YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
ofthe
WILLIAM C. EGLESTON FUND

GRANTING LANDS TO DEORMAN.

London and the Kingdom

A HISTORY

DERIVED MAINLY FROM THE ARCHIVES AT GUILDHALL
IN THE CUSTODY OF THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF LONDON.

BY
REGINALD R. SHARPE, D.C.L.,
RECORDS 'CLERK IN THE OFFICE OF THE TOWN CLERK OF THE CITY OF
LONDON; EDITOR OF "CALENDAR OF WILLS ENROLLED
IN THE COURT OF HUSTING," ETC.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CORPORATION UNDER THE DIRECTION
OF THE LIBRARY COMMITTEE.

LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN & Co.
AND NEW YORK: 1 5 EAST i6tH STREET.
1894.

All rights reserved.

London :
Printed by Blades, East & Blades,
23, Abchurch Lane, E.C.
' I

PREFACE.

OF the numerous works that have been written
on London, by which I mean more especially
the City of London, few have been devoted to an
adequate, if indeed any, consideration of its political
importance in the history of the Kingdom. The
history of the City is so many-sided that writers
have to be content with the study of some particular
phase or some special epoch. Thus we have those
who have concentrated their efforts to evolving
out of the remote past the municipal organization
of the City. Their task has been to unfold the
origin and institution of the Mayoralty and Shrievalty
of London, the dirision of the City into wards wittt
Aldennen at their head, the development of the
various trade and craft guilds, and the respective
powers and duties of the Courts of Aldermen and
Common Council, and of the Livery of London
assembled in their Common Hall. Others have
devoted themselves to the study of the ecclesiastical
and monastic side of the City's history — its Cathedral,
its religious houses, and hundred and more parish

churches, which occupied so large an extent of the
City's area. The ecclesiastical importance of the City,
however, is too often ignored. "We are prone,"
writes Bishop Stubbs, " in examining into the muni-
" cipal and mercantile history of London, to forget
"that it was a very great ecclesiastical centre."
Others, again, have confined themselves to depicting
the every-day life of the City burgess, his social condi
tion, his commercial pursuits, his amusements ; whilst
others have been content to perpetuate the memory
of streets and houses long since lost to the eye,
and thus to keep alive an interest in scenes and
places which otherwise would be forgotten.
The political aspect of the City's history has
rarely been touched by writers, and yet its geo
graphical position combined with the innate courage
and enterprise of its citizens served to give it no
small political power and no insignificant place in
the history of the Kingdom. This being the case,
the Corporation resolved to fill the void, and in
view of the year 1889 being the 700th Anniversary
of the Mayoralty of London — according to popular
tradition — instructed the Library Committee to pre
pare a work showing "the pre-eminent position
" occupied by the City of London and the important
" function it exercised in the shaping and making of
" England."

It is in accordance with these instructions that
this and succeeding volumes have been compiled.
As the title of the work has been taken fi-om a
chapter in Mr. Loftie's book on London (" Historic
Towns" series, chap, ix), so its main features are
delineated in that chapter. "It would be in
teresting" — writes Mr. Loftie — "to go over all the
"recorded instances in which the City of London
"interfered directly in the affairs of the Kingdom.
"Such a survey would be the history of England
" as seen from the windows of the Guildhall." No
words could better describe the character of the
work now submitted to the public. It has been
compiled mainly from the City's own archives.
The City has been allowed to tell its own story.
If, therefore, its pages should appear to be too
much taken up with accounts of loans advanced
by the City to impecunious monarchs or with
wearisome repetition of calls for troops to be raised
in the City for foreign service, it is because the
City's records of the day are chiefly if not wholly
concerned with these matters. If, on the other
hand, an event which may be rightly deemed of
national importance be here omitted, it is because
the citizens were little affected thereby, and the
City's records are almost, if not altogether, silent on
the subject.

The work does not affect to be a crirical history
so much as a chronique pour servir, to which the
historical student may have recourse in order to learn
what was the attitude taken up by the citizens of
London at important crises in the nation's history.
He will there see how, in the contest between
Stephen and the Empress Matilda, the City of
London held as it were the balance ; how it helped
to overthrow the tyranny of Longchamp, and to
wrest from the reluctant John the Great Charter of
our hberties ; how it was with men and money
supplied by the City that Edward III and Henry V
were enabled to conquer France, and how in after
years the London trained bands raised the siege of
Gloucester and turned the tide of the Civil War in
favour of Parliament. He will not fail to note the
significant fact that before Monk put into execution
his plan for restoring Charles II to the Crown, the
taciturn general — little given to opening his mind to
anyone — deemed it advisable to take up his abode
in the City in order to first test the feehngs of the
inhabitants as to whether the Restoration would be
acceptable to them or not. He will see that the
citizens of London have at times been bold of speech
even in the presence of their sovereign when the
cause of justice and the hberty of the subject were at
stake, and that they did not hesitate to suffer for

their opinions ; that, " at many of the most critical
"periods of our history, the influence of London
" and its Lord Mayors has turned the scale in
" favour of those liberties of which we are so justly
"proud"; and that had the entreaties of the City
been listened to by the King and his ministers, the
American Colonies would never have been lost to
England. There are two Appendices to the work ; one
comprising copies from the City's Records of letters,
early proclamations and documents of special interest
to which reference is made in the text ; the other
consisting of a more complete list of the City's
representatives in Parliament from the earliest times
than has yet been printed, supplemented as it has
been by returns to writs recorded in the City's
archives and (apparently) no where else. The re
turns for the City in the Blue Books pubhshed in
1878 and 1879 are very imperfect
R. R. S.

The Guildhall, London,
AprU, i8g4.

CONTENTS,

CHAPTER I.
The Port of London. — The City not in Demesne. — The
Roman Occupation. — London the metropolis of the
East Saxons — The Bishop of London. — The Danes
in London. — Alfred restores London. — The Frith-
Gild of the City. — The first paym.ent of Danegelt. —
London submits to Sweyn. — Cmct expelled by Ethel-
red. — The laws of E their ed. — The '¦'¦ Lithsmen'''' of
London. — London the Capital. — Gemots in London. —
Earl Godwine and the citizens. P<^gs I

CHAPTER II.
The Norman Conqueror. — London submits to William. —
William's Charters to the City. — The " Doomsday "
Book. — The Tower of London. — The election of
Henry I. — Henry's Charter to the City. — The Sheriff
wick of Middlesex. — The citizens to elect their own
Justiciar. — London's election of Stephen. — The Empress
Matilda. — London and the Synod at Winchester. —
The Empress Matilda in London. — The citizens
offended. — London holds the balance. Page 30

CHAPTER III.
Fitz- Stephen) s description of London. — Thomas Becket —
Charter of Henry II to the City. — Disturbances in the
City. — The revolt of the Barons. — Richard I and his

IX

Chancellor.— Longchamp at the Guildhall.— The City
and tts Commune. — Substitution of Mayor for Port-
Reeve. — Chronicle of Arnald Fitz-Thedmar. — The
City's claim at Coronation banquets. — Insurrection
under Longbeard. — The first Court of Aldermen. —
The Golden Bull.—Fitz-Walter the City's Castel-
lain. — London and the Great Charter. — Death of
King John. Page 55
CHAPTER IV.
The Barons desert Louis. — The Treaty of Lambeth. —
Tumult raised by Constantine. — Hubert de Burgh. —
The kingdom overrun by foreigners. — " Taken into the
King's hands."" — The Mad Parliament. — London
supports the Barons. — The City at the mercy of the
King. — The Provisions of Oxford. — Organization of
Craft Guilds. — Thomas Fitz-Thomas, Mayor — The
Mise of Amiens. — The Battle of Lewes. — Simon de
Montfo7't's Parliament. — The Battle of Evesham and
its results. — The fate of Fitz -Thomas. — Queen Eleanor
and London Bridge. — The Mayoralty restored. —
Walter Hervy re-elected Mayor. Page 80

CHAPTER V.
Fitz-Thedmar' s prejudice against Hervy. — Charges
against Walter Hervy. — The results of his policy. —
Interruption of trade with Flanders. — Flemings
expelled from England. — Arrival of Edward T in
England. — The murder of Laurence Duket. — The
Iter at the Tower. — The City governed by a Warden
for thirteen years. — The expulsion of the Jews. — Death
of Queen Eleanor. — The King in difficulties. — The
Mayoralty restored. — Rising of the Scots under
Wallace. — Death of Edward I. Page ICJ

CHAPTER VI.
The accession of Edward II. — The Ordainers and their
work. — Richer de Refham, Mayor. — The fall of
Gaveston. — The citizens resist a Talliage. — Renewal
of war with Scotland. — Dissension in the City. —
Proceedings at the Iter of 1321. — Claims put forward
by the City. — Nicholas de Farndon deposed from
Mayoralty. — The Despensers. — Hamo de Chigwell,
Mayor. — Military service of Londoners. — The citizens
and the Earl of Lancaster. — Escape of Mortimer from
the Tower. — The City lost to Edward II. — Murder
of Bishop Stapleton. — Richard de Betoyne, Mayor. —
Death of the King. Page 132

CHAPTER VII.
Charters of Edward III to the City. — The City's
market monopoly. — Peace with Scotland. — The Corona
tion Stone.— John de Grantham., Mayor. — The King
and the Earl of Lancaster. — Trial of Hamo de
Chigwell. — London Merchants and the Staples. — A new
tax on Wool. — Richard de Betoyne, Mayor of the
Staple. — Betoyne's conduct at York approved. — Expira
tion of Treaty of Northampton. — Renewal of war with
France and Scotland. — The King's monopoly of
Wool. — The City prepares to defend itself. — A City
loan to the King. — The Battle of Sluys. Page 160

CHAPTER VIII.
The King's unexpected return. — The City's right to vary
Customs. — Edward again sets sail for France. —
The Battle of Cregy. — Surrender of Calais. — The
Black Death. — The City Mace. — Tlte Battle of
Poitiers. — City Loans. — The peace of Bretigny. 

Renewal of the war with France. — A list of the City's
grievances laid before the King. — Assessment on City
parishes. — Proceedings of the Good Parliament. —
Charges against City Aldermen. — The Common
Council chosen from the Guilds. — The City and the
Duke of Lancaster. — The Mayor and Aldermen
removed. — Death of Edward III. Page i8'j

CHAPTER. IX.
Reconciliation between Lancaster and the City. — Richard
the " Londoners' King."— John Philipot. — A City Loan
of £sf)00. — The Mayor assessed as an Earl. — The
Poll Tax and Peasants' Revolt. — William Walworth. —
Reforms under John de Northampton. — Nicholas Exton,
Alderman, deposed. — Nicholas Brem-bre, Mayor. —
Proceedings against John de Northampton. — Com
mitted to Tintagel Castle. — The book called ^Jubilee." —
Efforts to obtain Northampton's release. — Disaffection
towards the King. — The Lords Appellant in the City. —
Trial and execution of Nicholas Brembre. — Re
appearance of Northampton. — The City refuses a loan
to Richard. — The Mayor deposed. — The City fined. —
Farringdon Ward, Within and Without. — Henry of
¦ Lancaster welcomed by the citizens. — The King
deposed.  Page 212
CHAPTER X.
Doubtful reports as to the late King's death. — The
Trumpington Conspiracy. — The Lollards. — Tlie Statute
of Heresy. — Tax on real estate in the City. — Richard
Whitington, Mayor. — Accession of Henry V. — Pro
ceedings against Oldcastle. — The Mayor's precedence
in the City. — Battle of Agincourt. — More City loans. —
Henry's conquest of Normandy. — The Treaty of
Troyes. — Death of King Henry V. Page 247

XII

CHAPTER XI.
Rival claims of Bedford and Gloucester. — Gloucester and
Cardinal Beaufort. — Relief of Orleans. — Allowances
to City Members of Parliament. — Coronation of
Henry VI. — The King's return from France. —
Financial Reform. — Calais appeals to London. — The
penance of Eleanor Cobham. — Tlie King's Charter to
the City.— Jack Cade's Rebellion. — Mock trials held
at the Guildhall. — Capture and death of Cade. —
Rivalry between York and Somerset. — The citizens
impoverished.— The Duke of York nominated Pro
tector. — Attack on the Lombards in the City. — A
French descent on South Coast. — A general recon
ciliation at St. Paul's. — Riot between citizens and
Templars. — Commissions of array. — The Yorkists ad
mitted into the City. — The Tower surrenders. — Richard,
Duke of York, claims the Crown. — Is killed at Wake
field. — London forsaken by Henry. — Edward, Duke of
York, proclaimed King. Page 268

CHAPTER XII.
Charters of Edward IV to the City. — Renewal of the Civil
War. — Henry VI restored to the Crown. — Sir Thomas
Cooke, Alderman. — The '¦'¦bastard" Fauconberg. —
Restoration of Edward IV. — Accession of Edward V. —
The City and the Duke of Gloucester. — Shaw's sermon
at Raid's Cross. — The Duke of Buckingham at
the Guildhall. — Edward V deposed. — Coronation of
Richard III. — Bold speech of the citizens. — The
Battle of Bosworth.- — Accession of Henry VII. — The
sweating sickness. — Visit of Henry VII to the City. —
Lambert Simnel. — The Per kin Warbeck Conspiracy. —
Defeat and capture of Warbeck. — The marriage of
Prince Arthur. — The City loses control over the

XUI

Companies. — Marriage of the Princess Mary. — Last
days of Henry VII. Page 30'/

CHAPTER XIII.
Proceedings against Empson and Dudley. — Coronation
of Henry VIII. — Soldiers furnished by the City. —
The New Learning. — The City of London School. —
Dean Colet and St. Paul's School. — Provincial schools
founded by citizens.- — Cardinal Wolsey. — The Mayor
and Aldermen before the Star Chamber. — Evil May
day. — The City obtains the King's pardon. — An
epidemic in the City. — Reception of Cardinal Cam-
peggio. — The Emperor Charles visits the City. — Trial
and execution of Buckingham. — More City loans. —
Livery Companies to surrender their plate. — Parlia
ment threatened by Wolsey. — Diplomatic Intrigue. —
The Amicable Loan. — A truce with France. — Paid
Wythypol, Merchant-Tailor. — The Legatine Court at
Blackfriars. — The fall of Wolsey. Page 343

CHAPTER XIV.
The House of Commons and the Clergy. — City Tithes. —
The Great Beam. — Anne Boleyn and the citizens. —
The Act of Succession. — The Commissioners and the
Charterhouse. — Execution of Fisher and More. —
The Pilgrimage of Grace.— Jane Seymour — Anne of
Cleves. — Suppression of religious houses. — The division
of the spoil. — Institution of parish registers. — Great
increase of London poor. — The City endeavour to
acquire certain hospitals.— Return of the Plague. —
Renewal of war with France. — A Benevolence raised
in the City. — More levies to be raised. — Enforcement of
Uniformity. — Anne Ascue. — The City and Saint
Bartholomew's Hospital. — Funeral of Henry VIII.
Page 383

