I, the time when the old municipal license year expired, many saloon-keepers would have been obliged to quit business, as they would have been unable to raise within the time $500, and financially ruined, as their stock in trade and other personal property would have remained on their hands, unsalable and un profitable. But In the payment of $103 license fee, the city derived as great an Income as though a $150 fee had been col lected for a whole year, for the licenses were Issued for a period of nine months, and not a full year, as some have Imagined. Had resort been made to enforce upon the saloon-keepers the Harper bill by your body, the effect would have been deplorable. There was an almost general sentiment that the effect of the law in this city was harsh and extreme. Those trafficking in liquor felt themselves oppressed unfairly, and were resolved to resist it to the utmost In their power. If the Council had failed to pass the ordinance of June 18, 1883, there would have been a con certed resistance to the Harper law, prosecutions would have been innumerable, juries sympathizing with the offenders. There would have been that worst of all things in a civilized society — open violations of the law and meager enforcements, thus bring ing the law Into disrepute. An open defiance of law In any direction has a demoralizing effect upon the community. The general observance of the rights of people and the sanctity of law is witnessed by the non-molestation of the frail glass that stands between the occupant of a domicile, a store or a public building and the people outside, and of the tiny key that can be easily duplicated to lock or unlock the habitations of man. When once people witness the disregard of any law, there grows a general contempt of all law, and a feeling that if it can be easily set aside In one case, there are means of setting it aside in other cases. Our laws are not like the laws of Draco— written in blood — but are written in the hearts of our people, and any- 302 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, thing tending to diminish respect of a people in their own laws is subversive of all good government If laws are enacted through passion or In the heat of the moment, people should bow sub missively and wait the proper time for their repeal, through the forms of law, and in the manner prescribed by the fundamental law of the land. But the timely intervention of this Council prevented any clashing of factions and any attempt at a general disregard of the Harper act. For this action of yours the partisan newspa pers branded' you as law-breakers and nuUifiers of the law, but the vindication of your course finally came from the highest judi cial tribunal in the state, the Supreme Court, which has amply sustained the legality and constitutionality of your act The Harper act was leveled particularly at Chicago, and no thought was given as to the hardships that would ensue from the sudden deprivation of a man's business. Had ample time been given, the rights of saloon-keepers would have been better regarded, but the suddenness of the proposed change was an injustice which only extreme temperance fanatics could approve. In a temperance speech some time- ago at Birmingham, in England, the Hon. John Bright, the great apostle of temperance, as well as of free trade, gave utterance to these words : " If a trade in the country is permitted by law, that trade has a right to be de fended by law. The trade of the licensed victualers, of the sellers of alcoholic drinks, is a trade that has been permitted, and I think Parliament and the law are not justified in inflicting upon that trade unnecessary difficulties and unnecessary irritation. Now, I think that so long as trade is not condemned by Parlia ment It has a right to demand that it should not be subjected to passionate and party legislation. * * * In legislating on a matter of this kind, violent changes are not necessary, and are not wise." He deprecated legislation that was "violent, unjust, and regardless of the habits and opinions of the people and of a large minority," and his remarks are cogent and pertinent as though they had been made with reference to the Harper legislation, which comes directly under the purview of his denunciations. Next to the proper management of the finances is the judicious expenditure of the public funds, and with what means we have had In the Department of Public Works improvements have been made wherever practicable. During the year there have been laid twenty-two miles of cast iron water pipes from four to twenty-four Inches in diameter. There was built in this city a total of over fourteen miles of sewer, conducted of brick and CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 303 pipe, and there was also laid 23.72 miles of street pavements. Sidewalks were also constructed to the amount of ninety miles! There were over 2,000 miles of streets cleaned at a cost of $70,-^ 000. The amount expended on the new City Hall during the past year was $166,815.36. For repair of bridges and viaducts there was expended about $65,000. The police, fire, and health departments have been managed with ability and efficiency, and challenge comparison with similar departments in other cides. Considering the amount of money at their disposal, the people have reasons to compliment them on their zeal and efficiency and the excellent work performed by them, and your honorable body will fully appreciate what has been done for the city by nodcing that while the population has Increased rapidly the ex penditures have increased but slightly, in view of the Increased work consequent upon the growth of the city. Before concluding, I desire to call your attention to the ad visability of adopting a uniform system of designating the thor oughfares of the city, and numbering the houses. Strangers are directed to proceed so many blocks in one way and so many blocks in another direction ; they are still in a bewildered condition on reaching the street they are In search of, as to how far they have to go before reaching a particular number. Now, If your honorable body would pass an ordinance designating all thoroughfares run ning North and South as "avenues," all thoroughfares running East and West as "streets," all thoroughfares a block or less In length as "places," all thoroughfares having houses over one hun dred In number and less than five hundred, as "courts," and all thor oughfares diagonally crossing other streets, etc., as "roads," and then fix one hundred numbers for each block, the wayfarer, though lost, could readily pick his way out and expeditiously find his lo cality. Besides being an aid to strangers, the system would prove a great convenience to our own people, and without elab orating upon its merits, which will be readily seen and appreci ated, I trust your honorable body will take this matter under conslderadon, and pass at an early day an ordinance that will cover it, and bring about the desirable change. In closing the old Council and Inaugurating the new, I desire to return my thanks for the kind courtesies and favors at your hands dur ing the past year, and ask the kind Indulgences of the new for the coming year. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor. A special election for Alderman of the Ninth ward, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of John H. Foley, was held May 13, 1884. W. F. Mahoney received 950 votes, and James 304 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Murray, 84. Alderman Mahoney was duly installed May 19. May 24 a special meeting of the Council was called to take ac tion upon the death of Alderman Michael Gaynor, of the Ninth ward. Alderman Gaynor was assassinated by James Dacey, a so-called "crank," who had an imaginary polidcal _ grievance against Alderman Gaynor. Appropriate resolutions were adopted, and remarks were made by Aldermen Lawler, Dixon, Bond and Ryan. The resolutions were as follows : Whereas, This Council has learned with regret and sorrow of the death of our late colleague. Alderman M. Gaynor, who has represented In this body, for the past two years, the Ninth ward, and discharged his duty to his people and to the city with zeal, fidelity and ability; and Whereas, In his demise this body has lost an energetic member, the city an enterprising citizen, and his friends a warm and true-hearted man, a man who was in the prime of life, and always active in the interests of the public, striving in all public measures to advance the growth, prosperity and material beauty of the city, and lending his efforts and influence in matters cal culated to enhance the reputation of the city abroad and make it the great center of the Northwest ; therefore, be It Resolved, That the Council hereby tender the afflicted fam ily of our late colleague our sincere and heartfelt sympathy in their sad bereavement and their irreparable loss; and be It further Resolved, That as a proper mark of respect, this Council do attend the funeral in a body, and that during the day of the funeral all the departments of the city be closed the entire day, and be it further Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to confer with the family of the deceased in making arrangements for the funeral ; and be it further Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the records of this Council, and that a copy be forwarded to the family of the deceased. July 15 a special election was held In the Ninth ward, and John Gaynor, brother of the deceased, was elected Alderman for the unexpired term without opposition, receiving 796 votes. James Dacey, the assassin of Alderman M. Gaynor, was tried at Woodstock, the county seat of McHenry county, whence the case went on change of venue. He was twice con victed and sentenced for the crime, the Supreme Court refusing to reverse the judgment. He was reprieved in May, 1886, by Governor Oglesby, and a commission Inquired into his sanity, declaring him sane, and he was again sentenced to be hung, and the sentence was duly executed In July, 1886. CHAPTER XL NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1 884 — THE CAMPAIGN — ACTION OF THE INDEPENDENTS STATE CAMPAIGN THE BRAND-LEMAN FRAUD THE MACKIN CASE MUNICIPAL ELECTION OF I 885 THIRD WARD BALLOT-BOX ROBBERY— ADOPTION OF THE ELECTION LAW THE ELECTION COMMISSIONERS. The year 1884 was another notable one for Chicago In the annals of politics. Both the Democratic and Republican National Committees decided, after proper persuasion by delegations of leading Chicago citizens, to hold the National conventions of their respective parties in Chicago. The Republican National Committee fixed upon Chicago as the place of holding the Re publican convention at a meeting of the committee held at Washington, D. C, December 12, 1883, and a sub-committee was appointed to visit Chicago and make the necessary arrange ments. The sub-committee met at the Grand Pacific hotel March 22, 1884, and appointed the following local Committee of Arrangements : S. B. Raymond, Chairman ; W. K. Sullivan, Secretary ; C. B. Farwell, Eugene Cary, Gen. Joseph Stockton, E, G. Keith, Morris Selz, Louis Hutt, John Hoffman, George E. White, Gen. William E. Strong, James T. Rawleigh, John M. Smyth, John Crerar, O. W. Potter, H. N. Higinbotham, Joseph Schoenlnger, John M. Clark, A. H. Carpenter. The following named gentlemen were selected as a Committee on Finance:. B. P. Moulton, Chairman; R. A. Keyes, Secretary; J. L. Woodward, Treasurer ; A. C. Bartlett, George C. Clarke, Louis Hutt, O. S. A. Sprague, C. M. Wicker, M. B. Hull, Max A. Meyer. C. D. Hamill, L. C. Huck, Frank M. Blair, Gen. Joseph Stockton, R. T. Crane, H. J. MacFariand, George Schneider, J. W. Oakley, T. W. Harvey, John C. Hately, J. Harley Bradley, James Van Inwagen, W. H. Sard, J. L. Lom bard. Under the direction of the local committee, the Exposi- don building was again elaborately fitted up for the purposes of a convention hall. The auditorium of the convention hall of 1880, which had a seating capacity of 13,000, was in the south end of the building, the stage facing north, while the hall of 20 (305) 3o6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 1884 was in the north end of the building, with the stage facing south, during the deliberations of the Republican convention, and when the hall was turned over to the Democratic local com mittee the stage was changed to the west side of the audi torium, facing east, the acoustics of the chamber being somewhat Improved thereby. The seating capacity of this hall was 9,500 people, and the expense of making it ready was borne entirely by citizens of Chicago, who contributed liberally to the expenses of both conventions. The pay ments for the work of building the hall were made jointly by the Republican and Democratic Finance Com mittees and the May Music Festival Association. The canvass preceding the election of delegates to this convention was a close and exciting one throughout the country, and many incidents happened to widen a breach that apparently existed in the Re publican ranks. It was charged that the "Stalwart" adherents of General Grant and Roscoe Conkling would defeat Blaine, if he were nominated. Many Republicans opposed James G. Blaine, the leading candidate, on the score of his record, and it was considered that he would not inaugurate the reforms uni versally desired, if he should be elected to the Presidency. Prior to the convention these opponents of Blaine were con sidered to be simply a dissatisfied faction, but after his nomina tion they united in a strong Independent organization, and became a new and important factor in politics. In nearly every County, Congressional and State convention held by the Repub licans throughout the country, Chester A. Arthur was indorsed, and his administration praised by speech and resolution. There was a strong Arthur movement in Illinois, which in Chicago was represented by the Chicago Daily News and the Inter-Ocean, and the Arthur Republicans opposed the candidacy of John A. Logan. The latter's friends, however, controlled the party ma chinery, through the State Central and District Committees, and a majority of the Illinois delegates elected were for Logan for President. Among the visiting clubs present at the convention was a large organization of New York business men, who favored the nomination of Arthur, and a similar organization of Chicago business men co-operated with them in formulating an address, in which the availability of Mr. Arthur and the unadvisablllty of nominating Mr. Blaine were set forth. The Republican conven tion — the eighth since the formation of the party— convened Tuesday, June 3, at 12 o'clock noon, and adjourned Friday, June 6. The proceedings were opened with^rayer by the Rev. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 307 Frank M. Bristol of Chicago. In his opening address, the Chairman of the National Committee, Hon. Dwight M. Sabin of Minnesota, referred In high terms of praise to the advantao-es offered by Chicago as a place for holding conventions, and the hospitality displayed by her citizens In the entertainment of guests. There was a contest In the Second Illinois Congressional district between rival delegates representing the respective inter ests of Chester A. Arthur and James G. Blaine, and the latter. W. H. Ruger and C. E. Piper and their alternates, sitting mem bers, were declared by the Committee on Credentials to be entlded to retain their seats, and the report was adopted without further contest The Illinois delegates organized by electing Senator S. M. Cullom, Chairman ; John A. RInaker, Vice-President; Charles T. Strattan, Secretary ; Burton C. Cook, on Credentials ; R. A. Halbert, on Organization; S C. Collins, on Rules, and Clark E. Carr on Resolutions. Nominations of Presidential candi dates began on the evening of the third day's session. When the state of Illinois was called. Senator Shelby M. Cullom placed in nomination John A. Logan, speaking as follows : Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention : — Twenty-four years ago the second National convention of the Re publican party met in this city and nominated its first successful candidate for President of the United States. Abraham Lincoln led the Republican party to its first great victory ; and stands to-day in the estimation of the world as the grandest man and most majestic figure In modern times. Again, in 1868, another Republican convention came together in this city, and nominated as its candidate for President of the United States, another emi nent citizen of Illinois, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant And the Repub lican party was again victorious. Still again. In 1880, the Re publican party turned Its face toward this political Mecca, where two successful campaigns had been Inaugurated ; and the mar tyred Garfield led the Republican hosts to another glorious vic tory. Mr. President and fellow-citizens, it Is good for us to be here. There are omens of victory in the air. History repeats itself. There are. promises of triumph to the Republican party In holding Its national nominating conventions In this great em porium of the Northwest The commonwealth of Illinois, which has never wavered in devotion to Republican principles since it gave to the nation — aye, the world — the Illustrious Lincoln, not unmindful of her honors, her obligations or her duties, has com missioned me, through Its Republican voters, to present to this 3o8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, convention for Its consideration as the standard-bearer of the Republican party, another son of Illinois, one who will be recog nized from one end of this land to the other as an able states man, a brilliant soldier, and an honest man — Gen. John A. Lo- ga-.. A native of the state which he now represents in the councils of the nation, reared among the youth of a section where every element of manhood Is early brought Into play, he is eminently a man of the people, identified with them In inter est, in taste, and in feeling, and enjoying their sympathy, respect and confidence. The safety, the permanency and the prosperity of the nation depend upon the courage, the integrity, the intel ligence and the loyalty of its citizens. When yonder starry flag was assailed by enemies In arms, when the integrity of the Union was Imperiled by organized treason, when the storm of civil war threatened the very life of the nation, this gallant son of the Prairie state resigned his seat in the Congress of the United States, returned to his home, and was among the first of our cit izens to raise a regiment, and to march to the front in defense of his country. Like Douglas, he believed that in time of war men must be either patriots or traitors ; and he threw the weight of his influence on the side of the Union, and Illinois made a record second to none In the history of states In the struggle to preserve this government. Among the large number of the brave soldiers of the late war whose names are proudly written on the scroll of fame, none appear more grandly than the name of Logan. His history is a part of the history of the battles of Belmont, of Donelson, of Shiloh, of Vicksburg, of Lookout Mountain, of Atlanta, and of the famous March to the Sea. He never lost a batde ; I repeat again, Mr. President and fellow cit izens, he never lost a battle in all the struggles of the war. When there was fighting to be done he did not wait for orders ; neither did he fail to obey orders when received. His plume, like the white plume of Henry of Navarre, was always to be seen at the point where the battle raged hottest When the peo ple of his state asked him to come home, to run for Congress, he replied, " No ; I have enlisted for the war, I'f need be, to die ; I have drawn my sword from its scabbard, and shall never return it until every foe is disarmed, and every state back in the Union." During the long struggle of four years, he commanded, by au thority of the government, first a regiment, then a brigade, then a division, then an army corp.s, and finally an army. He remained in the service until the war closed, when, at the head of his army, v/ith the scars of battle upon him, he marclftd into the capital of CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIi-. 3O9 the nation, and, with the brave men whom he had led on a hun dred hard-fought fields, was mustered out of service under the very shadow of the Capitol building, which he had left four years before, as a Member of Congress, to go out and fight the battles of his country. When the war was over, and gentle peace, which "hath her victories no less than those of war," returned, he was again called by his fellow-citizens to take his place in the councils of the nation. In a service of twenty years in both Houses of Con gress he has shown himself to be no less able and distinguished as a statesman than he was renowned as a soldier. Cautious, prudent, conservative in the advocacy of measures Involving the public welfare, ready and eloquent in debate, fearless in defense of the rights of the weak against the oppressions of the strong, he stands to day, "and I say it without disposition to pluck one laurel from the brow of any man whose name may be presented to this convention ; he stanJs to-day, in my judgment, closer to the great mass of the people of this country than almost any other man now engaged In public affairs. No man has done more in defense of those principles which have given life, and spirit, and victory to the Republican party than has John A. Logan, of Illi nois. In all that goes to make up a brilliant military and civil career, and to commend a man to the favor of the people, he, whose name we have presented here to-night, has shown himself to be the peer of the best Benjamin H. Prentiss of Missouri, seconded the nomina tion of Senator Logan, saying that he had been the friend of humanity ; a man who led the Army of the Tennessee on to Washington, and there mustered It out of service ; a man whose star upon his shoulder shone brighter and brighter as he moved on — that man was John A. Logan, the favorite son of Illinois ; the favorite of the Mississippi valley ; the favorite of the West ; and you, gentlemen, if you knew him as we know him — you of the East — would learn to love him. He is a man in a position to-day to lead on again to victory. Why, Mr. President, I am not one of those who entertain the idea for a moment that this great Republican party is to be defeated. No ! Whoever we nominate Is to be the President — whoever we select * * * * * Mr. President, I believe. Sir, that It was Epaminondas of old at the batde of Mantinea who, when he received his death wound his officers carried him back and uplifted him to the heights above, where he could look over the field of batde. And when they perceived him In the agony of death, they wept "Oh, why 3IO POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, do you weep ?" he said to them. "We are weeping," they said, "because, sir, you leave us." He said to them : "Weep not, dear friends ; you are not helpless. Do I not leave you two daughters, Leuctra and Mantinea ?" Ah, John A. Logan leaves more daughters than that Everywhere on this Western field of battle he leaves you monu ments of his greatness. And to-night the people of Illinois, that love the man, ask you to come and help us recognize the services of the brightest star in the galaxy of the volunteers of the army. I second the nomination of John A. Logan. God bless his name. James G. Blaine of Maine, was placed in nomination by Judge William H. West, "the blind orator" of Ohio, and Ches ter A. Arthur by Martin I. Townsend of New York. The first ballot was taken on the fourth day, Friday, at 12 o'clock, with the following result : Whole number of delegates, 820; necessary to a choice, 411 ; whole number cast, 818. James G. Blaine, 3341.^ ; Chester A. Arthur. 278; George F. Edmunds, 93; John A. Logan, 63^ ; John Sherman, 30; Joseph R. Haw ley, 13 ; Robert T. Lincoln, 4 ; W. T. Sherman, 2. Of the 44 Illinois votes, Logan received 40, Arthur i; — Abner Taylor; and Blaine, 3 ; — J. L. Woodward, J. R. Wheeler and George R. Davis. When Illinois was reached on the call of the roll for the fourth ballot, the following occurred : Mr. S. M. Cullom said : Mr. President, — I ask leave of this convention to read a dispatch which I received a few mo ments ago from Gen. John A. Logan, addressed to the Illinois delegation. (Cries of "Object ;" "Regular order ;" "Call the roll.") Mr. Cullom. I ask permission to read this telegram : — "To the Republicans"— (Cries of "No !" "Regular order.") Mr. Cullom. I am Instructed by Gen. Logan to withdraw his name from this convention, and shall send the dispatch to the Secretary's desk to be read. (Great confusion, and cries of "No, no, no.") The President. The dispatch can not be read except with the unanimous consent of the convention. Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. Mr. President, I make this point of order, that the reading of the dispatch is not In order, and nothing is except the calling of the roll. The President. The point of order Is well taken. Mr. Cullom. The Illinois delegation then withdraws the name of Gen. Logan, and gives for Blaine thirty-four votes, for Logan seven, for Arthur three. (Loud l^heering, and ^reat confusion.) ^ CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 31 I Mr. Piper. For fear there may be some mistake, I shall challenge the vote, and ask for a call of the roll. There is so much confusion here It Is Impossible to tell what is being done. I challenge the vote, and demand a roll call. The roll of Illinois was then called, resulting, for Blaine, 34 ; for Logan, 6; for Arthur, 3 ; Messrs. John M. Hamilton, Abner Taylor and S. B. Raymond. The nomination of Mr. Blaine having been made unanimous, the convention adjourned until evening, when candidates for Vice-President were proposed. Mr. P. B. Plumb of Kansas, nominated John A. Logan, and the nomination was seconded by representatives of various states. Motions were made to make the nomination by accla mation, but the roll being called for, a ballot was taken, result ing : Logan, 773 ; W. Q. Gresham, 6; J. B. Foraker, i. Gen. Logan's nomination was made unanimous. During the proceedings of the convention the Hon. W. G. Donnan of Iowa, presented to the convention a petition from the National Woman's Christian Temperance Association, call ing for action by the convention favoring constitutional prohibi tion. It was signed by Frances E. Willard, President ; Carolina B. BueU, Corresponding Secretary ; Mary A. Woodbridge, Re cording Secretary ; L. M. N. Stevens, Assistant Secretary, and Esther Pugh, Treasurer. It was referred to the Committee on Rules, and Ignored in the platform. The Illinois Democratic State convention was held at Peoria July 2. John H. Oberly, chairman of the State Central Com mittee, opened the proceedings with a speech in which the names of Samuel J. Tilden, Grover Cleveland, Joseph McDonald, and William R. Morrison were mentioned, and they were re ceived with immediate and prolonged applause The good will expressed toward the "old ticket" of Tilden and Hendricks was so pronounced that an effort was made to pledge the convention to Its nomination at the forthcoming Chicago convention. Gen. McClernand presented a resolution to the effect that it was the sense of the convention that the "old ticket" — Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks — should be nominated for President and Vice-President of the United States by the Nadonal con vention to assemble at Chicago July 8. The Chair decided the resolution not in order at that time, as the convention was as yet In the act of perfecting its temporary organization. It was un derstood that the friends of a low tariff and the supporters of William R. Morrison would attack the tariff question boldly, and make the convention platform set forth their position In unmis- 312 POLITICS AND politicians, takable terms. The platform as prepared by the Committee on Resolutions, was read by Hon. S. Corning Judd. It re-asserted the declarations of the Democratic National platform of 1876, as regarded reforms in taxation and the tariff, and contained In structions to delegates to the Chicago convention to vote as a unit in favor of an emphatic declaration by that body for a tariff for revenue only. Mayor Carter H. Harrison, whose nomination for Governor was a foregone conclusion, had arrived and was seated as a proxy for a delegate from the Fourth (Chicago) district. He arose and attacked the tariff plank of the platform, and moved to strike out that part relating to the tariff. The convention went Into an uproar, in the midst of which William R. Morrison arose and said the people could not be deceived by words. If the convention wanted a tariff for protection let them declare it He hoped Mayor Harrison would be nominated and elected Gov ernor, but that his motion would be defeated. John M. Palmer took the floor arvd asserted that If Mayor Harrison was not will ing to make the run on this platform he should refuse the guber natorial nomination If tendered by the convention. Mayor Har rison Interrupted the speaker and said that his position was being misrepresented, and that he had moved to strike out merely the instructions to delegates to vote as a unit on the question in the National convention. A vote was taken on the proposition to strike out the instructions, amid Intense excitement and confus ion, the result being 653 for striking out, and 623 against; ma jority for, 30, which came almost entirely from Cook county. The platform as amended was then adopted viva voce. Mayor Har rison was then nominated for Governor by acclamation, the bal ance of the ticket being made up of prominent Democrats from the central and southern sections of the state. A short time prior to the assembling of the Democratic National convention Samuel J. Tilden, the aged and popular standard bearer of 1876, had a powerful following in the ranks of the Democracy who favored his nomination again. He wrote a letter in which he unequivocally declined nomination. This letter has been admired by men of all parties for its pure and lofty tone of patriotism. It was written In New York June 10, 1884, and addressed to Daniel Manning, Chairman of the New York Democratic State Committee. Mr. Tilden reiterated his dechnation of June 18, 1880, and condnued as follows : " At the present time the consideradons which induced my action in 1880 have become imperative. I c*ight not to assume CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 313 a task which I have not the physical strength to carry throuo-h. To reform the administration of the federal government ; to real ize my own ideal, and to fulfill the just expectadons of the peo ple, would indeed warrant, as they could alone compensate, the sacrifices which the undertaking would involve ; but In my con dition of advancing years and declining strength, I feel no assur ance of my ability to accomplish those objects. I am, therefore, constrained to say definitely that I cannot now assume the labors of an administration or of a canvass. " Undervaluing In nowise that best gift of heaven, the occas ion and the power sometimes bestowed upon a mere Individual to communicate an impulse for good, grateful beyond all words to my fellow countrymen, who would assign such a beneficent function, I am consoled by the reflection that neither the Demo cratic party nor the Republic for whose future that party Is the best guaranty, is now or ever can be dependent upon any one man for their successful progress in the path of a noble destiny. Having given to thelr.welfare whatever of health and strength I possessed, or could borrow from the future, and having reached the term of my capacity for such labors as their welfare now de mands, I but submit to the will of God In deeming my public career forever closed. Samuel J. Tilden." While there were many candidates for the Democratic nomi nation for the Presidency, the one who developed the most sur prising strength was Grover Cleveland of New York, a man entirely new in national politics. He had been Mayor of Buffalo and sheriff of his county, and his political record was deemed irreproachable by his friends. This was considered a strong point In his favor, especially since the opponents of Mr. Blaine were making persistent attacks upon his record as a public rrian. The Independents of the East were satisfied with Mr. Cleve land's record as a reformer, and he was besides advantageously located in the state having the largest number of electoral votes. These various considerations, coupled with the fact that his friends In New York numbered some of the most astute mana gers within the party ranks, gave him greater prominence than any other candidate just prior to the convention. The leading spirits of the party, who gained control of the convention, believed that if the Democrats after twenty-eight years of defeat hoped to elect a President they must adopt a decisive platform, nominate at the head of the ticket a man represendng the living issues of the day, and relegate the fossils and dead-weights to the rear. Blaine being an avowed Protectionist, it was believed 314 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, that Mr. Cleveland would not refuse to run on a "tariff for revenue only," or a tariff reform platform, which the controlling element of the Democracy desired. The convendon was to assemble July 8, and the tariff reformers were on the ground early, and gave notice of their determination to force the conven tion into a vigorous and definite expression upon this important and all absorbing topic. The preparation of a plank In reference to the tariff to be presented for adoption was undertaken by such avowed Free Traders as William R. Morrison, Henry Watterson, Frank Hurd and Francis Kernan, and their views with but slight modifications were embodied in the platform upon its adoption. The Republican convention In June had been prolonged beyond the expectations of many far-sighted politicians, and the excite ment ran high in the convention hall, the hotel lobbies, and In the streets, where mass meetings and processions were of hourly occurrence, but the Democratic convention, notwithstanding the hot and sultry July weather, far outrivaled the Republican gath ering in point of excitement, enthusiasm, fireworks, the music of brass bands and speeches of agitators, who endeavored to create and control local feeling. The New York County Democracy, 1,500 strong, headed by county and city officials, put In an ap pearance first and began work for Cleveland ; John Kelly and the Tammany Hall organization came next, and Immediately opened the fight in opposition to Cleveland. Local political organizations and reception committees were busily engaged for several days In the work of receiving and providing for the enter tainment of political clubs from all the chief cities of the country. Benjamin F. Butler, who had already been nominated for the presidency by the Anti-Monopolists and Greenback party in the East, and who had accepted in a letter dated at Lowell, Mass., June 15, was present as a delegate in the Democratic convention and a recognized candidate for the Democratic presidential nom ination. On the evening of July 5 the local labor organizations held a Butler demonstration. There was a procession in which about 3,000 men participated, and It was viewed by not less than 50,000 spectators along the line of march. Gen. Butler attempted to address the multitude at the Palmer house, but the uproar was so great he could not make himself heard, and was forced to retire. It was known that the New York delegation was divided, and that forty-nine delegates were for Cleveland, the remaining twenty-three being for Flower, Bayard and Slocumb, and that John Kelly, Senator Grady and Gen. Butler would make a united and bitter fight to defeat Cleveland's ncmlnadon. All of this CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 315 added to the excitement and the intense interest everywhere manifested as to the probable outcome of the convention. The Illinois delegation organized as follows : John M. Palmer, Chair man ; W. H. Barnes, Secretary ; A. J. O'Connor, Credentials ; W. A. J. Sparks, Permanent Organization ; William R. Morri son, Resolutions ; S. Corning Judd, National Committeeman ; A. E, Stevenson, Notification ; Anthony Norton, Vice-Presi dent ; Harry Rubens, Convention Secretary. The convention was called to order at 12 o'clock July 8, and the first division occurred on the question of enforcing the unit rule as to the New York delegates in accordance with the instruc tions of the Saratoga convention. During the debate Carter Harrison spoke In opposition to the enforcement of the unit rule. The National Committee presented a resolution providing for the government of the convention by the same rules as those that governed the convention of 1880, which recognized the unit rule. Senator Grady of New York, offered an amendment pro viding for the recording of the votes of individual delegates. The amendment was lost, and the unit rule adopted by a vote of 445 to 350. _ The Committee on Platform met in the rooms of the Iro quois club and found themselves in a dead-lock on the tariff ques tion, the vote on chairman being eighteen for William R. Mor rison, Tariff reform, to eighteen for George L. Converse, Protection. A compromise was made on Malcolm Hay for tem porary chairman of the committee. The committee was ad dressed In behalf of the Irish National League of America in opposition to absentee landlords in this country by Alexander Sullivan of Chicago, President of the League. William H. Vilas of Wisconsin, was made President of the convention. July 9 another test vote between the two elements in the convention was taken on a motion to lay on the table a motion to proceed with the nomination of candidates. When New York was called Chairman Manning announced 72 votes no, and was sustained by the Chairman of the convention in vot ing his delegation as a unit under the instructions of the New York State convention, and the vote of the convention as recorded, stood : Ayes, 282; noes, 521. The convendon pro ceeded to the nominations, brilliant speeches being made by many eminent speakers in favor of Senator Bayard, Senator McDon ald, Senator Thurman, John G. Cariisle, Grover Cleveland, Sam uel Randall and George Hoadley. Mr. Lockwood of New York, presented Cleveland's name, and the nomination was sec- 3l6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, onded by Carter Harrison. Senator Grady dissented and charged that the laboring men and the Irish Catholics would not support Cleveland. Mayor Harrison repelled this statement The name of Benjamin F. Butler was not presented. July lo Mayor Harrison denied the accusation made by certain speakers that he had packed the hall with a clique to applaud hl^ speech for Cleveland. On the evening of July lo, when the Committee on Platform had reported. Gen. Butler made a minority report In favor of a protective tariff, A vote was taken on the adop tion of Gen. Butler's substitute, and it was rejected, yeas <^T%, nays 7143^, and the majority platform was adopted. The first ballot for a Presidential candidate was taken at 12 o'clock midnight, resulting, Hoadley, 3; Carlisle, 27; Randall, 78; Thurman, 88; McDonald, 56; Bayard, 170; Cleveland, 392. Illinois cast 28 for Cleveland, 11 for McDonald, 2 for Bayard, i for Thurman, i for Randall, and i for Thomas A. Hendricks, the latter vote being that of Alderman E. F. Cullerton of Chicago. On the morning of July 11 it early becamd apparent that the Indianlans and local friends of Hendricks were present in the convention in large numbers. On the second and last ballot the voting had proceeded in the call of states as far as Illinois, and when the Chairman of the Illinois delegation began to announce the vote as, Hendricks i, there suddenly broke out a scene of wild and enthusiastic tumult, 'the cheering drowning every other sound, and continuing for fifteen minutes. It was too late to stampede the convention, however, and the further announce ment of 38 votes from Illinois for Cleveland somewhat lessened the Hendricks enthusiasm. It was seen that Cleveland was nominated. Illinois first changed to 37 for Cleveland, Hendricks i. Bayard 3, McDonald 3, and then to 44 votes solid for Cleveland. On the official record Illinois stood, Cleveland 43, McDonald i ; and the vote for each candidate as formally announced was, Cleve land, 683; McDonald, 2; Bayard, 81^; Thurman, 4; Hen dricks, 45^ ; Randall, 4. The convention adjourned until evening, when candidates for Vice-President were placed in nomination. Gen. W. S. Rose- crans, Joseph E. McDonald, Gen. John C. Black of Illinois, George W. Click and Thomas A. Hendricks were named. Gen. Black declined to allow the use of his name, saying he had pledged his allegiance to Senator McDonald so long as the latter's name was before the convention. A number of spirited speeches were made In favor of nominating Mr. Hendricks by acclama tion. Delegate Wallace of Pennsylvania!* saying he had been CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 317 once chosen Vice-President and was despoiled of the office. The clerk proceeded to call the roll of the states, and Mr. Hendricks was nominated unanimously. The Prohibition National Convention convened at Pitts burgh, July 24 ; criticised the Republican convention for ignor ing the Prohibition petition of the Woman's Christian Temper ance Union ; adopted a national Prohibition platform and nomi nated John P. St John of Kansas, for President, and William Daniel of Maryland, for Vice-President Benjamin F. Butler formally accepted the nomination ten dered him by the Greenback and Anti-Monopoly convention in a letter containing eleven thousand words In condemnation of the action of the Democratic convention on the tariff, and bidding for the support of the labor element of the country. This letter was dated August 12, and published August 18. The Idea be came prevalent that Butler in reality favored the election of Blaine, and that his candidacy was but a ruse to draw off Demo cratic votes, and thereby bring about the result desired. He received but few votes in Chicago. The Independents enrolled under their standard many antl- Blaine Republicans and a large percentage of the floating vote, and this Important influence was thrown In favor of Cleveland. The leaders were called bolters and "mugwumps," and were bit terly assailed by the Republican party organs on every hand. In Chicago there was a strong local organization and the Chicago Daily News was the medium through which Independent senti ment found expression in the Northwest A majority of the Independents were tariff and civil service reformers. There was an active local Executive Committee composed of Franklin Mac- Veagh, Gen. A. C. McClurg, W. T. Baker, E. G. Mason, George C. Clarke, James F. Claflin, Henry A. Gardner, Slason Thomp son and Edwin Burritt Smith. In an address to the voters of Chicago and the state at large the committee had the following to say : To Republicans and Independent Voters : — The nomina tion of James G. Blaine for the presidency by the Republican National convention of 1884, has precipitated a question of great difficulty and supreme moment upon the American people. By this action the voter's attention is forced away from the consider ation of party principles and policies, to the scrutiny of party candidates and the duties of citizenship. It is all the more de plorable and dangerous because Mr. Blaine's nomination was made with all the outward forms and circumstance of popular 3i8 POLITICS and politicians, party choice. But those who were on the spot know how ficti tious is the claim, that It was the irresistible demand of the great body of Republicans of the Northwest They are not oblivious to the necessity of honor, integrity and a pure record in a presi dential candidate, however noisy and bawling politicians may misrepresent them. We know that Cook county was represented in the June convention by at least two men who were elected to oppose Blaine and voted for him. One of these men deliberately betrayed the trust reposed in him by his district. , We know not how many others were brought to Mr. Blaine's support as he was, nor the means used to accomplish this man's conversion. Living in Chicago, some of us remember the spirit of liberty that ani mated the Republican convention which nominated Abraham Lincoln in i860, and we saw the political vultures who domi nated the convention which nominated James G. Blaine In 1884. The men who had been fighting to keep on the outside of a jail in Washington fought for the nomination of James G. Blaine in Chicago. No unknown man was nominated. His record is notorious. Its "magnetic brilliancy" cannot hide its utter lack of principle, unselfish purpose, or public good accom plished. As a Member of Congress his voice was never raised, his vote never cast, for a measure to protect the public domain from the raids of land-grabbers and corporate plunderers. As Speaker of the House of Representatives, he did not scruple to prostitute a judicial decision to personal gain. As United States Senator, in the words of Senator Edmunds, "he jumped up, musket In hand, from behind the breastworks of Jay Gould's lobby to fire into the backs " of those Senators who were endeavoring to make the Union Pacific railway company keep its contract with the government As Secretary of State, for a brief period, he made the United States ridiculous in the eyes of foreign powers of the first rank, while Indulging in a questionable interfer ence with the affairs of minor nationalities. His appointment of a disgraced officer of the army, to represent this country as Min ister to Peru, in order that he might bully that distressed power into the recognidon of a private claim, is not forgotten in Illi nois, where that officer was known. As a private citizen of na tional influence he has not shrunk from advising the distribudon of the surplus In the treasury among the states in such a way as to afford a vast corruption fund in the hands of the dominant party. The public standards and methods of Mr. Blaine are thoroughly corrupt and demoralizing. He ireats public office as CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 319 a private acquisition. He makes use of Its opportunities to enrich and advance himself. He prostitutes Its powers to reward his friends and to punish and proscribe those who oppose him. What has been accomplished toward administrative reform has been effected without his aid. In fact, he and those closely asso ciated with him, have been conspicuous among those to be reformed. His late profession of acceptance of the reformed system must be viewed with great suspicion by those who are familiar with his career, and do not now overlook the methods of himself and his friends in the present campaign. Those who stand behind the Washington Committee and receive its "collec tions" cannot be trusted with the execution and improvement of the Civil Service Act. Our opposition to Mr. Blaine is based upon the evidence furnished by the candidate himself, and the public records. The strength of our position Is exactly meas ured by the force of that evidence. Everything now known against Mr. Blaine was known when he was nominated last June. In the conventions of 1876 and 1880, a healthy respect for the honest sentiment of the country defeated him. But In 1884 the corrupt Influences which he represented, in defiance of repeated warnings, forced him upon the party. Believing that popular Indifference to dishonesty and cor ruption In office Is a menace to good government ; that a party nomination cannot cleanse a sooty record ; that when party ac tion ceases to respond to the pure and honest sentiment within it. It becomes party tyranny ; that it is the duty of all Intelligent citizens to look on parties as the aids to good government, not the Idols for individual worship ; that to accept Inevitably the offerings of a party convention, good or bad, deprives the voter of his Inalienable rights ; that Blaine's nomination has compro mised the Republican party, and his election would dishonor the nation, and believing that Its defeat now may be the salvation of that party, that through the valley of tribulation it may come into a purer life, we declare our unalterable opposition to the elec tion of James G. Blaine. Whether we shall support Grover Cleveland, must be left to individual choice. Of him we have this to say : His nomination was made by the Deniocratic party' in response to the call for a man whose official life In sterling In tegrity and unwavering honesty should afford the strongest pos sible contrast to that of James G. Blaine. He has been thor oughly tried and found firm and able to withstand the worst ele ments of his own party. The manner of his nomination com mends him to us. No malignant assaults upon his past private 320 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, life have weakened his public record, or can alter the just and hlo-h aim of the convention which nominated him. The present is a good time to rebuke the insolent arrogance of unprincipled politicians who put up their chief and invoke party fealty to make him ruler of 55,000,000 people. The pernicious doctrine that the act of a convention, if it nominate Beelzebub, binds the consciences and votes of the party. Is the issue In this campaign. Shall it prevail? We firmly, honesdy, sincerely believe not To elect Blaine Is to set him up as a model for the youth of America. To defeat him is to make his course a warning for all dme. Therefore all Republicans and Independents who be lieve that the interests of good government, official honesty, efficient public service, purity at the primaries, and the honor of the American people, demand the defeat of James _G. Blaine, are invited to place their names upon our rolls and aid us in every honorable way to prevent his election as President of the United States." The state campaign was also replete with excitement and Interest, and close contests were waged between rival candidates for Congress. In the First Chicago district the Republicans re nominated R. W. Dunham, and the Democrats named as his opponent William M. Tilden, a cousin of Samuel J. Tilden. In the Second district the Democrats offered to nominate John F. Finerty, who two years before, as an Independent Democrat, had defeated Henry F. Sheridan, the regular Democratic nominee, providing he would support the National Democrat ticket. Mr. Finerty, however, resolutely refused to thus pledge himself, and he cast his fortunes and the influence of his paper. The Citizen, an Irish National weekly, with Blaine and for a Protective tariff. The Democrats thereupon nominated Frank Lawler, Alderman from the Eighth ward, who had a strong following among the laboring element of the district. In the Third district the sup porters of George R. Davis and William E. Mason were di vided by the result of the primaries. A contest ensued as to who should stand as the Republican candidate, which was car ried to the National Committee for arbitration A decision was rendered in favor of Mr. Mason, and Mr. Davis apparently withdrew, but upon his return from the East, his supporters placed Gen. James Fitzsimons In the field against Mr. Mason. The Democrats in this favorable emergency nominated James Ward as their candidate in the district In the Fourth Chicago district, the Republicans re-nominated George E. Adams, and the Democrats nominated John P. Altgeld* CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 321 In their State convendon the Republicans nominated Rich ard J . Oglesby for Governor, and the Democrats, as has been shown, nominated Carter H. Harrison, Mayor of Chicago, as their candidate. Both candidates made a personal canvass, and stumped the state from end to end, addressing some of the great est meetings ever held In Illinois. The Prohibitionists also ran a full state ticket, with J. B. Hobbs of Chicago, for Governor, and the ticket received an Im portant, but not excessively large, vote. Blaine's plurality for President, In Cook county, was 8,169 ; Harrison's for Governor, 348. Oglesby's plurality in the state was 12,192, and Blaine's 26,399. The official vote of Cook county In the general election of November, 1884, was as follows : for president. James G. Blaine, average, '69,251 ; highest, 68,271 Grover Cleveland, " 60,663 : " 60,652 John P. St John, --.-.. ^^6 Benjamin F. Butler, 812 Blaine's plurality, 8,619; majority, 6,841. STATE TICKET FOR GOVERNOR. Carter H. Harrison, 65,313 Richard J. Oglesby, 64,965 J. B. Hobbs, - 947 Harper, Greenback, Anti-Monopoly, - - 409 Harrison's plurality, 348. In this election Jacob Gross, Rep., of Chicago, was a can didate for State Treasurer against Alfred Orendorff, Dem., of Springfield ; Copp, the Prohibitionist candidate, and Goodhue, the Anti-Monopoly. The vote In Cook county was : Gross, 69,033 ; Orendorff, 61,018 ; Copp, 1,049 ! Goodhue, 669. Gross' majority, 6,297. The Republican Electoral ticket received 18,180 majority in the state, and Oglesby's majority was 1 1,532 In the state. The popular vote in the state was, for Blaine, 337,586; for Cleveland, 312.314, making Blaine's plurality 25,272. CONGRESSIONAL VOTE. First district Dunham, Rep., 20,245; Tilden, Dem., 14,655 ; Clark, Prohibition, 501 ; Gates. Anti-Monopoly, 288. Second district, Lawler, Dem., 13,954; Finerty, Rep., 11,- 552 ; Kellett, Prohibition, 23. 322 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Rep., 10,806 ; Boyd, Anti- Third district. Ward, Dem., 15,601 ; Mason, Fitzsimons, Rep., 8,928; Lee, Prohibition, 280; Monopoly, 259. Fourth district, Adams, Rep., 18,333 ! Altgeld, Dem., 15,291; Austin, Prohibition, 467. COUNTY TICKET — STATE S ATTORNEY. Grinnell, Dem., .... Mills, Rep , Wilson, Prohibition, Scoville, Anti-Monopoly, RECORDER. Scrlbner, Rep., .... Donnersberger, Dem., Jenkins, Prohibition, Jenklnson, Anti-Monopoly, . CORONER. Hertz, Rep., ..... Boyden, Dem., ..... Hutchins, Prohibition, Coulton, Anti-Monopoly, CLERK OF APPELLATE COURT, Healy, Rep., .... Curran, Dem., ..... McDowall, Prohibition, . Adams, Anti-Monopoly, CLERK OF SUPERIOR COURT. McGrath, Rep Donovan, Dem., .... Butler, Prohibition, Grogan, Anti-Monopoly, CLERK OF CIRCUIT COURT. Best, Rep Hoechster, Dem., .... Whitcomb, Prohibition, Huck, Antl-Monopoly, COUNTY SURVEYOR. Foster, Rep., Carlson, Dem Williamson, Prohibition, 68,32960,685 1,064 621 68,879 60,933 1,604 69,950 59.935 915 509 68,822 60,791 1,087 641 69,244 60,283 1,008 641 69,25260,512 977 657 68,317 61,511 662 CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 323 COUNTY COMMISSIONERS. First district, McDonald, 50,988 ; Wren, 50,414 ; O'Brien 48,724; Shehan, 48,625; Wait, 467; Busch, 460 ; Henschelli 392 ; Creek, 385 ; Boyle, 13; Jansen, 6. Second district, Klehm' 4,824 ; Weckler, 3,185; Jansen, 323; Kalstrom, 13. Fourth district, McCarty, 5,285; Kotzenberg, 4,319; Doyle, 154; Os- terholm, 6. Sixth district, McClaughrey, 1,140; Reed, '910; Payne, 10. The State Senators* and Representatives elected at this elecdon, together with the vote received by the various candi dates, were as follows : SENATORS. Second district, Crawford, 10,749; Newberry, 7,575; Neil, 214; Nordengreen, 173. Fourth district, Cantwell, 5,466; Mamer, 5,153; Lawrence, 2,125; Whidock, 234; Gilmore, 15. Sixth district, Brand, 9,696t ; Leman, 9,686; Moulding, 27; Arnold, 15. REPRESENTATIVES. First district, McHale, 7,8i8>^ ; Kennedy, 7,289^; Parker, 6,782 ; Dolan, 6,159; McGovern, 2,6511^; Carter, 2,447; Foley, 228; Dewey, 198. Second district. Harper, 16,247; Parker, 15,400^^; Hummel, 13,060; Danforth, 10,2175^; Starkweather, 8461^ ; Connelly, 5325^.; Scarry, 3. Third district, Thomas, 10,6915^; Taylor, 10,136; McNally, 8,344 ; Cass, 7,651 ; Daven port, 57 ; Barr, 46^^ ; Starkweather, 18. Fourth district. Mur phy, 8,893 ; Quinn, 8,146 ; McMillan, 7,787^^ ; White, 7,713^ ; Jackson, 5,069; Cadin, 597. Fifth district, Powell, 11,728; Ma honey, 7,8051^ ; Dorman, 6,761 ; Taylor, 5,310 ; Dwyer, 955^^ ; Strohlein, 138 ; Tapley, 7 ; Kennedy, 6. Sixth district, Bou- telle, 15,475 ; Sullivan, 13,495 ; Sittig, 12,929^^ ; McAuliff, ii'957^; Moulding, 2261^; Naegley, 514; Arnold, 213. Seventh district, Humphrey, 11,632^; Struckman, 10,469^^ ; Crafts, 9.672; Kreuger, 4,6781^; Nowlen, 1,548; Starkweather, 21; Connelly, 9. Ninth district, Scharlau, 7,709 ; Baird, 7,408^ ; Considlne, 6,618 ; Wendell, 5,225 ; Phelps, 2,787^ ; Whelan, 977; Pike, 132. Eleventh district, Oldenberg, 10,114; O'Shay, 7,639; Schlessinger, 6,933 ; Meyers, 5,994; Scarry, 4,740; Wood son, 1,645. Thirteenth district, Brachtendorf, 5,912^ ; Sundel- *A complete list of Senators and Representatives elected in Cook county districts since the organization of the General Assembly -will be found at the close of this volume. fThe vote as canvassed was reversed. Brand's apparent plurality being fraudulent, Gov. ernor Hamilton issued the certificate of election to Leman. 324 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ius, 5,7361^; Mulheran, 5,2305^; Klupp, 5,174; Prendergast, 2,447; Dahnke, 1,606; Vogel, 93. For the State House appropriation, 22,331. For separate Item veto, 109,119. For issue of county bonds, 109,810. For police appropriation, 64,802. At the general election, November 4, 1884, a vote was taken In the city on the proposition to authorize the Council to appro priate $100,000 from the saloon license fund for the purpose of increasing the police force. The proposition was carried by a vote of 64,802 out of a total of 100,978 votes. It was charged by several newspapers that this appropriation was illegally carried by means of the many frauds entering into the election ; 243 Judges were arrested, charged with making false returns, but all escaped punishment by pleading ignorance of the law. A few days after the general election of November, 1884, it became generally known that the two Houses of the Assembly in joint session would probably be a tie, as between the Democrats and the Republicans, so that a r.ingle vote, either in the House or Senate might elect a United States Senator. It has been charged that this situation brought about the famous Brand- Leman fraud in the Eighteenth ward of Chicago. The Intense excitement attending the Democratic National victory had not yet entirely subsided when It was discovered and charged by the press that the ballots of the Second precinct of the Eighteenth ward had been tampered with, and the result in the precinct reversed, so as to give a fraudulent majority for State senator to Rudolf Brand, Democrat, as against Henry W. Leman, Republican. In justice to Mr. Brand it Is necessary to say that there never has been the slightest suspicion that he was in any way cognizant of this fraud. Before even the magnitude of the fraud was known, Mr. Brand announced that he would not accept an election that was in doubt, and demanded a re-count. The excItemiCnt and indignation ran high, and a citizen's committee of safety was formed for the purpose of hunting down and bringing to justice the miscreants who had perpetrated the frauds. The leaders of this movement were E. Nelson Blake, A. A. Carpenter, Melville E. Stone, Gen. I. N. Stiles, Edwin Lee Brown, A. M. Day, E. F. Cragin, Ersklne M. Phelps, M. W. Fuller and many other prominent representatives of both political parties. A. M. Day was made chairman of the committee. Examination of the ballot box of the Second precinct of the Eighteenth ward showed that after it had Been placed in the cus- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 325 tody of the County Clerk and was in the vault of his office the original ballots had been abstracted and a number of boo-us or forged ballots, printed as facsimiles of the genuine ones, with the exception that they contained Brand's name instead of Leman's, had been substituted. The apparent motive for the crime lay in the fact that the General Assembly elect was to ballot for a United States Senator, and a careful canvass of the state had shown that the Senate and House were apt to be a tie between the two pardes. To more completely carry out the fraud the entire tally sheet accompanying the ballots had been forged so as to corres pond, and clever counterfeits of the signatures of the Judges and Clerks of election were affixed. The Committee of Safety and Federal authorities co-operating, arrested the Judges and Clerks, except one, Sullivan, who decamped to Canada. An en terprising reporter of the Daily News discovered where the bogus tickets had been printed, at P. L. Hanscom's printing office on Madison street, and secured a proof-slip of the bogus ticket containing Brand's name. The Wright brothers, employes of Hanscom, stated that Joseph C. Mackin, Secretary of the Cook County Central Democratic Committee, Assistant Secretary of the State Central Committee, and Secretary of the Cook County Democratic Club, had ordered the tickets printed, and they had been delivered to him at his room In the Palmer house. Joseph C. Mackin, William J. Gallagher, a saloon keeper, and Arthur Gleason, a clerk in the County Clerk's office, were indicted by the Federal Grand Jury for this offence on several counts, Mackin for conspiracy, Gallagher for forging the tally- sheet, and Gleason for having, as charged, connived at the substitution of the fraudulent ballots while the genuine were In his custody. This Indictment was subsequently dropped, and the trio were proceeded against by information, A. M. Day being the complainant The trial was a sensational one and resulted in the conviction of the defendants, and the indict ment for perjury in their behalf, of Charles Emery Gilmore and Jeremiah Sullivan. The prosecution was conducted before Judge Henry ^W. Blodgett, by District Attorney R. S. Tut hlll, Gen. I. N. Stiles and Gen. J. C. Hawley, and the defense by Judge Turpie of Indiana, and Frank Turner for Mackin; Henry Wendell Thompson for Gallagher, Swett & Gros- cup, and W. S. Young for Gleason. An appeal was taken by the defendants on a pedtion for a writ of error, which was argued in their behalf before Justice Harian and Judge W. Q. Gresham, by Emery A. Storrs ; the writ granted and the case 326 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, certified to the United States Supreme Court, the defendants Mackin and Gallagher being held In bonds of $50,000, and Gleason in bonds of $10,000. In the meantime a special grand jury had been impaneled in the Criminal Court of Cook county, be fore which Mackin was summoned. He refused to answer certain questions on the ground that he might incriminate himself, but denied having procured the spurious tickets from Hanscom & Co. The jury thereupon indicted him for perjury ; he was con victed and sentenced to serve a sentence of five years in Joliet The Supreme Court was applied to for a writ of supersedeas pending an appeal to the State Supreme Court, and the super sedeas was granted by Justices Shope and Craig, Before the Supreme Court the case was argued by Emery Storrs and John C. Richberg, and the sentence of the Criminal Court was sus tained. This was the last argument of the gifted and_ brilliant Emery Storrs, who died at Ottawa Immediately after its close. The appeal from the conviction in the Federal Court has not yet been decided at the date of this writing. Mackin was taken to Joliet to serve the Criminal Court sentence, and Gallagher and Gleason remained at large on bail. The detectives employed by the Committee of Safety un earthed many minor frauds, but the only arrests made in connec tion with any of these were those of William J. Clingen, Clerk of the Armory Police Court, Frank E. Owens and John Stearns, ,,, city employes, who were charged with the illegal registration of voters in the First and Second wards. They were brought to trial in the Federal court, the jury disagreed, and on the second trial the case was dismissed for lack of evidence. The anticipated contest over the election of a United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan began with the elec tion of members of the General Assembly in the fall campaign, as has been shown, and when the two Houses assembled at Spring field in January, 1885, every other matter of business was su bordinated to this issue. William R. Morrison, an avowed Free Trade apostle and leader In Congress, who was a rival to Carter Harrison for the nomination for Governor, in the preceding July, was made the Democratic caucus nominee for Senator, and John A. Logan Received the caucus nomination of the Re publicans. Other prominent candidates were, Carter H. Harri son, Judge Lambert Tree and W. C. Goudy, on the Democratic side, and C. B. Farwell on the Republican side. Neither Logan or Morrison, the rival caucus candidates, represented a moneyed interest, and both were made to appreciate mat the corporation CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 327 influence, usually so potent In choosing United States Senators. was against them. Both also had to deal with some uncertain elements In their own party. But here the parallel ended. Morrison was still a member of the House of Representatives, was Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and had the backing of the Carlisle wing of the Democracy, whose support meant a political future, whether he captured the Senatorship or not Logan's term In the Senate was drawing to a close. As one of the defeated candidates on the Republican National ticket, he had been put forward by his party in Illinois to show Its confidence in his leadership as well in defeat as in victory. The first test of strength between Logan and Morrison in the joint convention was had February 19. That day both parties had their full strength present — 102 to 102. In the balloting Gen. Logan received 100 votes and Morrison 94. Represent atives Sittig and MacMIllan voted for E. B. Washburne and Andrew Shuman respectively, while the Democratic members who refused to go on record for Morrison scattered. Afterward MacMIllan voted for Logan on several ballots, and Morrison began to whip the Cook county Democrats into line, so that his vote ran up to 99. Besides the Cook county members he had much trouble with Speaker Haines and Senator Streeter, both of whom had their own lightning rods up, and when either of them voted for Morrison, it was certain the circumstances were such that he could not be elected. Matters ran along this way for a week, and then death broke the tie. February 26 Repre sentative Robert E. Logan, of the Nineteenth district, dropped dead at the entrance to the House chamber. He had tolled up the Stairs, and as he was suffering from heart disease, the effort had proved fatal to him. This was Thursday, and a truce was arranged till the following Tuesday, Representative Logan was one of the Republican members, and his death left that party In the minority. Though the Governor immediately Issued the writs for a special election, it would be nearly four weeks before a successor could qualify, and the only thing for the Republicans to do was to keep from voting till their ranks were again full. Many, however, believed that a Democratic Senator would be elected before a successor to the deceased member could be chosen. But it was not written in the book of fate that 102 Democratic members of the Thirty-fourth General Assembly should ever again vote in joint convention. Senator Frank M. Bridges of the Thirty-seventh district was a broken-down man when he came to the Legislature. He had had one or two 328 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Strokes of paralysis, and It was with difficulty that he took part in the convention long enough to vote for Morrison. Imme diately after Representative Logan's death Senator Bridges was taken to his home in Carrollton by his family, where he died. April 12 Representative Shaw, a Democrat, died. Senator Logan's managers went quietly to work and laid plans to carry Shaw's district The special election had been set for Wednes day, May 6. That day a few hundred Democrats went unsus pectingly to the polls and voted for Mr. Deeper, their candidate. Some Republicans, out of personal regard for him, did the same in the early hours of the day, before they could be informed of what was to come. Between 3 and 4 o'clock in the afternoon the Republican voters all over the district began flocking to the polls and voting for W. H. Weaver of Menard county. The Democrats were panic stricken at this move, and made frantic eiiorts LO get out their votes. But they were too late. Capt Weaver carried every county except Cass, and his majority was over 300. The following day Democrats throughout the coun try were shocked and Republicans delighted to learn that a Re publican member had been elected in a district which had given 2,000 Democratic majority in the Presidential election. After receiving for two votes the entire strength of his party, loi, William R. Morrison's name was withdrawn on May 14, and Hon. Lambert Tree of Chicago, received most of the party strength. Finally on May 19, after the successors of all the deceased members had been seated, the 120th and final joint ballet was taken, and Senator Logan was re-elected to succeed himself for six years, ending March 4, 1891. The vote was as follows : Senate — John A. Logan, 26; Lambert Tree, 24; J. C. Black, I. House — Logan, 77; Tree, 72; Black, 1; Hoxie, i; Schol- field, I. The " Logan 103 " became noted throughout the country for their staying qualities, and almost as famous as the Grant " 306" of 1880. There were a greater number of prospective Mayoralty candidates In Chicago In the spring of 1885 than ever before known in the history of the city. The campaign practically opened eariy in March, and it was not known at this date wheth er Carter H. Harrison would be a candidate for re-election or not One of the leading Issues was "election reform," for the prevalence of election frauds in the fall -preceding had led to CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 329 unusual precautions on the part of the Committee of Public Safety and the press to secure a fair election. The leading jour nals- printed the registry lists In full, and showed where Illegal registration had been carried on to a large extent This had the effect of preventing frauds somewhat, but In several precincts the scheme of swearing in votes by affidavit and destroying the affi davits subsequently, was resorted to. The Republicans had three leading candidates shortly prior to the holding of their conven don — George R. Davis, ex-Congressman from the Third district, Frank M. Blair, a prominent business man, resident of the North Division, who had been Chairman of the City FIriance Com mittee under a strong Democratic administration, and who pos sessed an enviable record ; and Sidney Smith, Judge of the Su perior Court, a man of sterling qualities. The last named was taken up as a compromise candidate, in an effort to harmonize every Republican element, and it was believed, as well, that he would secure a large floating vote that had become hostile to Mayor Harrison. Judge Smith was nominated by acclamation ; John F. Finerty was nominated for Treasurer ; C. H. Plautz for City Clerk, and Hempstead Washburne for City Attorney. The Democratic city convention was held In the Palmer house, March 24, and Carter H. Harrison was nominated by acclamation for re-election ; William M. Devine for Treasurer, John G. Neumelster for City Clerk, and Peter J. Ellert for City Attorney. The result of the vote on the city ticket as finally canvassed by the Council June i, 1885, was as follows : MAYOR. Carter H. Harrison, Dem., - - - - 43>352 Sidney Smith, Rep., - ... 42,977 TREASURER. W. M. Devine, Dem., - . - - 43,418 John F. Finerty, Rep., .... 41.877 CITY CLERK. John G. Neumeister, Dem., - - - 42,926 C. H. Plautz, Rep., 43- 116 CITY ATTORNEY. Peter J. Ellert, Dem., . - - - 41.973 Hempstead Washburne, Rep., - - - 43-959 The Prohibitionists had a city ticket in the field at this elec don, which received for Mayor, Bush, 221 votes; City Treasurer, Speight, 261 votes; City Clerk, Cadin, 249; City Attorney, Christian, 290. Harrison's plurality, 375. 230 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ALDERMEN. First ward— Arthur Dixon, Rep., 1,602 ; Patrick White, ^""second ward— James Appleton, Dem., 2,076 ; M. Best, Rep., 1,008 ; M. A. Driscoll, Ind. Dem., 692. Third ward— Chas. W. Drew, Rep., 1,211; Simon Fish, Rep., 661 ; Frank H. Follansbee, Ind. Rep., 654; Isaac Pieser, Dem'., 159'; Thomas Healy, Dem., 533. Fourth ward— O. D. Wetherell, Rep., 3.339 ; Frank Myers, Dem, 2,423; Geo. Brahm, 57; P. Dunn, 28. ^ , ^ ^ Fifth ward— H. F. Sheridan, Dem., 4,858 ; John J. Kearns, Rep., 2,942. /- tr T Sixth ward— George W. Kroll, Rep., 1,139; *-• ^- ^' Doerner, Dem., 1,524; Charles A. Monear, Ind. Dem., 1,434; Wenzel Kasperek, Ind., 1,286. Seventh ward— John RIordan, Dem., 1,884; Thomas J. Carroll, Ind. Dem., 774; Charles B. Brady, Ind., 800; Joseph M. Weber, Rep., 2,051. Eighth ward — Redmond Sheridan, Jr., Dem., 2,919; ihos. Purcell, 1,596; L. Yore, Rep., 1,674. r ^. ^xr n . Ninth ward— W. F. Mahony, Dem., 2,263 ; John W. Carter, Tenth ward— James Walsh, Dem., 1,013; S. P. Revere, Eleventh ward— D. M. Kirton, Dem., 1,391; Samuel Simons, Rep., 3,084; A. Hundng, 21. Twelfth ward— Walter S. Hull, Rep., 3,553 ; A. L. Sweet, Ind., 2,887 ; J- L. Whitlock, 312. Thirteenth ward— John W. Lyke, Rep., 2,187; Michael Hayes, Dem., 1,816 ; J. M. Ingraham, 35. Fourteenth ward — Frank Schack, Rep., 2,800; W. Jacobs, Dem., 1,745; J. Bavznister, Socialist, 2,618. Fifteenth ward— William Eisfeldt, Jr., Rep., 3,022 ; James M. Quinn, Dem., 1,927. Sixteenth ward — Henry Severin, Rep., 205 ; Fred Helnberg, Dem., 1,397. Seventeenth ward — E. P. Barrett, Dem., 1,656 ; John A. Linn, Rep., 1,806. Eighteenth ward — William Manierre, Dem., 2,562 ; Fred Grelshelmer, Dem., 1,738; A. J. Calder, Rep., 1,092. It having been charged by certain newspapers prior to the canvass of the returns that a number of the ballot boxes, together with the ballots used at the city election, h^ not been delivered CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 331 into the custody of the City Clerk, the Council on April 13 ap pointed a committee composed of Aids. Noyes, Hull and Dixon, two Republicans and one Democrat, to investigate the matter. The committee after full investigation reported that boxes suffi cient in number to correspond with all of the precincts, and pur porting to contain the proper ballots, were in the City Clerk's vault, but that many of the boxes were without numbers, improp erly sealed, and generally In an insecure condition. At the same meeting of the Council resolutions were offered by Aid. Cullerton denouncing the statements of a "partisan press" in reference to the late election, and pledging the Council to a fair, honest, and careful canvass of the returns, and by Aid. Ryan, directing the Mayor and Chief of Police to use every effort within their power to bring to justice persons guilty of fraud, intimidation, or other offense against an honest, free and fair election. Both resolu tions were referred to the Committee on Elections. The latter committee at the next meeting of the Council recommended the passage of the resolutions, together with an ordinance authoriz ing the Mayor to draw upon the contingent fund for the purpose of procuring funds to assist an Investigation of the facts, and of bringing the perpetrators of such frauds to justice. The ballot box containing the ballots cast in the Third pre cinct of the Third ward was stolen from the office of Howland's livery stable on Twenty-second street, at night, after the judges had finished their count of the 'returns. The only arrests made by the police were In connection with this affair. "Dutchy" O'Keefe was finally convicted of participation in this bold effort to thwart the voting franchise of the people, and he was sen tenced to a term of five years in the penitentiary at Joliet The Judges of this precinct, Isaac Howland, Dr. Quinlan and George Todd, having preserved an abstract of the returns, forwarded the same to the Council. The Democratic majority in the Council refused to receive these returns, and by a vote of 17 to 13 passed an order requesting of the Corporation Counsel an opinion as to what constituted legal returns. April 23 the Council took action in reference to the election troubles, passing a resolution by a vote of 19 to 10 directing the Mayor and Chief of Police to use every effort within their power to arrest and bring to justice any and all persons guilty of fraud, intimidation or any other offense against an honest, free and fair election, and an honest and correct count of the votes cast by citizens at the late elecdon. The following resolutions were adopted by a party vote, of eighteen Democrats in the affirma- dve, and ten Republicans in the negative. 332 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Whereas, The city is at present in a state of alarm and excitement over the result of the. recent election, produced by the utterances of certain partisan newspapers, and rash mllllcn- aires, who have been disappointed by the defeat of their candi dates at the polls, and Whereas, In their wild and inconsiderate statements, the fair name of the city has been traduced and vilified, and the impression has been spread abroad that Chicago is not only a sinkhole of iniquity and corruption, but infested with thieves, bummers and ballot-box stuffers and disreputable characters gen erally, and Whereas, A great many people of intelligence and general information have come to regard these libels through repeated utterances of them, as a correct representation of the true condi tion of affairs in Chicago, and Whereas, The tendency of all these misrepresentations has been, not only to Injure the fair credit and standing of the city, but drive away trade that has its natural market here, therefore be it Resolved, That the City Council hereby most vehemently denounce such utterances, and characterize them as malicious and unfounded, pure fiction of disgruntled and disappointed office-seekers and partisan fanatics, and challenge the proof to show that Chicago is not as orderly, peaceable and law-abiding as any city In the country. We can most confidently and truthfully assure people in all parts of the country, that not only are the lives and property of our citizens perfectly secure and safe, but also that our city is less Infested with crime and lawlessness than any city In the United States in proportion to its population. Stadstics show that never in the history of Chicago, was there less pauperism, a less number of the vicious class, and a less domi- nancy of crime and disorder than at present The contrary exists only on paper, in the partisan journals of the city and among wild orators, and be It further Resolved, That the election which these defamers of the city declare was carried by fraud, was one of the most quiet and orderiy ones ever held in Chicago, and» that whert a calm and sober second thought succeeds the passions of disappointed parti sans, this fact will be apprehended* and conceded ; to the estab lishment of which result this Council hereby pledges itself by a fair, honest, and careful canvass of the returns of the recent election. A contest grew out of the Aldermanic election in the Sixth CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 333 ward, between Charles F. L. Doerner and Charies A. Monear, and the Council, owing to the delay in the canvass of the general returns arising from the uncertainty attending the legal status of the returns of the Third precinct of the Third ward, neglected to accord Monear a recount until threatened with mandamus and contempt proceedings by Judge Anthony. The election committee did not finally report the outcome of the recount to the Council until October 19, 1885, when they reported as the result of the recount that Aid. Doerner had received 1,519 votes; Monear 1,446, a majority of 73 votes In favor of Doerner. Wenzel Kasparek, another aldermanic candidate In the Sixth ward subsequently brought contest proceedings against Aid. Doerner, which were finally dropped for lack of prosecution. April 30 the Council by a vote of 19 to 15 amended the ordinance authorizing the Mayor to draw upon the contingent fund for the expenses of the election contest, by authorizing him to employ necessary clerks and experts, and to pay all. expenses out of the secret service and contingent funds. It having been charged that John G. Neumeister, the Dem ocratic City Clerk, desired to hold on to the office and intended to contest the election of C. H. Plautz, his Republican opponent, on June i, 1885, he sent the following communication to the Council. To THE Mayor and Aldermen of the City of Chicago in Council Assembled : Gentlemen, — For some time I have rested supine under the accusation that I desired to retain an office to which I was not elected, and that the delays to declare the result of the election were due to my craft and intrigue. This I deny, and In this con nection state, that as I was not elected by a majority of the votes cast I will not rest my claims thereto on a technicality. The Democratic party to which I owe allegiance, demands that the Third precinct of the Third ward shall be counted with out further delay. To this let me add my own earnest request that this and all the returns be counted, and the result declared. Very truly yours, John G. Neumeister, City Clerk. The legal authorities consulted In reference to the Third ward returns declared that judges of election were allowed by law to correct errors In their returns ; that the returns certified by the Judges as the returns must be accepted as such by the Council in its canvass of the returns. The annual ordinance providing for a tax levy covering the appropriation bill, as passed March 27, directed a tax levy of 334 POLITICS and politicians, $5,152,366.03 for the fiscal year January i, 1885, to December 31, 1885. A contest of the Mayoralty election between Smith and Harrison, owing to the closeness of the vote, appeared inevitable, and It was speedily entered upon by the filing of an informadon in court by A. A. Carpenter. Mr. Smith was represented by John N. Jewett and A. W. Green, and these gendemen also represented the Republican City Central Committee, while A. C. Story looked after Mayor Harrison's interests. The contest was an exciting one, made doubly so by sensational reports in the newspapers chronicling phenomenal gains first for one can didate and then the other, the narrow majority given Mayor Harrison on the face of the returns being apparently wiped out at times. If the ratio of gains for Judge Smith could be made to continue through all the wards. The proceedings finally settled into a dogged and expensive routine, and dragged along until January, 1886, with a final result of a gain for Judge Smith of less than 50 votes In all of the precincts of the city. The contest was in charge of commissioners, appointed by Judge Richard Prendergast of the County Court, who attended to the settle ment of legal questions arising. Toward the close of the contest, when the plaintiffs were about to depart from the face of the returns and attempt to prove up certain alleged fraiidulent votes. Judge Prendergast made a ruling which made it obligatory upon the contestants to prove up each fraudulent vote seriatim if they wished to pursue the contest beyond the face of the returns. Judge Smith's friends thereupon abandoned the contest, and the suit was dismissed. Two days before the attorneys for the con testants made known their decision to drop the contest Judge Smith sent them the following letter: Chicago, Dec. 30, — A. W. Green^ Esq., Dear Sir: — In rela tion to the election contest of Carpenter and others vs. Harrison I desire to say that developments In its progress up to this time convince me that there is no reasonable probability of reaching any final termination of the litigation before the expiration of the term of office. I have resumed the practice of law, and to that I intend to devote my entire time and attention, unembarrassed by any im plied understanding that I should in any event consent to accept a mere remnant of the term of the Mayoralty. I say this much in justice to myself personally. Truly yours, Sidney Smith. The constant repetition of frauds at the polls brought about CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 335 a non-pardsan movement In favor of a new elecdon law, that would have the effect of repressing and preventing these boldly perpetrated and easily accomplished frauds. The leaders In this movement were Marshall Field, A. A. Carpenter, M. E. Stone, I. N. Stiles, S. Corning Judd, A. F. Seeberger, John A. King and others. A bill known as the ''Citizens' Election Bill " was drafted, submitted to the Legislature, and passed. There was some doubt about the constitutionality of the measure and the manner in which it should be submitted to the voters for adop- don, and in the movement to have it submitted to the voters at the fall elecdon in November, 1885, for County Commissioners and Supreme and Superior Court Judges pending a decision by the Supreme Court as to its constitutionality, representative citi zens and leading members of the bar, without reference to party convictions, united In petitioning Judge Prendergast to Issue an order directing the County Clerk to submit the law at the county and judicial election. The order was Issued, the law submitted, and it received a majority In every ward in the city, the total vote In the city being 31,984 for the law, and 14,557 against it It was also adopted by the voters of the Town of Lake. After its adoption Judge Prendergast appointed Francis Hoffman, Jr., Daniel Corkery and Samuel B. Raymond Election Commission ers, and these gentlemen, in compliance with the provisions of the law, engaged a clerical force, redlstrlcted the city into precincts containing not over 300 voters each ; located new polling places and selected lists of judges, preparatory to the town and alder manic elections of 1886. The question of the constitutionality of the law was argued before the State Supreme Court by Messrs. John N. Jewett, Jas. W. Beach and A. M. Pence In the affirma tive and opposed by A. C. Story, Adolf Moses, F. S. Winston, Jr., and Frank Hurd, and its constitutionality was affirmed Jan uary 19, 1886. During 1884-5 Mayor Harrison made appointments as fol lows : Inspectors House of Correction, E. S. Albro, E. W. Blatchford ; Members of the Board of Education, Rudolf Brand, Thomas Brennan, John M. Clark, Frank H. Collier, Daniel M. Corkery, Adolph Kraus ; Directors of the Public Library, W. J. Hynes, Thomas C. McMillan, Arthur Swazey, William H. Wells; City Attorney, Clarence A. Knight vice Julius S. Grin nell, resigned ; General Superintendent of Police, Frederick Ebersold vice Austin J. Doyle, resigned. Mayor Harrison's Initiatory message to the new Council of 1885, delivered July 13, is as follows : 336 politics and politicians. To the Honorable, the City Council of the City of Chicago : — Gendemen, — In completing my third and entering' upon my fourth term as Mayor, it affords me pleasure to convey to you assurances of the continued prosperity, excellent credit, and high standing of the municipality. It goes almost without saying that never in the history of Chicago has its administra tion been as fiercely assailed by partisan newspapers and politicians as during the past few months, but fortunately the motives of these attacks have been divined by the thinking masses to such an extent that the effect has been to only temporarily injure the fair name of our city. The shafts, pointed and poisoned by sel fish interests, fell harmless at the feet of a party conscious of right and fidelity to the interests of the people, and the outside world has come to recognize the fact that the citizens of Chicago can rise superior to petty malice, and renew their confidence in an administration whose policy has been persistently In the direc tion of honesty and economy. It has been remarkable that while the bitterest denunciations have been hurled at the head of the administration, the partisan papers have been forced to concede great merit in the heads of each and every department of the city government. They have constantly spoken of one or another of these heads as performing their duties admirably, thus evincing their Ignorance or forgetfulness of the fact that the Mayor performs few duties himself, but runs the city through his several appointees. The people, however, have been able to read between the lines, and to do justice. They recognize that the administration has been honest, painstaking and economical. But, as I said, the fair name of the city has been thoroughly established, and outside people who had been temporarily alarmed over newspaper reports of riots, mob violence and general lawless ness, have had their eyes opened to the utter groundlessness of these reports, and their faith renewed in the general peaceable character and disposition of our inhabitants. Nothing can bet ter illustrate this renewed confidence than the report of the bank clearances of Chicago. These clearances are the thermometer of the commercial prosperity of a city, and as we all know, noth ing so affects business Investments, enterprise and credit, as a widespread fear of general lawlessness. During the heat of the late municipal campaign, when political orators were Inflaming the people with the most false assertions, the bank clearances for the week ending March 28 showed that there was in this city a decrease of 19. i percent, as compared with the corresponding week of the previous year, while for the w§ek ending April 25, CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 2,2,7 the clearances had increased 5.1 percent ; or, to more pointedly indicate the variation in the commercial situation, while the clearances amounted to $33,771,000 for the week ending March 28, they rose to $43,525,000 for the week ending April 25, a gain of $9,754,000. So far as the financial credit of the city was Involved in the contest, it remained intact. Financial men throughout the country have come to regard the management of the finances of the city of Chicago as one of the bestlimong the cities of our land, and so long as our obligations are met as prompdy In the_ future as in the past, no venomous assaults upon the administration can in the least affect the city's credit The Comptroller has fully set forth In his annual report the opera tions of his department, and it will therefore be unnecessary for me to more than allude to It, and refer you to its detailed statement of the city's finances A reference to It will show that the debt per capita of this city Is the least of any of the thirteen leading cities of the country, and that during the year ending December 31, 1884, over fifty miles of buildings were erected at a cost of $20,689,000, or $3,189,000 more than that of the previous year. The sanitary condition of the city will compare favorably with that of any other large city. The winter has been a long and very severe one, and there were necessarily large accumula tions of garbage in some localities. With the appropriation made by your honorable body the work of removing the accumu lations has been and Is being rapidly prosecuted under the De partment of Health as well as the Department of Public Works. With these precautions there need be no apprehension of any general epidemic. The fact that the city shows a less annual death rate than any other city in proportion to population, ought certainly to make Chicagoans feel more secure than people in other metropolitan cities. The creation x)f the department of tene ment-house and v/orkshop Inspection a few years ago was a wise measure, and the work performed by it has all tended to put these places In excellent sanitary condition. Overcrowding and defective ventilation have been obviated, and the wage-workers placed In less jeopardy of their health by a foul atmosphere. This character of work and Inspection will continue to be pushed with increasing energy. It may be claimed to have been a Chi cago invention— Indeed, the Invention of this administration. Proud of what it has done for the manual laborer, we hope to carry it onward to perfection. The Police Department has been ably and energetically managed. The report of its superintend- 338 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ent shows that the police have rendered good service in the sup pression of crime and lawlessness. The total number of arrests for the year ending December 31, 1884, was 39,434 ; in 1883, t^J,- 187; in 1882, 32,800, and In 1881, 31,713- The total value of property reported stolen for the past year was $149,837 ; In 1883, $144,802; in 1882, $121,929; In 1881, $147,144. The value of property recovered in 1884 was $112,943; In 1883, $90,792.; in 1882, $91,265 ; in 1881, $118,508. The patrol wagons respond ed to 23,921 alarms, made 14,521 arrests, attended 1,188 fires, and traveled 56,087 miles. This system is being extended, and has proved Itself a most valuable adjunct of the Police Depart ment In fact. If this administration had no other hold upon the popular esdmatlon, the Invention and perfecdon of the po lice patrol system should entide It to the gratitude of our people. The Fire Department has also admirably looked after the prop erty interests of our people. The number of fires during the past year was 1,278; the valuation of the property involved amounted to $22,685,601; insurance Involved, $12,048,683; es timated loss by fire, $968,229 ; average loss by fire, $756 ; loss per capita of city's population, $150. The increase in the num ber of alarms attended over that of the previous year was 177. The department also attended to 37 alarms outside of the city limits. The result of the faithfulness and vigilance of the de partment has been to keep down the loss to a minimum, and a comparison with the returns of other cities will show that Chica go has a fire force unequaled by any In the world. The Depart ment of Public Works has rendered excellent and efficient ser vice In carrying forward public improvements. Its work has cov ered a large territory where Improvements have been needed by the constant increase of population, and the upbuilding of large vacant tracts of property and the future growth of the city will call for still further improvements, which the department, under your guidance and directions, will fully meet. But for the im mediate future there are two things that seem to me to be essen tial to meet the wants of the people of the city and the needs of property-owners along the river. The first Is the construction of two or three bridges across the river, leading to the West divi sion, of similar width as the Rush street bridge, so as to admit of the rapid transit of vehicles and other conveniences from one side to the other. The double-width bridge between the North and South divisions has been of incalculable advantage to the intramural commerce of the city in that direction, and any one at all familiar with the Immense traffic betwaen the South and CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 339 West divisions will at once recognize the pressing necessity for a like advantage for the people on the West side. I trust your honorable body will take the necessary steps to carry out this gready needed Improvement The other pressing need Is the purchase or construction of a fire boat, to ply along the river in the emergency of a fire among buildings or other property condguous to its sides. The necessity for such a boat has been frequently shown, but it was never more fully demon strated than in the recent fire In the lumber district You can not now appropriate for such a boat, but I have suggested that the lumbermen advance a part of the money for a boat, to be repaid them out of the next annual appropriation, and the Water Department could defray a part of the cost, for the boat could be used In winter for the protection of the crib, by keeping the ice In the river and harbor away from It Under the department at the close of the year 1878, or the commencement of the present administration, there were 651 miles of streets improved or unim proved within the corporate limits of the city. Of this number 132 miles were Improved — practically 20 per cent of the whole. At that time not more than 15 per cent, of the pavements were in a passable condition. The total number of miles of pavements laid each year from 1879 to 1884 Inclusive, was as follows : 1879, 6.83 miles; 1880, 16.84 miles; 1881, 24.52 miles; 1882, 24.95 miles; 1883, 22.49 niiles ; 1884, 34.52 miles ; total, 130.15 miles; average each year, 21.69 niiles. This statement does not include streets that have been curbed and filled, which might properly be considered as improvements. A very large portion of the streets improved prior to 1879 have been repaired during the past six years. At the close of the year 1884, there were 224 miles of improved streets within the city, or 34 per cent of the whole, an increase In six years of 14 per cent., notwithstanding the large number of streets repaired, which does not increase the total mileage. The total number of miles of sewerage constructed In the city since the establishment of the sewerage system In 1856 up to and including the year 1878, a period of twenty-two years. Is 294^ miles. The total cost of these improvements, including catch basins, etc., was $4,988,342.16, or $16,933.12 per mile. The number of miles of sewers constructed during the past six years was 119^, at a total cost. Including catch basins, etc., of $1,390,250.04, or $11,682.77 per mile, making a saving over form er years in the cost of building sewers of $5,250 per mile. The total number of miles of sewer in use under the city at this date is 414 miles. Of this number 34.5 per cent was built during 340 POLITICS AND POLITICIAN.S, the past six years, over one-third of the total number in place. Prior to 1879, the largest sized sewer was 6^ feet Internal diameter. Since that time there have been constructed and In use a half-mile of seven-foot, a half-mile of eight-foot, and two and a half miles of nine-foot sewers. The total number of miles of water pipe In use in the city for the year ending December 31, 1884, was 543 In round numbers, of which there was laid since 1878, 126 miles. Last year the new West side pumping engines were completed, at a cost of $351,246.97, which have a capacity of adding thirty million gallons to the water supply of the city daily, making the total capacity of the West division works 130,000,000 gallons a day. The canal pumping works were prac tically completed in 1883 at a cost of $253,380.51, and have been in successful operation during 1884, with the result of giving clear water In the Chicago river. During the past year viaducts have been built at Centre avenue and Sixteenth street, at a cost of $201,917.34; at Chicago avenue and North Halsted street, at a cost of $323,115.58; at West Twelfth street and Beach street, at a cost of $31,861.14; and at Erie street and the Northwestern railroad tracks, at a cost of $41,625.87 — making a total cost of viaducts for 1883-84 of $598,519.93. Two swing bridges have been' built, one at Ashland avenue, at a cost of $18,319, and the other at Rush street, at a cost of $130,000. The number of miles of streets cleaned last year was 2,225. Last year I called your attention to the inconvenient nomenclature of our streets. Since then the Postmaster of Chicago has notified you that great confusion arises from many streets having more or less near the same name, and asking that you take some action in the prem ises. I again repeat my recommendation that this entire ques tion be carefully looked into. I suggest that north and south streets be called avenues ; east and west, streets ; diagonal ones, roads ; short ones, places or courts ; and that a new system of numbering be thoroughly perfected, so that any one would be able to locate at once, with approximate accuracy, any number to be sought I suggest that you pass a resolution directing the Department of Public Works at once to prepare some plan for a thorough perfection of some scientific system. Probably it would be well to appoint a special committee to look into the matter In connecdon with the department In conclusion, gentlemen, allow me to thank you for your kind courtesies shown me, both In my capacity as your presiding officer and as the Mayor of the city ; and with the incoming Council I trust the relations may be as pleasant and cordial. Carter H.. J^arrison, Mayor. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 341 July II, 1885, a special meeting of the Council was held for the purpose of taking action in reference to the death of Col. Dominick Welter. Alderman Burke, announcing the death of Col. Welter, offered the following preamble and resolutions which, on his motion, were adopted by a unanimous rising vote : Whereas, This Council has learned with profound reo-ret of the sudden death of Colonel Dominick Welter, late Inspector and Secretary of the Police Department of the city of Chicago ; therefore Resolved, That we do hereby adopt the following memorial, and order the same published and a copy thereof engrossed and sent by the City Clerk to the family of the deceased. MEMORIAL. Dominick Welter was born In the Grand Duchy of Lux embourg, January 27, 1839, ^"^ came to this country with his parents In 1850. In 1856-57, he served as a private in the Seventh United States Infantry. During the war of the rebellion he was a member of the Fourth Ohio Cavalry, and a prisoner of war at LIbby prison and at Columbia, South Carolina. By his Intrepid courage and daring he rose during the war to the rank of Major, commanding his regiment. Returning to Chicago when the war was over, he engaged in business here up to December, 1882. In 1877, during the riots. Major Welter was made com. mander of Company A of the local cavalry and was subsequently promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. In November, 1882, he was appointed I nspector and Secretary of Police, which position he held up to the time of his death. To the untiring zeal and ex cellent drill of Col. Welter is to be ascribed in a very large de gree the efficiency of our present police. To his duties he brought a practical experience and knowledge, which rendered him invalu- uable to the force. His advice and counsel were always in demand, and was ever found to be safe, conservative and wise. The city of Chicago Is largely Indebted to Col. Welter for the good work he has done, and it is but just and right that these obligations should be acknowledged. In his private character he was all that Is admirable — ever genial and courteous in his intercourse with men, he was both respected and loved by those who knew him ; a staunch friend, an able and a faithful officer ; a brave man, his death is a loss to the entire community. We place on record this acknowledgment of our appreciation of his character as an official and as a man, and tender to his family our sincere sym pathy upon the great loss which they have sustained. 342 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The Chair appointed Aldermen Burke, Eisfeldt and Simons a Committee of Arrangements to make preparations for the fun eral, which took the form of a public demonstration, with civic and military honors. August lo Mayor Harrison submitted a veto message to the Council, in which the following occurred : Gentlemen : — -I herewith return to you without approval "An ordinance granting rights to The Equitable Gas Light and Fuel Company of Chicago." There are grave doubts as to the policy of granting rights to any gas company, however properly the ordinance granting such rights may be drawn. While con ceding that competition is calculated to and tends toward hold ing in check corporations of this nature, yet all must acknowledge that such competition must be of a healthy character. A compe tition which simply produces warfare between companies ulti mately ends In the larger corporations swallowing up the weaker ones, and finally leaving the public at the mercy of the cormo rants. Healthy competition pre-supposes two elements. First, the demand of the public for the competition ; and secondly, capi tal willing to Invest and to hold its own. Is there such demand now ? And is capital looking for the investment ? There are now three companies In the city supplying gas. One of them has gone into a receiver's hands, and it is said the plant will be sold out to save the bondholders. Capital seeking investment would wisely take hold of this company's plant rather than to erect a new one. A fourth company will subject our streets to being torn up and force the people to the vast inconvenience such tearing up entails. Our streets are in many localities well paved over the pipes of these three companies. A new company will seek the same streets, and the city will again be in the confused condition witnessed during the past two or three years. The Council should be careful not to subject the people to this with out the best of public reasons. Some persons may make money out of such company, but the public will pay the cost We have no right to grant such rights to a company merely to help enrich any person or persons. We are the trustees of the people, and not the mere friends of speculators. September 14 the Mayor sent a communication to the Coun cil announcing the receipt of $700 from the Hon. Lambert Tree, to be used In conferring a medal annually upon the member of the Police or Fire Departments performing the most distinguished act of bravery, and recommending that a " Merit Roll " be kept, so that the names of those receiving the n»edal and a record of CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 343 the deeds which entitled them to it, might be preserved. October 5, in a communication, the Mayor pointed out the difficulty In volved in arriving at a decision as to what act of a member of the two departments concerned should be considered most worthy of recognition, and announcing that. In order to provide recognidon for each branch of the service, he would establish a fund sufficient to provide a medal similar to the Tree medal. CHAPTER XII. DEATH OF GEN. U. S. GRANT — FUNERAL OBSEQUIES AND ACTION OF THE CITY COUNCIL ACTION ON THE DEATH OF VICE-PRESIDENT THOMAS A. HENDRICKS — VETO OF THE APPROPRIATION OF 1886 — SKETCH OF CARTER H. HARRISON — FIRST ELECTION UN DER THE NEW LAW — ORGANIZATION OF THE ELECTION BOARD — ABSTRACT OF THE LAW, ETC. Chicago never witnessed a more Imposing demonstration than that which took place in July, 1885, on the day of the Inter ment of the remains of General Ulysses S. Grant In New York City. A splendid catafalque was provided, and accompanied by the various veteran and Grand Army organizations, the mlHtia and civic societies, and a vast number of organizations and citi zens anxious to do honor to the memory of the plain' citizen and great soldier, the procession moved at the same hour as the fun eral procession moved in New York, the tolling bells and boom ing cannon making the demonstration an impressive and memo rable one in the annals of the city. A committee of citizens was organized to receive subscriptions to a monument fund, and in a few weeks, by the assistance of the newspapers, which received popular subscriptions In small amounts, the fund reached $50,000, and a splendid memorial Is now in process of erection in Lincoln park, under direction of the Grant Monument Committee. The City Council met in special session July 23, to take action suitable to the occasion, and were addressed by Mayor Harrison as follows : Gentlemen of the Council : — For several hours the at mosphere has been heavy, the clouds have been lowering, and we have known that the thunder might at any moment be heard, and the lightning be seen in its greatest vividness. Yet if a flash should come now and a peal of thunder strike upon our ears, we would be as startled and tremble as though It were unex pected. For weeks It has been known that one of America's heroes, one to whom the people are probably as much Indebted as to any one of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, was upon a bed of sickness, and that any moment the lightning might flash along the wires and tell us he was ^one forever. Still, (344) CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 345 when the bells tolled this morning, bringing the news to us that Ulysses S. Grant was dead, there was a feeling of awe— aye, a shock came to all our ears, and probably to those of every man and woman in this broad land. I felt it was a duty to call this Council together — the Council of this great city, which had hon ored Grant and claimed him as one of her own citizens, to take such action as might seem to the members proper. Ulysses S. Grant occupied a position unique in this century. He was a figure standing out as boldly as any other has stood during this or any past century, and as we hope, aniy other will stand out for centuries to come. From the lowly walks of private life, he went forward to his country's defence, battling as a brave soldier, and guiding as a wise general. From Belmont, Appomattox, his sword was ever gleaming upon mighty battle-fields. It was un der his leadership that the great war of the rebellion was brought to a close, securing the union of the states, and binding them together as one and forever inseparable. He occupied then a place that no other American citizen ever obtained — General of the American armies — for our noble Washington was only a Lieutenant-General. General Grant was called by his fellow- men to be President of the United States, and he served for eight years as the Chief Magistrate of America. Then, when he laid down his official robes, as the representative of America he was welcomed In every land in the broad circuit of this globe, and treated with the Courtesies and consideration that had previously only been extended to emperors and crowned heads. Thus, this man Is a unique figure — a great general, who fought for his country, and possibly saved It ; the illustrious President, and the distinguished citizen, who is known In every land, on every sea, arid in every clime ; he Is a figure unique in American history, and as I say, we may well hope and earnestly pray that the great leader who assumed the responsibilities and brought about the close of that Internecine strife will never need a suc cessor in the work he performed. General Grant has for years been something else more than a successful general and an ex- President He has been the representative throughout this broad land of one grand idea, the idea that he proclaimed at Appomattox, that the war was ended, and that this Union was absolutely cemented together, and this people's heart and sym pathies and aspirations were inseparably linked. For months Providence has laid upon this brave hero the withering hand of disease ; the dread enemy of mankind has stood before him, sternly bidding him hence ; and the eyes of all Americans and 346 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, the world have been turned toward his home (and lately to Mount McGregor) and it has been asked day after day, "How Is it with our hero ?" Suffering, the world's sympathy went to him, and to-day I doubt If there is a single man or woman -with any sort of humanity in the heart that does not feel a pang of re gret. Southerners who had fought for the lost cause. Northern ers who had fought for the Union, have shown equal solicitude and anxiety, and Inquired anxiously and affectionately for him. Among his last callers was one he had met at Fort Donelson, where he gained his first glory. This man, whom our hero had conquered, met the dying soldier-statesman at Mount McGregor, and together they shed tears, and fioped for a perpetual union and friendship of the American people. His example has been to forever bury t'ne animosities In one eternal tomb. General, President, and guest of nations, in his dying breath handing down the words of love and peace I At Appomattox he pledged to his defeated opponents a nation's amnesty. He died to-day with that pledge upon his lips, a living promise of the nation he had helped to save. It is right that we should take action. What should be that action ? A nation mourns, and the nation will be anxious to tread silently after his body when It is laid in its eternal home. It would be impossible for Chicago to be fairly represented, or for her people to go In a body. I believe that in every city in America, and in every hamlet, whenever his remains are carried to their last resting place, a funeral cor tege should move at the same stroke of the bell and march to do our dead hero homage. I shall suggest to the people, if it be agreeable, that we attend his funeral. It Is proper that the people of this great city, the capital of this great state, of which he was a citizen, should pay just tribute. I have taken it upon myself to telegraph his wife and children this message : Chicago, July 2J, 1885. Mrs. Grant, Mount McGregor, N. Y., — Madame : In the name of the city of Chicago, and on behalf of its municipal government and people, I tender to you and your children pro found and most heartfelt sympathy. Yesterday General Grant, the honored citizen of Illinois, and of Chicago, was your loving husband and long-tried friend ; to-day his name and memory are the cherished property of the American people. Carter H. Harrison, Mayor. I did this because I knew I was only anticipating your wishes. I felt you would blame me if I did not do it immedi ately. We are met here now to take such acdon as you may CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 347 deem proper. I want now to hear v/hat you have to say, and I know the people of Chicago are anxious to hear what its repre sentatives have to say. I also hope that what is .said will be taken down and printed for future reference. Alderman Ryan arose and presented and moved the adop tion of the following preamble and resolution : Whereas, This Council has heard with profound and solemn regret of the death of U. S. Grant, late commander of the Amer ican armies and President of the United States; therefore Resolved, That as the death of General Grant Is a calamity affecting the entire nation, and Is so regarded by the people of Chicago, the Mayor is hereby authorized to take such steps in behalf of the city on this occasion as may seem fitting and ap propriate : Aid. Shorey — I am sure the Council will respond as one man to the eloquent sentiments which have just been expressed by his Honor the Mayor. For almost a quarter of a century now General Grant, by his conduct, character and achievements, has attracted the attention and regard of the world. He is an honor to his country and to the human race. He has added one more name to that select few who are Inscribed on the roll of the Immortals. America has indeed during the last one hundred years acted well its part In giving to the world Illustrious names ; but I think it is the unanimous voice that aniong all the distin guished names there Is no one that is now held, or will in the future be held, in more grateful remembrance than the name of him whose death we are called upon to-day to mourn. Illinois has reason to be proud as well as sad to-day. When Impartial history shall have made up its verdict, the name of Grant will be associated forever with the immortal name of Lincoln. Around the name of Grant there is such luster that any state or nation might be proud to call him Its son. During most of the mature years of his life, he lived amid the fiercest contention, civic as well as military ; but it needs not now the charity which comes with death and the grave to remove the asperity which attended this contention, for I believe there is not from the far pine for ests of Maine to the prairies of Texas so much as one man un der the flag of the Union anywhere who would not bring laurel to the grave of our dead hero. When, a short time ago, I was In London, nothing impressed me so much or gradfied me more than the evidences that were everywhere apparent of the care England takes of the name and memory of her Illustrious dead. Everywhere there was something to indicate that England was 348 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, determined to transmit from one generation to another the glo ries of her heroes. So should it be here. Let this grand, sim ple and heroic life be perpetuated by every device of art, by painting, by sculpture and by monument ; and by literature — the most enduring tablet that man can create — as a le.sson for the coming generations. Let his Illustrious name and character be transmitted In undiminished luster through all the coming gen erations. Aid. Hull. — I feel gratified that his Honor, the chief mag istrate of the city, has taken the initiative on this sad occasion, for one of the world's greatest men has passed awa)\ The death of General Grant is mourned by every man, woman and child throughout the civilized world. It is not for every generation of men to see In person the man who is, and who will continue to be, the colossal figure in the world's history. As children, they had read the history of the heroes of the Revolution, but in man hood they were given the pleasure of not only reading, but of gazing upon the greatest hero of the world. Comparison with the heroes of other nations will not dim the luster of his charac ter, or of his achievements. Amid the severest struggle ever known for national life ; amid disorder and consternation ; he stood calm, a tower of strength. Although he Is dead, his mem ory will be cherished by those who will take pride in doing honor to the silent soldier. Aid. Clark. — I feel a hesitation in rising to address the Council on this occasion. The life of General Grant is known to us, and in the world's history it will fill a brilliant page. More eloquent tongues will pay tribute to his memory as a citizen and statesman, but as a soldier I would like to say a word of him. In the winter of 1864, while I was serving on the staff of General Robinson, I met General Grant almost hourly, and then I was struck with admiration for his character as a man and a soldier. The life of Grant was so noble and chivalrous that future genera tions should be educated to emulate It He was inflexible of purpose, and when in battle an object was to be gained, he bent all the energies of his great mind to secure it From Donelson to Appomattox, there was not a single indication of hesitation in all his movements. An Index of his inflexible resolution was found In his famous utterance, "I will fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." Where could there be found, too, a man more generous to an enemy? I know of no one in the history of the country more generous than U. S. Grant What monu ment could man raise that would be as noblo^as the character of the man himself? CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 349 Aid. Hlldreth. — We are present to pay a tribute to the memory of the greatest chieftain the world ever saw. I speak not now as an Alderman, although I enjoy my right to address this body from the fact that I am a member of this Council, but as a private soldier who served under the command of the great soldier who has now passed away. It Is my privilege to repre sent the soldiers here, to talk here for the men who fought in the war of the rebellion. The news of Grant's death will go to the sol diers and cause them to stop and think overthe achievements of the great chieftain, who, by his power and knowledge, cemented this union of states. A soldier loves a soldier better than he does any other man on earth. Men who go to battle for their country's rights must be brave, and they must therefore be kind and forgiv ing. The soldier weeps when he hears of the death of his gallant commander. To-night, as the soldiers retire to their beds, silent prayers will be sent up to the Supreme Architect of the Universe, asking him to recognize the nation's chieftain, and to open the heavenly portals for him. As a soldier. General Grant has been all that the nation could expect; as a statesman, he has been the equal of the most illustrious men this country has produced ; and as a citizen he was always a staunch advocate of measures that he believed were for the good of his land. The people of this city cannot do a greater service to our country's cause than by giving honor to the memory of this soldier and statesman. General Grant. Aid. Dalton. — The life and career of General Grant call^ to my mind the beautiful stanza in a " Psalm of Life," by Henry W. Longfellow, one of America's greatest poets: « Lives of great men all remind us ¦We can make our lives sublime. And, departing, leave behind us Footprints on the sands of time." America can point with pride to the long line of her disdn- gulshed statesmen, her Franklin, her Jefferson, Lincoln, Sum ner, and a host of others. The death of General Grant to-day adds another to the blazing galaxy of distinguished names that are burning like bright stars in the front of the nation's sky. Il linois may well be proud as well as sad to-day. General Grant, although born in Ohio, and recently residing in New York was a citizen of Illinois. It was here he spent the best days of his life ; and it was from this great state he was called forth to quell the rebellion and save the nadon. It was his guardianship that saved the Union, and it was his sword that abolished human 35© POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, slaver J^ and compelled obedience to the nation's laws. In the ages yet to come, when the roll of those who aided In establish ing and perpetuating our republican form of government shall be called, no name will be called before that of General Grant Aid. Simons. — The visible signs of grief for the death of America's hero will In time disappear, but the people will still continue to grieve In their hearts for the man, who, with his sword, preserved the Union. The land which he loved, and for which he risked everything but honor, will not forget him. His will ever be foremost among the names of those who have rendered valuable service to the world. Grant, the humble citi zen, the mighty commander, the wise statesman, will never be forgotten in the land which. In times that tried men's souls, he served so faithfully and heroically. Aid. Dalton seconded the motion to adopt the resolutions, and they were adopted by a rising vote. A special meeting of the Council, called by the Mayor was held November 30, 1885, to take action concerning the death of Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice-President of the United States. Mayor Harrison addressed the Council as follows : Gentlemen of the Council: — It is my painful duty to an nounce to you officially the death of the Vice-President of the United States. Alone in his chamber, perhaps sleeping sweetly, the shadow of death passed over him, and the great heart of Thomas A. Hendricks was silenced forever. This is a painful announcement for me to make to you here, because he was known to me personally as a man of pure heart, honest intentions, and above all, of perfect integrity. It is painful to some of us because the dead Vice-President had lately been called to the second place In the government of the people by a mighty party who believe the success of their party Is for the good of the country ; indeed, we may acknowledge that the masses of both parties are honest in the belief that the success of their organi zation Is for the country's good. We who are of the same party with him feel that this is a calamity to us. It is a calamity for all parties, for, thank heaven, the great American heart comes to the tomb with no partisan animosities, and the bitterest dislike IS buried beneath the sod. There are some who believe this Is a calamity because it is said It leaves but one life between the gov ernment and anarchy— between the government and an interreg num. _ 1 do not like this last word. The offspring of monarchical traditions, it has taken root in Europe, but in free America It can take no hold. No king have we ; the people's rulers are the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 351 servants of the people. _ When a ruler is taken the sovereign people live. The American government never dies. I, for one, have no fear of this thing called an interregnum. Without a fixed government for eight long years, the people fought in the last century for their freedom, and won. The spirit of '76 was then only a flower, but it has ripened Into fruitage and lives to-day. The same spirit was with us through the Internecine war. It saw one President laid low by a sensationalist and another by the bullet of a maniac. Yet In these trying times the people, although decrying the calamity, were equal to the occa sion. There was no anarchy. If there was no President to-day and no Vice-President to succeed to the office, the mighty people would be right, and would await the course of the law to fill the Presidential chair. I fear no interregnum. The Vice-President Is gone. I knew him not Intimately, but I knew him, I think, well. Many of you knew him. He was an honest man. He was a gentleman In all of'his instincts; kindly to all, giving justice to all ; ready to extenuate no fault, except through kindness, and laying down naught from malice. Those who knew all the contests he passed through — Governor of a state, Member of Congress, member of the Senate, and U nited States Vice-President — -noticed but one motive in his character, and that was to do well by his country. Partisanship has had Its flings at him, but by the chivalry of the American character they have been hushed for the past few days, or, if uttered, are spon taneously silenced. I regret that timid counsels have persuaded the President to remain away from the obsequies of the Vice- President at Indianapolis. I wish the President had taken advantage of the warmth of heart that first prompted him, and gone there to join in the grand cortege that will follow the Vice- President to the grave, because I have no fear that the American people have dastards among them that would touch God's anointed— the people's choice for President now. The same eternal God who holds Washington In the hollow of His hand holds also Indianapolis, and I am sure the people would recog nize the solemnity of the occasion and reverence the representative ¦of their power in the President I arii proud to say that the first impulse of the President was to go to Indianapolis, and that he only yielded to over persuasion. The great founder of the mighty party to which Vice-President HQudricks belonged — Thomas Jefferson— had faith in the people. The President of the United States can have unbounded faith in them. The maniac may strike, but his blow only falls with horror upon the 352 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, people, for no one desires to take advantage of the crime. The man now dead in Indianapolis had an abiding faith In the people, and they had faith In him, and to-day the nation mourns. I believe that this city should be represented in its municipal capacity at Indianapolis. For that purpose I have called you together that you may take action. If you send a committee, or you go in a body, regardless of party feelings engendered by the past, you will go there to drop a tear on the bier, to strew flow ers upon the grave, and to utter what he would have said so grandly : De mortuis nil nisi bonum. Gentlemen, the Chair awaits your action. Aid. Ryan presented and moved the adoption of the follow ing preamble and resolutions : Whereas, The City Council of the city of Chicago has heard with deep sorrow of the death of the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Vice-President of the United States; and Whereas, The Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, during his long, active and honorable life, rendered such service to his na tive land as to endear his memory to every citizen of the repub lic ; therefore, be It Resolved, That this Council, to evince its profound respect for the eminent citizen and the distinguished statesman, the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, attend In a body the funeral at Indianapolis, December i. Resolved, As a further mark of respect to the memory of the deceased, that the city offices be closed on the day of the funeral. The resolutions were adopted by a rising vote. Aid. Noyes presented a resolution requesting his Honor the Mayor to ap point a committee of twenty-five citizens of Chicago to attend the funeral of the late Vice-President, and moved its passage. The motion prevailed. The committee was duly selected, and together with a large delegation of city and county officials, attended the funeral ser vices at Indianapolis. The city Council, on November 2, 1885, adopted by a vote of 25 to 10, a resolution introduced by Aid. Cullerton, providing for the closing of all city departments on November 3 (election day), and placing the Council on record in favor of the adoption of the new election law. rhe appropriation bill for the fiscal year, January i, 1886, to December 31, 1886, passed by the Council March 3, 1886, con tained items aggregadng $5,368,409. 76. Mayor Harrison vetoed CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 353 this bill March 8, and on the same date it was passed over his veto. In his message the Mayor had the following to say : " In a great, growing city like Chicago, increasing with almost unprecedented rapidity, the demands for municipal governments are so great that the whole of taxation, permitted by law. Is re quired by the Immediate demands of the city, and yet you are compelled to provide for improvements that your people to-day do not so much need as the people who will follow us will re quire. Our people show their faith In the future of their city by expending every dollar of their earnings in Improving their prop erty, and thereby enhancing the grandeur of the city. They de mand that the public improvements should keep pace with their private improvements. Their demand Is so exacting, and at the same time just, that you are compelled to build bridges, to build viaducts and sewers, to build engine and police houses of a size and character commensurate with the future growth of the city more than by the necessities of the day. To answer these just exactions of the people you are compelled to levy taxes, not only for this year's expenditures, but to be a nucleus for appropria tions for expenditures to come in succeeding years. * * * ^ great many people who do understand these things carp at the members of your honorable body, calling you extravagant and wasteful, because the organic law of the land forces you to make appropriations In the interest of your respective constituents for improvements that ought to be built out of an equitable bonded system, and which, in every other great city of the world, are built out of the proceeds of a healthy bonded Indebtedness. * * * One of the brightest features upon the past record of Chicago is its stern determination to pay all current debts and all honorable obligations with religious fidelity. When I first had the honor of being chosen Mayor of this city, I found in ex istence a large amount of scrip issued for current expenses. I endeavored to run the city with almost parsimonious frugality, and the people, proud of their honor, submitted to the depriva tion of many almost imperative necessities, and justified me and aided me In wiping out the blot of scrip from Chicago's escutch eon. I also found that about $250,000 of certificates had been issued by one of my predecessors, which certificates the highest court of the land determined were absolutely illegal, and were not worth more than the paper upon which they were written. These illegal certificates, amounting with principal and interest to $270,000 odd, were paid faithfully, and not a man In Chicago but cried with pride that It was well done ; that the honor of 23 354 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Chicago must and should be maintained, and that we .should never repudiate any of her honest obligations. I cannot believe that a debt of honor Is more sacred than a legal debt The city of Chicago owes to-day a judgment Indebtedness of $73,000, which Is bearing 6 per cent. Interest The creditor wants and demands his money, but you have appropriated only $8,000 to satisfy judgments — a little more than enough to pay the accru ing Interest upon this Indebtedness. I earnestly ask you to put in this appropriation bill the full amount recommended by the Law Department to pay these debts, to wit, $73,000, thereby preserving the honor and the good name of the city. You may ask how this can be done, and still not run the risk of return to scrip. I find you have increased salaries of officers in existence last year to the amount of $43,790. * * * "You have appropriated for lighting street lamps and tunnels with gas, $585,000. In 1883 you appropriated, in round num bers, $324,000; in 1884, $396,000; In 1885, $537,000. The ne cessity for this increase in the appropriation for gas was made against my solemn protests. The enormous Increase in 1885 and 1886 was made necessary to some extent by the change of schedule for street lighting, and by the nominal increase of the size of the burners. * * * j believe you should take off from the appropriations for gas alone enough to cover the neces sary appropriation for the satisfaction of judgments against the city, and then you should Immediately pass an ordinance cutting down the price per lamp post throughout the city, thereby sav ing the difference. * * * j earnestly urge you, gentlemen, to take this bill and spend an afternoon over it, and remodel it. 1 believe, if you will do this, that you will be enabled to pay our honest debts, and will not encroach upon the general fund, which 1 hope you will continue to preserve intact. After an earnest discussion of the matter with the Comptroller, I think to en croach farther upon the general fund than you have already done would force us either to the issuance of scrip, or to the defer ment of demands of some indebtedness which is honestly due. Both of these things should be avoided." CARTER II. HARRISON. The Mayor of Chicago for the fourth time. Hon. Carter H. Harrison, was born in Fayette county, Kentucky, February 25, 1825. Richard A. Harrison, Oliver Cromwell's Lieutenant-Gen eral, who led Charles I. to the block, is his earliest ancestor, record of whom is preserved in the family* archives. The name CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 355 Tvas conspicuous In Virginia during the colonial periods, and Carter H. Harrison, his grandfather, and his brother, Benjamin Harrison, the signer of the Declaradon of Independence, and father of President William Henry Harrison, are enrolled In the annals of the Infancy of the United States. Eariy intermarriages linked the Harrison family with the Randolphs and Carters of Virginia. Through the former family Thomas Jefferson and John Randolph were of near kin ; through the latter, the Reeves of Virginia, and the Breckenrldges of Kentucky. Robert Car ter Harrison, grandfather of Carter H. Harrison, located in Ken tucky in 1812. His father and grandfather were graduates of William and Mary college. When Carter H. Harrison was eight months old his father died, but the circumstances of the family were left in an unusually promising condition. When he was fifteen he was placed under the scholastic care of Dr. Lewis Marshall, brother of the Chief-Justice, and father of the famous Kentucky orator, Thomas T. Marshall. In 1845 he graduated irom Yale college. He then studied law, but did not practice. A short time spent on his father's farm, six miles from Lexing ton, preceded a trip to Europe in 1851, when he visited every part of England and Scotland, and passed Into Egypt, and. In •company with Bayard Taylor, explored Syria and Asia Minor. Taylor's "Land of the Saracen" was the result of the tour. In 1853 ^^- Harrison entered the Pennsylvania Law School at Lex ington, and finished the course in 1855. In the same year he came to Chicago, at once commenced courting the city, which in after life it so pleased him to call his bride. Real estate transac tions from that time forward engaged his attention aside from his political ventures. His political life commenced In 1871, when he was elected a County Commissioner. In 1872 he was nominated by the Democrats to Congress, to represent a strongly Republican district, but was defeated. He reduced the Republican majority so materially, however, that in 1874 he was •again placed in the field, and elected by a majority of eight votes. At the time he was nominated he was traveling with his fam ily in Germany, Austria, the Tyrol and Switzerland. He at •once came home to represent his district; but in 1875 went back, and after traveling through Northern Europe, ended his trip In Paris. His family went to Germany, and he came to Chicago only to be recalled by the death of his wife. While absent he was re-elected to Congress. In 1878 he declined a renomlnatlon. In 1879 his name was first suggested for the Mayoralty, and 356 POLITICS AND POLITICIAN.S, In April following he was elected by a majority of over 5,000. In 1 88 1 he was re-elected by a majority of 8,000. In this cam paign, not only the press but the pulpit opposed him. In 1883 he was re-elected by an increased m»ajorIty. He was nominated in July, 1884, for Governor of Illinois, and In the succeeding cam paign greatly reduced the Republican majority ; his opponent being Richard J. Oglesby. In 1885 he was re-nominated and re-elected Mayor of Chicago, but by a decreased majority, his opponent. Judge Sidney Smith, receiving the united vote of all opposing elements and being the strongest and most popular man the Republicans could put forward. A contest followed this election, which was terminated by the withdrawal of Judge Smith, and the virtual breaking down of the prosecution. Mayor Harrison was put forward as a candidate for United States Senator in the memorable contest waged in the Legis lature in the winter of 1885-6, and he received a flattering vote. He was strongly urged to become a candidate for Congress In the Third Chicago district in the fall of 1886, and his many friends have great confidence in his future political career. The first election held subject to the provisions of the new election law was the Aldermanic and Town election of April, 1886, and the returns, of this election were the first canvassed and recorded by the newly constituted canvassing board. Fol lowing is the vote by wards for Aldermen : First ward, W. P. Whelan, Dem., 1,052 ; Frank Warren, Rep., 1,032. Second ward, Patrick Sanders, Dem., 896 ; George H. Mueller, Rep., 1,573. Third ward, Frank Follansbee, Rep., 948; D. H. Gill, Ind. Rep., 1,372. Fourth ward, Thomas C. Clarke, Rep., 3,397 ; Martin B. Madden, Dem., 858. Fifth ward, Edward P. Burke, Dem., 3,248; Charles Hillock, Ind Dem., 3,460. Sixth ward, Edward F. Cullerton, Dem , 2,846 ; E. A. Mullen, Rep., 1,990. Seventh ward, James H. Hlldreth, Dem., 2.21 1 ; W. M. Hoshein, Rep., 1,852. Eighth ward, John Long, Dem., 2,240; Lawrence A. Yore, Rep., 2,599. Ninth ward, John Gaynor, Dem., 1,159 ; John R. Wheeler, Rep., 1,278 ; Jo seph J. Duffy, Ind. Dem., 350. Tenth ward, Martin F. Crowe, Dem., 641 ; Henry M. Deal, Rep., 1,038. Eleventh ward, Sam uel Kerr, Ind. Rep., 1,594; William S. Johnson, Rep., 1,570; William Nugent, Dem., 207. Twelfth ward, James L. Camp bell, Rep., 4,135 ; William L. Snell, Ind. Rep., 640; William H. Dyson, Prohibitionist, 160. Thirteenth ward, Dennis Considlne, Dem., 1,348: James A. Landon, Rep., 1,868. Fourteenth ward, Daniel W. Ryan, Rep., 2,655 ; Jeremiah A^ Sullivan, Dem., i,- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 357 483; Adam Ochs, Ind. Dem., 1,370. Fifteenth ward, William S. Young, Jr., Rep., 1,161 ; Joseph S. Ernst, Dem., 2,858. Six teenth ward, Charles Winkler, Rep., 1,232 ; John H. Colvin, Dem., 1,731. Seventeenth ward, Thomas Carney, Jr., Ind. Rep., 1,498 ; Charles D. Wells. Dem., 1363. Eighteenth ward, Jacob H. Tiedemann, Rep., 2,602; Julius Jonas, Dem., 1,507; Martin O'Connor, Ind. Dem., 145. The vote for Town officers was as follows : SOUTH TOWN. Assessor, De Young, Rep., 9,530; West, Dem., 8,332. De Young's majority, I, 198. Stilwell, Prohibition, received 105 votes. Collector, Gilbert, Rep., 9,180 ; Stuckart, Dem., 8,679 ; Burnett, Prohibition, 106. Gilbert's majority, 501. Supervisor, Shan- ahan. Rep., 9,755 ; McCormlck, Dem., 8,075 ; Mills, Prohibition, no. Shanahan's majority, 680. Clerk, Mitchell, Rep., 9,515; Armistead, Dem., 8,191 ; De Puy, Prohibition, 112. Mitchell's majority, 1,324. WEST TOWN. Assessor, Ryan, Dem., 15,391 ; Bell, Rep., 19,595 ; Hay- man, Prohibition, 155. Bell's majority, 4,204. Collector, Stensland, Dem., 16,163; Thoen, Rep., 18,860; Bonney, Prohi bition, 162. Thoen's majority, 2,697. Supervisor, Kleckner, Dem., 16,966; Berry, Rep., 18,163; Lindner, Prohibition, 152. Berry's majority, 1,197. Clerk, Frantlna, Dem., 16,093; Walleck, Rep, 18,957; Stranderland, Prohibition, 148. Wal- leck's majority, 2,864. NORTH TOWN. Assessor, Blair, Rep., 6,440 ; Chase, Dem.. 7,745 ; St John, Prohibition, 40. Chase's majority, 1,305. Collector, Schmidt, Rep., 6,828; Tempel, Dem., 7,305; Lenin, Prohibition, 41. Tempel's majority, 457. Supervisor, Griebenow, Rep., 7,193 ; McCormlck, Dem., 6,930; Servoss, Prohibldon, 41. Griebe- now's majority, 263. Clerk, Johnson, Rep., 7,145 ; Lyons, Dem., 6,978; Rogerson, Prohibition, 59. Johnson's majority, 167. The Board of Election Commissioners was first organized as follows : Samuel B. Raymond, whose term was for two years from date of appointment ; Daniel Corkery, three years ; Francis A. Hoffman, Jr., one year. (Mr. Hoffman resigned May 9, 1886, and C. J. Cassellman was appointed In his stead). Chief Clerk, Timothy Crean (deceased); Deputy North Division, Charies W. Andrews, Jr.; South Division, Kari Haerdng; West Division, 358 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Lawrence R. Buckley. Deputy for Town of Lake, William Russell. The salaries of Election Commissioners for Cook county- are $1,500 and the Chief Clerk $2,000. Judges and Clerks of Election and Official Ticket-Holders, $3 per day, judges to re ceive pay for not exceeding four days, including registration and election ; clerks to receive five days' pay. Expenses of city election to be paid by city, but state, county, and general elec tions to be paid by county. The law provides that two of the three Commissioners shall be selected by the County Judge, one each from the two leading political parties. The board shall organize by electing one member Chairman and one Secretary, each of whom shall give bond in the sum of $10,000. Sixty days prior to an election the board shall choose three Judges of Election, who shall be citi zens of the United States, householders, residents and voters In the precinct, of good repute, who can speak, read and write the English language, who are skilled in the four fundamental rules of arithmetic, and who hold no public office whatsoever, unless that of Notary Public, and who are not candidates at the elec tion for which they are appointed to serve ; two Clerks of Elec tion possessing the same qualifications as the Judges, except that they need not be householders. At least one judge and one clerk shall be selected from each of the two leading political parties. Judges and clerks are exempt from jury service during and for two years after expiration of their term, and after service one year they are not obliged to serve as judges for three years following. The list of judges shall be submitted to the County Court for confirmation, and the Court shall by public notice fix a day for hearing objections to their confirmation. The Judges of Election constitute the Board of Registry for each precinct The first year they met as such on Tuesday,'four weeks prior to election, and again on each of the two following Tuesdays, the first two meetings for registry of applicants, the last for revision of lists. Meantime the clerks are required to canvass the pre cinct, and the result of their canvass is used by the Board in re vising the registry. When that is completed a public register is hung up at place of registry, and the Election Commissioners shall cause copies of the same to be printed for use of voters of precinct, and, if deemed necessary, published in newspapers. Provision is made for registering persons omitted or rejected, on order of the Elecdon Commissioners or of tbe County Court, after hearing. General registration shall be made prior to each CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 359 Presidential election, and the applicant must personally appear. At all other times there is only one day of reo-Istration. Voters may put their names on ballots. As a person's vote is cast his name on registry shall be checked. If challenged, he is sworn to answer questions, and, after hearing, may be allowed to vote or rejected. If rejected, he may afterward produce and deliver his own affidavit that he Is a duly qualified voter, sup ported by affidavit of a registered voter, whereupon his vote shall be received. The affidavits and a record of the facts shall be preserved. No person shall vote who Is not registered as a qualified voter. Public notice in newspapers of registration and election shall be given by the board. Election day Is made a legal holiday. One year's residence In the state, ninety days in the county, thirty days in the precinct, and citizenship of the United States shall qualify a person as a voter. Each political party may have a challenger at the polls ; also at the registry. During canvass of the votes the challengers and watchers of the canvass, consisting of one person designated in writing by each candidate, shall be admitted. The whole number of ballots shall first be counted, and any excess above the number on the poll list shall be drawn out and destroyed. The different kinds of ballots shall be placed in separate piles, and then counted by tens by one judge, then handed to each of the other judges, who shall also count same, when the third judge shall call off the names and the clerks shall tally each ten votes. The ballots shall, as soon as counted, be strung upon twine in the order read by tens. When canvass Is complete each judge in turn shall proclaim in a loud voice the total vote received by each candidate. Quadruple statements of the result shall be made, one of which shall be written in each of the poll books used, and one each sent to the County Clerk, and one to the Comptroller of the city. after attaching one copy of each kind of ballot voted at the elec tion to each return. The tallies shall be sent under seal, one to the Election Commissioners and one to the City Clerk. The poll books which contain two of the statements or returns shall be placed in the ballot-box and locked and sealed with a strip of paper containing the names of all the judges. One judge shall take the ballot-box, and another of opposite politics the key. Then the whole of the ballots, except those pasted to the state ments, shall be destroyed, and the meeting of judges and clerks dissolved. Before noon next day the ballot-box shall be deliv ered to the Election Commissioners, who shall receipt therefor. The key shall also be delivered and receipted for, and the two 360 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, judges not having the ballot-box and the two clerks shall before noon next day deliver the statements and tallies in their possession to the respective officer to whom addressed, and no judge or clerk shall receive pay until he produce the receipts for the returns as aforesaid. The canvassing board, composed of the County Judge, City Attorney, and the board of Election Commissioners shall canvass and abstract the votes within seven days after the elec tion. A comprehensive list of penalties for election offenses is enacted. Since the organization of the Board its personnel has under gone various changes. CHAPTER XIII. COMPTROLLER GURNEY ON TAXATION — THE TOWN GOVERNMENTS AND ASSESSMENT^ — TAX AND DEBT PER CAPITA — TABLE, SHOW ING VALUATION AND INCOME, 1 837 TO 1 886 LIST OF MAYORS OF CHICAGO — LIST OF COMPTROLLERS — TABLE, SHOWING SCHOOL CENSUS AND VOTE BY WARDS IN ALL ELECTIONS, 1 878 TO 1 886 — TABLE OF REGISTRATION AND NATIVITY OF VOTERS — TABLE OF CITY OCCUPATIONS POPULATION BY DIVISIONS POPULATION OF COOK COUNTY, SCHOOL CENSUS OF 1 886 — THE CITY HALL AND COUNTY COURTHOUSE, ETC. In his annual report on municipal finances for the fiscal year ending December 31, 1885, City Comptroller Gurney had the following to say : " The executive and legislative departments of the munici pality are to be congratulated upon the wise distribution of our income for the past year^ and upon the general conservative pol icy of subordinate officers In confining expenditures within the limits Imposed by the city Council. There Is a growing disposi tion, however, to go to the Council for appropriations that do not come within the scope of authority plainly defined by the city charter. That Instrument provides that appropriations, other than annual, shall not be made except In the event of ' cas ualties,' and not in any other Instance Is warranted drafts upon the treasury, except upon the contingent fund, which Is held for the payment of claims that cannot be foreseen when the annual budget Is under consideration. Aside from the foregoing, de mands upon this department otherwise than provided by law, are constant menaces to the credit of the city at home and abroad, and If persisted in will soon lead to the disreputable methods of former years in providing for current expenses. * * * xhe Revenue Commission, provided for at the last session of the state Legislature, is now at work in an effort to devise laws that shall place burdens of taxation where they legitimately belong. This is a matter of vital Importance to the citizen, and applies with great force to municipal governments, so much so that we are of the opinion that the honorable body you represent should give Its active support to every effort that is calculated to compel corpo- (361) 362 . POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, rations and other capital to make reasonable contributions to the general welfare. When this is accomplished the unrest of the masses, who are now compelled to pay from their limited earn ings an amount largely In excess of equitable obligations imposed by taxation, will not find that justification for complaint which the present law seems to warrant For the past six years the reports from this department have urged upon citizens attention to this important question, in the belief that the Democratic doc trine (not in Its partisan sense) insists that "every tax-paying or other citizen shall stand upon an equality before the law. It is to be hoped, therefore, that the ' Revenue Commission' will report a system in entire vindication of the rights of the people, accom panied by such swift and certain penalties that will insure a faithful discharge of duty by those employed In the assessment of property and collection of our revenues." There are three town governments having limited powers which cover the three city divisions of Chicago. The officials comprise an Assessor, Collector, Supervisor and Clerk in each town, and these, together with two Justices of the Peace, com pose the " Town Board" which audits the annual town accounts. The town officers and full sets of constables for service in the various Justice Courts, are elected annually. Separate ballot- boxes from the city, state and general elections are used, and the Board of Election Commissioners now canvass the returns. All taxes are levied and collected by the Town Assessors and Col lectors. The reference in Comptroller Gurney's last report to inequitable assessments is directed against this system. For many years complaints of unequal assessments have' been preva lent At one time the Citizens' Association took action looking to the abolishment of the town governments and the collection of taxes by a city or county collector who should be required to give an adequate penal bond. A bill for this purpose was drafted and sent to the Legislature, but no action was taken. The collectors of the several towns formeriy retained 2 per cent of collections. This was estopped by a decision of the Supreme Court, but not until the loss to the public treasury had amounted to a large sum. The assessment for 1886 was declared by the Board of County Commissioners to be much too low, and' that body ordered a new assessment, as authorized by law, and an effort was made to have the Town Assessors Indicted for mal feasance and making false oath to returns. The Assessors re used to make new assessments and gave as a reason that the law authorizing the County Board to order aflew assessment did CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 363- not provide for the expense of making the same. At this writ ing the matter is held in abeyance. There are Committees of Cidzens In the three divisions of the city organized for the pur pose of bringing about a reform In the system of assessments and abolishing the town governments. The Comptroller's last report contained the following com parative statement, showing that the tax and debt per capita of Chicago as compared with other cities is extremely low: Population.* Total Valuation. Total Taxation. Total Debt. Tax per Capita. Debt CenBUB of 1830. Bsliin't'd Jan. 1, 1885. per Capita. NewYork Philadelphia 1,306,299 847,170503,185 668,663363,839350,518 3.32.313355,179 156,389 155,134 136,508115,587 46,887 1,356,958 865,000630,000644,526396,365 400,000408.520300;000181,000333,197 155,000 150,000 115.000 $1,338,298 343 683,612,683 137,336,980 317,853,850683 643,000 311,480 710 249,651,699 169,935,386 106,850,163 104,800,190 90,98 5,50 74,951,750 74,310,711 $29,991,172 85 10,796,834 93 4,872,456 60 8.373,198 73 11,288,369 00 3,440,2:33 00 3,994.427 18 2,718,801 57 1.709,602 51 1,723,963 09 1,850,409 18 1,531,524 43 1,32-2,730 66 $129,229,963 00 64,131,362 07 12,751,500 00 45,'277,'2:i7 00 43,195,669 00 22,417,000 00 37,543,591 00 2:3,905.237 00 13,403,500 00 7,860,485 00 11,369,000 00 2,596,600 00 2,461,000 00 $33 10 12 48 7 73 13 99 28 48 8 60 9 77 9 06 9 49 7 73 11 94 10 14 11 53 $95 23 74 12 20 24 70 25 Boston 108 95 56 04 91 90 Cincinnati 79 (IS 74 44 35 2: Newark 72 70 17:31 Minneapolis 31 40 NOTE- May, 1884. -Population for 1885 is the result of inquiries, and that of Chicago from School Census of Theodore T. Gurney, City Comptroller, who so ably super vised the financial affairs of the city for upward of six years, re tired from office August 6, 1886, his health being Impaired by overwork. He was succeeded by Mr. Charles H. Schwab, junior member of the well-known business house of Selz, Schwab & Co. LIST OF CITY COMPTROLLERS. In accordance with Section 9 of an Act to amend the Act entitled "An Act to reduce the law incorporating the city of Chicago and the several Acts amendatory thereof, into one Act, and to amend the same," approved February 14, 1851, the fol lowing named gentlemen have been appointed to, and filled the office of City Comptroller : Samuel D. Ward, . . . Appointed March 19, 1857 S. S. Hayes, Walter Kimball, George Taylor, A. H. Buriey, . S. S. Hayes, J. A. Farwell, Theodore T. Gurney, Charles H. Schwab, May 19, 1862 May 8, 1865 December 20, 1869 February 12, 1872 December 8, 1873 June 22, 1876 May 12, 1879 July 6, 1886 VALUATION AND INCOME OP THE CITY OF CHICAGO. The following Is a Statement of the Taxable Real Estate and Personal Property, and the Taxes levied from 1837 to 1885, inclusive: Mayors. William B. Ogden Buckner S. Morris B. W. Raymond Alexander Lloyd Francis C. Sherman Benjamin W. Raymond , Augustus Garrett A. S. Sherman Augustus Garrett John P. Chapin James Curtiss James H. Woodworth. . James H. Woodworth . . . When Elected. May March MarchMarch MarchMarchMarchMarch MarchMarchMarchMarchMarch 2,18376,18385,1839 3,1840 5,18417, 1843 7,1843 7,1844 6, 1845 3,1846 2,18477,1848 6,1849 Census by whom taken. City. t/.'sV City. State. City. . City... City...City.. Population. 4,170 4,479 7,580 12,088 14,16916,869 20,033 23,047 Valuation Real Estate. $336,842 235,996 94,80394,437 127,024108,757963,221 1,992,095 2,273,1713,664,425 4,995,466 4,998,266 5,181,687 Val'u Personal Property. $39,730 42,685 479,093771,186791,851867,281 853,704 1,302,1741,496,047 Total Valuation. $236,842 235,996 94,803 94,487 166,744 151,342 1,441,.314 2,763,2813,065,0224,521,6665,849,170 6,300,4406,676,684 Increase. $1,321,967 301,741 1,436,684 1,327,514 451,270 376,244 Total Tax. $5,905 15 8,849 86 4,664 55 4,721 85 10,004 67 9,181 27 8,647 89 17,166 24 11,077 58 15,825 80 18,159 01 22,051 54 30,045 09 Floating Liabilities. $9,996 54 7,183 35 6,559 63 12,387 67 16,373 01 12,655 40 9,795 35 10,691 27 16,045 41 13,179 89 20,338 38 36,333 20 OO ON 4^ Mayors. James Curtiss Walter S. Gurnee .. . Walter S. Gurnee . . . Charles M. Gray Isaac L. Milllken Levi D. Boone Thomas Dyer John Wentworth John C Haines John C. Haines John Wentworth J'ullan S. Rumsey. . . Francis C. Sherman. Francis C. Sherman. Francis C. Sherman. John 6. Rice John B^ice John BWtice John B. Rice Roswell B. Mason.. . Roswell B. Mason.. . Joseph Medill Joseph Medill Harvey D. Colvin Harvey D. Colvin.. . . Harvey D. Calvin Monroe Heath Monroe Heath Monroe Heath Carter H. Harrison . . . Carter H. Harrison. . . Carter H. Harrison . . . Carter H. Harrison. . . Carter H. Harrison. . Carter H. Harrison. . Carter H. Harrison... When Elected. MarchMarchMarchMarchMarchMarchMarch March March MarchMarchApril April April April April Nov. Nov.Nov. JulyApril Apr I AprilApril April 6, 1850 4,18512, 1858 14, 1853 13, 1854 8, 1855 10, 1856 3, 1857 2,1858 1,1859 6,1860 16, 1861 15, 1863 21, 1863 1864 18, 1865 1866 16, 18671868 2, 1869 1870 7, 18711872 4, 1873 1874 1876 18, 1876 3,1877 1878 1, 18791880 6. 1881 1882 3, 18831884 7, 1885 Census by whom taken. U. S... Bet... City. . Est...State. , City. Popula tion. 88,369 48,000 60,65376,000 80,00084,113 u. s... 109,206 City. .. 138,186 City. .. State... City.... III City.... 252,054 U. S... 306,605 City.... 367,396 City.... 395,408 City.... 407,661 City ... 436,731 U. S... 603,298 City.... 560,693 City.... 689,985 South Division. Valuation Real Estate $3,401,512 3,933,6624,414,4666,594,466 8,657,840 10,400,27913,424,37015,330,90015,546,00615,967,10016,016,923 16,099,74216,166,54018,807,331 19,948,868 24,001,51137,46 1,007 t73,133,320 86,313,610 101,286,390 105,086 780 110.661.940114,273,540126,669,660183,366,6-20 ¦|-63,041,441t63,274 310 t55,43d,480 t49,48!),276t40,792,'J01t41,666,451+41,900,466t45,602,908 +60,097,793+52,179,743 +,52,659,347 Valuation Personal Property. Valuation Real Estate $1,232,814 1,360,6661,844,280 3,003,4444,657,5464,423,5274,480,941 5,663 670 4.441,6304,843,2914,632,1603,733,8384,181,680 5,615,212 9,030,955 16,925,36314,991,229 40,640,815 41,953,950 39,986,63638,635,67088,707,36027,434,340 36,660,415 ¦33,398,290 *33,-.!17,059*26,173,921 *23,321,738 »19,672,590 *17,7-33,478*19,500,0'25*19,883,962*20,002,445*21,477,6-i6 *21,613,665*21 ,964,997 West Division. Valuation Personal Property. $1 326,871 1,734,452 8,357,6424,321,9097,442,7997,795,9318,330,1509 181,274 9,544 805 9,574,2539 875 750 9 965,:360 10,160 510 10,588,46611,232,04213.213.2)3 20,406,82644,701,700 69,667,62075,790,93581,884,40087 644,630 95,768,880 102,81:7.480100,843,230+48,366,069+49,914,387+44,199,5-30 +38 654,873 +35,983,0 i 2 +34,871,48i! +35,410,847 +35,863,654+86,986,133+38,694,383+39,208,806 ValuationReal Bs'e $303,885 852,154813,636 398,642647,901569,775 686,150 867,693 782,751529,426 638,187 633,608 664,285 1,19-4,710 1433,060 l,146,a30 8,773,140 7,372 235 8,667.060 9,165,0608,499,6109,366,660 15,507,71010,951.660 9,294,100 *9 384,216 *7,575,48-4 *6,722,270*6,1-J1,204*6,91 8,693 *6,658,841*5,-.!62,652 *7,452,908 *8,163,172*8,055,480 *8,458,456 North Division. Valuation Personal Property. $951,182 1,346,148 1,418,664 8,214,303 2.890,1063,441,8904,137,' — 4,795,454 5,084,5145,190 960 6,306.468 5,249,6475,361,495 5,807,465 5,967,1136,849,7458,638,882 33,610,9039 519,430 34,293.900 37,873,42088,592,08029 118,470 33,478,680 34,339,460 +16,493,465 +18,033,763 +16,439.683+16,380 504 +14,377,016+12,494 028 +12,788,348+14,513.438+14,512,861+14.512,861+15,278,728 $ 98,184 155,645 814,730 309.068 286,043 370,091 676,685 496,290 592,023 449 350 585,080670,285707.436 716,160 1,180,7548,572,986 1 693,765 6,668 474 5,286,8806,502,059 5,2 1 7,670 4,784,9002 100.490 2,491,100 2,463,440 *3,261.996 *3,067.3I5*2, 73,616 *l,r67,E81*2,165,63b*1 ,942,822 *1,693,887 *2,028,184 *1,992,9'9*2,061,492*2,387,9o8 Total Valuation. $7,220 249 8,562,717 10,463,41416,841,831 24,392,23926,991,89331,736,084 36,335,88135,991,73236,553,38087,053,512 36,362,380 37.139,84542,667,324 48,738,78-i 64,709,17785,953,250 196,026,844880 247,000 266,024,8802i'5.986,550289,746,470 284 197.430 3l2.(]78,995 303 705.140 +173 764 846 +168,037,178+148 400, 4S + 131,981,436 +117,970,035+117,133,643+119,151,951+185,368,537+133,830,504 +137,386,980 +139,958.292 Increase. $ 543,365 1,343,468 1,900,697 6,378.4177,650,4082 600,654 4,743,191 4,599,197 561,648 500,132 787,465 5,527,479 6,065,468 15,976,39521,244,073 109,073,594 36.220,156 35,777,880 9 961,670 13,759,920 27,875,565 Total Tax. Bonded Indebted ness. $26,270 63,88576,948 135,662 499,081 206,209 398,6.52 672,046 480,190 5 13,614 373,315650,968564,038S3>,346 974 665 1,294 183 1,719,064 2,518,472 3.223,4673,990,373 4,139,798 2,897,464 4,262 961 5,617,3135,466,6926,103,981 4,046,806 4 013,410 3,778,8663,776,8883,899,1264,136,6084,-227,4024,540,506 4,873,4565,152,366 $93,395 126,035189,670 248,666328,000 435,000 536'000 1,885,000 2,336,0002, .362 000 3,028,0003,422,6003,544,500 3,701,000 4,369,600 4,757,5006,'184,500 7 882,500 11,041,000 14,103,000 13,644,00013,478,000 13,456,00013,4.57,00013,466,0 0 13,364,000 13.057,000 13,043,000 12,758,00012,762,00012,752,000 12.751,60012,751,500 12,695,500 O nen> o o r o * Includes total railroad valuation, real and personal, which for 1885 is $3,408,(34. t iEoualizatlon valuations of State Board of Kqualization. "NoTB — On. May 15, 1837, the City Treasurer of the City of Chicago received from the Treasurer of the Town of Chicago, in caeh, Sa,814..49. The city debt, as -was compiled troixL the annual statements of 1838 to 1860, inclusive, as auhmittted hy the Finance Committee of thoee years to the common Council, and from Inclusive, from, the annaal Btatements o£ the Citv Comptroller. noted above. 1857 to 1S80, CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 365 LIST OF MAYORS OF THE CITY OF CHICAGO.— DATE OF ELECTION. —DURATION OF TERM. Elected in accordance with Section 4 of an Act to Incorporate the City of Chicago, approved March 4, 1837. Wm. B. Ogden Elected May 2, 1S37 Buckner S. Morris « March 6, 183S Benjamin W. Raymond « « 5, 1839 Alexander Lloyd " « 3, 1840 Francis C. Sherman " " 5, 1841 Benjamin W. Raymond " « 7, 1S42 Augustus Garrett « « 7, 1843 Alson S. Sherman « " 7,1 844 Augustus Garrett " « 5,1 845 John P. Chapin « " 3,1846 James Curtiss " " 2, 1847 James H. Woodworth " « 7, 1 848 « « « « 6,1849 James Curtiss " " 5, 1850 Walter S. Gurnee " " 4,1851 « " " " 2,1852 Charles M. Gray " " 14,1853 Isaac L. Milliken " " 13,1854 Levi D.Boone " " 8,1855 Thomas Dyer " " 10,1856 John Wentworth " " Z, i^57 JohnC. Haines " " 2,1858 « « « « 1,1859 John Wentworth " " 6,1860 Julian S. Rumsey " April 16, 186 1 Francis C. Sherman " " 15.1862 " (two year terms began) " " 21,1863 « « " ..,1864 JohnB.Rice .".'.'.'.'.'. " " 18,1865 K u " " ..,iS66 a i( '.'.'.'.'.'..'.... " " 16,1867 11 « !.!.,!!!'..*.... " " ¦•,1868 Roswell B. Mason" !!!!!! ! " Nov. 2,1869 « « « " . . , i8yo Joseph Medill.....'..' " " 7. '^71 « u « « ..,1872 Harvey D.Coivi'n". '.*.!'.'.! " " 4.1873 « « ; " " ..,1874 Mayor Colvin held over under the new Charter until July 12, 1876. ThSmas Hoyne received a popular vote for Mayor of 33,064, April 18, 1876. Ihe out- going Council refused to canvass the returns. The new Council canvassed the returns April 8, and declared Mr. Hoyne elected. He was recognized as Mayor by all of the city de partments except the Comptroller's. Judge McAllister subsequently decided his election informal, the Mayor and Council not having issued a call for an election. Monroe Heath (special election) July '2, 1876 i( u April 3,1677 „ ::::::::.: ^873 Carter H. Harrison " '' '^79 Carter H. Harrison was re-elected April 5, 1881 ; April 3, 1883; April 7, 1885, serving four successive terms. 366 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, s r1 u J3 V^-H •i-i o CJ D c O > B Tl c03 < CO 13 c rt in r1 u, u +j n (/) rrt .-> hf c; C a; a; (U (U T2 13 -4-' c ¦ fin o so 4-) oJ J o O C ^M-, >. o l-l n . ^H <) ;s a; U5 ca ¦4-: c 3 U .J3 C . 4-> j3 +-> W O [/I *4-) u —'a; tfl hfl 'O TS r u r :i r1 ;3 ^ 1-,o >. ..Q 4-1 X bjt) o ID C c > o t/5 00CO C O OJ n 4-1 Oj n 4-> I-, 0000 C/1So a; >-t ^ !§^^ d>S O O) 5S *^ * o to S«3 ¦gggg 5 « » ^ lO 5^00 eoiB Sr^Oi co'io'c-^-^coco SrHCOt-eO-^TfC^T-l eo o in CO »o t- -^ t- ' t- CO S M ¦v th ci t- CO 100 r- vP'm I tie d 1-1 eo T-H CO I- CO L- »o ¦»3< o «o QOOOJOOffiOO-^COCOC F-ot-cot-coiAcec-T " CO-rHQOCOTrsOl-COO gOCOOlt-OSCO-i-t O-i-iOOCCCOSD^oOt^SM'-^OCOScOQd ,-T^ TH lo •^co_t-^a5_o^o6t-_«5_coos_«io oct.co_^55^ | »o .2 ^ tJ so (p o3,IicO ¦^t-OlT-lTH-*CO!CnOOSQinQOrHOS5im»n 'i-< SMi--"^a>op'3''^coica5(N" COOiCOCOOlOiNiOCOC L- 00 tt :3 oj Jo_ur5 t^o^o i-Tco"©!' i-Tt-i -i-Tt-T a"-^- g 00 (N 1-100500 1--— , i-d-comoiC^c-ooi OSOOtH-^^OCOOT-i-iCOOci'co Eo lO i>"-^Tf «o CO N Tf< (b CO i>^*i CO cd'iO" ¦i in Til ^ i-t T-i ^t-a S— Trooiosso&ic iOCOOSCOOiCOT-^ -¦S '^3 E" a I-. - v -in SgSoggS^ T-t-rHomt-oo-^ocoao-q'OcoQ-^coiocoOJCOOO^t-rHi-it-CJC— COCOOJCCt-COOi^ TPCOOii-i Oiw ffOi-'GOOSi-t »n t- <»_^ M CO ¦v'oo'co'Td^co^o O 03 -^ COO oiooinoot-eot-oi ,. (c-^ocot-t-ocTKrioj-vot- CMcooi>-i-tooi-HO»rfTOini-"o OKNMCOOOlOOJtO — cffiSiOMa> o N !M 'Oi O i-i't-" coi-it-LOO'^oi'TOi— cj-TTTcocooot-t- omi^T-i L-::OQ00iC0-OCOTJ"e0iSoST-iCOr- i4"m r^ CO -* CO CO -^C^-rH -tH^dTN eo" W C4 th" » g"' t- CO l-l t- ( i-< O CO 15 ¦— ir O lS_OS 00 o o ¦ co'co"oi"-!3i"tO'a^"^"oco mco ic"co»ri"'3''c — ^-^cot-i-iini-i(jiojcoco 00=00 000 -VSiOb si s g § s'si^ OOlOOOt-CONCaOtOOi-itOi-iOiTJ'C^CO COCOOM'iJOQCOOCOCO-^i-iTj'i-'OlQOODOlC;^t-^C-_OS iO « OS 0)Q0O0*C0t-)>-^500io CCC1 C*COO CO CO "rP ©Tc* CO-rt^'ci'^CO of oT"^" ^ .A ^ m A .2lsgSgS£^ &-,S!^" COOOOSi-it-OOSOOOi-iCOOOt-Ot-iN co3;i2«5coxmt-i>(Oi-(ir5a5-wocooQt-^ao^-^co^io^QO^O^i-i mc-(Neo«5in j^cot-^ CO CO CO to CO -^ o '^coQiTftnmtS-rfnm'iin 53 SS ,,>^.-K£ MOCOOrHSOi-H-!jia)C*CO«D«35$OJa5£lftK3_OT tOi-il>i-i010C— iOCli-HC0"3''*}'C0S01 '5SJS2'Q'~'coio-Tf<0'*.-nncoo(NiN'M 'o T-i«eo-^iOtDt-oDosot-t(Mco"*»n (o t oo :«% OS o "in >._y... « CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. NATIVITY OF THE VOTERS OF CHICAGO. 367 Compiled from the registry books, where the nativity of each person registered is shown by wards. Among the Ameri cans are included such as were born in this country, without re gard to the nationality of their parents. >3 S. nS QB s at .11' 0B- ; 1 P- 0P g.CD 1 OQ S 12 1 4 19 4622 a ppa>? ~l 4 13 18 1315 03 g- CDBBCD 322 6 46 703 s 6 21 47 12 38 IBp i 42 3 6 b 8 apa g(B 1 28 23 2 35 K sa10 8 18 56 18 71 a atr 18 7 1511 41 6 § 4 60 746 -.> •c5' p (S 221 2i C ¦ £ . 0' • 0 ! t» 12 25 12 29 8) 1.57 Cta 1 22')92.39.'2.>7C)41732 6- 148 24230S 613 146.5ISoO 287 249813381 2464 846 83 85 100 183 2-i5 91 38162(154802? 4 'J27 40 2 74 6459 141 168 76 12 132566 201 74 3044 2 32:17 3 29795741 4 5 7791 6 5184 7 1301 10:35 1.377 129 411 i! 115 19 17 8 88 9 67 16 33 11 a 3 76 4-148 8 aiH 9.-.9 28 6 5552-ao 256 251 1564 45 339381 19K 135 64 18 64593585 10 11 8 14 246110 6 135 IS 5345 1"13 191145 4 13 31-38 283 1 29 12 5 2 66 11 2 15 32 5 33 85 21 16 14 79 10 2910 7 11 3 1 11 zr212421 5746 9 3.585 10 9059 11 413) 13 481-J 292 •HI 341 121 27 205 17 0., 17 6 4 8 17 23 13 14 2 30 6335 13 23 .'8 .351 606 190 57 5 37, 43 56 34 1 1 1 1 2(1 6 6 1 22 3766 14 147J 21.56 1378 2419 199215J7 6582J1181 1 9 88 4-1 45 2511 4 8 2 6" 56 36 205 8R 117 592 •28 10 170 lu 15 36 16 5 237 64 6 5 19 9 9 31 62 19 1613 5 4 25 82 736358 6191 15 4819 16 312-3 17 llOH 308 841 f,6 -.'4 4 55 703 61) 1« 3 M 11 1 7 21 33 4 -37 3'3I)9 18 35 a 660 491 1-27 51 2 101 105 2-J 2n 3 3 8 6 12 11 10 7 45 5215 Totals 43700 14566 1193= -3411 852 '54 1803 18 7 l-:85 442 12.33 379 211 183 3-37 254 204 93 809 S'6ll There was a light vote polled by the Poles, Bohemians and Scandinavians, who had no especial incentive to vote, at the next ensuing election for Aldermen in April, 1886, and the total vote polled was 14,127 less than the registration. The city occupations in 1885 are classed as follows in the report of the Factory and Tenement House Inspectors, which was incorporated in the report of the Health Department made to the City Council, March 29, 1886 : BUSINESS. 6 II s . •as- to 10" t3 0-^ OD P BUSINESS. 6 . 0&4 iS'S 1* p4 10 in ^ ID s'S Agricult. Imp ArchitertH 25 13:1 16 3:) 18 5 10 64 351 45 7 600 2094 460 105139 225 45 200 10501161 550 2:17 1552 2084 460 60 123125 4586 808 863550 2:16 1545 10 Barbers' supplies.. Bedding and mat tresses 1127 282 1 7 15 265 5 20 1 35 160 .3.35 25 103 86 27 425 29 7:10 31 510 55 910 149 254 25 103 86 27 420 17 730 30 510 55 390 11 81 Artificial limbs and trusses Artists' material and works Awnings, sails and 4516 100114 242297 11 6 Belting (rubber. Bicycles and veloc- Axle grease — Ba^s (paper and ^giuiny) Bakeries (mfg. and Bill posters Billiard tables Bird stores Blacksmiths and horgeshoera Boat builders Boiler makers and supplies ""5 12 "6 12 25 10 14 wholesale) Bakeries and retail Dealers Barbed wire Barber-shops . . . . 1 7 1 15 Bolts Bookbinders ¦¦.5-3() 368 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, CITY OCCUPATIONS— CONTINUED. Booksellers and stationers Boots and shoes, mfg. & wholesale Boots and shoes. makre & retailers Bottle dealers Bottling establish ments , Boxes (paperj Brass founders and finishers Breweries & branch depots BricK-makers. Bridge and car builders Brooms and broom corn Brushes Burial cases and un dertakers' supTs Butterine and oleo margarine Buttons Calcium lights Carpenters and builders Carpet cleaners Carpet and oil cl'th Carpet weavers Carriages &wagons Carvers Chains Cheese and butter Chemical works... China,crocKery and glassware . . . Cigar boxes Ci^ar manufactur ing and wholes'le Cigar makers and retailers Cloaks and suits,. Clothes wringers & laundry mach'n'y Clothing mfg. and wholesale Clothing makers & retailers Coal and wood Coffee, tea & spices Commercial agents Commission and brokerage Confectioners, rafa;. and wholesale. 7. Confectionery and fruit retailers. Coopers Copper, tin and eneet-iron Cords and tassels.. Corks, bungs and faucets Cornices [ Corsets ] Costumers Curled hair Cutlers and grindrs Dentists' supplies. Dies and stencils . . Distillers and rec tifiers Dock and ship-yds Dressmakers r- a Oft| El 145 67 30 1^ rt O O P. 1080 2300 2050 17 3:37 844 912 1246 2395 1982 198 221 9 248 15 2 850 25 1818 190 10 4 105 9 135 2:10 8 22 18550 120 265 45 1440 45 2I,'0 170 350350175 700 1912 43 3872 1146 5S0 8445 800 48 420 48 31 6 5 25 21 5 2 9 5 1610 2 900 150 13500 184U 970 375 6010 775 702 760 210 250 485 250 302530 40 113 2.30310 1510 905 I860 1850 15 3:10305 1246 23951982 178 202 229 225 4 22 18550 115 210 37 1410 45 200 160 290453 92 940 440 200 27 539 13 25 33 150 3100 3708 1810 5811 417760 210 74 48 485 40 10 '3530 85 113 230 310 255 304 3504 1040C 3212 30 165 98 199 285 26 176 32 210 20 1510 25 107 Drags & dye stuffs, mfg.and wholesale Druggists Dry goods and no tions Dyers and scourers Electric apparatus and lights Elevators (grain) Engravers Express companies Fancy and variety goods Feather dusters.. Feathers Files Fire apparatus Fire escapes and stand pipes.. Fish depots and packers Flavoring extracts and perfumery. . . Florists & nurseries Flour man'fg and wholesale Flour and feed Founders and iron works Freighting(marine) Frogs, switches and crossings Fruits, green and dried Furniture and up holstery Furniture, retail . . Gas companies Gents' furnlshinfi goods " Glass, window anil mirror Glass-stainers an(i decorators Gloves and mittens Glucose Glue and fertilizers Gold and silver leaf Grocers, wholesale Grocers, retail Gunpowder . ...._. Guns and sporting goods Hair goods Hardware and cut lery, wholesale & mfg Hardware, stoves & tinware, retail. . Harness, saddlery and horse cloth ing Hats, caps and fiirs Heating and venti lating apparatus. Hides, tallow and wool Hoisting machines Hops, malt and bar- „ley Hoopskirts Horse nails Hosiery Hotels and restau rants Ice dealers , Ice cream mfg oki 50 720 45 483065 5 122 11 6 9 14 30 45 190 690995 7530 210 550 475340 1160 2040 180 40 33 120 30 250200 310580 560 975 4630 2900 160 50 87 2960 400 2710 40 140 305 145 12 16 1 6 4 62 2100 50 250 5840 1450 1025 3760 170 3:1037(1 4 0 60 70 310 770 162- 690 1105 370345 .300 28 350 68:30 650 60 460 475330 1160 1010 50 35;i2 100 140160 300 570 29052710 50 250 5670l:1701025 1010 12:3165100 365 400 30 90 I SO 11 .... 263 227 2130 I960 5230 4240 760 1572 645935 ;180370 345 20 3870 650 60 1030 130 5 1 20 20 110 150 200 15 170 80 80 14 5 2:30 5 51 30 170 990 10 14 4 45 230 280 '246 2960 IB CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. CITY OCCUPATIONS— CONTINUED. 369 Sa s . Ink (writing and printing) Iron, naiis, steel, heavy hardware.. Iron and steel rails Japanners Jewelers and watch makers Junk and second hand dealers Laces, ruching and embroidery Ladders Lamps, lanterns & signals Lard and lard oil.. Lasts Laundries -Lead (pipe, sheet. atne: Leaflier, findings & leather goods . . . Lightning rods Lime, cement and drain pipes... Lithographers. . Livery stabies . . Locksmiths and bell hangers Lumber Macaroni Machinists and ma chinery Map and chromo printing and mounting Marble and stone . . Matches Meat markets Metals and metallic goods Milk depots Mill furnishing Millinery and straw goods Music and musical instruments. . . . Newspapers and publishers Opticians Oyster depots Packing and can ning meat Painters Paints, oils and glass Paper dealers Patterns and mod Patterns (paper) Paving and street repairing, etc . Pawnbrokers . . . Photographers and artists Photographic appa ratus and suppl's Pickles, preserves and fruits Picture frames and mouldings Pipes (smoking) . . . P aning mills and box factories — Plaster work and statuary 11 12 3 3 300 200 27 13 2 3 590 30 2526 200 48 230 2 133 16 55 1 996 40 410 12 226 41 47 290 135 27 310 9 20 80 1 39 80 285 3300 40 940 610 120101 4:33 56( 37 322U 350 25 450 260 1220 165 6590 10 2190 80 1440 5 2580 290 101 B 160 1450 1050 3230 50 80 12200 1670 940 290 25 750 110750 43 230 1580 6 2140 3300 40 915 430 50 99 413 45( 37 1980 10 u2 240 25 450240 1220 165 6590 25 180 70 20 110 ia 1240 110 ..20 2130 30 1440 5 2330 299,10 160 450 1005 2880 5075 11800 1670 890250 80 13 750 88 610 4 185 1530 4 2140 56 60 50 '250 'iis 1000 45 35j 13 400 22 140 2 45 50 2 31 ^ to la M Plating, (nickel etc.) Plumbers and gas fitters Plumbers' supplies Pop-corn Pottery Printers and Pub lishers Provision dealers Pumps Rags and old paper Railroads (steam) and offices Railroads (street) . . Regalia and ban ners Roofing Ropes and twines . . Rubber goods Safes, doors and locks Saloons Salt Sand Sash, doors and blinds Saws Scales Scientific i n s t r u- ments Screws Seeds Sewer builders Sewing machines and attachments Sewing sUk and twist Ship chandlers Shoddy Shot factory Show-cases Soap and candles Springs (car and wagtm) Starch Stereotypers and electrutypers . . Stoves, mfg. and wholesale Stove polish, Suspenders Syrup and molas'a. Tanks and cisterns Tanners and cur riers Tanners' supplies. Teaming and bus lines Telegraph and tel ephone Go's Theatres and amusements .. Tin-foil Tin, stamped and japanned ware... Ti bacco, smoking chewing and leaf Toys and fancy goods Trunks Turning wood and ivory Type and type founders Umbrellas and par asols — c A 6 190 943 220 24 15 32 50 44 60 3 20 10 12 70 150 50 3710 2J0210 395 15500 4500 95 430 10 i90 195 7560 5030 2250 70 170 30 lliO165450 760 85 105 105 17 150 7690 218 615 7 21 125 40 1266 10 6500 1500 600 25 510750 476 483 217 493 40 . 1360 . 150 . 15 9 . 3200 85 205 105 15500. 4500 . 50 430. 10. 175 195. 6500 50 . 30 . 2250 . 70 . 17u . 87 146 450 . 650 6975 36 17 150 814 76 . 90 . 218 . 6:5 . 5 11 105 40 . 1266 . 10 . 6500 . 1200 20 . 35 . 510 . 15 . 5 . 290. 45. 15. 1060 . 125. 110 . 16 . 144 27 350 14 410460 322479 214 348 25 2 . 10 . 20 . 300 . 250 . 11 . 100 . 290 . 154 4 3 145 5 . 1712 . 50 30 24 370 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, CITY OCCUPATIONS— CONTINUED. Undertakers. . . . Varnish Vault and sky lights Veneers Vinegar Wall paper and window shades.. Warehouses and storage Watch cases — W^ 295 66 44 26 170290 130170 285 6544 26 170 275 130 160 15 0) s ¦Ob Whips Willow and wood enware Wines and liquors, wholesale. ... Wire goods Wood carpets.. . Woolen and linen goods, trimmings Yeast 100 18 4 33 OP. B 260 536 418 20 272 40 31 220 531380 20 247 ¦§5 an 23 A summary of the above table shows that it includes 31,186 firms, with 254,149 persons; it does not include 800 boarding- houses, 30 lodging-houses, 2,800 licensed peddlers, 46 employ ment offices, 950 insurance, real-estate and loan agencies, 14 de tective agencies, 40 civil and mechanical engineers, 1,600 law firms, 1,300 physicians, 225 dentists, 63 veterinary surgeons, 173 midwives, the officers and employes of political, religious, be nevolent, and other public institutions, nor does it take account of domestic service. Wholesale trade employs about 50,000, man ufacturing 75,000, transportation about 25,000 persons, and there are about 20,000 small shops and stores with more than 100,000 persons at retail trade and custom work. POPULATION BY DIVISIONS, SHOWING INCREASE, JUNE, 1876, TO JUNE, : NORTH DIVISION. J'e, 1876. IJ'e, 1878.1 Increase. I J 'e, ISSO.J'e, 1882.1 Increase. [J'e, 1884.IJ'e, 1886.1 Increase. 80,348 I 88,000 | 7,652 1 99,513 I 112,281 | 12,768 | 128,490 | 138,513 | 10,033 SOUTH DIVISION. 104,768 I 111,116 I 6,348 | 132,032 | 135,642 | 13,610 | 149,564 | 173,431 | 23,857 •WEST DIVISION. 222,545 I 237,606 | 15,061 | 269,971 | 312,770 | 42,799 | 351,931 [ 391,883 | 89,952 TOTAL CITY POPULATION AND INCREASE. 407,661 I 436,731 | 29,061 | 491,516 | 560.693 | 69,177 | 629,985 | 703,817 | 73,832 Showing that the ratio of increase is greater as the city grows larger. Grand total increase in ten years, 296,156. The increase and decrease by city wards between 1884 and 1886 was as follows : Wards. Increase. Wards. Increase. 1,165 3,588 2,428 *1,743 2,062 7,478 Wards. Increase. 1 3,945 2,8602,3093.876 10,96711,700 7 13 2,197 12 098 3 8 14 3 9 15 5,3371,197 *498 4 10 16 5 11 17 6 13 \^. '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. '.'.'. 4,091 Total 73,832. ?Decrease. ^ CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. School census of city of Chicago, 1886, in detail : Z7^ White. Colored. Mon golian. WARDS. ¦(3 a a "c3 0 H 1 10,080 9,306 8,913 17,560 39,04484,858 24,066 22,583 14,383 9,461 13,81330,68113,853 47,53133,220 15,53615.89116,365 5,319 7,747 10,06130,53137,33483,18133,15333,251 8,9976,950 14,51522,73818,785 45,824 22,928 15,678 14,80714,761 676 1,663 666739375 19 3137 160 86 138 103 305 47 15 7 3363 301 1,146 559 783 369 10 2136 168 64 134100 828 39 19 1022 100 63 46 13 1421 87 84452124 96 85181411 28 21 25 1 02 004000202 1 0 16,24120,20811,214 39,61476,14466,57647,273 44,88038,653 16,586 28,606 43,580 38,37593,478 45,195 31,247 80,75481,317 3 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 Total 855,883 338,479 5,133 4,399 412 32 703,817 There are 141,855 white males and 144,170 females under 21 years of age; colored, 2,012 males and 1,132 females under that age ; of the Chinese 28 are under 2 t ; attending other than public schools, 29,231 ; number between ages of 12 and 21 una ble to read or write, 471. School census of 1886 for the various school districts in Cook county outside of the city, with receipts and expenditures of school funds : Districts. Population. 1886. 1885. 1886. Expenditures. Receipts. Rich 1,463 1,190 303 1,1541,684 3,875 911 5,490 1,159 3,314 16,109 11,827 3,346 1,448 1,4441,375 313 1,3231,630 2,867 913 5,452 1,076 2,806 17,12812,393 3,603 1,400 $ 8,157 12 4,862 73 1,056 98 4,281 44 4,315 13 13,757 60 3,659 81 14,569 49 4,499 35 30,580 30 77,101 74 64,867 33 21,477 30 30,083 17 $ 3,813 01 Bloom 3,715 97 Bloom frac 966 29 Orland 8,569 56 Bremen 3,677 39 1 hornton 9,607 57 Thornton frac 2,878 05 10,185 58 Palos. . . . 3,724 10 Worth 18,188 17 69,762 46 South Chiracro 60,624 23 17,516 69 Lyons and Lake 24,569 18 372 POLITICS AND POLITICIAN.S, SCHOOL CENSUS OF 1886-CONTINUED. Districts. Population. 1885. Lake and Hyde Park. Proviso Cicero Chicago Leyden Jefferson Lake View Hanover Schaumberg Elk Grove Maine Niles Evanston Harrington Palatine Wheeling Northfield New Trier Glencoe Winnetka Total 772,705 53,000 14,85810,699 629,985 1,577 16,754 21,489 1,414 772 1,050 2,6992,6707,3851,556 2,064 3,1612,1541,223 565964 1886. 65,739 5,040 11,733 708,817 1,766 17,249 28,55313,383 766 1,193 2,879 3,535 10,088 1,5161,976 3,136 1,9041,847 564904 1886. Expenditures. 