CHAPTER XV.
The Coronation of Edward VI.—The Reformation.—
Superstitious uses. — Spoilation of the churches. — The
'^ tuning of the pulpits P —Cranmer at St. Paul' s. — Ket's
Rebellion. — The City opposed to the Protector. — The
Protector lodged in the Tower. — Bonner, Bishop of
London. — The King entertained by Sheriff York. —
The Borough of Southwark. — The ward of Bridge
Without. — Unpopularity of Warwick. — The fall of
Somerset. — Tlie City and the Royal Hospitals. — Alder
man Dobbs and Christ's Hospital. Page 420

CHAPTER XVI.
Northumberland's Conspiracy. — Lady Jane Grey. — Mary
proclaimed Queen in the City. — The Mass restored. —
Disturbances in the City. — Coronation of Queen
Mary. — Wyatt' s Rebellion. — Queen Mary at the Guild
hall. — Suppression of the Rebellion. — The Lord Mayor
before the Star Chamber. — Men and money demanded
of the City. — The Queen's marriage. — Reconciliation
with the Phpe. — The Marian persecution. — Foreigners
in the City. — Declaration of war with France. —
Soldiers furnished by the City. — The loss of Calais. —
Another City loan. — Death of Mary. Page 453

CHAPTER XVII.
Coronation of Queen Elizabeth. — Restoration ofthe Prayer
Book. — The war with France. — The loss of Havre or
Newhaven. — The Restoration of St. Paul's. — The
Inception of the Royal Exchange. — Sir Thomas
Gresham. — The Royal Exchange completed. — In
surance business at Royal Exchange. — Gresham
College. — The Act of Uniformity enforced. — The City

flooded with political refugees. — The first public
lottery. — Seizure of Spanish vessels. — The Duke of
Alva's Envoy in the City. — Measures of retaliation
against Spain. — The rising in the North. — Elizabeth
ex-communicated. — The Battle of Lepanto. — FurtJier
calls for money and men. — Count Casimir entertained
by Gresham. Page 484
CHAPTER XVIII.
Preparations for war. ^Jesuits in the City. — Special
preachers for the City. — Dutch Envoys lodged in the
City. — The fall of Antwerp. — The Babington Conspi
racy. — preparations to meet the Artnada. — The advent
of the Arm.ada. — Richard Tomson and his exploit. —
The Armada driven Northward. — Thanksgiving service
at St. Paul's. — Frobisher, Hawkins and Martin
Bond. — The camp at Tilbury. — More City loans. —
The City and disbanded soldiers. — The City and the
Earl of Essex. — Privateering against Spain. — The
City's Fleet. — Alderman Sir John Spencer, Lord
Mayor. — The Capture of Cadiz. — The City refuses
further supplies. — The Tyrone Rebellion. — A Spanish
descent threatened. — Insurrection of Earl of Essex. —
Mountjoy in Ireland. — The last days of Elizabeth. Page 523

CHAPTER I.
The wealth and importance of the City of London The great-
are due to a variety of causes, of which its geographical London.
position must certainly be esteemed not the least, ^f)^^ ^"^ "^
The value of such a noble river as the Thames was geographical position.
scarcel}' over-estimated by the citizens when, as the
story goes, they expressed to King James their com
parative indifference to his threatened removal of
himself, his court and parliament, from London, if
only their river remained to them. The mouth of the
Thames is the most convenient port on the western
most boundary of the European seaboard, and ships
would often run in to replenish their tanks with the
sweet water for which it was once famous.^
After the fall of the Western Empire (a.d. 476),
commercial enterprise sprang up among the free towns
of Italy. The carrying trade of the world's mer
chandise became centred for a time in Venice, and
that town led the way in spreading the principles of
commerce along , the shores of the Mediterranean,
being closely followed by Genoa, Florence, and Pisa.
The tide, which then set westward, and continued its
course beyond the Pillars of Hercules, was met in
later years by another stream of commerce from the
'Strype remarks of Thames water that it " did sooner become fine
and clear than the New River water, and was ever a clearer water."
—Strype, Stow's Survey, ed. 1720, bk. i, p. 25, Another writer
speaks of "that most delicate and serviceable ryver of Thames. —
Howes's Chron., p. 938.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The tenure
of the City
of London
compared with other
boroughs.

shores ofthe Baltic.^ Small wonder, then, if the City
of London was quick to profit by the continuous
stream of traffic passing and repassing its very door,
and vindicated its title to be called— as the Venerable
Bede had in very early days called it the Emporium
of the Worid.2
But if London's prosperity were solely due to its
geographical position, we should look for the same un
rivalled pre-eminence in commerce in towns hke
Liverpool or Bristol, which possess similar local
advantages ; whilst, if royal favour or court gaieties
could make cities great, we should have surely
expected Winchester, Warwick, York, or Stafford
to have outstripped London in political and com
mercial greatness, for these were the residences of
the rulers of Mercia, Northumbria, and Wessex, and
the scenes of witena-gemots long before London
could boast of similar favours. Yet none of these
equals London in extent, population, wealth, or
political importance.
We must therefore look for other causes of
London's pre-eminence, and among these, we may
reckon the fact that the City has never been subject
to any over-lord except the king. It never foiTned a
portion of the king's demesne {dominium), but has
ever been held by its burgesses as tenants in capite by
burgage (free socage) tenure. Other to-wois like

'During Edgars reign (958-975). the foreign trade of the City had
increased to such a degree, and notably with a body of German
merchants from the Eastern shores of the Baltic, called " Easterlings"
(.subsequently known as the I lanse Merchants of the Steel-yard), that
his son and successor Ethelred drew up a code of laws for the. purpose
of regulating it.
^"Et ipsa {i.e. Lundonia) multorum emporium populorum terri
marique venientium." — Hist. Eccl., lib. ii, cap. iii.

THE CITY NOT IN DEMESNE.
Bristol, Plymouth, Beverley, or Durham, were subject
to over-lords, ecclesiastical or lay, in the person of
archbishop, bishop, abbot, baron or peer of the
realm, who kept in their own hands many of the
privileges which in the more favoured City of London
were enjoyed by the municipal authorities.
In the early part of the twelfth century, the town
of Leicester, for instance, was divided into four parts,
one of which was in the king's demesne, whilst the
rest were held by three distinct over-lords. In course
of time, the whole of the shares fell into the hands of
Count Robert of Meulan, who left the town in
demesne to the Earls of Leicester and his descendants ;
and to this day the borough bears on its shield the
arms of the Bellomonts.^ The town of Birmingham is
said, in like manner, to bear the arms of the barons
of that name ; the town of Cardiff, those of the De
Clares ; and Manchester, those of the Byrons.
Instances might be multiplied. But the arms of
the City of London and of free boroughs, like
Winchester, Oxford, and Exeter, are referable to no
over-lord, although the borough of Southwark still
bears traces in its heraldic shield of its former
ecclesiastical connection.
The influence of an over-lord for good or evil. The powers
over those subject to his authority, was immense, lord.
Take for instance, Sheffield, which was subject, in the
reign of Elizabeth, to the Earl of Shrewsbury. The
cutlery trade, even in those days, was the main-stay of
the town, and yet the earl could make and unmake
the rules and ordinances which governed the Cutlers'
'Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 409.

B 2

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

London
under the
Roman
Empire.

Company, and could claim one half of the fines im
posed on its members.^
When, during the reign of Charies II, nearly
every municipal borough in the kingdom was forced
to surrender its charter to the king, the citizens of
Durham surrendered theirs to the Bishop, who, to
the intense horror of a contemporary writer, reserved
to himself and his successors in the See the power
of approving and confirming the mayor, aldermen,
recorder, and common council of that city.^
The commercial greatness of London can be
traced back to the time of the Roman occupation of
Britain. From being little more than a stockaded fort,
situate at a point on the river's bank which admitted
of an easy passage by ferry across to Southwark, Lon
don prospered under the protection afforded to its
traders by the presence of the Roman legions, but it
never in those days became the capital of the province.
Although a flourishing centre of commerce in the middle
of the first century of the Christian era, it was not
deemed of sufficient importance by Suetonius, the
Roman general, to run the risk of defending against
Boadicea,^ and although thought worthy of the title of
Augusta — a name bestowed only on towns of ex
ceptional standing — ^the Romans did not hesitate to
leave both town and province to their fate as soon
as danger threatened them nearer home.
'See ordinances made by the Earl (32 Eliz.).— Hunter's Hallam-
shire (1819), p. 119.
^ LuttreU, Diary, i, p. 314.
= " At Suetonius mira consLmtia medios inter hostes Londinium
perrexit, cognomento quidem colonife non insigne, sed copia negotia-
torum et commeatuuni maxime celebre." — Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 33.

THE ROMAN OCCUPATION.
For military no less than for commercial pur- Roman
poses— and the Roman occupation of Britain was ^'S^ways. ,
mainly a military one — good roads were essential, and
these the Romans excelled in making. It is remark
able that in the Itinerary of Antoninus Pius, London
figures either as the starting point or as the terminus to
nearly one-half of the routes described in the portion
relating to Britain.^ The name of one and only one
of these Roman highways survives in the city at the
present day, and then only in its Teutonic and not
Roman form — the Watling or "Wathelinga" Street,
the street which led from Kent through the city of
London to Chester and York, and thence by two
branches to Carhsle and the neighbourhood of New
castle. The Ermin Street, another Roman road with
a Teutonic name, led from London to Lincoln, with
branches to Doncaster and York, but its name no
longer survives in the city.
The same reasons that led the Romans to London
estabhsh good roads throughout the country led theaVwali.
them also to erect a bridge across the river from
London to Southwarlc, and in later years to enclose
the city with a wall. To the building of the bridge,
which probably took place in the early years of the
Roman occupation, London owed much of its youth
ful prosperity ; whenever any accident happened to
the bridge the damage was always promptly repaired.
Not so with the walls of the city. They were allowed
to fall into decay until the prudence and military
genius of the great Alfred caused them to be repaired
as a biilwark against the onslaughts of the Danes.
' For the direction of the various routes, see Elton's Origins of
Engl. Hist., p. 344 note.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The depar
ture of the
Roman
legions, and
its conse
quences.

Appeal to
Rome for
aid against
the Picts
and Scots.
a.d. 446.

" Britain had been occupied by the Romans, but
had not become Roman," ^ and the scanty and super
ficial civilization which the Britons had received
from the Roman occupation was obliterated by
the calamities which followed the northern invasions
of the fifth and following centuries. A Christian
city, as Augusta had probably been, not a vestige ot
a Christian church of the Roman period has come
down to us.^ It quickly lapsed into paganism.
Its very name disappears, and with it the names
of its streets, its traditions and its customs. Its in
habitants forgot the Latin tongue, and the memories
of 400 years were clean wiped out. There remains to
us of the present day nothing to remind us of London
under the Roman empire, save a fragment of a wall,
a milestone, a few coins and statuettes, and some
articles of personal ornament or domestic use — little
more in fact, than what may be seen in the Museum
attached to the Guildhall Library. The long sub
jection to Roman rule had one disastrous effect. It
enervated the people and left them powerless to cope
with those enemies who, as soon as the iron hand of
the Roman legions was removed, came forth from
their hiding places to hany the land.
Thus it was that when the Picts and Scots again
broke loose from their northern fastnesses and threat
ened London as they had done before (a.d. 368), they
once more appealed for aid to the Roman emperor, by
whose assistance the marauders had formerly been
driven back. But times were different in 446 to
' Stubbs, Const. Hist., i., 60.
^The church of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill claims a Roman origin,
but its claim is unsubstantiated by any proof.

THE SAXONS IN ENGLAND.
what they had been in 368. The Roman empire
was itself threatened with an invasion of the Goths,
and the emperor had his hands too full to allow him
to lend a favourable ear to the "groans of the
Britons." ^
Compelled to seek assistance elsewhere, the Meeting
Britons invited a tribe of warriors, ever ready to let ^e Britons '
their services for hire, from the North Sea, to lend ?,^" '" *^
' ' Saxons.
them their aid. The foreigners came in answer to
the invitation, they saw, they conquered ; and then
they refused to leave an island the fertility of which
they appreciated no less than they despised the
slothfulness of its inhabitants.^ They turned their J/^^*^^"'*^
weapons against their employers, and utterly routed "Crecgan
them at Crayford, driving them to take refuge within a.d. 457.
the walls of London.
"A.D. 457 (456). This year Hengist and ^sc
" [Eric or Ash] his son fought against the Britons at
" a place called Crecgan- Ford [Crayford] and there
" slew four thousand men, and the Britons then for-
"sook Kent, and in great terror fled to London."^
So runs the Anglo-Saxon chronicle, and this is the
sole piece of information concerning London it vouch
safes us for one hundred and fifty years following
the departure of the Romans. The information,
' This appeal took the following form : — " The groans of the
Britons to Aetius, for the third time Consul \i.e. a.d. 446J. The
Savages drive us to the sea, and the sea casts us back upon the savages ;
so arise two kinds of death, and we are either drowned or slaughtered. "
^— Elton, Origins, of Engl. Hist., p. 360.
2 " Postea vero explorata insulce fertilitate et indigenarum inertia,
rupto fcedere, in ipsos, a quibus fuerant invitati arma vertenint."
—Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Anglic. (Rolls Series No. 82). Pro-
oemium, p. 13.
' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 12.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

London, the
metropolisof the East
Saxons.

Mellitus, the
first Bishop
of London,
A.D. 604.

scant as it is, serves to show that London had not
quite become a deserted city, nor had yet been de
vastated as others had been by the enemy. Its
walls still served to afford shelter to the temfied
refugees. When next we read of her, she is in the possession
of the East Saxons. How they came there is a matter
for conjecture. It is possible that with the whole of
the surrounding counties in the hands of the enemy,
the Londoners were driven from their city to seek
means of subsistence elsewhere, and that when the
East Saxons took possession of it, they found houses
and streets deserted. Little relishing a life within a
town, they probablj' did not make a long stay, and, on
their departure, the former inhabitants returned and
the city slowly recovered its wonted appearance,
as the country around became more settled.
Christianity in the country had revived, and Lon
don was now to receive its first bishop. It is the year
604. " This year," writes the chronicler, "Augustine
" hallowed two bishops, Mellitus and Justus ; Melhtus
" he sent to preach baptism to the East Saxons, whose
" king was called Seberht, son of Ricula, the sister of
" Ethelbert whom Ethelbert had there set as king.
"And Ethelbert gave to Mellitus a bishop's see at
"London." This passage is remarkable for two
reasons : — (i) as shewing us that London was at this
time situate in Essex, the kingdom of the East Saxons,
and (2) that Seberht was but a rot faineant, enjoying
no real independence in spite of his dignity as ruler of
the East Saxons and nominal master of London, his
uncle Ethelbert, king of the Cantii, exercising a hege-

THE BISHOP OF LONDON. ,
mony over " all the nations of the English as far as
the Humber." ^
Hence it is that London is spoken of by some as
being the metropolis of the East Saxons,^ and by
others as being the principal city of the Cantii ; ' the
fact being that, though locally situate in Essex, it was
deemed the political capital of that kingdom which
for the time being happened to be paramount.
After the death of Seberht, the Londoners st. Paul's
became dissatisfied with their bishop and drove him founded\)y
out. Mellitus became in course of time Archbishop Ethelbert.
of Canterbury, whilst the Londoners again relapsed
into paganism.* Not only was the erection of a cathe
dral in the city due to Ethelbert, but it was also at
his instigation, if not with his treasure, that Seberht,
the " wealthy sub-king of London," was, as is
believed, induced to found the Abbey of West
minster.^ When the Saxon kingdoms became united under The rival
Egbert and he became rex totius BritannicB (a.d. 827), Lond^on and
Winchester.
' " In qua videlicet gente tune temporis Sabertus, nepos Ethelberti
ex sorore Ricula, regnabat quamvis sub potestate positus ejusdem
Ethelberti, qui omnibus, ut supra dictum est,_ usque ad terminum
HumbrEe fluminis, Anglorum gentibus imperabat." — Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii.
^"Quorum \i.e., Orientalium Saxonum] metropolis Lundonia
civitas est." — Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii. So, again, another writer describes
London at the time it was devastated by the Danes in 851 as '' Sita
in aquilonari ripa Tamesis fluminis in confinio East-SiExum et Middel-
Ssxum, sed tamen ad East-S£Exum ilia civitas cum veritate pertinet." —
Flor. Wigorn., (ed. by Thorpe, for Engl. Hist. Soc), i, 72.
^ Kemble, Saxons in England, ii, 556.
¦* " Mellitum vero Lundonienses episcopum recipere noluerunt,
idolatris magis pontificibus servire gaudentes. Bede, Lib. ii, cap. vi.
—Cf. Flor. Wigorn. , i, 13.
*" Ecclesiam . . . beati Petri qute sita est in loco terribili qui
ab incolis Thorneye nuncupatur . . . quse olim . . . beati
Ethelberti hortatu ... a Sabertho prjedivite quodam sub-regulo
Lundonife, nepote videlicet ipsius regis, constructaest." — Kemble, Cod.
Dipl-. 555-

10 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
London began to take a more prominent place among
the cities of the kingdom, notwithstanding its having
been three times destroyed by fire between 674 and,
801.^ It became more often the seat of the royal
residence, and the scene of witena-gemots ; neverthe
less it was not the seat of government, much less the
capital. Then and for a long time to come it had a
formidable rival in Winchester, the chief town of
Egbert's own kingdom of Wessex. To Winchester
that king proceeded in triumph after completing the
union of the Saxon kingdoms, and thither he
summoned his vassals to hear himself proclaimed
their overlord. From Winchester, Alfred, too, pro
mulgated his new code of Wessex law — a part of the
famous Domboc, a copy of which is said to have been
at one time preserved among the archives of the City
of London ^ — and the Easter gemot, no matter where
the other gemots of the year were held, was nearly
always held at Winchester. When it came to a
question of trade regulation, then London took
precedence of Winchester. " Let one measure and
" one weight pass, such as is observed at London and
" at Winchester," ^ enacted King Edgar, whose system
of legislation was marked with so much success that
" Edgar's Law" was referred to by posterity as to the
old constitution of the realm.
London in I" the meantime, the country had been invaded
[he Ses."*^ ^y ^ ^""^^^ enemy, and the same atrocities which the
Briton had suffered at the hands of the Saxon, the
' Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), i, 8, 16, 18.
2 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., p. 53, &c.
'Thorpe, 114. The Troy weight was kept in the Husting of
London and known as the Husting weight. — Strype, Stow's Survey
(1720), Bk. v., 369. ¦'

THE DANES IN LONDON. II
Saxon was made to suffer at the hands of the
Dane. London suffered with the rest of the
kingdom. In 839 we read of a "great slaughter"
there ; ^ in 851 the city was in the hands of the enem}^,
and continued to remain at the vciQxcy of the Danes,
so much so, in fact, that in 872 we find the Danish
army taking up winter quarters within its walls, as in
a city that was their own.^
It was now, when the clouds were darkest, that The Treaty of
Alfred, brother of King Ethelred, appeared on the a.d. "878!'
scene, and after more than one signal success by land
and sea, concluded the treaty of Wedmore (a.d. 878)^
by which a vast tract of land bounded by an imaginary
line drawn from the Thames along the river Lea to
Bedford, and thence along the Roman Watling Street
to the Welsh border, was ceded to the enemy under
the name of Danelagh. The treaty, although it
curtailed the Kingdom of Wessex, and left London
itself at the mercy of the Danes, was followed by a
period of comparative tranquillity, which allowed
Alfred time to make preparations for a fresh struggle
that was to wrest from the enemy the land they had
won. The Danes, hke the Angles and the Jutes before The Danes
them, set little store by fortifications and walled towns, fjom ^'
preferring always to defend themselves by combat in London
open field, and the Roman wall of the City was
aflowed to fall still further into decay. In the eyes of
' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 55.
2 " And in the same year \i.e. 851] came three hundred and fifty
ships to the mouth of the Thames, .ind landed, and took Canterbury
and London by storm." — Id. ii, 56.
= Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 64, 65.

" restores"
London,

12 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Alfred on the other hand, London, with its sun'ounding
wall, was a place of the first importance, and one to
be acquired and kept at all hazards. At length he
achieved the object of his ambition and succeeded in
driving put the Danes, (a.d. 883 or 884).^
Alfred Whilst the enemy directed their attention to
further conquests in France and Belgium, Alfred bent
his energies towards repairing the City walls and
building a citadel for his defence^" the germ of that
" tower which was to be first the dwelling place of
Kings, and then the scene of the martyrdom of their
victims."^ To his foresight in this respect was it due
that the city of London was never again taken by
open assault, but successfully repelled all attacks whilst
the surrounding country was often devastated.
Nor did Alfred confine his attention solely to
strengthening the city against attacks of enemies
without or to making it more habitable. He also laid
the foundation of an internal Government analagous
to that established in the Shires. Under the year a.d.
886, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle^ records that "King
" Alfred restored London ; and all the Anglo race
" turned to him that were not in bondage of the
" Danish men ; and he then committed the burgh to
' The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle — the existence of which in its present
form has been attributed to Alfred's encouragement of literature — seems
to convey this meaning, although it is not quite clear on the point. Henry
of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 44, pp. 148—149) ascribes the
recovery of London by Alfred to the year 886. The late Professor
Freeman (Norman Conquest, i., 56) does the same, and compares the
status of London at the time wilh that of a German free city, which
it more nearly resembled, than an integral portion of a kingdom.
" Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 279.
' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 67. Cf. " Lundoniain civitatem honorifice
restauravit et habitabilem fecit quam etiam .lltheredo Merciorum comitti
servandam commendavit." — Flor. Wigorn., i,ioi.

13

ALFRED "RESTORES" LONDON.
" the keeping of the aldorman Ethelred." In course
of time the analogy between shire and city organiza-
zation became more close. Where the former had its
Shiremote, the latter had its Folkmote, meeting in St.
Paul's Churchyard by summons of the great bell.
The County Court found its co-relative in the Husting
Court of the City ; the Hundred Court in the City
Wardmote.^ For the next ten years Alfred busied himself An attack of
,.... . ...„ theDanes in
founding a navy and establishing order m different the absence
parts of the country, but in 896 he was compelled to gaUantf/
hasten to London from the west of England to assist "^f p^JI^.^ ^y
° the Citizens,
in the repulse of another attack of the Danes. Two a.d. 894.
years before (894) the Danes had threatened London,
having established ' a fortification at Beamfleate or
South Benfleet, in Essex, whence they harried the
surrounding country. The Londoners on that occasion
joined that part of the army which Alfred had left
behind in an attack upon the fort, which they not only
succeeded in taking, but they " took all that there was
" within, as well money as women and children, and
" brought all to London ; and all the ships they either
" brok&-in pieces or burned, or brought to London or
" to Rochester."^ Nor was this all : Hasting's wife
and his two sons had been made prisoners, but were
chivalrously restored by Alfred.
The Danes, however, were not to be daunted by Successful
strategy of
defeat nor moved frorn their purpose by the generous Alfred
conduct of Alfred. In 896 they again appeared. DMeslLo.
This time they erected a work on the sea, twenty ^96-
miles above London. Alfred made a reconnaissance
• Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 405. ' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 71.

H

TheLondon "frith-gild"
underAthelstan,
925-940.

First men
tion of a
Guildhall in
London.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
and closed up the river so that they found it impossible
to bring out their ships.^ They therefore abandoned
their vessels and escaped across country, and " the men
of London" writes the chronicler, "brought away the
" ships, and aU those which they could not bring off
" they broke up, and those that were stalworth they
" brought into London.^
The principle of each man becoming responsible
to the Government for the good behaviour of the
neighbour, involved in the system of frankpledge
which Alfred established throughout the whole of his
kingdom, subject to his rule, was carried a step further
by the citizens of London at a later date. Under
Athelstan (a.d. 925-940) we find them banding
together and forming an association for mutual defence
of life and property, and thus assisting the executive
in the maintenance of law and order. A complete
code of ordinances, regulating this " frith" or peace
gild, as it was called, drawn up by the bishops and
reeves of the burgh, and confirmed by the members
on oath, is still preserved to us.'
The enactments are chiefly directed against
thieves, the measures to be taken to bring them to
justice, and the penalties to be imposed on them, the
formation of a common fund for the pursuit of thieves,
and for making good to members any loss they may
have sustained. So far, the gild undertook duties of a
public character, such as are found incorporated among
' According to Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74. p. 150)
Alfred diverted the waters of the Lea that his enemy's ships were
stranded. ^ /(/., ii. Tl. Cf. " Quarum navium Lundonienses quasdam Lundo-
niamvehunt, quasdam vero penitus confringunt."— Flor. Wigorn., i, 115.
' Judicia Civitatis Lundoniee, Thorpe, 97, 103.

THE FRITH-GILD OF THE CITY. I
other laws of the kingdom, but it had, incidentally,
also its social and religious side. When the ruling
members met in their gild-hall,^ which they did once
a month, " if they could and had leisure," they enjoyed
a refection with ale-drinking or " byt-fiUing."
Some writers see in the "frith-gild" of Athelstan's The "frith-
day, nothing more than a mere "friendly society," fomething
meeting together once a rhonth, to drink their beer '"°''^ 'han a
mere
and consult about matters of mutual insurance and friendly
other topics of more or less social and religious ^°'^'^5'"
character.^ But there is evidence to show that the
tie which united members of a "frith-gild" was
stronger and more solemn than any which binds the
members of a friendly society or voluntary association.
The punishment of one who was guilty of breaking
his "frith" was practically banishment or death.
Such a one, in Athelstan's time, was ordered to abjure
the country, which probably meant no more than that
he was to leave his burgh or perhaps the shire in
which he dwelt, but if ever he returned, he might be
treated as a thief taken " hand-habbende " or one
taken with stolen goods upon him, in other words,
"with the mainour." ' A thief so taken might law
fully be killed by the first man who met him, and the
slayer was, according to the code of the "frith-gild,"
' This is the earliest mention of a guildhall in London ; and the ale-
making which took place at the meeting of the officers of the frith-guild,
accounts in all probability for Giraldus Cambrensis (Vita Galfridi,
Rolls Series No. 21 iii., u. 8.) having described the Guildhall of London
as "Aula publica quae a potorum conventu nomen accepit."
2 " Notwithstanding the butt-filling and feasting, this appears to
have been a purely religious and social guild, and, although it may have
subsequently become a power in the city, so far, it is only of importance
as the first evidence of combination among the inhabitants of London
for anything like corporate action." — Loftie, Hist, of London, i, 68.
'Laws' of Athelstan.— Thorpe, 93.

i6

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Encourage
ment given
to London
merchants.

Return of
the Danes
temp. Ethel
red the
Unready,
991-994.

"to be twelve pence the better for the deed.''^
Under these circumstances, it is more reasonable to
suppose, that the "frith-gild" was not so much a
voluntary association as one imposed upon members
of the community by some public authority.^
The commercial supremacy of London, not only
over Winchester but over every other town in the
kingdom, now becomes more distinct, for when Athel
stan appointed moneyers or minters throughout the
country, he assigned eight (the largest number of
all) to London, whilst for Winchester he appointed
only six, other towns being provided with but one or
at most two.' The king, moreover, showed his
predilection for London by erecting a mansion house
for himself within the city's walls.
The encouragement which Athelstan gave to
commercial enterprise by enacting, that any merchant
who undertook successfully three voyages across the
high seas at his own cost (if not in his own vessel)
should rank as a thane/ must have affected the London
burgess more than those of any other town.
Under Ethelred II, surnamed the "Unready"
or "redeless" from his indifference to the "rede" or
council of his advisers, the city would again have
'Judicia Civitatis Lundonife. — Thorpe, 100.
^ Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 178-179.
'Wilkins, Leges Anglo-Sax. , p. 59.
* "And if a merchant thrived so that he fared thrice over the wide
sea by his own means [cpapte, craft] then was he thenceforth of thane-
right worthy." (Thorpe, 81.) The word cpaepre is similarly translated
in Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saxonicss (ed. 1 72 1 , p. 7 1 . ) fer facilitates suas ;
but there seems no reason why it should not be taken to mean literally
a craft or vessel. The passage occurs in a list of "People's Rank"
which " formerly '' prevailed, and is probably of Athelstan's time, even
if it did not form part of the Judicia Civitatis Lundonije.- Wilkins,
op. cit. p. 70 note.

THE FIRST PAYMENT OF DANEGELT.
fallen into the hands of the Danes, but for the per
sonal courage displayed by its inhabitants and the
protection which, by Alfred's foresight, the walls were
able to afford them. In 994, Olaf and Sweyn sailed
up the Thames with a large fleet and threatened to
burn London. Obstinate fighting took place, but the
enemy, we are told, " sustained more harm and evil
" than they ever deemed that any townsman could do
" to them, for the Holy Mother of God, on that day,
" manifested her mercy to the townsmen and delivered
" them from their foes." ^
Matters might not have been so bad had not the The first
king already committed the fatal error of attempting pYnegeit,"
to secure peace by buying off the enemy. In 991, he 99 1-
had, with the consent of his witan, raised the ' sum of
;^io,ooo with which he had bribed the Danish host.
This was the origin of the tax known as Danegelt,
which in after years became one of the chief financial
resources of the Crown and continued almost uninter
ruptedly down to the reign of Henry II. The effect
of the bribe was naturally enough to induce the
enemy to make further depredations whenever in
want of money ; and accordingly, a Danish fleet
threatened London the very next year (992) and
again in 994. On this last occasion, the same wretched
expedient was resorted to, and the Danes were again
bought off.
Nor was cowardice the only charge of which The massa-
Ethelred was guilty. To this must be added treachery i^^^i" no^v"!^
and murder. In the year 100^, when he married the ¦°°--
daughter of the Duke of Normandy, hoping thereby
'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 105.