939,798 $ 546,435 03 36,807 44 94,066 85 1,363,955 96 4,582 55 95,135 69 169,352 93 5,605 53 1,531 44 2,383 38 9,403 66 3,693 36 69,579 18 6,910 90 5,995 35 7,776 76 3,536 84 7,167 38 3,908 75 3,814 71 $3,697,709 44 Receipts. $450,689 69 33,719 33 73,819 15 1,363,389 78 8,387 41 88,357 46 145,599 36 4,830 59 1,326 52 1,588 56 7,850 36 3,498 95 51,256 81 5,160 14 4,602 75 5,253 80 3,343 17 6,026 48 1,971 33 3,814 71 $3,503,643 48 THE CITY HALL AND COUNTY COURTHOUSE. The Illinois Legislature passed a bill October 21, 1871, ap propriating the sum of $2,950,340, to be known as "The Canal Redemption Fund," which bill was devised and the amount ap propriated to reimburse the city for the amount expended on the Illinois & Michigan Canal, and to place a portion of the funds at the disposal of the city immediately after the calamity of the great fire. Of the amount thus appropriated, $600,000 were set apart for the construction of the city's part of the City Hall and Courthouse. A contract was entered into between the county and the city August 28, 1872, for the construction of a Courthouse and City Hall combined, in the public square, the city to pay for and own the west half of the building and the coqnty the east half, the whole to be uniform in its general ap pearance. Competitive plans were invited ; a number were sub mitted, and premiums were awarded on three of them One of these designs, known as the "Eureka," was adopted by the city and county in 1873. The county took steps toward the con struction of Its portion of the building, but the city, owing to a deficiency of funds caused by the Gage defalcation and other in debtedness, was not ready to co-operate. The right of the county to proceed with its portion of the work was questioned and the matter was referred to the courts, •which sustained the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 373 county's right to proceed, and the Courthouse was duly com menced. On the 14th of June, 1872, the City Council passed an or der authorizing the then existing Board of Public Works to ad vertise for competitive plans, specifications and estimates of cost, the successful competitor to receive two thousand five hundred dollars from the contingent fund. In accordance with this order, the Board advertised on the i6th of November of the same year, jointly with the Board of Cook County Commissioners, for com petitors to submit their plans not later than the 15th of March, 1873, and stated that the Building Committee of the Board of Cook County Commissioners, the City Council and the Board of Public Works of the city of Chicago, should be the judges of the merits of the plans submitted. The gentlemen who were thus constituted judges were Samuel Ashton, John Crawford, Joseph Haines and J. H. Pahlman, of the Board of Commissioners ; S. S. Gardner, M. B. Bailey, Michael Schmitz, David Coey and Mahlon D. Ogden, of the City Council ; and the Board of Public Works, consisting of W. H. Carter, Redmond Prindiville and J. K. Thompson. Disagreements sprang up between the City Council and the County Board. Architect Matz and Architect Tilley both considered themselves under the action of the Coun cil entitled to the first prize, and consequently the superlntend ency of the construction of the building ; a long controversy fol lowed, with the result that the claims of neither were recognized. The preparation of all the necessary plans and specifications for the erection of the new City Hall was intrusted to Mr. J. J. Egan, by an agreement entered into by that gentleman with the Department of Public Works, in September, 1877. June 25, 1877, Aid. Stewart had presented a preamble and resolutions concerning the construction of the City Hall, in which it was set forth that whereas the city had used the $600,000 set apart from the canal redemption fund as a special fund for the building of a City Hall, in anticipation of the collection of rev enue for ordinary purposes ; and whereas of the taxes the reve nue of which was anticipated, large sums had been collected, and by a fair and equitable apportionment thereof, $160,000 or more were justly credited to the Building, or City Hall fund, and could not be again legally diverted, be it Resolved, That the Mayor and Comptroller be instructed to hold and retain in the treasury such sum of the back taxes as might properly be credited and apportioned to the City Hall fund. 374 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The County Board having adopted the design for a build ing, the plan of which represented a dome in the center, between the county and city wings, the City Council on August 9, adopt ed a resolution directing the Corporation Counsel to serve legal notice on the County Commissioners, and, if necessary, to en join them from erecting any dome or any part of one on the city's portion of the public square. August 27 Mayor Heath reported to the Council that there was then in the treasury $74,- 018.88 to the credit of the Building fund, and $16,434.70 to the credit of the City Hall fund, all of which might be applied on the construction of the new City Hall. September 3 the Coun cil adopted a resolution acknowledging the obligation of the city to make good as fast as possible the entire City Hall fund, amounting in the appropriation bill of 1874, to $661,000. Un der the supervision of a joint committee, assisted by Mr. Rolph, Secretary of the Building Inspection Department, and L. D. Cleveland, Superintendent of Buildings, work on the building was commenced. New plans were procured from Mr. Egan, at a cost of $4,000. Mr. Tilley did not forego his claim to be the City Architect, and made a demand upon the city and county jointly for $72,400.30 for his "Eureka" plan, and $37,500 for com promise plans, acted on by the Council January 13, 1876. Mr. Tilley asked payment of $20,000 on account, and the Committee on Public Buildings in a report to the Council, October 17, 1877, denied that his claim was just or legal on the ground that the architects of the city and county could not agree, and that the County Board refused to concur in the proposed compromise. December 3, 1877, the Committee on Public Buildings announced to the Council that they had made contracts for the foundation of the building at an estimated cost of $50,804, and that the building would be constructed without a dome, thereby saving the city from an unnecessary expense of $500,000. March 18, 1878, the Council authorized the Department of Public Works and the Building Committee to advertise for bids for the mason, cut stone and iron work for the building. The contract for excavating for the foundations was with John Stockley ; for the foundations with Mortimer & Tapper; for iron work with P. J. Sexton ; for mason work with John Angus ; for stone with Tomlinson & Reed. August 12, 1878, the Council adopted a resolution directing the Mayor to obtain from Tomlinson & Reed, the stone con tractors, a proposition setting forth for what consideration they would substitute Lemont limestone for Beiiford stone in the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 375 building, and ordering a suspension of work until further orders of the Council. August 15 Tomlinson & Reed submitted a communication stating that they would demand to make the required change, the sum of $979,584 for the entire work, or the sum of $501,891 in excess of the contract price of their contract, which was $477,- 693. They maintained that this proposition did not invalidate their original contract, and represented that if the change was made they must have an extension of time in order to make the necessary arrangements with Edwin Walker, who owned the only quarry from which Lemont limestone of the necessary thick ness could be procured. August 19 the Committee on Judiciary to whom the propo sition was referred, reported, recommending that it be rejected, and the communication placed on file. The report was con curred in. Work on the building was suspended for a time, and the Bedford stone was denounced by members of the County Board and the press, as worthless, liable to discolor and chip to pieces under the effects of our climate, and it was maintained by many that the City Hall would be an unsightly pile, and would not in any manner be similar to or a fitting annex to the county's por tion of the building. Tomlinson & Reed had agreed in their contract to do all of their stone cutting in Chicago unless in the event of a general strike among the stone cutters. It was charged that they were avoiding this provision of their contract. The labor unions took up the matter and discussed it at their meetings and brought it before the Council. This added to the general dissatisfaction, and demands were made on all sides for an entire cessation of work on the building. May 12, 1879, a committee appointed at a mass meeting of citizens to make an examination of the stone being used presented a communication condemning it to the Council. This communication was referred to a select committee composed of Aldermen Lawler, Grannis, Stauber, Ballard and Meyer, appointed by the Chair. May 26, Aid. Lawler, of this committee, reported, asking that they be allowed to call to their assistance two architects, two builders and two stone cutters, but the request was not granted. Aid. Ballard, however, presented a resolution, which was adopted, authorizing the Mayor to appoint a committee of five experts to assist the building committee in investigating the condition of the new building. The Committee on Buildings met with these experts and after a thorough examination, a majority of the com- 376 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, mittee reported to the Council that no serious defects had been found, and recommending the acceptance of the work as far as it had progressed. Aid. Riordan as a minority of the committee submitted a counter report. September i the Committee on Public Buildings reported, recommending that the proposition of Tomlinson & Reed to substitute granite columns from the same quarry as the columns for the county building were taken, in lieu of the blue Bedford stone columns, for the sum of $108,500, be accepted. September 8, after a contest in the Council, the recommendation of the committee was agreed to by a vote of 19 to 16. This action was vetoed by the Mayor at the next meet ing. Tomlinson & Reed then proposed, on account of their in ability to furnish blue Bedford stone large enough for the col umns, to deduct $21,797.28 from their contract price of construc tion. November 24 the Council passed an order for the pay ment of $1,000 to the experts for their services. In a message to the Council May 10, 1880, Mayor Harrison, referring to cer tain combinations discovered as existing between city contract ors, had the following to say in reference to the proposed sub stitution of granite for blue Bedford stone for the columns and pilasters : Still another combination was discovered and routed. This was on the substitution of granite for Bedford stone for the col umns and pilasters on the new City Hall. In the early part of last summer the City Hall contractors proposed to the building committee to furnish granite columns and pilasters for the sum of $108,000 in addition to their existing contracts, and subse quently the committee recommended the acceptance of the prop osition to the Council. The recommendation was concurred in ; but, being satisfied that the matter had been hastily consid ered, I sent in a veto. The Council then adopted a resolution directing the Commissioner of Public Works to enter into nego tiations with the contractors, and, in accordance therewith, he held several interviews with the gentlemen, but finding that they were disposed to adhere to the figures recommended by the Council, he declined to make terms with them, and discontinued the negotiations. The Commissioner and myself took the ground that granite pilasters were not desirable, considering the difference in price, and that the dark Bedford stone in con trast with the granite columns would look as well, if not better, than granite pilasters. The result was that on the 4th of De cember last the Commissioner and myself succeeded in entering into an agreement with the contractors to •furnish granite col- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 2,77 umns of the same quality and exactly like those on the county side for $37,000, thus securing a saving to the city of $71,000 the difference between $108,000 and $37,000. The same rate of payment would have procured granite pilasters for $23,000, which, added to the columns ($37,000), would make $60,000 — a saving of $48,000 to the city, over the contract directed by the Council. September 19, 1880, the Council passed an order directing the superintending architect, Alexander Kirkland, to report con cerning the condition of the walls of the new building, and in accordance with this order Mr. Kirkland reported the walls to be in good condition, and that the settling of the building was bringing the floor levels even with those of the county building on account of a wise precaution of allowing four inches for set tlement when the walls of the city building were going up. July 31, 1882, Commissioner Cregier, of the Department of Public Works, reported to the Council that the amount of money paid and to be paid, to contractors for extras in the way of work and material was to John Angus for extra brick work, and Tomlinson & Reed for extra stone work, $4,860.38 ; extras claimed by Tomlinson & Reed, but not allowed, $4,368.50. In addition there was a claim made by John Angus for $55,000 for losses occasioned by loss of time, by reason of orders of the city suspending work, and by changes of plans. March 12, 1883, Aid. Hildreth presented and the Council adopted a resolution re questing the Law Department to draft and present to the state Legislature an act exempting a tax for construction of city halls from the two per cent, limitations. In April, 1883, Aid. Geohe gan introduced a resolution instructing the Commissioner of Public Works to negotiate with the County Board for an offer to purchase the new City Hall. It was referred to the Com mittee on Public Buildings, and afterward placed on file. The following figures from the county records show the en tire cost of the Courthouse, or county portion of the building : Amount paid by County Board up to January i, 1882, - - - - $2,319,749.00 Estimate of cost to make repairs at rotunda same as New City Hall, - - ' 25,519.00 Harms' claim paid since, - - - 72,000.00 Egan's claim paid since, - - - - 3'500 00 Hinsdale-Doyle Granite Co. - - - 3,90000 $2,424,668.00 378 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, In a report to the Council March i6, 1885, Supervising Architect Kirkland, of the City Building Department, gave the following figures on the cost of the City Hall : Amount paid by the city up to January I, 1885,- $1,496,973.88 Due on contracts let but not completed, - 52,464.20 Estimate cost of finishing entrances from Washington, Randolph and La Salle streets ; frescoing walls, etc., - 57,600.00 Finishing the rooms now unoccupied (est). 35,000.00 $1,642,038.08 The total cost upon completion was $1,800,000. In connection with the construction of the County Building there were charges made of extravagance on the part of the County Board, and the " Farmer" Harms' claim and Egan's claim became quite celebrated legal cases. Later on Contractor P. J. Sexton had claims of $180,000 against the county and about $55,000 against the city, which he won after carrying on a legal fight in various courts, and in estimating the total cost of the county Courthouse the $180,000 claim should be included. The removal of the various city departments from the " Old Rookery " at the corner of Adams and La Salle streets, which had been occupied since its construction after the great fire of 1871, began January i, 1884, and continued until May, when all were installed in new quarters. The "Rookery" lot was leased to a syndicate for a long term of years, and an immense office building is in progress of construction thereon. ^ CHAPTER XIV. SOCIALISM AND ANARCHISM IN CHICAGO — THE MILITIA LAW AND SUPREME COURT DECISIONS — THE HAYMARKET MASSACRE — THE ANARCHIST TRIALS SCENES IN COURT — THE EVIDENCE — THE VERDICT BIOGRAPHIES OF NOTED POLITICIANS TABLES OF CONGRESSMEN, SHERIFFS, AND LEGISLATORS ELECTED IN COOK COUNTY NATIONAL POLITICS AND TABLES OF PRESIDENTIAL VOTES — REVISED STATUTES RELATING TO THE GOVERNMENT OF CHICAGO, ETC., ETC. One of the most startling and bloody episodes in the history of any American city was the Chicago Haymarket massacre, on the night of May 4, 1886, in which, by the explosion of a dynam-- ite bomb, thrown by Anarchists, seven police officers were killed and sixty wounded, and many attendants at the Anarchist meeting in the old Haymarket, at the intersection of West Ran dolph and Desplaines streets, were killed and wounded by the return fire of the police. For several years prior to the labor riots of 1877 secret meetings of armed groups of Socialists, as all would-be extremists in social reforms were then called, had been held in Chicago. The Socialists endeavored to take advantage of the labor troubles to incite riot, and the city police force by their prompt action in dispersing an incendiary meeting in the Voerwaerts Turner Hall incurred the enmity of the Socialists. In the spring of 1879 the Socialists united. Anarchists and all, in support of a ticket in the municipal election, polling over 10,000 votes for Dr. Ernst Schmidt for Mayor, and Frank Stau ber, a Socialist Alderman, for City Treasurer, and electing sev eral representatives in the City Council, as has already been shown. It is but fair to the Socialists to state that their leaders maintain that their ends and aims are entirely dissimilar to those of the Anarchists, but as the latter are all primarily Socialists and hold that Socialistic doctrines are similar to their own, and that they are only different from the Socialists in that they believe in the adoption of violence and extreme measures, the more speedily to bring about so-called social reforms, they are grouped to gether for the purpose of convenience in the narration of the An archist movement, and its culmination. While the Socialists (379) 380 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, number many intelligent men having definite and to some extent reasonable views of changes in the social system which they would like to see inaugurated, the doctrines of the Anarchists, as developed by the harangues of their leaders, tend only to chaos and the complete subversion of government, and the rights of property. There were armed groups of Anarchists in Chicago, similar to the Communists of Paris, calling themselves Socialists, in 1878. Among them at this time were several companies of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, the Bohemian Sharpshooters, and independent groups. They paraded the streets with arms and carried red flags, and their agitators made incendiary speeches in the Lake Park, Market Square, and at Greif's Hall, 54 West Lake street, and other places of similar resort. The dangerous character of the Lehr und Wehr Verein has been known in Chi cago for at least seven years. Its officers are in the main exiled foreign political agitators, and its membership is composed in the main of a low and ignorant class of Germans, Austrians, Bavar ians, Hungarians and Bohemians, with a few fanaticists from other nationalities. On the night of July i, 1879, Captain Frank Bielfeld marched out of the West Twelfth Street Turner Hall at the head of ten Lehr und Wehr Verein men, turning east on Twelfth to Union, going south 100 yards or so, and then return ing. Lieut. Callahan saw them, and went to the hall, where he met Harry Rubens, attorney, representing the Lehr und Wehr Verein, who said that was enough, meaning that he was willing to have the eleven arrested as per an arrangement he had made with Mayor Harrison for the purpose of trying a test case on the charge of violating the militia law. Only Bielfeld's name and address were taken, and Rubens became responsible for his appearance before Justice Walsh at the West side Police Court the morning of July 2, 1879. Bielfeld took a change of venue to Morrison and gave his own recognizance for $100 to come in at 4 P. M. At that hour Prosecuting-Attorney Cameron, Rubens, and Bielfeld were present. The case went over for five days. Bielfeld said the society proposed to "turn out in citizens' dress without any distinctive marks." At that time many people an ticipated bloodshed on the Fourth, and not a few left the city to be out of danger. The same day — July 2 — when the case came up Bielfeld denied the charge, but the justice bound him over in $300 bail. Late that afternoon an application was made to Judge Barnum for the release of Bielfeld on habeas corpus. In grant ing the application Judge Barnum, in a lengthy opinion, declared that about every section and clause in the nfflitia law was uncon- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 38 1 stitutional. This being a habeas-corpus case it was impossible to carry the matter to the Supreme Court. Soon afterward, how ever, a man by the name of Dunne, being summoned to ap pear as a petit juror before Judge Barnum, then sitting in the Criminal Court, pleaded his exemption, he being a member of the National Guard, not amenable to jury service. The court overruled the point, and the juror refusing to serve, he was fined, and from that decision an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court, sitting in November, 1879, ^t Mount Vernon, where the case was argued by Mr. Charles A. Gregory on behalf of the juror, and by Harry Rubens on behalf of the people. The .Su preme Court sustained the constitutionality of the militia law, upsetting all the points of the Communists' lawyers and over ruling Judge Barnum's positions, one by one. This decision in effect was that armed bodies of Commu nists had no right to go out on parade. The Supreme Court reversed Judge Barnum's decision and remanded the cause. In deciding this case the Supreme Court said : " Whether bodies of men with military organization or otherwise, under no discipline or command of the United States or a state, shall be permitted to parade with arms in populous communities, is within the regu lation and subject to the police power of the state. In matters pertaining to the internal peace and well-being of the state its police powers are plenary and inalienable. It is a power coex tensive with self-protection, and is sometimes termed, and not inaptly, the law of overruling necessity. Everything necessary for the protection, safety and best interests of the people of the state may be done within this power." In the fall of 1879 the Bohemian Sharpshooters held a pic nic at Silver Leaf grove, near Douglas park, and being exasper ated by troublesome "hoodlums" they fired a volley, under the orders of their captain, Prokop Hudek, into the crowd of people outside the park, wounding several. Prokop Hudek and the entire company of Bohemian Sharpshooters were marched from Silver Leaf grove between files of police to the old Madison street police station, at the corner of Union street. Great ex citement prevailed ; a mob gathered, and threats were made openly to lynch the leaders, and strenuous efforts on the part of the police were required to disperse the exasperated people. Another test case, similar to that of Frank Bielfeld, was that of Herman Presser, which went to the state Supreme Court and thence to the federal Supreme Court, where, in Janu ary, 1886, the militia law was affirmed. The claim set up on the 382 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, part of the armed Socialists was that the Federal Constitution proclaims that " the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed," and that " Congress shall make no law abridging the right of the people peaceably to assemble and peti tion the government for a redress of grievances." The Federal Supreme Court said of the first amendment : " The amendment is a limitation only upon the power of Congress and the national government, and not upon that of the state. It. was so held by this court in the case of United States vs. Cruikshank, 92 U. S., 542, in which the Chief-Justice, in de livering the judgment of the court, said that the right of the peo ple to bear arms is not a right granted by the Constitution. Neither is it in any manner dependent on that instrument for its existence. The second amendment declares that it shall not be infringed ; but this, as has been seen, means no more than that it shall not be infringed by Congress." The United States Supreme Court recognized the right of peaceable assemblage as an attribute of national citizenship and one that will be protected by Federal authority where the express and only purpose of the meeting is to "petition for a redress of grievances." In such case the meeting must be in entire subor dination to the police power of the state, and the assemblage must be made at a proper time and place, the power of the state being absolute, the Federal Supreme Court saying in the Presser case : "To deny the power would be to deny the right of the state to disperse assemblages organized for sedition and treason, and the right to suppress armed mobs bent on riot and rapine." From the time of the arrest of Presser, armed parades of Socialists ceased ; but their groups drilled in secret and became versed in the use of dynamite bombs, and other Anarchistic means of subverting law and order. For six months prior to May i, 1886, a labor agitation for eight hours' work, beginning on that date, was carried on throughout the country. One of the lead ing labor agitators of Chicago was George Schilling. The rec ognized leaders of the Anarchists were August Spies, A. R. Par sons and Samuel Fielden. From newspaper comments on se cret meetings of Anarchist groups, and the utterances of their organ, the Arbeiter Zeitung, edited by Spies, and the Alarm, edited by Parsons, it became known to the police that the An archists would probably attempt to seize upon the opportunity of expected labor disturbances on the ist of May to precipitate an outbreak against capital, and the law and order of the city. It was undoubtedly the design of these reckless and misguided plot- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 383 ters to take_ advantage of the labor troubles to organize mobs and incite riot on a large scale, or "revolution" as they termed it, and to attempt to demoralize and put to flight the police and the militia ; to secure possession of and sack the city, and they professed to believe that once this was done, a general revolution would be precipitated upon the country. The collapse of the ef fort and the punishment meted out to the leaders, marks an epoch in the annals of the Union, and is an evidence that they government will be maintained and treason be put down, in what- ( ever guise it may appear. A majority of the Anarchists in Chi- ) cago and elsewhere in the United States are not citizens, and ) many have been naturalized only for a brief period. ' There had been for some weeks a great strike of the em ployes of McCormlck's Reaper Works on Blue Island avenue, or the "Black Road," as it was called by the laboring men. Some of the one thousand or more employes were turbulent, and here the Anarchists first made an effort to inflame the work ing men to violence. On the afternoon of May 2 a company of Anarchists, recruited mainly from the Bohemian district in the vicinity of Eighteenth street and Center avenue, marched down the "Black Road" with the American flag reversed. They were joined by many of the strikers and a, meeting was held on the open prairie in front of the McCormick works, at which Spies , made an inflammatory speech. At its conclusion the mob charged the works, where a number of non-union men were employed, and demolished a portion of the works and injured a number of the employes. There were six police officers on duty, and they bravely tried to hold the mob of nearly 3,000 men at bay, but tliey were overcome, and then turned in an alarm for the patrol wagons. Upon the arrival of the wagons about thirty officers charged the mob and dispersed it, one striker being killed by a revolver shot, and several being injured. That night an Anar chist circular, printed in both English and German, was distrib uted throughout the city. The English portion was as follows : "revenge. " Revenge, working men ! to arms ! Your masters sent out their bloodhounds — the police. They killed six of your broth ers at McCormlck's this afternoon. They killed the poor \ wretches, because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the \ supreme will of your bosses. They killed them because they ! dared ask for the shortening of the hours of toil. They killed them to show you, ' free American citizens,' that you must he satisfied and contented with whatever your bosses condescend to 384 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, allow you, or you'll get killed. You have for years endured the most abject humiliation; you have for years suffered immeasu rable iniquities ; you have worked yourselves to death ; you have endured the pangs of want and hunger ; your children you have sacrificed to the factory lords— in short, you have been miserable, obedient slaves all these years. Why ? To satisfy the insatiable greed to fill the coffers of your lazy, thieving master. When you ask them now to lessen your burden he sends his bloodhounds out to shoot you, kill you. If you are men, if you are the sons of your grandsires who have shed their blood to free you, then you will rise in your might, Hercules, and destroy the hideous monster that seeks to destroy you. To arms we call you !^^ To arms ! Your Brothers." The German portion differed from the above mainly in the following passage: "Why? Because yOu dared ask for the shortening of the hours of labor." In the German copy it ran : "Because you dared ask for all that you believed to be your rights." Instead of being addressed, as in the English, to American cit izens, it was directed to the foflowers of Anarchy and Socialism. Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the Haymarket for the night of May 4, and urging working men to arm and go in full force. In the Arbeiter Zeitung appeared the letter " Y," meaning Ypsilon, which was the signal for the armed Anarchists to turn out, and in the department of the paper known as the " Letter-Box" the word " Ruhe," signifying that the time for revolution was at hand. There were probably 300 armed Anarchists at the meeting and about 2,000 people in at tendance altogether. It was evidently the intention of the An archist leaders to incite the unemployed working men to violence, disorganize and disperse the police, and lead a mob in a march of unobstructed pillage and destruction through the city. A truck was used as a speakers' stand ; it was 10 o'clock ; Spies and Parsons had spoken, and Fielden was haranguing the crowd. A platoon of seven companies of police, numbering 180 men, under command of Inspector John Bonfield and Captain William Ward and Lieutenants Bowler, Stanton, Peuzen, Hubbard, Beard, Steele and Quinn, wheeled into the Haymarket from Desplaines street, and Captain Ward commanded the lawless and incendiary speakers and their followers, in the name of the law to disperse. The police were in two ranks, open order. Fielden had started to descend from the truck when a whizzing sound was heard and a dynamite bomb, thrown from an adjacent alley, descended be tween the two ranks of policemen and exploded with a deafening CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 385 detonation. This was immediately followed by a volley from the revolvers of the armed Anarchists. The police wavered, but al though the front rank had almost to a man been mown down, they rallied, and at the command of Captain Bonfield closed up and returned the fire by repeated rounds from their revolvers. Captain Bonfield leading the example by taking a revolver from one of the fallen men, and with his own, firing with both hands. In the face of this murderous fire the Anarchists could not rally, and they broke and ran in all directions. Several of their num ber were killed and many wounded, but the exact number cannot be stated, for the reason that, as in the riots of 1877, and the McCormick outbreak, many were helped away and secreted by their friends. The wounded policemen were removed to the County Hospital, and the police patrol wagons were kept busy all night in caring for the dead and dying. By the brave and steady action of the police Chicago was saved from a still more bloody riot and the possible loss of count less lives and the destruction of millions of dollars worth of property at the hands of a mob of reckless Anarchists, who made the boldest attempt at the subversion of the law and public au thority since the days of the Paris Commune. The following day the Mayor issued a proclamation commanding the people not to assemble in crowds until the prevalent disorders were over. The Arbeiter Zeitung w3ls suppressed ; the office raided by the police, as also were Greif's and Zephf's halls and many other Anarchist headquarters. Great quantities of dynamite bombs and arms were seized and destroyed, together with red flags, banners, and Socialist and Anarchist literature. Eight An archist leaders were arrested and indicted for murder, and twen ty-six others for conspiracy and treason. Those indicted and tried for murder were August Spies, a German by nationality, editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung and one of the leading Anarchist agitators ; A. R. Parsons, an American — brother of the Confed erate general. Lew Parsons — Commander-at-Large of the Anar chists, whose wife, an Octoroon, was also a violent agitator ; Samuel Fielden, English by nationality, a carpenter by trade, and a noted agitator ; Oscar Neebe, German, laborer in a brew ery and circulator of the Arbeiter; Adolph Fischer, German, compositor on and circulator of the Arbeiter ; Louis Lingg, Ger man, carpenter by trade, circulator of the Arbeiter ; George En gel, German, Anarchist agitator, and Michael Schwab, associate editor of the Arbeiter. The day following the outbreak the city detectives arrested Rudolph Schnaubelt for complicity in the 2,'! 386 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, murderous attack on the police, but at this time it was not known that the bomb-throwing was the result of a great conspiracy, and after questioning Schnaubelt and coming to the belief that he was not concerned in the bloody deed, he was released and he speedily disappeared from the city. Subsequently it transpired that in all probability it was Schnaubelt who threw the bomb, at the command of Engel or Spies. A. R. Parsons disappeared the night after the riot, and was not arrested. He came into court and gave himself up on the day set for the trial. After four weeks spent in an attempt to obtain a jury, during which time twelve or fifteen panels were exhausted, the Anar chists were finally brought to trial in the Criminal Court, before , his Honor, Judge Gary. The jurymen selected were Major James H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. /^ Brayton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B.Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E. Denker and H. T. Sanford. June 19 the counsel for the defense of the Anarchists filed an application with State's-Attorney Grinnell for a separate trial of each of the defendants. Spies, Fielden, Schwab and Neebe. The application stated that the defendants were afraid that the jury would get the acts of each of the four men mixed up, to the injury of the cases of the other three — Engel, Lingg and Fisch er. Judge Gary denied this motion on the ground that they had been jointly indicted for conspiracy and murder. The prosecution in this noted trial was conducted by State's Attorney Julius S. Grinnell and Assistant State's Attorneys George Ingham and Frank Walker, and the defense by Col. W. P. Black, Salomon & Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa. After many weeks of interminable delay, spent in challenging jurors and the exhaustion of every device known to crafty lawyers to gain the slightest advantage, the trial of the Anarchists finally , opened by the taking of evidence on Friday, July 16, the court room being crowded by hundreds of people, many ladies among the number. Several of the policemen wounded at the Hay market were also present, among them Officer Reed, who was shot in the leg ; Steele, who was shot in the back ; Barber, who was shot in the foot and who has to depend on a crutch to get along, and Officer McMahon, who was shot in two places in the leg. The first witness was Felix C. Puschek, a draughtsman, who submitted plans fur use in the trial, of Neff's hall, 58 Clybourne avenue, of the Haymarket; of Zeph's h^I, 120 West Lake street, Greif's hall, 54 West Lake street, and other Anarchist CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 387 meeting places. Police Inspector Bonfield next takes the stand and relates how the police attempted to disperse the unlawful as semblage of armed Anarchists, and details the circumstance of the bomb-throwing, already related. He also identifies the fol lowing circular, by which the meeting was called : "Attention, working men ! Great mass-meeting to-night, at 7 o'clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted. Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men yesterday -afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full force. '' The Committee." Some of the Anarchists indicted for conspiracy turned state's evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet maker by trade, formerly a Socialist and a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, testified that the latter organization comprised various armed groups of Anarchists ; that the letter " Y" in the Arbeiter Zeitung meant for the armed section to meet at Greif's hall ; that he acted as chairman of the meeting of seventy or -eighty persons, Engel, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the commander of the Lehr und Wehr, being present. The witness testified that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision between the strikers and the police should occur, the word " Ruhe" would appear in the Arbeiter as a signal for the Lehr und Wehr and the North west group of Anarchists to assemble in Wicker Park with arms. They should then storm the North avenue police station, and proceed thence to other stations, using dynamite and shooting ¦down all who opposed them, and should cut the telegraph wires to prevent communication with the outside world. Engel said the best way to begin would be to throw a dynamite bomb into the police station, and that when the populace saw that the police .were overpowered, tumult would spread through the city, and the Anarchists would be joined by the working men. This plan, En gel said, had been adopted by the Northwest group. It was de cided to appoint a committee to keep watch of affairs in the city and to call a meeting for the next night in the Haymarket. Fisch er was directed to get the handbills calling the meeting printed. Those present at the preliminary meeting represented various groups throughout the city. Fischer announced that the word " Ruhe" would mean that a revolution had been started. Engel put the motion, and the plan was adopted. The Committee on Action was composed of members from each group ; the witness knew only one — Kraemer. The members of the armed groups Tvere known by numbers, and witness' number was 19. Witness 388 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, testified that he had had bombs in his possession given him by Fischer. Others present at the meeting were Rheinwald, Krue ger (afterward killed by the police), another Krueger, Gruenwald, Schrader, Huber, Huebner, Hermann, two Lehmanns, and Schnaubelt. Witness went to the Haymarket meeting armed with a revolver. August Krueger was known as "the little Krueger" and Rudolph as " the big Krueger." The witness fin ally acknowledged that a preliminary meeting had been held on Emma street the Sunday before the meeting at Greif's hall at which Engel's plan was discussed and adopted. Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this country, a carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein ; was at the meeting at Greif's hall the night of May 3, and he corroborated Waller's testimony throughout. Besides those mentioned by Waller, Schrader named Hadermann, Thiele and Danafeldt, as attendants at the meeting. He saw Balthauser Rau distributing the "Revenge" circulars at a meeting of the Carpenters' Union on Desplaines street. Witness was present also at the Sunday meeting on Emma street. It was here agreed to cripple the fire department, in case they were called out, by cutting their hose. Witness went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street in response to the signal "Y" in the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was at the Haymarket, but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group of the Lehr und Wehr were armed with Springfield rifles. Witness' number in the organization was 3,312. ^ Lieut. Edward Steele testified that when the police entered the Haymarket somebody cried out : " Here come the blood hounds. You do your duty, and we'll do ours." Lieut. Michael Quinn testified that he heard this exclama tion and that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he ceased speaking on the wagon. About the instant the bomb exploded, Fielden exclaimed: "We are peaceable !" Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four seconds after his company of eighteen men entered the Hay market. Every member of his company except two were wounded, and two— Degan and Redden— killed. The witness was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a re volver. Luther V. Moulton of Grand Rapids, testified that Febru ary 22, 1885, August Spies was on a visit to Grand Rapids and he there questioned him about the objects of his organization. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 389 Spies said the ballot-box would not bring about reform ; that force was the only agency to be depended upon : that there v/ere men enough in Chicago to take the city, and when the city was taken the rest of the country would fall into line. George W. Shook, also of Grand Rapids, testified that Spies said they had a secret organization in Chicago numbering 3,000, and that they proposed to revolutionize society. They were to undertake it when the most men were idle. The details he said, were only known to those in the organization, and they were drilled in a secret method of warfare. Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire upon the police with revolvers ; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J. Hawley saw Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspir acy to incite the working men to violence, it was shown by the evidence of James L. Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie, Frank Haraster, Sergeant John Enright and Officer L. H. McShane, that Spies and Fielden incited the mob to attack McCormlck's Reaper Works and the non-union employes on May 3. Detec tive Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. He had a loaded revolver hid under his coat ; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to explode dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business manager of the Arbeiter, identified the copy of the "Revenge" circular as being in Spies' handwriting. Lieutenant William Ward testified to having commanded the Haymarket meeting to disperse in the name of the people of Illinois, and that Fielden cried, "We are peaceable," laying a slight emphasis on the last word. William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis Lingg boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner, Manzenberg and Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs of a spherical shape. He attended the various meetings. He identified the calls for the armed sections to meet in the Arbeiter Zeitung. Balthasar Rau brought the "Revenge" circular to Zephf's hall. Lingg worked at first on "gas pipe" bombs ; they made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot. Lingg said they were to be used that evening ; he and Lingg carried a small trunk full of the bombs to Neff's hall, 58 Clybourne ave nue, that evening, where they were divided up among the An archists ; besides the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met at Neff's hall ; witness, Lingg, Thieben and Gustav Lehman and two others from the Lehr und Wehr Verein, left Neff's hall for the Larrabee street police station; Lingg said a disturbance 390 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, must be made on the North side to prevent the police from go ing to the West side ; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into the station ; the police were outside, and they could not get near ; the patrol wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to throw a bomb under the wagon ; he asked witness for fire from his cigar ; witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and before he returned the wagon had passed ; they returned to Neff's hall where he heard a bomb- had fallen on the West side^ and killed a great many ; Hewmann blamed Lingg and said in an angry voice, "You are the cause of it all ;" they then went and hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places, and went home ; Lingg first brought dynamite to his house about six weeks before May i, in a long wooden box ; he made a wooden spoon to handle it with in filling the bombs ; witness be longed to the Northwest group, and his number was 72 ; Engel was also a member. [The bombs were here produced and Judge Gary ordered them removed immediately from the court room and from the building]. Seliger's testimony was unshaken on cross-examination. Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her hus band's testimony, testifying that at one time six or seven men were at work making bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a closet to secrete those he had on hand. Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testified to having assisted in the raid on the Arbeiter Zeitung office. May 5. The galley of type from which the "Revenge" circular was printed, copies of Herr Most's book, and other An archist literature, red flags and banners with treasonable devices, and a quantity of dynamite were found. The witness asked Spies if he wrote the "Revenge" circular, and he refused to answer. When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he was on the night of the Haymarket meeting. Fischer said in the Arbeiter Zeitung office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that Spies was at the Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and they all went over. He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating cap on him when arrested, but he said he carried them for protection. I said: 'You didn't need them in the office. ' He said: 'I intended to go away, but was arrested.' I also said : ' There has been found other weapons like this sharpened dagger; how is it you come to carry this?' He said he put it in his pocket for his own protection." Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith open a closet in Spies' office, and in a desk wer^ found two bars CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 391 of dynamite ; a long fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some let ters, and copies of both the celebrated circulars. At Fischer's home he found a lot of cartridges and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. Officer Duffy found two thousand copies of the circular calling upon the working men to arm, and the manu script of the "Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office. Herr Most's book, "The Science of Revolutionary Warfare," found in the Arbeiter office, was offered in evidence ; also the manual for the manufacture of explosives and poisons. Gustav Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed account of various meetings ; the afternoon of May 4 he was at Lingg's house where men with cloths over their faces were mak ing dynamite bombs ; Huebner was cutting fuse ; Lingg gave witness a small hand-satchel with two bombs, fuse, caps, and a can of dynamite ; at 3 o'clock in the morning after the Haymark et explosion, he got out of bed and carried this material back of Ogden's grove and hid it, where it was found by Officer Hoff man ; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the Car penters' Union, at Florus' hall, 71 West Lake street. Lingg took this money and bought dynamite ; Lingg taught them how to make bombs. M. H. Williamson and Clarence P. Dresser, re porters, had heard Fielden, Parsons and Spies counsel violence ; the latter at the Arbeiter Zeitung office had advised that the new Board of Trade be blown up oh the night of its opening. George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers, worked on the "Revenge" circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office ; Richard Reichel, office-boy, got the "copy" for it from Spies. '¦"''^ The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the inSTHe^workings of the armed sections of the Socialists, and at the same time the most damaging as indicative of their motives and designs, was that of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the Pinkerton agency, an entirely disinterested person who was de tailed in December, 1884, by his agency, which had been em ployed by the First National Bank to furnish details of the secret meetings which it was known were being held by revolutionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, born in Copenhagen, and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm, col lected, business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked : "Do you know any of the defendants?" Witness— "I do." "Name them."— " Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab, and Lingg." " Were you at any time connected with any group of the International Working men's Association?" — "I was." 392 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "What group?" — "The American group." "Were you a member of any armed section of the Socialists of this city?"— "Yes, sir." "When did you begin attendance at their meetings ?" — "The first meeting I attended was the 22d of February, 1885, at Baum's Pavilion. The last meeting I attended was the 24th of January of this year." "At whose- instance did you go to their meetings ?" — "At the instance of my agency." "Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard and saw at their meetings?" — "I did." Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and asked : "Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the 22d of February, 1885 ?"— "Yes, sir." "Were any of the defendants present at that meeting?" — "Yes, sir ; Parsons was present." "Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by Parsons at that meeting." — Objected to ; overruled. — "Parsons stated that the reason the meeting had been called in that locality was so as to give the many merchant princes who resided there an opportunity to attend and see what the Communists had to say about the distribution of wealth. He said : 'I want you all to unite together and throw off the yoke. We need no Presi dent, no Congressmen, no police, no militia, and no judges. They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and all, and let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to the military whom they send against us.' " "That was where?" — "At Baum's Pavilion, corner of Cottage Grove avenue and Twenty-second street." "Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking at that meeting?" — "No sir." "What is the next memorandum that you have?" — "The next meeting was March i. That night I became a member. I went to Thielen, who was at the time acting as Treasurer and Secretary for the association, and gave him my name, and signi fied my willingness to join the association. He entered my name in a book and handed me a red card with my name on and a number."' "When and where was that ?"—-"That was March i, 1885, Greif's hall. No. 54 West Lake street, in this city." "Have you what wa have a report of it here.' at »jreiis nan, iNo. 54 west l^ake street, in this city. "Have you what was said and done at that meeting?" — "I CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 393 "Who spoke?" — "Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others." "Any other of the defendants ?" — "No sir." "State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said." — "A lecture was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of Social ism and Christianity, and the question arose as to whether Chris tianity ought to be introduced in their meetings." "What did Fielden, Spies, and Parsons say there?" — "Fielden said that he thought this matter ought not to be intro duced into their meetings. Parsons said, '1 am of the same opinion;' and Spies also said that it ought not to be intro duced." "Now state the next meeting." — "The next meeting was March 4, at the same place." "Who were present?" — "Parsons, Fielden, and Spies were present, and spoke." "When was the memorandum made that you have of that meeting?" — "The same day immediately after the termination of the meeting. Parsons said: 'We are sorely in need of funds to publish the Alarm. As many of you as are able ought to give as much as you can, because our paper is our most powerful weapon, and it is only through the paper that we can hope to reach the masses.' During his lecture he introduced Christian ity. Spies stood up and said: 'We don't want any Christianity here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.' Fielden made no speech." "When was the next meeting?" — "March 22." "Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there?" — "Yes, sir. Spies spoke. Previously a man named Bishop intro^ duced a resolution of sympathy for a girl named Sorell. Bishop stated that the girl had been assaulted by her master. She had applied for a warrant, which had been refused her on account of the high social standing of her master. Spies said: 'What is the use of passing resolutions? We must act, and revenge the girl. • Here is a fine opportunity for some of our young men to go and shoot Wight.' That was the man who had assaulted the girl." "Do your reports contain references to speeches made by others ?"— "They do." "You are only picking out speeches made by the defend ants?"— "That is all." „ .,, "When was the next meeting?"— "March 29, 1885, at Greif s hall. The defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting. He said: 'A few explo.=ions in the city of Chicago would help the cause 394 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, considerably. There is the new Board of Trade, a roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to commence by blowing that "Were other speeches made at that meeting ?" — "There were, but no others made by the defendants." "When was the next meeting?" — "April i, at Greif's hall. Spies, Fielden and Parsons were present at that meeting. Spies made a lengthy speech on this occasion. His speech was in re gard to acts of cruelty committed by the police in Chicago ; he spoke of the number of arrests made, and the number of convic tions in proportion. He also referred to the case of the girl who preferred a charge of assault against Police-Sergeant Patton, of the West Chicago avenue station." "Who else spoke there?" — "Fielden. Spies had said be fore that he had advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot the policeman. Fielden stood up and said : ' That is what she ought to do.'" "What was the next meeting ? " — " April 8, 1885, at Greif's hall. Parsons made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently in his address to the strike at the McCormick harvester works. He said: 'There is but one of two things for the men to do. They must either go to work for the wages offered them or else starve.' In concluding his remarks he referred to the strike at La Salle, Illinois. He said: ' To-morrow morning or the next day the authorities here in the city will probably send a train-load of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the working peo ple there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All you have to do is to get some soap and place it on the rails and the train will be unable to move.' Parsons spoke at great length of the crimes, as he termed them, of the capitalists, and he said to those present that it was an absolute necessity for them to unite against them, as that was the only way they could, fight the capitalists." "Who else spoke there?" — "Fielden. He said it was a blessing something had been discovered wherewith the working men could fight the police and militia with their Gatling guns." " What was the next meeting you had " — " April 19. That meeting was held at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall at No. 54 Lake street was engaged. At this meeting Parsons offered a resolution of sympathy for Louis Riel and the half- breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion against the Cana dian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at the meeting." "What was the next meeting?"—" April 22, at Greif's hall. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 395 Referring to the opening of the new Board of Trade building. Parsons said : ' What a splendid opportunity there will be next Tuesday night for some bold fellow to make the capitalists trem ble by blowing up the building and all the thieves and robbers that are there.' At the conclusion of his speech he said that the working men of Chicago should form in processions on Market square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all those present to get as many of their friends as they could to join in the pro cession." " Did any other of the defendants speak there ? " — " Fielden said : ' I also wish to invite as many of you as can come and as many as you can get. Go around to the lodging-houses and get all you can to join in the procession — the more the merrier.'" "When was the next meeting?" — "April 26, at Greif's hall." " Did any of the defendants speak there ? " — " There were present Parsons, F"ielden, Spies. Parsons sa^id : ' I wish you all to consider the misery of the working classes, and the cause of all the misery is these institutions termed government. I lived on snow-balls all last winter, but, by G — d ! I won't do it this winter.' " " What was the next meeting at which any of the defend ants attended ? " — " April 30, at Market square ; Parsons and Fieiden. Parsons said : ' We have assembled in here to deter mine in which way best to celebrate the dedication of the new Board of Trade building, and to give the working men of Chica go a chance to state their views in the matter.' Fielden then said : ' I want all the working men of Chicago, the country, and the world in general to arm themselves and sweep the capitalists off the face of the earth.' Parsons then said : ' Every working man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until he has enough to buy a Colt's revolver and a Winchester rifle, for the only way that the working people will get their rights is by the point of the bayonet. We want you to form in proces sion now, and we will march to the Board of Trade. We will halt there, and while the band is playing we will sing the Mar seillaise.'" " Did you march in the procession, too ? " — " I did." " Where were you in that line of march ? " — " I was in the center of the procession." " Did any of the defendants march with you ?" — " Not with me, but in the procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe marched." 396 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "What was the next meeting?" — "There was something occurred the night of May 30. I was standing at the corner of. Washington street and Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That was Decoration Day, and as the procession passed by Spies said : 'A half-dozen dynamite bombs would scatter them all.' A little later a gentleman who was standing near remarked upon the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who were then pass ing. Spies said : ' They are only boys, and would be no use in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon disarm them all.'" " When was the next meeting?" — " The next meeting was on the Lake front. May 31, and Fielden and Parsons were there. Fielden said : ' It is only by strength and force that you. can overthrow the government.' Parsons also .spoke, but I don't rec ollect what he said." " Go on to the next meeting." — " The next meeting was June 7, at Ogden's grove. There were present Fielden, Par sons and Spies. Fielden said : ' Every working man in Chicago ought to belong to organizations. It is of no use to go to our masters to give us more wages or better times. I mean for you to use force. It is of no use for the working people to hope to gain anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which we hope to regain our rights.' Schwab also spoke at that meeting in German, which I do not understand." '.'When was the next meeting?" — "The next meeting was August 19, at Greif's hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Par sons referred to the late strike of the street-car employes, and said that if but one shot had been fired and Bonfield had hap pened to be shot, the whole city would have been deluged in blood, and social revolution would have been inaugurated. The next meeting was August 24, at Greif's hall." " Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at those meetings?" — "Occasionally, but not frequently; I don't know where he is now. There were some twenty or twenty- three men present at that meeting, and twenty women." " Name who were present."—" Besides the two defendants, Parsons and Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd, Law- son, Parker, Franklin and Schneider." "State what occurred there."— " After being there a short time a man armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a blue blouse and wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He ordered all those present to fall in. He ^hen called off certain CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 397 names, and all those present answered to their names. He in quired whether there were any new members who wished to join the military company, and some one replied that there was. He then said : 'Whoever wants to join step to the front' Myself and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately to give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a book, and I was then told that my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down in the book a man to whom I was speaking asked whether there was any one present who knew me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true man. The defendant, Parsons, and Bodendecke spoke up and said they would vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in turn, and as they were properly vouched for, their names were entered in a similar manner in a book, and they were given num bers. The man who came into the room armed then inquired of two other men in the room whether they were members of the American group. Both said they were and he asked to see their cards. As they were unable to show cards they were expelled, as were two others. The doors were closed and the remainder were asked to fall in line, and we were drilled about three-quar ters of an hour — put through a regular manual of drill, march ing, countermarching, wheeling, forming fours, etc." "Who drilled you?" — "The man that came in with the sword; I didn't ascertain his name. At the expiration of that time the drill- instructor stated that he would now introduce some of the mem bers of the first company of the German organization. He went outside and in a few minutes returned accompanied by ten other men, dressed as he himself was, each one armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into the room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as members of the first company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. He said that he was going to drill them a little while to let us see how far they had got with their drill. He drilled them about ten minutes in a regular musket drill. At the end of that time a man in the em ploy of the proprietor of the saloon at No. 54 West Lake street came into the room with two tin boxes, which he placed on the table at the south end of the room. The drill-instructor then asked all those present to step up and examine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved dynamite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and examined the two tins." "Describe them as near as you can."— "They were about the size and had the appearance of ordinary preserved fruit cans. The top part unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled was 308 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, with a light-brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center of the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained that when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would explode." "Was that mixture a liquid ?"— "Inside of the glass tube a liquid." "Was there anything around that glass tube? — "Yes, sir; it was a brownish mixture." "Was that a liquid ?"— No, sir; it looked more like fine saw dust." ° "Did you feel of it ?" — "I did not. The drill-instructor to]d us we should be very careful about selecting new member? of the company, because if we were not, there was no telling whom we might get into our midst. The next proceeding of the evening was to select officers. A man named Walters was chosen Cap tain, and Parsons was cho.sen Lieutenant. Some discussion arose as to what the company should be called. It was decided eventually that we should be called the International Rifles. The drill instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added: 'We have a fine place at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a shooting range in the basement, where we practice shooting reg ularly.' Parsons inquired whether it was not possible for us to rent the same place. The drill instructor informed him he did not know. The question of renting another hall was postponed, and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday." Mr. Salomon — "A meeting of what?" Witness — "A meeting of the armed section of the American group." Mr. Grinnell — "Who drilled that company that night?" — Witness — "That German, and Parsons and Fielden." "When was the jiext meeting?" — "The following Monday, the 31st of August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden were present, and others. That was a meeting of the armed sec tion, and it was held at Greif's hall. Capt. Walters drilled us about an hour and a half. Afterward a consultation was held by the members of the company as to the best way of procuring arms. Some one suggested that each member should pay so much a week until a sufficient amount had been raised wherewith to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons said: 'Look here, boys, why can't we make a raid some night on the militia armory? There are only two^r three men on guard there, and it is easily done.' This suggestion seemed to be fa- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 399 vored by the members, and it was finally decided to put the mat ter off until the nights got a little longer." Capt. Black — "Which matter was put off?" Witness — "The raid on the armory." Mr. Grinnell — "When was the next /meeting?" — Witness — "September 3, 1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made a speech there and said: 'It is useless for you to suppose that you can ever obtain anything in any other way than by force. You must arm yourselves and prepare for the coming revolution.' That was one of the ordinary meetings of the association. The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth Street Turner hall. Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said : 'The Eight- Hour law will be of no benefit to the working men. You must organize and use force. You must crush out the present Gov ernment by force. It is the only way in which you can better your present condition.' I left with Fielden before the meeting ter minated." "When was the next meeting you attended ?" — "The next meeting was December 20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fiel den was present. He said : ' All the crowned heads of Europe are trembling at the very name of Socialism, and I hope soon to see a few Liskes in the United States to put away a few of the tools of the capitalists. The execution of Riel in the Northwest was downright murder. ' " — "Was that an open meeting?" — "It was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission." "How about these other meetings you have mentioned, aside from the armed sections?" — "Aside from the meetings of the armed section I should say that they were public. I never saw any one refused admission." — "Was there any precaution taken ?" — "A precaution was taken in this way : A member of the group was generally stationed at the door, and as each mem ber entered the hall he was closely scrutinized. The next meet ing was December 30." "What place?" — "At No. 106 Randolph." "Who spoke there ?" — "Fielden. At this meeting a stranger asked a question, and p-ielden replied to the question." "Do you know what the question was?" — "The question was, ' Would the destruction of private property assist universal co-operation ? ' Fielden replied : ' Neither I nor any body else can tell what is going to be in a hundred years from novv, but this everybody knows, if pnvate property is done away with, it would insure a better state of things generally. And we are try ing all we can to teach the people the best way in which to bring about this change.' " 400 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "Who was present at that meeting ?" — "Fielden, only. The next meeting was January of this year, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden and Schwab were present. Fielden, re ferring to the troubles in Ireland, said : ' If every Irishman would become a Socialist, he would have a better opportunity to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all Irishmen to destroy all the private property they can lay their hands on.' He also re ferred to other matters. What he said had reference to Pinker- ton's detective agency." "What was it he said ?" — "He said Pinkerton's de tectives were a lot of cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the working men had, and they were all in the pay of the capitalists." "Is that all that was said there ? Was that one of these or dinary open meetings ?" — "It was." "What else happened ?" — "Schwab also addressed this meet ing in German. During his speech he was frequently applaud- ' ed. The next meeting I attended was January 14 at No. 106 Randolph street." "January of this year ?"—" Yes, sir." "What was said at that meeting ?" — "Before the meeting commenced the defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversa tion which I overheard." "Where was that ?" — "That was held in the hall near the door." "State what you heard." — "Spies said to Fielden : ' Don't say very much about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon paper. You simply need to state that a reporter of the paper had an interview with me a few days ago, but that most of the statements of the paper are lies.'" "How was that conversation carried on ?" — "It was carried on quietly and was not meant for anybody else to hear." Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and succeeded in having it stricken out. "What was the tone of voice ?" — "In whispers." "When did they leave ?" — "Spies further said : 'You must be careful in your remarks. You don't know who might, be amongst us to-night. ' Spies then went away and the meeting was called to order." "By whom ?"— "Fielden." " What did he say ? "— " He made a long talk, commenting on the articles that appeared. He said almost all of the state ments were lies. He said in regard to dynamite bombs : ' It is CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 4OI quite true we have lots of explosives and dynamite in our pos session, and we will not hesitate to use them when the proper time comes. We care nothing at all either for the military or the police. All of these are in the pay of the capitalists.' He further said that ' even in the regular army most of the soldiers are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven to enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told me that he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of the Alarm! Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden again spoke at the same meeting in regard to the question asked him, what was the Socialist idea of the eight-hour movement. Fielden said : ' We don't object to but we don't believe in it. Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day he is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery altogether.' That is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of January, at a meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street — " "What is the name of that, Jung's hall ?" — "Yes, I believe it is Jung's hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow the abolishment of private property." "When did you quit this branch of your business ?" — "The latter part of January last." " Did you know then of Pinkerton's agency having any other men employed in the same line that you were employed in ? " — " I knew there had been another man, but whether he was em ployed then I do not know." " Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and do you know the! fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in these meetings?" — " That is so." '' But you did not know it at that time ? "— " I did not know it at that time." " How often did you drill with the armed section ?" — " Only twice." " How often did they drill ?"—" Once a week." " Have you got any information from any other members of the organization ? If they drilled after that ? " Objected to and withdrawn. " Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled after that ? "— " I did not." . ^ r u "Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these utterances ? " — " I have." " Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and other defendants as to the purposes of their organization ?"—" I have talked frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various times 26 402 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, and at various places. I cannot recollect as to what was said at each place and when it was said." " Can you give me the substance or purport of what was said at any time ?" Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given. " What was the object of the armed section as was expressed by the members ?" — " At the first meeting of the armed section the discussion arose as to what the company should be called. Some one suggested that the company should be amalgamated with the German organization, and the company was to be called the Fourth Company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This idea was opposed and finally it was decided that it should be called the International Rifles. It was further said and understood by all the members that in case of a conflict with the authorities the International Rifles were to act in concert with the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that organ ization." " What was said at any time as to when this revolution was to take place — when was to be the culmination of the conflict ? " — "The 1st of May was frequently mentioned as a good oppor tunity." " What ist of May ? " — " This present. As far as I remem ber it was at a meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one occasion in December, and it was the defendant Fielden that said the ist of May would be the time to strike the blow. There would be so many strikes and there would be 50,000 men out of work — that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a failure." "Have you ever met any of them at the Arbeiter Zeitung office?"— "I have." "What conversation did you have ?"— "I had a conversation with Parsons sometime in March. The conversation took place in the Alarm office in the Arbeiter Zeitung building. This office is situated in the back of the building." "Well, state what you remember of the conversation." — "I asked Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers printed in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make use of them. I intended to distribute them among the Scandi navian people along Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood. Parsons replied : 'Yes, it is a good idea, and the best thing you can do is to bring the matter up in our next meeting. Bring it up before the meeting, and I will see that it is attended to. It is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with us.' " "Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 403 the purposes and objects of the social revolution, so called ?"— "I have had numerous conversations with Fielden and Parsons, but I cannot remember distinctly what was said." "What was Parsons' relation to the Alarmf — "He was the editor." "Did you ever see a book by Most called 'The Modern Science of Revolutionary Warfare ?' Look at that book and state whether you have seen it before." — "I have." 'Where?" — "I have seen it at meetings at Twelfth -street Turner hall ; at No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106 Randolph." "Who had charge of the distribution of it ?" — "The Chair man." "Of the respective meetings ?" — "Yes, sir." "Were they sold or given away ?" — "They were sold." "Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to dis tribute the Alarm f" "There were a number of those present at that particular meeting who bought a number of copies of the Alarm, and said that they would try their best to sell them and obtain new sub scribers." "Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas Brown ?"— Yes, sir." "Did they belong to the American group?" — "Both of them." "Did they belong to the armed section ?" — "Both of them." "Where usually did the American group meet before the time you ceased your connection with it ?" "During the last few meetings it met at No. 106 Randolph street." "Prior to that where did it meet?" — "It had met at No. 54 West Lake street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the Lake front." "Did you ever meet with the American group at No. 107 Fifth avenue ?" — "No, sir." "No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as the proper place for drilling. Were you ever there?" — "I was there." "Did they meet more than once there?" — "I don't know." "Do you know what the hall is called ?" — "I do." "What is it ?"— "Thalia hall." "When you joined this organization did it cost you any thing ?"— "Ten cents." 404 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "How often did you pay the contributions?" — "Once a month." "How much ?" — "Ten cents." "When you joined the armed section did that require any special contribution ?" — "No, sir." "What was Fielden's office in the group of the armed section ?" "He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization — of the group." "Did he hold any office, or was he simply a private in the armed section ?" "He held no office while I attended there." CROSS-EXAMINED. Cross-examined by Mr. Foster : — "Where were you before you came here ?" "I was a police officer in England eight years." "In uniform?" — "Part of the time." "How long did you do detective service there?" — "Three years." "At what place?" — "In Lancashire." "How long have you been with Pinkerton ?" — "Three years." "What did you do before you became a detective here ? Were you ever in any legitimate business?" Mr. Grinnell — "In any other legitimate business ?" Witness — "I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel." "Was that meeting at Baum's hall a public one?" — "It was." "March i you became a member?" — "Yes, sir." "Were your antecedents inquired into?' — "No, sir." "You just paid your ten cents and were received ?" — "Yes, sir." "Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay 10 cents could be received ?" — "Yes, sir." "Did you ever see anybody excluded?" — "No, sir, except reporters. I have seen reporters excluded sometimes." "Were not reporters generally freely admitted?" — "Not very often." "They had seats for them and a table?" — "I don't know. I never saw more than one at a time there." "Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper?" —"No, sir." ^ "Did you ever have any ushers — anybody who got seats for strangers ?" • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 405 "No, sir ; but I saw some of the old members get up and give their seats when strangers came in." "You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sym pathy with a girl ?" "Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He said there was no use making resolutions." "That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use passing resolutions ?" "He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to take a pistol and go and shoot Wight." "You are sure Spies said that?" — "Yes, sir." "You wrote out your report immediately with all the facts fresh in your mind." — "Yes, I wrote it that night." "Didn't you write in your report [reading from it] that Keegan said that after Spies got through with his remarks ?" — "Yes, but Mr. Spies said it also." "You are sure of that ?" — "Yes, sir." "Will you show me the place in your report where this is said.?"— "I don't find it." "Then your memory is better now than it was immediately after the meeting ?" "It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it." "A detective's memory gets better as the time goes on, does it?" Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination. Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr. Foster asked : "Were the circumstances stated that the girl had been grossly abused, but his brother officers stood round and swore him out?" "It may have been." "And was it not stated as a general expression that such a man ought to be shot ?" "It may have been." In regard to the strike at La Salle, Mr. Foster made it ap pear as if Parsons had simply stated in general terms that if soap was put on the rails the train would not be able to move, but that he did not advise anybody to go and put the soap on. Fielden's remark that something had been discovered by which the working men could resist the police and militia, and Parsons' remark that he would not live on snowballs another winter, were represented by Mr. Foster in an equally innocent and harmless light. The cross-examination for 'the day concluded with the following •questions and answers : 4o6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "You heard Fielden say: 'While we march toward the Board of Trade we will sing the Marseillaise hymn?'" — "Yes, sir." "That you understand to be the French national hymn ?" — "Yes, sir." W. H. Freeman, a reporter, testified as follows : "I was at the corner of Randolph and Desplaines streets. Saw Parsons speaking, and listened to what he had to say. Some one said Mayor Harrison was there and I tried to find him. There was a big crowd. Parsons said that Jay Gould was a robber, and asked what was to be done. Somebody shouted, ' Throw him in the lake.' Parsons said: ' No, that won't do. We must overthrow the system by which he was enabled to secure so much money.' He shouted frequently: 'To arms! to arms!' and the crowd applauded. There were six or eight persons on the wagon. Fielden, the next speaker, discussed legislation, saying that Martin Foran had admitted that it was impossible for the working men to get their rights through legislation, and that the people were fools to send such a man to Congress when he owned that legislation could not better them. He justified the forth coming revolution, saying it was just as proper as the colonial revolution. The police came up quietly and my first knowledge of it was the command to disperse. Then the bomb exploded. It made a terrible noise, and a moment after the firing com menced. Parsons, Spies, and Fielden were on the wagon, and I think I saw Schwab there. I crouched down behind the wagon until after the firing was over; then I went to the Desplaines street station. On getting out on the street I saw two officers lying wounded, I spoke to them, but they didn't answer, so I told the sergeant of a patrol-wagon about it." Officer McKeogh testified: "I was at the Haymarket on the night of May 4. Parsons foUowed Spies, saying: 'I am a Socialist from the top of my head to the soles of my feet, and I'll express my sentiments if I die before morning.' Again he said: 'I pay rent for the house I live in.' Some one asked: 'What does the landlord do with the money?' Parsons replied: 'I am glad you asked that question. The landlord pays taxes, they go to pay the sheriff, the militia, and the Pinkertonites.' The crowd cheered, then Parsons cried: 'To arms! to arms!' and Fielden took the stand. He said: 'The law does not protect you, working men. Did the law protect you when the police shot down your brothers at McCormlck's ? Did the law protect you when McCormick oiosed the doors of CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 407 his factory and left you and your wives and children to starve ? I say throttle the law ; strangle it, kill it!' " H. E. O. Heineman, formerly a reporter on the Arbeiter Zeitung, was asked : " Mr. Heineman, you were formerly an Internationalist? " " Yes, sir." "When did you cease your connection with them?"— " About two years ago." "Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that association or society before you left it ? "— " Of my own knowl edge I know none but one, that is Neebe. He used to belong to the same group that I did." " Did you ever meet with any of the others at any of the meetings ?"—" Yes ; Spies, Schwab, and, I think. Parsons." " That was about the time Herr Most came here and deliv ered some speeches ? " — " Yes, sir." "And it was on account of those speeches you severed your connection with the Anarchists ? " — " Yes." " Whom did you see on the speakers' wagon at the Hay market ? " — " I saw the speakers. Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had formerly known from my con nection with the Internationalists." " You say Schnaubelt was on the wagon. How long after the cloud came up and the crowd thinned out did you see him ?" — " I cannot say." " Well, how long before the police came did you miss Schnaubelt ? '' — " I cannot say ; perhaps ten minutes." "You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist organization. Now, you didn't have any passwords, did you ? It wasn't an organization where you drilled, was it ? " — " It was an avowed Socialistic order." Another sensational witness was Harry L. Gilmer, a work man, who testified that he saw Spies and Rudolph Schnaubelt standing inside the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket ; that Spies lit a match for Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the bomb and threw it among the police. An effort was made to shake the testimony of this witness, which was not successful, and witnesses were then brought forward to impeach his veracity, but the state produced many prominent men who knew him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath. Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago avenue police station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracy after the Haymarket, was called to the stand, on Thursday, July 29. Lingg's trunk was placed before him. He was asked: 408 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "Do you know any of the defendants in this case?" "I have seen Spies, Schwab, and Parsons, and Engel and Lingg were arrested and confined in my station." "When did you first converse with Lingg about this case ?" "About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I asked him his name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the meeting at 54 Lake street on Tuesday night. He said: 'Yes.' Then he said he made dynamite. I asked him what for. He said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I asked why he dis liked the police. He said he had a reason ; the police clubbed the men at McCormlck's. He said he was down on the police because they took the part of the capitalists. I said: 'Why don't you use guns instead of dynamite ?' He said guns wouldn't do; that the militia would outnumber the Socialists. I asked him how he learned to make dynamite. He said out of books and that he made bombs out of gas-pipe and out of lead and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on the streets and the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could." "What other conversation did you have ?" "Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them. Then Mrs. Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks after he came to her house. I knew then that he had made a good many. John Thielen was arrested at the same time, and from him we got two bomks. I said to Lingg: 'This man says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say ?' He looked at Thielen and shook his head, and Thielen said : 'Oh, it's no use, everything is known; you might just as well talk.' But Lingg refused to say anything." "Anything else ^ "Well, this trunk here was brought to my office. Under the lining I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him if that was the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was ; that he got it at a store on Lake street. There were three kinds of dynamite. He said he experimented once with a long bomb; that he put it in a tree, touched it off, and that it riddled the tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew Spies. He said 'Yes, for some time ;' that he was often at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said, he'd been a Socialist as long as he could think." "Did you have any conversation with Engel ?" "Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was May 3. He said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked him if he made a speech at the meeting*at 54 Lake street. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 409 He said no, but that he was at the meeting. The second time I talked with him his wife came. She brought him a bunch of flowers. He got excited, and cried: 'What good are those flow ers to me? Here I am, locked up in a dark cell.' Then his wife said: 'Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into; why haven't you stopped this nonsense ?' He said: 'Mamma,' I can't. I am cursed with eloquence. What is in a man must come out. Louise Michel suffered for the cause. She is a woman ; why should I not suffer ? I am a man, and I will stand it like a man." "How many bombs in all did you find ?"— Objected to. "Tell the jury what experiments you made with those bombs ?" " One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said was loaded with a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and buried in the ground three feet deep at Lake View. Officers Stift, Rehm, and Loewenstein were there. We touched the bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments carried off the branches of trees and the ground was torn up for a great dis tance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingg gave to Thielen, and this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented with. On top of this bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four inches wide, some heavy planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches wide and weighing 180 pounds ; then an iron boiler twenty-two inches wide and fourteen inches high ; then on top of that a stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to pieces, nine holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover was cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Portions of the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs. Haines and Paton." There are bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of fuse are unwound. Dynamite in paper packages and in tin boxes is displayed. The courtroom looks like the interior of an arsenal so far as the tremendous character of the explosives is concerned. Pieces of metal, gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron boxes rattle together. Capt. Schaack, pointing to the bombs, says he got two from Hoff man, one from Fireman Miller, and one from Officer Loewenstein. He is not allowed to tell how many bombs in all he received until the officers first tell where the bombs were found. "Now about those conversations. Did Lingg say any thing about the use of those bombs ? " "He said he intended to use them against the Gatling-guns 4IO POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, « of the militia ; that a revolution was impending. I asked him about that satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw one there. Then I asked him where he got the moulds to mould the round bombs. He said he made them out of clay ; that they could be used about two times, then they were no good. He said he saw the ' Revenge' circular on the West side." "Who did he say was at his place May 4?"— "He said about six in all, but he only knew the two Lehmans." Capt. Schaack is asked by Mr. Ingham whether he experi mented with fuse. "I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I had one inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds. The explosion broke this stone into atoms." Cross-examined by Mr. Foster.— "What Lingg said to you, Captain, was substantially this : That there was to be a conflict between the police and the Gatling guns on one side and the laboring men on the other, and that he was making these bombs to use when that time came ?" "That's about it, only he said the time had actually come." "Those experiments you made were made for your own sat isfaction ?" "They were made to enable me to testify to the character of the stuff that was found." "As a matter of fact you woke up Engel in his cell after midnight to interrogate him, didn't you ?" "Well, I don't remember. If I did, I did, and I suppose I did. I had a right to do it." "Do you know of two detectives at your station who went to Lingg's cell late at night and exhibited a rope saying they were going to hang him ?" "I do not, and I do not believe anything of the kind was done." Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station, testified that he found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk near Clyde street and Clybourn avenue. " Who was with you at the time ?"— " Gustav Lehman." Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long bombs, two boxes of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dynamite, one rifle, and one revolver. " What else }"—-" Lehman pointed out to me a can holding about a gallon, and this was filled with dynamite." - " Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them ? " — " They were with the dynamite. They were all under the side walk on Clybourn avenue, back of Ogden s grove." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 411 Assistant State's-Attorney Frank Walker opened the pro ceedings Friday, July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons' Alarm, dated May 2 of this year. It was a speech delivered by ' Parsons April 29, the night the new Board of Trade was dedi cated, and that occasion afforded the speaker his subject. The speech was full of rabid utterances, of which the following are samples : "To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for the plunder of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and Communists to protest against the system of society founded on spoliation of the people." In conclusion Parsons advised his hearers to save their money and buy revolvers and rifles, and recommended the use of dynamite. Under date of December 26, 1885, the Alarm contained a long description of what qualities should center in a revolution ist. " The revolutionist," it was said, " must dedicate his life exclusively to his idea, Hving in this world only for the purpose of more surely destroying it. He hates every law and science, and knows of but one science — that of destruction. He despises public sentiment and social morality. All his sentiments of friendship, love and sympathy must be suppressed. Equally must he hate everything that Stands in the way to the attainment of his ends. He must have but one thought — merciless revolu tion ; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate to destroy all institutions and systems." On February 6, 1886, the Alarm paid its respects to Cap tain Bonfield, and the attention of the revolutionists was called to the clubbing done by the police at the time of the carmen's strike, by saying : " American sovereigns, if you don't like this, get guns or dynamite." The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of inform ation for the Anarchists were printed in the Alarm under date January 9, 1886. Joseph Bock, B. Rau, August Spies, A. R. Parsons and Anton Hirschberger were the names given. On March 20, 1886, the Alarm said : "All argument is no good un less based on force." On another occasion, speaking of the eight hour movement, it was said : " All roads lead to Rome ; so must all labor move ments lead to Socialism." Later the Alarm said: "One pound of dynamite is better than a bushel of ballots. Working men, to arms ! Death to luxurious idleness ! " All articles from which these extracts were taken had Parsons' name appended as the writer. April 24, the date of the last issue of the Alarm, 412 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, the Knights of Labor were assailed " for attempting to prevent the people from exterminating the predatory beasts — the capi talists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Most's book a descrip tion of an infernal machine to burn down buildings. This appa ratus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap, It is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54 West Lake street. The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same, and Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on the stand to prove the character of the compound. He experimented with one can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried to explode the can but failed, then he attached a fuse and an explosion followed. A quantity of burning liquid, much re sembling vitriol, was distributed in all directions, a stream was thrown five or six feet high, and for a space of ten feet in all di rections the grass was set on fire, and it burned for fully five minutes. Charles B. Prouty is called. He was formerly manager of a gun store on State street. " Have you ever seen any of the defendants before ? " — " I have seen Engel and Parsons." " When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4?" — " Some time last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the store and inquired for some big revolvers. They found one that suited them, to present to some society. They said they wanted 100 or 200 for this society. A week later they said this revolver would do and they wanted some 200 revolvers. I told them I thought I could get them, but when they came back the second time 1 found I couldn't. They were much disappointed and said they would go some place else." "What was the price?"— "I think $5.50. They were either 44 or 45 caliber revolvers." " What did you say about the price ? " — " I told them that was very cheap and said they could make a handsome profit on them. They said they didn't want to make any profit ; that the weapons were for a society." Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that the witness sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into some speculation. W. J. Reynolds, also in the gun business at ^^i State street, has seen Parsons, and he thinks Engel. "When did you see Parsons relative^^o your business, and tell what It was ?" CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 413 "I think it was in February or March. He came into the store and wanted to purchase about forty remodeled Remington guns. Parsons spoke to me several times about this purchase, but it was never made. Parsons seemed undecided." "State whether your -concern ever sold any rifle or revolver cartridges, which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at 636 Milwaukee avenue — Thalia hall ?" This question is overruled by the Court unless the cartridges were delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the witness in hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name un til yesterday, then that person was pointed out to him in court. "That's all," says Capt. Black.— "Mr. Reynolds," says Mr. Grinnell, "was Parsons pointed out to you ? or did you not point out the man you had seen before ?" "I pointed out the man I had seen before." A manuscript in Spies' handwriting is offered in evidence. It is a manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the Arbei ter Zeitung of May 4 and captioned : "Blood and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied Working Men." In another part of the pa per was the following : "This evening there is a great meeting at the Haymarket. No working men ought to stay away." Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This matter appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung May 4, and one passage is as follows : "The heroes of the club dispensed with their cud gels yesterday." This has reference to the riot at McCormlck's. Another extract : "Reports of the capitalist papers have all been dictated by the police." Still another : "The armory on the Lake front is guarded by military tramps." And another: "Milwau kee, usually so quiet, yesterday became the scene of quite a num ber of labor riots." Under date of May 3, Spies' paper said: "A hot conflict. The termination of the radical elements bring the extortioners in numerous instances to terms." January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report of a meeting at 54 West Lake street : "Comrade Spies, in the course of his speech said : 'And if we commence to murder we obey the law of neces sity for self-preservation.' " January 19, 1885, the Arbeiter Zei tung contained a two column report of a meeting held at Muel ler's hall. Dynamite, blood, and bombs were the nice points dealt with, and the comments thereon was what the state wanted read. But first a translation should have been made, and to do this an adjournment is taken until 2 o'clock. As the trial progressed public interest in the development of the Anarchist plot to overthrow law and order increased. 414 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The courtroom would not hold half of the people that applied for admission, and hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout the courtroom were numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the various Anarchist groups. Detective James Bonfield was recalled' to identify the flags and banners found at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. They were as fol lows : " In the Absence of Law all Men are Free ;" '' Every Gov ernment is a Conspiracy against the People ;" " Down with all Laws ;'' " Fifteenth Section Boys Stick Together ;" " Proletarians of all Countries, Unite ;" " International Working People's Asso ciation of Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Soci ety July 16, 1875." Saturday, July 31, the state introduced more translations from the Arbeiter Zeitung. The paper of January 6, under the caption of " A New Military Law," contained the following edi torials : " After the adoption of the law and its working we have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881 has shown that we are stronger than ever. There exists to-day an invisible network of Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever." On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked : " How can the eight-hour day be brought about ? Why, every clear-headed man can see that the result can be attained by no other means than armed force." The next day it was said : " The rottenness of our social institutions cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks its force out of the labor of the working men. This misery has become unbearable. Let us not treat with our enemies on May I. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth. We want to demand our rights on May i." Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the Twelfth street Turner hall, Neebe presiding; Fielden the orator, and his speech and the proceedings were reported under date of February 15. Fielden said: "The time is not so far distant when the down-trodden in Chicago will rise like their brothers in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the red flag at their head." Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally around the red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said: " Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will bring about a successful termination in the struggle for liberty." April 10 it was said: "What happened yesterday in East St. Louis may happen in Chicago. It is high time to be prepared to complete the ammunition and be ready." On April 22 Spies wrote : " Working nien, arm yourselves. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 415 May I is close at hand." Six days later he said : " What Anar chists predicted six months ago has been realized now. The power of the manufacturers must be met by armed working men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more necessary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever has not money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has been preached — the working men have had too much of patience." On April 29 Spies wrote: " The wage slave who is not ut terly demoralized should have a breech-loader in his house " And the next day he said : "As we have been informed the po lice have received secret orders to keep themselves in readiness for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to the working men we again say : Arm yourselves ! Keep your arms hidden so that they will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened before." In the Letter Box was the following: "A dynamite cartridge explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer is necessary." January 5, in the Arbeiter Zeitung, a report said: "The meet ing which the American group held at 54 West Lake street was one of the best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade Spies said: ' When we murder we put an end to general murder. We only follow the law of self-preservation.' " On January 18 all working men were called to attend a meet ing at Steinmetz hall. " To Arms," was the caption. " Those who desire instruction in drilling will not have to pay." At Mueller's hall, a few days later, Schwab made an address, saying: "We have made all preparations for a revolution by force." Spies said: " I have been accused by a paper that I tried to stir up a revolution: I concede this. What is crime, anyhow? When the working men try to secure the fruits of their labor it is called crime." Guns, dynamite and prussic acid. Spies preached, should be given the working men, and "for every clubbed head in the ranks of the working men there should be exacted twelve dead policemen." In a long discourse on the means of action. Spies said: " In the action itself one must be personally at the place, to select personally that point of the place of action which is the most important, and is coupled with the greatest danger, upon which depends chiefly the success or failure of the whole affair. Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the police, which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the fleas cough ; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discovery is extremely small." " The Love of Self-Sacrifice," as 41 6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, manifested by those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris Commune, while fighting under the red flag, was the sub ject of a long address on March 22, and March 23 it was said the question of arming was the one uppermost in labor circles. Working men, it was held, ought to be armed long ago. Dag gers and revolvers were easily purchased ; hand-grenades were plentiful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not be gone into with empty hands. The State here rested its case. THE DEFENSE. Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the room pending a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it was a vicious practice, and that the jury should hear all there was in a case. Capt. Black — "The motion we desire to make is that your Honor now instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they find a verdict of not guilty as to Oscar Neebe ; and we desire to argue that motion.'' Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and held that Neebe was not amenable ; not having been present at the Haymarket, and having nothing to do with the Arbeiter Zeitung unt\\ after the arrest of Spies. The Court — "If he had had prior knowledge of the partici pation in the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite different, but if there is a general advice to commit murder, and the time and occasion not being foreseen, the adviser is guilty if the murder is committed. Whether he did participate, con curred, assented, or encouraged the. publication of the Arbeiter Zeitung is a question for this jury upon the testimony that he was frequently there, and that .so soon as Schwab and Spies were away he took charge. Everything in which his name has been mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper in ference is, is for the jury to say.'' Capt. Black — ''Does your Honor overrule. the motion?" — The Court — "I overrule the motion.'' Capt. Black — "We except, if your Honor pleases. We de sire also to make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of all the defendants except Spies and Fischer." — Motion over ruled. Mr. Salomon then began the opening argument for the de fense. There were two leading points in his argument : I. There cannot be accessories withott a principal. The CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 417 State must prove that somebody was a principal in committing murder before it can convict others as accessories. 2. The defendants did not throw the bomb ; therefore they are not guilty. "True, the defendants made bombs ; true, they intended to use dynamite. What if they did ?" asks Mr. Salomon "They were preparing for a revolution by force of arms and by means of dynamite — but what has that to do with the case ? Did they kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act they were specifically in dicted ? That is the question." Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove that the object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively kill the police." He pointed out that the defendants had conse crated their lives to the benefit of. their fellow men. They did not seek McCormlck's property for themselves — they did not want the goods in Marshall Field's store for themselves. Their methods were dangerous, but why were they not stopped at their inception ? They advocated force, because they believed in force. No twelve men — no 12,000 men — could root out Anarchy. An archy is of the head— it is implanted in the soul! As well attempt to root out Republicanism or Democracy! They intended revolu tion — a revolution similar to that of the Northern states against slavery, or of America against British oppression. They wanted to free the white slaves — the working classes. They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that revolution. But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take, the life of officer Degan. Lingg had the right to manufacture bombs and fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was no law against it. Mr. Salo mon intimated that an attempt would be made to show who threw the bomb, or that it was thrown by somebody other than Schnau belt ; also that the police began the riot by shooting into the crowd ; that Schwab was not at the meeting at all, and that when the bomb exploded Parsons and Fischer were in Zephf's hall drinking beer. "We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that this meeting had assembled peaceably, that its objects were peaceable, that they delivered the same harangues, that the crowd listened quietly, that not a single act transpired there pre vious to the coming of the police for which any man in it could be held amenable to law. They assembled there under the pro visions of our Constitution in the exercise of their right of free speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to discuss the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally 27 41 8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCor mlck's. No man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man expected that any one would be injured at that meeting." The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for the defense was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the Eclectic school. On the direct examination. Captain Black asked: " How old are you? " Answer — " I am seventy-six years of age." "Where were you on May 4, in the evening?" — "At the Haymarket." " Tell us when you reached the Haymarket." — "About twenty minutes before the speaking commenced." " During that twenty minutes where were you?" — "I was standing in the alley — Crane's alley^near Desplaines street." "How near to the west edge of the sidewalk?" — "Very close to it." "How long did you occupy that position?" — "As long as the bullets would let me. " How long was that?" asks Mr. Grinnell. — " I was the last man that left the alley after the bomb exploded." "Did you hear the speeches at the Haymarket?" — "Oh, yes ; distinctly." " What did Spies say? " — " He spoke about Jay Gould, and some one said: ' Hang him,' and Spies said: ' No, it is not time for that..' " 'What did Parsons say?" — " He spoke of the necessity for union. The substance of his remarks was that if the working men expected to win they must unite." " Did you notice the approach of the police ?" — "I did; the first column came up close to where I was standing. They were so close 1 could touch them." " Did you hear Fielden ? "— " Yes." " What did he say ? "— " Well, he spoke about the law, and said: ' It is your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it; if you don't, it will throttle you.'" " Did you hear the command given to disperse ? " — " Yes, sir." " What did Fielden say? "— " He said: ' We are peaceable,' or ' This is a peaceable meeting.' " " Did you see Fielden agam?" — " I did. He got down out of the wagon and came around where I was standing." " Did you see him with a revolver?" — ^I did not." " Did you see him shoot at all ? " — " Never. I did not." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 419 " Did you see the bomb?" — " I did." " Where did it come from? " — "About twenty feet, or per haps forty, south of the alley, behind some boxes on the sidewalk." " Now, tell what you saw." — " Well, the bomb looked to me like a boy's fire-cracker. It was then about five feet in the air. It circled in a southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the first and second columns of the police." " When did the shooting commence ?" — "Almost simul taneously." " Did the firing proceed from the crowd, or the police ?" — " It came from the street, near where the police were." " Did you see or hear of any pistol-shots from the crowd? " — "Not one." "You say you went to the Haymarket the next morning. Did you make any examination of the neighborhood ?" — " I did." " Did you find any marks of bullets in the walls around there?" — "Yes, a great many. They were in the north end of the wall of Crane Bros.' building. Then I examined a telegraph pole north of the alley, on the west side of the street. There were a great many perforations on the south side of this pole.'' " Were there any perforations on the north side of the pole?" — " Not one." " Did you visit the place a second time ? " — " I did." " For the purpose of examining this telegraph pole ? " — "Yes, sir." "Tell the jury whether you found the pole there or not." — " It was not there." " How long ago was that?" — "A week." "And the pole was gone ? " — " It was gone." " What -course did you take, doctor, in going out of the alley ? " — " I took a zig-zag course. " " Doctor, are you a Socialist ? " — " Yes, sir." "Are you an Anarchist ? "— " Not in the sense in which the term is usually employed." " How long have you been a Socialist ? "—"About fifty years. I was taught Socialism by Robert Owen, father of Robert Dale Owen." " Do you know any of the defendants ?"— " Yes. I know Parsons and Fielden well ; Spies and Neebe slightly." ^ " Have you ever taken part in Socialistic meetings ? "— " Yes. I have spoken at meetings controversially." "Are you, or were you, a member of the International Working Men's Society?"—" I was." 420 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, " For how long? " — "Well, I continued a member until the organization was abandoned." " What group were you a member of?" — "Of the American group." " Where did you attend meetings?" — "At Greif's hall." " What were the conditions of membership? Tell the jury whether those meetings were secret or public." — " They were public. The conditions of membership were — " This answer was objected to by the State, and the Court sustains the objection. " How long have you been a member of the American group ? " — I think a year, or a little more." " How often have you met Parsons and Fielden? " — " They have not been regular in their attendance." " Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you heard them say, either on the lake front or at any hall, regarding the use of force ? " Captain Black withdraws this question at once upon consultation with his associates. Mr. Ingham then takes up the cross-examination: " How did you come to go to the Haymarket, doctor?" — " I happened to be in the neighborhood, taking my usual evening walk." " Did you see any circular ? "— " I did not." " How did you come to attend the meeting, then ? " — " I saw a great many people, who told me there was to be a meeting." " Did you go at once to the alley ? " — " I did." "Are you sure you did not stop on the Haymarket ?" — " I am sure I did not." " Why, then, did you go in the alley ?" — " To hear what was to be said.'' " What time did you get there ? " — "A little after 7 o'clock." "And you stopped there all the time ? " — " Yes." " How long did you wait ? " — "About twenty minutes." " Then the meeting was opened ? " — " It was." "And you listened to Spies?" — "Yes." *' What did he say? " — " The substance of what he said was that the men had better go home, and not do any violence." (The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former, according to other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould, but Parsons did. The doctor says also that Parsons told the men that the history of strikes showed all strikes to have proved a failure ; that what was wanted was a change in the system.) ^'' Did you see Fielden all the time he was speaking ?" — " I did." ^ CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 42 1 " And he had no revolver?" — " He had not." " Did you keep your eye on him all the time ? " — " Every minute." "You did not take your eye off him for a single minute?" — " Not half a minute." " And you saw him just as he closed his speech ? " — " I did. He got down out of the wagon and was standing close to me." " Where did he go after the bomb exploded ? "—"The Lord only knows what became of him. The demoralization was so great that I don't know. I think he was one of the first men to go down after the shell exploded." " Well, how long did you remain there?'' — " I was the last man to go up the alley. There was a great crowd ahead of me." " Were the bullets thick ? "— " Well, I should say they were." " Yet you didn't run ? " — " Well, I am an old man, and I don't care much." " What did you do next, after leaving the alley ? " — " I went farther down in the alley. I was the last man to go down the alley. There was a projection in the alley and I took refuge behind that." "You were young enough then to want to live?" — "It wasn't that ; I heard the police shooting. They were going back toward the Haymarket. I could tell that by the report of the shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines street and dodged about till I got home." "Where did you dodge?" — "A good many places. The police were shooting all over. They were all excited. I saw them shooting as far up as Madison street. One policeman on Madison street I saw point his revolver at a crowd of people on the street and say : 'D — you! you've got to die any way.' Then he fired his revolver at them." "You say you saw the bomb when it was about five feet in the air?" — " Yes." " Did you see the fuse ? " — " Yes." " What kind of a bomb was it ? "— " Round." "What happened after it exploded?" — "The demoraliza tion was great." " Did you hear any groans ? " — " No." " How long have you been a physician ? "— " Forty years." " What school ? "— " Eclectic." "Are you a graduate of any college ? "— " Yes ; Eclectic." " You say you are a Socialist, but not an Anarchist as it is commonly defined. Are you an Anarchist as you understand that term ? "— " I am." 42 2 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, " Do you believe in an oath ? " — " I do." " Do you believe that an oath adds anything to the obliga tion to tell the truth ? " — " No. All honest men should tell the truth." "That's all." L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with Moses, testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer under oath. The defense then introduced August Krumm, of 1036 West Twentieth street, a woodworker, by whom they ex pected to entirely offset Gilmer's evidence. From his evidence it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook Krumm for Spies, and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged in nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Fos ter conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the Haymarket meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for the first time. " How did you come to go there ?" — " I had business down town ; heard of the meeting and went there with a friend, A. M. Albright." " Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you stand ? " — " Very close. We stood there all the time from about 9:30 o'clock until the police arrived." " Did you stand there all the time ? " — " No ; we were gone for a minute or two." " Where did you go ? " — " We went into the alley. I want ed to light my pipe. Albright came with me. He gave me a pipeful of tobacco and I went into the alley to light my pipe." " What did you go into the alley for ? " — " There was a wind on the street, and we went into the alley so the match would not go out." " And Albright followed you ? " — "Yes. He came to light his pipe." " Whose pipe v/as lighted fir.st ? " — " Mine." "Then his pipe was lighted?" — "Yes. He came over to me and lit his pipe from the match that lit my pipe, holding his head up close to mine." "After you came out of the alley what did' you see? " — " The police were there ; then the explosion followed." " Did you see Spies go into the alley ? "— " I did not." " Did you see anybody in the alley? " — " Yes. There were two or three men there, but I could not tell who they were. It was dark." " Did anybody come into the alley while»you were there ? '* — " No." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 423 " Could anybody pass into the alley without your knowing it?"—" No, sir ; I stood up close to the building while I was lighting my pipe." " Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that time or a little after."— "Yes ; I saw a light like a match about twenty feet south of the alley on Desplaines street." Mr. GrinneU takes the witness in hand. " You say you came down town on business. Who did you want to see? " " A friend of mine." " Who is he ? "— " Adolph Winness." " Where does he live ? " — " I do not know." " Where does he work? " — " I don't know now.", '3 " What does he work at? " — " He is a woodworker." " How did you expect to meet him then, if you did not know where he lived or where he worked ? " — " He told me I could find him there." " Find him where? " — " On Randolph street." " When did you see him last ? " — " That afternoon. He came out to see me." " And he did not tell you where he worked ?'' — " No." " Nor where he stopped? " — " No." " Yet he said you could find him On Randolph street ? " — " Yes." " So he gave you the idea that he could be found out of doors, did he?" — "Well, he's around Randolph street a good deal." " Where did you meet Albright ? " — " In the alley." " Near Crane Brothers ? "— " Yes." " What did you say ? "— " I said : ' Hello, Albright,' and he said: ' Hello, Krumm.'" " What else ? Did you say you came down town to see a friend?"— "Yes." " Did you tell him the name of your friend ? " — " No." " Who was speaking then ? " — " Parsons, I think." "Tell what he said." — "He said something about Jay Gould." " What did Spies say ? " — " He said : ' A few words more, boys, and we'll go home.' " " Spies said that, did he ? "— " Yes." " Which man is Spies ? " — The witness confounds the men. Asked to indicate Spies he points to Fielden. " How did you stand in the alley when the speaking was going on ? " — " I had my back to the north wall." 424 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, " Did you stand that way all the time ? " — " Yes, except when we lit our pipes," " Then did you stand the same way after you lighted your pipes?"— "Yes." " Then how could you see these men if you had your backs to the wall?" — " I looked over my head." " You looked over your head all the time ? " — " Yes, when we looked at the speakers." " And you never saw these men before ? " — " No." "Yet from that point in the alley, the speakers eight feet or more distant, a crowd between you, you looking over your shoul der in the dark, you recognize these men the first time you saw them?"— "Yes." " Where were the police when Fielden said : ' Now, a word more, boys, and we will go home ' ? " — " They were coming up Desplaines street." " Where was Spies then ? " — " I don't know. I don't re member." " Well, didn't you see Spies on the wagon ? '' — " Yes." " When ? " — " I don't think now. Early in the evening, I think." " Now, when you were talking to Albright did you talk about what the speakers were saying?" — " No." " Did you talk about the eight-hour question ? " — " No." " What were you talking about ? " — " About the shop." " Now, where did you see the bomb ? " — " It was about ten feet in the air, about twenty feet south of the alley. I didn't see it explode." "No, of course not. It was too far south." "There then were some boxes on the sidewalk, and you couldn't see ?" — "I did not say there were any boxes on the sidewalk." 'Yes, but if there were any boxes there you would have seen them ? They were on the sidewalk ?" — "Yes. I would have seen them if they had been on the sidewalk." "And you did not see them there ?" — "I did not." (All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big pile of boxes stood on the sidewalk between the alley and a point where the bomb exploded.) "And you say you did not see those boxes ?" — "I did not." "When were you at the Haymarket ?" — "May 4." "Were you ever there in your life ?" — "Yes." "How about a lamp post. Did you se^ one ?"— "I don't CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 425 remember now, but I know there is one at the southeast corner -of the alley. " "How do you know this?"— "I worked at the corner of Ran dolph and Jefferson streets for ten years, and remember it." "How long ago was that ?" — "Seven years ago." "And you can remember that a lamp post stood at the southeast corner of the alley after the lapse of seven years?" — "I can.'' "Where is your wife now?" — "Living on Sedgwick street." "Whereabouts ?" — "I don't know. I have not seen her for a year." "How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office ?" — "I saw a notice in the Arbeiter Zeitung asking for all that knew anything about the bomb throwing, to call on them. I went there on Sunday." "When did you see this notice?" — "Some time ago. I don't remember when." "Did you talk with any one about this bomb throwing?" — <'Yes, with Albright." "Any one else ?"— "No." "Yet you saw the bomb in the air and heard the explosion, but you did not talk to any one about what you saw?" — "That's it.'' M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow, Russia, and formerly a writer on the Arbeiter Zeitung, testified that Parsons was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs. Holmes and the witness, when the bomb exploded. State's Attorney Grinnell elicits from the witness that he has been five years in this country, that he lived in New York and maintained himself by teaching the Russian language. From New York he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally to Chicago, arriving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of introduction to Spies?" — "No, sir, I obtained my position in the South through a letter of introduction from Spies." "How did you come to get that letter?"— "I and a man named Clossie translated a romance from the Russian and sold it to Spies." "That was a revolutionary novel ?" — "It was not. It was a description " '¦Oh, I don't want to go into that. You know Herr Most?" — "I have seen him, but I don't know him." "You know Justus Schwab? You had letters sent to his address.?" — "That may be." 426 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "You lived with Schwab in New York ?"— "I did not." "You lived with Balthazar Rau here, though, on May 4 ?"— "I did." "Where?" — "At 418 Larrabee street." "When did you leave Russia?" — "In 1882." "Your bedroom was searched, wasn't it ?" — "Yes, sir." "Were the arms found there guns and bayonets, or any of them, belonging to you ?" — "No sir." "Where did you live before you went to Rau's house?"— "With Mr. Schwab." "One of the defendants ?"— "Yes, sir." "You are a stockholder in the Alarm company ?" — "No, sir. be." 'You contributed money, to that organization ?" — "That may 'But did you not contribute money ?" — "I did." "How much?" — "Two dollars." "You were a Nihilist in Russia?" — "No, sir." 'Are you not the agent here for the Nihilists in Russia?" — "No, sir. I am not an agent for any society in Russia." "Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Ni hilistic society ?" — "No, sir. The reporters used to call me a Nihilist because I was a Russian." "What paper are you now working for ?" — "The Moscow Gazette." "Look at that letter ; is that your signature at the bottom ?" —"It is." The letter is written in German and it is given to the trans lator, who is instructed to render it into English. "This letter is directed to a ' Mr. Editor.' What editor ?" — " I think it was directed to Mr. Spies.'' "That was before you came to Chicago ?" — " It was." " Then we offer.it in evidence." The letter is, in substance, an inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles written by Malkoff. It goes on to say : " I have just completed another article treating of the secret revolutionary societies of Russia. I am a proletariat in the fullest sense of the word. Address your letter to J. H. Schwab, 50 First street. New York." " Is that J. H. Schwab Justus Schwab ?"— " It is." " Did you live with him in New York ?" — " No, sir. I just got my mail there." "Now," says Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What do you mean by that term ?" — " I understand it to be a man without any means of support." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 427 "And you, having no money, had your mail sent to Justus Schwab because you had no home, eh ?" — " Yes, sir." " Now," asks Mr. Ingham, " I'll ask you if you did not use the term proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always employ that term ?" — " No, sir, I did not." SAMUEL FIELDEN. Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at the time of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know who threw the bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with a revolver. He was cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the State, who asked: "At what age did you come to the United States ? " — " Twenty-one." " Did you have any business before you came to the United States ? " — "I went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of age, and worked in that mill until I left the country to come to the United States." "How long have you been a Socialist?" — "I joined the Socialistic organization in July, 1884." " How long have you been a revolutionist ? " — " In the sense of an evolutionary revolutionist, I have been so for a number of years." " How long have you been of the belief that the existing order of things should be overthrown by force?" — "I don't know that I have ever been convinced. I am of the opinion that the existing order of things must be overturned, but whether by force I don't know." "How long have you believed in Anarchy?" — "Well, I believed in it shortly after I joined the organization — as soon as I came to think on .the subject." " You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism ; and if you cannot convince the majority of the United States to your opinions, you propose to compel them by force ? " — Ob jected to. " How long have you preached Anarchy ?"— Objected to. "Was there any English-speaking group in the city that you know of ? " — Objected to. " Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking group other than the American group in this city of that kind ?" —"We tried to found one a year ago last winter on West Indi ana street. I think we only held two meetings, and then we abandoned it." , "Any other group of them that you attended? — " 1 don t remember any now." 428 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, "You have for the last two or three years been making speeches of Socialistic and Anarchistic character ? " — " I have been making labor speeches ; they were not always Socialistic or Anarchistic speeches." " But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches ?" — "Well, I have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and some times my speeches might have been considered from the ordinary trades union standpoint, for all the anarchy there was in them." " Have you ever made speeches on the lake front and other Socialistic meetings ? " — " Yes, on the lake front, some on Mar ket square, at No. 54 West Lake street. Twelfth street Turner hall, and No. 106 Randolph street." "Look at the copy of the Alarm of June 27, 1885, 'Dyn amite ; Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation,' and signed 'A. S.' Say whether you ever saw it." — "I don't know that I have." ^ "Was there any reason why you did not walk when you started home that night ?" — " Yes. I did not wish to be arrested that night." "You expected that you would be arrested?" — " Wefl, after that trouble I expected to be arrested." " You were speaking when the police came up, and were making no inflammatory speech ?" — " I did not incite anybody to do anything, to do any overt act. I told the people in general to resist the present socialistic system that oppressed them, and gave them no chance to earn a living." "And yet you expected to be arrested?" — "I. had read something of criminal proceedings and I knew that the police would arrest everybody connected with that meeting in order to find the one who was responsible. I made an explanation before the Coroner's jury because I had a different idea of the police at that time. I thought if I made that statement and they in quired into the truth and were convinced of my innocence they would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken." " Did the police indict you ?"— " I don't know who indicted me." Redirect—" You have heard what has been said about your expression of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it. Just state the explanation which you said you desired to make in regard to that."— " Well, it was just the explanation that a public orator would make when he was denouncing a political party. When he said he wanted to get rid of the Democratic party, for instance, he would kill it, stab it,^r make way with it. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 429 The words would rush away with a public speaker, and in the hurry he could not add a lengthy explanation." " You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and worms, and said there was no connection there. What were your words in reference to snails and worms, and the idea that you now remember ?" — " Well, the idea that 1 intended to con vey at that time was that when men were thrown out of work through no fault of their own, and it being a fact that has been proven and asserted on the floor of the House of Representatives that over a million of men are out of employment through no fault of their own — these men being driven about, become degraded and loathsome, and people look upon them with contempt, and yet it is no fault of their own ; they have no part in producing the condition of things that throws them out of employment, and leads them to their abject condition." "You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or anything of that kind in the crowd ?" — " No, sir ; I did not even know of the presence of an unusual number of police at the station. I did not know that till after the meeting." A FUNNY WITNESS. (From The Tribune^ — Henry Schultz, an elderly German with a face like a retired cowboy, and a funny habit of making "snoots," as the boys say, testified that he had made lots of money in Montana and now resides in Portage City, Wis. Capt. Black. — 'Where were you on the night of May 4, 1886?" — Wit ness. — " From 9 o'clock until the fight was over I was on the Haymarket; I stood in the middle of the street, a little north of the wagon." " How long had you been in Chicago at that time ?" — " Two weeks. I am a tourist." [Laughter.] " Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the street?" — "No; but since I have been here seeing the sights I would stop at anything." Here the witness got up a horrible grimace which would have scared a nervous child into fits, and the audience leaned back and giggled. The Court read the spectators a lecture on the impropriety of their merriment, and threatened to clear everybody who cackled in the future. " Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly ? — " It was, as I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July." There was another contortion of the face of Mr. Schultz, and the audi ence indulged in a little snicker, with an eye on the Judge. ^^ " Do you remember the speech of the first speaker? — " 1 430 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, know the run of his talk ; I kept it in my mind. He says, ' I didn't want to come here. Then they called me a coward, and I didn't like to be called a coward, and that is the reason I came.' A few words after that he says: ' They are only 500 yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have to die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the black cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I was on Lake street. After the bomb exploded I looked around the corner, and I saw every thing dark, and I thought the bomb must have blowed out the lights." [Laughter.] " What else did you see ?" — " I see the policemen and they were all around. They had the ground. I saw some of the workmen run — they were about two blocks ahead of the police." " Did you see the police come upon the working men .?" — " They came pretty strong in Lake street, and they had the men in the gutter, and when they raise up they get another club." Mr. Grinnell — "What is your business ?"^" Doing noth ing," replied Mr. Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd laughed in a guarded way, because they did not wish to be fired out of the entertainment. " How long have you been conducting that business ?" — "About ten years. Before that I was mining in Montana." " Where is your house in Portage City ?'' — " The next house to the courthouse," responded the witness, with a cunning look at the Court, and there was another wild outburst of mirth from the audience. Mr. Schultz narrated a part of his early history, from which it appeared that before he became a millionaire he played the fiddle at dances ; and in answer to a question as to when he began to be a musician, he said : " From nine years old. My father was a musician — it runs in the family." " Do you play the violin since you have been in Chicago ?" — " No; my money reaches so that I don't have to do anything." [Laughter.] " The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it?" — " Oh, I can't promise anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of coun tenance which brought down the house. Judge Gary looked indignantly around and said : " O ! be quiet !" and the crowd immediately became as demure as a Quaker meeting. " What did Spies say about the police being so many feet away ?" — " He says they was only five hundred yards from here and he was likely to die before morning. That was about all he said in that run of speech." " Did you hear the first speaker say^anything about ' To arms ! to arms !' ?"— " That was the man— I heard him." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 431 " Where did you go when you left the meeting?'' — " I went to wash my feet !" The expression on Mr. Schultz 's face, and the simplicity of the answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed right out in meetin', regardless of the threatened penalty for such a glaring contempt of court. Judge Gary himself, how ever, assisted in the hilarity, and was very lenient with the offend- ers, a fellow-feeling evidently making him wondrous kind. Mr. Schultz a moment afterward had an opportunity to correct the impression that he was in the habit of touring around the streets of Chicago in his bare feet. " Did you have your boots off when you were washing y^our feet?" — " O, no ; I didn't wash my feet ; I only washed the mud off my boots in one of them horse-troughs.'' Then Mr. Schultz treated the company to a choice selection of facial contortions, and got down out of the chair with the air of a man who has done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his duty. MICHAEL SCHWAB. The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Monday, August 9. He testified that he went to the Arbeiter Zeitung office on the evening of May 4. A telephone message was received requesting Spies to speak at a meeting near Deer- ing's Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue. The witness said he went to the Haymarket to find Spies, but failed. He did see Rudolph Schnaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. Witness then took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue ; spoke twenty minutes at the meeting ; stepped into a saloon and got a few glasses of beer, and then went to his home, on Florimond street, arriving about 1 1 o'clock P. M. Mr. Foster asked: " Were you ever in the alley at Crane Bros.' that night with Mr. Spies ? "— " No, sir." " Did you walk west on Randolph street with Mr. Spies two blocks, then return with him ?" — " No, sir." "Did you see Mr. Spies that night?"—" No, sir." " Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package that night in the' alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything like this : ' If that won't be enough, shall we get another one?' " —"No, sir." " Did you see Mr. Spies at all that night ?"—" No, sir." " When did you see him at all for the last time that day ? " — " In the afternoon. I did not see him again until the next mornin"'. Schwab says he has been a member of the Internationalist 432 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, society since its organization. On the night of May 4 he went to the Haymarket on foot and walked through the Washington street tunnel. Balthazar Rau accompanied him as far west as Desplaines street. "Are you an Anarchist? " asked Mr. Grinnell. — " It depends on what you mean. There are several definitions of that." "Answer my question. Are you an Anarchist?" — " I can't answer that." AUGUST SPIES. Schwab Steps down and Spies takes the stand. 'Give your full name to the jury," says Captain Black. "August Vincent Theodore Spies," replies the prisoner. He is thirty-one years old, and came to this country from Germany in 1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very distinctly. He is cool and collected apparently, and sits back in the witness chair very much at ease. He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society, and ' that concern exercised control over the policy of the Arbeiter Zeitung, of which paper the witness was editor for six years. Spies says he was at a meeting on the "Black road " on May 3. Spies reached the meeting on the "Black road" about 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There was a crowd of perhaps three thousand present. Some men were speaking, but they were very poor speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar Rau was with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting. It was called for the purpose of discussing the eight- hour question. While Spies was there a committee was ap pointed to wait on the bosses ; then he was introduced, and spoke for possibly twenty minutes. Spies goes on : " I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three times daily for the past two or three weeks, and was very much worn. I did not jump around and wave my hands as one witness testified here on the stand, and I made a very common place, ordinary speech. I told the men to hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed. That was the substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one cried out in an unknown tongue and about two hundred men detached themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormlck's. Pretty soon I heard firing, and on inquiring what was the matter was told the men had attacked McCormlck's men and that the police were firing on them. I stopped for about five m.inutes, was elected a member of the committee ; then I went to McCor mlck's. A lot of cars were standing on th? tracks. The men CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 433 were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while the police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this made my blood boil. At that time I could have done almost anything, I was so excited. A young Irishman came out from behind one of the cars. I think he knew me and said : ' What kind of business is this ? There are two men over there dead ; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many were killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty were injured. I came down town then and wrote the report which appeared in the Arbeiter Zeitung the next day." " Did you write the ' Revenge' Circular ' ?" — " Yes ; only I did not write the word ' Revenge.' " " Can you tell how that word happened to be put in the cir cular?"—" I cannot." " How many of those circulars were distributed ?" — "About twenty-five hundred." " How soon was it written after your return to the office ?" — " Immediately." "At that time were you still laboring under the excitement incident to the riot ?" — " I was." "What was your state of mind?" — "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of peo ple was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement." Spies is growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects. The Court says his last answer is not proper and orders it stricken from the record. " On the evening of May 4 you attended the Haymarket meeting?" — " I did." " You were asked to speak there ?" — " I was." " When did you learn there was to be a meeting ?" — " About 8 o'clock that morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting and was asked to address it." " What time did you reach there?" — "About 8:20 o'clock." " Did you see the notice of that meeting in the Arbeiter Zeitung f — " Yes ; I put it in myself." " Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at the Haymarket ?" — " Yes. It was the circular containing the line : 'Working men, arm yourselves and appear in full force.' When I read that line I said : 'If this is the meeting I am to address I will not speak.' He asked why. I said on account of that line. He said the circulars had not been distributed, and I said : ' If the line is taken out I will go.' Fischer was sent for and he told the men to have that line taken out." 28 434 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, " Who was this man that brought the circulars ?"— " He was on the stand ; Grueneberg is his name, I think." "Was there any torch on the wagon ?" — " No ; I think the sky was clear and that the lamp was burning near the corner of the alley." "Was that selection made by yourself, or upon consulta tion ?"— " Well, I consulted with my brother Henry. He was with me all evening." "After you got them together, what did you do ?" — " Some one suggested we had better move the wagon around on Ran dolph street, but I said that might impede the street cars. Then I asked where was Parsons. I was not on the committee of ar rangements and had nothing to do with the meeting except to speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the corner of Halsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find him with my brother Henry and Schnaubelt."- " Did you see Schwab ?" — " No, I did not. Schnaubelt told me Schwab had gone to Deering's." " Did you go to Crane's alley with Schwab ?" — " I could not very well do that, as I had not seen him that night." "Just answer the question," cries Mr. Ingham. — "Well, I did not go to the alley. I did not even know there was an alley there." The witness denies the conversation Mr. Thompson alleges he overheard Spies engage in with Schwab. He says Schnaubelt cannot speak any English — that he has only been about two years in the country. " Did Schwab say to you that evening : ' Now, if they come, we are prepared for them ' ?" — " No, sir ; I did not see him that evening." " Did you walk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines street, about twelve feet south of the alley that evening?" — "I did not. I was not anywhere near that alley with any man." " You remember what the witness Thompson said, that he saw you walk with Schnaubelt east on Randolph street ; that he saw you hand him something ; that you then returned to the meeting together. Is that true?" — " It is not. That man told a different story before the coroner's jury." This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies is told to say nothing but in answer to questions. Spies is asked to tell what he said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the ex isting state of the labor world. First, he said that the meeting was to be a peaceable one ; that it was not called for the purpose of creating trouble. Attention was directed ^ the strike at East CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 435 St. Louis, where those who were active in the riots there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but church-going people, and hon est, sincere Christians. It was admitted by students that society was retrograding ; the masses were being degraded under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty years the working men asked in vain for two hours less work a day, and that finally they resolved to take the matter in their own hands and help themselves. "About this time I saw Parsons, then I broke off. I was not in a state to make a speech. I was tired, I introduced Parsons, and he proceeded to address the meeting." "What was the size of the crowd then?" — "About two thousand persons." " Where did you go after finishing your speech ?" — " I re mained on the wagon." " You spoke in English ? " — " Yes. I made no speech in German that night. I was asked to do so, but was too tired. I introduced Fielden and he made a brief speech, then we intended to go home." " What did Parsons say in his speech ?" — " Parsons made a pretty good speech. He said of the dollar earned by the work ing men they got only fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class got eighty-five cents, and that the eight-hour movement was a still-hunt for that eighty-five cents." "What do you remember of Fielden's speech?" — "Well, Fielden did not say much. I don't remember now what he did say. " Were you on the wagon when the police came ? " — " Yes. I saw the police on Randolph street." '' At that time what was the size of the meeting?" — " It was as good as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went, some going to Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up." " What did you hear when the command to disperse was given ? " — " I was standing in the middle of the wagon, back of Fielden. I heard Captain Ward say : ' I command you, in the name of the people of Illinois, to disperse.' Captain Ward had a cane or club in his hand. Fielden said to him : ' Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get down out of the wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down. I was indignant at the thought that the police had come to dis perse the meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I reached the ground I heard a loud detonation. I thought the police had a cannon to frighten the people. I did not dream for a moment of a bomb, and I did not even then think the police 436 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, were firing at the crowd. I thought the police were firing over their heads." " Where did you go to ? " — " I was pushed along by the crowd. I went to Zephf's hall." " Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon and go into an alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt?" — " I never did." " Did you see Schnaubelt in the alley that night while Fischer was there ? " — " I did not." " You remember the witness Gilmer ?" — " Yes." " Is his story true ? " — " Not a word of it." "You remember Wilkinson, the reporter for the Daily News ? " — " Yes. I had a conversation with him in January." " Well, go on and tell us about it." — " He was introduced to me by Joe Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data wherewith to prepare an article on Anarchism, Socialism and dynamite, and all that. I happened to have four shells in my office. I had them for about three years. A man on his way to New Zealand gave me two bombs ; another man some time after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know if their construction was proper. That's how I came to possess them. He wanted one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him take it. We went to dinner at a restaurant, and we conversed about society, its present state, and the trouble that was likely to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all this was contained in the papers every day. There was constant talk that so many wild-eyed So cialists were arriving every day, and I told him it was an open secret that there we.re 3,000 armed Socialists in Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in past ages gun powder had come to the assistance of the downtrodden masses, and that dynamite was a child of the same parent, and was a great leveler." "Do you remember the toothpick illustration ?" — "Yes. I remember that, and also recall speaking of the Washington street tunnel, saying how easy comparatively few men could hold that tunnel against a body of soldiers, but nothing was said about Chicago, nor was anytime fixed for the revolution." "You wrote the word 'Ruhe' for insertion in the Arbeiter Zeitung May 4?"— "I did." "How did you come to do that ?" — "The night before at 1 1 o'clock I received a letter as follows : Mr. Editor : Please insert in to-day's letter-box the word 'Ruhe' in prominent letters." "At that time did you know there was ant import attached to the word ?"— "I did not." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 437 "When did you next hear of it?" — "The next afternoon Balthazar Rau asked me if the word was in the paper. I said : 'Yes.' He asked me if I knew the meaning. I said: 'No.' Then he said : 'The armed section had a meeting last night and adopted the word "Ruhe" as a signal to keep their powder dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated a riot' I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to ad dress at the Haymarket, and he said : 'Oh, no ; that's something the boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish, that it was not rational, and asked if there was no way in which it could be undone. I sent for Fischer and asked if there was any way it could be undone. Rau then went to see the people of the armed section and told them the word was put in by mistake." "Were you a member of the armed section ?" — "No, not for six year. "Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?" — "Yes, I had two packages of giant powder and some fuse in my desk for two years. I had them chiefly to show to reporters, they bothered me a good deal. They always wanted some sensa tion. Then, too, I wanted the dynamite to study it ; I had read a good deal about explosives." "Do you know anything about a package of dynamite found on the shelf in the closet of the Arbeiter Zeitung?" — "Ab-so- lute-ly nothing." "Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in the Arbeiter Zeitung o'^Q.eT—"V^o. I do not I carried a re volver myself, but it was a good one." "Did you carry a revolver?" — "Yes. I always thought it would be a good thing to be prepared. I was out late at night a good deal." "Did you have a revolver that night?"— "No, it was too heavy. I left it with ex-Ald. Frank Stauber." "You were arrested May 5?" — "Yes." "Tell us how." — "Well, an officer— James Bonfield, I think —came to my office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Eb ersold would like to see him. Schwab asked me if he should go. I said yes, he might Then the officer turned to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he said Superintendent Ebersold would like to see me about that affair of last night I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never so treated before in all my life." "Tell what happened ?"— "Well, as soon as I got into the sta- 438 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, tion Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said: 'You dirty Dutch dog ; you hound ; you whelp — you, we will strangle you! We will kill you ! ' " Then they jumped on us, tore us apart from each other. I never said anything. Then they searched us, took our money, even our handkerchiefs, and would not return them to u.s. I was put in a cell, and have not had my liberty since." Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies says he came to this country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived in Chicago some thirteen years. The Arbeiter Zeitung was controlled by what Spies termed an "autonomous editorial arrangement;'' that is, the powers of the several editors were co ordinate, but the general policy of the paper was under the supervision of the board of trustees. "Did you ever receive any money for the Alarm?" — "Yes." "Did you ever pay out any money for the Alarm f^ — "Yes." "Did you ever write any articles for the Alarm f' — "I may have." " How many bombs did you have in the Arbeiter Zeitung office?" — "Four, I think. Two I got from a man named Schwab. I forget now. He was a shoemaker. He went to New Zealand." "How did this man come to give you those bombs ? " — " He came to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he asked me if I had seen any of the bombs they were making. I said no. Then he left them with me." " Who did he mean by 'they'? "— " I don't know." " Didn't he say who they were ? " — " No." "And you never saw him before or since ? " — " No, sir." "And when did you get these czar bombs ? " — " I never got them. That is an invention of that reporter. A man came there while I was at dinner and left them there. He left the bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him before or after." Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in Spies' desk, the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss, created a great sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as addressed to him by Johann Most, the noted Anarchist : "Dear Spies : — Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking Valley was not written by a detective ? In the week I wifl go to Pittsburgh, and I have an inclination also to go to the Hocking Valley. For the present I send ^ou some printed CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 439 matter. There Sch. and H. also existed but on paper. I told you this some months ago. On the other hand, I am able to furnish "medicine,'''' and the "genuine'''' article at that. Directions for use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover, they were recently published in the " Fr." The appliances I can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell thor oughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five pounds. But how ? Is there an express line to the place ? Or is there an other way possible ? Polus the great seems to delight in hop ping about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z., like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite general detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The main thing is only that the fellow cannot smuggle any more rotten elements into the newspaper company than are already in it. In this regard the caution is important. The organization here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about the strength of the North side group in Chicago, and then, besides this, we have also the soc. rev. 6, the Austrian and Bohemian leagues — three more groups. Finally, it is easily seen that our influence with the trade organizations is steadily growing. We insert our meetings only in the Fr., and cannot notice that they are worse attended than at the time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50 and $2 into the mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting yourself into communication with Drury in reference to the English organ. He will surely work with you much and well. Such a paper is more necessary than the Tooth. This, indeed, is getting more miserable and confused from issue to issue, and in general is whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf which recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adapted for reprint Greetings to Schwab, Rau, and to you. Your "Johann Most. " P. S. — To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present only in general terms. "A. Spies, 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago, 111." Mr. Gauss then read the following as his translation of the postal card : " Dear Spies :— I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when the telegraph brought news from H. M. One does not know whether to rejoice over that or not The advance in itself is elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local, and therefore may not have the result At any rate, these people made a better impression than the foolish voters on this and the other side of the ocean. Greeting and a hail. Your "J. M." 440 politics and politicians, W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for The Times, testified that he talked with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer, on the afternoon of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who threw the bomb lit the fuse himself. Said the witne.ss : " He said he saw the man light the fuse and throw the bomb, and that he could identify him again if he saw him. He said the man was of medium size and had a soft hat -and whiskers. He said the man's back was turned to him." At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal was introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the pre liminary examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shoot ing from the wagon at the Haymarket, Officers Foley and Wess ler did not testify that it was Steuner who fired on the police. " Did the officers not say the man who jumped up from be hind the wagon was a heavy man, with long whiskers (Fielden) ? " —"They did." " Did not Officer Foley say he would be able to identify this man if he ever saw him again ? " — " He did." John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before Justice Scully, testified that Steuner said at the time that the man who did the shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full whiskers. United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthlll, Charles B. Dibble, an attorney. Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines, Iowa, E. R. Mason, Clerk of the United States District Court at Des Moines, George Crist, Ex-City Marshal of Des Moines, and Ex-Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa, all testified to the good character of the witness Gilmer. They would believe him under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1872, and had given him employment. As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in the proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was crowded with people daily long before the hour for opening court arrived, and many times the number who gained admission were turned away. On the day of the closing argument by the pros ecution, and while the jury were deliberating over their verdict, extra precautions were taken to protect the administrators of the law. A cordon of police and deputy sheriffs surrounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who could not be properly identified. MR. WALKER FOR THE PROSECUTION. Assistant State's-Attorney Frank Walker began the open ing argument for the prosecution Wednesday, August 1 1. The speaker said : • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 44I "We Stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law, where all men stand equal. No matter what may have been the deep turpitude of the crirne, no matter what may have been the design, though it aim even at the overthrow of the law itself, no man ought to be convicted of the crime charged until proven guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These men were presumed innocent at the outset until the proof presented by the State es tablished their guilt The defendants were charged with mur der. Murder was defined to be the unlawful killing of a person in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands by and aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing by, aids or abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be considered as principals and punished. Whether the principals are punished or not, they are equally as guilty as the principals. When a number of persons conspire together to do a certain act, and when, in furtherance of this design, some one is killed, all those in the conspiracy are guilty of murder before the fact. The defendants' counsel have told you these men conspired to precipitate the social revolution, and though that conspiracy cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these defendants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs. Surratt held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy President Lincoln was killed ? Neither Payne nor Surratt committed the deed, yet they were held guilty. There was a conspiracy ; it was designed to bring about another revolution. Booth killed President Lin coln, but all who participated in the conspiracy had to forfeit their lives. "If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to pull down a building, or to remove an objectionable obstruction and death to some one ensues, each one of these men is individ ually responsible for the killing. Nobody knew this better than August Spies, the author of the ' Revenge ' circular. Suppose that a body of men undertake to pull down a building ; there is a common design to demolish that building, and a stone is thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in the execution of that common design are responsible for the killing of this one person. When there is an intent grievously to hurt and death is occasioned, then the offense is murder. Was this man [pointing to Fischer] in this conspiracy for murder ? This man with his revolver a foot long and his file dagger with a groove ? What is this groove for ? It is for prussic acid. Was this man in the conspiracy ?" 442 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS. Mr. Walker then reads a passage from Most's "Revolution ary Warfare" telling how prussic acid can be applied to grooved daggers, making them the more deadly. "This is the test : Was the bomb thrown in furtherance of the common design ? If it was it makes no difference whether it was thrown by one of these conspirators here or not Nobody had been advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there anybody who would throw a bomb except a Socialist ? We have proved that Lingg made the bomb in furtherance of the common design. 'You have done this, Louis Lingg,' said Huebner, and Lingg went away and complained that he was blamed for doing the good work." Mr. Walker reiterates that every one of the 3,000 men said by Spies to have participated in the conspiracy were equally guilty of the murder of Officer Degan. All the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were included in this charge. He points out the fact that nearly all of the witnesses for the defense are members of Anarchist bodies ; that their sympathies are with the prisoners and that it has been abundantly shown by their cross- examination that they would not hesitate to pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from the consequences of their acts. MR. ZEISLER FOR THE DEFENSE. Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, sets to work at once to tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accuses the as sistant State's Attorney of distorting the facts in the case, and at tempting to bring about a conviction by working on the prejudices and suspicions of the jury. Mr. Walker impugned the motives and the characters of the defenses' witnesses. Mr. Zeisler continues : " Who are their principal witnesses ? The policemen who were at the Haymarket. And before we get through we will show that these men were not heroes, but knaves, led on by the most cowardly knave who ever held a public position. It has been proved that most of these policemen who went on the stand had been at one time or another members of the detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detective is a liar! " The speaker goes on to attack the other State witnesses. Detectives are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gilmer, he says, is a constitutional liar, and the only witness who has been impeached. Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell the truth, and on their statements the defense will partially rely to show the innocence of the prisoners* CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 443 " Nobody^ understands why the police came down to break up the meeting. Detectives have sworn here that after Mr. Parsons suggested that the meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and the sky clouded up, the crowd dwindled down to two hundred or three hundred men, and then came this army of 180 policemen, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this hero, Bonfield, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting of peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was it cowardly ? It was an assault in the eyes of the law. The counsel for the State have attempted to make you believe that these disciples of Herr Most took a match and lighted a bomb which Most says should have a fuse not longer than two inches. Doesn't it seem very probable that they would have lighted with a match this fuse, which would burn out in a few seconds, when they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it with ? We have the testi mony of a number of witnesses that Spies was not out of the wagon till the trouble began ; and if Mr. Grinnell had had more sense in the prosecution of this case; if he had not been blinded by malice and prejudice ; if he had not been influenced by the police conspiracy to send these men to the gallows, he would have seen the uselessness of attempting to secure a conviction by such testimony as that of Gilmer." MR. INGHAM FOR THE PROSECUTION. Mr. George Ingham addresses the jury for the prosecution. He tells them that there are verdicts which make history, and that theirs will be a history-making verdict. On the night of May 4, at lo o'clock, Matthias J. Degan marched out of the Desplaines street station, full of life, and was soon afterward struck down by the hands of these defendants, not one of whom he had eyer injured. The speaker tells the jury again what "reasonable doubt" means. He says that the grand jury might have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy against law and human life. There had been a good deal of talk, he said, about the constitutional right of free speech. The Constitution gave the people the right to meet and petition, but not to advise other people to commit murder. This right was based upon the old English common law, and in England was also found a definition of what constitutes incitement to murder. The case he was going to quote had also had another connection With the present one. It was brought in London in 1881 against Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the Freiheit, in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of the Czar of 444 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the heads of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convicted of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in the English court, the article upon which he was tried, and Lord Cole ridge's decision. Then he said : " It is shown that these defend ants — Spies, Parsons, Schwab, and Fischer — were engaged in the publication of articles in which they advised the destruction of the police by force, in which they advised working men to arm themselves with dynamite and be ready whenever the conflict should come to destroy the police force. For the publication of any one of these articles the defendants could have been con victed of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden that night told the people that war had been declared and that they must arm them selves to resist what had never taken place he was guilty of a mis demeanor, and for that reason, if for no other, the police had a right to disperse the meeting. The treatment that Herr Most received in London shows you that the only salvation of a com munity is to enforce the letter of the law without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided. Herr Most was convicted for the publication of that article, and no English policemen have been blown up with dynamite. He came to this country, and the policemen who have been blown up are the American officers right here in this city. If we have not enforced the law it is high time that we enforce it now." Mr. Ingham then showed that the Haymarket meeting was a trap for the police designed for the purpose of leading them into a dark, dangerous place, the speeches being the bait, artfully increased until the police came to the alley and the bomb could be thrown. " Now who made the bomb ? It is in evidence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain construction which Spies had said were superior, being of composite metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of May 4 was away from his house ; that he upbraided Seliger for having made but one bomb. During the afternoon he was busy making bombs, and men came and went and worked at the bombs in his house. There is a story of a man who that day received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he distributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical analysis of the bombs fur nished by Drs. Haines and Delafontaine. What's the answer to all this ? That the bomb was not thrown from the alley, but from thirty-eight feet south of the alley. And if they had satis fied you of that, was it not still thrown by one of the Anarchists —one of the conspirators ? The bomb camft from the conspiracy. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 445 And the moment it resulted in the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was merged into the crime of murder. "When Sumter was fired on, when the flag was insulted, when the attempt was made to destroy the Government, it was an attempt merely to change the form of government When the bomb in this war was thrown it was the opening shot of a war which should destroy all government, destroy all law, leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing to guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity — not merely our people, not merely we of America, but that humanity the wide world over — has no hope or no safety save in the law. Law is the very shield that guards the progress of the race ; it is the palladium of the liberty and lives of all people. Law which does not punish murder breeds death. Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their hearts hesitate to convict the guilty are in reality merciless as the grave, for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent victims of midnight assassina tion and fill the mind with deeds of blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries to Heaven for vengeance ; innocent blood contaminates the ground upon which it falls, and from it spring up dragon's teeth. And now if you believe these men guilty, if you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as you cannot help but be, that these men were a party to a conspiracy^ unlawful in its nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life was taken, that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the majesty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its penalties enforced. That is the demand upon you this day and this hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois but of humanity itself ; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its hopes for future years, is hanging breathless on your fate." MR. FOSTER FOR THE DEFENSE. Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not long lived in Chicago. He came in March from Davenport, Iowa, near which city he was born about forty years ago. He is of medium height and square build. His features are refined and intellect ual. An abundant growth of rich auburn hair adorns his shape ly head. Mr. Foster obtained considerable fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part in politics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 1884, and was very active in the campaign of that year. After having made an energetic and finely-elo quent plea to the jury to cast aside all prejudice arising from hatred of the principles of the Anarchists, love of and loyalty to the land, inherent patriotism, and the teachings of the popu- 446 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, lar press, Mr. Foster proceeded, in order to set himself right, to tear down without apology the theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler. He had no defense to make for Socialism — it is dangerous ; Communism is pernicious, and An archism is damnable. Lingg had manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor ; but he was on trial for throw ing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies, Schwab and Plscher had no business to preach social revolution in America. If they were not satisfied with the state of things here they ought to haye gone back to Germany and tried to reform things there. Mr. Fielden might have found occupation in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to Ireland. Parsons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of patriotism. Having thus skill fully set himself right with the jurors, Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he understood it, and as he wished the jury to understand it He admitted the moral responsibility of some of the prisoners for the crime. He denied their legal responsibility. " Our law knows no qitizenship when a defendant is brought to the bar of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is broad enough, the principles upon which our Government is founded are such that it matters not whether he be French, Ger man, Irish, Italian, or wherever his birthplace may be. All men are equal before the law. They are all citizens of the United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the testimony shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact that Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a foreigner. Schwab has been in this country long enough to be a citizen. Whether he is or not is entirely immaterial for the purposes of this case. I know that Fielden has been here more than twenty years. I know that Fischer has been in Chicago for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen or twenty years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they are foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring from you a verdict grounded upon prejudice. * * * It was an open secret that the defendants were indicted for murder, conspiracy, and riot, but I will only argue the question of conspiracy so far as it relates to the crime of murder. The question of Socialism was of no importance unless it was connected with the murder of Degan, and the defendants were not being tried for any offense but that of conspiracy which resulted in the murder of Degan. The prosecution had been trying to tole th*defendants out into CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 447 the underbrush and assassinate them on immaterial issues ; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to be seduced by the song of the siren. Suppose Spies et. al. did conspire to over throw society and their conspiracy stopped there, then there was nothing to argue. A verdict rendered upon anything else than a conspiracy directly connected with the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to the ground and amount to nothing." Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr. Foster said: "Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon the bench, and counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chi cago who has a right to say he has an opinion founded upon the facts in this case. If these men are to be tried on general prin ciples for advocating doctrines opposed to our ideas of propriety, there is no use for me to argue the case. Let the Sheriff go and erect the scaffold ; let him bring eight ropes with dangling nooses at the ends ; let him pass them around the necks of these eight men ; and let us stop this farce now if the verdict and conviction is to be upon prejudice and general principles. We boast of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the time has come when men are to be prejudged before the trial and con victed upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and praiseworthy in our temples of justice will be destroyed. Con sidering the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket tragedy, considering the facts that we know to be true, do you blame me for saying I am afraid of your passions ? I am afraid of your prejudices." Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster ex claimed in a loud voice : " Hang Spies, and Neebe, and Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer, and Lingg, and Engel!" Taking up a tin dynamite can he continued : " Among other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans were found! When were they in possession of any of the defendants ? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. When were they prepared and filled at the house of any of the defendants, or any of their associates ? Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. And yet they are not only introduced in evidence, their contents examined and sworn to, but you are expected to smell them ; you are asked to examine them at the risk of a headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why ? Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is part of the testimony upon which the lives of these eight men are to be destroyed. But it is all in a lifetime ; it is all part of the grand combination ; it is all in the great conspiracy, because counsel tell us it is. Such 448 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, evidence was never introduced in any court of justice in the civ ilized world without objection. It was said Herr Most described such things in his book on 'Revolutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony that any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not make any difference. They are Social ists — hang them. That does not make any difference. They are Communists — hang them ; they are Anarchists— hang them. I always supposed that the lowest creature that possessed life was entitled to some consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in existence so low, so poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do not believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Com munist or Anarchist That puts them beyond the pale of civili zation ; it puts them beyond the protection of the law ; it convicts them of itself." CAPTAIN W. p. BLACK FOR THE DEFENSE. On Tuesday, August 17, the fiftieth day of the trial. Cap tain W. P. Black, the leading counsel for the defense, made his plea. He said : " May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the Jury : On the morning of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were startled at the event which happened at the Haymarket Fear is the mother of cruelty, and perhaps that will account in some measure for the bitterness with which the State has prosecuted this case. The serious question which confronts us, however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your deliberations, may be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thrown at the Haymarket in this city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss of human life. But the moral responsibility for dynamite does not rest upon the Socialists. This explosive was given to the world by science. We might well stand appalled at the dread results this terrible agent is capable of producing. When a man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a crime, as in this case, the people must show who threw the bomb — who did the deed — and must show that these defendants were connected directly with the guilty man." The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong when one of them advised the jury that upon them it depended to maintain the law and government, because these defendants plotted against the state. They were revolutionists, it was said, but that was not true. There can be no revolution, though, ex cept when the heart of the people rise to redress some great wrong. • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 449 " As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of them, Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnau belt throw the bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was utterly improbable in itself ; the rational mind rejected it Is it credi ble ? Mr. Ingham has said Spies was- the brainiest man among the Anarchists, and the greatest coward. The witness Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from the wagon and go into the alley with Schnaubelt; saw him strike the light, fire the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among the police. Is that credible ? Remember, Spies, a man of brains, of more than average brains ; would he light the match that fired that bomb, and the police almost upon him ? Is that cred ible? It was also said Spies was a great coward. Then, if that were true, would he run the risk of lighting the bomb ? The counter-proof was abundant. A half a dozen reputable citizens standing in the mouth of the alley had testified that they did not see Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter the alley before the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was true, but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley with out being seen by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three witnesses testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the evening, disappointed because there was no German speak ing, and was not at the Haymarket when the explosion took place. " The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by which it was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next consid ered. The case of the state was substantially this : The meeting at the Haymarket May 4 was an incident in the carrying out of an organized scheme. August Spies was there to precipitate a conflict with the police. He put Parsons on the stand, who made a long harangue, but the police did not appear. Then Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and the act was accomplished. But who called this meeting ? Not Spies, not Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor Fischer, as an individual act It was the result of another meet ing, held the night before at 54 West Lake street, and about which Spies knew nothing. "Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, in order to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormlck's May 3, and forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having worked up his auditors to a pitch of excitement and inflamed them to attack the non-union men, he came down town and 29 450 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, wrote the ' Revenge ' circular, calling for the Haymarket meet ing. But did he encourage the men at McCormlck's to vio lence ? The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that he counseled peace ; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The further circumstance proving that no evidence was contemplated that night consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up and rain was threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fielden had the stand at that time, but he, simple soul, begged a few minutes' delay, saying he had but little more to say, and then in all simplicity went on to say it. All this was in the line going to prove that Spies had no connection with the alleged conspir acy. The circular calling for the Tuesday night meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the circumstances," continued Captain Black, " prove that August Spies was not aware of the meeting held May 3 ? Do they not prove that he could have no share in the design of that meeting, of which the one at the Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the general con spiracy ? As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not a lawful assemblage ? Who first broke the laws ? That meeting was called by a circular. It was called to denounce a grievance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if the projectors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who made the name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right. That right was in corporated in the fundamental laws of the nation. One clause in the Constitution allows the people to assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss their grievances, another provides that the people have the right to assemble together in a peace able manner to discuss measures for their common good, and to instruct their representatives. I am not here to defend Social ism, nor do I contend that Anarchy has in it the elements of true reform, but I am here to defend these men. They are Socialists. That system centuries ago had the sanction of St Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of a great host of philoso phers who have subscribed in fealty to Socialism. "These defendants have the right to discuss the great wrongs of the working people. They have the right to try their remedy. They say that private property is robbery. That may be false. There is not a Catholic organization that is not founded on the idea of common co-operation. It was Plato's dream that the means of existence should be the common prop erty of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was^Baid to believe that CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 45 I every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for the benefit of one class only. The fact that these defendants are Anarchists is not a fact which would justify the jury in taking their lives. These men are not the lazy fellows pictured by the state." state's attorney JULIUS S. GRINNELL FOR THE PROSECUTION. State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he began his remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for making heroes of the prisoners. The Anarchists were compared to the fathers of our country; they were pictured as martyrs, as men who sacrificed themselves for the welfare of human kind. If that be so, songs of praise should be sung, and the Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black had said that society was discriminating against the poor ; that the struggle for existence was daily becoming harder. That was not true, for civil liberty was never before as widespread as it is at present Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his entire attention since May 5. Government was on trial. Murder had been committed. It was sought to know who was responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot it was not thought it was more far- reaching than the results of the inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the magnificent efforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was developed. Then Schnaubelt was discov ered. It was not until after Spies was arrested that it became apparent that a man was capable of the hellish act in which he was concerned. A mistake had been made. It was said the State would show who the bomb-thrower was. This had not been done, owing to the inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the statements they had before that made to the officers. These men were not Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no government, no law. Until placed on the stand these men never hedged on that definition. It was sought to be shown that the defendants were barking dogs that would not bite. These men were on trial, law was on trial. Anarchy was on trial for treason. The penalty of treason is death. A man can commit an overt act of treason, and not kill anybody. Ls it any the less treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded ? There is no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated threats resulted in the commission of the deed. For years past, on the Lake front and at the different so-called Socialistic halls in the city, these men had preached the use of dynamite, poison and daggers as a means of effecting the social revolution. The thing should have been stopped long ago. But 452 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, that was foreign to the case. The men were here now on trial for murder. Their threats had been carried out It did not matter whether any police officers had overstepped their duty ; the jury had nothing at all to do with that The accused were on trial for murder. On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble under the red flag, which they described as the emblem of univer sal liberty. But there was but one flag of liberty — that was the Stars and Stripes ; and it would always remain such if the gentle men of the jury had the courage to uphold the law. Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings were spread from one group to another to fill the people with terror, so that the social revo lution might the more easily be accomplished. Mr. Grinnell holds that Spies wrote the "Revenge" circular premeditatedly. He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages con tained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the famous dodger. There were only two officers at McCormlck's when the mob Spies was addressing broke loose and attacked the non-un ion men. The police were called, but why ? To protect the McCormick property and the two officers from the fury of the mob as well as to save the non-union men from being killed. It was this sight — the coming of additional police — that made the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatalities had taken place, or not knowing that' any had occurred, Spies posted down town, and the "Revenge" circular was written by him and in the hands of the printer before 5 o'clock that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's name was mentioned every day time and time again by the defense, but he was not called as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the stand. It was Rau who invited Spies to address the Haymarket meeting, and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a kind of Marc Antony address, and to be understood one must read it between the lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame. It was a significant open ing. The working men were told to come armed. Waller did come _ armed. The police should have broken up the meeting in its incipiency. If Bonfield had not gone down there at the time he did the riot would have been general. The reason more bombs were not thrown was that the other fellows in the con spiracy had not time to reach the scene. The man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg or Spies and hurled it accord ing to directions received from one or other of these men. Did Fielden shoot that night ? For years pa* he has called the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 453 police bloodhounds ; he said he would march down Michigan avenue with the red "flag or the black flag, and preached "death to the capitalists and the police, our despoilers." This must be understood above all things ; that the bomb was thrown in furth erance of the common design, no matter who threw it Gilmer said Spies handed the bomb to Schnaubelt Is that improbable ? For years he preached the throwing of bombs. An article over his own signature is in evidence, and in this he gives directions as to the manner in which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the enemy. Who was Schnaubelt ? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man who was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go, then shaved off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A peculiar circumstance, and the most significant of the case, was that when Spies was arrested he left the traces of his crime in his office. Bonfield arrested him. Spies said he went over to the Central station unsuspectingly. Had he known what was going to have happened he would have destroyed the "Ruhe" manuscript It was the little mistakes that brought the criminal to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that did not leave traces of his crime behind him. Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over ; the jury's was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives of some of the prisoners, to others they might give a term of years in the penitentiary, and some again they might acquit He would not ask the jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He would not ask the jury to do what he would not do himself. The proof was not sufficient to convict Neebe, but some of them, Spies, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons, and Schwab, ought to have the extreme penalty administered to them. " Personally," said Mr. Grinnell, " I have not a word to say against these men. But the law demands that they be punished. They have violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury, stand between the living and the dead. Do your duty. Do not disagree. If you think that some of them do not deserve the death penalty give them a life sentence, but do not disagree. Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for me, but it is my duty; do yours." In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said : " ihe Court instructs the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer the punishment of death, or imprisonment in the peniten tiary for his natural life, or for a term of not less than fourteen years. If the accused are found guilty by a jury they shall fix the punishment by their verdict 454 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, " The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that, in considering the case, the jury are not to go' beyond the evidence to hunt up doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical or conjectural. A doubt to justify an acquittal must be reasonable, and must arise from a candid and impartial investigation of all the evidence in the case, and unless it is such that, were the same kind of doubt interposed in the graver transactions of life, it would ca«se a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and pause, it is insufficient to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt. " If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires you to convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of the defendants "should be considered with the same care and scrutiny as if he alone were on trial. If a conspiracy having violence and murder as its object is fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each one of the conspirators, before or after May 4, which are merely narrative as to what had been or would be done, and not made to aid in carrying into effect the object of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the person who made them. What are the facts and what is the truth the jury must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any unguarded expressions in any of the instructions which seem to assume the existence of any facts, or to be any intima tion as to what is proved, all such expressions must be discour aged and the evidence only looked to to determine the facts. " The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an accessory is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, not being present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, encouraged, aided or abetted the perpetration of that crime. He who thus aids, abets, assists, advises or encourages shall be considered as a principal and punished accordingly. Every such accessory when a crime is committed within or without this state by his aid or procurement in this state, may be indicted and convicted at the same time as the principal, or before or after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted or amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal. " If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force and threw the bomb, then the defendants who were in the conspiracy were guilty of murder. If there was an Anarchistic conspiracy, and the defendants were parties to it, they are guilty of murder, though the date of the culminatifti of the conspiracy CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 455 was not fixed. If any of the defendants conspired to excite by advice people to riot and murder, such defendants are guilty if such murder was done in pursuance of said conspiracy; the impracticalness of the aim of the defendants is immaterial. "Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and if defendants conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was killed in consequence, the parties are guilty, and it is not neces sary that, any of the defendants were present at the killing. " All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circum stantial evidence must satisfy the jury beyond reasonable doubt In such case the jury may find defendants guilty. When defendants testified in the case they stood on the same ground as other witnesses." THE VERDICT. The jury retired at 2:50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The first intimation that an agreement had been reached was when word was sent to the Revere house to prepare supper for the jury, it having been understood that unless a decision as to the fate of the prisoners was reached before 10 o'clock, supper would not be served at that time. Friday morning the excitement of the crowd in front of the Criminal Court building was something intense while the verdict was being awaited. There was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the only other occasion that brings a mob to stand without those dreary walls — the exe cution of a convicted criminal. Such conversations as were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the one topic — the probable conviction of the eight prisoners who were waiting for the hour which was to mean life or death to them. Both sides of the street were lined with people who awaited anxiously for some tidings from the court within. An army of bailiffs and po licemen guarded the big doors, and the surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The limited number who obtained admission to the courtroom were the reporters and the imme diate friends and relatives of the defendants. The gaily-dressed women who had attended the trial since the start were not there. The court officials decided that the relatives of the prisoners should be allowed in the courtroom, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with another young woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the courtroom and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Parsons entered the courtroom, accom panied by a woman who attended her throughout the trial. She was given a seat between two policemen. The row of seats far- 456 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, thest removed from the judge were occupied by a force of police officers. Next below, seated in the order named, were Henry Spies; Mrs. Spies, the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young lady friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked anxious. Mrs. and Miss Spies and- Mrs. Par sons looked worn out, though the latter tried to appear uncon cerned, and occupied her time in reading the newspapers. It was 9:50 o'clock when the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He was barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took a seat near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients. "Are they prepared for the worst?" asked Mrs. Black, anxiously. " Prepared ! " repeated the Captain. " Yes ; fully prepared to laugh at death. They talk about the matter much more coolly than I can.'' A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in. They were not given their usual seats, but placed in a row on a bench against the wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle leading to the passage way to the jail. They sat in the same old order. Spies was at the head, next to the Judge. All looked haggard and excited. Even the usually stoical face of Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer was deathly pale and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling wretches were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Anarchy on the Lake front, in Zephf's hall and the beer saloons of the North and West sides. They were the men who were advocating force and the use of dynamite, and the total annihilation of law and order, the theft of property, and murder of citizens. Their vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages of decent working men, their pol icy was Communism, their banner was the banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction. Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in flights of incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they bowed in submission before the most powerful scourge the law can wield — the death verdict The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box. They looked determined and resolute. There was a death-like silence in the court In a low voice the Judge asked : " Gentle men, have you agreed?" F. E. Osborne, the foreman, rose and replied: " We have, your Honor." Taking out two sheets of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he hafltied them to Clerk CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOI.-:. 457 Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge, who sHpped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook violently. A whispered consultation between the Judge and the Clerk fol lowed, and the document was returned to Mr. Doyle, who read : " We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at death. "We find the defendant, Oscar W. Neebe, guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at imprisonment in the penitentiary at fifteen years." Not a sound came from the spectators. For a moment the courtroom was silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck with horror. Spies' face blanched white as the paper on which his death sentence was written. His lips quivered, and he mechanically tapped the floor with his foot and nervously stroked his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned. The blood rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his forehead in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was visibly affected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and maintained a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to flaunt a red handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on the outside, but was promptly checked by a bailiff. Fielden fairly quaked. He shook like an aspen leaf, and in every way showed his great fear. Fischer was ghastly. When the verdict was first being read he held a half-consumed cigar in his mouth, but when the death penalty was reached the weed fell from his lips to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical, but when the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to tremble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became known to the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent the air. Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jurymen answered with firm voices. Captain Black said he would desire to make a motion for a new trial. State's Attorney Grinnell said it would be impossible to dispose of the motion during the present term, but by agreement, the motion could be argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the defense. The Court. — " Let the motion be entered and continued until the next term, and let the defendants be taken back to jail." Judge Gary then arose and addressed the jury as follows : "Gentlemen OF THE Jury: — You have finished this long and very arduous trial, which has required a very considerable 458 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, sacrifice of time, and some hardship. I hope that everything has been done that could possibly be done to make those sacrifices and hardships as mild as might be permitted. It does not be come me to say anything in regard to the case that you have tried, or the verdict you have rendered ; but men compulsorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve some recognition of the service you have performed besides the meager compensation you have received." The Foreman of the jury said : " The jury have deputed to me the only agreeable duty that it is in our province to perform, and that is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense and for the prosecution for your kindly care to make us as comfortable as possible during our confinement. We thank you." The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room when a shrill shriek was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to the floor. She was taken out into the fresh air by policemen, and soon revived. Mrs. Spies followed up this scene by going into hysterics, and also had to be assisted from the room. The other women kept their nerves, and after the first shock main tained composure. In the meantime the crowd had closed in on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to foot. The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the condemned men away to their cells. THE CONDEMNED. August Spies was born in Friedewald, in the province of Hesse, Germany, in 1855. He was educated by a private tutor during his earlier years, after which he studied at a polytechnic institute. At the age of sixteen he took up the study of for estry. A year later he sailed for America. He came to Chicago immediately, and secured a position in an upholstery establish ment, where he remained some time, afterward going to Fairbury, in this state. He returned to this city soon after, and was en gaged in various occupations until 1880. In that year he was a candidate for the position of West Town Collector, on the Socialistic ticket In the spring of 1880 he took charge of the business management of the Arbeiter Zeitung, shortly afterward assuming the position of editor. Samuel Fielden was born in Todmorden, Lancashire, Eng land, February 25, 1847. He worked in a cotton mill in various capacities from the time he was eight years old till he reached his majority. When he was eighteen years old he went to Westlyn, and joined the Methodist Episcopal Church, becoming CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. a Sunday-school superintendent, and afterward a local preacheTT He came to the United States in 1866. After working East he went to Olmstead Falls, near Cleveland, Ohio, removing to Summit, Cook county, in 1869, where he worked upon the farm of "Long" John_ Wentworth. He then went South, and took up his residence in Chicago in 1871. Albert R. Parsons is a Southerner. He was born in Mont gomery, Ala., June 20, 1848. He came from good stock. His father was Samuel P. Parsons of Maine, and his mother was from New Jersey. His ancestors were English, and came to this country in 1632. His mother died when he was two years old, and his father three years later. In 1853 he went to live with his brother. General W. H. Parsons, in Tyler, Texas, and was raised by him. He was apprenticed to the Galveston News in 1859, for seven years, and learned the printer's trade. When the war broke out, in 1861, he became a member of the Lone Star Grays, on the Confederate side, and later on became a scout. In 1868 he went to Waco, Texas, and started the Spectator, afterward becoming connected with the Houston Daily Telegram. It was in Houston that he met his wife, and married her in 1872. He came here with her in 1873, and worked as a printer until he was arrested, in 1877, on account of his interference in the strikes. He ran for several offices on the Socialistic ticket, and finally started the Alarm. Michael Schwab first saw the light of day in Kibringer-on- the-Maih, Bavaria, August 9, 1853. He attended public school when he was five years old, until twelve, and then went to Latin school until sixteen. His mother died when he was eight, and his father when he was two. In 1869 he learned the bookbinder's trade in Wunsenberg. He afterward lived in various German and Bavarian cities and became a Socialist while in Wunsenberg. He came to America in 1879, and Chicago in the same year. After a sojourn in Milwaukee and the West he returned here in 1882, and went on the Arbeiter Zeitung as a reporter at a salary of $12 per week. His position was finally raised to associate editor, and his salary to $18. Louis Lingg, the youngest of the doomed Anarchists, is only twenty-one years old, having been born in Baden, Germany, in 1864. He secured a common school education in Germany. After leaving his native country he went to Switzerland, where he remained several years, arriving in America in August, 1885. He is a carpenter by trade, and unmarried. . Adolph Fischer is about twenty-six or twenty-seven years 460 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, of age, and has lived in this country for the last thirteen years. He is a printer, and worked at his trade while in America. For the last seven years he has been a compositor on the Arbeiter Zeitung. He is married, and the father of two children. George Engel is a native of Germany, having been born in Kassel, Hesse, Germany, in 1839. Early in January, 1872, he came to America, and afterward to Chicago, where he has since lived, working as a painter. Oscar W. Neebe is of German descent, but was born in New York City, in 1850. In 1865 he came to Chicago, where he worked at his trade of tinsmith. In 1870 he went to New York, and from there to Philadelphia, where he remained two years, returning to Chicago in 1875. He has since resided with his family in this city. THE JURORS. The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so many long and weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank S. Osborne, foreman of the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine, and the father of three sons. He is head salesman of the carpet de partment of Marshall Field's retail store, and came here from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian. Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted by both sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago, and served throughout the Rebellion in the Forty-first Ohio In fantry. He came to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six years ago, and though a bookkeeper by profession, is at present out of employment. J. H. Brayton, principal of Webster School, lives at Engel- wood with his family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He had arranged a hunting and fishing excursion for the summer, which the trial ruined. A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Tem ple of Music, 136 State street He was born in Boston forty- nine years ago, but has been in the music business here for twen ty-three years, living with his wife at 3242 Groveland Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an Atheist Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago twenty years of the forty-one he has been on earth, and now lives with his wife at 1521 Forty-first street C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N. Y., lived in Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is now a salesman in the Putnam Clothing House. He served in the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery. Mr. To&d lives at loi ^ West Polk street. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 461 H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of the late Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports of New York. For fifteen months past he has been voucher clerk for the Chicago & Northwestern, but before coming to Chicago he was a petroleum broker at New York. He and his wife live at Oak Park. S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was born in Erie county, Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he has been in Chicago he has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler, and is now a salesman for J. C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45 LaSalle street Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King & Co., is twenty-seven years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has lived in Chicago twenty-five years and is not married. Charles A. Ludwig is also twenty-seven years old, single, and is a clerk in the wood mantel shop of Charles L. Page & Co. , John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the Chicago & Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park. He is twenty-five years old, and single. G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan selling paint for a Clinton street firm. He is a painter by trade and hves with his brother at Evanston. The following is the official Police Department report of casualties at the Haymarket: NAME OP OFFICER. August C. Killer Thomas McHenry. . JohnE. Doyle John A. King Nicholas Shannon. . Michael Sheahan . James Conway Patrick Hartford . . . Patrick Nash Arthur Conolly Louis Johnson M. M. Cardin Adam Barber Henry F. Smith. . Prank TyreU James A. Brady JohnEied George Muller .... Patrick McLaughlin Prank Murphy Lawrence Murphy.., Third Precinct. NATURE OP WOUNDS, AND CIRCUMSTANCES. Shell wound in right side, and ball wound in lelt side. Wife and five children. Shell wound in left knee and three shell wounds in left hip. Single ; has sister and blind mother to support. Bullet wound in back and calves of both legs; serious. Wife and one child. Jaw bone fractured by shell, and two bullet wounds in right leg below the knee ; serious. Single. Thirteen shell wounds on risht side and five shell wounds on left side, also right foot and back; serious. Wife and 3 children. Died Mat 9. Single. Bullet wound in right leg. Single. Shell wound right ankle, two toes on left foot amputated, bullet ¦wound in left side. Wife and four children. Bruise on lelt shoulder by club. Single. Two shell wounds in left leg, bones slightly fractured. Wife. Shell wound in left leg. Wife and four children. Bullet wound In calf of both legs. Wife and two children. Shell wound left leg. bullet wound in right heel, bullet not ex tracted. Wife and one child. Bullet wound on right shoulder; quite serious. Wife and two children in CHlifornia. Bullet in right hip near the spine bullet not removed. Single. Shell wound in left leg, slight; injury to toes left foot and shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two children; wife very eick at County Hospital. , „. , Shell wound in left leg ; bullet w. righ t knee, not removed. Single. Died Mat B, at County Hospital. Single. Bruised on right side, leg and hip ; sliglit. Wife and 3 children. Trampled on, three ribsliroken. Wife and two children. Shell wounds left side of neck and left knee; part of left foot am- putated. Wife and three children. 462 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, POLICE DEPARTMENT REPORT— CONTINUED. name of officer. John J. Barrett . Michael Madden.. Lieutenant Stanton.,.. Matthias J. Degan... Thomas Brophy Bernard Murphy Charles H. Fink Joseph Norman Peter Butterly Alexander Jameson. Michael Horan Thomas Hennessey. William Burns . . . Thomas Keddbn. James Plunkett Charles W. Whitney.. Jacob Hansen Timothy Sullivan Martin Cullen Simon Klid?io Julius L. Simonson. John K. McMahon. .. Simon McMahon Edward W. Ruel Alexander Halverson. Carl JE. Johnson Peter McCormick Christopher Gaynor.. Timotht Flavin Nils Hansen S. J. Weineke.... Patrick McNuIty Samuel Hilgo Herman Krueger... Joseph A. Gilso Edward Barrett Fruman Steele James T. Johnson Benjamin F. Snell James H. Willson. Daniel Hogan M. U'Brlen Frederick A. Andrew Jacob Ebinger John J.Kelly Patrick Flavin STATION. Third Precinct. Fourth Central Detail. NATURE OF WOUNDS, AND CIRCUMSTANCES. Died Mat 6, at County Hospital; shot in liver. Wife. Shotin left lung, will recover; killed his assaOant after he was shot. Single. Shell wound In right side, bullet wound in right hip, wounds in side both hips; bullet wound in calf of leg. Wife, ? children. Instantlt killed. Widower ; father, mother and three sons. Slight injury to left leg; reported for duty. Wife. Bullet wound in left thigh, shell wound in right side of head and on chin ; not dangerous. Wife. Three shell wounds in left leg and two wounds on right leg, and slightly in thigh; not dangerous. Wife. Bullet passed through right foot, slight injury to fingers on left hand. Wife and two children. Bullet wound in right arm, shell wound in both legs, near knees. Wife and one child. Bullet wound in left leg; serious. Wife and seven children. Bullet wound in left thigh, not removed, slight shell wound on left arm. Single. . , ^ , ^._ Shell wound on left thigh; slight. Has crippled brother and two sisters to support. Slight shell wound on left ankle. Single. Died Mat 16, at County Hospital. Fracture of left leg below knee, bullet wound in left cheek, bullet wound in right arm. Wife and two children. Struck with club and trampled upon ; on duty. Wife. Shell wound in left breast, shell not removed. Single. Eight leg amputated above the knee. Three shell wounds on left leg. Wife and one child. Bullet wound ]UBt above left knee. Has four children (Widower). Eight collar hone fractured, and slight injury to left knee; not serious. Wife and five children. Shotin calf of left leg; serious. Wife and three children. Shot in arm, near shoulder ; very serious. Wife and two children. Shell wound on calf of left leg, shell not found; ball wound left leg, near knee ; very serious. Wife and two children. Shot in right arm and two wounds on right leg. Wife, five children. Shot in right ankle, bullet not removed ; serious. Single. Shot in both legs, ball not extracted. Single. Shot in left elbo%v. Wife and two children. Slight shot wound in left arm. Wife. Slight bruise on left knee. Wife. Died from wounds, Mat 8. Wife and three children. Died June 14, at County Hospital. Shot in body, arms and legs, fingers paralyzed. Wife and six children. Shot in left side of head, ball not found : serious. Wife and two children. Shot in right leg and both hips; dangerous. Wife and three children. Shot in right leg; not serious. Single. Shot in right knee. Wife and two children. Slightly injured in leg and back. Wife and six children. Shot in right leg; quite serious. Wife and six children. Slightly wounded in back; not serious. Single. Eight knee sprained ; not serious. Wife and three children. Shot in right leg; at hospital. Single. Seriously injured in abdomen by shell, and In left hand; very serious. Wife and five children. Shot in calf of risht leg and in left hand. Wife and daughter. Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and two children. Wounded in leg; not serious. Married. Shell wound on back of left hand. Wife and three children. Slight wound by shell, left hand. Wife and three children. Finger hurt by shell. Married. Totalnumber of wounded ofiicers, 67. Deaths, 7. The citizens raised a purse of nearly $55,000 to administer to the wants of the families of the policemen who were killed and wounded, and the treasury of the Policemen's Mutual Aid Association was materially benefited. STORY OF THE CONSPIRACY. The real inwardnesss of the Anarchist%conspiracy and the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 463 means employed to ferret It out will not be known until the trials of the big batch of Anarchists indicted for conspiracy alone are brought to a close. Captain Frank Schaack, in whose district the headquarters of the Northwest Group were located, had but six detectives to assist him in the work of unearthing their con nections. By May 7 the work had narrowed down to certain quarters, and was progressing favorably. It was not until the informer Thielen had disclosed the in wardness of the conspiracy, the " Ypsilon " call, and the " Ruhe " signal, that the hard work actually commenced. Detectives Schuttler and Loewenstein and some officers in uniform were sent to two houses on Sedgwick street, one of which was Sel iger's (No. 442), and the other a few doors off on the opposite side of the street. Oppenheimer, the escaped informer, said that when the officers were going toward Seliger's he and Lingg were standing on the opposite sidewalk, and that they discussed the feasibility of making a rush for the house and getting in in time to arm themselves and kill the officers, in case they were actually bound for Seliger's. But the unconscious officers were too quick in their movements and got to the house first Then Lingg said he would hide, and instructed Oppenheimer to send his trunk to No. 71 West Lake street in case the officers did not take it away. It was then that Schuttler and Loewenstein found the Lingg-Scliger arsenal and all the infernal machinery for bomb manufacture. The officers held possession of the place until everything was taken to the station. Seliger was found at work at Meyer's carpenter shop the same evening, and was lodged in the East Chicago avenue station. This was the first arrest of importance as leading directly to the conspiracy. That night Thielen came to see what his friend Seliger was arrested for, and he, too, was put under lock and key. It was then that Lingg first was heard of. Thielen was the first informer, but it was some days before he willingly told anything. His talk the first night, however, regarding Seliger's lodger, Lingg, and Seliger's talk on the same subject, led Schaack to believe that Lingg was an important factor in the case. Schuttler and Loewenstein then bent all their energies to Lingg's capture. They traced him first by an express wagon he had hired to deliver his tool-chest at Twelfth and Clark streets. Then they traced him to Canal street, and then to the lumber district, frequently losing the trail and then catching it again. Finally, on the 14th they located him in the little cottage on Ambrose street, where they arrested him. Lingg was an unconscious informer. He was defiant ; he desired 464 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, to conceal nothing regarding himself, and in his reckless moods he disclosed many things that were valuable. Then Thielen squealed. A host of conspirators were hunted down by the six detectives and arrested. Assistant State's-Attorney Furthman, whom Schaack describes as better than any two detectives in the city, interviewed the prisoners daily and nightly in their native tongue, and kept a record of all their statements. RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT. Rudolph Schnaubelt, the man who is believed to have thrown the devastating dynamite bomb, and who escaped after being once arrested, was first discovered in the Arbeiter Zeitung office on Fifth avenue the morning after the Haymarket riot The police raid was made at about 1 1 o'clock. Schnaubelt, who was a very tall, well-built man, with yellowish, bushy whiskers, stood behind the desk talking to his sister, Mrs. Schwab. This woman, by the way, very much resembles him in appearance, and was the woman who carried the red flag in front of the Anar chist procession the night of the demonstration on the Board of Trade. Lieutenant Shea, Chief of Detectives, says : " We arrested Fischer and the printers in the office and took them to the Central. Schnaubelt was not arrested then. The next day Detectives Palmer and Cosgrove brought him into the Central, and I talked to him for a while. He could speak but little English, and was very straightforward in his answers. He acknowledged that he was at the Haymarket meeting, and said that when the bomb exploded he got down from the wagon and went home. I asked him if he was a Socialist, and he promptly replied that he was. I knew of no reason then to hold Schnau belt We had arrested about forty Socialists already, and had no use for the most of them. We even let Neebe go once. " I heard the witness Gilmer's story about three days after the riot He described a man with bushy whiskers. \Vell, the first time I saw Schnaubelt was when Palmer and Coso-rove brought him into the Central. He had shaved his beard off then, and of course I did not recognize Schnaubelt from Gilmer's description. It was perhaps two weeks later before we discov ered that Schnaubelt had left town. Not until then did we con nect him with the bomb-thrower Gilmer had described. I think he left town a day or two after we had him in the Central sta tion. With two weeks the start of us it was hard to track him, and we have never found any positive trace of his whereabouts. He may be dead and he may be in the far West The only place where he is certain not to be is in Chicago." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 465 THE GRAND JURY. The.grand jury that indicted the Anarchists was composed of a representative body of men. The following is an abstract of their report in reference to the Haymarket massacre : To THE Hon. Judge John G. Rogers: In presenting the bills of indictments which we have the honor herewith to submit, in what are known as the " Anarchist cases," we deem it proper to accompany the same with a few words of explanation. We have endeavored in our deliberations and in our findings to be guided strictly by the instructions delivered to us by the Court in regard to the liability of a citizen under the law for the abuse of the privilege of free speech. We have in this connection, upon the evidence adduced, found true bills only against such persons as had, in their abuse of this right, been more or less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed at Haymarket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to inves tigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for the rea son that persons against whom evidence was presented seemed to be the weak and ignorant tools of designing men, and that it was our belief should they continue their evil associations and practices after this calamity shall have shown them to what it leads, that some future grand jury would give their cases proper attention. So far as we are informed this is the first appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal annals of this state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy for the destruction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part of this country that has employed this new and dangerous agency. It is not surprising that the fatal and appalling suc cess which has attended this, its first introduction, should have inspired terror in this community. We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the re sult of a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now in the possession of the officers of the law, and will be brought out when the cases shall be reached in court We find that this force of disorganizers had a very perfect force of organizers of its own, and that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie of men who were connected with the publication of their English and German newspaper organs, the Alarm and Arbeiter Zeitung. The evidence has shown conclusively to us that these men were manipulating this agitation from base and selfish motives, for the power and influence which it gave them, and for the money which they could make out of it ; that the large majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and 30 466 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, they have collected in this way large sums of money from those followers, and from the working men of this city. That their plan was to involve, so far as they could, not only the Socialist and Communist organizations, with whom they claim some kin dred, but also the labor societies and trades unions, to the end that in the midst of the excitement they were creating they could not only rely upon them as a source of revenue, but also have them to fall back upon in the event of their finally being made amenable to the law. Witnesses have come before us under protest and with fear and trembling lest their appearance before this jury should draw down upon them or upon their families the secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of in dustry in the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagreement between the employer and the employed had been adjusted, by the same fear inspired among the workmen, coupled with the feeling that the law as administered was impotent to af ford protection to a man ready and willing to work for the sup port of his family. So exaggerated has been the popular notion as to the magnitude of this force that politicians have cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its vote. Proces sions have been tolerated upon our public streets carrying ban ners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace to our city, and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public harangues have been permitted that were an open menace to law and order, and which in logical sequence have reached their culmination in the bloody outrage known as the Haymarket massacre. We be lieve that a proper enforcement of the law, as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this Grand Jury at the begin ning of its session, would restore confidence, correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect this community from the recurrence of a like disorder. In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this Grand Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful ac knowledgments of the debt owing to the officers and men of the police force of Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their con scientiousness and devotion to duty we believe that they have saved this city from a scene of bloodshed and devastation equal to, or perhaps greater than that witnessed during the Commune in Paris. We wish further, from the evidence that has been placed before us, to express our fullest confidence that the same force that has protected us by its bravery in the face of the ene my, aided by the skill and legal ability of our Prosecuting Attor ney and his assistants, is quite competent ^o hunt these public CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 467 enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of law with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so richly deserve. Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury as a witness one Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water Department. This witness, it was said, testified that he saw a machinist, whose name was withheld, talking with Spies and Schwab at the Haymarket the evening of the tragedy. The witness watched the trio closely and saw them go toward Halsted street and then return to the wagon so frequently referred to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return the witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right coat-pocket which filled it up as an apple or base-ball might His attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent manner in which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of the pocket with his hand. M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described a certain person who was with Schwab and Spies during the early part of the evening, and this, in connection with Krendl's testimony, was considered important by the jury. It was stated at the time that Krendl was able to give the machinist's name, from having once been a Socialist It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the machin- ist referred to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light ma chinery at No. 224 East Washington street, stated that Schnau belt had been in his employ about five weeks previous to the Haymarket riot He was a good workman, but a pronounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterances had led many others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt had a companion, August Lambrecht by name, who came to work for Rosbeck about the same time he did. They were very intimate, going and coming together, and carrying on a close relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his employer for the day, saying he had some important business to attend to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work promptly Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in conversation, Mr. Rosbeck said : " Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night" "Yes," said Schnaubelt, " a devil of a time." Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued : "You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why didn't you use more bombs ?" " Because," he answered, "they didn't get up with them in time." 468 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who in formed the detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morn ing. Wednesday Schnaubelt had a heavy beard and moustache. At the time of his arrest Thursday he had no beard and his moustache had been trimmed close to his lip. After his release by the police Schnaubelt returned to the shop and resumed work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that he might not return the next day. He said that he feared the detectives might search his house and then arrest him. He said Mrs. Schwab was his sister, and he was often at her house. If they searched Schwab's house it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's) arrest. He has not been seen since that Thursday night His tools and clothes remained in the shop, as also did his unpaid wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of his friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht informed Rosbeck that Schnaubelt had instructed him to draw his salary and take possession of his clothes. In his evidence before the jury M. M. Thompson declared that he saw either Spies or Schwab — and he felt almost certain it was the latter — hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio were about fifteen feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said, was in waiting for them when they came from Halsted street Krendl testified that in his opinion Schnaubelt could not have been handed the bomb at the place designated, because he saw him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return. He admitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside pocket when near the wagon. Schnaubelt, when arrested by Detective Palmer, admitted to Lieutenant Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday night, but insisted that he left the wagon on which they were standing when it commenced to rain. Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were received. A letter, said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was received by the police some weeks after the riot, from Portland, Oregon. The writer poked fun at the chief and said that the fact that he was so far away was due to th^ stupidity of the detective force and Lieut Shea's gullibility^ Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at Erie, Pa., which in features and in the clothes upon it corres ponded to the description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he had left Chicago as a stowaway in a vessel and had been drowned in trying to get ashore at Erie at night The authorities, how ever, became convinced that this was not Schnaubelt Some of CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 469 the police have always believed that Schnaubelt left the city with Parsons the night after the bomb throwing, and after remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Parsons decided to appear and stand trial, continued his flight South or West Sep tember 15, 1886, H. F. Schaffer, a conductor on the Mexican Central Railroad, on his way to his home in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and informed him that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the Police News, he thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German accent Mr. Schaffer and a com panion visited the jeweler frequently and endeavored to draw him out upon the subject of the Haymarket massacre, but the sus pected person would not talk about the Anarchists. It is under stood the police took measures to investigate this supposed clue. COST OF THE ANARCHLST TRIALS. It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators for connection with the Haymarket massacre will cost Cook county and Chicago about $100,000. A calculation made by county officials at the close of the murder trial in August, placed the average cost since the night of the bomb throwing at $24,- 800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the daily expenses as follows : State's-Attorney's office, stenographers, messengers, tele grams, interpreters, extra legal help (Mr. Ingham) . $200 Sheriff's office, bailiff's, jury fees, hotel bills for jury, etc. . 150 Court costs. Judge's salary, miscellaneous items . . -loo Detectives, policemen, witness fees . . . . 150 Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses . . 100 This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100 days which the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six persons indicted for conspiracy in connection with the murders will bring the total cost up to $100,000. In an interview Chief of Police Ebersold praised the brave and steady action of the police at the Haymarket, but for quick and active fighting gave the palm to the six officers who held a mob of two or three thousand men at bay at the McCormick works the day before the Haymarket affair. A mob tried to hang Officer Casey to a lamp-post, and he fought hand to hand against great odds until rescued. Vaclav Dejnek, Frank Broda and a young man named Hess were indicted for this affair, and Dejnek was sentenced to serve one year in state's prison. 470 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, THE ARBEITER ZEITUNG. The Arbeiter Zeitung, which was suppressed the morning after the riot, was re-issued almost immediately, and in one issue had the following comments on the trial : " Has it come to this, in the land of Washington, Franklin 'and Jefferson ? It is the iron Must of historic development Only those men who are economically independent can be truly free. Where there are poor and rich political freedom is a wretched lie. Mammon, the powerful idol, lowers freedom to a kitchen wench. As in Rome at the time of its decay Praetorian bands of foreigners upheld the rule of the Caesars, so now the chief support of the money kings is the police force of the large American cities, which consists mainly of foreigners. The down fall of the Republic is nigh. It will fall like all countries whose foundations crumble away in the course of time. All the weeping and wailing cannot delay catastrophe. The present is without hope, so we must strengthen ourselves by looking at the future. A new life will bloom from the ruins of the present social order. The society of the future will bridge over the abysses which open to-day before our eyes. All men will be equal. They will remember with a shudder the time when Prstorian bands could plot the massacre of thousands. Mam mon will be cast down from his usurped throne, and Freedom will take the place with conquering power, to dwell with happy humanity forever and ever." After the verdict was rendered Mr. Grinnell, in behalf of the State, sent word to the new publishers of the Arbeiter Zeitung that care must be taken by them that no attacks either on the jury or Judge Gary should appear in their paper, notify ing them that if any such article should appear, the managers of the paper would be prosecuted for contempt of court The following was the result of the warning : "OUTRAGEOUS! "SEVEN OF THE DEFENDANTS SENTENCED TO DEATH, AND NEEBE GETS FIFTEEN YEARS. "A Motion for a New Trial Made ! "The jury, through Osborne, its foreman, presented their verdict to Judge Gary this morning. When the result became known the detectives, who mingled freely with the crowd on the street, set up a loud cheering, and the Judge became very pale- he did not expect such a demonstration. Grinnell, on the other hand, evidently expected such a verdict, fnd presumably with CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 47 I cause. Marshall Field and men of his stripe have entirely too much money. What do the people say to this verdict ? They will look upon it as being impossible — incredible. We were not inclined to believe it at first, but we soon became convinced. Captain Black instantly made a motion for a new trial, which Grinnell did not oppose, and Judge Gary will hear this motion next term. If he overrules the motion, an appeal will be taken. We are not in a proper frame of mind to say more to-day." The verdict of the jury was unanimously commended both by the American and foreign press, and it was held that if sen tence were executed, a death-blow would be dealt Anarchy in this country. The Chicago Socialists held numerous meetings to raise money to appeal the case to the Supreme Court, and in these meetings Dr. Ernst Schmidt, the Socialist candidate for Mayor in 1879, was a prime mover. Joseph Gruenhut and other Socialist leaders, set to work to organize a political party to take action in the fall election, and at a convention held in the North side Turner hall, Saturday, September 25, a contest ensued be tween the radical Socialists and the various reputable labor or ganizations, for control of the convention. A test vote was taken on the election of a chairman, and the Socialists were found to control the convention by a large majority, their choice being C. G. Dixon.. Mrs. Parsons, Mrs. Spies and her daughter, Mrs. W. P. Black and other relatives and sympathizers with the condemned Anarchists, had seats on the stage. The convention adjourned to meet Monday following at Greene baum's hall, where a full state and county ticket was named, composed in part of Socialists, laboring men, and members of the old parties. At this convention the representatives of up ward of twenty reputable labor organizations, not in sympathy with the Socialists, were blacklisted, and these held a convention at the North side Turner hall, Monday, October 4, in which the action of the Socialists was repudiated. The Anarchists and Socialists of NewYork held several meetings and passed resolutions of sympathy with their Chicago brethren. September 22 Mrs. Black, wife of the leading coun sel for the defense, published a letter in which she predicted an immediate revolution and widespread destruction of life and property if the Anarchists should be executed. September 27 Capt Black served notice of his motion tor a new trial upon State's Attorney Grinnell. Accompanying the motion were a number of affidavits in its support, among them being the complaint that the verdict was contrary to the law 472 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, and the evidence ; that the Court erred in giving instructions asked on behalf of the people ; that errors were committed in the refusal of the Court to give instructions asked on behalf of the defendants ; that the Court erred in admitting improper, incompetent, irrelevant, and immaterial evidence, and in exclud ing testimony offered on behalf of the defendants, and that the verdict was not rendered by an impartial jury. They also alleged misconduct on the part of officers in the selection and summoning of the jurors, and that those summoned upon the special venires were prejudiced against the defendants. The motion also alleged error on the part of the Court in its rulings as to the qualifications of jurors and their competency, and in barring certain questions asked by the defendants' counsel, and allowing the State more than twenty peremptory challenges. The motion also alleged error on the part of the Court in over ruling the motion of Spies, Fielden, Schwab, and Neebe for a separate trial. Great strength is placed in the statement of an Indianapolis man, John Philip Deleuse, who, some time ago, in his saloon, was asked by a man how the labor agitation was progressing in his city ; that after some conversation the man remarked : " I came from New York, and I guess I will go to Chicago ; you will hear of some trouble there very soon." And, pointing to his satchel, added : " I have something here that will work ; you will hear of it" Deleuse says the appearance of the satchel indicated that its contents were heavy. A few days afterward he heard of the Haymarket bomb-throwing, when he concluded that the man who acted so strangely a couple of days previous had something to do with it The affidavit of Deleuse is corroborated by J. L. Biller, a prominent commission mer chant of Indianapolis, and Oscar Sputh, a gymnast of the same place. The affidavit is also accompanied with the attests of C. B. Feibleman, a Justice of the Peace before whom the affidavit was sworn, and by Moses G. McLain, the County Clerk, to certify that Feibleman is a legal justice of the peace. This is the prin cipal affidavit in support of the motion, and very little considera tion is made of them by the State's Attorney. The affidavit of Thomas J. Morgan of Woodlawn Park is also presented to sup port the charge that from the utterances of juror Theodore E. Den ker he was so prejudiced as to be unable to render a fair verdict Morgan says that he was on May 6 conversing with Denker upon the Woodlawn Park depot platform, and that upon being shown a portrait in a paper of Spies he said : " It don't make any difference whether it looks like him orliot, he and the whole CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 473 crowd ought to be hung." Thomas S. Morgan, a son of the affiant, makes affidavit that he remembers the incident, and corroborates his father's statement as to Denker's utterance upon seeing the picture of Spies. John Sovell also makes affi davit that Scott G. Randall gave utterance to remarks in sub stance that all of the eight Anarchists ought to be hung. This is alleged to have been on a Sunday morning soon after the Haymarket massacre. The motion for a new trial was argued at the October term of the Criminal Court. Counsel for the Anarchists, with the view of being prepared for argument before the Supreme Court, had the record written up of the question put to certain of those ¦called to serve on the jury, but it was only a partial record, made up of points favorable to the defense. To offset this. State's Attorney Grinnell decided to present the record complete, and under his instructions official stenographer James M. Purcell with six assistants wrote up the questions put to and the answers of the 1,191 men who were called to serve as jurors before the desired twelve were secured. This work required six weeks, and •comprised more than 5,000 type writer pages, of 300 words to the page. On Friday, October i, Capt. Black and Messrs. Salomon & Zeisler began their arguments for a new trial for the condemned. They endeavored to strengthen their cause by submitting a number of affidavits impeaching the character of the witnesses for the prosecution. The most important of these were those of A. P. Love, of LaGrange, and Orrin Blossom, 2961 Went worth avenue, who made affidavits to the effect that on, the night of the Haymarket massacre they were in a saloon at the corner of Halsted and Van Buren streets, with Harry L. Gilmer for some time before the hour the explosion took place, and that the party remained there long after the bomb exploded. This was to impeach Gilmer's testimony. He swore he saw Schnaubelt throw the bomb, and testified Spies was present in the alley at the time. State's Attorney Grinnell had a bombshell ready for the ¦defense. He produced counter affidavits from A. T. Love and Orrin Blo'ssom. Love swore that he was not in company with Orrin Blossom on the night of the Haymarket massacre ; that he was not in the city after six o'clock that night, and that he never saw Gilmer. He signed the affidavit read in court, but did not swear to it His reason for doing this was that he was promised money, 474 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, and he received it He said that one evening after the affida vit was made one Lewis L. Smith was given a check for $91 in Mr. Zeisler's office ; that this money was obtained at the Inter national bank ; that the affiant was paid $30 ; that Blossom was paid $30, and that $30 was kept by Smith, and the remaining $1 was spent for cigars, Blossom's affidavit was to the same effect He was not in company with Love that night ; he did not know Gilmer, and was induced to sign the affidavit on the promise of money. Blossom in his affidavit acknowledged having received $30 from Smith, that the latter kept $30 himself, and that the other $30 was paid Love. Mr. Zeisler, speaking of the check for $91 paid to Lewis Smith, maintained that the money was paid to him for his ser vices as a detective looking up Gilmer's actions. Mr. Zeisler said he did not know what Smith did with the money ; that was not his business. If Love and Blossom were out any time for their services it was only proper that they should be paid. He said that the defense had nothing to hide or conceal, and that the money was paid to Smith in a legitimate way. THE MOTION FOR A NEW TRIAL OVERRULED. The arguments for a new trial occupied three days, and on Thursday, October 7, Judge Gary rendered his decision. The decision overruled the motion for a new trial and was a remarka bly clear and terse statement of the essential points in the case, generally acknowledged to be divested of every trace of preju dice, and including a complete analysis of the evidence, and fair and reasonable deductions therefrom. Judge Gary said : In passing upon this motion for a new trial the case is so voluminous, there is such a mass of evidence, that it is impossi ble, within anything like reasonable limits, to give a synopsis or epitome. I do not understand that either upon the trial be fore the jury or upon the arguments of this motion before me there have been any arguments tending or intended to deny that all of the defendants, except Neebe, were parties to whatever purpose or object there was in view — that the other seven were combined for some purpose. I, of course, do not wish to attribute to the defendants' counsel any admissions which they have riot made, but my impression is that there has been no argument tending or intending to deny that all the other seven, except Neebe, were engaged in the pursuit of some object What it is the counsel have debated before the jury and before me. Now, it is impor tant to know what that object was, whether it^was as counsel for CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 475 defense have stated — merely to encourage working men to re sist, if unlawful attacks were made upon them — or whether it was something else. There is no better way to ascertain what the object was than to read what they have spoken and written as the object, while the events were transpiring. Now, from the files of their newspapers, which go back a good way, a good deal can be taken, which must of necessity be taken as the truth of what their object was. I have not had time and opportunity to arrange either the translations of the Arbeiter Zeitung or the files of the Alarm, and pick out those which in the fullest shape show what they were proposing to do. These translations from the Arbeiter Zeitung now come to my hands for the first time. I have here a translation of the Arbeiter Zeitung, January 11, 1885, headed "To Arms." The Court proceeded to read numerous and lengthy extracts from translations offered in evidence of articles in the Arbeiter Zeitung, in which revolution by force was advised, and the ap proaching revolution, it was declared, would be greater than that of the last century. Among the extracts read were the fol lowing : "Dynamite ! Of all stuff, this is the stuff." "The day draws near when the working people of America, in an outburst of passion and ungovernable rage, will revolt and demand the total abolition of the existing state of things which brings to the working classes so much misery and death. Have you all prepared yourselves with knives, pistols, guns and dy namite for the unavoidable conflict between labor and capital ?" "It was decided at the last mass-meeting at No. 54 West Lake street that the next meeting will be devoted to the consideration of the military laws and necessity of using force in the warfare between capital and labor." "Each working man ought to have been armed long ago. Daggers, revolvers and explosives are cheap, and can be easily obtained." "Those who want to talk to capitilists in earnest must be prepared to attain their object by killing them. This can only be accomplished by systematic organization. The time for all this is short —look out — " " In addition to all this," continued Judge Gary, "there is the testimony of witnesses that there was a combination which was formed as early as 1884, and that combination had for its purpose the changing of the existing order of things, the over throw of government, and the abolition of all law. There can 476 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, be no question in the mind of any one who has read these arti cles or heard these speeches, which were written and spoken long before the eight-hour movement was talked of, that this movement which they advocated was but a means in their esti mation toward the ends which they sought, and that the move ment itself was not primarily any consideration with them at all. The different papers and speeches furnish direct contradiction to the arguments of counsel that they proposed to resort to arms merely to resist any unlawful attacks which the police might make upon them, because these all show that their object was this : If during the eight-hour movement strikes occurred, and if the employers chose to employ other men in the place of those who had struck, then these men so employed must be pre vented by force from going to work, and if the police then un dertook to resist the force so employed on behalf of the strikers, if the police undertook to prevent this force from being so em ployed, that that was the ground which it was expected the police would furnish for the exercise of these arms and these explosives, and that was the ground on which the police force was to be destroyed. There can be no doubt that that was an unlawful combination. It is impossible to argue that any set of men have the right to dictate to others whether they should work or not, and if they chose to work in defiance of their dicta tion, drive them away by force, and if the police undertook to prevent that force, then kill the police. It is impossible for an instant to support any such principle as that The members of this combination publicly announced that they had no hope of winning the majority over to their side by argument, and no hope of attaining their object by getting rid' of this majority by violence. There is no doubt that seven of the defendants were in the combination formed for that purpose. As to Neebe's part, there is the evidence of witnesses that he presided at meet ings called by the class of people from whom this combination was drawn, and that he called meetings of the people who were engaged in the movement There is evidence that he marched in the Board of Trade procession, the object of which was said to be the demolition of that building." The Court "proceeded to discuss all the evidence against Neebe, which tended to show that he was associated with the rest of the defendants in the encouragement of the movement which had for its object the destruction of the government The Court resumed : " On the question of the instructions whether these defend- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 477 ants, or any of them, did anticipate or expect the throv/ing of the bomb on the night of the 4th of May, is not a question which I need to consider, because the instructions did not go upon that ground. The jury were not instructed to find them guilty if they believed that they participated in the throwing of the bomb, or encouraged or advised the throwing of that bomb, or had knowledge that it was to be thrown, or anything of that sort The conviction has not gone upon the ground that they did have any actual participation in the act which caused the death of Deegan, but upon the ground, under the instructions, that they had generally by speech and print advised a large class to com mit murder, and had left the occasion, time and place to the in dividual will, whim and caprice of the individuals so advised, and that in consequence of that advice, and in pursuance of it, and influenced by it, somebody not known did throw the bomb that caused Deegan 's death. " There is no example in the law books of a case of this. sort No such occurrence has ever happened before in the his tory of the world. I suppose that in the Lord George Gordon riots we might find something like this. Lord George Gordon was indicted for treason, and the government failed in its proof upon the trial as to what he had done. Very likely they did not want to prove it very strongly against him ; I do not know ; it is none of my business. If the bomb was thrown in pursuance of the prisoners' advice, the instruction as to the law of ac cessories before the fact applied to the case, and the instruction to the jury was proper. If the radical Prohibitionists should make up their minds that the only way^ to stop the liquor traffic was by destroying the saloons and killing the saloon-keepers, and if some crank should blow up a saloon with a bomb for whose manufacture these radicals had furnished specific direc tions, and in the explosion a saloon-keeper was killed, there could be no question but that the radical temperance men were guilty of murder. But there was no question that when some one said ' Hang McCormick,' or ' Hang Gould,' the reply was given to make no idle threats, but when they got ready to do anything, to do it." The shorthand report of the speeches of Spies, Parsons and Fielden at the Haymarket meeting was then read, after which the Court said : • ¦ -j 1 " Now, the general advice throughout was to each individual man— I mean the general teachings on this subject of associated revolution— was to each individual man to do it himself, without 478 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, combination ; that men working together in deeds of violence were to be avoided ; that they were to go alone where one man only was required to accomplish the work, and where more than one man was required, as few as were necessary should be taken. Now, under these circumstances, in the inflamed state of the public mind at the time, each of these orators was still more in flaming the public mind when he advised the people to use force, and some man — I do not say identified, but unidentified — some man in that crowd, when the police approached, with a bomb of Lingg's manufacture, kills Deegan ; all who have ad vised such action are guilty of his murder. If anything can be proved by circumstantial evidence, that is proved ; that he threw that bomb in consequence of the influence of these teachings, this advice by speech and printing over a course of two years ; that the man who threw that bomb had been educated up to it by the teachings of these defendants. The case, as I said before, is unprecedented. There is no example of any such crime hav ing been committed ; there is no precedent of any case like this having become the subject of judicial investigation ; but the principle of law is well fixed. It is the boast of people who pro fess to admire the common law, that it adapts itself to human events, and that no situation or no new form of industry can arise but the common law has principles which may be applied." The prisoners spoke in their own behalf before sentence was passed. The court room was crowded us usual. The police department was represented by Chief Ebersold, Capt Schaack, and twenty officers. The prisoners wore a look of even greater anxiety than at the morning session. Parsons appeared particu larly thoughtful and gloomy. The greater part of the session he sat with his cheek resting in his hand and taking less note of the proceedings than usual. Spies was laboring under great excite ment Before he began his speech Judge Gary repeated the caution he had before given the auditors to refrain from any dem onstration of approbation or disapprobation during the session. He insisted that every one in the court should be seated, and seeing two men at the rear of the room seated on a table he com pelled them to take chairs or sit on the floor. Everything was quiet as the grave when Spies began his address. During the impassioned passages he raised his voice and indulged in violent gesticulation. Neebe's utterance was quite rapid, and he spoke like one at home before an audience. His speech would have produced an impression on any jury. His voice is clear and res onant, and he has a better presence than af»v of the other de- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 479 fendants. Fischer spoke hesitatingly, and would probably" not have spoken at all but for an uncontrollable desire to express his opinion of the State's Attorney and all representatives of the law. Lingg's rather handsome face was flushed, and his eyes flashed as he poured out his denunciation of Messrs. Grinnell and Bonfield. When he took his seat his face was covered with perspiration. He made the walls ring, and as each sentence had to be translated by Prof. Fick, he had ample opportunity to de liver each sentence with renewed emphasis. Schwab read his speech in a clear, resonant voice, and it had been evidently prepared with much care. AUGUST SPIES, "In addressing this Court I speak as the representative of one class to the representative of another. I will begin with the words uttered five hundred years ago on a similar occasion by the Venetian Doge Faliero, who, addressing the court, said: 'My defense is your accusation ; the causes of my alleged crime, your history.' I have been indicted under the charge of murder as an accomplice or accessory. Upon this indictment I have been convicted. There was no evidence produced by the State to show or even indicate that I had any knowledge of the man who threw the bomb, or that I myself had anything to do with the throwing of the missile unless, of course, you weigh the tes timony of the accomplices .of the State's Attorney and Bonfield, the testimony of Thompson and Gilmer, by the price they were paid for it If there was no evidence to show that I was legally responsible for the deed, then my conviction and the execution of the sentence are nothing less than a willful, malicious and deliberate murder — as foul a murder as may be found in the annals of religious, political, or any other sort of persecution. Judicial murders have in many cases been com mitted where the representatives of the state were acting in good faith, believing their victims to be guilty of the charge or accusation. In this case the representatives of the state cannot justify themselves by a similar excuse, for they themselves have fabricated most of the testimony which was used as a pretense to convict us — convict us by a jury picked to convict before this Court and before the public, which is supposed to be the State. I charge the State's Attorney and Bonfield with a heinous con spiracy to commit murder. "I will now state a little incident which will throw light upon this charge. On the evening on which the praetorian cohorts of the Citizens' association, the Bankers' association, the Bar asso- 480 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, elation, and railroad princes attacked the meeting of working men on the Haymarket with murderous intent — on that evening about 8 o'clock, I met a young man, Legner by name. My brother was with me at the same time, and never left me on that evening until I jumped from the wagon a few seconds before the explosion came. Legner knew that I had not seen Schwab that evening. He knew that I had no such conversation with anybody as Mr. Marshall Field's protege,Thompson, has testified to. He knew that I did not jump from the wagon and strike a match and hand it to the man who threw the bomb. He is not a Socialist. Why didn't we bring him on the stand ? Because the honorable representatives of the State, Grinnell and Bonfield, spirited him away. These honorable gentlemen knew every thing about Legner. They knew that his testimony would prove the perjury of Thompson and Gilmer beyond any reasonable doubt. Legner's name was on the list of witnesses for the state. He was not called, however, for obvious reasons. First, as he stated to a number of friends, he had been offered $500 if he would leave the city, and threatened with direful things if he should remain here and appear as a witness for the defense. He replied that he could neither be bought nor bulldozed to serve such a foul, damnable, dastardly plot But when we wanted Leg ner he could not be found. Mr. Grinnell said — and Mr. Grinnell is an honorable man — that he himself had been searching for the young man, but had not been able to find him. About three weeks later I learned that the very same young man had been kidnapped and taken to Buffalo, N. Y., by two of the illustrious guardians of the law, two Chicago detectives. Let Mr. Grinnell, let the Citizens' association, his employer, let them answer for themselves, and let the people — let the public— sit in judgment upon these would-be assassins. No, I reply, the Prosecution has not established our legal guilt, notwithstanding the purchased and perjured testimony of some, and notwithstanding the origi nality of the proceedings of the trial. And as long as this has not been done, and you pronounce the sentence of the appointed viligante committee acting as a jury, I say that you, the alleged servant and high priests of the law, are the real and only law breakers, and in this case you go to the extent of murder. It is well that the people know this. And when I speak of the people I do not mean the few conspirators of Grinnell, the noble patri cians who are murderers of those whom they please to oppress. Those citizens may constitute the state. They may control the state; they may have their Grinnells, Bonfifjds, and their hire- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 48 1 lings. No, when I speak of the people, I speak of the great mass of working beasts, who unfortunately are not yet conscious of the rascalities that are perpetrated in the name of the people — in their name. They condemn the murder of eight men whose only crime is that they have dared to speak the truth. This murder may open the eyes of these suffering millions, may wake them up indeed. I have noticed that our conviction has worked miracles in this direction already. The class that clamors for our lives, the good and devout Christians, have attempted in every way, through their newspapers and other wise, to conceal the true and only issue in this case, by designat ing the defendants Anarchists and picturing them as a newly- discovered tribe or species of cannibals, by inventing shocking and horrifying stories of their conspiracies. "I believe with Buckle, with Paine, with Jefferson, with Emer son, with Spencer, and with many other great thinkers of this century, that the state of caste and classes, the state where one class dominates and lives upon the labor of another class and calls it order, should be abolished. Yes, I believe that this bar baric form of social organization, with its legalized thunder and murder, is doomed to die and make room for free society — vol unteer associations if you like — universal brotherhood. You may pronounce your sentence upon me, honorable judge, but let the world know that in the year A, D. 1886, in the state of Illi nois, eight men were sentenced to death because they had not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice. Read the history of Greece and Rome ; read that of Venice. Look over the dark pages of the church and follow the thorny path of science. No change ! No change ! "You would destroy society and civilization, as ever, upon the cry of the ruling classes. They are so comfortably sit uated under the prevailing system that they naturally abhor and fear even the slightest changes. Their privileges are as dear to them as life itself, and every change threatens these privileges. But civilization is a record whose steps are monu ments of such changes. Without these social changes, always brought about against the will and against the force of the rul ing classes, there would be no civilization. As to the destruction of society, which we have been accused of seeking, it sounds like one of .Esop's fables— like the cunning of the fox. We, who have jeopardized our lives to savesociety from the fiend that has grasped her bv the throat, that seeks her life-blood and devours her substance'; we, who would heal her bleeding wounds, who 31 482 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, would free her from the fetters you have wrought around her, from the misery you have brought upon her — we are enemies. We have preached dynamite, it is said, and we have predicted from the lessons history has taught us, that the ruling class of to-day would no more listen to the voice of reason than did their predecessors. They would attempt by brute force to stay the march of progress. Was it a lie, or was it the truth that we stated } * * * I have been a citizen of this city fully as long as Mr. Grin nell, and am probably as good a citizen as Grinnell. At least I should not wish to be compared to him. Grinnell has appealed time and again, as has been stated by our attorneys, to the pat riotism of the jury. To that I reply, and I will simply use the words of an English litterateur, 'Patriotism is the last resort of the scoundrel.' My friends' agitation in behalf of the disin herited and disfranchised millions, and my agitation in this direction, the popularization of the economic teachings in favor of the education of wage-workers, is declared to be a conspiracy against society. The word 'society' is here wisely substituted for state, as represented by the patricians of to-day. It has always been the opinion of the ruling classes that the people must be kept in ignorance. They lose their servility, modesty, and obedience to the arbitrary powers that be as their intelli gence grows. The education of a blacksmith a quarter of a century ago was a criminal offense. Why ? Because the intelli gent slave would throw off his shackles at whatever cost, my Christian gentlemen. Why is the education of the working peo ple to-day looked upon by a certain class as treason against the State ? For the same reason ! The State, however, wisely avoided this point in the prosecution of the case. From their testimony one would really conclude that we had in our speeches and publications preached nothing else but destruction and dyna mite. * * * You, gentlemen, are the revolutionists. You rebel against the effects of social conditions which have tossed you by fortune's hand into a magnificent paradise. Without inquiring, you imagine that no one else has a right in that place. You insist that you are the chosen ones, the sole proprietors of forces that tossed you into the paradise. The industrial forces are still at work. They are growing more active and intense from day to day. Their tendency is to elevate all mankind to the same level, to have all humanity share in the paradise you now monopolize. And you, in your blindness, think you can stop the tidal-wave of civilization and human emancipation by placing a few policemen, a few Gatling guns, some i%giments of militia CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 483 on the shore. You think you can frighten the rising waves back into their unfathomable depths by erecting a few gallows in the perspective. You, who oppose the natural forces of things, you are the real revolutionists. You, and you alone, are the con spirators and destructionists." ADOLPH FISCHER. "Your Honor, you asked me why the sentence of death should not be passed upon me. I will not talk much. I will only say a few words, and that is that I protest against my being sentenced to death, because I committed no crime. I was tried here in this room for murder and I was convicted for Anarchy. I protest against being sentenced to death, because I have not been found guilty of murder. I have been tried for murder, but I have been convicted because I am an Anarchist. Although being one of the parties who were at the Haymarket meeting, I had no more to do with the throwing of that bomb, I had no more connection with it than State's Attorney Grinnell had perhaps. "As I said, it is a fact, and I do not deny that I was one of the parties who called at the Haymarket meeting,but that meeting — (At this point Mr. Salomon stepped up and spoke to Fischer in a low tone, but Fischer waived him off and said : Mr. Salomon, be so kind. I know what I am talking about) Now, that Haymarket meeting was not called for the purpose of committing violence and crime. No ; but the meeting was called for the purpose of protesting against the outrages and against the crimes of the police committed on the day previous out at McCormlck's. The next day I went to Wehrer & Klein and had twenty-five thou sand copies of the hand bills printed, and I invited Spies to speak at Haymarket meeting. It is the fact, and I don't deny it, in the original of the 'copy' I had the line 'Working men, arm !' and I had my reasons, too, for putting those lines in, because I didn't want the working men to be shot down in that meeting as on other occasions. But as those circulars were printed and brought over to the Arbeiter Zeitung office, my comrade. Spies, saw one of those circulars. I had invited him to speak before that He showed the circular and said : 'Well, P^ischer, if those circulars are distributed I won't speak.' And I admitted it would be bet ter to take those lines out ; and Mr. Spies spoke. And that is all I had to do with that meeting. I feel that 1 am sentenced, or will be sentenced to death because I am an Anarchist, and not because I am a murderer, I have never been a murderer. I have never committed any crime in my life yet ; but I know_ a certain man who is on the way to becoming a murderer, an assassin. 484 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS. and that man is Grinnell — the State's Attorney Grinnell — be cause he brought men on the witness stand whom he knew would swear falsely ; and I publicly denounce Mr. Grinnell as being a murderer and an assassin if I should be executed. But, if the ruling classes think that by hanging us, hanging a few Anarchists, they can crush out Anarchy, they will be badly mistaken, because the Anarchist loves his principles more than his life. An An archist is always ready to die for his principles." MICHAEL SCHWAB. " It is not much I have to say, and I would say nothing at all if keeping silence did not look like a cowardly approval of what has been done here. To those, the proceedings of a trial of justice would be a sneer. Justice has not been done. More than that, could not be done. If one class is arraigned against the other class it is idle and hypocritical to talk about justice and fairness. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's Attorney put it in his closing speech. A doctrine, an opinion hostile to brute force, hostile to our present murderous system of production and distribution. I am condemned to die for writing newspaper articles and making speeches. The State's Attorney knows as well as I do that the alleged conversation between Mr. Spies and me never took place. He knows a good deal more tjian that He knows all the beautiful works of his organizer, Furthmann. When I was before the Coroner's jury two or three witnesses swore very positively to having seen me at the Haymarket when Mr. Parsons finished his speech. I suppose they wanted at that time to fix the bomb-throwing on me, for the first dispatches to Europe said that M. Schwab had thrown several bombs at the police. Later on they found that would not do, and then Schnau belt was the man. Anarchy was on trial. Little did it matter who the persons were to be honored by the Prosecution. * * * "As soon as the word is applied to us and to our doctrine it carries with it a meaning that we Anarchists see fit to give. 'An archy' is Greek, and means, verbatim, that we are not being ruled. According to our vocabulary Anarchy is a state of society in which the only government is reason; a state of society in which all human beings do right for the simple reason that it is right, and hate wrong because it is wrong. In such a society no compulsion will be necessary. The Attorney of the State was wrong when he exclaimed 'Anarchy is dead!' Anarchy up to the present time existed only as a doctrine, and Grinnell has not the power to kill any doctrine whatever. Anarchy, as defined by us, is called an idle dream, but that dream fas called by God a CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 485 divine blessing. One of the three great German poets and a celebrated German critic of the last century has also defined it If Anarchy was the thing the State's Attorney makes it out to be, how could it be that such eminent scholars as Prince Krapotkine should say what he has said about it? Anarchy is a dream, but only in the present. It will be realized, for reason will grow in spite of all obstacles. Who is the man that has the cheek to tell us that human development has already reached its culminating point? I know our ideal will not be accomplished this year or next year, but I know it will be accomplished as soon as possible, some day in the future. It is entirely wrong to use the word An archy as synonymous with violence. Violence is something, and Anarchy is another. In the present state of society violence is used on all sides ; and therefore we advocated the use of vio lence against violence, but against violence only as a necessary means of defense. I have never read Herr Most's book, simply because I didn't find time to read it; and if I had read it, what of it? I am an agnostic, but I like to read the Bible, neverthe less. I have not the slightest idea who threw the bomb at the Haymarket, and had no knowledge of any conspiracy to use vio lence that or any other night" OSCAR NEEBE. "Your Honor: I have found out during the last few days what law is. Before I didn't know it I did not know that I was convicted because I knew Spies and Fielden and Parsons. I have met these gentlemen. I have presided at a meeting, as the evidence against me shows, in the Turner hall, to which meeting your Honor was invited. The judges, the preachers, the news paper men, and everybody was invited to appear at that meeting for the purpose of discussing Anarchism and Socialism. I was at that halL I am well known among the working men of the city, and I was the one elected chairman of that meeting. No body appeared to speak, to discuss the question of Labor and Anarchism or Socialism with laboring men. No, they couldnt stand it I was chairman of that meeting; I don't deny it I had the honor to be marshal of a labor demonstration in this city, and I never saw as respectable a lot of men as I saw that day. "They marched like soldiers, and I was proud that I was mar shal of those men. They were the toilers and the working men of this city. The men marched through the city of Chicago to protest against the wrongs of society, and I was marshal of them. If that is a crime, I have found out— as a born American— what I am guilty of. I always thought I had a right to express my 486 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Opinion, to be chairman of a peaceable meeting, and to be mar shal of a demonstration. My friends, the labor agitators, and the marshals of a demonstration — was it a crime to be marshal of a demonstration ? I am convicted for that I suppose Grin nell thought after Oscar Neebe was indicted for murder the Ar beiter Zeitung would go down. But it didn't happen that way. And Mr. Furthmann, too — he is a scoundrel, and I can tell it to you to your face. There is only one man that acted as a lawyer, and he is Mr. Ingham, but you three fellows have not "I established the paper and issued it to the working men of the city of Chicago, and inside of two weeks I had enough money from the toilers — from hired girls, from men who would take the last cent out of their pocket to establish the paper — to buy a press. I could not publish the paper because the honorable de tectives and Mr. Grinnell followed us up, and no printing house would print our paper, and we had to have our own press. We published our own paper after we had a press, bought by the money of the working' men of the city. That is the crime I have committed — getting men to try and establish a working man's pa per that will stand to-day, and I am proud of it. They have not got one press — they have got two presses to-day, and they belong to the working men of this city. When the first issue came out, from that day up to the day now, your Honor^ we have gained 4,000 subscribers. There are the gentlemen sitting over there from the Freie Presse and Staats Zeitung — they know it. The Germans of this city are condemning these actions. They would not read our paper. There is the crime of the Germans. I say it is a verdict against Germans, and I, as an American, must say that I never saw anything like that. "Them are the crimes I have committed after the 4th of May. Before the 4th of May I committed some crimes. I organized trades unions. I was for the reduction of the hours of labor and the education of laboring men and the re-establishment of the Arbeiter Zeitung. There is no evidence to show that I was con nected with the bomb throwing ; that I was near it or anything of that kind. So I am only sorry, your Honor, if you can stop it or help it, I will ask you to do it — that is, to hang me, too ; and I think it is more honor to die certainly than to be killed by inches. _ I have a family and children, and if they know their father is dead they will bury him. They can go 'to the grave and kneel down in front of it ; but they can't go to Joliet anH"see their father convicted of a crime that he ha^'t anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. Your Honor, I am sorry I do not get hung with the rest of the men." CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 487 LOUIS LINGG. [Translated by Prof H. H. Fick.J "Court of Justice : With the same contempt with which I have tried to live humanely upon this American soil I am now granted the privilege to speak. If I do take the word I do it because injustice and indignities have been heaped upon me right here. I have been accused of murder. What proofs have been brought in support of it ? It has been proved that I assisted some man by the name of Seliger in manufacturing bombs. It has been furthermore stated that with the assistance of somebody else I have taken those bombs to 58 Clybourn avenue, but although one of these assistants has been produced as a State witness it has not been shown that one of these bombs was taken to the Haymarket * * * * What is Anarchy ? * * * xhe points that we are driving at have been carefully withheld by the State. * * * But it has not been said that by their superior force we are driven to our course. Contempt of court has been charged against us. We have been treated as opponents of public order. What is this order ? Such order as represented by police and detectives ? On the slightest occasion the representatives of this public order have forced themselves into our midst The same police that aim to give protection to property embraces thieves in its ranks. * * * I have told Capt. Schaack that I was at a meeting of carpenters at Zephf's hall on May 3. He has stated that I admitted to him that I learned the fabrication of bombs from Most's book, 'Science of Warfare.' That is perjury. * * * It has been proved that Grinnell has used Gilmer for his purpose intentionally. There are points which prove that * * * i say that these seven persons here, of which I am one, are murdered purposely by Grinnell. * * * Grinnell has the courage to call me a coward, right here in this court of justice, and Grinnell is a person who has connived with miserable subjects to go against me, to get testimony against me, to kill me. * * * Is life worth living ? What are their purposes in thus murdering these men ? Low egotism, which finds its reward in a higher position, and which yields a return of money. * * * But it has been said that the International association of work ing men was in itself a conspiracy, and that I was a member of tWs association. My colleague. Spies, has already stated to you how we were connected. * * * And that is the conspiracy that has been proved against me, and for that I am to end my life upon the gallows — an instrument which you consider a dis- 488 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, grace to me. I declare here openly that I do not acknowledge these laws, and less so the sentence of the Court *_ * * I would not say a word if I was really guilty according to this foolish law, but even according to these laws that would not he respected by a schoolboy, not even these laws have been carried out to the full extent when I was found guilty. * * * You smile. You perhaps think I will not use bombs any more, but I tell you I die gladly upon the gallows in the sure hope that hundreds and thousands of people to whom I have spoken will now recognize and make use of dynamite. In this hope I despise you, and I despise your laws. Hang me for it" GEORGE ENGEL. [Translated by Mr. Gauss.J "When I left Germany in the year 1872 it was by reason of my recognition of the fact that I could not so support myself in the future as it was the duty of a man to do. I recognized that I could not make my living in Germany because the machinery and the guilds of old no longer furnished me a guarantee to live. I resolved to emigrate from Germany to the United States, praised by many so highly. When I landed at Philadelphia, on the 8th of Januar}', 1873, my heart and my bosom expanded with the expectation of living hereafter in that free country which had been so often praised to me by so many emigrants, and I resolved to be a good citizen of this country; and I con gratulated myself on having broken with Germany, where I could have no longer made my living, and I think that my past will show that that which I resolved then I intended to keep faithfully. For the first time I stand before an American court, and at that to be at once condemned to death. And what are the causes that have preceded it, and have brought me into this court? They are the same things that preceded my leaving Germany, and the same causes that made me leave. I have seen with my own eyes that in this free country, in this richest country of the world, so to say, there are existing proletarians who are pushed out of the order of society.'' After explaining how his dissatisfaction with the existing order of things led him to become a Socialist, Engel con tinued: " I resolved to study Socialism with all my power. In the year 1878 I came from Philadelphia to Chicago, and took pains to eke out my existence here in Chicago, and believed that it would be an easier task to live here 4jan in Philadelphia, where I had previously in vain exerted my powers to live. I CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 489 found that that also was in vain. There was no difference for a proletariat, whether he lived in New York, or Philadelphia, or Chicago. * * * -j^Q j^^l^g further investigations I tried to buy, from the money that I and my family earned, scientific books on those questions. I bought the works of Ferdinand Lasalle, Karl Marx and Henry George. After investigatino- these works I recognized these reasons why a proletariat could not exist, even in this country, as free as it is. I thought about the means by which that could be corrected. They praised to me this country where every man and every working man had a right to go to the ballot-box and choose his own officers. I scarcely believed that any citizen of the United States could have meant so honestly and well as I, when I turned my at tention to politics, and took part in them. But even in this regard of freedom of the ballot-box I found myself mistaken. I learned to see that the working man was not free in his opinion, that he was not free in vote. It was in vain that the Socialistic party took pains in former times, honest pains, to elect honest officers. After a few vain attempts I found that it was impos sible for a working man to free himself by means of the ballot-box, and to secure those things which were necessary for his existence. * * * In this city corruption even entered the ranks of the Social Democracy. I also obtained the conviction that through those men who put themselves over us as leaders, and occupied them selves with compromises, this was brought about, and then I left the ranks of the Social Democracy and gave myself over to the International which was then organizing ; and what these men wanted, and what these men through their exertions sought to bring about was nothing more nor less than the conviction that the freeing of the ruling classes could only be brought about by force, as have all revolutions been throughout history. This conviction, before I went over to those people, was obtained through study of the history of all lands. The history of all lands showed me that all advantages in a political, in a religious, in a material direction, were always obtained only by the use of force ; and If I confine myself to the history of this country where I am convicted, I take into consideration that the first immigrants into this country and the first colonists, only freed themselves by force from the power of England. I afterward obtained the conviction that the slavery existing in this country, to the shame of the Republic, could only be put aside by force. And what does this history teach us ? The man that spoke against existing slavery in this country was hanged, as it is 490 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, intended that we should be hanged, to-day. In the course of time I became convinced that all those who spoke in favor of the ruling classes must hang. And what are the reasons for it ? This Republic does not exist through, and its affairs are not con ducted by, those persons who come into office by an honest ballot * * * Under these conditions it is certainly not a wonder that there were men, noble men, noble scientific men, who have tried to find ways and means to bring back humanity to its original'condltlon. And this is the social science to which I confess myself with joy. The State's Attorney said here 'Anarchism is on trial.' Anarchism and Socialism are, according to my opinion, as like as one egg is to another. Only the tactics are different. Anarchism has abandoned the ways pointed out by Socialism to free mankind, and has resolved no longer to bear the yoke of slavery, and, therefore, I say to the working classes, do not believe any longer in the ballot-box and in those ways and means that are left open to you ; but rather think about ways and means when the time comes when the burden of the people becomes intolerable. And that is our crime. Because we have named to the people the ways and means by which they could free themselves in the fight against Capitalism, by reason of that. Anarchism is hated and persecuted in every state. In spite of that and again in spite of it Anarchism will still exist, and if not in public it will exist in secret, because the powers force it to act in secret If the State's Attorney declares or thinks that after he has hanged these seven men and sent the other one to the penitentiary for fifteen years he has then killed Anarchism, I say that will not be so. Only the tactics will be changed, and that will be aU. No power in the world will tear from the working man his knowledge and his skill or opportunity in making bombs. I am convinced that Anarchism cannot be routed out, — if that was the case it would have been routed out in other countries long ago — in the least by your murdering the Anarchists. That evening when the first bomb in this country was thrown, I was sitting in my room ; did not know anything about the conspiracy ; did not know anything about that deed ; did not know anything about the bomb ; did not know anything about the conspiracy which the State's Attorney had brought about here. * * * q.^^ ^^^ ^^^^ respect for a government that only gives rights to the privileged classes, but to the working men not at all, although there are conspiracies in all classes and connections of the capitalistic class. Although we have only recently experienced that the coal barons catne together, put up CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 491 the price of coal arbitrarily while they paid less wages to their working men, and wherever those coal workers, those miners have come together to consider the bettering their conditions, their demands have always been very modest on the whole. Then the militia appears at once upon the scene and helps those people, while they are feeding the miners with powder and lead. For such a government I have no respect, and can have no respect in spite of all their followers, in spite of all their police, in spite of all their spies. "I am not a man who hates a single capitalist I am not the man who at all hates the person of the capitalist I hate the system and all privileges, and my greatest desire is that the working classes will at last recognize who are their friends and who are their enemies. Against the condemnation of myself by the capitalistic influence I have no word to say." SAM FIELDEN. Fielden prefaced his plea by reciting a poem called " Revo lution," written by Freilegrath, a German poet: "And tho' ye caught your noble prey within your hanorman's sordid thrall, And tho' your captive was led forth beneath your city's rampart wall; And tho' the grass lies o'er her green, where at the morning's early red The peasant girl brings funeral wreaths — 1 tell you still— she is not dead! * * * * "You see me only in your cells; ye see me only in the grave; Ye see me only wandering lone, beside the exile's sullen wave — Ye fools! Do I not live where you have tried to pierce in vain? Rests not a nook for me to dwell in every heart and every brain? •P 5fC Sp v^ « 'Tis therefore I will be — and lead the peoples yet your hosts to meet, And on your necks, your heads, your crowns, will plant my strong, resistless feet! It is no boast — it is no threat — thus history's iron law decrees — The day grows hot, oh, Babylon! 'Tis cool beneath thy willow trees!" p-ielden continued: "It makes a great deal of difference, perhaps, what kind of a revolutionist a man is. The men who have been on trial here for Anarchy have been asked the ques tion on the witness stand if they were revolutionists. It is not generally considered to be a crime among intellectual people to be a revolutionist, but it may be made a crime if a revolutionist happens to be poor. * * * If I had known that I was being tried for Anarchy I could have answered that charge. I could have justified it under the constitutional right of every citizen of this country, and more than the right which any constitution 492 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, can give, the natural right of the human mind to draw its conclu sion from whatever information it can gain, but I had no oppor tunities to show why I was an Anarchist I was told that I was to be hung for being an Anarchist, after I had got through de fending myself on the charge of murder." Fielden related that he was born in Lancashire; that his first speech was made to starving operatives in the streets of his native town; that it was here he began to hate kings and queens; his first speech was in support of the operatives of Lancashire as against the sympathizers with the South in the American re bellion ; he came to the United States in 1868 and was a Metho dist exhorter in Ohio, and came to Chicago in 1869. Fielden detailed how he had come to be a Socialist and Anarchist; review ing the various speeches he had made at meetings in Chicago; attacking the veracity of witnesses who had testified against him, and declaring himself the victim of illegal prosecution. He continued: "From the time I became a Socialist I learned more and more what it was. I knew that I had found the right thing ; that I had found the medicine that was calculated to cure the ills of society. Having found it, I believed it, and I had a right to advocate it, and I did. The Constitution of the United States, when it says : 'The right of free speech shall not be abridged,' gives every man the right to speak. I have advocated the princi ples of Socialism and social equality, and for that and no other reason am I here, and is sentence of death to be pronounced upon me? What is Socialism ? Taking somebody else's prop erty ? That is what Socialism is in the common acceptation of the term. No ; but if I were to answer it as shortly and as curtly as it is answered by its enemies, I would say it is prevent ing somebody else from taking your property. But Socialism is equality. Socialism recognizes the fact that no man in society is responsible for what he is ; that all the ills that are in society are the production of poverty ; and scientific Socialism says that you must go to the root of the evil. There is no criminal statis tician in the world but will acknowledge that all the crime, when traced to its origin, is the product of poverty. * * * If I am to be convicted — hanged for telling the truth, the little child that kneels by its mother's side on the West side to-day and tells its mother that he wants his papa to come home, and to whom I had intended as soon as its prattling tongue should begin to talk, to teach that beautiful sentiment— that child had better never be taught to read ; had better rftver be taught that CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 493 sentiment to love truth. If they are to be convicted of murder because they dare tell what they think is the truth, then it would be better that every one of your schoolhouses were reduced to the ground and one stone not left upon another. If you teach your children to read they will acquire curiosity from what they read. They will think, and then will search for the meaning of this and that They will arrive at conclusions. And then if they love the truth, they must tell to each other what is truth or what they think is the truth. That is the sum of my offending. * * * The private property system then, in my opinion, being a system that only subserves the interests of a few, and can only subserve the interests of the few, has no mercy. It cannot stop for the consideration of such a sentiment Naturally it cannot. So you ought not to have mercy upon the private property sys tem, because it is well known that there are many people in the community with prejudices in their minds. They have grown up under certain social regulations, and they believe that those social regulations are right, just as Mr. Grinnell believes that everything in America is right, because he happened to be born here. And they have such a prejudice against any one who attacks those systems. Now, I say they ought not to have any mercy upon systems that do not subserve their interests. They ought not to have any respect for them that would interfere with their abolishing them." Fielden maintained that the throwing of the bomb at the Haymarket was a complete surprise to him ; that he felt that he would be held in some respect at least responsible, yet he resolved not to attempt flight; continuing: "I have said here that I thought when the representatives of the State had inquired by means of their policemen as to my connection with it, I should have been released. And I say now, in view of all the authori ties that have been read on the law and accessory, that there is nothing in evidence that has been introduced to connect me with that affair. * * * The great Socialist who lived in this world nearly 1,900 years ago, Jesus Christ, has left these words, and there are no grander words in which the principles of justice and right are conveyed in any language. He said : 'Better that ninety-nine guilty men should go unpunished than that one innocent man should suffer.' Mr. Grinnell, I should judge from his state ments here, is a Christian. I would ask him to apply that state ment of the Great Teacher to the different testimony that has been given here, and the direct contrary in other places in the investigation of this case. Your Honor, we claim that this is a 494 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS. class verdict We claim that the foulest criminal that could have been picked up in the slums of any city in Christendom, or out side of it, would never have been convicted on such testimony as has been brought in here if he had not been a dangerous man in the opinion of the privileged classes. ¦»•**!£ my life is to be taken for advocating the principles of Socialism and Anarchy, as I have understood them and honestly believe them to be in the interests of humanity, I say to you that I gladly give it up ; and the price is very small for the result that is gained. * * * We claim that so far as we have been able to find out in trying to find a cure for the ills of society, we have not found out any thing that has seemed to fit the particular diseases which society in our opinion is afflicted with to-day better than the principles of Socialism. And your Honor, Socialism, when it is thoroughly understood in this community and in the world, as it is by us, I believe that the world, which is generally honest, prejudiced though it may be, will not be slow to adopt its principles. And it will be a good time, a grand day for the world ; it will be a grand day for humanity ; it will never have taken a step so far onward toward perfection, if it can ever reach that goal, as it will when it adopts the principles of Socialism. * * * To-day, as the beautiful autumn sun kisses with balmy breeze the cheek of every free man, I stand here never to bathe my head in its rays again. I have loved my fellow men as I have loved myself I have hated trickery, dis honesty and injustice. The nineteenth century commits the crime of killing its best friend. It will live to repent of it But, as I have said before, if it will do any good, I freely give myself up. I trust the time will come when there will be a better understanding, more intelligence, and above the mountains of iniquity, wrong and corruption, I hope the sun of righteousness and truth and justice will come to bathe in its balmy light an emancipated world. I thank your Honor for your attention." A. R. PARSONS. Parsons made a speech addressed in the main to working men, starting out with the recital of a poem by George Heinig, entitled " Bread is Freedom." He continued: " Your Honor, if there is one distinguishing characteristic which has made itself prominent in the conduct of this trial it has been the passion, the heat, and the anger, the violence both to sentiment and to feeling, of everything connected with this case. You ask me why sentence of death should not be pro nounced upon me, or, what is tantamount tc«;he same thing, you CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 495 ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that I might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be subserved. I answer you, your Honor, and say that this verdict is the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and is the sum totality of the organized passion of the city of Chicago. For this reason I ask your suspension of the sentence, and a new trial. This is one among the many reasons which I hope to present to your Honor before I conclude. Now, your Honor, what is passion? Passion is the suspension of reason; in a mob upon the streets, in the broils of the saloon, in the quarrels on the sidewalk, where men throw aside their reason and resort to feelings of exasperation, we have passion. There is a suspension of the elements of judgment, of calmness, of discrimination req uisite to arrive at the truth and the establishment of justice. I hold, your Honor, that you can not dispute the proposition that I make that this trial has been submerged, immersed in pas sion from its inception to its close, and even at this hour, stand ing here upon the scaffold as I do with the hangman awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to represent public sentiment in the city, and I now speak of the capitalistic press — that vile and infamous organ and monopoly of hired liars, the people's oppressors." Parsons claimed to have been for thirty years identified with labor interests, and said: "And in what I say upon this subject relating to the labor movement or to myself as connected in this trial and before this bar, I will speak the truth, though my tongue should be torn from my mouth and my throat cut from ear to ear, so help me God.'' The speaker then went into statistics, claiming that 9,000,000 out of the 12,000,000 voters in the United States were actual wage workers. He attacked the Citizens' Association as an or ganization of millionaires, and claimed that the Court should stand between the accused and their persecutors. "Where," he asked, "are the ends of justice subserved, and where is truth found in hurrying seven human beings at the rate of express speed upon a fast train to the scaffold, and an ignominious death ? Why, if your Honor please, the very method of our extermina tion, the deep damnation of its taking off, appeals to your Honor's sense of justice, of rectitude, and of honor. A judge may also be an unjust man. Such things have been known. We have in our histories heard of Lord Jeffreys. It need not follow that because a man is a judge he is also just * * * Now, I hold that our execution, as the matter stands just now, would be judicial murder, and judicial murder is far worse than lynch law 496 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, — far worse. But, your Honor, bear in mind please, this trial was conducted by a mob, prosecuted by a mob, by the shrieks and the howls of a mob, an organized powerful mob. The trial is over. Now, your Honor, you sit here judicially, calmly, quietly, and it is now for you to look at this thing from the standpoint of reason and from common sense. * * * Now, the money makers, the business men, those people who deal in stocks and bonds, the speculators and employers, all that class of men known as the money-making class, they have no conception of this labor question ; they don't understand what it means. To use the street parlance, with many of them it is a difficult matter for them to 'catch onto' it, and they are perverse also; they will have no knowledge of it They don't want to know anything about it, and they won't hear anything about it, and they propose to club, lock up, and if necessary strangle those who insist on their hearing this question. Now, your Honor, can you deny that there is such a thing in the world as the labor question ? I am an Anarchist Now strike ! But hear me before you strike. What is Socialism, briefly stated ? It is the right of the toiler to the free and equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the producers to their product. That is Socialism. The history of mankind is one of growth. It has been evolution ary and revolutionary." Parsons went into an explanation of the wage question and the relations of capital and labor, asserting that employers in owning capital and leaving nothing to the wage slave but the price of his work, had produced a conflict which would intensify as the power of the privileged classes over the non-possession of property classes increased. He continued : "We were told by the Prosecution that law is on trial ; that government is on trial. That is what the gentlemen on the other side have stated to the jury. The law is on trial, and government is on trial. Well, up to the conclusion of this trial we, the defendants,supposed that we were indicted and being tried for murder. Now, if the law is on trial, and the government is on trial, who has placed it upon trial ? And I leave it to the people of America whether the prosecution in this case have made out a case ; and I charge it here now, frankly, that in order to bring about this conviction the Prosecution, the repre sentatives of_ the State, the sworn officers of the law — those whose duty it is to the people to obey the law and preserve order—I charge upon them a willful, a malicious, a purposed violation of every law which guarantees e^jery right to every CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 497 American citizen. They have violated free speech. In the prosecution of this case they have violated a free press. They have violated the right of public assembly. Yea, they h.ive even violated and denounced the right of self-defense. 1 charge the crime home to them. * * ¦» y[y ^^^^ deliberate opinion concerning this Haymarket affair is that the death-dealing missile was the work, the deliberate work of monopoly — the act of those who themselves charge us with the deed. I am not alone in this view of this matter. What are the real facts of that Haymarket tragedy ? Mayor Harrison of Chicago has caused to be pub lished his opinion, in which he says: 'I did not believe that there was any intention on the part of Spies and those men to have bombs thrown at the Haymarket' He knows more about this thing than the jury that sat in this room, for he knows — 1 sus pect that the Mayor knows — of some of the methods by which some of this evidence and testimony might have been manufact ured. I don't charge it, your Honor, but possibly he has had some intimation of it, and if he has he knows more about this case and the merits of this case than did the jury who sat here. * * * Before the trial began, during its prosecution, and since its close a Satanic press has shrieked and howled itself wild, like ravenous hyenas, for the blood of these eight working men. Now this subsidized press, in the pay of the monopoly and of laborers and slavers, commanded this Court and com manded this jury and this Prosecution to convict us. As a fitting climax to this damnable conspiracy against our lives and liberty, what follows ? O hide your eye now ! hide it ! hide it ! As a fitting climax to this damnable conspiracy against our lives and liberty some of Chicago's millionaires proposed to raise a purse of $100,000 and present it to the jury for their verdict of guilty against us. This was done, as everybody knows, in the last days of the trial, and since the verdict so far as anybody knows to the contrary, this blood money has been paid over to that jury. * * * Condemned to death ! Perhaps you think I do not know what for? Or maybe you think the people do not understand your motives ? You are mistaken. I am here, standing in this spot awaiting your sentence, because I hate and loathe authority in every form. I am doomed by you to suffer an ignominious death because I am the outspoken enemy of coercion, of privi lege, of force, of authority. It is for this you make me suffer. Think you the people are blind, are asleep, are indifferent ? You deceive yourselves. I tell you, as a man of the people, and I speak for them, that your every word and act and thought are 498 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, recorded. You are being weighed in the balance. The people are conscious of your power — your stolen power. They know you ; that while you masquerade as their servants you are in reality playing the role of master. The people — the common working people — know full well that all your wealth, your ease and splendor, have been stolen from them by the exercise of your authority in the guise of law and order. I, a working man, stand here and to your face, in your stronghold of oppression, denounce to you your crimes against humanity. It is for this I die, but my death will not have been in vain. I guess I have finished. I don't know as I have anything more to say. Your Honor knows all I know about this case. I have taken your Honor's time up that I might be able to lay this thing, the whole thing, before you, reserving nothing ; opening my mind and heart, telling you the truth, the truth, and the whole truth. I am innocent of this offense. I had no connection with that Haymarket tragedy. I knew nothing of it. I am not responsi ble for it. I leave the case in the hands of your Honor." SENTENCE PRONOUNCED. Parsons spoke altogether nearly nine hours, and the addresses of all the prisoners occupied three days. Thousands of people were turned away during the closing days, and the scene in the courtroom when sentence was pronounced was peculiarly impressive. At the close of Parsons' remarks Judge Gary delivered the following remarks, and pronounced the death sentence : " I am quite well aware that what you have said, although addressed to me, has been said to the world ; yet nothing has been said which weakens the force of the proof or the conclu sions therefrom upon which the verdict is based. You are all men of intelligence, and know that if the verdict stands it must be executed. The reasons why it shall stand I have already sufficiently stated in deciding the motion for a new trial. I am sorry beyond any power of expression for your unhappy condi tion and for the terrible events that have brought it about I shall address to you neither reproaches nor exhortation. What I shall say shall be said in the faint hope that a few words from a place where the people of the State of Illinois have delegated the authority to declare the penalty of a violation of their laws, and spoken upon an occasion so solemn and awful as this, may come to the knowledge of and be heeded by the ignorant, de luded and misguided men who have listen^ to your counsels and followed your advice. I say in the faint hope ; for if men CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 499 are persuaded that because of business differences, whether about labor or anything else, they may destroy property and assault and beat other men, and kill the police, if they, in the dis charge of their duty, interfere to preserve the peace, there is little ground to hope that they will listen to any warning. It is not the least among the hardships of the peaceable, frugal and laborious poor to endure the tyranny of mobs, who, with lawless force, dictate to them, under penalty of peril to limb and life, where, when and upon what terms they may earn a livelihood for themselves and their families. Any government that is worthy of the name will strenuously endeavor to secure to all within its jurisdiction freedom to follow the lawful avocations and safety for their property and their persons, while obeying the law, and the law is common sense It holds each man re sponsible for the natural and probable consequences of his own acts. It holds that whoever advises murder is himself guilty of the murder that is committed pursuant to his advice, and if men band together for a forcible resistance to the execution of the law and advise murder as a means of making such resistance effectual, whether such advice be to one man to murder another, or to a numerous class to murder men of another class, all who are so banded together are guilty of any murder that is committed in pursuance of such advice. The people of this country love their institutions, they love their homes, they love their property. They will never consent that, by violence and murder, those institutions shall be broken down^ their homes despoiled, and their property destroyed. And the people are strong enough to protect and sustain their institutions and to punish all offenders against their laws; and those who threaten danger to civil society, if the law is enforced, are leading to de struction whoever may attempt to execute such threats. The existing order of society can be changed only by the will of the majority. Each man has the full right to entertain and advo cate by speech and print such opinions as suits himself and the great body of the people will usually care little what he says. But if he proposes murder as a means of enforcing he puts his own life at stake. And no clamor about free speech or the evils to be cured or the wrongs to be redressed, will shield him from the consequences of his crime. His liberty is not a license to destroy. The toleration that he enjoys he must extend to others, and not arrogantly assume that the great majority are wrong and may rightfully be coerced by terror, or removed by dynamite. It only remains that for the crime you have com- 500 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS. mitted, and of which you have been convicted after a trial unex ampled in the patience with which an outraged people have ex tended to you every protection and privilege of the law which you derided and defied, that the sentence of that law be now given. In form and detail that sentence will appear upon the records of the Court. In substance and effect it is that the de fendant Neebe be imprisoned in the State Penitentiary at Joliet at hard labor for the term of fifteen years. And that each of the other defendants, between the hours of ten o'clock in the forenoon and two o'clock in the afternoon of the third day of December next, in the manner provided by the statute of this state, be hung by the neck until he is dead. Remove the pris oners." Stay of sentence in the case of Neebe was granted until De cember 3, the date set for the execution of the other principals; and the counsel for the condemned Anarchists announced that they should file a bill of exceptions before the Illinois Supreme Court, and petition for a supersedeas. It is not believed at this writing that the condemned can secure a new trial, or that they will be reprieved. J. E. GARY. Judge J. E. Gary, of the Superior Court, who sat in the Criminal Court during the trial of the Anarchists, was born in New York, and is now sixty-five years of age. He came West to St Louis when he was twenty-two years old, and read law there for two or three years. He first began to practice in Springfield, Mo., but in 1849 he moved to Las Vegas, N. M. From there he went to San Francisco, where he remained fol lowing his profession till 1856, when he came to Chicago and opened an office with Judge M. F. Tuley. Still later he associated himself with E. & A. Van Buren, which partnership lasted till 1863, when he was elected to the bench, a position which he has held continuously ever since.. Judge Gary is highly respected by both political parties, so much so that party lines are always dropped when his term expires, and he always receives the unanimous nomination by both conventions. He is highly es teemed by his bench associates, and by the legal profession generally, and his unswerving fidelity to duty and conduct of the Anarchist trial throughout, won him universal enco miums. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 5OI HON. WALTER Q. GRESHAM. Walter Q. Gresham was born in Harrison county, Indiana, about fifty-four years ago, and has identified himself closely with the interests of his native state ever since. He is a splendid specimen of intellectual manhood, and a worthy type of West ern civilization. He graduated at Bloomington college and com menced the practice of law at Corydon. In i860 he was elected to the Legislature from that place. When the war broke out he was a prominent figure among loyal Indianlans, and he rendered efficient service in recruiting troops and facilitating their move ment to the front The Governor gave him the Lieutenant-col onelcy of the 38th Infantry, and he immediately went to the front, doing gallant service under Grant and Sherman. He afterward became Colonel of the 53d Regiment, and at the close of the war was a Major-General by brevet When he re turned home he went into partnership with Judge Butler and declined several political ofifices offered him by President Grant, but accepted the place of District Judge for the Northern district of Indiana. This position he held until called to the head of the Postoffice Department by President Arthur. He resigned this last place, however, shortly afterward and was made United States Circuit Judge to fill the vacancy caused by the retirement of Judge Drummond, at Chicago. Judge Gresham is rich in schol arly attainments, and the judicial cast of his mind eminently fits him for high service to his country from the bench. His work has always been distinguished by signal ability, deep thought, and unswerving devotion to justice. He has frequently been men tioned prominently in connection with the Republican nomina tion for the Presidency. ANTHONY C. HESING. Anthony C. Hesing was born at Vechta, Oldenburg, Prussia, but came to this country when a young lad. He settled first in Cincinnati, and worked in a grocery store long enough to save a little money — sufficient to start him in the same business for himself He left Cincinnati in 1854 and came to Chicago, where he began manufacturing bricks. In i860 he was elected Sheriff, and in 1862 he bought an interest in the Staats Zeitung. Five years later he became sole owner of the paper, but later sold part of his interest to the other stockholders. Mr. Hesing has been in politics since he first came to Chicago, taking an aggressive in terest in each campaign. 502 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, REDMOND F. SHERIDAN. Redmond F. Sheridan, the youngest member of the City- Council of 1885-6, is the son of Redmond Sheridan, an old and highly esteemed citizen, and Agnes Sheridan, who was the moth er, besides, of six sons and four daughters. Aid. Sheridan was born at his father's homestead, 375 West Taylor street, Decem ber 12, 1859. His early days were passed in attendance at the Holy Family school, the Polk street public school, the Clarke school and Dyrenfurth's college. His first effort in his own be half was acting as a messenger for the Western Union Telegraph Company^ and A. D. T. service during vacation time, when he also attended night school. He next entered the office of Schufeldt's distillery as office boy, and in one year was made shipping clerk, and at the end of two years was placed in charge of the freight department Subsequently the firm gave him the privilege of conducting a brokerage business, and backed him in the enterprise, which he still successfully pursues. In the fall of 1883, while shipping for the firm, he was elected to the Thirty- third General Assembly from the Fourth Senatorial district, and he served honorably and creditably as a legislator. Before he had voted for a President he voted for John M. Palmer for United States Senator, as against Shelby M. Cullom, who re ceived a majority of 12 votes. While in the Legislature Mr. Sheridan resisted all the influences that have brought reproach upon many legislators of late years, and he returned with as hon est and enviable a reputation as he went Redmond Sheridan, Sr., was elected to the City Council the year his son was born, and the latter was elected from the Eighth ward the year his father died, the latter having departed this life in September, 1885, after a useful and honorable career. Redmond Sheridan, Sr., was induced to become a candidate for Alderman in the old Tenth ward, now the Eighth, by " Long John " Wentworth, who, although he had served his last term as Mayor, still took an active interest in city politics. After serving nine months the first Alderman Sheridan went to the war, and his chair was draped with the American flag for the balance of his term. Up on his return he resumed the boot and shoe business, and shortly after was made a Justice of the Peace. When a deficiency de veloped in the Water Department he was put in charge to regu late the Assessors' division. He was familiarly known as " Un cle Red," and his friends were legion, his funeral being probably, the largest that ever went out of the Eighth ward. Redmond F. Sheridan takes a just pride in the useful and honorable career CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. ^ 503 O of his father, and his friends are gratified that his own record is no less irreproachable. While in the Legislature he originated and introduced the Police Bill, giving the police power to raid gambling houses, although a similar bill afterward preceded it on the Senate calendar. He also introduced a bill for an act to es tablish a home for waifs, which bill subsequently became incor porated in the act for the school at Fehanville, which measure Mr. Sheridan warmly advocated. In respect to measures of a semi-political nature he was always thoroughly independent, and he favored personal liberty and was opposed to high licen.se, be lieving it would be a hardship upon heavily taxed people. His work in the Council has been untiring in the interest of his con stituency. Every street in the Eighth ward that was not im proved when he entered the Council is now improved or ordered improved. He also got an appropriation for a bridge at Taylor street, and succeeded in having repealed the ordinance for the widening of Jefferson and Desplaines streets, which, owing to the high assessment, was an unpopular measure. He secured a low er assessment, which is now pending in court Alderman Sheri dan married, February 15, 1886, Miss Maria Butler, the accom plished daughter of John Butler, one of the oldest and the wealthiest citizen of the Eighth ward. JOHN A. LOGAN. John A. Logan, the son of Dr. John Logan, who left Ire land in 1823, was born in Jackson county. 111., February 9, 1826. He entered the Mexican war as a Lieutenant of the First Illinois Infantry. In 1848 he studied law. In 1849 he was elected Clerk of Jackson county. In 185 1 he commenced practicing law and was elected Prosecuting Attorney in the Third Judicial district He was soon elected to the Legislature, and was re-elected three times. In 1856 he supported James Buchanan, and in i860 Stephen A. Douglas. The Democrats elected and re-elected him a Member of Congress. His war record is familiar to every body. In 1866 he was elected to Congress at large from Illinois, and in the Forty-First Congress he first made his mark. In 1870 he was elected to the United States Senate, and again in 1879. He was prominent in opposing the restoration of Fitz John Por ter to the army. He was nominated for Vice-President by the Re publican Convention of 1884, and in 1885 was re-elected to the United States Senate by the Illinois Legislature, and at once be came recognized as a leading candidate for the presidency in i 504 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, RICHARD MORTON OLIVER. Richard M. Oliver, County Commissioner from the City Commissioners' district, was born February 28, 1837, in Darke county, Ohio, being the fourth son of Samuel Oliver and Hettie (Rhodes) Oliver, who had nine sons and eight daughters. His parents were natives of Pennsylvania and of the Quaker persua sion. His father's business was that of a contractor. He re ceived a common school tuition in his early years, and his first employment was farming. In 1840 he removed to Indiana with his father, who had a contract on the Northwest, or Wabash & Erie Canal, and in 1847 the family removed to Ottawa, III, and at the age of eleven years Richard left home and went on the Illinois & Michigan Canal as a driver. When eighteen years old he was captain of a canal boat, and after serving in this ca- pacity for a time he went on the Illinois River boats, learned the river, and became a pilot. He relinquished river life in 1859, and in i860 came to Chicago and took a position as receiving clerk with the Michigan Southern Railroad, where he remained until 1866. In the fall of that year he entered the service of Culbertson & Blair, in the packing business, remaining two years, when he engaged in the produce commission business on his own account on South Water street In January, 1871, he bought a packing house on Halsted street, near the viaduct, where he yet continues to do a profitable business. Mr. Oliver has always been a Republican in politics. In the spring of 1877, when the politics of the Eighth w'ard were in a mixed up and unsatisfactory condition, an independent meeting was held in Turner hall, and Mr. Oliver was nominated for Alderman. He received the notification of his selection at the hands of a com mittee of twenty-one prominent citizens of the ward, accepted, and was elected over a Republican, three Democratic and a So cialist opponent, receiving a plurality of about 2,100 votes, and a majority of 350. He served two years in the City Council, and made an irreproachable record. In 1881 he was again nomi nated for Alderman by the Republicans and was defeated in the election by Thomas Purcell, on whom the Democrats united, Oliver receiving 1,600 votes to Purcell's 1,900. The correctness of the returns of this election were questioned, and the public press declared that Oliver was counted out ' In 1885 Mr. Oliver was nominated for County Commissioner by the Republican County Convention and was elected to the County Board by a majority of 1,600. In this body he has been a consistent champ ion of reform and economy in the administration of the public CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 505 service. Mr. Oliver's business capacity is of the highest order, as has been illustrated in many directions. He joined the Inde pendent Order of Foresters in 1880, and in 1883 was elected a member of the Board of Directors. At this time the member ship of the order was but 3,700 in Cook county ; the funds were depleted, and the order in debt Mr. Oliver made a determined effort to put this splendid order on a better footing, and when he retired from the board of directors there were nearly 10,000 members of the order ; the debts were paid, and there was over $4,000 in the treasury. Mr. Oliver was re-elected a director in 1884, and in 1885 was elected High Chief Ranger of the order. In recognition of his services to the order his friends presented him with a gold watch and chain and a magnificent diamond badge of the order, which has been pronounced one of the most artistic and valuable testimonials of the kind ever presented to any citizen of Chicago. Mr. Oliver is a member of the Ancient Order of United Workmen, Star of the West Lodge No. 185 ; a member of the Knights of Honor, Advanced Lodge No. 2186 ; and of Lincoln Council No. 67 of the National Union. He was united in marriage August 8, 1861, to Miss Delia Nevins, a native of Ireland, and has two children, aged 19 and 17 years respectively. MURRAY F. TULEY. Judge Murray F. Tuley is a native of Kentucky, being born at Louisville in 1827. He began the study of law in 1844. He continued this for two years, after which he returned to Louis ville and entered the celebrated law institute of that town. There he developed a decided liking for chancery practice. He came back to Chicago and was admitted to the bar, but soon afterward enlisted as a volunteer in the Mexican war. He es tablished himself at Santa Fe, N. M., and enjoyed a good prac tice there, besides serving in the territorial Legislature. About 1864 he again came back to Chicago and took high rank at the bar. In 1869 he was made Corporation Counsel, and for a num ber of years rendered invaluable services to the municipality. In 1878 he was elected Alderman from the First ward, and the fol lowing year was made Judge of the Circuit bench, which position he graces to-day. For several years Judge Tuley has been men tioned prominently as an available candidate for the Mayoralty on the Democratic ticket. 5o6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, HON. SHELBY M. CULLOM. Shelby M. Cullom, of Springfield, was born in Wayne county, Kentucky, November 22, 1829, and with his father removed to Tazewell county, Illinois, the following year. He received an academic and university education ; went to Spring field in the fall of 1853 to study law, and has since resided there. Immediately upon receiving license to practice he was elected City Attorney, but continued to practice law until he took his seat in the House of Representatives in 1865. He was a Presi dential Elector in 1856 on the Fillmore ticket; was elected a member of the House of Representatives of the Illinois Legisla ture in 1856, i860, 1872 and 1874, and was elected Speaker in 1861 and in 1873 I '^^^^ elected a Representative from Illinois in the Thirty-ninth, Fortieth, and Forty-first Congresses, serving from December 4, 1865, to March 3, 1871 ; was a Delegate to the National Republican Convention at Philadelphia in 1872, being Chairman of the Illinois Delegation, and placed General Grant in nomination ; was a Delegate to the National Republi can Convention in 1884, and Chairman of the Illinois Delega tion ; was elected Governor of Illinois in 1876, and succeeded himself in 1880, serving from January 8, 1877, until February 5, 1883, when he resigned, having been elected to the United States Senate as a Republican, to succeed David Davis, Inde pendent Democrat He took his seat December 4, 1883. His term of service will expire March 3, 1889. Probably no other public man in the United States of Mr. Cullom's years has so enviable a public record, or one that has been so uniformly suc cessful. His majorities when before the people for an elective office have been large, and his popularity remains undiminished. WILLIAM EDGAR. William Edgar, Secretary of the Chicago Department of Buildings, was born in Stranraer, Scotland, Februsiry 25, 1848, being the second son of Thomas Edgar and Mary (Stewart) Ed gar. William attended, when a lad, the Stranraer Academy and afterward the Free Church School, connected with the Free Church of Scotland. He came to the United States in 1869, when twenty-one years of of age, and his parents came in 1883. When Mr. Edgar arrived in Chicago he did not have a dollar in his pocket He set to work to win his way, and engaged with a lumber company in Bridgeport, teaching night school in the meantime. In the winter of 1869 he taught^ the Holden school; CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 507 in 1880 under Prof Hanaford in the Sedgwick street school, and the following winter in the Scammon school. He yet retains city and county certificates as a school teacher. When "Uncle" . Dan O'Hara was elected Clerk of the Recorder's Court, now the Criminal Court, Edgar served a clerkship under him. He next worked as a mechanical draughtsman for Ex-Governor Farwell of Wisconsin, and afterward for Col. S. V. Shipman in the same capacity. In the fall of 1873 he was appointed Deputy City Clerk under City Clerk Joseph K. C. Forrest, and remained in the position until the election of Caspar Butz. He then acted as a Clerk in the County Clerk's office under E. F. C. Klokke for a season. June 19, 1879, he was appointed Secretary of the City Building Department and yet retains the office, his experience as a draughtsman and acquaintance with buildings fitting him especially for this important position. Since his incumbency of the office he has examined the plans and collected the assess ments on buildings the aggregate cost of which amounts to nearly $200,ooo,oco, many of them the most substantial and costly edi fices in the city. Mr. Edgar has been a Democrat since his first arrival in this country, but has independent predilections and is not backward about expressing personal views when occasion demands. Mr. Edgar is popular, respected, and gains the high esteem of all with whom he comes in contact, He is a member of the St Andrews Society; and of Apollo Blue Lodge, A., F. and A. M.; of Chicago Chapter, Royal Arch Masons; of St Bernard Commandery, K. T.; of the Illinois Council of the Royal Arcanum; of Medinah Temple of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine, and is Vice-Ruler of the Thirteen Club, an organization of bold and hardy spirits, banded together to com bat superstition, under a charter from the original Thirteen Club of New York. Mr. Edgar was Regent of his Council of the Royal Arcanum for three years, and upon his retirement was presented by his brother members with a diamond mounted Regent's jewel, which is pronounced one of the most splendid testimonials of the kind ever devised. Mr. Edgar has a well appointed home at No. 819 Warren avenue, in the Twelfth ward, where he is always ready to dispense hospitality to his friends. He was married October 7, 1875, to Miss Jeannette Law Kirkland, daughter of Alexander Kirkland, Esq., and is the father of five children, the oldest a daughter, born July 4, 1876, and the youngest, a daughter also, born April 6, 1886. Mr. Edgar has several times been offered the nomination of his party for political offices, and has invariably declined to allow the use of his name in such a connection. 5o8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, EDWARD F. CULLERTON. Edward Francis Cullerton, member for fifteen years of the Chicago City Council, was born in Chicago October ii, 1842. His father, Edward Cullerton, was a farmer ; a native of Wex ford, Ireland, and his mother was Ellen (Ryan) Cullerton, a native of Queen's county, Ireland. His parents came to the United States in 1841 and settled near Summit, and his father followed the canal and river for several years, departing this life in 1885 at the age of 93 years, and his mother dying in 1874. He had no opportunity to obtain schooling except in the winter months when he was between the age of 8 and 12 years, but being of a studious disposition he subsequently achieved a practical business education. When 12 years of age he was employed in a brick-yard and subsequently kept a livery and boarding stable. For more than ten years after this he was a driver on the Illinois and Michigan canal ; became captain and owner of a boat, and subsequently took charge of Walker & Bronson's towing boats on the canal and river. In the fall of 1871, when 31 years of age, he was elected to the City Council from the then Seventh ward; in the fall of 1872 to the State Legislature ; and in the fall of 1 873 and every two years since was re-elected to the City Council from the Sixth ward. His elections have always been at the earnest request and through the efforts of the people of his district, and his majorities have averaged larger than those given any other candidate for a similar office. He is regarded by the people of his district as an old, able, tried and experienced representative, and although he is always singled out as the object of bitter partisan attacks he still retains the confidence and respect of the voters of his ward. He has twice refused the nomination of his party for Congress, and twice refused the nomination for State Senator, his term in the Legislature leading him to discover that he had either to neglect his business or decline an office that would require his attention away from home. Aid. Cullerton is now the oldest member of the City Council, and he is regarded as the ablest parliamentarian and most forcible- speaker in that body, a part of these qualifications being natural, and a part acquired in his efforts to become self-educated. He has been honored by his confreres with many positions of responsibility, having been chairman of the Finance Committee three terms and of other important committees. He has been instrumental in devising and carrying out many of the most substantial improvements in the city, notably in connection with public v^rks and West side CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 509 street improvements. Although Aid. Cullerton was elected to the Legislature, and the first time to the Council as a Repub lican, he has since then affiliated with the Democratic party, having been active in party councils, a delegate to numerous County, State and National Conventions, in all of which his political ability has been recognized, and his powerful oratory effective. He was a member of the "Reform" Council of 1876 and a valuable ally to Thomas Hoyne in his contest of authority with Mayor Colvin. In 1876 he established a detective bureau, but soon relinquished this line of business, associating himself in the wholesale liquor business with Ex-Ald. Julius Jonas from 1878 till 1882, when he organized the Prismatic Light and Safety Car-Heating Company, with a factory on Canal street. This concern he sold in April, 1886, and entered the real estate business. He was married November 24, 1868, to Miss Winifred Dyer of Chicago, and has a comfortable home in the ward he has so long represented. WILLIAM J. McGARIGLE. William J. McGarigle, Warden of the Cook County Hospi tal and ex-Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department, is one of the youngest men in the Democratic party who has achieved official and political prominence in Chicago. He was born in Milwaukee in 1852, his father being a civil engineer and contractor, who was a soldier in the Mexican war, and who had lived iri Chicago when it was but a small city, having built houses for Mayor Dyer in 1843. -^^ an early age young McGarigle attended the German and English academy at Mil waukee and pursued a course of studies that well fitted him for responsible positions in later life. Besides the ordinary English branches he became thoroughly versed in the German language. He was made Secretary of the Chicago Police Department in 1872 under Mayor Medill, being at that time the youngest man connected with the force. Subsequently he was transferred to the detective department and acted as Secretary of that bureau for nearly two years. He then became an outside operative in order to learn the active details of detective service, and after one year's experience was rapidly promoted to Sergeant, Lieutenant, and finally Chief of the Detective Department, with the rank of Captain. He was Chief of Detectives from 1875 to 1878 and then asked for a change of district in order to still further enlarge his experience. He was transferred to the West divi- 5IO POLITICS AND POLITICIANS. sion and made Captain of the Madison (now Desplaines street) precinct, and in a short time he had cleared the West division of a gang of hardened criminals who had up to this time defied conviction. Through the efforts of Captain McGarigle thirty- five of the worst malefactors in the city were sent to the peniten tiary on terms of from four to fifteen years each. In the fall of 1879 he was promoted by Mayor Carter H. Harrison to the General Superlntendency of the Police Department His ability was generally recognized by the public and his appointment was commended by the public press without exception. In the spring of 1882 Chief McGarigle went to Europe on a tour of inspection of the various police systems in use, returning in September, when he made to the Council an exhaustive and val uable report, summarizing the results of his observations in Lon don, Paris, Berlin and Vienna, showing by comparisons the requirements of metropolitan cities ; cost of maintenance ; system of operation, serviceability, etc., and making many suggestions that were afterward put in operation under his direction, and which brought the Chicago police force up to the highest grade of any in the country. He introduced a complete system of records ; devised a system of inventories and report blanks ; raised the grade of lockup keepers to station keepers, and required such officers to be able to read, write and possess intelli gence enough to make complete reports to headquarters. In 1879 Chief McGarigle introduced and superintended the police patrol system. A system similar to this had been talked of by Chiefs McGarigle, Benner and Sweenie of the F"ire Department, and Superintendent John Barrett of the City Fire Alarm Department, for several years. The theory was to get the police where they were wanted in the quickest possible time. Iron alarm boxes and mounted police were first favorably considered under Chief of Police Hickey, but it was not until the introduction of the telephone that any reliable service could be organized, and when Mayor Harrison lent the project his com mendation and support, the service was introduced, and several years of practical use have proved it the most valuable adjunct of police service ever devised. Subsequently he made many improvements on the patrol wagons, including straps to give the stretchers an easy motion ; canvas shades, rubber covers, etc. There were seventeen wagons in operation in Chicago when Chief McGarigle resigned in 1882 to become a candidate for Sheriff on the Democratic ticket His opponent in the Shriev alty canvass was Seth F. Hanchett, a popMar ex-soldier and CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 511 Republican, and the campaign was an exceedingly lively one. Many unjust charges were made against McGarigle on partisan grounds ; the brunt of the fight was directed at him aad he was defeated. He then entered into business pursuits and was active in the organization of the Underground Telegraph Conduit Company of which Louis Wahl was President In 1883, without person.il effort or desire on his part, he was appointed Warden of the Cook County Hospital, and has since conducted this office, being re-appointed annually. Under his supervision the morale of this splendid institution has been greatly improved ; expenses lessened in many departments and increa.sed in others ; the attendants are models of proper deportment, and the purpose of a great public hospital, in the care of and attention to patients, is ¦entirely subserved under his able management. JOHN M. DUNPHY. John Matthew Dunphy was born in Utica, New York, October 2, 1834. His father was Martin Dunphy, a native of Kilkenny, Ireland, and a bricklayer by trade, and his mother, Mary (Hickey) Dunphy was a native of Bennett's Bridge, a suburb of Kilkenny City. His parents came to the United States in June, 1834, locating at Utica, where during his early years John M. attended the public schools. He learned the trade of a bricklayer with James Benton, an old and noted con tractor, who was afterward elected Mayor of Utica on the work ing men's ticket In April, 1855, he came to Chicago and immediately engaged on a contract for William E. Wheeler, at Beloit, Wis. From 1856 to 1858 he worked as a journeyman in several Western cities ; returning then to Chicago and following his trade until 1863, when he went into business as a con tractor and builder on his own responsibility. In 1864 he took into partnership Dennis Wall, and the firm dissolved in 1866, when he formed a partnership with W. A. Barton, which con tinued until the great fire in October, 1871. Although his losses were heavy it was not long before Mr. Dunphy by arduous labor retrieved his fortunes, and became noted as a reliable and successful contractor and builder. From 1871 to 1883 he erected some of the handsomest and most durable structures in the city, including the Church of the Holy Name on the North side ; St James' church i.n Wabash avenue ; "t Vincent's, at Webster avenue and Osgood street ; St Columb- kill's at Indiana and Paulina streets; the reside.nces of George 512 POLITICS AND POLITICIAN.S, M. Pullman and B. P. Moulton ; the Hayes school ; schools in Hyde Park and Lake, and many other public and pri vate edifices. He was elected the first president of the Brick layer's Union in 1863, and has ever possessed the confidence and respect of the laboring classes. In 1883 he formed a partnership with Charles P. Wakeman, his former foreman, which still exists. In 1877 Mr. Dunphy was named by the Citizens' Committee as a candidate for County Commissioner, and was indorsed by the Democrats. The Republicans at this time had a large majority in Cook county and refused to indorse the Citizens' candidates, and although Mr. Dunphy ran 2,000 votes ahead of his ticket, he was defeated. In 1879 he was nominated by the Democrats for West Town Collector and received 2,700 majority. In 1882 he became candidate for Sheriff and received 68 votes in the County Convention. In 1883 he was nominated by the Democratic City Convention for City Treasurer and was elected by 3,800 majority over Dennis O'Connor, the Republican and Citizens' Union nominee. In the fall of 1886 his friends urged him to become a candidate for Sheriff. Mr. Dunphy did not care to antagonize certain elements that were opposed to him in his party, and made no active per sonal effort to secure the nomination. He received 93 votes in the convention however, and his friends claim would have been nominated had not the roll call been twice changed before the result of the balloting was announced. His supporters among the labor organizations pushed him forward for the nomination of the United Labor (Socialist) party, and he developed great strength, but the Convention adjourned before a ballot was taken, and when it next re-assembled the anti-Socialist wing was excluded. These delegates, with representatives of some of the most powerful unions in the city, met in convention subse quently and nominated Mr. Dunphy for Sheriff by a vote of 144 to 44 delegates on the first ballot The ticket was known as the Cook County Labor League ticket, and Mr. Dunphy accepted the nomination tendered him. Mr. Dunphy is a member of the Iroquois Club ; the Cook County Democratic Club; president of the John M. Dunphy and of the Sharpshooters (German) Building and Loan Asso ciation, and treasurer of the Sonora Land Company, which has a reservation of 4,000,000 acres in Sonora, Mexico. He is genial, popular, and his honesty is proverbial. He was married January 29, 1859, to Miss Mary Doyle, daughter of Edward Doyle of County Wicklow, Ireland ; and ha*one son surviving, John J. Dunphy, aged 25 years. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 513 HON. JAMES H. WARD. James H. Ward, Representative in Congress from the Third Illinois district, was born in Chicago, November 30, 1853 at the paternal homestead southwest corner of Halsted and Mad ison street, the present site of Cole's Block. His father Huah Ward, was an early settler and an extensive builder and coli- tractor, having in company with his brother, James Ward, erected many of the most substantial buildings of early Chicago, their reputation as builders extending throughout the West Hugh Ward was born near Antrim, North of Ireland. When twenty years of age he came to the United States and located near Auburn, N. Y., came to Chicago in 1842, and entered actively into building operations about the same time. James Ward was a member of the Board of Education from 1857 to 1863, and the building and supply agent for the Board for eighteen years. He died in 1881. In appreciation of his valuable aid to the cause of education the Ward School at Shields avenue and Twenty- Seventh street was named in his honor. Hugh Ward died January 30, 1859, after an honorable and successful business ca reer. James H. Ward was educated in the public schools of Chicago and afterward pursued a classical course of education at the University of Notre Dame, and upon graduating in 1873 went to Europe for observation and study and remained a year. Upon his return he entered the Union College of Law and com pleted his course in 1876, being admitted to the bar July 4 of that year. He immediately began to enjoy a large and remuner ative practice, devoting his attention mainly to probate and chancery matters. In April, 1879, he was made the Democratic nominee for West Town Supervisor and Town Treasurer, and was elected by a large majority. While filling this office he took up $300,000 of West Town 8 per cent, bonds and refunded them at 5 per cent, thus making an annual saving of $9,000; and he also had a clause inserted in the new bonds providing for their redemption by the town at any time. In June, 1884, he was a delegate to the Democratic State Convention at Peoria, and was named as one of the Cleveland and Hendricks elec tors. In the fall of 1884 he was nominated for Congress and was elected by a decisive majority, defeating two opponents. Senator William E. Mason and General J. E. Fitz Simons. In Congress he made an enviable record and returned at the close of the season with undiminished popularity, his friends tender ing him a notable banquet at the Palmer House, and urging him to accept a re-nOmination. This, however, Mr. Ward 33 514 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, declined, having business interests that prohibited him from again becoming a candidate. Subsequently a committee was appointed and the nomination was again placed at his disposal and he was urged to accept, but Mr. Ward in a letter to the Third District Committee, stated that he had accepted the nom ination in 1884 out of deference and duty to his party and friends, and while he appreciated the new honor tendered him, his private interests compelled him to absolutely decline re-nom ination. Mr. Ward married, October 25, 1877, Miss Agatha St Clair, daughter of the late Alexander St. Clair, for many years connected with the first Chicago railroad — the Galena and Chi cago Union. Mr. Ward has one child, Hugh St. Clair Ward, five years of age. LAWRENCE A. YORE. Lawrence Alphonslus Yore, representative in the City Council from the Eighth ward, was born in Deerfield, Lake county, Illinois, November 5, 1844. His father, Michael Yore, and his mother, Rosa Ann (Farley) Yore, were natives of County Meath, Ireland, who came to the United States in 1822 and settled at Syracuse, New York, coming west and locating on a farm in Lake county in 1837. Lawrence received a common school education ; worked for a season on the farm and then learned the shoemaking trade, working first at Lake Forest and serving out his apprenticeship at Waukegan. He came to Chi cago in 1859, locating in the old Tenth ward, now the Eighth, and followed his trade for seven years. He then entered the em ploy of Field & Leiter in the packing department, and next took a contract to attend to outside work for Kinsley the caterer. Subsequently he became city agent for W. F. McLaughlin's spice mills, and acted in this capacity until 1883, when he engaged in the milk business. He was nominated as an inde- - pendent candidate for Alderman of the strongly Democratic Eighth ward in the spring of 1885, and was defeated. In the spring of 1886 he was nominated by the Republicans and was elected by 359 majority ; defeating John Long the Democratic. nominee. Alderman Yore is a fluent speaker and able represen tative 111 the Council, and has hosts of friends. He is President of the Young Men's Social Club of the West side; a member of the Order of Foresters; and of the Ancient Order of United Workmen. He was married in 1872 to Miss Anastasia Ander son of Chicago, and has six children. » ' CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY. AND ILLINOIS. 515 CHARLES F. L. DOERNER. Charles F. L. Doerner, Representative of the Sixth ward for two terms in the City Council, was born in the village of Alpen Rod, Duchy of Nassau, November 16, 1851. His father was a well to do farmer and his mother was the daughter of the Burgomaster of his native village. In 1857 his parents emi grated to the United States and settled in Chicago, and he spent several years in attendance at the Jones and Foster schools. • Subsequently he learned the business of house and sign paint ing, and pursued it successfully for several years. In 1874 his father died leaving him the care of his mother, three sisters and a younger brother. Having settled in the Sixth ward in 1859 he became well known and his many good qualities won him the regard and esteem of his friends and neighbors. He was induced to become a candidate for Alderman in 1881 against J.J. Altpeter, Socialist, and J. W. Wooley, Republican. The Socialists at this time were numerous in the Sixth ward and well organized, and Mr. Altpeter was popular with all classes. Doerner received 1,560 votes and Altpeter 1,669. In 1883 the Bohemians and Socialists united on Frank Huabka for Alderman, and Mr. Doerner was induced to again enter the field. He ran and defeated Huabka by 1,900 majority. In the spring of 1885 all of the various nationalities of which the population of the ward is composed had candidates in the field, and Mr. Doerner's friends believed it to be to the interests of the ward that he should remain in the Council. They nomi nated him and he was elected over George W. Kroll, Re publican ; Charles A. Monear, Independent Democrat, and Wenzel Kasparek, Independent. The election was contested by Monear and Kasparek, and after a thorough investiga tion and re-count the election was given to Doerner by a decisive majority. Alderman Doerner has ever been active in the interests of his ward. The measure for the construction of the Twelfth street steam steel double bridge was introduced by him, and this improvement is of direct and immense benefit to the Sixth ward. He was also instrumental in requiring the Wisconsin Central Railway to build the center pier of this bridge, thereby saving the city $37,000. Alderman Doerner was an able champion of the Center avenue and Sixteenth street via ducts. When he entered the Council the eastern end of the ward, which was largely settled by Bohemians, was urgently in need of sewerage, and through his efforts nearly every street has been properly sewered. He has been active in securing c;t6 politics and politicians. many other improvements, and especially have his efforts met wnth success in the matter of street improvements. The people of the ward were at first opposed to these improvements ; they objected to assessments and wanted delays, but now that a large number of streets have been permanently improved they are well pleased and give Alderman Doerner well merited credit for wise foresight in looking to their interests. HENRY T. MURRAY. Henry T. Murray, Secretary of the Cook County Demo cratic Club, and of the Cook County Democratic Central Com mittee, was born in Montreal, P. Q., August 7, 1849, and in September following came to Chicago with his parents. He attended the old Dearborn school ; Bryant and Stratton's Busi ness College and Judge Booth's Commercial Law School, where he graduated. In 1866 he entered George C. Smith & Bros.' bank as a messenger ; went through all the grades of clerkship, became cashier, and wound up the affairs of this once noted banking institution in 1874. He next entered the Security Savings' Bank as cashier, and after serving several months in this capacity resigned and went into the railway supply business. He next became a partner in the firm of Brooks & Co., milliners, at No. 96 State street, and this venture not proving profitable he took an interest in the commission house of S. T. Buchan & Co., on the Board of Trade. In January, 1880, he entered the city employ as bookkeeper of the Special Assessment Depart ment, and he has held a responsible general position in this de partment ever since, being now in charge of the credits. He has lived in the Second ward for the past nine years, and has always been prominently identified with Democratic politics. He was first elected Secretary />ro tem oi the Democratic City Central Committee, and in December, 1884, elected Secretary of the Cook County Club, and in December of the following year Secretary of the Democratic County Central Commit tee. He was also Secretary of Mayor Harrison's Campaign Executive Committee in the spring of 1885, and of the Cook County Campaign Committee in the fall of the same year. Mr. Murray's political acumen and great organizing ability have rapidly advanced bin in the councils of his party ; his popularity is unquestioned, and he possesses the esteem and confidence of many friends. He was married July 22, 1875. to Miss Anna K. Mead, of Boston, and has one son, ten years of age. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 517 DENIS J. SWENIE. Denis Joseph Swenie, Chief of the Chicago Fire Depart ment, was born in Glasgow, Scotland, July 29, 1834. His father, John Swenie, and his mother, Ellen (McAlice) Swenie, were born in the North of Ireland, and his father was a tailor by trade. They came to the United States, direct to Chicago, in 1848. Denis J. attended the public schools of Glasgow, and upon his arrival here learned the trade of a harness and hose maker with Charles E. Peck, on Lake street His first experience in fire department matters was gained as a hose boy on Engine No. 3, and December 3, 1849, he became assistant foreman of the com pany. He joined Red Jacket Engine Company, No. 4, in 1852, and was made assistant foreman, and when No. 4 was disbanded he went back to No. 3. About this time he took an active part in organizing the famous Shields Guards, which were under the command of the brave Col. Mulligan, and became lieutenant of the company. It was the custom in those days to elect officers of the fire department on the regular city tickets, the department making its own nominations, and in March, 1856, he was put on both city tickets for the position of First Assistant Engineer, a position similar to that of First Assistant Marshal now. He was elected and served during 1856 and 1857. In 1858 he was elect ed Chief of the department, and during that year the first steam engines were introduced — the Long John, Atlantic, Enterprise and Island Queen, and the foundation was laid for the present magnificent department In 1859 he went back to No. 3, and remained till 1861, when the company went out of service. In April, 1861, he organized and took command of Liberty Engine Company, No. 7. In 1867 it was changed to No. 14, with the Fred Gund engine, named after one of the Fire Commissioners. During all of these changes the old Volunteer Fire Department was gradually going out of service, but the organization was kept up until 1863, when the last company, the Northern Liberty, at Larrabee street and North avenue, disbanded. He was in com mand of the Fred Gund in the great fire of 187 1, and it was lost in the rush of fire at Canal and Van Buren streets. The com pany under his charge then took Coventry Engine, No. 11, and after arduous service saved four squares, from Market to Michi gan street on the North side. In September, 1873, he was ap- pointed First Assistant Marshal, and served until July 3, 1879, when he was made Acting Marshal, vice Matt Benner. He was appointed Chief Marshal in October, 1879. As First Assistant 5l8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Marshal he played an important part in the great July fire of 1874, and won the thanks of press and public for his good judg ment and splendid efforts to stay the progress of that dangerous conflagration. Chief Swenie is noted throughout the world as a well-trained and experienced fire fighter. He has been several times seriously injured, in the performance of duty. He has been identified with the growth of the present famous Chicago Fire Department from a small beginning until it stands acknowl edged as the best in the world. \A/'hen he first joined the de partment it consisted of one hook and ladder truck and six little hand engines. It now includes thirty-nine steam engines; eleven hook and ladder trucks ; nine chemical engines, stand-pipe and water-tower apparatus, and all of the most expensive parapher nalia of the modern fire department. The 470 men and 208 horses of the department are all well-housed, and the discipline is maintained at the highest standard, — Chief Swenie possessing the confidence and respect of the men, and being popular among all classes, because of his sturdy character and genial disposition. He is a member of the Firemen's Benevolent Association ; a member of the National Association of Fire Engineers ; a dele gate to and chairman of conventions, and was president of the association in 1885. Chief Swenie's prominence and popularity are not confined alone to the fire department or his present public position. He has frequently been given prominence in connection with politics, and his name for the office of Sheriff, and also for City Treasurer, has been often considered in party councils. In the fall of 1886 he was requested to allow the use of his name for the office of Sheriff on the Democratic ticket, but he declined to desert the Fire Department for a political office at that time. Thoroughly identified with the important public department over which he presides, with the ability bred of long experience and complete mastery of details, no consid eration will induce him to change unless he is convinced that a superior public duty awaits performance at his hands. His friends who gave him prominence in connection with the office of City Treasurer in 1885, and again tendered him the nomination for Sheriff are confident of his popularity and strength before the people, however, and have not ceased to urge the advisability ot his nomination at some future time. He was married Octo ber 16, 1853, to Miss Martha Toner of Chicago, and is the father of six children now living — the eldest three being daughters, now married, and the younger three, sons, the eldest son, Frank W. Swenie, being an operator in the city Fire Ala?!n Telegraph Office. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOLS. ciq CHARLES S. PETRIE. Charles Silas Petrie, Assistant Marshal and Secretary of the Chicago Fire Department, was born at No. 211 Illinois street, Chicago, September 25, 1840. After attending the pub lic schools, at 15 years of age he entered the employ of the Mc Cormick Reaper Company as an apprentice in the machinery department He had previously become a member of the Volunteer Fire Department, serving as runner in the Hose Company No. 11, of which he was secretary. In 1857 he was seized with the gold fever and went west to Pike's Peak, but he soon became tired of roughing it in the mines and went steam- boating on the Mississippi River, acting as assistant engineer. January 30, 1862, he married Miss Martha A. Morton, of Nashville, Tenn., and shortly afterward returned to Chicago and became engineer of the tug-boat Union. In September, 1862, he was offered and accepted the position of assistant engineer of Atlantic Engine Co. No. 2, and served in this capacity two and a half years, when he returned to the McCormick Reaper Works. February i, 1866, he was appointed assistant engineer of J. B. Rice Engine Co., No. 10, and at the end of a year was made engineer in charge. When the William James Engine Co. No. 21, was organized, November 21, 1867, he was trans ferred to that and retained charge until 1872, when he was ap pointed Third Assistant Fire Marshal. From this time his advancement was rapid. He was given entire charge of the West division and April 11, 1877, was made Superintendent of the Department repair shops. October 12, 1880, he came near losing his life at the Academy of Music fire, when with seven other members of the department he was precipitated through the roof into the parquette of the theater, and all were seriously injured. January 15, 1881, he was appointed Secretary of the Fire Department to succeed Hans Haerting, deceased, and has since filled the position in connection with his duties as Marshal. He is considered standard authority on all matters pertaining to fire apparatus, and is a thorough and skilled engineer. He in vented the stand-pipe and water-tower combined, in use by the department, the heater, and many other valuable appliances. Mr. Petrie considers it remarkable that the date of his entrance to the Fire Department and all of his promotions have occurred on Friday. He is well proportioned physically, being 5 feet 9 inches in height ; broad chested, and well-knit In disposition he is genial, and possesses in a high degree the faculty of making and retaining friends. 