17

i8

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The murder
of Abp.
Alphage, I0I2.

to win the Duke's friendship and to close the harbours
on the French coast against Sweyn, Ethelred issued
secret orders for a massacre of all Danes found in
England. In this massacre, which took place on the
Festival of St. Brice (13th Nov.), perished Gunhild,
sister of Sweyn. Under these circumstances, it can
scarcely be wondered at, that thenceforth the Danish
invasions became more frequent, more systertiatic, and
more extensive than ever.
For four years they continued their depredations
" cruelly marking every shire in Wessex with burning
" and with harrying." Then they were again bought
off with a sum of ;^3 6,000, and two years' respite
(1007-8) was gained.^ It was a respite and no more.
As soon as they had spent their money, they came
again, and in 1009 made several assaults on
London — " They often fought against the town of
"London, but to God be praise that it yet stands
" sound, and they have ever fared ill." ^ Every year
they struck deeper into the heart of the country, and
carried their plundering expeditions from Wessex into
Mercia and East Angha.
In 1 01 1 Canterbury was taken and sacked,
Alphage, the Archbishop, being made prisoner, and
earned away by the Danish fleet to Greenwich.
Finding it impossible to extort a ransom, they brutally
murdered him (19th May, 1012), in one of their
drunken moods, pelting him in their open court or
" husting ' ' with bones and skulls of oxen." The worthy
prelate's corpse was allowed to be removed to London

' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 114. Vo'. ii, p. 115.
'/^. ii, pp. 117, 118. Annal, Monast., Waverley (Rolls Series,
No. 36), ii, p. 173.

LONDON SUBMITS TO SWEYN. 19
where it was reverently interred in St. Paul's. A few
years later, Cnut caused it to be transferred with due
solemnity to the Archbishop's own metropolitan
church of Canterbury.
In the following year, Sweyn was so successful Sweyn again
in reducing the Northumbrians and the inhabitants of London
the five boroughs,^ as well as the towns of Winchester ^•'°- '°'3-
and Oxford, taking hostages from each as he went,
that he thought he might venture once more to attack
London itself; hoping for better success than had
attended him on previous occasions. He was the
more anxious to capture London, because Ethelred
himself was there, but he again met with such
detennined resistance, and so many of his followers
were drowned in the Thames that for the fourth time
he had to beat a retreat.^
Leaving London for a while, Sweyn proceeded to London
conquer that part of England which still held out ^" ™'^'
against him, and having accomplished his purpose,
was again preparing to attack the one city which had
baffled all his attempts to capture, when the Londoners
themselves, finding further opposition hopeless, offered
their submission and left Ethelred to take care of
himself.^ This he did by betaking himself to
Normandy, where he remained until Sweyn's death
in the following year (3rd Feb., 1014).
Upon this event taking place, the crews of the Election of
Danish fleet assumed the right of disposing of the ^""'' '°'*-
'The towns of Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, and
Derby, which for many years were occupied by the Danes, were so
called. = Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, pp. 118, 119. ^ Id. ii, p. 119. Henry
of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No 74), p. 180. C 2

20 .LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
English crown, and elected Sweyn's son, Cnut, to be
king. The Enghsh, however, compelled as they had
been by superior strength to submit to the father,
were in no mood to accept without a struggle the
sovereignty of his son. The whole of the Witan at
once declared in favour of sending for Ethelred, with
the assurance "that no lord was dearer than their
" natural lord," if only he would promise to govern
them more justly than before.^ Ethelred sent M'ord
by Edmund his son that " he would be to them a
" kind lord, and amend all the things which they
" eschewed, and all the things should be forgiven
" which had been done or said to him, on condition
" that they all, unanimously and without treachery,
" would turn to him." Pledges were given and taken
on either side, and thenceforth a Danish king was to
be looked upon as an outlaw.^
Ethelred When Ethelred arrived in England, he was accom-
London.'° panied according to an Icelandic Saga,^ by King Olaf,
of Norway, who assisted hhn in expelhng the Danes
from Southwark, and gaining an entrance into the
city. The manner in which this was carried out, is
thus described. A small knot of Danes occupied a
stronghold in the City, whilst others were in possession
of Southwark. Between the two lay London Bridge
— a wooden bridge, "so broad that two waggons
" could pass each other upon it" — fortified by barri
cades, towers, and parapets, and manned by Danes.
Ethelred was naturally very anxious to get possession
'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 120. ^ jd. ii, p. 120. Cf. "Ad hsec
principes se non amplius Danicum regem admissuros in Angliam
unaniraiter spoponderunt." — Flor. Wigorn., i, p. 169.
' The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the kings of Norway, translated
from the Icelandic of Snorro Sturleson, ii, pp. 8-11.

CNUT EXPELLED BY ETHELRED. 21
of the bridge, and a meeting of chiefs was summoned
to consult how it could be done. Olaf promised to
lay his fleet alongside the bridge if the Enghsh would
do the same. This was agreed upon. Having
covered in the decks of the vessels with a wooden
roof to protect the crew and fighting men, Olaf suc
ceeded in rowing right up to the bridge and laying
cables round its piers. This done, he caused his ships
to head down stream and the crews to row their
hardest. The result was that the piles were loosened.
and the bridge, heavily weighted by the Danes who
were fighting upon it, gave way. Many were thrown
into the river, whilst others made good their retreat
to Southwark, which was soon afterwards stormed
and taken. This incident in connection with
Ethelred's return fonned the subject of more than
one Scandinavian poem, of which the following
may serve as a specimen : —
" London Bridge is broken down-
Gold is won and^ bright renown.
Shields r^jpnding,
AVar-horns sounding,
Hildur shouting in the din !
Arrows singing,
Mail-coats ringing —
Odin makes our Olaf win ! "
For a short while after his return Ethelred dis- Drives Cnut
„ . . 1 ,1 out of Eng-
played a spint of patriotism and courage beyond any land.
he had hitherto shown. He succeeded in surprising
and defeating the Danes in that district of Lincoln
shire known as Lindsey, and drove Cnut to take
refuge in his ships, and eventually to sail away to
Denmark.^ 'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, I20.

22

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Return of
Cnut, A.D.
1015.

It was not long before he again appeared ; he was
then, however, to meet in the field Ethelred's son,
Edmund, whose valour had gained for him the name of
Ironside. This spirited youth, forming a striking con
trast to the weak and pusillanimous character of his
father, had collected a force to withstand the enemy,
but the men refused to fight unless Ethehed came
with them, and unless they had " the support of the
"citizens of London." ^ A message was therefore
sent to him at Lo'ndon to take the field with such a
force as he could gather. Father and son thereupon
joined forces ; but the king was in ill-health, and it
wanted but a whisper of treachery to send him back
to the security of London's walls. Thither, too,
marched Cnut, but before he arrived Ethelred had
died (23rd April, 1016).^ The late king was buried
in St. Paul's.*

The laws of
Ethelred
regulating
foreign trade.

The city of London had by this time attained a
position higher than it had ever reached before.
" We cannot as yet call it Ae capital of the kingdom,
" but its geographical posinro made one of the chief
" bulwarks of the land, and in no part of the realm do
" we find the inhabitants outdoing the patriotism and
"courage of its vahant citizens."* Under Edgar
the foreign trade with the city had increased to such
an extent that Ethelred, his son, deemed it time to
draw up a code of laws to regulate the customs to be
paid by the merchants of France and Flanders as well
as by the " emperor's men," the fore-runners of those
"easterhng" merchants, who, from their headquarters
'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 121. 'Id. ii., 122.
'Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series, No. 90), i, 215.
' Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 308.

23

THE LAWS OF ETHELRED.
in the Steel-yard at Dowgate, subsequently became
known as merchants of the Steel-yard.^
Among the multitude of foreigners that in after-
years thronged the streets of the city bartering
pepper and spices from the far east, gloves and
cloth, vinegar and wine, in exchange for the rural
products of the country, might be seen the now
much hated but afterwards much favoured Dane.^
The Dane was again master of all England, except
London, and Ethelred's kingdom, before the close of
his reign, was confined within the narrow limits of the
city's walls ; " that true-hearted city was once more
"the bulwark of England, the centre of every patriotic
"hope, the special object of every hostile attack." *
At Ethelred's death the Witan who were in Election of
London united with the inhabitants of the city in ironside by
choosing Edmund as his successor. This is the first '^^ ^oi'e""
recorded instance of the Londoners having taken a
direct part in the election of a king. Cnut disputed
Edmund's right to the crown, and proceeded to attack
the city. He sailed up the Thames with his fleet,
but being unable to pass the bridge, he dug a canal
on the south side of the river, whereby he was
enabled to carry his ships above bridge, and so invest
the city along the whole length of the riverside. To
complete the investment, and so prevent any of the
inhabitants escaping either by land or water, he
' Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, 127, 128.
'^ In course of time the natives of Denmark acquired the privilege
of sojourning all the year round in London— a privilege accorded to
few, if any other, foreigners. They enjoyed moreover the benefits of
the ' the law of the city of London ' (la lei de la citie de Loundres) in
other words, the right of resorting to fair or market in any place
throughout England. — Liber Cust. pt. i, p. 63.
' Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 418.

24

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Cnul'sattempts on
London
frustrated.

Victory of
the Danes at
Assandun, 1016.

Agreement
between Edmund
and Cnut for
partition of
the kingdom.

Cnut king
of all
England, 1016-1035.

ditched the city round, so that none could pass in
or out.^ This, as weU as two other attempts made by Cnut
within a few weeks of each other to capture Lon
don by siege, were frustrated by the determined
opposition of the citizens.^ "Almighty God saved
it," as the chronicler piously remarks.^
Nor was Cnut more successful in the field, being
worsted in no less than five pitched battles against
Edmund, until by the treachery of Edmund's brother-
in-law, Eadric, alderman of Mercia, he succeeded at
last in vanquishing the Enghsh army on the memor
able field of Assandun.*
After this Edmund reluctlantly consented to a
conference and a division of the kingdom. The
meeting took place at Olney, and there it was agreed
that Edmund should retain his crown, and rule over
all England south of the Thames, together with East
Anglia, Essex and London, whilst Cnut should enjoy
the rest of the- kingdom. " The citizens, beneath
" whose walls the power of Cnut and his father had
" been so often shattered, now made peace with the
" Danish host. As usual, money was paid to them,
" and they were allowed to winter as friends within
" the unconquered city."^
The partition of the kingdom between Edmund
and Cnut had scarcely been agreed upon before the
former unexpectedly died (30th Nov., 10 16) and Cnut

'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 122.

' At oppidanis magnanimiter

pugnantibus repulsa." — Malmesbury, i, 216.
'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 123. Va'.ii, 121, 123. Henry of Hunting
don relates that Eadric caused a panic on the field of battle by crying out
that Edmund had been killed. " Flet Engle, flet Engle, ded is
Edmund." * Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 437.

THE "LITHSMEN" OF LONDON. 2
became master of London and king of all England.
His rule was mild, beneficent and just, recognising no
distinction between Dane and Englishman, and
throughout his ¦ long reign of nearly twenty years
the citizens of London enjoyed that perfect peace so
necessary for the successful exercise of their com
mercial pursuits.
At the election of Cnut's successor which took Election of
place at Oxford in 1035, the Londoners again played cessors. "'^
an important part. This time, however, it was "^3-
not the "burhwaru or burgesses" of the City who
attended the gemot which had been summoned for
the purpose of election, but "lithsmen" of London.
As to who these " lithsmen " were, and how they The liths
men of
came to represent the City (if indeed they represented London
the City at all) on this important occasion much gemot at
controversy has arisen. To some they appear as 0''f°'^<i-
nothing more than the " nautic multitude " or " sea
faring men " of London.^ On the other hand, there
are those who hold that they were merchants who
had achieved thane right under the provisions of
Athelstan's day already mentioned ; ^ whilst there are
still others who are inclined to look upon them as so
many commercial travellers who had made their way
to Oxford by river in the ordinary course of business,
and who happened by good fortune to have been in that
city at the time of a great pohtical crisis.^ The truth
' Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 53S.
^"The 'lithsmen' (ship-owners) of London, who with others
raised Harold to the throne, were doubtless such 'burg-thegns.' "
—Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 186. Cf Lingard, i, 318. Norton
Commentaries, pp. 23-24.
'Green, Conquest of England, p. 462. Loftie, Hist, of Lon
don, i, 73. "The Londoners who attended must 'have gone by
way of the river in their " ' liths.' " — Historic Towns, London
(Loftie), p. 197.

26 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
probably lies somewhere between these extremes.
The "hthsmen" may not themselves have been
thanes, although they are recorded as having been at
Oxford with almost all the thanes north of the
Thames ; ^ but that they were something more than
mere watermen, such as we shall see joining with the
apprentices of London at important political crises,
and that they were acting more or less as representa
tives of the Londoners who had already acquired a
predominant voice in such matters, seems beyond doubt
Londoners During the next thirty years London took no
peace above promiuont part in the affairs of the country, content if
all things. only allowed to have leisure to mind its owm business.
The desire for peace is the key-note to the action
of the citizens of London at every important crisis.
Without peace, commerce became paralyzed. Peace
could be best secured by a strong government, and
such a government, whether in the person of a king
or protector could count upon their support. " For
" it they were ready to devote their money and their
"Hves, for commerce, the child of opportiftiity, brought
"wealth; wealth power; and power led independence
"in its train." The quarrels of the half-brothers,
Harold and Harthacnut, the attempt by one or both
of the sons of Ethelred and Emma to recover their
father's kingdom, and the question ofthe innocence or
guilt of Earl Godwine in connection with the murder
of one of them, affected the citizens of London only so
far as such disturbances were hkely to impede the
traffic of the Thames or to make it dangerous for them
to convey their merchandise along the highways of
the country. 'Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 129.

LONDON THE CAPITAL. 27
The payment of Danegelt at the accession of Revival of
Harthacnut (a.d. 1040),^ probably touched the feel- a.d",To4o.
ings, as it certainly did the pockets, of the Londoners,
more than any other event which happened during
this period. Upon the sudden death of Harthacnut (a.d. London the
1042), who died in a fit " as he stood at his drink," ^ eapTy!!/.
the choice of the whole nation fell on Edward, his Edward,
' Confessor.
half-brother — "before the king buried were, all folk
chose Edward to king at London."^ The share that
the Londoners took in this particular election is not
so clear as in other cases. Nevertheless, the importance
of the citizens was daily growing, and by the time of
the accession of Edward the Confessor, the City was
recognised as the capital of the kingdom, the chief
seat for the administration of the law, and the place
where the king usually resided.*
In early Saxon times the witan had met in any Gemots held
town where the king happened at the time to be ; '" London.
and although theoretically every freeman had a right
to attend its meetings, practically the citizens of the
town wherein the gemot happened at the time to be
held, enjoyed an advantage over freemen coming from
a distance. Alfred ordained that the witan should
' At (he death of Harold, Harthacnute was invited to accept the
crown by an embassy from England, of which the Bishop of London
was a member. He accepted the offer and crossed over from the
continent with a fleet of sixty ships, manned by Danish soldiers, and his
first act was to demand eight marks for each rower ; an imposition that
was borne with difficulty. Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 132.
^Anglo-Sax Chron., ii, 132.
'Freeman, Norman Conquest, 2nd ed., ii. 5. But according to
Kemble (Saxons in England, ii, 259 note), Edward's election took
place at a hastily convened meeting at Gillingham.
* " London, que caput est regni et legum, semper curia domini regis.''
— Laws of Edward Confessor, Thorpe, p. 197 note.

28 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
meet in London for purposes of legislation twice a
year.i Athelstan, Edmund and Edgar had held
gemots in London, the last mentioned king holding a
great gemot {mycel gemSt) in St. Paul's Church in 973.
London During the reign of Edward the Confessor, at
cfimJf^ least six meetings of the witan took place in London ;
i°52- the more important of these being held in 105 1 and
the following year. By the gemot of 1051, which
partook of the nature of a court-martial. Earl Godwine
was condemned to banishment ; but before a twelve
month had elapsed, he was welcomed back at a great
assembly or mycel gemdt held in the open air without
the walls of London.^ The nation had become
disatisfied owing to the king's increasing favour to
Norman strangers, but the earl desired to learn how
stood the City of London towards him, and for this
purpose made a stay at Southwark. He was soon
satisfied on this point. " The townsfolk of the great
" city were not a whit behind their brethren of Kent
" and Sussex in their zeal for the national cause. The
" spirit which had beaten back Swend and Cnut, the
" spirit which was in after times to make London ever
" the stronghold of Enghsh freedom, the spirit which
" made its citizens foremost in the patriot armies alike
" of the thirteenth and of the seventeenth centuries,
" was now as warm in the hearts of those gallant
"burghers as in any eariier of later age. With a
"voice all but unanimous, the citizens declared in
" favour of the deliverer ; a few votes only, the votes,
" it may be, of strangers or of courtiers, were given
' ^'°} a list of gem6ts held in London from A.D. 790, see Kemble's
Saxons in England, 11, 241-261.
- Malmesbury, i, 242-244. Freeman, ii, 148-332.

29

EARL GODWINE AND THE CITIZENS.
" against the emphatic resolution, that what the earl
" would the city would." ^ Having secured the favour
of London his cause was secure. That the citizens
heartily welcomed the earl, going forth in a body to
meet him on his arrival, we learn also from another
source f although, one at least of the ancient chroni
clers strongly hints that the favour of the citizens had
been obtained by bribes and promises.^ The earl's
return was marked by decrees of outlawry against the
king's foreign favourites, whose mahgn influence he
had endeavoured formerly to counteract, and who had
proved themselves strong enough to procure the
banishment of himself and family.
The last gemot held under Edward was one The dedica-
specially summoned to meet at Westminster at the Westminster
close of the year 1065, for the purpose of witnessing ^'0^^106';
the dedication of the new abbey church which the
king loved so well and to which his remains were so
shortly afterwards to be carried.
He died at the opening of the year, and the same Death of
witan who had attended his obsequies elected Harold, Confessor.
the late Earl Godwine's son, as his successor. This
election, however, was doomed to be overthrown by
the powerfiil sword of William the Norman.
' Freeman, ii, 324.
^Sed omnis civitas duel obviam et auxilio processit et prsesidio
acclamantque illi omnes una voce prospere in adventu suo. " Life of
Edward Conf." (Rolls Series No. 3.), p. 406.
' "Interim quosdam per internuntios, quosdam per se cives Lundoni
enses, quos variis pollicitationibus prius illexerat, convenit, et ut omnes
fere qua; volebat omnino vellent, effecit."— Flor. Wigorn., i., 209.

CHAPTER II.
The landing As soou as the news of Harold's coronation
and^attl™' reached WilHam of Normandy, he claimed the crown
"^f Senlac, which Edward the Confessor had promised him. Ac
cording to every principle of succession recognised in
England, at the time, he had no right to the crown
whatever. When the Norman invader landed at
Pevensey, Harold was at York, having recently suc
ceeded in defeating his brother Tostig, the deposed
Earl of Northumbria, who, with the assistance of
Harold Hardrada, had attacked the northern earls,
Edwine and Morkere. On hearing of the Duke's
landing, Harold hastened to London. A general
muster of forces was there ordered, and Edwine and
Morkere, who were bound to Harold by family tie
— the King having married their sister — were bidden
to march southward with the whole force of their
earldoms. But neither gratitude for their late deliver
ance at the hands of their brother-in-law, nor family
affection, could hurry the steps of these earls, and
they arrived too late. The battle of Senlac, better
known as the battle of Hastings, had been won and
lost (14th Oct., 1066), the Norman was conqueror, and
Harold had perished. For a second time within
twelve months the English throne was vacant.^
The times were too critical to hold a formal gemot
for the election of a successor to the throne ; but the
' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 165-167.

THE NORMAN CONQUEROR. ^,1
citizens of London and the sailors or "butsecarls"
(whom it is difficult not to associate with the "lithsmen"
of former days) showed a marked predflection in favour
of Edgar the Atheling, grandson of Edmund Ironside,
and the sole survivor of the old royal line. The
Archbishop, too, as well as the northern earls, were in
his favour, but the latter soon withdrew to their
respective earldoms and left London and the Atheling
to their fate.^ Thus, " the patriotic zeal of the men
of London was thwarted by the base secession of the
northern traitors."
After waiting awhile at Hastings for the country William's
to make voluntary submission, and finding that homa- London?
gers did not come in, William proceeded to make a
further display of force. In this he betrayed no haste,
but made his way through Kent in leisurely fashion,
receiving on his way the submission of Winchester
and Canterbury, using no more force than was
absolutely necessary, and endeavouring to allay all
fears, until at length he reached the suburbs of
London.^ He had been astute enough to give out that he
caijie not to claim a crown, but only a right to be put
in nomination for it. To the mind of the Londoner,
such quibbling failed to commend itself, and the
citizens lost no time in putting their city into a posture
' " Aldredus autem Eboracensis archiepiscopus et iidem Comites
cum civibus Lundoniensibus et butsecarlis, clitonem Eadgarum, Ead-
mundi Ferrei Lateris nepotem, in regem levare voluere, et cum eo se
pugnam inituros promisere ; sed dum ad pugnam descendere multi se
paravere, comites suum auxilium ab eis retraxere, et cum suo exercitu
domum redierunt." — Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.
^ Such is the description of William's march, as given by Malmes
bury (ii, 307). Another chronicler describes his march as one of-
slaughter and devastation. — Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

32

Sets fire to
Southwark
in hopes of
terrifying the citizens.

Negotiations
between William and
the City.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
of defence, determined not to surrender it without a
blow. Upon William's anival in Southwark, the citizens
sallied forth. They were, however, beaten back after
a sharp skirmish, and compelled to seek shelter again
within their city's walls. William hesitated to make
a direct attack upon the city, but hoped by setting
fire to Southwark to strike terror into the inhabitants
and bring them to a vohmtary surrender. He failed
in his object ; the city still held out, and William next
resorted to diplomacy.
The ruling spirit within the city at that time
was Ansgar or Esegar the " Staller" under whom,
as Sheriff of Middlesex, the citizens had marched
out to fight around the royal standard at Hastings.
He had been carried wounded from the field, and
was now borne hither and thither on a litter, en
couraging the citizens to make a stout defence of
their city. To him, it is said, William sent a private
message from Berkhampstead, asking only that the
Conqueror's right to the crown of England might be
acknowledged and nothing more, the real power of
the kingdom might remain with Ansgar if he so
willed. Determined not to be outwitted by the
Norman, Ansgar (so the story gOes) summoned a
meeting of the eldermen [natu majores) of the City —
the forerunners of the later aldermen — and proposed
a feigned submission which might stave off imme
diate danger. The proposal was accepted and a
messenger despatched. William pretended to accept
the terms offered, and at the same time so worked
upon the messenger with fair promises and gifts that
on his return he converted his fellow citizens and

LONDON SUBMITS TO WILLIAM. 33
induced them by representations of the Conqueror's
friendly intentions and of the hopelessness of resist
ance, to make their submission to him, and to throw
over the young Atheling.
Whatever poetic tinge there may be about the London
story as told by Guy of Amiens, it is certain that the j^ thg'^
citizens came to the same resolution, in effect, as that Conqueror.
described by the poet, nor could they well have done
otherwise. The whole of the country for miles
around London, had already tendered submission or
been forced into it. The city had become completely
isolated, and sooner or later its inhabitants must have
been starved out. There was, moreover, a strong
foreign element within its walls.^ Norman followers
of Edward the Confessor were ever at hand to counsel
submission. London submitted, the citizens accepting
the rule of the Norman Conqueror as they had
formerly accepted that of Cnut the Dane, "from
necessity." An embassy was despatched to Berk
hampstead, comprising the Archbishop of York, the
young Atheling, the earls Edwine and Morkere, and
" aU the best men of London," to render homage and
give hostages,^ and thus it was, that within three
months of his landing, WilHam was acknowledged as
the lawfully elected King of England, and, as such, he
crowned himself at Westminster, promising to govern
the nation as well as any king before him if they
would be faithful to him.
The concihatory spirit of WilHam towards the his^^ charter
Londoners is seen in the favourable terms he was citizens of
ready to concede them. Soon after his coronation—
' The bishop was certainly Norman, and so probably was the port
reeve. ''Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 168-169.

34

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the precise date cannot be determined— he granted
them a charter,^ by which he clearly declared his
purpose not to reduce the citizens to a state of
dependent vassalage, but to establish them in ah the
rights and privileges they had hitherto enjoyed.
The charter, rendered into modern English, runs
as follows : —
" WilHam, King, greets WiUiam, Bishop, and Gosfregdh,
"Portreeve, and all the burgesses within London,
"French and English, friendly. And I give you to
" know that I will that ye be all those laws worthy
" that ye were in King Eadward's day.^ And I will
" that every child be his father's heir after his father's
" day and 1 will not suffer that any man offer you any
" wrong. God keep you."
The terms of the charter are worthy of study.
They are primarily remarkable as indicating that the
City of London was, at the time, subject to a govern
ment which combined the secular authority of the
port-reeve with the ecclesiastical authority of the
bishop. It was said, indeed, to have been greatly
due to the latter's intercession that the charter was

' This charter is preserved in the Town Clerk's Office at the Guild
hall. A fac-simile of it and of another charter of William, granting lands
to Deorman, forms a frontispiece to this volume. The late Professor
Freeman (Norman Conquest, second edition, revised 1876, iv, 29) wrote
of this venerable parchment as bearing William's mark — ' ' the cross traced
by the Conqueror's own hand "• — but this appears to be a mistake. The
same authority, writing of the transcript of the charter made by the late
Mr. Riley and printed by him in his edition of the Liber Custumarum
(Rolls Series, pt. ii, p. 504), remarks that, "one or two words here look
a little suspicious " ; and justly so, for the transcript is far from being
literally accurate.
'^Cf. "Ego volo quod vos sitis otimi lege ilia digni qua fuistis
Edwardi diebus Re.^is." These words appear in the xivth century Latin
version of William's Charter, preserved at the Guildhall.

WILLIAM'S CHARTER TO THE CITY. y
granted at all, and, in this belief, the mayor and
aldermen were long accustomed to pay a solemn
visit to the bishop's tomb in St. Paul's church, there
to hear a De profundis on the day when the new
mayor took his oath of office before the Barons of the
Exchequer.^ As regards the port-reeve — the port-gerefa, i.e., The office of
reeve of the port or town of London^ — ^the nature and P"'^'"'^^^^^-
extent of his duties and authority, much uncertainty
exists. Whilst, in many respects, his position in a
borough was analogous no doubt to the shire-reeve or
sheriff of a county, there were, on the other hand,
duties belonging to and exercised by the one which
were not exercised by the other. Thus, for instance,
the port-reeve, unlike the sheriff, exercised no judicial
functions in a criminal court, nor presided over court-
leets in the city as the sheriff did in his county by
turn, the latter being held independently by the
alderman of each ward.^
In the next place the charter brings prominently The foreign
to our notice the fact that there was already existing read'y exis^'
within the City's walls a strong Nonnan element, '".| "* *^
existing side by side with the older EngHsh burgesses,
' Liber Albus (Rolls Series i, 26).
^Opinions differ as to the derivation of the term port. Some, like
Kemble, refer it to the Lat. portus, in the sense of an enclosed place
for sale or purchase, a market. ( " Portus est conclusus locus, quo
importantur merces et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa
et munita." — Thorpe, 1, 158). Others, like Dr. Stubbs (Const.
Hist., i, 404 n.), connect it with Lat. porta, not in its restricted
signification of a gate, but as implying a market place, markets being
often held at a city's gates. The Latin terms porta and portus were in
fact so closely allied, that they both alike signified a market place or a
gate. Thus, in the will of Edmund Harengeye, enrolled in the Court
of Husting, London, we find the following : " Ac eciam lego et volo
quod ilia tenementa cum magno portu vocato le Brodegate . ; . .
vendantur per executores meos." — Hust. Roll, 114 (76).
' Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., pp. 258-259.
D 2

36

Its increase
after the
Conquest.

The charter
makes no
new grant.

William's other char
ter granting
the sheriff
wick of
London.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
which the Conqueror did well not to ignore. The
descendants of the foreign merchants from France
and Normandy, for whose protection Ethehed had
legislated more than half a century before, had con
tinued to carry on their commercial intercourse with
the Londoners, and were looking forward to a freer
interchange of merchandise now that the two coun
tries were under one sovereign. Their expectation
was justified. No sooner had London submitted to
the Norman Conquerer than, we are told, " many of
" the citizens of Rouen and Caen passed over thither,.
" preferring to be dwellers in that city, inasmuch as it
" was fitter for their trading, and better stored with
" the merchandise in which they were wont to
" traffic." 1 But by far the most important clause in
the charter is that which places the citizens of London
in the same position respecting the law of the land as
they enjoyed in the days of their late king, Edward
the Confessor. Here there is distinct evidence that
the Conqueror had come " neither to destroy, nor to
" found, but to continue." ^ The charter granted
nothing new ; it only ratified and set the royal
seaP to the rights and privileges of the citizens
already in existence.
It is recorded that WilHam granted another
charter to the citizens of London, vesting in them the
City and Sheriffwick of London, and this charter the
citizens proffered as evidence of their rights over the
cloister and church of St. Martin le Grand, when those
'"London and her election of Stephen," a paper read before the
ArchEEol. Inst, in 1866, by the late Mr. Green (p. 267).
'^ Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, p. 55.
'There appears to be no doubt that the charter preserved at the
Guildhall had a seal, but not a fragment remains.