520 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, JOHN T. HOYNE. John Thomas Hoyne, son of Hon. Philip A. Hoyne and Theresa C. (French) Hoyne, was born in Chicago, March 31, 1854 ; the residence of his parents at the date of his birth being on Clark street between Washington and Madison, now one of the principal city thoroughfares. He first attended a private German school connected with the German Lutheran church on Twelfth street, near May, and next attended the Christian Brothers' academy connected with St Patrick's church, and then attended a similar school at the corner of Van Buren street and Fourth avenue. His first employment was in 1869 as an entry clerk in the great drygoods house of Field & Leiter. In 1871 he engaged with J. V. Farwell, and after filling various positions, took charge of a set of books in the business office of the latter firm. July 6, 1885, Mr. Hoyne accepted an appointment as Sup erintendent of the. money order division of the Chicago post- office. Mr. Hoyne for many years has taken an active interest in politics. His first vote was for Samuel J. Tilden. In 1880 he was identified with Hans Haerting in the organization of the original Young Democracy, being Treasurer of the Fifteenth ward branch. In 1884, when the present Young Democracy organization came into existence, Mr. Hoyne was elected Vice- President of the organization. He has frequently been a dele gate to the regular party conventions ; is a member of the Cook County Club, and was one of the incorporators of the Algonquin Club, now a strong organization of active young Democrats. Mr. Hoyne is universally popular, and is considered to have a promising future in public affairs. DANIEL W. RYAN. Daniel W. Ryan, Alderman of the Fourteenth ward, has resided in Chicago since boyhood, and has been for several years prominently identified with the politics of the city. Mr. Ryan was born in County Tipperary, Ireland, in 1843. In 1856 he emigrated to the United States, coming alone to Waterford, Saratoga county. New York, where an elder brother resided. He remained in Waterford three years, during which time he learned the cooper's trade. In 1859 he removed with a sister to Mt Sterling, Brown county, Illinois. The following year he went to Peoria, and 1861 came to Chicago, which city has ever since been his home. « CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 521 In. August, 1862, he entered the service of his country, enlisting in Company V, First Illinois Artillery. He participated in the 'i ennessee campaign and was engaged in the battles of Chickamauga, Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge. After the latter engagement he followed the fortunes of General Sher man in his march through Georgia, participating in all the battles of the Atlanta campaign as far as Jonesborough. July 24, 1865, he was mustered out of the service at Chicago a:..d at once resumed his old occupation of a cooper. In 1874 he engaged in the coopering business in a small way on his own account in the Fourteenth ward. He was eight years on Raw- son street and for one year has been located at numbers 19 to 27 Coventry street Here Mr. Ryan does a large and prosper ous business in the manufacture of barrels for distillers and rectifiers, employing about fifty hands. After leaving the army he regularly attended night schools in Chicago where he learned bookkeeping and acquired an educa tion which has made him successful in all the later undertakings of his life. He was married in Chicago in May, 1881, to Miss Agnes E. Donovan. They have four children, Mamie, Agnes, Daniel W. Jr., and Cornelius. Mr. Ryan has always been a staunch Republican, and takes an active part in political matters, particularly in the Fourteenth ward, where he has resided for nearly twenty years. In 1884 he was the Republican candidate for Alderman in his ward, but was defeated. In 1886 he was again the candidate of his party and was elected by a plurality of 1,200 votes. Mr. Ryan is widely known, and has hosts of friends among the veterans of Chicago, with whom he has always sustained the closest relations. He is a prominent member of the Grand Army of the Republic, the Veteran Union League, the Veteran Union Club, and the Irish- American Club. H. A. VARNELL. Harry A. Varnell, Warden of the Cook County Hospital for the Insane, is one of the youngest men filling an official position in the county institutions. He was born in Franklin- ville, Winnishiek county, Iowa, February 13, 1852, and removed with his parents to Chicago in 1854. He first attended the old Dearborn school on Madison street near Dearborn, and subse quently the Jones school at Harrison and Clark streets. He next took a course at that old, and in its day, well-known insti- 1-22 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, tution, Hathaway's Business College. Upon arriving at his majority he engaged with a partner in the galvanized cornice manufacturing business, and subsequently, the venture not prov ing sufficiently profitable, he took the agency of a safe and lock company. In 1881 he took an active part in the municipal cam paign, and again in the fall election of 1882. He was appointed Warden of the Insane Asylum September i, 1884, and has been re-appointed annually since that date. Mr. Varnell is of a genial disposition and popular among his friends, who predict for him a public career of much usefulness. Like all public institutions subject to the control of semi-political bodies the Insane Asylum is frequently the bone of partisan contention and the subject of public discussion, but throughout many such controversies and several investigations Warden Varnell has never been found lacking in attention to duty, and has maintained the affairs of the institution under his charge at a high grade of serviceability, and no charge reflecting upon his administration of the office of Warden has been justly made or sustained. Mr. Varnell was mar ried in 187 1 to Miss Lillie Favor, and is the father of four children. JOHN A. BELL. . John A. Bell, Assessor of the Town of West Chicago, and Record Writer of the Criminal Court of Cook county, has for the past eight years been prominently identified with the political history of Chicago, which has been his home for twenty years. Mr. Bell is the son of Amedee Bell and was born in Troy, New York, May 13, 1850. He received his education in the public schools of his native city, and at St Mary's Academy. In 1866 he came alone to Chicago and began life for himself as a clerk in a hotel. In 1868 he went to Portage Lake, Michigan, as gener.il timekeeper and properly clerk for the Portage Lake and Lake Superior ship canal, where he remained until February, 1871, when he returned to Chicago and entered Porter's Business College. After the fire of 187 1 he worked for some years as a painter, which trade he had learned while in the city of Troy. In 1878 he entered the office of the clerk of the Criminal Court as office clerk. He was promoted to minute clerk, and for two years has filled the responsible position of Record Writer. In 1885 Mr. Bell received the Republican nomination for Assessor of the Town of West Chicago, and was elected by a majority of 1,700 over Timothy E. Ryan, Democrat In 1886 he was re-elected by a majority of 4,200 overthe same opponent, CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 523 running largely ahead of his ticket This was the first election under the Crawford law, and Mr. Bell carried seven out of the nine wards in the West Town. He is Republican in politics, but has friends in all parties. Mr. Bell is President of the Stephen A. Douglas Council, President of the St Vincent de Paul Society, and a prominent member of the Benevolent Legion. Mr. Bell was married in Chicago in 1873 to Miss Adel Perrier. They have five children living ; John A., Jr., Frank A., Maud A., Mae R., and Theodore A. TIMOTHY RYAN. Timothy Ryan, of the Fourteenth ward, one of the most prominent, active and popular men in politics in his division of the city, was born in Tipperary, Ireland, March 20, 1842, his parents being farmers. He arrived in the United States with his parents in 1848, settling in Utica, where he attended the public schools for a time. In 1856 the family moved to Detroit, and after one year's residence there settled in Chicago. Here he attended night schools and at -sixteen years of age engaged in the tanning and wool business with Christian Cassellman, remaining eight years. He then went to San Francisco and engaged in the same business there for himself remaining nearly six years, when he returned to Chicago. In 1868 he became foreman for Reed & Sherwin in the packing house and wool business, and after acting in this capacity for sixteen months he established a glove and mitten manufactory, and conducted it nine years. He then became a wool-buyer, and has conducted a wool-buying and grading business until the present time. Mr. Ryan has a fine family and a pleasant home, and is an extensive property- owner in the Fourteenth ward, where he has lived since his re turn from San Francisco. In politics Mr. Ryan has always been a Democrat and has frequently been a member of important political committees, serving now as a member of the Co®k County Democratic Central Committee. He is highly respected and esteemed by his neighbors, and his friends are legion. Al though often urged to become a candidate for the City Council, the Board of County Commissioners, the Legislature and other offices of honor and trust, Mr. Ryan has invariably declined. While an uncompromising Democrat, Mr. Ryan has independent tendencies in local matters, and is an outspoken advocate of political reforms. 524 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, CHARLES E. SCHARLAU. Charles Ernest Scharlau was born in Pomerania, on the Baltic, May 23, 1845, his parents being farmers. With his parents he came to this country in 1853, and settled in Chicago, having lived continuously in the Fourteenth ward since 1856. He attended the FVanklin public school until 12 years old, when he applied himself to learning the trade of a gilder, becoming in time, foreman of Rando & Co. 's establishment. In 1862, when seventeen years of age he enlisted in Company G, 57th Illinois Volunteers and re-enlisted in the Vetera:? Volunteers at Lynn- ville, Tenn., in December, 1863. He served at the front in the Sixteenth Army Corps under Gen. R. J. Oglesby, and in the Fifteenth Corps under Major General John A. Logan. He was with the Army of the Tennessee on Sherman's famous march to the sea, and was injured May 9, 1864, in the passage of the Ostanola river, at the battle of Resaca. He was in the battle of Bentonsville, N. C, the last of the war fought by Sherman's army, and was in the grand review at Washington, May 23, 1865, and received his discharge in June. He returned to Chi cago and resumed work at his trade for the ensuing ten years. In 1870 he was appointed Deputy Sheriff by Sheriff Tim Bradley and served four years, and then served as Deputy County Collector under County Collector Louis Huck, and was Deputy West Town Assessor under Assessor Pleasant Amick. When Jacob Rehm was Chief of Police, and Charles Rehm Chief of Detectives, Mr. Scharlau accepted a position in the detective department, but soon resigned. In 1868 he was a delegate in the Republican County Convention, and was offered and de clined the nomination for Supervisor of the old Twelfth ward, now the Fourteenth. Since 1868 he has been Central Com mitteeman and delegate to various State, County and City Conventions. In 1874 he became a candidate for the State Legislature and was defeated. In 1880 he was again a candidate, running against S. D. Mieroslowski. Out of this election the celebrated Scharlau-Mieroslowski contest aro.se. The ballots after three counts showed a majority of 50 for Scharlau, but upon being taken to Springfield the Committee on Elections declared Mieroslowski elected by 43 majority. In 1882 there were rival Senatorial Conventions in the district, and Scharlau was the nominee of the Fourteenth ward wing, but declined in favor of W. E. Mason. In 1884 he was nominated and elected to the Senate by the largest majority ever received by a candidate in the district, defeating August Wendel? a prominent and CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. C2C popular German. He was nominated for the House by acclama tion on September 29, 1886. While in the Senate he secured the passage of the Park Bill, allowing an additional tax of half a mill for park improvements. He was a member of the Com mittee on Labor and Industrial Affairs and a firm friend of the Convict Labor Bill, and was a member of other important com mittees. Mr. Scharlau is now a prosperous real estate dealer. He is a member of the Ancient Order of United Workmen ; the Independent Order of Odd Fellows ; Court Jefferson Lodge of the Foresters ; Jefferson Post, 445, of the Grand Army of the Republic ; of Cregier Lodge of Free Masons ; of the West side Grant Club, and a member and president three terms of the 57th Illinois Veteran Volunteer Association. Mr. Scharlau was married March 5, 1870, to Miss Martha E. Mugler, a native of New York, and has two daughters aged 15 and 12 years. MICHAEL CASSIUS McDONALD. No history of the politics of Chicago would be complete without an account of the connection therewith of Michael C. McDonald, who for ten years has been prominent in all the councils of his party ; an active organizer and a leader who is acknowledged to have made and unmade the political for tunes of more people than any other individual politician in the West. He was born at Niagara Falls, New York, Sep tember 2, 1839 ; the son of Edward and Mary (Guy) McDonald. His father was born in Cork, Ireland, and emigrated to the United States in 1838, and his mother was born in the city of Limerick and came to this country in 1830. His paternal grand father was a tanner and his mother's parents kept a general store. His mother died April 11, 1863, and his father is enjoy ing his declining years in comfort Michael C. attended the public school at Niagara trails and graduated from Hoyt's col lege at the same place, whence also were graduated many other prominent Chicago citizens. When the Great Western Rail road was completed a former schoolmate, William E. 'Tunis, established a news and book agency on the line, and Michael went on the road as a newsboy. In the fall of 1854 he took a run to Chicago and a two weeks' visit convinced him that this was destined to be a great city and that it was the right place for him to locate. He returned in 1855 in company with Henry Marvin, another bright young lad, and about the same time three other Niagara Falls boys, who were his friends, arrived 526 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, here — Joseph and John Maronel and James Fehan. All of his early companions are now dead, Henry Marvin was killed on the Chicago and Burlington road June 5, 1855, ^"d was buried by his young friends. James Fehan became secretary of the old fire department under Chief Silas McBride. Michael ran on the Burlington route in 1855-6, and his last experience as a news agent was in i860 when he went down on a branch road between Hamilton and Toronto to sell books during the visit of the Prince of Wales to Canada. He returned to Chicago and cast his maiden vote for Stephen A. Douglas in the fall of i860, and after the election went to New Orleans where with Roger Sher man he established an agency in the St. Charles hotel for the sale of revolving stereoscopic view apparatus, and was there at the outbreak of the war. Sherman was a rabid Abolitionist and made himself offensive by constant outspoken expressions on the subject, The night after Fort Sumter fell a file of soldiers marched into the hotel ; the Sergeant tapped Sherman on the shoulder and told him he was a prisoner. McDonald escaped arrest by showing that he was a New York Democrat and had voted for Douglas. He always supposed Sherman was taken out and shot, and often related the circumstance as the first instance in his knowledge of removal for offensive partisanship, nor did he learn what had become of Sherman until 1884, when he met in New Orleans a gentleman named Haynie, residing in a parish sixty miles from New Orleans who told him that he had assisted Sherman to escape and that he had been living in his neighbor hood ever since. McDonald left New Orleans on a steamer, landed at Memphis, and returned to Niagara Falls. In the fall of 1 86 1 he returned to Chicago and in company with Calvin Page bought out the barroom of the Richmond house at the corner of Michigan avenue and South Water street, then one of the finest hotels in the city, and this he condiicted until the fall of 1863. His father and his brother Edward joined him here, and the latter became the engineer of a tug boat on the river, going subsequently into the service of the Government to trans port prisoners of war to a station in Lake Erie, and later down the Atlantic coast in the government transfer service. After the war Edward McDonald was chief engineer of the steamship Cleopatra in the Havana trade, and later for two years was engi neer in charge of the New York Herald office for James Gordon Bennett, by whom he was highly esteemed for efficiency and trustworthiness. M. C. McDonald after leaving the Richmond house opened a billiard hall and bar at 6i*and 6^ Randolph CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 527 Street, where he continued four years, when, in company with John T. Corcoran, Patrick Casey and Charles DuBois, he opened a clubhouse in a frame building where the Tribune office now stands, and opposite which John R. Walsh, who was a newsboy on the train with McDonald, then had a newstand. At the time of the fire in 1871 he had an interest in three or four clubhouses and a wine and liquor house on Dearborn street between Randolph and Washington. His loss in the fire was complete, and out of $30,000 insurance he failed to recover anything. After the fire he opened a saloon near the corner of State and Harrison streets, but soon sold this and it was burnt in the second fire. He next located on the West side and soon had interests in several clubhouses. He opened "The Store" on Clark street near Monroe, afterward a celebrated political headquarters, in the spring of 1873, the building having been constructed to suit him by Edwin Walker. Here he entered in to partnership with Lawrence & Martin in the wholesale liquor .and cigar business. The firm dissolved in 1877, Lawrence & Martin opening a rival place at in Madison street and Mc Donald confining his efforts to " The Store," Lawrence & Martin failing in 1880. His first active service in Democratic party politics was in the Tilden campaign of 1876, although in 1868 he had supported Seymour and Blair, and in 1872 General Grant as against Horace Greeley, and in this campaign he did a great deal of local work for the regular Republican ticket He was in the convention at St. Louis that nominated Tilden and was at the head of the Tilden marching clubs. He was active in securing the nomination and election of Mayor Harvey D. Colvin, and also gave his active support to Perry H. Smith for Mayor as against Monroe Heath, thereby incur ring the enmity of Chief of Police M. C. Hickey, who denounced him as a gambler, and made "The Store" the object of repeated raids. It was one of these raids when his private apart ments were forcibly^ entered that gave rise to a celebrated test case and a decision by Judge McAllister that the police had no power to make forcible entry unless provided with warrants. McDonald has always maintained that all of the gam blers were at that time opposed to him, and in favor of the elec tion of Mayor Heath. In the fall of 1876 he was a supporter of Charles Kern for Sheriff, who was elected, but prior to this the Democrats had held no county offices to speak of In 1877 the Democratic County Central Committee was formed, and a bitter fight for supremacy between factions was waged. 5 20 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, David Thornton was deposed as committeeman from the First ward and Joseph C. Mackin elected in his stead. McDonald supported Mackin, and together they secured control of the party organization and maintained it for several years. In 1878 they supported Charles Kern for Sheriff as against John Hoff man, and while he was defeated by but 3,100 votes the balance of the ticket was defeated by an average majority of 13,000 in Cook county. They were active in the support of Judges Roger and Gary to the Circuit bench as non-partisan candi dates, and in June, 1879, they supported Judges McAllister, Moran, Barnum, Rogers and Tuley, who were elected and re elected in 1885 on a non-partisan ticket. In the spring mu nicipal campaign of 1879 they were active in securing th6 elec tion of Mayor Carter H. Harrison, City Treasurer William C. Seipp, City Clerk Patrick Howard and City Attorney Julius S. Grinnell, and in 1881 the same ticket with the substitution of Rudolf Brand for Treasurer; and again in 1883 with the substi tution of John M. Dunphy for Treasurer, and John G. Neumeis ter for City Clerk. They also elected Dr. Swayne WIckersham to the City Council from the First ward for three consecutive terms and would have re elected him had he not declined. In the fall of 1882 their adherents had full control of the County convention and nominated W. J. McGarigle for Sheriff, W. C. Seipp for Treasurer, M. J. Ryan for Clerk and Richard S. Prendergast for County Judge, and all were elected except McGarigle, against whom the fire of the entire opposition was directed. Indeed, the strong and winning combinations which controlled conventions ; dictated nominations ; managed a per fect system of political machinery and received the co-opera tion of the voters of the Democratic party, was almost entirely subject to the command of M. C. McDonald, and it is a notable fact that among the many officials named none have been found derelict in duty to the public. The same element supported Henry M. Shepard for Judge of the Circuit Court in 1883, and he defeated Judge Jameson, who had formerly carried Cook county by 16,000 majority, and McDonald was a ruling factor in the municipal convention of 1885 and the County convention of 1886. During his connection with the controlling element of his party it has nominated and elected many persons to minor offices in the county and town governments, and, as is ever the case under our political system, some bad men have crept in. _ In 1881 Mr. McDonald was the leading spirit in the organization of the Cook County DemocratieClub, and has ever CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOI':-. 529 since been one of its chief mainstays. He has been a delegate and active factor in city, county, state and national conventions, and has almost invariably seen his favored candidates successful. In 1884 he originally favored the nomination of "the old ticket" of Tilden and Hendricks and after the famous letter of declara tion of Mr. Tilden he was a supporter of Hon. Joseph McDonald, but discovering the tendency of the country to be in the direction of a change from old party lines ; a plain business-like adminis tration and certain reforms, and that Grover Cleveland was the choice of the majority, he became a strong adherent of the head of the present administration. Mr. McDonald has never sought office for himself He is the owner of large stone quarries at Lemont ; has great real estate and building interests in Chicago ; is a large stockholder in the Chicago Passenger Railroad, is interested largely in other substantial business ventures, and is worth considerable over $1,000,000. He was married June 7, 1863, to Miss Marie Cecilia Noonan, of Lockport, Niagara Co.. New York, and is the father of four children ; Harley C. Mc Donald, aged 21 ; Birdie McDonald, aged 19; Guy C, aged 7. and Cassius Michael, aged 8 months. CHARLES HERMAN PLAUTZ. C. Herman Plautz, City Clerk of the city of Chicago, was born in the year 1844 in the village of Klein Sabow, Northern Germany. His parents were well-to-do farmers, and at an early age he was sent to the best schools his native place afforded. His father took a prominent part in the revolution of 1848, and being dissatisfied with the German government he emigrated to the United States in 1855. They located at Oconomowoc, Wisconsin, where they continue to reside. The son attended school and applied himself closely to his studies until the spring of 1861 when he took up his residence in Chicago and found employment in a drugstore. After five years' experience in this business, and becoming thoroughly conversant with it, he be came the head of the concern, through the kindness of his employer, who turned his entire business over to Mr. Plautz, who conducted it successfully until the fall of 1882, when he sold out in order to engage in the wholesale drug trade. He then organized the Chicago Drug and Chemica Company, and for two and one-half years was the treasurer of the ^ concern. It was successfully managed, and is to-day one of our largest manu- facturing establishments. In politics Mr. Plautz has always been 34 530 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, a Staunch Republican. Since first settling in the Northwestern part of the city^ he has taken an active interest in the improve ments and politics of the Fourteenth ward. He was a member of the Republican City Campaign Executive Committee in 1881 ; and treasurer of the Cook County Campaign Committee in the fall of 1884. At the beginning of 1885 he retired from active business and in March of that yearwas nominated for City Clerk on the ticket with Judge Sidney Smith, and was one of the two successful Republican candidates, being elected by a decisive majority, and serving creditably. During the Smith-Harrison mayoralty contest Mr. Plautz had charge of the ballots and his action throughout was honorable, non-partisan, and elicited praise from both sides. Mr. Plautz's life has been a studious one and he has a splendid education^ the result of his own efforts. He occupies a prominent place in business circles ; is universally respected and highly regarded for his many admirable traits of character. He has a fine family and is happily situated in his home relations, having a splendid homestead at No. 731 North Hoyne avenue. Mr. Plauiz is a Free Mason, and member of other benevolent organizations. JOHN J. CURRAN. John Joseph Curran was born August 5, 1845, i" the south of Ireland, his father, Michael Curran, being a farmer, and his mother, Margaret M. (Griffin) Curran, a cousin of the noted Irish poet, Gerald Griffin. He came to the United States with his j.arents in 1850 and they settled in Syracuse, N. Y., remov ing to Indiana in 1854, and to Clinton county, la., in 1856. John J. Curran first attended the public school in Syracuse; a district school in Indiana, and in Iowa a select school at Clinton. At 15 years of age he entered a grocery store in CHnton as clerk and subsequently learned the carpenter's trade. After he had mastered the latter trade he returned .to New York and worked at Oswego. At the outbreak of the war he entered the service of the Government and was assigned to the Navy Yard at Cairo, 111. He was soon given charge of a complement of men and went ahead of the army building bridges. He was at the siege of Nashville, and there contracted a fever which came near having a fatal termination, and from the effects of which he yet suffers. He returned to Iowa and in 1865 became a contractor and builder, coming to Chicago after the great fire. He was engaged by Turner & Sumner, as superintendent of fheir lumber driers CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS C . t ^"^ 'Vi'^i^^^ °^ '^^^ ''^ ^"^ ^'¦- '^"'¦"er invented an improved drier, Mr. Curran inventing the steam part of it and makina other improvements. Subsequently he devised and patented the Curran Excelsior Drier and became the founder of the lumber dry kiln business in the United States. His process has saved many million dollars to the lumber interests and has made him independently rich. Mr. Curran is a self-made man ; a public-spirited citizen and a liberal contributor to causes of charity, Irish Nationality and Democratic party politics. He has taken an active interest in politics for the past fifteen years, having in 1879 been a leading spirit in the important Greenback movement of that period and being the means of combining the two Greenback-labor wings in Chicago that resulted in the first nomination of Carter H. Harrison for the Mayoralty. He has resided in the Second Congressional district since 1871 and has freqiiently been urged by his friends to stand as an independent candidate for Congress. He was prevailed upon to become an independent candidate for Alderman of the Seventh ward in the spring of 1879 upon a pledge of the Republican indorsement There were two Democratic candidates — John Riordan and John McNally — and a long term, and Aid. Hildreth's unexpired term in the Council, to be filled. The night before the election the Republicans put up a candidate in the person of Henry Kerber. Mr. Curran received 900 votes, and both Riordan and McNally were elected. Subsequently he was offered the nomi nation for County Commissioner, but refused it, and was urged to become a Candidate for Congress and for City Treasurer, but •declined. In 1884 his name was presented in the Congressional Convention as against Frank Lawler, and his friends failed by eight votes to nominate him. In the fall of 1886 he actively sought the nomination, but the "machine" was against him and he was defeated. A convention of Independent Democrats, and citizens of the district was called, and he was nominated by ac clamation on the Independent People's ticket. Mr. Curran was elected a member of the Democratic County Central Committee in 1884, ^nd re-elected in 1885 and 1886. He is a member of the Second Congressional District Committee and has been a delegate to various State, County and City Conventions. He was an ardent supporter of Grover Cleveland for President in 1884, and contributed liberally to the expenses of the campaign. He is a member of the Iroquois and Cook County Clubs and September 16, 1886, was elected President of the Cook County Young Democracy, an organization including in its membership 532 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, nearly 10,000 active young members of the Democratic party. Mr. Curran has always been an unselfish and patriotic supporter of the Irish Nationalist cause, and in 1885 was a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention of the Irish National Land League. He is a member of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, and of the Irish Nationalists. He is an extensive property-owner and has made many costly and substantial improvements in the city, especially in the Second district, where, on Blue Island avenue near Fourteenth street, stands a handsome new public hall erected by him in 1886. He is President of the Curran Mutual Aid and Building Association, which society, since its establish ment in 1883, mainly through his energy and efforts, has built one hundred houses and furnished homes for six hundred people. Another new and prosperous association of the same kind of which he is also the president is called the Curran Hall Building and Loan Association, and he is also treasurer of the John M. Dunphy Building and Loan Association. Mr. Curran was mar ried in 1870 to Miss Margaret M, Conlon, of Clinton county, Iowa. MICHAEL J. CORCORAN. Michael J. Corcoran, one of the most active and influential men identified with Democratic politics in Chicago, was born May 16, 1848, the place where he first saw the light being the old ,St Louis House at the corner of Market and Washington streets, kept by his father, Jeremiah Thomas Corcoran. This was a celebrated hotel in its time, which was in the palmy days of canal traffic, when the house was the great headquarters for the packet men. Jeremiah T. Corcoran was one of the early settlers of Chicago, coming here from Canada in the 30's, and died in i860. For many years he was in the grocery and hotel business, and though active in politics never held office himself When Michael J. Corcoran was one year old the family moved to the corner of Ohio and St Clair streets. Michael first attended the Wilder school, corner of Ohio and La Salle streets, where many of our prominent men received their first schooling. He then took a course at St Mary's of the Lake and at the age of nineteen went to learn the machinist's trade with S. E. Good & Co.. at the corner of North Water and LaSalle streets, subsequently buying an interest in the shop. Soon after this, he, in company with his brother, John T. Corcoran, took charge of the old Hatch Ifbuse, located at the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. !;,-}3 corner of Wells and Kinzie streets, adjoining the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad depot The Hatch house speedily be came noted as the principal political headquarters in the city, and here gathered such old time politicians as "Uncle" Dan O'Hara, Phil Conley, "Long John" Wentworth, David Thornton, Tom Foley, and even some of the younger race, including Frank Agnew, Miles Kehoe, John Crawford, William Devine and others. The Hatch house adherents became a distinct and powerful factor in politics, and their influence extended to the control of conventions and the election of many of the chief municipal and county officers. The original Hatch house was a three story and basement frame structure, named after its builder, who sold it to James Howe, from whom it was bought by John T. Corcoran in 1859. •W'hen the Wells street viaduct was built the Corcorans raised the hotel and faced it with brick at a cost of about $25,000, making it a handsome and commodious house of 134 rooms. It then became a more popular headquarters than ever, and so continued until it was destroyed in the fire of 1871. The Corcoran brothers set to work immediately and re built on the same site, but on a smaller scale. The new Hatch house, was the first building erected after the fire, and like its predecessor it was known as the great political headquarters. It was sold to the Chicago and Northwestern Railroad in the fall of 1876 and was torn down. Michael J. Corcoran first became active in the politics of the old Twentieth ward, the first real work done by him being to circulate tickets for Aid. Edward Keogh, who was elected by a large majority. Every spring and fall since Mr. Corcoran may be seen at the polls with a bunch of tickets for his favorite candidate in his hand. During the Greeley campaign he induced his brother, John T. Corcoran, to run for Alderman against Gus Busse, a German Republican, and although the ward was strongly Republican, John T. was elected by 900 majority. At the expiration of his first term he ran against James Kirk and defeated him by 400 majority. His second term was cut short six months by the adoption of the new charter, under which Mayor Colvin held over. He was a popular man ; an able representative in the Council, and at the time of his death, in 1879, that body adopted resolutions eu logizing his memory, which are given elsewhere. While they made and unmade mayors and many county and town officials John T. and Michael J. Corcoran never sought or held office themselves, except the two terms the former held in the Council. M. J. Corcoran has often been urged by his friends to become a 534 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, candidate for Alderman; for County Commissioner; forCity or County Treasurer, and for Congress, but he has invariably refused to allow the use of his name. He maintains that he is tired of politics and would never interest himself in campaigns except for friends, who ask his services and whom he can not refuse. Leading candidates always seek his friendship and in fluence. He has been a member of the City and County Central Committees for twelve or fifteen years ; a delegate in nearly every local and state convention. Chairman of the North Town Convention, an alternate delegate in the National Con vention of 1884, and is a prominent member of the Cook County Democratic Club. On account of his faculty of gathering political strength and his facility in organizing, Mr. Corcoran has often been compared to the late John Kelly, of New York, and by many of his friends he has been dubbed the ''Sachem." He is genial in disposition, weighs 240 pounds, and is five feet eight inches in height GEORGE MILLS ROGERS. George Mills Rogers, City Prosecuting Attorney, is the son of the Hon. John G. Rogers, now serving his fourth term as Judge of the Circuit Court of Cook county. Mr. Rogers was born April 16, 1854, in Glasgow, Ky., which was also the birth place of his father. Chicago has been his home since 1857, when his father removed here with his family^ He received his early education in the public schools of Chicago, and later en tered on a course of study at the Chicago University. In 1872 he entered the Freshman class of Yale College, graduating in 1876. After completing his classical studies he entered the of fice of Messrs. Crawford & McConnell and began the study of the law, which he had chosen as his profession. At the same time he attended the Union College of Law, from v/hich he reg ularly graduated, and was admitted to the bar in June, 1878. Mr. Rogers then became a member of the firm of McConnell, Raymond & Rogers, and upon the withdrawal of Mr. Henry W. Raymond the firm became McConnell & Rogers. From boyhood Mr. Rogers has been a Democrat, and has always taken great interest in political affairs. In March, 1883, he became a member of the Citizens' Association and served as its attorney until January, 1885, when he was appointed Assis tant City Attorney. He served in this capacity until June i, 1885. In February, 1886, he received the aft)ointment of City CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 535 Prosecuting Attorney, which position he still holds. In 1880 Mr. Rogers was a candidate on the Democratic ticket for the State Senate from the Fourth Senatorial district, and though de feated, he largely reduced the usual Republican majority In 1882 he was induced to fill a vacancy on the Democratic ticket becoming a candidate for Assessor of the West Town. He was defeated by 100 votes by Pleasant Amick, who had been the in cumbent for several terms. Mr. Rogers is a member of the Illinois Club, the Cook County Club and the Iroquois Club. Of the latter club he was chosen Vice-President at the first election of officers. He was once Vice-President of the Cook County Democratic Committee, and is now a member of the Naturalization Committee of the Cook County Club. Mr. Rogers has one brother, Henry, and two sisters, Sarah, wife of S. P. McConnell, Esq., and Julia, residing in Chicago. He was married June 3, 1884, to Miss Philippa Howe Anthon, of New York City. Mrs. Rogers is the daughter of the late Philip Howe Anthon, and a niece of the late Prof Charles Anthon, of Columbia College, New York. CANUTE R. MATSON. Canute R. Matson was born near Bergen, Norway, April 9, 1843; his father was Rognald Matson a farmer, and his mother, Gertrude (Johnson) Matson. He came to the United States with his parents in 1849, ^"^ they settled in the town of La- Grange, Walworth county, Wisconsin, subsequently removing to Dane county. Young Matson first attended the public school at Palmyra, and upon the removal of his parents to JDane county he worked with his father in clearing the farm in the new country, attending school in the winter. At the age of fifteen he attended Albion academy. In i860 he began a course at Milton college and was there at the breaking out of the war. Becoming imbued with the war spirit and feeling that the country needed his services he enlisted in Company K, Thirteenth Wis consin Volunteers, August 19, 1861, and after the necessary drill in camp he was sent in the following January with his regi ment to Kansas, there to unite with General Jim Lane's expedi tion to New Mexico. The expedition being abandoned his regiment was ordered down the Mississippi in the summer of 1862 to join the Army of the Cumberland, and he served through 536 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, the Southwest campaign, going with Stanley's division to Texas in 1865, and there being mustered out in December of that year. Returning north he located in Chicago in 1866 and sought to fit himself for commercial pursuits by taking a course at Eastman's Commercial college, where there was a large attendance of ex- soldiers who were seeking to complete the education that had been interrupted by their enlistment in the service of their country. Upon leaving the college Mr. Matson kept books for a coal firm for a season and then secured a position in the post- office under Postmaster Samuel L. Hoard. In 1869 he was nominated on the "People's" ticket for Clerk of the Police Court ; was elected by a large majority and was re-nominated on the "Fire Proof ticket and re-elected by an increased majority in 1871. In 1875 he was appointed Justice of the Peace by the Governor of the state, and re-appointed at the expiration of his term. In 1880 he was elected Coroner over John H. Colvin, a well known and popular Democrat, by a majority greater than that received by any other candidate on the Republican ticket, and leading the presidential candidate, Garfield, by several hundred votes. After serving two years as Coroner, during which time he made a splendid record for efficiency, he accepted the office of Chief Deputy Sheriff under Sheriff Seth Hanchett, in December, 1882. This office he filled in a manner eminently satisfactory to the public and his party, and so well known and popular had he become, and it having been demonstrated that he was a very strong man before the people, his party recognized these qualifications by nominating him for Sheriff of Cook county in the County convention in September, 1886. Mr. Matson possesses a rugged and striking physique, a genial disposition and has many sterling traits of character which gain and hold him the friends who have again rallied to his support in the most important canvass he has yet undertaken. Mr. Matson has been twice married ; the first time in 1868 to Miss Mary Newton of Chicago, who died subsequently, and again December 13, 1876, to Miss Isabella Andrewson, of La Salle county, daughter of the Rev. O. Andrewson, who came to this country in 1837, and became noted as one of the pio neer preachers of his nationality. He organized the First Nor wegian church in this city, and others in Wisconsin, IlHnois and Iowa, and was president of the Synod when he died in 1885. C. R. Matson is the father of four children, the eldest nine years of age, and the youngest, a daughter, born the night following his nomination for Sheriff. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 537 EGBERT JAMIESON. Hon. Egbert Jamieson was born April 29, 1844, in Castle- ton, Rutland county, Vermont His father. Dr. Egbert Jamie. sonvvas a practicing physician and surgeon of the old school a graduate of the Castleton Medical College. His mother Caro line M. (Woodward) Jamieson, was born in Castleton, and was the daughter of Dr. Theodore Woodward, President of the Castleton Medical College. She now resides in Chicago Dr Egbert Jamieson served as a surgeon in the United States Navy He removed to Racine, Wis., with his family about 1849, and at the outbreak of the war joined the First Wisconsin Regi ment as surgeon, and served at the front He died after the battle of Murfreesboro, where he was surgeon in charge of the hospital. Egbert Jamieson attended the Racine public schools, under the tuition of Col. John G. McMynn, and next took a course at Racine College under Dr. Roswell Park. He started out in life as a journalist, and held an editorial position on the staff of the Daily Milwaukee News, under George H. Paul. His chosen profession, however, was the law, and he soon re turned to Racine and began to read law with Sanders and Ladd. In March, 1864, he came to Chicago, and entered the law office of E. S. Smith, and after three years of study was admitted to the bar and formed a co-partnership with Judge James H. Knowlton, which continued until the great fire of 1871 cleaned out the firm. After the fire he remained in practice alone for a year, and then formed a co-partnership with the late Emery Storrs, which continued until he was elected City Attorney in 1873. During his term as city attorney he earned a splendid record by successfully defending many damage suits brought against the city, and he played an important part in the troublous times at the close of Mayor Colvin's administration. When his term as City Attorney had expired he was retained by Mayor Colvin and Comptroller S. S. Hayes as their counsel in the celebrated Hoyne-Colvin contest. Associated with him for a time were W. C. Goudy and Judge C. Beckwlth, but he finished the case alone, and secured a verdict in the Circuit Court before the full bench in favor of his clients, and the ad ministration under this decision served its full term out. In 1876 he was made the nominee of the Democratic County convention for State's Attorney, but was defeated, and, as is claimed, was "counted out," being made the victim of influences at work in the interest of certain County Commissioners then under in- ,538 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, dictment for malfeasance in office. Since that period Mr. Jamieson has been occupied with the practice of his profes sion He has frequently been brought forward as a well qualified candidate for the bench, and in the summer of 1886 received prominence as an available man for United States District At torney. September 15, 1886, he was nominated by acclamation by the Democratic County convention for Judge of the Superior Court, was indorsed by the United Labor Party in convention October 4, and by the Cook County Labor League in conven tion October 11. Mr. Jamieson is energetic, able and popular. He was married December 24, 1868, to Miss Mary A. Daniels, of Chicago, daughter of Hon. William Y. Daniels. JOSEPH M. WEBER. Joseph M. Weber, representative in the City Council from the Seventh ward, was born in Brooklyn, New York, May 14, 1853. His father, Adam Weber, and his mother were natives of Rhine, Bavaria, who came to the United States in 1848, locat ing in Brooklyn. They came to Chicago in 1856. Joseph M. Weber attended the Holy Family parochial school for twelve years and then attended the Foster public school, and finally took a course at Dyrenfurth's business college. When thirteen years old he lost his left hand by the accidental discharge of a pistol on the Fourth of July. He first worked in an upholster ing establishment; in 1871 was messenger for the German National Bank; next became bookkeeper for the commission firm of Wahl & Jaeger, afterward Philip Jaeger, where he remained eleven years. In 1882 he established a manufactory of house mouldings at the corner of Twenty-second and Laflin streets, but finding himself not adapted to the business gave it up after six months. In the fall of 1883 he engaged in the wholesale meat commission business at 48 and 50 West Jackson street, where he still conducts a profitable business. Mr. Weber lives at 400 Maxwell street, and has been a continuous resident of the street for twenty-eight years. He has the confidence and respect of the people of his ward ; has attended closely to their interests in the Council, and has been mentioned prominently for Senator and Representative in the Legislature at Springfield. He was the first Republican elected in the ward for ten years, defeating John Riordan, the Democratic candidate in April, 1885, by a majority of 167 votes. • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 539 A. M. JONES. Alfred Miles Jones, Chairman of the Illinois Republican State Central Committee, was born February 5, 1837, '^^ New Durham, Strafford county. New Hampshire. His father, Alfred S. Jones, and mother, Rebecca (Miles) Jones, were natives of New Hampshire, and his father was a farmer. They moved from New Durham to Rutland, Vt, and in 1846 came west, settling in the town of Hebron, McHenry county; removing thence to Warren, Jo Daviess county, in 1857. Alfred M. at tended the public school in Rutland, district school in McHenry county, and afterward took a course at Kimball's private school at Rockford, 111., a celebrated school in its day. Subsequently he opened a jewelry and bookstore at Warren ; next became a dealer in farm machinery, and finally established a loan and col lection office. In 1862 he was elected Coroner of Jo Daviess county, and after serving his term out was appointed Deputy Sheriff. He always took an active interest in politics, and in company with Jacob Fossett, now County Judge, William Spens- ley, afterward County Judge, Capt. D. W. Corey and others, was generally found opposed to Elihu B. Washburne in the poli tics of his district. He was an ardent supporter of Gen. Grant in 1864 and 1868, and in every campaign conducted in his in terest. In 1866 he was elected Chairman of the Jo Daviess County Central Committee; was elected to the Legislature in 1872 and again in 1874, was elected Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee in 1880, and re-elected Chairman of each new committee since. For upward of twenty years he has been an influential delegate in county, congressional and state conventions, and his reputation as an active organizer and an able and experienced promoter of the interests of his party ex tends throughout the country. His popular political sobriquet is "Long" Jones, derived from a generous stature. He was a member for two terms and Secretary of the Board of Penitentiary Commissioners, was Collector of Internal Revenue for the Galena district under the Hayes administration, and was trans ferred to the Chicago district and appointed United States Mar shal of the Northern District of Illinois by President Garfield. While serving as Marshal he took an active part in ferreting out the Chicago election frauds and in the prosecution of Mackin, Gallagher and Gleason. In the great Republican National con vention of 1880 he was a conspicuous marshal of the historic "Old Guard," or Grant "306;" in 1884 an active supporter of Gen.. 540 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Logan for the presidency, and in the famous contest of the latter for^'election to the United States Senate he was one of the prin cipal organizers of the " Logan 103." While Mr. Jones retains his residence at Warren his business keeps him a greater part of the time in Chicago ; he being now the general manager of the Bethesda Mineral Springs Company. Mr. Jones was married in 1857 to Miss Emeline E. Wright, of Lynn, Wis., and is the father of two children ; a daughter aged twenty-three, and a son seventeen years of age. SETH F. HANCHETT. Seth Frank Hanchett, Sheriff of Cook county from 18S2 to 1886, was born April 30, 1841, in Chautauqua county. New York. His father, Joseph Cottrell Hanchett, was a native of New York and a farmer, and his mother, Sabrina (Howard) Hanchett, was born in Vermont. Seth F. lived on his father's farm until he was fifteen years old and attended the district schools. In 1856 he came to Chicago, but soon went to Mc Henry county where he was employed, and attended school for several winters. In i860 he returned to Chicago and entered the employ of the North Chicago City Railway Company. In the fall of 1861, while yet a minor, he enlisted in Company M, Nine teenth Illinois Cavalry, and served in this company a year and a half when he contracted fever and was discharged as an invalid. He soon recovered his strength and returned to his old home, and re-enlisted in the Fifteenth New York Cavalry and served at the front in Virginia, the Shenandoah valley, under Sigel and Hunter, and in Custer's Division, Sheridan's Cavalry Corps, and at the battle of Five Forks, eight days before the surrender of Lee, his left arm was blown off at the elbow, and its amputation at the shoulder was necessitated. He was mustered out April i, 1865, and returned to Chicago and engaged in business for a year ; was superintendent of the Soldiers' Home for a year, and in 1867 was appointed bailiff in the County Court, under Sheriff John L. Beveridge, and served under four successive sheriffs until Sheriff Charles Kern was elected in the fall of 1876. He again engaged in business for himself and in the fall of 1877 was elected Clerk of the Probate Court and administered the af fairs of that important office acceptably to the public for a period of five years. In the fall of 1882 he. was nominated for Sheriff of Cook county by the Republican County convention, and was the successful candidate in a heated campaign, defeating his op- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 541 ponent, William J. McGarigle, by a majority of 4,385 votes. Sheriff Hanchett was dependent upon his own efforts from boy hood, and won distinction by energy and faithfulness. He ad ministered the important office of Sheriff with ability and satis faction to the public. He was married in 1867 to Miss Lizzie L. Atkins, of Chicago, and has three children— Frank S. Han chett, aged 18 ; Seth R., aged 14, and Bessie, aged 5 years. EDWARD P. BURKE. Edward P. Burke, Representative In the City Council for three terms from the Fifth ward, was born in Madison, Jeffer son county, Indiana, January 17, 1848. His father, John Burke, and mother, Mary (Fallon) Burke, were born in Roscommon county, Ireland, and came to the United States in 1833, settling in Indiana, coming to Chicago in 1870, returning to Indiana in 1872, and returning again to Chicago in 1880. In the latter year his father died, and his mother died in 1881. After attending school until his sixteenth year Edward P. Burke came to Chicago in 1864, and pursued the trade of a stonecutter, in which he became an expert, and was elected President of the Stone cutters' Association. In 1874 he abandoned stone cutting, and accepted the position of foreman for Fowler Brothers, at the Union Stock Yards, where he remained nine years. He then engaged for a time in business for himself and next became a member of the firm of McKeon, Kelly & Burke, cut stone contractors, having extensive yards on Twenty-first street, near Archer avenue. Mr. Burke has resided almost ex clusively in the Fifth ward since coming to Chicago, and his popularity is attested by three successive elections to the Coun cil. In 1880 he defeated George Turney, Independent Demo crat, and Thomas Ryan, receiving a plurality of nearly 600 votes; in 1882 he defeated Edward O'Hare, Independent Demo crat, and F"red Aye, Republican, by a plurality of nearly 1,400 votes; and in 1884, in a close and exciting contest, defeated Charles Hillock by six votes, in a total of 5,584. In 1886 he again contested the ward with Mr. Hillock, and was defeated by the latter. In September, 1886, Mr. Burke was nominated for State Senator by the Democrats of his district, and also received the indorsement of the Cook County Labor League. He was married in June, 1873, to Miss Mary E. McKeon, and has five children living, the eldest twelve years of age, and the youngest two years. 542 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, MICHAEL B. BAILEY. Michael B. Bailey, Superintendent of Repairs of the Chicago Custom House, was born in County Limerick, Ireland, April i6, 1837. His father, Henry Bailey, whose business was that of a blacksmith, died about 1846, and in 185 1 Michael, with a party of friends came to the United States, locating in Chicago. The rest of the family came later, and his mother died in Chicago some years ago. He received some schooling in Ireland, and in Chicago carried on his studies and perfected his education at the night schools. He learned the trade of a mason and plasterer with the firm of James H. Ward & Bro., with whom he remained for five years. In 1856 he began the business of a contractor and builder on his own account, which he has followed nearly ever since. Mr. Bailey may rightly be called one of the builders of Chicago. He built the Father Waldron school on Clark street ; the Washington school on Morgan street ; the Empire block on LaSalle street ; the present county jail ; the H. A. Cohn building on Lake street ; the McCormick Block on Lake street ; the Thurman building, and scores of buildings and residences throughout the entire city. In 1857 he went to Keokuk, Iowa, to repair the Courthouse, and then went to St. Joseph, Mo., where he erected several of the more important buildings and residences. In 1858 he left St Joseph for Pike's Peak, and in 1859 he went to New Orleans. He worked as a mechanic on the plantation of Gen. Bailey, on the Red River, until the breaking out of the war, when he went to New Orleans and removed with his family to Memphis, Tenn. He was compelled, with many of the citizens of Memphis, to assist in the transportation of Gen. Price's troops to the field of Shiloh. After the capture of Mem phis by the Union army in 1862, he returned to Chicago and resumed his old business of a builder. Mr. Bailey has always been an ardent Democrat, and has been prominently known in political circles for many years. In 1870 he was indorsed by the Republicans and elected Alderman of the old Eighth ward, over J. H. Hildreth. In 1872 he was re-elected Alderman of the Eighth ward on the Greeley ticket After the great fire he helped to pass the ordinance extending the fire limits, and in 1874 he attempted to secure the passage of an act by the Legis lature providing for the appointment of a Building Commissioner for the city of Chicago. Failing in this, he was largely instru mental in the adoption of the charter of 1872, under which, in 1874, the office of Building Inspector was crated. In 1875 he was appointed by Mayor Colvin the first Supenntendent of Build- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 543 ings, which position he held until the election of Mayor Heath when he resigned. Mr. Bailey took an active part in public affairs dunng some of the most noted periods of the city's his tory ; his judgment was always relied upon in political matters and he possesses a valuable fund of anecdote and reminiscence about public men. He was a member of the Democratic State Central Committee from 1878 to 1882. In May, 1885, he was appointed Superintendent of Repairs of the Custom House, which position he still retains. He was married in Quincy, Illinois, in 1859 to Miss Ellen Dignen. They have eight children, five of whom are grown • Henry L., John R., George J., Mary E., Katherine, Matilda,' Nellie, and Gertrude. HALVOR S. PAULSEN. Halvor S. Paulsen, ex-West Town Supervisor, is well known in political circles in Chicago, where he has resided for more then twenty years. Mr. Paulsen was born in Grue Salor, Norway, in 1848. His father, Peter Paulsen, died when Halvor •was but nine years of age, leaving a family of eight children in very good financial circumstances. He received a good educa tion in Norway, and in 1864 emigrated alone to America, coming •direct to Chicago, where some of his family were already located. In Chicago he learned the trade of a cooper with his brothers, who were coopers. He followed coopering for two years and then became a clerk for his uncle, Martin Paulsen, in the hard ware business, where he learned the tinner's trade. In 1868 and 1869 he acquired a commercial education at Bryant and Strat ton's Business College. In the spring of 1871 he engaged with his brother Ole Paulsen, in the hardware business under the style of H. S. Paulsen & Bro., at No. 233 North Wells street. In the great fire of the following October they were burned out. losing not only all their savings but all they had brought with them from Norway. After the fire they started again in the same business at 149 W. Indiana street In 1882 Mr. Paulsen bought out the interest of his brother and has since carried on the busi ness alone. For eight years he has been located at 150 and 152 West Indiana street He has one brother and one sister in Chi- •cago, the most of his family residing at Grinnell, Iowa. Mr. Paulsen has taken an active Interest in politics for several years, and has always been a pronounced Republican. In the spring of 1885 he was the Republican candidate for Supervisor of the 544 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, West Town, and was elected by 2,400 majority^, while his pre decessor had been elected on the Democratic ticket by a majority of 8,000. While Mr. Paulsen was Supervisor, an effort was made to have him compromise with the seven ex-Collectors of the West Town who had retained two percent of their collec tions as a commission. This he declined to do, hoping for a decision in the long-delayed cases before the Supreme Court After a fruitless correspondence with the Clerk of the court, he employed ex-Gov. John M. Hamilton as an attorney to see all the Justices of the Supreme Court, and urge the importance of an Immediate decision. By this action decision was obtained, ordering the two per cent to be turned over to the West Town Treasury ; the compromisers were defeated, and $63,494 saved to the people. Mr. Paulsen was married in Chicago in May, 1880, to Miss Lucy F. Jacobs, of Madison, Wis. They have one child, Blanche Pauline Paulsen. DANIEL SHEPARD. Daniel Shepard, Secretary of the Illinois Republican State Central Committee, was born In Aurora, Cayuga county. New York, November 13, 1835. His father, Charles E. Shepard, and his mother, Catherine (Cuyler) Shepard, were both natives of New York state. His father was a lawyer, as was also his grandfather on both the paternal and maternal sides. He first attended the public schools of Aurora, and next a private school at Buffalo, and then took a course in Hamilton College, New York, graduating therefrom In 1855. He then took a complete course of legal studies under Prof Theodore W. Dwight, in the Columbia Law School, and was admitted to the bar in 1856. He arrived in Chicago January i, 1858, and has since been a resi dent of the city. He first entered the law office of Shumway, Waite & Town, and then formed a law partnership with Aleck F. Stevenson, which, after a brief period he terminated, not find ing the law suitable to his temperament for a lifetime profession. In 1868 he was elected Clerk of the Republican State Central Committee, and was elected secretary in the campaign of 1870, and re-elected prior to every campaign since. In 1869 he was elected Assistant Clerk of the Illinois House of Representatives ; in 1870 was Assistant Secretary of the Constitutional Convention ; was elected Clerk of the House in the Twenty-seventh and Twenty-eighth General Assemblies ; was Secftetary of the Mill- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 545 tary Affairs Committee of the United States Senate in 1874-5- 6-7, of which John A. Logan was chairman, and held the posi tion of Appointment Clerk in the Chicago postoffice during the incumbency of Postmaster Frank W. Palmer. Always a staunch and active Republican Mr. Shepard's great ability as a political organizer and manager and conductor of campaigns has been amply proven in many hard-fought campaigns, and the practical working organization and invariable success of the Republican party in the state of Illinois is due in a great measure to his hard work, superior judgment, and intelligent discrimination. His methods have not been questionable, and his reputation for able and meritorious service to the cause of his party is not confined to his own state alone. He is genial, obliging and popular, and readily makes friends in every walk of life. Mr. Shepard was united in marriage in 1859 to Miss Harriet A. Scott of Oneida county, New York, and is the father of four children now living. THOMAS J. CARNEY. Thomas Joseph Carney, Alderman of the Seventeenth ward, was born in Chicago October 4, 1858, on North Branch street His father, Thomas Carney^ and his mother, Sarah Carney, were both born in County Mayo, Ireland, and came to the United States in 1851, coming direct to Chicago. Thomas J. first at tended the Christian Brothers' school in connection with the Church of the Holy Name, on Cass street, up to the date of the great fire. He then attended St. Ignatius College for three years; next went to the Kinzie public school on Ohio street for two years ; next to Bryant and Stratton's Business College, and finally took a course at Bourbonia College at Kankakee, 111. His first business venture was a grocery store, which he successfully conducted for six years at the corner of Market and Illinois streets. After disposing of this business he became connected with the City Fire Department, Engine Company No. 27, and served two years ; then two and a half years on the police force as a detective. His next venture was in the flour and feed and coal business, and a sample room, in which he is still engaged. Aid. Carney has always been active in the politics of his district His father, Thomas Carney, is an old-line Democrat, who was elected to the City Council in 1868 and served three consecutive terms. Thomas J. Carney took the field as an Independent can didate in the spring of 1886; was indorsed by the Republicans, 35 546 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, and his popularity was attested by the fact that he was elected by a majority of 147 votes out of a total of 3,140, defeating Charles D. Wells, the regular Democratic nominee. He is the youngest member of the Council of 1886-7, and an able repre sentative of the interests of his ward. Aid. Carney was married November 2, 1883, to Miss May Morris, of Chicago, and is the father of two children, the eldest a daughter, aged two years, and the youngest a son, Thomas, born shortly after the close of the polls on election day in April, 1886. CHARLES W. WOODMAN. Charles Wolhart Woodman was born in Schlesswig, North ern Denmark, on March 11, 1844. He attended the common schools of his native place until 1857, and made the United States his adopted country in 1861. For a period of ten years, from 1857 to 1867, he followed the sea as a sailor. During this service he crossed the equator eight times and visited nearly every Important port in the world. In 1862 he was a member of the Arctic expedition, and in 1864 enlisted in the United States Navy at Philadelphia, serving on board the man-of-war Monon- gahela. After his discharge from the navy he came to Chicago and followed the lakes as a sailor for two years. He next en tered the Insurance business for three years, and in 1870 began the study of the law in the office of James L. High; was ad mitted to the bar In 1872, and to practice in the United States Supreme Court in 1882. In 1879 he was appointed Prosecuting Attorney in the lower courts of Cook county, and served until 1882, when he was appointed Justice of the Peace to succeed the Hon. A. L. Morrison, which position he yet holds. Justice Woodman has been a resident of the Second Congressional dis trict since 1865, and In his various positions of honor and trust has demonstrated abilities of a high order. In politics he has always been a consistent Republican, and for several years was mentioned prominently as a candidate for Legislative and Con gressional honors. He was a member of the Republican County Central Committee for three years. October 16, 1886, he was made the nominee for Congress of the Second district Republi can Convention, and subsequently received the indorsement of several Independent organizations. He was married May 16, 1867, to Miss Cornelia M. Hamilton, daughter of Prof James E. Hamilton, Instructor of French in the University of Chicago, and his family occupy a comfortable home at'^o. 448 West Fif teenth street CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 547 HON. RICHARD PRENDERGAST. Hon. Richard Prendergast, Judge of the County Court of Cook county, was born in Ireland November 8, 1854. His father, John E. Prendergast, v/as a farmer and a merchant, and his mother Anne (judge) Prendergast, died when Richard was eight years old. He came to the United States with his father in 1864, and they settled at Li Salle, 111., where Richard at tended school for two years and worked In a store during vaca tion. From the age of twelve years he depended entirely on his own efforts for his education, and has made his own way in life. He was of a studious turn of mind and was well read at an early age. In 1872' he went to Montreal and attended college for a period of two years; returned to Chicago and entered St Igna tius college and pursued his studies for another year. The full course in this Institution required seven or eight years, yet at the end of a year he graduated second in a class whose other members had all studied the required eight years. He graduated in 1876, receiving the degree of A. B. He entered the law office of Judge Moran and read law for two years, and acquired a very complete knowledge of the theoretical and practical principles of the law. During a portion of the second year of his studies he attended the Union College of Law, graduating In 1878, and receiving the Horton prize for the best essay on law, his subject being "The Law of the Land." In lieu of the two years' course in the law school, as required by the rule of the Supreme Court, he took the alternative of examination by the Appellate Court, and Was rated at loo ; the highest grade ever received In such an ex amination at that time. He achieved a prominent position at the bar immediately upon his admission, and secured a large clientage. He conducted and won two celebrated contested election cases, those of Stauber vs. McGrath, for Alderman of the Fourteenth ward, and M. W. Ryan for West Town Collector. In 1882 he was made the nominee for County Judge by the Democratic County convention and was elected over his Re publican opponent, C. C. Kohlsaat, by a majority oi 1,177 votes, thus becoming the youngest judge who ever occupied the bench in Cook county, being but twenty-eight years of age on the day of his election! As a judge he attained popularity with the bar; his rulings were ever fair and just, and in the hearing of many noted cases he gained wide approbation for quick and keen in sight and thorough mastery of knotty problems. Especially was he commended for his unbiased judgment in the celebrated 548 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, mayoralty election contest between Sidney Smith and Carter H. Harrison. During his first term he effected an entire reforma tion of the treatment and care of the insane who come before the County Court. He was renominated by acclamation in the Democratic convention of 1886, and was indorsed by the United Labor and Labor League Conventions. Having charge as County Judge of the supervision of the Board of Election Commissioners, his office was made the central fight of the campaign, yet in the face of united and bitter opposition he was re-elected by a majority of over 13,000, leading the two Demo cratic candidates for Judges of the Superior Court, who had the United Labor and Labor League indorsements, by 5,000 and 6,000 votes respectively. HENRY BEST. Henry Best, Clerk of the Circuit Court of Cook county, was born near the corner of Indiana avenue and Fourteenth street, then known as Weldon Station, December 22, 1848. His father, Matthias Best, was born in Pfalz, Bavaria, and came to Chicago from Berlin, Germany, in 1841. His mother, Annie M. (Homan) Best, was born in Hesse Cassel and is yet living, being the oldest German speaking resident of Chicago ; a member of the German "Old Settlers'' Association and possessing the medal of the Association presented to the oldest German speaking resident Matthias Best established the first lager beer brewery in Chicago, at 717 to 721 I-ndiana avenue. He was well known as a staunch Democrat ; a personal friend and ardent supporter of Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency. He was the father of seven sons and two daughters, Henry Best being the third son. Matthias Best died October 24, 1874, aged 67 years. Henry Best was first employed In his father's brewery, .going to work at 3 A. M. and going to school at 8 A. M. and returning to work until late at night He first attended Mrs. Fox's public school in 1855, then the only one south of Harrison street ; next the Mosely school in 1857 and the Haven school In 1861. When the war broke out he ran away from home and enlisted as a drummer boy In the One Hundred and Thirty-fourth ininois In fantry, and got as far as Cairo when his father overhauled and brought him home. When seventeen years old he was quite an athlete and took numerous prizes for diving and swimming, and in 1869 was an active member of the South side Turners. In his 17th year he engaged with T. D. Randi^l In the commission CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 549 business at State and Washington streets, and remained three years; going next with R. H. Countess in the grocery business and remaining one year. His father having sold out his brewery and rented his building to J. L. Hobart for a tobacco manufact ory, Henry engaged with this concern as shipping clerk and In one year worked his way up to foreman. In 1872 he was waited on by a committee who notified him of his nomination on the People's ticket for Constable. Up to this time he had taken no interest in politics, and refused the nomination. He was left on the ticket, nevertheless, and was elected by 9,000 majority, but did not serve until nearly a year after. He then made his head quarters with Justice Haines and transacted a large business. In 1876 he was re-elected on the Republican ticket and served two years. In 1878 he was appointed bailiff under Sheriff Hoffman, served one year and then was promoted to Clerk of the Grand Jury. In 1880 he was appointed Deputy Sheriff under Sheriff Mann, and served two years. In 1882 he was a candidate for Coroner against C. H. Harris of his own ward, and carried the ward delegation, and his friends claimed that he had three votes majority in the convention, but the nomination was awarded to Harris by three majority. After the election he was appointed Deputy Sheriff under Sheriff Hanchett and served two years, and in 1884 was made the Republican nominee for Clerk of the Circuit Court, receiving 215 votes In the convention and defeating Emil Hoechster, Democrat, in the election by 7,676 votes, receiving the highest majority of any candidate on the South side ; carrying his own ward by 2,992 votes and running ahead of James G. Blaine in the country^ towns. His term expires in December, 1888. Mr. Best is able, energetic, and popular, and has fulfilled the duties of his various offices in a manner beyond criticism. While serv ing as constable he did a great amount of notable detective work. In one instance he seized the renowned Cremona of the famous violinist, Remenyi, and carried the celebrated Madame Voislowsky diamond case to successful conclusion in 1803. Mr. Best lived in the place of his birth in the Second ward for twenty- one years, and has been a resident of the Fourth ward for seven teen years. He has always been an active Republican and has elevated himself to his present enviable position by his own efforts. He Is a leading member of the Cook County Republican club; was Town and Senatorial Committeeman, and also City Central Committeeman for two years. He is a charter member of Court Energy, Independent Order of Foresters, and Finan cial Secretary two terms ; a charter member of Garfield Lodge, 550 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Ancient Order of United Workmen, and held the office of Over seer ; a member of Dearborn Lodge, 310, and also LaFayette Chapter Blue Lodge Free Masons ; and of Chevalier Bayard Commandery Knights Templar. He was married April 7, 1870, to Miss Minnie Myers, who was born in New York and came here at an early age, and they have two sons and a daughter, aged 15, 5 and 12 years respectively. P. BIRD PRICE. P. Bird Price, Chief Grain Inspector, and Secretary of the Cook county Republican Central Committee, was born near Springfield, Sangamon county. 111., October 3, 1844. His father, Charles W. Price, was born In Kentucky and came_ to Illinois in 1832; and his mother, Caroline E. (Duncan) Price, was born in Illinois. Before his majority, Mr. Price attended the district schools of Sangamon county, and in 1865 engaged in the drug business at Springfield, and for some time was en gaged In the same business in Nebraska City. Returning to Springfield he became Secretary of the Life Association of America, and was also for a time chief bookkeeper in the RIdgely National Bank. He located in Chicago In 1877, and became connected with the grain inspection bureau, where he has re mained ever since, except from July, 1883, to July, 1885, when he was cashier of the New York Life Insurance Company, and had charge of the office business of the Western department of the company. He was appointed Chief Grain Inspector Sep tember I, 1882 ; reappointed July 26, 1885, and is yet serving. Mr. Price has always taken an active interest in politics. In 1880 he was the Acting Secretary of the Garfield Campaign Executive Committee, and has been Secretary of all Republican campaign committees since, except in 1882. He has bee-n a member of and Secretary of the Cook county Republican Cen tral Committee for three years, and has rendered his party much valuable service in various capacities. The great success attend ing the Republican campaign in Cook county,' in the fall of 1886, was acknowledged to be due in a great measure to Mr. Price's careful supervision and efficient work, and he was acknowledged by the successful candidates to have no superior in his position. Mr. Price Is an energetic business man ; genial in disposition, is respected, popular and widely known. He was married Febru ary 5, 1868, to Miss Jennie Cone, of Spring^eld. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 551 HON. GEORGE A. MEECH. George Appleton Meech, eldest of three sons of Appleton and Sibyl (Brewster) Meech, was born in Norwich, Connecticut, January 19, 1824, and he comes of a long line of ancestors noted for patriotism and Puritan virtues. His father was born in Preston, New London county, Connecticut, as was also his paternal grandfather, and his mother was born in Griswold In the same county, a daughter of Elias Brewster. His father, Appleton Meech, was Captain of an American war vessel in the privateer service during the war of 1812-14, and afterward had command of a vessel engaged in the East India trade, and his grandfather, Jacob Meech, was Captain In the Continental Army during the Revolutionary war ; was a member of Washington's historic bodyguard ; was taken prisoner at one period, and was wounded at the battle of White Plains. His mother was a de scendant of the Rev. William Brewster, of the Mayflower, and Brewster's Neck, on the Thames River, Is named after a son of the preacher, who at one time relieved Uncas, when the great chief was besieged by the Narragansetts or Pequots, and who attested his gratitude for the service by ceding his friend a large tract of land. George A. Meech first attended private school in Norwich and then in New Haven. He entered Yale College In 1839 and graduated in 1843, with the degree of A. B. He taught a dis trict school In Bozrah for a short time and then became principal of the Academy of Norwich, and at the same time read law with the Hon. Lafayette S. Foster, afterward President of the United States Senate. He next went to the South and remained until 1847, teaching at Demopolls, Marengo county^ Alabama, and reading law with Mr. Manning of that place. Returning to New England he completed his legal studies with Hubbard and Watts and Hon. Robert Rantoul of Boston, and was admitted to prac tice In 1848. The next year he was appointed Justice of the Peace in New London county, and in the spring of 1853 "^^as elected Judge of Probate of the Norwich district. These positions he filled with dignity and ability, but he could not re main in a field so auspiciously entered for the reason that an In valid wife demanded his entire attention, and he resigned the office of Probate Judge and, with the view of improving his wife's health, removed to the West in the fall of 1853. He set tled In Chicago and entered upon the practice of law, and his first case became a celebrated one and gave him prom.Inence and a lucra- 552 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, tive practice followed. He was assigned by the late Judge Robert S. Wilson to defend a criminal who was being prosecuted by the noted Daniel Mcllroy, who was then State's Attorney. Lawyer Meech attacked the prejudices of the jury and the result was that the culprit was convicted and sentenced to twenty-seven years' Imprisonment. The young lawyer immediately applied for a new trial ; secured It, and promptly cleared his unprofitable client In the important practice which immediately came into his hands he found full scope for the exercise of his superior legal talents. In the spring of 1862 he was made the Demo cratic nominee for City Attorney, on the same ticket with Mayor Francis C. Sherman, and, although the war feeling was at its height, and the Republicans were carrying everything, he was elected by a decisive majority. He discharged the duties of the office with signal ability and retired, standing high in public favor. The following year (1864) he was appointed City Assessor, re ceiving the unanimous vote of the Common Council, which was evenly composed of Republicans and Democrats, This office he conducted for two years, with conspicuous fidelity to public in terests. From 1864 to 1875 he devoted his attention to the practice of his profession and secured a wealthy and prominent clientage. In 1865 he became the attorney of Commodore Bigelow, and was given the management of the celebrated Bige- low estate, and this important trust he conducted with great pru dence and business and legal tact up to the transfer to the Gov ernment for $1,250,000, of the portion now occupied by the Custom House. In 1875 he was selected by the Judges as a Justice of the Peace. In 1879, and again in 1883 he was re-ap pointed, and both times indorsements were presented to the Judges, requesting his re-appolntment for the publicly known reason that he was able, experienced, and his faithfulness and rectitude were well known, and that he had already filled the office with the intelligence and dignity becoming a court of jus tice. The petitions represented, besides lawyers and judges, many prominent men in business circles, containing the names of such well known men as Thomas Hoyne, F. H. Kales, Leonard Swett, E. B. McCagg, Van H. HIgglns, Judge George Gardner, Elliott Anthony, B. F. Ayer, S. Corning Judd, Robert T. Lincoln, I. N. Stiles, Arno Voss, Thomas Dent, Sok Smith, Lyman J. Gage, Nelson Ludington, George Schneider, George L. Otis, James D. Sturgis, John DeKoven, and others, many of whom wrote personal appeals for his retalnment on the score of public interest, and his acknowledged abJAJty and fitness for CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 553 the position. In August, 1885, Justice Meech was designated by the Mayor and Common Council to preside over the Police Court In this position his ability and knowledge of the law again came into play. He was thorough in his analysis, clear prompt and decisive in his rulings, and unbiased In his judg ment. The position was one which had always had certain political connections and Incited the antagonism of many persons having political influence, and Justice Meech, like all his predeces sors in the office of Police Justice, was made the object of par tisan attacks, directed in the main at the city administration, of which he was held to be the representative. In this tryling position Justice Meech has ever retained the confidence and respect of his friends, and has steadfastly pursued the even tenor of his way, and performed his duties in an exemplary manner. He made many improvements in the method of conducting the court ; established rules of cleanliness and proper conduct and dispensed justice tempered with mercy. Of his personal traits a Chicago journal once said : "As a citizen he is loyal and true, a.nd has been especially faithful to the community in which he lives. As a man he possesses most admirable qualities ; warm and sympathetic in his friendships ; courteous, affable, social and genial, he possesses that plain style and matter-of-fact directness of purpose, and that modest, unobtrusive manner, to be expected in one who, like himself has an utter contempt for all shams and mere pretense." For a period of thirty-three years Justice Meech has now been before the people of Chicago, and identified with many of the most important interests of the city. He is a polished and high bred gentleman of the old school ; firm in his convictions, blunt, honest, and straightforward ; his Integrity is unimpeacha ble. During his earlier years, when the care of his invalid wife and a number of dependent relatives fell to his lot, he passed through trials and performed duties which firmly established him in the respect of his friends, and their admiration of his character has increased with years, nor been diminished by the vicissitudes attending public office. In politics Justice Meech has always been a Democrat, as' the term applies to the theory of govern ment ; but he has always had personal and Independent views, and during the Lincoln-Douglas campaign was an ardent sup porter of the "Little Giant" He has long been a member of the Masonic fraternity ; a life member of Waubansia Lodge ; a life member of Washington Chapter Royal Arch Masons ; a Knight Templar and life member of Apollo Commandery. 554 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Justice Meech was first married in 1850 to a daughter of the Rev. Daniel Dorchester, of Norwich, Conn., who died in 1859. In 1861 he married a daughter of the Hon. MIlo Hunt, of Chenango county. New York, who died in 1878, and in 1880 he married Florence, the accomplished daughter of Capt William Story, of Norwich, Conn., by whom he has his only living child, Harold Appleton Meech, aged five years, a precocious, bright and promising boy. JOHN H. COLVIN. John Henry Colvin, member of the City Council from the Sixteenth ward, was born October 25, 1839, at Little Falls, Herkimer county, N. Y. His father, Hon. Harvey D. Colvin, ex-Mayor of Chicago, and his mother, Nancy (Churchill) Col vin, were born in the same town. They came West in 1854, locating in Chicago. John H. attended the public schools of his native town and after coming to Chicago attended the old Dear born school. From 1856 to 1859 he was engaged with the United States Express Company here and was agent for the same company at Ottawa, III, from 1859 to 1862. In June of the latter year he enlisted in Battery M, First Regiment Illinois Light Artillery, and was commissioned First Lieutenant. He served till October, 1863, when the War Department commis sioned him to organize a new battery of artillery. He speedily raised the battery, and it was mustered in at Knoxville, 111., October 12, 1863, and he was commissioned Captain, and served till June 12, 1865. He was Chief of Artillery of the Fourth Division, Twenty-third Army Corps during 1864-5. He was engaged at the front in the East Tennessee campaign, and In all Western battles in which the Army of the Tennessee par ticipated. Returning to Chicago in 1866 he was appointed Agent of the Atlantic and Pacific Express Fast Freight Line, with headquarters in New York. In 1868 he returned to Chi cago, and was General Agent of the United States and the American Express companies during the memorable " express war" In which these two companies and the Merchants' were engaged. While always actively Interested In politics it was not until the fall of 1880 that Mr. Colvin held any public position. At this time William Vogt, North Town Collector, requested him to assume charge of his office and he did so, and conducted it in a highly satisfactory manner for two years. In April, 1882, he was elected Alderman of the Sixteenth %ard, and was re- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 555 elected in 1884 and again in 1886, by Increased majorities. He has done much in the City Council to advance public improve ments. In 1880 he was without solicitation on his part made the nominee of the Democratic convention for Coroner of Cook county, and the entire ticket was defeated, his successful oppo nent being C. R. Matson. Mr. Colvin has been tendered the nomination for various legislative and county offices, but has de clined. _ He was a member of the Democratic County Central Committee seven years. Vice Chairman three years, and Chair man in 1886. He has been a delegate to all important state and local conventions for several years, and in 1884 was Chairman of the Committee on Reception of delegates to the National convention. He is a member of Delphi Lodge No. 23, A. F. & A. M., of NewYork; of Lincoln Park Lodge 2620, Knights of Honor; of the Royal Arcanum and of Court Lincoln Lodge of Foresters. He was united In marriage to Miss Annie Wlck- liffe, of Collinsville, Madison county. Ill, April 7, 1873, and has resided in the Sixteenth ward for the past nine years. JAMES H. FARRELL. James Henry Farrell was born November 19, 1842. His father, James Joseph Farrell, and his mother, Ann (Highland) Farrell were natives of Tullamore, near Dublin. They came to the United States in 1851 and settled in New York; his mother dying In 1871, and his father in 1875. James H. Farrell first attended the public schools in New York, and for three years was employed with Christy, Constant & Co., the great wall paper manufacturers. In April, 1861, when but sixteen years old, he enlisted in the gallant and famous Fifth New York Zouaves, and served under Gen. Judson J. Kilpatrick, who later on was promoted to General of Cavalry. He participated in one of the first battles of the war, that of Big Bethel, and was at the famous Siege of Yorktown ; at Williamsburg and Hampton, where his regiment was the first to raise the Stars and Stripes over Ex-President Tyler's house ; through the Peninsular campaign, in the famous seven days' battles, Chickahominy, Fair Oaks, Mechanicsville, Charles City Cross-Roads, Harrison's Landing, and then with the Fifth Army Corps under Gen. G. K. Warren and Fitz John Porter and McClellan until honorably discharged at Sharpsburg, Maryland. His regiment was the favorite of the people of New York, and was considered the best in the volunteer service. He came to 556 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Chicago in 1869, and engaged with Faxon & Co., house decora tors, and was next employed at the Adams House with Pearce & Benjamin, and subsequently with Potter Palmer. In 1872 he was elected Captain of the Mulligan Zouaves, to succeed John J. Healy. After the Second Regiment Illinois Militia was formed he became Captain of Company C , succeeding John Meaney, and participated in the riots of 1877. ^^ served as a deputy collector under South Town Collectors William Best and John Fenelon. In 1879 he was appointed Deputy North Town Assessor by Assessor Sam Chase. In 1880 he went into the real estate busi ness, which he still pursues ; was a deputy under North Town Collectors Frank Neisen and W^illiam Vogt, and assistant Chief Deputy under John Tempel. In politics Capt. Farrell has always been a Democrat, and his active organizing ability has been recognized by his friends. He is a member of and assistant Marshal of the Cook county Club, and in 1884 assisted in re ceiving the clubs in attendance at the National convention ; cam paigned through the state with the club when Carter H. Harrison ran for Governor; was an ardent Cleveland man, and had charge of the club on its trip to the inauguration at Washington and return, and was assistant Marshal in charge of the Hancock and Hendricks funeral demonstrations, and when Gen. McClellan paid his last visit to the city he was on the reception committee and mustered the Democratic war veterans to receive him. He has been a member of the Democratic City Central Committee for six years, and Is now Vice-President of the Committee for the second term. In October, 1886, he was nominated by acclama tion for member of the Illinois Legislature by the Sixth Sena torial District convention, and in the election received a vote that fully attested his popularity, receiving a total vote of 10,191 and a majority of 1,900. He has been twice married, the last time in 1879, and was the father of three children, all deceased. JAMES T. APPLETON. James Thomas Appleton, member of the City Councfl from the Second ward for three terms, was born in 'Chicago, Sep tember 29, 1843. His father, James Appleton, was a native of Manchester, England, and his mother, Rachel (Ludby) Apple- ton, was born In New York. The family settled In Chicago in 1832, and Mrs. Appleton, who still survives, has the medll of the "Old Settlers' Association " presented to her as the oldest English speaking woman in Chicago. James ft-st went to Mrs. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 557 Barnard's school, on Twelfth street, then to the Jones school; received tuition under Professors Woodward and McChesney, and attended also Mrs. Lewis' private school, on the corner of Taylor street and Fourth avenue. After his school days were over he engaged in and for a period of nine years conducted, a baggage express business. Christmas day, 1862, he was mar ried, and three weeks subsequently he enlisted in Company D, Tenth Illinois Cavalry, under Col Jim Stewart andserved In the Seventh Army Corps under Sherman and Sheridan until 1865, when he was mustered out at Shreveport, La. He was on the raid through Arkansas; at Little Rock, Brownsville, Pilot Knob, at the Siege of Vicksburg and of Nashville, and In many of the hardest battles of the war. After his discharge he returned to Chicago and bought a vessel, the " Scandinavian," and went into the Michigan fruit trade for a period of two years. Subsequently he engaged in a variety of enterprises, finally opening a sample room in the Second ward which immediately became a noted political headquarters. In the spring of 1881 his friends urged him to become a candidate for alderman, and receiving a popular call, he took the field and defeated A. M. Billings by a majority of 126, the ward having up to that time been Republican. He was re-elected in 1883, defeating Charles Lithgow by a majority of 800; and again In 1885, when his popularity was put to the test by both a Democrat and a Republican — Martin A. Driscoll and Martin Best — and he was elected by the large plurality of 1,200. Alderman Appleton has been a member of the Demo cratic County Central Committee six years, and of the City Central Committee three years. He was married December 25, 1862, tO' Miss Rosanna E. Fagan, and is the father of two chil dren. George W. Appleton, aged twenty, and Hattie Elizabeth Appleton, aged eighteen years. OSCAR C. DE WOLF, M. D. COMMISSIONER OF HEALTH. Oscar C. De Wolf M. D., Commissioner of Health of the city of Chicago, was born on August 8, 1835, at Chester, Hamp den Co., Mass., the son of Dr. T. K. De Wolf for half a cen tury a prominent practitioner in that vicinity. He obtained his earlier education in the schools of his neighborhood and received the degree of Master of Arts from Williams College ; pursued his medical studies at Berkshire College and graduated there- 558 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, from in 1857. I" ^^5^ he attended the New York Medical College and from this institution received the degree of Doctor of Medicine. The succeeding two years he spent in the Medical Department of the University of France, at Paris. Upon re- ceivlnor news of threatened war in 1861 he sailed for home, arriving In Massachusetts in July and being at once appointed surgeon of the First Massachusetts Cavalry, afterward becoming surgeon of the Second Massachusetts and of the Reserve Brigade, consisting of five regiments of cavalry. He served through the war, being attached to the Army of the Cumberland, and to the Army of the Potomac during Sheridan's Shenandoah campaign. In the fall of 1865 he was discharged for disability and returned to his home, where he established himself as a practitioner. Later he located in Chicago, and in 1867 he was appointed Commissioner of Health by Mayor Monroe Heath, and he has since filled that position by successive re-appointments, notwith standing changes of administration. By his great energy and thorough knowledge of sanitary science he has brought the Chicago Health Department up to the highest grade of any In the country, and during his administration at the head of this important department the death rate of Chicago' has decreased until it is the lowest of any great city in the United States. Dr. De Wolf is an enthusiast upon the subject of public health, and his measures are always radical and effective. Chicago, once subject to small-pox epidemics, has, by a general system of vac cination in the public and parish schools ; rigid quarantine and disinfection methods, become free from this destructive pest Through his instrumentality a thorough system of tenement- house Inspection has been perfected and much Important sani tary legislation has been adopted, including laws governing the construction of tenement-houses, and the ventilation, drainage and sanitary arrangement of all habitations. For two years Dr. De Wolf held the chair of Surgical Pathology in the Medical Department of the University of Ohio, and Is now professor of State Medicine and Public Hygiene in the Chicago Medical College, and he Is the author of many treatises on sanitary topics that have been considered standard authority. He is a mem ber of all the local medical societies and of the State societies of Illinois and Massachusetts, and of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. As a public official he is thorough, obliging and popular. Dr. De Wolf was united in marriage in December, 1873, to Miss Harriet L. Lyman, of North Hampton, Mass. • ^ CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 559 ALEXANDER KIRKLAND. Alexander Kirkland, Commissioner of the Department of Public Buildings, was born in Kllbarchen, Renfrewshire, Scot land, September 24, 1824. His father. Captain James Kirkland, served under WeUington at Waterloo, and in the Peninsular campaign, and at the time of Alexander's birth had been already retired on account of wounds received under the famous com mander at Waterloo. He died in 1859. Alexander attended the parish school and subsequently the high school at Glasgow, and next the college, from which he graduated In 1844. At an early age Mr. Kirkland developed an aptitude for draughting and architecture, and while attending college took up these studies and engineering, and completed them before graduating. Upon leaving college he entered upon his profession, and suc cessfully followed It for a period of more than twenty years. In 1868 he came to the United States, and located in Jefferson county, Wisconsin. In 187 1 he removed to Chicago and fol lowed his profession until May, 1879, when he was appointed Commissioner of Public Buildings. In this position he has con ducted a department from which permits have been Issued for the construction of buildings amounting in value to $25,000,000 per annum, or an aggregate of over $200,000,000, and under his management this department has been revenue-producing. Under his supervision also the owners of theatres and public halls have been required to carry out improvements that insure the safety of patrons. As supervising architect he had charge of the entire construction of the City Hall, and his experience and able management saved to the city many thousands of dol lars. Mr. Kirkland's geniality of disposition and sturdy prin ciples have attached to him many warm friends who have the highest admiration for his character. He has been an active member of the St. Andrews society since his arrival in Chicago and was three times elected President of that society. When in Scotland he was a prominent Free Mason, and Past Master of a flourishing lodge, but has not kept up his connection with the Order here. He has been twice married, his first wife, Jane Hewlttson, dying in 1847. In 1855 he married Miss Eliza M. Kirkland, a second cousin. By his first wife he had two sons ; R. B. Kirkland was for four years District Attorney of Jefferson county. Wis., and later the law partner of Congressman James H. Ward ; and James K. Kirkland, assistant manager^ of the ¦Grand Trunk railroad machine shops at Port Huron, Mich. A 560 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, daughter by his present wife, Jeannette Law Kirkland, some years ago became the wife of William Edgar, Secretary of the Building Department. DAVID S. MEAD. David S. Mead, Secretary of the Department of Public Works, was born at Tarrytown, Westchester county. New York. July 13, 1827. His father, Ezra Mead, was one of the early settlers of Tarrytown, and fought through the war of 1812. His mother was Elizabeth Van Wert, whose family was identified with the capture of Major Andre during the struggle of 1776. Mr. Mead commenced his education at a select school, erected on the spot made historical by the execution of Andre. In 1836 his family removed to Orleans county, wh-ere his education was completed. In 1854 he moved to Buffalo, and was engaged in steamboating during the life of the passenger steamers plying between Buffalo, Cleveland, Toledo, and Detroit, after which he entered the employ of the Toledo, Wabash & Western Railroad, having charge of the freight and ticket business at the western terminus of the line, then located at State Line City, Ind. He came to Chicago in 1865, holding important positions with the Merchant's Insurance Company of Chicago. He entered the employ of the city in 1867, and was assigned to duty in the Special Assessment Department. In August, 1876. he was ap pointed Secretary of the Board of Public Works, under the ad ministration of Mayor Rice, and he still holds the position, being one of the oldest and most faithful city employes. For a period of nearly twenty years, under recurring changes of administra tion, his great serviceability in the various positions filled by him has been recognized, and the experience he has gained in the different departments well fits him for his present responsible position, and would qualify him for Irnportant duties under any municipality. He holds his duties superior to party affiliations ; is genial, obliging, and possesses the confidence and esteem of all officials and citizens who make his acquaintance. Mr. Mead was married in October, 1850, to Miss Adelia L. Munn, daugh ter of Abner Munn, a well known farmer of Orleans county. New York, and has two children, — Morton E., and Walter W. Although educated a strict sectarian, Mr. Mead is progressive and liberal in his religious Ideas, and was among the first with his family, to join in the organization of the Central Church So ciety of Chicago, of which he is now an officer.* CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 56 1 JOHN E. VAN PELT. John E. VanPelt, member of the Board of Cook County Commissioners from 1882 to 1886, was born in Burlington, N. J.July 23, 1836. At the .age of three years he came West with his parents who settled at Jerseyville, III, and there during his early years he became known as a young man full of promise of public usefulness. Before arriving at his majority he engaged In the grain and -umber business, and by^ his energy speedily built up a successful and prosperous business. He was an ardent Democrat In politics, and his influence and advice in political matters in Jersey county were sought by his party friends. From an early age he took an active interest in all political movements intended to advance public interests and conserve the cause of good government In 1862, when but twenty-six years old, he was elected Treasurer of Jersey county, and held the position for two terms, or four years. He discharged the duties of his office in a manner highly satisfactory to the people of Jersey county, and retired possessing the respect and confidence of all. Other political offices of trust and honor were proffered him which he declined In order to give his attention to his private business inter ests. ^ In the spring of 1873 the municipal affairs of Jerseyville were in a disordered state, and a Citizen's movement was inaugur ated in the interests of better government The better element of the Democrats and Republicans united to form a Citizen's ticket and Mr. VanPelt was tendered and accepted the nomination for Mayor. His opponent was Archie Locke, also a Democrat One of the closest and most exciting campaigns ever witnessed in that lo cality ensued, and Mr. VanPelt made a personal canvass and met with a decisive and gratifying success. In i874heremoved to Chi cago and entered the grain and commission business on the Board of Trade. In the fall of 1882 he was made the Democratic nomi nee for County Commissioner, and was elected by a large major ity. During his term he proved himself one of the most capable and industrious conservators of public Interests ever elected to the County Board, and by reason of his energy and great ability as a financier he became the most conspicuous member of that body. He has been a persistent advocate of reform In matters relating to revenue and taxation, and it Is mainly through his unceasing efforts in this direction that a more just and equitable scale of taxation has been recommended by the State Board of Equalization, and that the financial affairs of Cook county are In a fair way of re cuperation. During his term he was Chairman of the Commit- 36 562 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, tee on Public Service, of Public Charities, and other important committees. In December, 1882, he was elected Chairman of the Cook county Democratic Central Committee, and was twice re-elected to that position. He has been an active and influen tial delegate in State, County, and City conventions, and his polit ical sagacity is acknowledged by his party associates and his oppo nents as well. In October, 1886, he received the votes of the Twelfth ward delegates for State Senator in the Senatorial convention of his district, and was nominated but declined to make the race, as there was a contest in the district In 1885 he established the Chicago Commercial and Financial News Com pany, and was elected Vice-President of the company, arid to the interests of this successful concern he now gives his attention. JAMES M. DOYLE. James M. Doyle, Chief Deputy to the Clerk of the Crimi nal Court of Cook county. Is widely known in Chicago, where he has resided since boyhood. He was born In County Wexford, Ireland. In 1839, and in 1848 he came to America with his parents, who located in Chicago. His father, Peter Doyle, died in Chicago in 1851, but his family still reside here. James M. Doyle was educated at the old Scammon school, commencing upon his arrival here in 1848. In 1852 and 1853 he attended the college of St Mary of the Lake. When seventeen years of age he learned the grocery business, and at once engaged in the trade on his own account on the West side. In August, 1862, he enlisted as a private in Company B, Twenty-third Illinois In fantry, better known as Mulligan's Brigade. He participated in all the engagements of the brigade, and was mustered out of the service at Chicago, August i, 1865. He was successively pro moted to Second Lieutenant and Captain, and at the close of the war was breveted Major. On leaving the service he became a bookkeeper for E. W. Brown on South Water street for two years He then engaged in the produce business on his own account, which he carried on until January, 1870, when he en tered the office of City Collector under W. J. Onahan as a clerk. He remained in the Collector's office for about three years, serving there during the first term of George Von Hollen. In '1873 he became Chief Deputy Clerk of the Criminal Court, which posi tion he still occupies. Major Doyle was a candidate in 1868 for West Fown Assessor on the Democratic ticket and was defeated together with the entire ticket From this time until 1876 he CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 563 continued quite active In politics. In the fall of 1886 he was nominated by the Democratic County convention for Clerk of the Criminal Court, his Republican opponent being James H. Gil bert In the election he ran over 3,000 votes ahead of the can didate for Sheriff, but went down In the general defeat that overtook the ticket on account of the Socialist and labor upris ing. Major Doyle Is a member of the Grand Army of the Republic, Mulligan Post, No. 306. He is also a member of the Catholic Benevolent Legion, which he founded in Chicago in March, 1884, being the first introduction of the order In the West He was married In Chicago in 1878 to Miss Rose Don nelly. They have four children^ Eleanor, Leo Joseph, Julia and James J. — WILLIAM EISFELDT. William Eisfeldt, Alderman of the Fifteenth ward, has re sided in Chicago since infancy, where he is widely known both in business and political circles. Mr. Eisfeldt was born In Mag deburg, Germany, in February, 1852. When he was but six months old his parents removed to the United States, coming direct to Chicago. William Eisfeldt, Sr., settled In what is now the Fifteenth ward, and still lives in the house he erected for him self more than thirty years ago. His wife still survives, and William is the only one of his children living. Mr. Eisfeldt was educated in the public schools of Chicago, and also for some time attended German schools. He learned the trade of a butcher, and in 1873 opened a meat market on his own account at South Halsted and Sixteenth streets. He carried on business here for about one year, when he sold out and removed to Wentworth avenue, near Twenty-sixth street, where he opened a market, which he operated until 1877, when he disposed of the business and removed to Fort Worth, Texas, where he at once entered the butcher trade, operating two markets, and doing his own slaughtering. Two years later he sold out his entire establish ment, and began the business of shipping cattle. This last venture not proving successful he returned to Chicago in 1879, and resumed his old business at his old stand on Wentworth avenue. In the spring of 1882 he once more disposed of his busi ness and returned to his old home in the Fifteenth ward. In June of that year he opened a market at No. 171 "-outhport avenue, which he still operates. In September, 1886, he entered into a copartnership with Charles L. Griebenow, under the style 564 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, of Griebenow & Eisfeldt, to carry on at Clybourn and Web ster avenues, a wholesale and retail flour, grain, and feed store. Mr. Eisfeldt, like his father, has always been a pronounced Re publican, but has never taken an active interest in politics until within the last four years. In 1883 he was a candidate for Alderman in the Fifteenth ward, on the Citizen's Union ticket, and was elected by a majority of 637 votes. In the preced ing Council both representatives from the ward were Democrats. In 1885 he was a candidate for re-election on the Republican ticket, and was returned by the largely increased majority of 1,195 votes. Mr. Eisfeldt was married in Chicago, in 1877, to Miss Maria Gnadinger. They have four bright children, William I., Sadie, Augusta, and Edward. , HENRY F. DONOVAN. Henry Francis Donovan was born In Whitby, Ontario, August 8, 1858. His father, Christopher F. Donovan, and his mother, Mary L. (Duffy) Donovan, were both born in Canada. His grandfather emigrated to America from Ireland In 1815. He was a man of learning and an ardent patriot. A great- grand-uncle of Mr. Donovan's sat in the Irish Parliament, and voted to the bitter end against the union with Britain. Henry F. Donovan came to Chicago with his parents when an infant, and has resided here ever since. He was educated in the public schools of the city^, having first attended the old Wash ington school, corner of Sangamon and Indiana streets. When thirteen years old he went on the local staff of the Chicago Evenitig Journal, and remained there ten years. His ex perience on this old and reliable Republican journal had no influence on his politics, for he was always a Democrat In 1882 he was elected a member of the County Board of Edu cation, and in 1883 elected President of the Board, and re elected President in 1884. 1" the fall of the latter year he was unanimously nominated by the Democratic County convention for Clerk of the Superior Court of Cook county, and ran 3,000 votes ahead of his ticket, which was defeated by large Republican majorities. June 15, 1885, he was appointed General Superin tendent of the Free Delivery of the Chicago Postoffice, embrac ing the Carrier's Department, Seplembe'r i 7 of the same year he was elected President of the Cook County Young Democracy. an organization at that time embracing 12,0*^0 members. He CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 565 1 resigned this office in October following, and In a letter addressed to the organization stated that duty to his public position would not admit of his serving. He was again elected a member of the County Board of Education In September, 1885 for a term of three years, and in 1886 was elected President of the Board for the third time, having declined prior elections. Mr Donovan is Secretary of the Board of Civil Service Examiners ¦ President of the Postoffice Mutual Aid Society ; a member of the Iroquois, Cook county, and Algonquin clubs ; of the An cient Order of United Workmen; of the Royal Arcanum; of the Catholic Benevolent Legion, and a charter member of the Chicago Press Club. He was also one of the originators of the old Second Regiment Popular, enterprising, in politics aggres sive, a fluent orator, Mr. Donovan has made a record of which his friends are proud. He was married in 1876 to Miss Cornelia E. Cassleman, daughter of Christian Cassleman, and is the father of three children. He has lived In the Fifteenth ward eight years, and occupies a well appointed home at the corner of Webster avenue and Fremont street HON. WILLIAM E. MASON. William Ernest Mason was born in Frankllnville, Cattarau gus county. New York, July 7, 1850, the son of Lewis and Nancy (Winslow) Mason. His father was a merchant ; a man of firm principles, independent character and a pronounced Abolitionist The family removed to Bentonsport, Van Buren county, Iowa, in 1858. Lewis Mason died in 1865, and his wife In 1875. At thirteen years of age William E. Mason entered Birmingham col lege. Van Buren county, and remained two y^ears. During the suc ceeding two years he taught district school in the winter, and for two years following taught at DesMoines, where he began to study law under Hon. Thomas F. WIthrow. That gentleman was ap pointed General Solicitor of the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific railroad in 1871, and Mr. Mason came with him to Chicago and remained in his office during the following year. For the suc ceeding five years he was In the office of John N. Jewett Here he completed his studies and perfected himself in practice. In 1877 he formed a law partnership with Judge M. R. M. Wallace, which con tinued until the latter was appointed Prosecuting Attorney. Mr. Mason has always been a staunch Republican; an active worker for the interests of his party and his exceptional gift of oratory has of ten been brought into play on the rostrum and in conventions dur- 566 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ingpolitical contests. In- 1879 he was nominated and elected to the State Legislature, and in November, 1882, was made the nominee for State Senator from the then newly organized Ninth district, and was duly elected by a large majority. He was Chairman of the Committee on Warehouses In the Thirty-third Assembly, and of the Cornmittee on Judiciary in the Thirty-fourth Assembly, and served also as a member of the Committees on Judiciary, Cor porations, Insurance, Military Affairs, and Miscellany. His record In the General Assembly as a law maker and supporter of measures beneficial to the public made him one of the most prominent members. He was a leading supporter of Gen. John A. Logan for United States Senator In the memorable contest of the " 103 " for supremacy, and by advocating the bill to abol ish convict labor he gained many friends among the laboring classes. In 1883 he was elected Attorney of the Board of West Park Commissioners. In 1884 he was induced to become a can didate for Congress in the Third Chicago district, and a contest arose as to the prerogatives of the District Committee, a portion of whose members favored the candidacy of George R. Davis, the retiring Congressman. The matter was referred to the National Republican Committee for arbitrament, and that body decided In favor of the claims of Mr. Mason, and he took .the field. The dissatisfied element induced Gen. J. E. Fitzsimmons to run also, and an exciting campaign followed, the inevitable re sult being the election of a Democrat, James H. Ward. Mr. Mason's friends have always maintained that he was In the right In this contest from the start, and that after receiving the sanc tion of the National Committee he was more than ever entitled to the field, and the loss of the seat in Congress to his party could not be attributed to arbitrary action on his part The vote in the district was: Mason, 10,806; Fitzsimmons, 8,928 ; Ward, 15,601. In the fall of 1886 Mr. Mason was again nomi nated for Congress by the Third district Republican convention, and so great was his popularity known to be that no formidable candidate cared to risk the exigencies of a campaign against him. The United Labor party placed a candidate in the field in the person of Benjamin W. Goodhue, and the Prohibitionists had a candidate, Mr. Whitlock. The vote in the November election stood: Mason, 13,701 ; Goodhue, 6,161 ; Whitlock, 389; major ity for Mr. Mason, 6,540. Mr. Mason is noted for his genial traits and accomplishments. He married, in 1873, Miss Julia Edith White, daughter of George White, Esq., a wholesale merchant of Des Moines, Iowa, and they have^ix children. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 567 CHARLES KERN. Charles Kern was born at Otterbach, Rhenish-Bavaria, April 18, 1 83 1, the third son of John and Mary (Stemmler) Kern. _ Until the age of eighteen he profited by the admirable educational facilities offered by the German system, and he then decided to make his home in the United States. On his ar rival here he settled in Dover, Tenn., but soon removed to Cin cinnati and subsequently to Terre Haute, Ind., where he was engaged as clerk in a hotel His first business undertaking was the opening of a hotel and restaurant which he conducted with great success. His many superior qualities of character made him hosts of friends, and he became the popular Demo cratic nominee for Sheriff of Vigo county in 1862. It was in the midst of the war excitement, and the county was regarded as hopelessly Republican, and neither Mr. Kern nor his friends regarded his election as probable. The unexpected happened, however, and Mr. Kern was elected by a gratifying majority, that testified to his popularity and public confidence in his char acter. He conducted the office In such an exemplary manner that his opponents failed to find cause for criticism and he was acknowl edged to have been an exceptionally good official When his terhi expired in 1864 he became interested in the Gait House at Cincinnati and remained In that city until October, 1865, when he removed to Chicago and engaged in the restaurant business, which he still conducts successfully, having become the best known caterer in the city. He lost his entire property in the great fire of 1871, but, although he collected only a small per centage of his insurance he met all his obligations in full, and was among the first to make a new start upon the ruins of his pros perous business. He immediately caused to be erected a tem porary building on the old site, and his energy and confidence caused others to have faith in the destiny of Chicago. In order to accommodate many of his patrons he also converted his resi dence ?it No. 458 Wabash avenue into a restaurant and occu pied it until August, 1872. The Immense building operations speedily put under way compelled him to vacate his old site and he rented a building near the corner of La Salle and Monroe streets, which he occupied until June, 1872, when he removed to no La Salle street, his present location, to which subsequently he added No. 108, and he now conducts one of the largest and best appointed restaurants in the city. Mr. Kern speedily achieved popularity and standing upon his advent in Chicago. 568 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, In 1868 he was made the Democratic nominee for Sheriff of Cook county, and as the county was largely Republican he was defeated. He was re-nominated unanimously as the choice of his party in 1870 and again in 1872, and although defeated he ran 4,000 votes ahead of his ticket In 1876 he was for the fourth time nominated unanimously and this time was elected by a majority of 6,000, running 10,000 votes ahead of his ticket, which was defeated by average majorities of 4,000. His conduct of the office was characterized by economy and strict regard for the public interests, and left no room for partisan criticism. In 1878 it was thought Mr. Kern's popularity would redeem Cook county from the apathy aroused among the Democrats by the failure to seat Mr. Tilden, and he was re-nominated, and although he ran 10,000 ahead of his ticket and lacked only 3,000 of election, the inertness of his own party killed the ticket, the other candidates being defeated by average majorities of 13,000. Mr. Kern, while a strict Democrat and a party man, has always maintained personal independence, and has held views at variance with many party leaders. He has been prominently mentioned in connection with various offices of importance, but of late years declined political honors in order that he might devote his attention to his business Interests. Upon the advent of the Democratic National administration his friends pressed him forward for United States Marshal, and for a time he held first place in the race, but the contest was decided by the appointment of a compromise candidate. In December, 1885, he was elected President of the Cook County Democratic club and he speedily strengthened and improved the serviceability of the club by re organizing it under a new constitution. In the fall of 1886 he re ceived prominent mention for Sheriff and also for County Treas- urer,as many party leaders held him to be available for either place. Upon the opening of the campaign he was unanimously elected Chairman of the Cook County Democratic Campaign Commit tee, and at once entered Into the conduct of the campaign with his accustomed energy and ability. He Is a prominent and in fluential member of the Iroquois club of which he was Vice- President one year, and throughout the Democratic organization his judgment is respected, and he is given credit for great dis crimination and political sagacity. Mr. Kern's chief recreation Is in the line of field sports, and he is a crack shot. He was Pres ident of the Prairie shooting club, one of the first sportsmen's organizations In Chicago ; has been for seven years President of the Audubon Club, and in 1885 was elected^resident of the CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 569 Illinois State Sportsmen's Association, and he has taken an active part in the framing, passage and enforcement of the game laws of the state. He is a member of the Washington Park club, and though not claiming to be a turfman, always keeps a number of good roadsters that can show speed on occasion. He IS a member of Ashlar Lodge No. 303, A. F. & A. M., of Washington Chapter No. 43, R. A. M., and of Chicago Com mandery No. 19, Knights Templar. He married in 1852, Miss Mary A. Whitman, of Lyons, N. Y., and they have two children, Josephine and Henry W. CHRISTIAN CASSLEMAN. Christian Cassleman, one of the best known and most pop ular of Chicago's old residents and self made men, was born in Utica, Oneida county. New York, in 1829. He came to Chicago in 1855 and engaged in business as a tanner, which he has fol lowed successfully ever since. From a small beginning, Mr. Cas- sleman's tannery has grown to its present splendid proportions. He also operates a large mitten factory, and still another enter prise, is engaged in the manufacture of mattresses. His public spirit has brought him actively to the front in all matters con cerning the welfare of his fellow citizens, and no man in the community has enjoyed the regard of the people to a greater de gree. His genial disposition attracts to him many warm and steadfast friends. An incident illustrating his indomitable will and devotion to the people will not be out of place here. Many citizens will remember the failure of the Western Marine Bank early during the war. The bank failed on a Saturday. The day before (Friday) Mr. Cassleman, who was Treasurer of the draft fund of the old Twelfth ward, had deposited $12,000 In the bank to the credit of that fund. The money was taken in, and not a word uttered as to the insolvency of the Institution. The next morning it did not open its doors. Mr. Cassleman, accom panied by a large number of persons interested in the fund, started for the bank. He gave the officers fifteen minutes in which to pay back the money or be strung up by the excited crowd. The $12,000 was forthcoming at once. Mr. Cassleman was elected to the City Council in 1863 and 1866, as a Democrat, both times from a strong Republican ward, and against very strong opponents. In 1865 he was unanimously nominated by the Democratic party for the office of Commissioner of Public 5/0 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Works, but the chances of the party were wrecked by the feeling growing out of the assassination of President Lincoln, which oc curred shortly before election day. In 1876 Mr. Cassleman was a strong supporter of Mr. Tilden. In 1877 he was nominated for County Commissioner, but failed of election, although run ning far in the lead of his ticket. In 1878 he was, against his will, nominated and elected West Town Collector, by thelargest majority of any man on the ticket. In 1880 he was unanimously nominated for Sheriff by the Democracy, and ran 4,000 votes ahead of his ticket. In 1885 he was again nominated for County Commissioner, against his will, and was triumphantly elected. He has served faithfully and well In the County Board. Mr. Cassleman and his friends may well be proud of his political record. He has never solicited a nomination, and has always ran ahead of his ticket. Mr. Cassleman was married In Utica, N. Y, in May, 185 1, to Miss Ellen Croak. They have three sons and one daughter living. Christian Cassleman, Jr., is In business for himself In 1884 he was elected West Town Collector, and in 1886 was ap pointed one of the Commissioners of Election, but resigned the office after a few months. Joseph Ward Cassleman is In the tan nery business with his father, and Edwin Is attending .school The daughter, Cornelia E., is the wife of Henry F. Donovan, the well known General Superintendent of the Postal DeHvery. WILLIAM P. WHELAN. William Patrick Whelan, Alderman for two terms of the First ward, was born December 9, 1849, i" the old Lake House, at the corner of North Water and Rush streets. His father, Martin Whelan, was born in County Wexford, Ireland, and came to Chicago in the fall of 1845. His mother, Rosanna (White) Whelan, was the daughter of Colonel P. H. White, who settled here in 1832 ; a prominent man among the old settlers, and the first Street Commissioner of Chicago. William P. Whelan Is well known to the present generation of native born Chicagoans. He first attended the old Dearborn school on Madison street, and afterward took a course at the Christian Brothers' college, corner of Van Buren street and Fourth avenue. His first em ployment was as Cashier In the Continental Billiard Hall, in Walker's Block, adjoining the old Matteson House on Dearborn street, which was, twenty years ago, a celebrated resort of poli ticians and public men. After the fire of 1871*6 went to Kan- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 571 sas City, and remained a year, being employed with Coates' Omnibus Company. He returned and started in the liquor bus iness at 167 Adams street, and remained until 188 1 In this loca tion, when he opened the Theatre Comique on West Madison street He next engaged in business at 47 La Salle street ; re moved to 123 Monroe street, and thence In the spring of 1884 to No. 194 Clark street, his present location. He has always been a straight out Democrat, and from an early age took an active interest In politics, in connection with David Thornton, Aid. Thomas Foley, Dan. O'Hara, Phil Conley, and others. He enjoys great popularity ; is generous and obliging, and is ever willing to assume personal inconvenience to do his friends a favor. For a period of ten years he was in the front rank of opposition to unfair primaries and elections, and always fought the "machine." In April, 1884, he ran as an independent candidate for Alderman against Moses J. Wentworth, the Democratic nominee, and was elected by a majority of 1,268 votes. In the spring of 1886 he was made the regular Democratic nominee, and in the face of a bitter fight from the united opposition defeated Francis W. Warren, Republican, by a majority of 52. He became a mem ber of the City and County Central Committees in 1884, suc ceeding Joseph C. Mackin, and continues to represent his ward in these bodies. As an Alderman he has been Instrumental In securing many permanent improvements In the First ward. He is a member of Court Acme, No. 55; Independent Order of Foresters ; of the Knights of Pythias ; of the Irish Nationalists, and of the Benevolent Order of Elks. JAMES J. McGRATH. James Joseph McGrath was born December 15, 1838, near Arthurstown, County Wexford, Ireland. His father, John Mc Grath, died in 1885, at the age of 83 years, and his mother, Bridget [McNamara] McGrath Is still living in Ireland at the age of 75 years. James J. McGrath attended the public schools in his native place ; came to the United States in 1854, .ind re sided for some time In New York with an uncle, where he attended the public schools. He came to Chicago in 1856 and has since resided here, except two years spent In the South be fore the war, and several months spent in a visit to the old coun try in 1867. He learned the cooper trade and for several years was foreman and paymaster of the large cooperage of the old Chicago Distilling Company, of which Erastus Rawson was 572 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, President, and Walter S. Gurnee, ex-Mayor of Chicago, was Treasurer. He finally purchased the shops and land in 1865, and succeeded to the business. He was a member of the Board of Trade from 1865 to 1869. He has been a steadfast Republi can In politics since i860, and voted for Abraham Lincoln for President In that year, his residence in the South having a great deal to do with forming his political sentiments. For some years prior to 1869 he took a somewhat active interest In politics, and In the latter year was elected to the Common Council over T. D. Hull, from what Is now the Fourteenth ward; was re-elected to the Council in 1871 over John Vantwood ; again In 1873 over Christian Cassleman, and again in 1880 over Frank A. Stauber, the Socialist, and the celebrated Stauber-McGrath contest, already detailed in these pages, ensued. In 1881 when Stauber ran for City Treasurer and received 1,999 i"^ the city, he was again a candidate for Alderman of the Fourteenth ward, and received 947 votes against three opponents — Clemens Hirsch, Thomas Ryan, and Peter Peterson. He was Chairman of the Committee on Fire and Water during the memorable fight over the location of the present West Division Waterworks, and at that time made an exhaustive report on the folly of trying to furnish an additional water supply by having artesian wells, which was strongly advocated by the Chicago Trib une. He was Chairman of the Finance Committee in 1874, in which year he resigned from the Council and was elected im mediately after to the office of City Tax Commissioner, serving in that capacity for two years, when the office was abolished. He was elected in 1873, while a member of the Council, to the State Senate, from what was then the Fifth district, comprised of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Seventeenth wards, and it was principally through his efforts that the law making it a criminal offense for employers to blacklist their employes by preventing them from obtaining employment for any cause, was passed. He also Introduced the bill, which became a law, prohibiting city authorities In Illinois from licensing houses of ill-fame. In 1875 he became an Independent candidate for Mayor, and was de feated by Monroe Heath. He has been employed by the Abstract department of Cook county since 1876, and has had principal charge of tax matters during that time. Mr. McGrath was first married to Miss Mary Gibbons of Pekin, 111, who died in November, 1878. He was married a sec ond time in September, 1 881, to Belinda Fay of Chicago, and has nine children living. « CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 573 HON. CHARLES B. FARWELL. Hon. Charles B. Farwell was born at Painted Post, a small village in Steuben county, New York, July i, 1823. He was educated at the Elmira Academy, and at the age of fifteen years came west with his father. The family settled on a farm in Oc^le county, Illinois, and for some time young Farwell followed land surveying. After a time he found agricultural life incompat ible, and in January, 1844, he came to Chicago to seek his fortune, having nothing upon which to build it up save energy and determination. The first post he obtained was that of assistant or deputy clerk to George Davis, then County Clerk. He had not been in the department very long before Davis was incapacitated by illness, and the task of opening the County Commissioner's Court devolved upon young Farwell He car ried on the affairs of the office In the absence of his principal for four months, when the latter returned and the young man re sumed his accustomed sphere, adding, meanwhile, to his not too abundant resources by spending his evenings In the employ of a dry goods house. That he was economical and husbanded his resources is evidenced by the fact that in November, 1845 — l^ss than two years after his arrival In the city — he effected his first purchase of real estate. He turned his attention to the piece of land on Jefferson street, on which Crane Brothers' ironworks now stand, and finally bought it out, paying for It $100 in cash and giving a note for the balance. The value of the same piece of property is now estimated at all the way from $25,000 to $35,000. He left the County Clerk's office early in 1846, having received $200 and board for the preceding year's service. He entered the real estate office of J. B. F. Russell at $400 a year and staid there three years, receiving an advance of $100 In sal ary for the last two years of service. In 1849 he entered the bank ing house of George Smith and became principal teller, remaining there until 1853. In the latter year he was nominated for County- Clerk, and was duly elected, his defeated opponent being Dr. E. S. Kimberly. Mr. Farwell served a term of four years ; was re elected and retired from the office in 1861, again turning his attention to real estate and business pursuits. He reorganized the entire system of keeping the county records, and his admin istration of the office was particularly able. In 1864 he formed a connection with his brother in the house of John V. Farwell & Co., purchasing an interest from his brother. With Mr. Farwell's keen insight in the business, and his able management, the house at once took rapid strides toward its present great proportions. 574 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, In 1867 Mr. Farwell was elected to the Board of Supervisors and was made Chairman of the Board, and during his term the wings of the old Courthouse which was destroyed in the fire were erected. In 1870 he was nominated by the Republicans for Congress against John Wentworth, who was running as an Inde pendent candidate. A notable campaign ensued, which resulted in the election of Mr. Farwell by a large majority. He was re elected In 1872, and again in 1874. He forsook politics for a season when his latter term expired, but in 1878 he ran again for Congress and was duly elected. Of late years Mr. Farwell has been conspicuously brought forward for Governor, United States Senator, Mayor, and other important offices, but has evinced no personal desire to again enter official life. Mr. Far- well has been active in politics since 1844 '< a member of the Re publican State Central Committee for many years ; Chairman of the Committee in 1872, and he has ever been one of the principal contributors to campaign funds. He has always been found a faithful supporter of the Republican party and its candidates, and has played an important part in many State and National con ventions and campaigns. The public services of Mr. Farwell are many, and he has been one of the principal builders up of the business district, owning many fine structures occupied for business purposes. It was through his instrumentality also that the completion of the Washington street tunnel was effe.cted, after the original contractors had left It in a condition of almost total wreck. He furnished the bulk of the capital for its reconstruc tion, and under his supervision the work was pushed forward to a finish in a creditably short space of time. His public-spirited- ness and liberality in assisting all worthy enterprises Is a matter of note, and though avoiding ostentation himself there are many who know of his benefactions to various charities, and in numerable instances where he has held out a helping hand to the deserving unfortunate. For many years he has been the lar gest contributor to the funds of the Lake Forest University, an institution under the management of the Presbyterian Church, which Is of great pyblic usefulness. In connection with Col Abner Taylor and others he is now conducting the construc tion of the great State Capitol building of Texas. He is a member of the Union League Club; the Commercial Club; the Banker's Club, and Chicago Club, having been one of the founders of the latter. Mr. Farwell was married October 11, 1852, to Miss Mary E. Smith, of Williamstown, Mass., and has a family of four children. • CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 575 HON. GEORGE R. DAVIS. George R. Davis was born in 1840 in the town of Palmer, Mass. His father, Benjamin Davis, was a native of Massachu setts, and his mother, Cordelia (Buffington) Davis, of Connecti cut, her family being one of well known Quakers. When 17 years of age George R. attended Williston Seminary at East Hampton, from whence he graduated. For a period of two years he was engaged in business with his father at Springfield, Mass. In July, 1862, he enlisted in Co. H, Eighth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry ; was commissioned Captain, joined the Eigh teenth Army Corps, and served in the North Carolina campaign until August, 1863, when he resigned his commission and returned to Massachusetts, where he organized a battery of light artil lery. He next became Captain of the Third Rhode Island Cav alry ; was promoted to Major in December, 1863, and commanded the regiment in many of the principal battles of the war, and until its close. He was next transferred to the Department of the Missouri, and served under Gen. Phil Sheridan on the plains, and was with Gen. Custer in the battles on the headquar ters of the Washita, in which Chief "Black Kettle" and his band were defeated. Col. Davis was three times wounded ; once at the battle of Pleasant Hill, during the war, and twice during the campaign on the plains. He first came to Chicago with Gen. Sheridan in 1869 ; resigned from the army May 1,1871, and went Into the insurance business, accepting the agency of the Hartford Insurance Company, and this position he held for a number of years. Col. Davis, as may be supposed from his war record, has always been a staunch Republican, and while engaged in business was brought into prominence as an active party leader. In the close and exciting State and National campaign of 1876, when the Democrats and Greenbackers effected a fusion on the Illinois state ticket, and Tilden was the popular Democratic candidate for President, Col. Davis was made the Republican nominee for Congress in the old Second district, against Carter H. Harrison, who had been re-nominated by the Democrats, and the vote stood : Harrison, 14,732 ; Davis, 14,090. He was re-nominated in the same district in 1878, and was •elected over Miles Kehoe, Ind. Dem., James Felch, Labor; James Condon, Dem., and George A. Schilling, Socialist, by a plurality of 4,236 votes. He was again nominated for Congress in 1880, and was elected by a plurality of 4,589 votes over John F. Farnsworth, Ind., C. G. Dixon, Greenback-Labor, and Rein- 576 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, hard Lorenz, Socialist In 1882 the districts having been changed, he was nominated to represent the new Third district, and was elected by a plurality of 2,237 over William P. Black, Democrat, and C. G. Hayman, Independent Col. Davis was a member of the State and County Central committees, and a del egate in National conventions, having taken a prominent and active part in the latter In 1880 and 1884. In his every move ment in politics he has been a consistent Republican, and has acted in the interest of his party as his best judgment dictated. In 1884 a contest arose in the Third district over the organiza tion of the Congressional committee, and Col Davis and William E. Mason both took the field as candidates. Col. Davis submit ted to arbitrament by the National committee, and withdrew from the contest, after which Gen. J. E. Fitz Simons entered the field, and the result was the election of a Democrat In the spring of 1885 Col. Davis was given great prominence as a candi date for the Mayoralty, and although the party management was in the hands of his friends he withdrew in the interest of harmony and became Chairman of Judge Sidney Smith's cam paign committee, and by hard work and experienced and capable management he was mainly instrumental in reducing the accus tomed large Democratic majorities, and making the result so close as to necessitate the famous Smith-Harrison contest. In the fall of 1886 he was made the nominee of the Cook county Republican convention for County Treasurer, and although he was made to bear the brunt of the bitter partisan opposition aroused in this campaign, he won a complete and highly gratify ing victory. Notwithstanding that his Democratic opponent, Michael Schwelsthal, received 29,966 votes ; Stauber, Socialist- Labor, the large and unexpected number of 25,437 votes, and Bush, Prohibition, the important number of 1,413 votes. Col. Davis' plurality was 9,165. In Congress he achieved great prominence, and brought about much legislation of public im portance, being mainly instrumental in securing large appropri ations for the improvement of the Chicago harbor. He Is noted for genial and generous traits of character ; is true to his friends ; an enterprising citizen, and a capable public official. He was united in marriage July 25, 1867, to Miss Gertrude Schuliri of New Orleans, and they have six children, two sons and four daughters. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 577 HON. ABNER TAYLOR. Abner Taylor was born in Bangor, Maine, January 19, 1829. His father, Daniel W. Taylor, and his mother, Sophia (Dean) Taylor, were both born in Maine, and his father was a farmer. His parents removed to Ohio when Abner was four years old and settled in Champaign county, and Abner was raised on a farm and attended district school until he reached his majority. In 185 1 he removed to Illinois, settling in McLean county, and went into the business of buying cattle. For a period of three years he bought and herded cattle and drove them to Philadelphia, the trip consuming one hundred days. He next located in Clinton, De Witt county, and entered government land until 1857, when he went to Fort Dodge, Iowa, and took the contract for building the Courthouse there, and also entered the business of merchandising, buying out and conducting a dry-goods store. He remained In Fort Dodge until i860, when he removed to Aurora, III, and bought out E. and A. Woodworth's wagon manufactory in company with Thomas Snell, Samuel L. Keith and Hiram Butterworth, and here he continued in business for three years. At the outbreak of the war he was in Fort Dodge and enlisted there, but was rejected on account of a defect in his eyesight ; he again enlisted at Aurora, but did not succeed in passing examination. When General Orme was appointed Special Agent of the Treasury to supervise the admission of supplies through the lines and take charge of goods abandoned by the Confederates, he selected Col. Taylor as his deputy, and he joined Gen. Orme at his headquarters in Memphis and remained until after the close of the war. From Memphis he came to Chicago and engaged in buying real estate, which he has followed ever since, although at times he has en gaged in railroad building and other extensive contract work. His first purchase of Chicago real estate was twenty-seven acres near Milwaukee and Chicago avenues from the agent. Judge Van H. Higgin.s, for $81,000, or $3,000 an acre, on which he paid $3,000 down and owed the balance. This property he sub divided and sold in lots. He had great confidence in the future greatness of Chicago, and that the speculation was a wise one is evidenced by the fact that while the balance of the purchase price was paid many years ago. Col. Taylor yet holds some of this valuable property. His first contract after locating in Chicago was one for street paving in Memphis ; amounting to a million dollars, which he sold out when about half completed. In 578 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 1869, in company with Thomas Snell and James Aiken, he went to railroad building, and built some of the most important main lines and branches in Illinois and Iowa, among others the Chi cago and Southwestern ; the La Fayette, Bloomington and Mis sissippi ; the La Fayette and Muncie ; the Cincinnati and Deca tur Short Line ; a line for the I. B. & W., and smaller branches. In 1881 he became connected with the Chicago and Pacific Ele vator Company In connection with W. H. Harper, and is Presi dent of the Company. Two elevators were built by the Com pany, both on Goose Island, and they are among the largest in Chi cago, each having a storage capacity of 1,500,000 bushels of grain. When the panic of 1873 disturbed the business of the country. Col Taylor closed up his contracts and went to Europe, where he remained a year. Again In 1879 he went abroad for a year and he did no further business in the line of contracting until in 1882. in connection with J. V. and C. B. Farwell and Col A. C. Bab- cock, he took a contract to build the Texas Statehouse, at Austin, the largest capitol building in the United States, except the National Capitol at Washington. For the construction of this building, according to the plans adopted by the state, the builders received a grant of 3,000,000 acres of land in North west Texas, on the "Panhandle," and they now have this land all under fence and 75,000 head of cattle on it. When this con tract is completed, it Is Col. Taylor's intention to again retire from active business pursuits. He is an entirely self-made man and his success in life is due to habits of toil and self-sacrifice, and a faculty for seeing and taking advantage of favorable op portunities for progress. He is a bachelor, and as he says him self, has had no time lo get married. For several years he has taken an active Interest In politics and has been given promi nence In connection with Important offices. In 1884 he was elected to the Illinois Legislature from the Third Chicago dis trict, and took a prominent part In the Haines Speakership con test and the famous fight of the "103" for Gen. John A. Logan for United States Senator. MILES KEHOE. The Legislative Manual of 1873 gives the birthplace of Mfles Kehoe as Ireland, and his occupation as a laborer. He was born in 1846, came to Chicago with his parents In 1847, and they settled in that portion of the city now comprised in the Second Congressional district, which then confined but few peo- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 579 pie. Miles attended the Foster school and ex-County Commis sioner Spofford taught him his letters. He graduated from the Foster school in 1863, and Immediately set about earning a live lihood. Having a natural gift of oratory, as the West side wards began to grow in population, he took an active part in public meetings, held for the purpose of securing Improvements, and In various political movements. In 1872 he ran for State Senator against J. H. Hildreth and the late R. P. Derrlckson in the old Third district, composed of the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh wards, and was re-elected in 1874 by a great popular vote. He was the first laborer elected to office from the district, and the young est man elected to the State Senate up to that time. In 1873 he took a prominent and active part in the formation of the People's party, and was Chairman of the Campaign committee. In 1875, after the charter of 1872 w^as adopted, and Mayor Col vin claimed the right to hold over, he opposed the charter and Colvin's claims ; made speeches in various great public meetings ; went before the Grand Jury and gave evidence that led to the in dictment of the Sixth ward new charter ballot-box stuffers ; was Secretary of the great Exposition Building mass-meeting at which Thomas Hoyne was nominated for Mayor, and in com pany with Judge Otis and Mr. Prussing, was appointed as a com mittee to wait on Mayor Colvin and demand his resignation. In 1877 he opposed Carter H. Harrison for Congress and secured the nomination, and in return was opposed In the field by W. H. Condon, James Felch and George Schilling, and was defeated by George R. Davis, Rep. Mr. Kehoe refused $5,000 and his ex penses on this occasion to leave the field. Originally a Democrat, Mr. Kehoe, like many others in his party, voted for Gen. Grant for President against Horace Greeley, in 1872, and from then on his independent feelings increased'until, on account of offensive party usages, he became an out and out Republican. In the General Assembly he always acted independent of caucus rule, as shown in 1876 In the memorable struggle over the election of Judge David Davis to the United States Senate. He was Chair man of the Committee on Municipalities for four years, and se cured the passage of valuable laws for Chicago and other cities. His first efforts were to compel the West Park Commissioners to expend a pro rata of the Park funds on Douglas Park, till then neglected ; he wrote and had passed the Police and FIrenien's pension law, now in force In Chicago ; he was the first to agitate the abolition of convict labor, and at several sessions came within a few votes of enough to pass a bill for that purpose ; he origi- 580 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, nated and put through the bills abolishing the old system of town elections that caused great confusion ; introduced and was mainly instrumental in having passed the back-tax bill, which brought nearly $2,000,000 of back taxes into the city Treasury; and in 1877 he introduced and had passed in the Senate a bill to regulate primary elections, which contained all the salient features of the present law, but the bill failed to pass the House. In 1882 he was Chairman of John F. Finerty's Congressional com mittee, and of other committees. He has always labored for the public interests ; has maintained independence above party ; has opposed so-called " machine " politics, and has been the enemy of corruption in any form. GEORGE H. MUELLER. George Henry Mueller, representative of the Second ward in the City Council, was born in Schleswig, Germany, February 19, 1850, the son of William Mueller and Marie (Jurgens) Mueller. His father pursued the calling of a stone cutter. George H. Mueller came to the United States in 1866, and settled at Blue Island, near Chicago, where he worked at farming for six years. In 1872 he removed to the city, and went into the grocery and flour and feed business at 675 Milwaukee avenue. This business he subsequently sold out, and then opened a wholesale liquor store on Paulina street, in the Fourteenth ward. In 1875 he opened a billiard hall at 675 State street, in company with John Leiendecker. In June, 1876, he started in the hotel busi ness at Nos. 488 and 490 State street, and Mueller's hotel speedily became the leading Republican political headquarters of the Second ward. Mr. Mueller was always a Republican in politics except in 1873, when he supported Harvey D. Colvin for Mayor, and was an adherent to the latter during the Colvin-Hoyne con test. He was brought prominently forward for Alderman in 1 880 and 1882, and In 1884 declined the nomination. The Second ward had been solidly Democratic as to Alderman for eight years, and Aid. Patrick Sanders, the incumbent, was deemed invincible. In the spring of 1886 Mr. Mueller was made the regular Republican nominee, accepted, and after an exciting campaign, defeated Aid. Sanders by a majority of 676 votes. His defeated opponent contested his election on the score of in eligibility on account of non-citizenship, and a series of legal con tests ensued in the courts, resulting in the victory for Aid. Muel ler in every instance, and his retention of his ^at He showed CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 58 1 that he had been naturalized in June, 1871 ; that the official records had been destroyed in the great fire of October 8, 1871, and that his papers were destroyed in the fire of July 14, 1874.' In the last fire he lost all his effects and the accumulation of several years of labor and successful business enterprises. Since being in the Council Aid. Mueller has secured many needed im provements for his ward, and has retained his popularity among his friends. He was married October 14, 1875,10 Miss Augusta Quade of Blue Island, and they have three children, all boys, aged ten, seven, and five years, respectively. LAWRENCE E. McGANN. Lawrence Edward McGann, Superintendent in charge of the Department of Streets, was born in County Galway, Ireland, February 2, 1852. His. father, Edward McGann, was a farmer, he died in 1854. His mother, Bridget (Ford) McGann, is resid ing with her son in Chicago. Lawrence McGann came to the United States in 1855, and settled In Milford, Mass. He at tended the public school there for several years, and in August, 1865, he came to Chicago, and while he worked during the summer he attended school in the winter for some years, and attended besides a private school kept by Prof Robertson, at the corner of Franklin and Michigan streets. Until June, 1879, he was employed in a shoe manufactory, and he always took a deep interest in questions affecting labor. He was of a studious dis position and well informed on labor matters, and in sympathy with all legislation proposed to amend the condition of the in dustrial classes. In 1878, when the Greenback-Labor party was formed he was active in advancing its interests locally. He had read up on the currency question, and being a fluent speaker, he achieved great prominence. He was a delegate in the Green back-Labor convention at Greenebaum's hall, in March, 1879, and favored the nomination by that convention of Carter H. Harrison for Mayor. While his sympathies have been with labor, he has always been a Democrat, voting first for Samuel J. Tilden in 1876. In June, 1879, he was appointed to a position in the city water office, and on January, i, 1885, was appointed Superintendent of Streets to succeed William Fogarty. Prior to his appointment he had made himself conversant with street grading, paving and roadway improvements, and is considered an expert in such matters, and he is now quoted as authority in pavement problems of importance to all great cities. He is 582 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, energetic, reliable and genial, and stands high in the estimation of his friends. He was married May i, 1883, to Miss Mary White of Chicago, and they have one child, a son, aged two years. THEODORE T. GURNEY. Theodore T. Gurney, who for over sev^en years acted as City Comptroller during the administration of Mayor Carter H. Har rison, died of paralysis November 9, 1886, at the age of 66 years. He was an able financier and a distinguished Free Mason. He was born in Ogdensburg, N. Y., September 4, 1820 ; came West in 1838, locating at Sturgis, Mich. He became a Free Mason in 1848, joining Union Lodge, Union City, Mich. In 1850 he was a Justice of the Peace at Constantino, Mich.; In 1853 he returned to New York and was appointed by President Pierce, Deputy Collector of Customs at Sackett's Harbor. He came to Chicago in April, 1856, and entered the employ of Munger & Armour, ele vator men, as bookkeeper. In 1861 he was appointed Chief Grain Inspector, and after three years In this position engaged in the commission business on the Board of Trade. In 1876 he was elected West Town Supervisor, and in May, 1879, was ap pointed City Comptroller by Mayor Harrison. After the great fire had devastated the city Mr. Gurney was one of the most active citizens in aiding the sufferers. As a member of the Masonic Relief Committee he helped in the dis tribution of $91,000, which was raised by that benevolent Order for the benefit of the victims of the fire. Mr. Gurney received every degree of Masonry. He received the thirty-third degree as an honorary member of the Supreme Council of the N. M. J. of the United States In November, 1871. He was Master of SMoam Lodge, Michigan, Sackett's Harbor Lodge, New York, and Cleveland Lodge, Chicago, High Priest of Sackett's Harbor Chapter; Commander of Apollo Commandery, No. i ; Com mander in Chief of Oriental Consistory ; Grand Master of Illi nois, 1879-80; and Grand Commander of the Grand Command ery of Illinois, 1875. He was married in May, 1848, to Miss Eunice Smith, at Sackett's Harbor, N. Y., and has two sons— Chester S., a mem ber of St Bernard Commandery, K. T., and Theodore E., yet a minor. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 583 EFFORTS TO RELEASE JOSEPH C. MACKIN. About May I 1886, efforts were begun to secure the pardon ot Joseph C. Mackin from the sentence to which he was made subject in the Criminal Court of Cook county, and several per sons niost prominent in securing his conviction joined in the pe tition for his pardon, these proceedings extending through the ¦tl ¦ ci ^^P^^"^'^^'' 29 Mr. John C. Richberg, attorney for Mackin, filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus In behalf of his client, in the Supreme Court at Ottawa. Michael C. McDon ald was the petitioner. The petition recited : Mackin is illegally imprisoned on a charge of perjury committed July 7, 1885, -while testifying as an involuntary witness on the subject matter on which he had been Indicted in the United States District Court on January 12, 1885. The petition further sets forth that at the October term, 1884, of the United States District Court, Mackin was indicted for an offense against the laws of the United States and a true bill and indictment found against him on section 5512 of the same. His imprisonment while under bonds and his fail ure to respond to the indictment in the United States Court will, it is alleged, forfeit his bonds, which are given in the sum of $50,000, with M. C. McDonald, John W. Crawford, Dennis Kav- anaugh, and August Mette, as bondsmen. The petitioner contends that the Criminal Court of Cook county could not have taken, tried, and sentenced Mackin, had he been confined in any United States prison or in the direct custody of a United States officer, and hence it had no jurisdiction while he was legally In such custody, even if he was allowed his liberty upon the surety of bondsmen. Even though out on bail, he was not out of the custody of the United States Court, and could not be legally held and tried by the Criminal Court of Cook county until the other was done with him. Another argument advanced Is that the Cook county Grand Jury called him to testify before It upon the very questions upon which he was being Investigated before the United States Court, and he should not have been forced virtually to try his case beforehand, and In another court The petition in full covered ten pages of brief, and the arguments and authorities cited about twenty pages more, and the points raised were considered new and important. The Court took the petition under advisement. The decision of the Supreme Court was rendered Septem ber 30 by Justice Schofield, and It embodied a refusal to release Mackin. It was held that where a person commits an offense against two separate jurisdictions the jurisdiction first obtaining 584 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, custody of him is entitled to try him as a matter of law. The opinion goes on to say that the Court could not consent to rec ognize it to be the law that where a person under small bonds for a slight offense against the United States could not be ar rested and punished by the State for murder while he was out on bail, which would be a consequence of Mackin's position. John C. Richberg, Joseph C. Mackin's attorney, said that he was not much surprised or disappointed at the action taken by the Supreme Court in refusing the writ of habeas corpus ap plied for. " Had It not been for a decision of the United States Supreme Court last March, in which it was held that the proper course, in a case of this kind, where a jurisdiction of a State Court and of the United States Courts appear to conflict, was to take the matter before a State Court, I would have taken the matter right to the United States Circuit Court," he said. " You see, we claim that Mackin was illegally taken by the State for trial on the charge of perjury while he was under bail await ing a decision of the United States Court on a federal crime. The State Court, in its decision, admitted that this would have been grounds for a writ of habeas corpus had Mackin been taken by the State from the hands of the Marshal, but it drew a distinc tion between his being in the Marshal's custody, and being out on bail" The Cook County Republican Convention was held in " Bat tery D" Armory, August 29, 1886, and the following ticket was nominated: Superior Court Judges — R. S. Tuthlll, Elliott Anthony, Kirk Hawes, and R. S. Williamson. County Judge — Mason B. Loomis. Probate Court Judge — J. C. Knickerbocker. Sheriff — Canute R. Matson. Treasurer — George R. Davis. County Clerk — Henry Wulff. Criminal Court Clerk — James H. Gilbert Probate Court Clerk — Thomas W. Sennott County Superintendent of Schools — Albert G. Lane. County Commissioners — Frank Schubert, William Williams, Henry Engelhardt, Murray Nelson, J. Frank Aldrich. The Cook County Democratic Convention was held at North Side Turner hall, September 18, and the following ticket was nominated : County Commissioners— St Clair Sutherland, John A. King, John Dowdle, Bernhard Niebling, and EiUst Hummel CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 585 Superior Court Judges— Egbert Jamieson, Frank Baker, John P. Altgeld, and Jeremiah Leaming. County Court Judge— Richard Prendergast. Probate Court Judge— J. C. Knickerbocker. County Superintendent of Schools — Charles I. Parker. Sheriff — William Best Treasurer — Michael Schwelsthal Criminal Court Clerk — James M. Doyle. Probate Court Clerk — James W. Kleckner. County Clerk — Michael Mclnerney. Mr. Best subsequently withdrew, from business considera tions, and the name of George Kerstens was substituted. The proper political divisions were not subserved by the change, and Mr. Kerstens voluntarily withdrew, and John Mattocks was sub stituted as the candidate. John A. King declined, and Claude J. Adams became a candidate for Commissioner in his stead. The convention at Greenebaum's hall, already referred to, which was controlled by the Socialists, was held September 27, and the following mixed ticket, called the "United Labor" ticket, was nominated : • State Treasurer — John Budlong, Knight of Labor. State Superintendent of Schools — I. L. Brower, Green- backer. County Judge — Richard Prendergast, Democrat. • Probate Judge — J. C. Knickerbocker, Republican. Superior Judges— John P. Altgeld, Democrat; Egbert Jamieson, Democrat • Kirk Hawes, Republican ; Elliott Antho ny, Republican. County Treasurer — Frank Stauber, Socialist Sheriff— M. J. Butler, Labor. County Clerk — Samuel J. Rastall, Labor. Criminal Court Clerk— F. J. Dvorak, Socialist Probate Court Clerk — Paul Ehmann, Socialist County Commissioners — James Barry, Agitator ; J. J. Alt peter, Alex. Ellert, James H. Bancroft, and George Dean, So cialists. . Most of the balance were Socialists, with a few Laboring men. Congress, ist District — Hervey Sheldon, Jr. Congress, 2d District -Daniel F. Gleason. Congress, 3d District — Benj. W. Goodhue. 586 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Congress, 4th District — Samuel A. Hawkins. Superintendent of Instruction — Homer Bevans. Senator, ist District — John C. Boyd. Senator, 3d District — William Bruce. Senator, 5th District — Charles F. Seib. Senator, 7th District — Michael Drew. Senator, 9th District — C. S. Wheeler. Senator, nth District — R. M. Burke. ' Senator, 13th District — Michael Luci. Representative, ist District — James O'Connor. Representative, 2d District — W. P. Wright Representative, 3d District — Oscar E. Leinen. Representative, 5th District — Leo P. Dwyer. Representative, 6th District — M. J. Dwyer. Representative, 7th District — Frank Thomas. Representative, 9th District— C. G. Dixon. Representative, nth District — George Rohrback. Representative, 13th District — V. Karlowski. The following was the County platform adopted : I. We demand the abolition of all county toll roads. 2. The abolition of the contract system on all county work. 3. The purchase of county supplies in open market. 4 The frequent inspection of county penal and charitable institutions by a state board of inspection. 5. That women shall serve on such boards equally with men, for the reason that women are confined in these institutions as well as men. 6. And we demand of our courts as full and fair a hearing for the poorest citizen as is ac corded to citizens of wealth or moneyed corporations. 7. We demand a just and effective system of state insurance. 8. That all fines against Inmates of houses used for Immoral purposes shall be levied upon and collected from the property, and not from the Inmates. 9. That all election days shall be compulsory holidays, during which all ordinary business shall be suspended. 10. That the subdivisions known as the town of North Chicago, town of West Chicago, and town of South Chicago, shall be abol ished, and that there shall hereafter be for the city of Chicago one assessor, one collector, one supervisor, and one clerk. 11. That all lands held for speculative purposes shall be taxed equally with cultivated lands. The Prohibitionists met in Convention at 118 Fifth avenue in August, and nominated the following ticket : Sheriff — F. W. Loomis. Treasurer — William H. Bush. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 587 County Clerk— H. S. Haggard. Clerk of Criminal Court — G. K. Tompkins Probate Clerk— E. R. Woirell. County Superintendent of Schools— Prof W. Wilkie. County Commissioners— B. S. Mills, W. H. Wilson, S. H. St John, B. F. Lantryman, and George C. Bugbee. The platform declared in favor of absolute prohibition, and opposed political affiliations with other parties. Monday evening, October 4, the Cook County Labor League held a convention at the North side Turner hafl, composed of 190 delegates- from various labor organizations, which repudi ated the action of the Greenebaum hall convention, and placed in nomination the following ticket : Sheriff— John M. Dunphy. County Clerk — Michael Mclnerney. County Treasurer — Michael Schwelsthal Probate Court Clerk— J. W. Kleckner. Criminal Court Clerk — Frank G. White. County Judge— Richard Prendergast Superior Court Judges — John P. Altgeld, Egbert Jamieson, Frank Baker, Rollln S. Williamson. Probate Judge — J. C. Knickerbocker. Superintendent of Schools — Albert G. Lane. County Commissioners — Frank J. Niebling, John Beegan, St. Clair Sutherland, John Dowdle, Patrick Murphy. Congress, ist District — Edgar Terhune. Congress, 2d District — Frank Lawler. Congress, 3d District — William E. Mason. Congress, 4th District — William McNally. State Senate, ist District — George E. White. State Senate, 3d District — Isaac Abrahams. State Senate, 5th District — H. Ruger. State Senate, 7th District — Henry Batterman. State Senate, nth District — E. C. Burke. State Senate, 13th District — John F. O'Malley. The following preamble and resolutions and platform of principles were adopted : The delegates of the Cook County Labor League, in con vention assembled, hereby enact the following preamble and res- olutions as its platform of principles : Whereas, We believe the time has arrived when organized labor should unhesitatingly assert its right to recognition as a factor in our political fabric, and 588 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, Whereas, We deem it advisable at this time to more clearly define our position, and give expression to our views of the needs of the wage-workers of the city of Chicago and Cook county, and Whereas, The duly accredited delegates chosen by regularly convened caucuses of fellow-workmen of their several organized trades and assemblies of Knights of Labor were denied the right to participate in the late "so-called" labor convention; there fore, Resolved, That it is the first duty of this convention to re pudiate and denounce the action of the self-constituted committee of twenty-one, acting as a committee on credentials, in falsely assuming to represent the sentiment of organized labor in Chi cago and Cook county, and ostracizing and disfranchising a large portion of the regularly chosen delegates to the convention called for September 23. Resolved, That we are assembled to vindicate our rights as the untrammeled representatives of honest labor, to rebuke the insolence and presumption of said committee, and set the seal of popular condemnation upon their high-handed and unprecedented arrogance. Resolved, That the congressional and legislative nominees of this convention of the Cook County Labor League be required to pledge themselves to use their honest endeavors to obtain laws for the protection of labor and the repeal of those detrimental to it ; to favor the proposed amendment to the state constitution for the abolition of contract convict labor, and the discontinuing of all existing contracts upon terms just and equitable to the state and contractors ; to favor the enactment of an eight-hour laW; to apply In general to all wage-workers in whatever branch of business throughout the state, with suitable penalties for vio lations ; to favor the enactment of a law to compel the payment of wages weekly, and in lawful money of the United States. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 589 There have been elected in Chicago and from districts of which Cook county formed a part, twenty-two Congressmen, whose names, politics, districts, and duration of terms will be found annexed. Name. John Wentworth. Richard S. Molony. . . . James H. Woodworth.. John F. Farnsworth. . . Isaac N. Arnold Norman B. Judd Charles B. Farwell John L. Beveridge.... John B. Rice Bernard G. Caulfield. . William Aldrich Jasper D. Ward Carter H. Harrison . . George R. Davis John v. LeMoyne Lorenz Brentano Hiram Barber, Jr. . . . R. W. Dunham John F. F'inerty George E. Adams. . . . Frank Lawler. ...... James H. Ward .¦ . Politics. District. Democrat . Democrat . . . Democrat . . Republican.Republican.Republican. Republican . Republican. Fourth, Second and First Fourth Second Second. ... Second and First First First and Third. Republican Democrat Republican Republican. ... Democrat Republican ... Democrat Republican. ... Republican — . Republican. . . . Independent Dem, Republican Democrat Democrat Evanston . Duration of Term. First First First • Second Second Second and Third Third Third Third First Second Fourth Second Third 1843 to 1851 Democrat, 1853 to 1855 Dem., 1855 to 1867 as Rep. 1851 to 1853. 1855 to 1857. 1857 to 1861 and 1863 to 1873. 1861 to 1863 and 1863 to 1865. 1867 to 1871. 1871 to 1873, and 1873 to 1875, and 1881 to 1883. Filled out the vacancy of John A. Logan from the state at large, 1871 to 1873. 1873 to December, '74, when he d. 1875 to 1877. 1877 to 1883. 1873 to 1875. 1875 to 1879. 1879 to 1883, and 1883 to 1885. May 6, 1876, to 1877. 1877 to 1879. 1879 to 1881. 1883 to date. 1883 to 1885. 1883 to date. 1885 to date. 1885 to date. List of the Sheriffs of Cook county, from the organization of the county in 1831, to the year 1886. 1831. 1832.1834. 1836.1838. 1840. 1842.1844. 1846. 1848. 1850. 1852. James Kinzie. Stephen Forbes. Silas W. Sherman. Silas W. Sherman. Isaac R. Gavin. Ashbel Steele. Samuel J. Lowe. Samuel J. Lowe. Isaac Cook. Isaac Cook. William L. Church. Cyrus P. Bradley. 1858.i860. 1862. 1864.1866. 1868. John Gray. Anthony C. Hesing. David Hammond. John A. Nelson. John L. Beveridge. Gustav Fischer. 1854. James Andrew. James S. Beach, Coroner, and ex-officio Sheriff, from April 28, '55, to November, 1856. 1856. John L. Wilson. Benj. L. Cleaves, Coroner, and ex-officio Sheriff, from April 15, 1870, to Novem ber, 1870. 1870. Timothy M. Bradley. 1872. Timothy M. Bradley. 1874. Francis Agnew. 1876. Charles Kern. 1878. John Hoffman. 1880. Orrin L. Mann. 1882. Seth F. Hanchett to date. 59© POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, ILLINOIS DELEGATES IN CONGRESS, 1 885-6. SENATORS. John A. Logan, Chicago, term expires 1891. Shelby M. Cullom, Springfield, " " 1889. CONGRESSMEN. I. Ransom W. Dunham Chicago. 2. Frank Lawler __----" 3. James H. Ward 4. George E. Adams - 5. A. J. Hopkins Aurora. 6. Robert R. Hitt Mount Morris. 7. Thomas J. Henderson ... - Princetonj 8. Ralph Plumb Streator. 9. Lewis E. Payson Pontiac N. E. Worthington Peoria. W. H. Neece Macomb. 10. n. 12. James Milton Riggs Winchester. 13. William M. Springer .... Springfield. 14. Jonathan H Rowell - - - - Bloomington. 15. Joseph G. Cannon Danville. 16. Silas Z. Landes Mount Carmel 17. John R. Eden Sullivan. 18. William R. Morrison - - - - - Waterloo. 19. R. W. Townshend Shawneetown. 20. John R. Thomas .... Metropolis. Republican members in italic. COOK COUNTY OFFICIALS. — WITH RESPECTIVE SALARIES. Probate Judge, J. C. Knickerbocker ... $7,000 County Judge, R. Prendergast ... - 7,000 Judges Superior Court, Gwynn Garnett, H. M. Shepard, J. E. Gary, Egbert Jamieson, Kirk Hawes, Elliott Anthony, John P. Altgeld, each ... 7,000 Judges Circuit Court, Thomas Moran, W. K. McAllister, Murray F. Tuley, L. C. Collins, John G. Rogers, each 7,000 St.ites Attorney, Julius S. Grinnell ... 6,600 County Attorney, E. R. Bliss 5,000 Clerks of Commissioners, T. F. Bailey, David McCarthy 2,500 County Physician, T. J. Bluthardt .... 2,500 Superintendent of Schools, A. G. Lane - - - . County Clerk, Michael W. Ryan . . ». . CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 591 Chief Clerk, William Kirby .... $2 000 Clerk of County Court, M. W. Ryan - - . %'ooo Chief Deputy, Emil Hoechster 2000 Clerk Superior Court, P. McGrath - - . . ,'nnn Chief Clerk, William Caffrey .... ^'°°° Clerk Circuit Court, Henry Best .... 3;ooo Clerk Criminal Court, John Stephens - - - - ? 000 Principal Deputy, J. M. Doyle .... 2,000 Chief Clerk, Chris Mamer 2000 Clerk Probate Court, Thomas W. Sennott - - 3^000 Chief Clerk, Frank Lane 2^000 Recorder of Deeds, Wiley S. Scrlbner - - - 3'ooo County Treasurer, Wm. C. Seipp .... 4,000 Principal Normal School, F. W. Parker - - - 5,000 Sheriff, Seth F. Hanchett 6,000 Chief Deputy, C. R, Matson 2^000 Jailer, Conrad Foltz 1,000 County Commissioners, John Hannegan, Geo. C. Klehm, R. M. Oliver. M. R. Lyden, C. F. Lynn, F. A. Mac- Donald, Peter Fortune, J. J. McCarthy, R. S. Mc- Cloughrey, Frank Neisen, Christian Geils, John E. VanPelt, Henry Hemmelgarn, Daniel J. Wren, C. Casselman. The Commissioners are allowed by law $5 per diem. ADDENDA. HISTORY OF P'RESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. The first Presidential election held in the United States of America was upon the first Wednesday in January, 1789, the Continental Congress having closed its own career by ordering the choice of electors, who were to appoint the first President It was the 4th of March when inauguration occurred. The choice of George Washington for President and John Adams for Vice-President, was unanimous. There were sixty-nine elect ors only. The second election occurred in 1792, when the father of his country was again unanimously elected. John Adams was re-elected Vice-President Only eleven states voted at the first election; fifteen states, however, voted at this election. North Carolina and Rhode Island having ratified the Constitu tion, and Vermont and Kentucky being admitted. There were 132 electors. The third election occurred in 1796. John Adams received 71 electoral votes ; Thomas Jefferson, 69 ; Thomas PInckney, 592 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, 59, and Aaron Burr, 38. Thus Adams became President and Jefferson Vice-President There were sixteen states voting this time, Tennessee being admitted. Mr. Adams was a Federalist, and Mr. Jefferson an anti-Federalist The fourth election occurred in 1800. Adams and PInckney received 64 and 63 electoral votes, while Jefferson and Burr had each 73. They were anti-Federal or Republicans. The election not deciding, on account of a tie vote, which should be Presi dent, Jefferson or Burr, the House of Representatives gave it to Jefferson. It took seven days and 36 ballots to reach a result, party feeling was so bitter. The fifth election occurred in 1804. The Republicans nominated Thomas Jefferson and George Clinton, and the Federalists Charles C. PInckney and Rufus King. Jefferson and Clinton received 162 votes; PInckney and King only 14. Ohio being admitted, seventeen states voted this trip. The sixth election occurred in 180S. James Madison and George Clinton were put up by the Republicans, and PInckney and King again represented the Federalists. Madison received 123 electoral votes; Clinton, 113, and PInckney and King, 47 each. George Clinton died before the end of his term. The seventh election was in 181 2. Madison and Elbridge Gerry were elected, with 128 electoral votes. Louisiana voted this time, making eighteen states. The opposition gave DeWitt Clinton 89 votes, and Ingersoll 57. The eighth election occurred in 18 16. The Republicans placed in the field James Monroe and Daniel D. Tompkins. Monroe was elected by 183 votes, while Rufus King received only 34. Indiana was admitted this year, and eighteen states consequently voted. The ninth election was in 1820. Monroe and Tompkins were re-elected unanimously. Twenty-three states voted this time, Mississippi, Illinois, Alabama and Maine coming in. Thus the Republicans had ruled for twenty-four successive years, under three Presidents who were re-elected, and all citizens of Virginia. The tenth election was in 1824. Twenty-four states voted, Missouri being admitted. The whole number of electors was 260; necessary to a choice, 131. Andrew Jackson received 99; John Quincy Adams, 84; William H. Crawford, 41, and Henry Clay, 31. The House of Representatives selected a President from the three highest candidates. John Quincy Adams re ceived the votes of thirteen states, and was declared elected. John C. Calhoun receiving 132 electoral vote^was made Vice- CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 593 President Eighteen states appointed electors by a popular vote, and six through the Legislatures. The eleventh election was held in 1828. Andrew Jackson and John C. Calhoun were elected. Jackson received 178 and Adams 171 electoral votes. The popular vote was 650,028 for Jackson, and 512,158 for Adams. The twelfth election was in 1832. Jackson's grit on the tariff question secured his re-election, and Martin Van Buren was made Vice-President The Whig party put up Henry Clay, and John Sargeant for Vice-President Jackson received 682,502 popular and 219 electoral votes ; Clay, 550,189 and 49. The thirteenth election was in 1836. Twenty-six states voted this time, Michigan and Arkansas coming in. There were 294 electors, and 148 was necessary to a choice. Van Buren re ceived 762,149 popular votes, and 170 electoral. The united popular vote of William H. Harrison and Daniel Webster was 736,736, and 124 electoral. The fourteenth election was in 1840. Harrison received 1,274,783 ; -Van Buren, 1,128,702 popular votes, and 234 and 60 electoral. Twenty-six states voted. Harrison dying one month after inauguration, John Tyler, the Vice-President, succeeded to the office. The fifteenth election was in 1844. Polk and Dallas re ceived 1,335,834 popular, and 170 electoral votes; Clay and Frelinghuysen, 1,297,033 and 105. Texas was admitted this time. She had been a part of Mexico, and a war with that country followed as a result. The sixteenth election was in 1848. Thirty states voted this time, Texas, Florida, Iowa and Wisconsin coming in. Taylor and Fillmore received 1,362,024 popular and 163 electoral votes; Cass and Butler, 1,222,419 and 127; Van Buren and Adams, 291,678 popular, and not one electoral vote. General Taylor died July 9, 1850, and Fillmore succeeded to the office. The seventeenth election was in 1852. Franklin Pierce and King received 1,590,490 popular votes, and 254 electoral ; Gen eral Winfield Scott and William A. Graham, 1378,589 and 42. Thirty-one states voted this time, California coming In. The Whigs never again nominated candidates. The eighteenth election was in 1856. James Buchanan and John C. Breckinridge received 1,803,029 popular and 174 elect oral votes; Fremont and Dayton, Republicans, 1,342,164 and 114. A native American party put up Fillmore and Donnelsen. They received 874,625 and 8. 38 c;94 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS, The nineteenth election was in i860. Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, Republicans, received 1,866,152 popular votes, and 180 electoral; Stephen A. Douglas and H. V. John son, Northern Democrats, 1,375,157 and 12; Breckinridge and Lane, Southern Democrats, 847,953 and 72 ; and John Bell and Edward Everett, the choice of men who opposed the contest on the slavery question altogether, 590,631 and 39. The Repub licans had an advantage of 57 electoral votes over all the others, but the Democrats had a popular majority of 947,289. Thirty- three states voted, Minnesota and Oregon coming in. Total number of votes cast, 4,680,193 — 500,000 more than ever before. The population of the country was set down at 31,148,048. Secession followed, and the civil war began. The twentieth election was in 1864. It occurred only in the loyal states, eleven having seceded. Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, Republicans, received 2,216,127 popular votes, and 212 electoral; George B. McClellan and George H. Pen dleton, 1,808,725 and 21. Kansas and West Virginia coming in, twenty-four states voted. Andrew Johnson succeeded Mr. Lincoln, who was assassinated April 14, 1865. The twenty-first election was In 1868. General Ulysses S. Grant and Schuyler Colfax, Republicans, received a popular majority of 309,588 over Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair, Democrats. The twenty-second election was in 1872. Thirty-seven states voted, thirty giving Grant and Henry Wilson a popular majority of 730,812. Two Democratic tickets were in the field — Horace Greeley and B. Gratz Brown, and Charles O'Connor and John Quincy Adams. Grant received 286 electoral votes. The twenty-third election occurred in 1876. In the field were Rutherford B. Hayes, Republican ; Samuel J. Tilden, Democrat ; Peter Cooper, Greenbacker, and G. C. Smith, Pro hibitionist Mr. Hayes received 4,033,950 popular and 185 elec toral votes. Mr. Tilden received "4,284,885 popular and 184 electoral votes. Mr. Cooper received 81,740 popular votes. Mr. Smith received 9,522 popular votes. There were scattering votes to the number of 3,636. The twenty-fourth election occurred in 1880. There were only two candidates in the field— James A. Garfield, Republican, and Winfield S. Hancock, Democrat The former received 4.437.345 popular, and 214 electoral votes; the latter, 4,435,015 popular and 155 electoral votes. CHICAGO, COOK COUNTY, AND ILLINOIS. 595 THE PRESIDENTIAL VOTE. The following table shows the popular and electoral vote for the Presidency from the year 1824 until the year 1884. candidates. 18241828 1832 It 1836 1840 f I 1844 1848 ¦ lBSt!B'« "... ¦• .. * i.'*?! rysfii','..?i..l!ir.''fi tSi!? Ci3"'^> _»— fc* ¦¦ ¦ ¦ '.SifTilG--J"" ¦**"'i >'- . ...•*.-* . lKl!i|M. ^^^m^ .v. ¦'. -¦ ' i"f..; i/.i vy--? a!ui' a>."; ^siili;-' ii^&' «"^^ -.*¦; '¦J^-;'!-'