THE "DOOMSDAY" BOOK. ,-
rights were challenged in the reign of Henry VI.^
This charter has since been lost.
The compact thus made between London and the The strong
Conqueror was faithfully kept by both parties. Having ff wmTam'
ascended the English throne by the aid of the citizens
of London, WiUiam, unlike many of his successors,
was careful not to infringe the terms of their charter,
whilst the citizens on the other hand continued loyal
to their accepted king, and lent him assistance to put
down insurgents in other parts of the kingdom. The
fortress which WiUiam erected within their city's
walls did not disturb their equanimity. It was suf
ficient for them that, under the Conqueror's rule, the
country was once more peaceful, so peaceful that, ac
cording to the chronicler, a young maiden could
travel the length of England without being injured
or robbed.^ The close of the reign of William the First wit- " Dooms-
nessed the completion of " Doomsday," or survey of fompiefed'^
the kingdom, which he had ordered to be made for
fiscal purposes. For some reason not explained,
neither London nor Winchester — the two capitals, so to
speak, of the kingdom — were included in this smwey.
It may be that the importance of these boroughs,
' " Et dicunt quod prefatus dominus conquestor ante fundacionem
ecclesie predicte et confeccionem carte sue de qua superius fit mencio
auctoritate parliamenti sui et per duas cartes suas quas dicti maior et
Cives hie proferunt scilicet per unam earum dimissit tunc civibus London'
totam dictam civitatem et vice-comitatum London' cum omnibus ap-
pendiciis rebus et consuetudinibus eis qualitercumque pertinentibus.
. . . Et per alteram concessit et auctoritate supradicta confirmavit
eisdem civibus et successoribus suis quod haberent predicta ac omnes
alias libertates et liberas consuetudines suas illesas quas habuerunt tem
pore dicti Sancti Regis Edwardi progenitoris sui." — Letter Book K,
fo. 120 b.
^ " Tantaque pax suis regnavit temporibus, quod puella virguncula
auro onusta, indempnis et intacta Angliam potuit peragrare." — Mat.
Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44), i, 29.

38

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Death of
William the
Conqueror,
and acces
sion of his
son, 1087.

St. Paul's
destroyed by
fire, 1087.

their wealth and population, necessitated some special
method of procedure ; but this does not account for
the omission of Northumberland, Cumberland, West
morland, and Durham, from the survey. We know
that Winchester was afterwards surveyed, but no
steps in the same direction were ever taken with re
spect to London. The survey was not effected with
out disturbances, owing to the inquisitorial power
vested in the commissioners appointed to carry it out.
William died whilst on a visit to his duchy of
Normandy, and "he who was before a powerful
" king, and lord of many a land, had then of all his
" land, only a portion of seven feet," ^ the same
which, to this day, holds his mortal remains in the
Abbey at Caen. He was succeeded by WiUiam his
son. The death of the father and accession of his
son was marked by fire, pestilence, and famine.^
A fire destroyed St. Paul's and the greater part
of the City. Maurice, Bishop of London, at once
set to work to rebuild the Cathedral on a larger and
more magnificent scale, erecting the edifice upon arches
in a manner little known in England at that time, but
long practised in France. The Norman Conquest was
already working for good. Not only the style of
architecture, but the very stone used in re-building St.
Paul's came from France, the famous quarries of Caen
being utilised for the purpose. ^
There was already in the city, one church built
after the same manner, and on that account called
St. Mary of Arches or "le Bow." The object of
' Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.
^ Stow's Survey (Thpms's ed.), p. 121.

THE ELECTION OF HENRY I. 39
setting churches and other buildings upon vaults was
to guard against fire. Whatever defence against fire
this method of building may have afforded, it was
certainly no defence against wind. In 109 1, the roof
of St. Mary-le-Bow was clean blown off, huge baulks
of timber, 2(> feet long, being driven. into the ground
with such force that scarce 4 feet of them could
be seen.^ The reign of the new king was one of oppression. The Tower
Nevertheless, he continued to secure that protection andlh*^"^*^
for Hfe and property which his father had so success- bridge
'¦'¦•' repaired,
fully achieved, so that a man " who had confidence in 1097.
himself" and was " aught," could travel the length and
breadth of the land unhurt, " with his bosom full of
gold." ^ He also had an eye for the protection of
the city, and the advancement of its commerce, sur
rounding the Tower of London by a wall, and re
pairing the bridge which had been nearly washed
away by a flood.^
On the 2nd August, 11 00, the Red King met his Election of
death suddenly in the New Forest, and the next day theWtan at
was buried at Winchester. According to a previous ^'™<=hester,
agreement, the crown should have immediately
devolved upon his brother Robert. Crowns, how
ever, were not to be thus disposed of; they fell only
to those ready and strong enough to seize them.
Robert was far away on a crusade. His younger
brother Henry was on the spot, and upon him fell the
choice of such of the witan as happened to be in or
near Winchester at the time of the late king's death.*
' Malmesbury, ii, 375. ''Anglo-S^x. Chron., ii, 189. '/(/., ii, 202.
*" Those of the council who were nigh at hand." — Anglo-Sax.
Chron., ii, 204.

4°
Their choice
confirmedby the City
of London.

Henry's
charter to
the City of
London.

The main
features of
the charter.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
The two days that elapsed bef6re his coronation
at Westminster (5th August), the king-elect spent in
London, where by his easy and eloquent manner, as
well as by fair promises, he succeeded in winning the
inhabitants over to his cause, to the rejection of the
claims of Robert. The election, or perhaps we should
rather say, the selection of Henry by the witan at
Winchester, was thus approved and confirmed by the
whole realm {regni universitas~), in the city of
London. The choice was made however on one condition,
viz. : — that Henry should restore to his subjects their
ancient liberties and customs enjoyed in the days of
Edward the Confessor.^ The charter thus obtained
served as an exemplar for the great charter of liberties
which was to be subsequently wrung from King John.
Another charter was granted by the new king—
a charter to the citizens of London — granted, as some
have thought, soon after his accession, and by way of
recognition of the services they had rendered him
towards obtaining the crown. This however appears
to be a mistake. There is reason for supposing that
this charter was not granted until at least thirty years
after he was seated on the throne.^
The chief features of the grant ^ were that the
citizens were thenceforth to be allowed to hold
Middlesex to farm at a rent of .;^30o a year, and to

' Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44) i, 176.
^ See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville (p. 366), where the writer
conjectures the date of the charter to have been between 1 130 and 1 135,
and brings evidence in favour of it having been purchased by the
payment of a large sum of money.
' Set out under fifteen heads in the City's Liber Albus. (Rolls
Series) i, 128-129.

HENRY'S CHARTER TO THE CITY. 41
appoint from among themselves whom they would to
be sheriff over it ; they were further to be allowed to
appoint their own justiciar to hold pleas of the
crown, and no other justiciar should exercise author
ity over them ; they were not to .be forced to plead
without the city's walls ; they were to be exempt
from scot and lot and of all payments in respect
of Danegelt and murder ; they were to be allowed to
purge themselves after the EngHsh fashion of making
oath and not after the Norman fashion by wager of
battle ; their goods were to be free of all manner of
customs, toll, passage and lestage ; their husting court
might sit once a week ; and lastly, they might resort
to "withernam" or reprisal in cases -w^here their goods
had been unlawfully seized.
Touching the true import of this grant of Middle- The grant of
. . , . , , . , ^ Middlesex
sex to the citizens at a yearly rent, with the right of to ferm, and
appointing their own sheriff over it, no less than the sheriff. °
identity of the justiciar whom they were to be
allowed to choose for themselves for the purpose of
hearing pleas of the crown within the city, much
divergence of opinion exists. Some believe that
the government of the city was hereby separated
from that of the shire wherein it was situate, and that
the right of appointing their own justiciar which the
citizens obtained by this charter was the right of
electing a sheriff for the city of London in the place
of the non-elective ancient port-reeve. Others deny
that the charter introduced the shire organization into
the government ofthe city, and beHeve the justiciar and
sheriff to have been distinct officials.^ The latter ap
pear to hold the more plausible view. Putting aside
' Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 404, 405. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 356.

42

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the so-called charter of William the First, granting to
the citizens in express terms civitatem et vice-comi
tatum LondonicB, as wanting in corroboration, a
solution of the difficulty may be found if we consider
(i) that the city received a shire organization and
became in itself to all intents and purposes a count}''
as soon as it came to be governed by a port-reeve, if
not as soon as an alderman had been set over it by
Alfred ; (2) that the duties of the shrievalty in respect
of the county of the city of London were at this time
performed either by a port-reeve or by one or more
officers, known subsequently as sheriffs, and (3) that
for the right of executing these duties no rent or ferm
was ever demanded or paid.^
If this be a correct view of the matter, it would
appear that the effect of Henry's grant of Middlesex
to the citizens to farm, and of the appointment of a
sheriff over it of their own choice, was not so much
to render the city independent of the shire, as to
make the shire subject to the city. It must be borne
in mind that no sheriff (or sheriffs) has ever been
elected by the citizens for Middlesex alone, the
duties appertaining to the sheriff-wick of Middlesex
having always been performed by the sheriffs of the
city for the time being.^ Hence it is that the shrievalty
of London and Middlesex is often spoken of as the
shrievalty of " London " alone, and the shrievalty of
' The sum of loo marl.;s of silver recorded (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I)
as having been paid for the shrievalty in 1130, appears to have been
more of the nature of a fine than a firina.
^"Whereas from time immemorial there have been and of right
ought to be two sheriffs of this city, which said two sheriffs during all
the time aforesaid have constituted and of right ought to constitute one
sheriff of the county of Middlesex . . . ." — Preamble to Act of
Common Council, 7th April, 1748, re Nomination and election of
Sheriffs. Journal 59, fo. i3Qb.

THE SHERIFF-WICK OF MIDDLESEX.
" Middlesex " alone (the same officers executing the
duties of both shrievalties) and the frma of ;^300
paid for the shrievalty of Middlesex alone is some
times described as the frma of "London," sometimes
of "Middlesex," and sometimes of "London and
Middlesex." ^
The right of electing their own justiciar granted The citizens
to the citizens by Henry resolves itself into little more "lect their
than a confirmation of the right to elect their own Tu^t;(,;ai.
sheriffs.^ Just as sheriffs are known to have held pleas
of the crown in the counties up to the time of the
Great Charter (although their duties were modified by
Henry I, and again by Henry II, when he appointed
Justices in eyre) so in the city of London, no one,
except the sheriffs of London could hold pleas of the
crown, and an attempt made by the Barons in 1258
to introduce a justiciar into the Guildhall was per
sistently challenged by the citizens.^
Even those who stedfastly maintain that in the
country the sheriff and justiciar grew up to be two
distinct officers, the one representing local interest and
the other imperial, are willing to allow that in the
' Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 357. Mr. Round's state
ments (0/. «V., Appendix P), that " this one}?r?na . . . represents
one corpus comitaius, namely Middlesex, inclusive of London," and
that " from this conclusion there is no escape," are more capable of
refutation than he is willing to allow.
^ " It is probable that whilst the Sheriff in' his character of Sheriff
was competent to direct the customary business of the Court, it was in
that of y2iift'ft'a that he transacted business under the King's writ." —
Stubbs, Const. History, i, 389, note.
' "Post hoc prsedictus Justitiarius . . . accessit ad Gildhalle
Londoniarum, et ibi tenuit placita de die in diem . . . et incon-
tinenti . . . ilia terminavit nullo juris ordine observato contra leges
civitatis et etiam contra leges et consuetudines cujuslibet liberi hominis
de regno Anglie. Quod vero cives semper calumpniaverunt, dicentes
quod nullus debet placitare in civitate de transgressionibus ibidem
factis nisi vicecomites Londoniarium. " — Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc),
p. 40.

43

44 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
city of London such distinction was evanescent. The
office of justiciar in the city was twice granted eo
nomine to Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex, and
it is twice mentioned as having been held by one
named Gervase, who (there is reason to believe) is
identical with Gervase de Cornhill, a Sheriff of London,
in 1 1 55 and 1156 ; but the office became extinct at
the accession of Henry 11.^
London and The eveuts wliicli foUowod Henry's decease
of Stephen" afford US another instance of the futility of all attempts
"35- at this early period to settle the succession to the
crown before the throne was actually vacant. The
King's nephew, Stephen of Blois, and the nobility of
England had sworn to accept the King's daughter
Matilda, wife of Geoffery of Anjou, as their sovereign
on the death of her father ; yet when that event took
place in 1135, Stephen, in spite of his oath, claimed
the crown as nearest male heir of the Conqueror's
blood.^ There was no doubt of his popularity, whilst
Matilda on the other hand injured her cause by
marrying an Angevin. On the continent a bitter feud
existed between Norman and Ange-vin ; in England
the Norman had steadily increased in favour, and
England's crown was Stephen's if he had courage
enough to seize it.
Landing on the Kentish coast, his first reception
was far from encouraging. Canterbury and Dover, held
by the Earl of Gloucester, refused to acknowledge
' Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 107-1 13, 373, and Appendix K.
'- Mat. Paris (Hist. Angl. i, 251), ascribes the incessant turmoil
of the latter part of the reign to the vengeance of the deity for this
breach of faith.

LONDON'S ELECTION OF STEPHEN.
him and closed their gates on his approach. Undis
mayed by these rebuffs, Stephen pushed on to London,
where he was welcomed by every token of good will.
The Londoners had been no party to the agreement
to recognise Matilda as Henry's successor; they had
become accustomed to exercising a right of sharing
in the choice of a king who should reign over them,
and they now chose Stephen. " It was their right,
" their special pri'vilege," said they, "on the occasion of
"the king's decease, to provide another in his place." ^
There was no time to be lost, the country was in
danger, Stephen was at hand, sent to them, as they
believed, by the goodness of Providence. They could
not do better than elect him : and elected he was
by the assembled aldermen or eldermen {inajores
natu) of the City.
Such is the story of Stephen's election as given
by the author of- the " Gesta Stephani," one who
wrote as an eye-witness of what took place, but
whose statements cannot always be taken as those of
an independent chronicler of events. Informal as this
election may have been, it marks an important epoch
in the annals of London. Thenceforth the city
assumes a pre-eminent position and exercises a pre
dominant influence in the pubhc affairs of the king
dom.^ From London Stephen went down to Winchester, Coronation
where he was heartily welcomed by his brother Henry, December"' II3S-
' " Id quoque sui esse juris, suique specialiter privilegii, ut si rex
ipsorum quoquo modo obiret, alius suo provisu in regno substituendus
e vestigio succederet. "—Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 5-6.
2 " With the solemn independent election of a king, the great part
which London was to play in England's history had definitely begun."
—Green, London and her Election of Stephen.

45

46

A great
Council held
in London,
April, 1 1 36.

Arrival of
the Empress
Matilda in
England, II39-

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
recently appointed papal legate. Next to London, it
was important that Stephen should secure Winchester,
and now that London had spoken, the citizens of
Winchester no longer hesitated to throw in their lot
with the king. Winchester secured, and Stephen put
in possession of the royal castle and treasury, he
returned to London, where all doubts as to the
validity or invalidity of his election were set at rest
by the ceremony of coronation (Dec. 1135).
In. the spring of the following year (April 1136),
a briUiant council of the clergy and magnates of the
realm was held in London,^ reminding one of the
Easter courts of the days of the Conqueror which
latterly had been shorn of much of their splendour.
The occasion was one for introducing the new king to
his subjects as well as for confirming the Hberties of
the church, and Stephen may have taken special care
to surround it with exceptional splendour as a set off
against the meagreness which had characterised the
recent ceremony of his coronation.^
In the meanwhile the injured Matilda appealed
to Rome, but only with the result that her rival
received formal recognition from the Pope. Three
years later (1139) she landed in England accompanied
by her brother, the Earl of Gloucester. She soon
obtained a following, more especially in the west ; and
Winchester — the seat of the royal residence of the
queens of England since the time when Ethelred
presented the city as a " morning gift" to his consort at
their marriage — became her headquarters and rallying
' Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 17.
-Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 18.

THE EMPRESS MATILDA. .-,
point for her supporters, whilst London served in the
same way for Stephen.
After nine months of sieges and counter sieges. Attempted
marches and counter marches, in which neither party between'""^
could claim any decided success, Stephen, as was his MatUda ^""^
wont, withdrew to London and shut himself up in the ^^y' "4°.
Tower, with only a single bishop, and he a foreigner,
in his train. Whilst safe behind the walls of that
stronghold, negotations were opened between him and
the empress for a peaceful settlement of their res
pective claims (May, 1140), Henry of Winchester
acting as intermediary between the rival parties.^
The negotiations ended without effecting the desired
result. Matters assumed an entirely different aspect when Matilda for-
Stephen was made prisoner at Lincoln in the following nowiedged
year (2nd Feb., 1141). Henry of Winchester forsook E^^and°^'
his role of arbitrator, and entered into a formal 'Hi-
compact with the empress who arrived before Win
chester with the laurels of her recent success yet
fresh, agreeing to receive her as "Lady of England,"
{Domina Anglice) and promising her the allegiance of
himself and his followers so long as she would keep
her oath and allow him a free hand in ecclesiastical
matters.^ ' " Eodem anno in Pentecoste resedit rex Londonise in Turri, epis-
copo tantum modo Sagiensi praesente : ceteri vel fastidierunt vel
timuerunt venire. Aliquanto post, mediante legato, colloquium indictum
est inter imperatricem et regem, si forte Deo inspirante pax reformari
posset." — Malmesbury, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Series No. 90.), ii, 564.
- " Juravit et affidavit imperatrix episcopo quod omnia majora negotia
in Anglia praecipueque donationes episcopatuum et abbatiarum ejus
nutum spectarent, si eam ipse cum sancta ecclesia in dominam reciperet
et perpetuam ei fidelitatem teneret . . . Nee dubitavit episcopus
imperatricem in dominam Angliae recipere, ct ei cum quibusdam suis
affidare, quod, quamdiu ipsa pactum non infringeret ipse quoque fidem
ei custodiret. "—/</., ii, 573.

48

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

A synod at
Winchester, 7 th April,
1 141.

The Lon
doners
summoned to attend
the synod.

This compact was entered into on the 2nd March,
and on the following day the empress was received
with solemn pomp into Winchester Cathedral. It
remained for the compact to be ratified. For this
purpose an ecclesiastical synod was summoned to sit
at Winchester on the 7th April. The day was spent
by the legate holding informal communications with
the bishops, abbots, and archdeafcons who were in
attendance, and who then for the first time in England's
history claimed the right not only of consecration,
but of election of the sovereign.^
On the Sth April, Henry in a long speech announced
to the assembled clergy the result of the conclave of
the pre'vious day. He extolled the good government
of the late king who before his death had caused fealty
to be sworn to his daughter, the empress. The delay
of the empress in coming tp England (he said) had
been the cause of Stephen's election. The latter had
forfeited all claim to the crown by his bad government,
and God's judgment had been pronounced against him.
Lest therefore, the nation should suffer for want of a
sovereign, he, as legate, had summoned them together,
and by them the empress had been elected Lady of
England. The speech was received with unanimous
applause, those to whom the election did not com
mend itself being wise enough to hold their tongue.
But there was another element to be considered
before Matilda's new title could be assured. What
would the Londoners who had taken the initiative in
setting Stephen on the throne, and still owed to them
' " Ventilata est hesterno die causa secreto coram majori parte cleri
Angliee ad cujus jus potissimum spectat principem eligere, simulque
ordinare." — Id., ii, 576.

49

LONDON AND THE SYNOD AT WINCHESTER.
their allegiance, say to it ? The legate had foreseen the
difficulty that might arise if the citizens, whom he
described as very princes of the realm, by reason of the
greatness of their city (qui sunt quasi optimates pro
magnitudine civitatis in Anglia), could not be won
over. He had, therefore, sent a special safe conduct
for their attendance, so he informed the meeting after
the applause which followed his speech had died away,
and he expected them to arrive on the following day.
If they pleased they would adjourn till then.
The next day (9th April) the Londoners arrived. They arrive
as the legate had foretold, and were ushered before [he^kh^g^f
the council. They had been sent, they said, by the so '^f^^^^ 9th
¦' I J 7 J April, 1 141.
called " commune " of London ; and their purpose was
not to enter into debate, but only to beg for the release
of their lord, the king.'^ The statement was supported
by all the barons then present who had entered the
commune of the city^ and met with the approval of
the archbishop and all the clergy in attendance.
Their solicitations, however, proved of no avail. The
legate replied with the same arguments he had
used the day before, adding that it ill became
the Londoners who were regarded as nobles
(quasi proceres) in the land to foster those who
had basely deserted their king on the field of battle,
and who only curried favour with the citizens in order
to fleece them of their money.
'" Missos se acomraunione quam vocant Londoniarum." — Malmes
bury, (Hist. Nov.), ii, 576. Exception may be taken to translating
communio as ' commune ' ; but even if the municipal organization
represented by the French term commune did not at this period exist in
the City of London in all its fulness, the " communal idea " appears
to have been there. — Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 407.
^ "Omnes barones qui in eorum communionem jamdudum recepti
fuerant." — Malmesbury, Ibid.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Their re
quest backed
up by a
letter from
the Queen.

The Lon
doners after
much hesi
tation receive the
Empress
into their
city, June,
114I.

Here an interruption took place. A messenger
presented to the legate a paper from Stephen's queen
to read to the council. Henry took the paper, and
after scanning its contents, refused to commimicate
them to the meeting. The messenger, however, not
to be thus foiled, himself made known the contents of
the paper. These were, in effect, an exhortation by the
queen to the clergy, and more especially to the legate
himself, to restore Stephen to liberty. The legate,
however, returned the same answer as before, and the
meeting broke up, the Londoners promising to com
municate the decision of the council to their brethren
at home, and to do their best to obtain their support.
The next two months were occupied by the
empress and her supporters in preparing the way for
her admission into the city, the inhabitants of which,
had as yet shown but little disposition towards her.
But however great their inclination may have been to
Stephen, they at length found themselves forced to
transfer their allegiance and to offer, for a time at
least, a poHtic submission to the empress. Accord
ingly, a deputation went out to meet her at St. Albans
(May 1 141), and arrange terms on which the city
should surrender.^
More delay took place ; and it was not until
shortly before midsummer (1141), that she entered
the city. Her stay was brief. She treated the inhabi
tants as vanquished foes,^ extorted large sums of
' " Proficiscitur inde cum exultatione magna et gaudio, et in monas-
terio Sancti Albani cum processionali suscipitur honore et jubilo.
Adeunt eam ibi cives multi ex Lundonia, tractatur ibi sermo multimodus
de reddenda civitate." — Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 131.
2 " Erecta est autem in superbiam intolerabilem, quia suis incerta
belli prosperavissent."— Hen. of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p.27S.

THE EMPRESS MATILDA IN LONDON.
raoney,^ and haughtily refused to observe the laws
of Edward the Confessor they valued so much, pre
ferring those of the late king, her father.^
The consequence was that, within a few days of The Em-
her arrival in London, the inhabitants rose in revolt, toTelv^the
drove her out of the city * and attacked the Tower, of '^"^'
which Geoffrey de MandevUle was constable, as his
father WilHam had been before him.*
This Geoffrey de Mandeville had been recently Geoffrey de
created Eari of Essex by Stephen, in the hope and Ead'^oT'"^'
expectation that the fortress over which Geoffrey ^^^^^> and
•' Constable of
was governor, would be held secure for the royal the Tower,
cause. The newly fledged earl, however, was one theEmpress.
who ever fought for his own hand, and was ready to
sell his fortress and sword to the highest bidder. The
few days that the empress was in the city, afforded
her an opportunity of risking a trial to win over the
earl from his allegiance. To this end she offered to
confirm him in his earldom and to continue him in his
office of Constable of the Tower, conferred upon him
' " InfinitEe copi« pecuniam, non simplici cum mansuetudine sed
cum ore imperioso ab eis exegit." — Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series
¦No. 82), iii, 75.
^ " Interpellata est a civibus, ut leges eis regis Edwardi observari
iiceret, quia optimae erant, non patris sui Henrici quia graves erant.
Verum ilia non bono u^a consilio, pr£e nimia austeritate non acquievit
.eis, unde et motus magnus factus in urbe ; et facta conjuratione adversus
eam quam cum honore susceperunt, cum dedecore apprehendere
statuerunt." — Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 132.
'Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 577-578. " Sed tandem a Londoni-
ensibus expulsa est in die Sancti J'ohannis Baptiste proximo sequenti " —
Lib. de Ant. (Camd. Soc), p. 197.
¦* " Anno praedicto [/.«. 7 Stephen, A.D. 1 141 ], statim in ilia estate,
fibsessa est Turris Lundoniarum a Londoniensibus, quam Willielmus
\sic'\ de Magnaville tenebat et firmaverat. "— Lib. de Ant. (Camd.
Soc), p. 197. From this it would appear that the father still held
the office of constable. A charter of the empress, however, which
Mr. Horace Round prints in his book on Geoffrey de Mandeville
'(pp. 88, seq. ) points to the son as being constable at the time.
E 2

52

Forsakes
the Empress
for the
Queen.

Capture of
Winchester, and release
of Stephen,
Sept., 1141.

His second
charter to
Mandeville.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
by Stephen ; in addition to which, she was ready to
allow him to enjoy lands of the rent of i" 100 a year,
a Hcense to fortify his castles, and the posts of sheriff
and justiciar throughout his earldom. The bait was
too tempting for the earl not to accept ; and a charter
to the above effect was drawn up and executed.^
Scarcely had the fickle earl consented to throw
in his lot with the empress before she had to flee the
city. The departure of the empress was quickly
followed by the arrival of her namesake, Matilda, the
valiant queen of the captured Stephen ; and again the
earl proved false to his allegiance and actively sup
ported the queen in concert with the citizens.^
With his aid ^ and the aid of the Londoners,* the
queen was enabled to reduce Winchester and to effect
the liberation of her husband by exchanging the Earl
of Gloucester, brother of the empress, for the captured
king. After being solemnly crowned, for the second
time,^ at Canterbury, Stephen issued a second charter

' Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 88-95.
^ It is not to be supposed that the earl consented to assist the queen.
without meeting with some return for his services, more especially as
the queen was prepared to go all lengths to obtain her husband's liberty.
See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 119.
'"Gaufrido de Mandevilla, qui jam iterum auxilio eorum cesserat,
antea enim post captionem regis imperatrici fidelitatem juraverat, et Lon
doniensibus maxime annitentibus, nihilque omnino quod possent praeter-
mittentibus quo imperatricem contristarent. " — Malmesbury (Hist.
Nov.), ii, 580.
¦• "Magnae ex Lundoniis copiae." — Newburgh, Hist. Rerum. Angl.
(Rolls Series No. 82.), i, 42. " Cumque invicta Londoniensium.
caterva." — Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 80. The Lon
doners sacked Winchester mercilessly. " Londonienses, cum maxima
militum regalium parte, modis horrendis Wintoniensem civitatem ex-
pilavere." — Gesta Stephani, iii, 84.
* The precedent thus set by Stephen, of submitting to the ceremony
of a second coronation after a period of captivity, was afterward,s.
followed by Richard I, on his return from captivity abroad.

LONDON HOLDS THE BALANCE. 53
(about Christmas time, 1141),^ to Geoffi-ey de Mande
ville, confirming and augmenting the previous grant by
the empress. Instead of sheriff and justiciar of his own
county of Essex merely, he is now made sheriff and
justiciar of London and Middlesex, as well as of
Hertfordshire. But even these great concessions failed to secure London holds
,,„T,. 11- A -111 'he balance
the earl s fidelity to the king. Agam he broke away between the
from his allegiance and planned a revolt in favour of "^'^^ powers.
the empress who recompensed him with still greater
dignities and possessions than any yet bestowed.
This second charter of the empress,^ is remarkable for
a clause in which she promises never to make terms
with the Londoners without the earl's consent,
" because they are his mortal foes."' But the plans
of the earl were doomed to be frustrated. The
empress, tired of the struggle, soon ceased to be
dangerous, and eventually withdrew to the continent,
and Stephen was left free to deal with the rebel earl
alone. With the assistance of the Londoners, who
throughout the long period of civil dissension, were
generally to be found on the winning side, and held as
it were the balance between the rival powers, Stephen
managed after considerable bloodshed to capture
the fortifications erected by the Earl at Farringdon.'*
' This is the date assigned to the charter by Mr. Horace Round,
(Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 138-144). Cf. Appendix to 31st Report
of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, p. 3.
^ The date assigned by Mr. Round to this charter is between
Christmas, 1141, and the end of June, 1 142.
' " Et convenciono eidem Gaufredo Comiti Essex quod dominus
meus Comes Andegavie vel ego vel filii nostri nullam pacem aut
concordiam cum Burgensibus Lund[oni£e] faciemus, nisi concessu et
assensu prae-dicti Comitis Gaufredi quia inimici eius sunt mortales."
— Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 168.
' Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82), i. 48. Henry
of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 278.

54

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Arrest of
the earl,
his free-
booting life
and death,
September, "43.

Arrival of
Henry of
Anjou in
England, II53-

Peaceconcluded
between Stephen and
Henry at
Winchester,
November, II53-

Henry con
ducted to
London.

The earl was subsequently treacherously arrested
and made to give up his castles. Thenceforth his
life was that of a marauding freebooter, until, fatally
wounded at the siege of Burwell, he expired in Sep
tember, 1 143.
Notwithstanding the absence of the empress and
the death of the faithless earl, a desultory kind of war
continued to be carried on for the next ten years on
behalf of Henry of Anjou, son of the empress. In
1 153 that prince airived in England to fight his own
battles and maintain his right to the crown, which the
king had ahead}'' attempted to transfer to the head of
his own son Eustace. This attempt had been foiled
by the refusal of the bishops, at the instigation of the
pope, to perform the ceremony. The sudden death
of Eustace made the king more ready to enter into
negotiations for effecting a peaceful settlement.
A compromise was accordingly effected at Win-
chester,^ whereby Stephen was to remain in undis
puted possession of the throne for life, and after his
death was to be succeeded by Henry. The news
that at last an end had come to the troubles which
for nineteen years had disturbed the country, was
received with universal joy, and Henry, conducted to
London by the king himself, was welcomed in a
manner befitting one who was now the recognised heir
to the crown. ^

' Sometimes called the Treaty of Wallingford.
^ The general joy is depicted in glowing colours by Henry of
Huntingdon, (p. 289.) Cf. Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 235.

CHAPTER III.
Both London and Winchester had been laid in Fitz-
'ashes during Stephen's reign, the former by a con- description
flagration — which took place in 1136, again destroying °^ London.
St. Paul's and extending from London Bridge to the
church of St. Clement Danes — the latter by the
burning missiles used in the conflict between Stephen
and the empress in 1 1 4 1 . Winchester never recovered
her position, and London was left without a rival.
Fitz-Stephen, who wrote an account of the city as it
stood in the reign of Henry II, describes it as holding
its head higher than all others ; its fame was wider
known ; its wealth and merchandise extended further
than any other ; it was the capital of the kingdom
[regni Anglorum sedes)}
It was through the mediation of an intimate Thomas of
friend and feUow citizen of Fitz-Stephen that Arch- '^°"''°"-
bishop Theobald had invited Henry of Anjou over
from France in 1153. Thomas of London, better
known as Thomas Becket, although of foreign descent,
was bom in the heart of the city, having first seen the
light in the house of Gilbert, his father, some time
Portreeve of London, situate in Cheapside on a site
now occupied by the hall and chapel of the Mercers'
Chapel. Having been ordained a deacon of the
Church, he became in course of time clerk or chaplain
' Fitz-Stephen's Stephanides, Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 208.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
to the archbishop. Vigorous and active as he was,
Thomas soon made his influence felt, and it was owing
to his suggestion (so it is said^) that the bishops had
declined to be a party to the coronation of Eustace
during Stephen's lifetime.
On the accession of Henry, Thomas passed from
the service of the archbishop, then advanced in years,
to the service of the young king. He was raised to
the dignity of chancellor, and became one of the
king's most trusted advisers. By their united efforts
order was once again restored throughout the king
dom. The great barons, who had estabhshed them
selves in castles erected without royal Hcence, were
brought into subjection to the crown and compeUed
to pull down their walls. Upon the death of the
archbishop, Thomas was appointed to the vacant See
(i 1 6 2) . From that day forward the friendship between
king and archbishop began to wane. Henry found
that aU his attempts to estabhsh order in his kingdom
were thwarted by exemptions claimed by the arch
bishop on behalf of the clergy. He found that
allegiance to the Crown was divided with allegiance
to the Pope, and this state of things was likely to
continue so long as the archbishop lived. Becket's
end is familiar to us all. His memory was long
cherished by the citizens of London, who made many
a pilgrimage to the scene of his martyrdom and left
many an offering on his tomb in the cathedral of
Canterbury. It is hard to say for which of the two,
the father or the son, the citizens entertained the
greater reverence. For many years after his death it
was the custom for the Mayor of the City for the
' Freeman, Norman Conquest, v., 325.

CHARTER OF HENRY II TO THE CITY.
time being, upon entering into office, to meet the
aldermen at the church of St. Thomas of Aeon —
a church which had been erected and endowed in
honour of the murdered archbishop by his sister
Agnes, wife of Thomas Fitz-Theobald of Holies^ —
and thence to proceed to the tomb of Gilbert
Becket, the father, in St. Paul's churchyard, there to
say a De profundis ; after which both mayor and
aldermen returned to the church of St. Thomas, and,
each having made an offering of two pence, returned
to his own home.^ St. Thomas's Hospital, in South
wark, was originally dedicated to the murdered
archbishop, but after its dissolution and subsequent
restoration as one of the Royal Hospitals, its patron
saint was no longer Thomas the Martyr, but Thomas
the Apostle. Whilst the king and his chancellor were busy charter of
settling the kingdom, establishing a uniform adminis- to UiTcity
tration of justice and system of revenue, and not only of London.
renewing but extending the form of government which
had been instituted by Henry I, the citizens of London,
availing themselves ofthe security afforded by a strong
government, redoubled their energy in foUowing com
mercial pursuits and succeeded in raising the city, as
Fitz-Stephen has told us, to a pitch of prosperity far
exceeding that of any other city in the world.
'A cartulary of the Mercers' Company contains a copy of a grant
from Thomas Fitz-Theobald to the hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon of
"all that land, with the appurtenances, which was formerly of Gilbert
Becket, father of the Blessed Thomas the Martyr, Archbishop of
Canterbury, where the said Blessed Thomas the Martyr was born
(duxit originem), to build a church (basilicam ) in honour of
Almighty God and the Blessed Virgin Mary, and of the same most
glorious martyr." — Watney, Account of the Hospital of St. Thomas
of Aeon (privately printed 1892), pp. 9, 237.
'Liber Albus (Rolls Series), i, pp. 26, 27.

57

.58 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
They obtained a charter from Henry,^ although
of a more limited character than that granted to
them by his grandfather. The later charter, for
instance, although in the main Hues following the
older charter, makes no mention of Middlesex being
let to ferm nor of any appointment of sheriff or justi
ciar being vested in the citizens. It appears as if
Henry was determined to bring the citizens no less
than the barons of the realm within more direct and
immediate subservience to the crown. The concession
made by the king's grandfather had been ignored by
Stephen and the empress Matilda, each of whom in
turn had granted the shrievalty of London and Mid
dlesex to the Earl of Essex. For a time the appoint
ment of sheriffs was lost to the citizens. Throughout
the reigns of Henry II and his successor they were
appointed by the crown. Richard's charter to the
citizens makes no mention of the sheriffwick, nor
is it mentioned in the first charter granted by John.
When it was restored to the citizens (a.d. 1199), by
John's second charter, the office of sheriff of London
had lost much of its importance owing to the intro
duction of the communal system of municipal govern
ment imder a mayor.
The Inquest In the meantime the sheriffs of the counties, who
1 1 70. ' had by reason of Henry's administrative reforms, risen
to be officers of greater importance and wider jurisdic
tion, and who had taken advantage of their positions to
oppress the people during the king's prolonged absence
abroad, were also made to feel the power of the crown.
A blow struck at the sheriffs was calculated to weaken
' This charter (with fragment of seal) is preserved at the Guildhall,
It bears no date, but appears to have been granted between 1 154 and 1 161.

59

THE REVOLT OF THE BARONS.
the nobility and the larger landowners — ^the class from
which it had been the custom hitherto to select these
officers. Henry saw the advantage to be gained, and
on his return to England in 1170 deposed most ofthe
sheriffs and ordered a strict enquiry to be made, as to
the extortions they had committed in his absence.
Their places were filled for the most part by men of
lower rank, and therefore likely to be more submissive.
Some, however, were reinstated and became more cruel
and extortionate than ever.^
The last fifteen years of Henry's life were full of The revolt
domestic trouble. He had always found it an easier Karons,
matter to rule his kingdom than his household. His "74-
sons were for ever thwarting his will and quarrelling
with each other. It was his desire to secure the
succession to the crown for his eldest son Henry, and
to this end he had caused him to be crowned by the
Archbishop of York (14th June, 1170), who was
thereupon declared excommunicated by his brother
of Canterbury. The son began to clamour for his
inheritance whilst his father still lived, and appealed
in 1 1 73 to the French king, whose daughter he had
married, to assist him in his unholy enterprise. Whilst
Henry was engaged in defending his crown against
his own son on the continent, the great barons of
England rose in insurrection, and the king was obliged
to hasten home, where he arrived in July, 1 174. The
rebeUion was quickly put down, and the strife between
king and nobles for a time ceased.
In the city there were occasional disturbances Disturbances
, .. • 1 1 1 J j7 in the city,
caused by the younger nobility— the young bloods of 1174-1177.
' Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 138.

6o LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the city^ — who infested the streets at night, broke
into the houses of the rich and committed every
kind of excess. In 1177 the brother of the Earl
of Ferrers was waylaid and killed, and for some time
the streets were unsafe at night. The chronicler records
a singular outrage perpetrated three years before, by
these sprigs of nobility. They forcibly entered the
house of a wealthy citizen whose name has not come
down to us, he is simply styled the pater-familias.
Of his courage we are left in no doubt, for we are
told that he slipt on a coat of mail, armed his house
hold, and awaited the attack. He had not long to
wait. The leader of the band — one Andrew Buc-
quinte — soon made his appearance, and was met by
a pan of hot coals. Swords were drawn on both
sides and pater-familias, whose coat of mail served
him well, succeeded in cutting off the right hand of
his assailant. Upon the cry of thieves being raised,
the delinquents took to their heels, lea-ving their
leader a prisoner. The next day, being brought
before the king's justiciar, he informed against his
companions. This cowardly action on the part of
Bucquinte led to many of them being taken, and
among them one who is described by the chronicler
as the noblest and wealthiest of London citizens, but
to whom the chronicler gives no other name than
" John, the old man" {Johannes Senex). An offer was
made to John to prove his innocence by what was
known as the ordeal by water,^ but the offer was
' " De filiis et parentibus nobilium civitatis" and again "filii et
nepotes quorundam nobilium civium Londoniarum." — Benedict of
Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 155.
^ By a strange anomaly, a man who underwent ordeal by water
was only adjudged innocent if he sank to the bottom and was drowned.
Hence the old man's caution !

RICHARD I AND HIS CHANCELLOR. 6 1
declined, and he was eventually hanged. The whole
story looks suspicious.
Having settled the succession of the crown of The last
England upon his eldest son, the king put his second HJnry°ii,
son, Richard, into possession of the Duchy of Aqui- "77-ii89-
taine, and provided for his third son, Geoffrey, by
marriage with the heiress of Brittany. There was
yet another son, John, who was too young to be pro
vided for just now, and who being without any terri
tory, assigned to him, acquired the name of Lackland.
Both Richard and Geoffrey had taken the part of their
brother Henry in 1173, and in 11 77 the three brothers
were again quarrelling with their father and with each
other. After the deaths of Henry and Geoffrey, the
quarrel was taken up by the surviving brothers,
Richard and John.
In all these — ^more or less — petty wars with his
sons, the king had always to deal with the ruler of
France. At last, in 1189, the loss of Le Mans — his
own birth-place — and the unexpected discovery that
his youngest and best beloved son, John, had turned
traitor towards him, left the king nothing to Hve for,
and after a few days suffering he died, ill and worn
out, at Chinon.
Richard had scarcely succeeded to the throne, Accession
before he set out on a crusade, leaving the government \^ and ad-
of his country in the hands of WiUiam Longchamp, ™/"LOTg-'°"
Bishop of Ely, as chancellor.^ With him was asso- champ, 1189-1190.
ciated in the government, Hugh de Puiset, or Pudsey,
Bishop of Durham, but Longchamp soon got the
' Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 28. According to
Richard of Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82, iii, 387), Longchamp obtained
the chancellorship by bribery.

62

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Longchamp
opposed by
Prince John,
1191.

.Arrival of
Longchamp in London ;
the citizens
divided, 7th
October, 1191.

supreme control of affairs into his own hands, and
commenced to act in the most tyrannical fashion. He
increased the security of the Tower of London, which
had been committed to his charge, by surrounding it
with a moat,'^ and having got himself nominated papal
legate, made a progress through the country com
mitting the greatest extortion. ^
Report ofthe ChanceUor's conduct having reached
the ears of Richard, he despatched the Archbishop
of Rouen to England with a new commission, but
the worthy prelate on arrival (April, 1191), was afraid
to present the commission, preferring to let matters
take their course.^ Already a fierce rivalry had
sprung up between the chancellor and John, the
king's brother, who, for purposes of his own, had es
poused the cause of the oppressed. Popular feeling
at length became so strong, that Longchamp feared
to meet John and the bishops, and, instead of going
to Reading, where his attendance was required, he
hastened to London. Arriving there (7 Oct.), he
called the citizens together in the Guildhall, and prayed
them to uphold the King against John, whom he de
nounced as aiming plainly at the Crown. The leading
men in the city at the time were Richard Fitz-Reinei'
and Henry de Cornhill. These took opposite sides,
the former favouring John, whilst the latter took the
side of the chancellor.* John's party proving the
stronger of the two, Longchamp thought it safest to
seek refuge in the Tower.^

' Benedict (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 106.

' Preface to Roger , de Hoveden, iii, p. Ixxvii.
Vita Galfridi (Rolls Series No. 21), iv, 397.
^Richard of Devizes, iii, 414. Benedict, ii, 213.

"/rf. 11,143. '/(/.ii, 158.
Girald. Cambr.

THE CITY AND ITS "COMMUNE,'

63

As soon as John found that the chancellor had John ad-
gone to London instead of Reading, he too hastened the city.'" °
thither. On his arrival he was welcomed and hos
pitably entertained by Richard Fitz- Reiner who gave
him to understand on what terms he might expect the
support of the city.^ As to terms, John was ready to
accede to any that might be proposed.
The next day (8 Oct.), a meeting of the barons ^ meeting
of the realm, as well as of the citizens 1 of London, and citizens
was convened in St. Paul's Church, to consider the g'oct.frigi'.'
conduct of the chancellor, and it was thereupon
decided that Longchamp should be deposed from
office. The story, as told by different chroniclers,^
varies in some particulars, but the main features are
the same in all. The king's minister was set aside, Longchamp
John was recognised as the head of the king- j'g^'.'e'^.og^
dom, and new appointments made to judicial, "i^ed as
fiscal, and military offices. The Archbishop of kingdom.
Rouen, who attended the council, seeing the turn
affairs had taken, no longer hesitated to produce the
letters under the king's sign manual appointing a new
commission for the government of the kingdom.
The same day that witnessed the faU of Long- John grants
or confirms
champ was also a memorable one in the annals of the to the citi-
City of London ; for immediately after judgment had commune.
been passed on the chancellor, John and the asserh-
bled barons granted to the citizens "their commune,"
swearing to preserve untouched the dignities of the
city during the king's pleasure. The citizens on
' Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, 99. Girald. Cambr.
, (Vita Galfridi), iv, 397-398. Roger de Hoveden, iii, 140.
''Richard of Devizes. (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 415. Benedict,
213. Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi), iv, 405.

64

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Change of
name from
port-reeve to mayor.

their part swore fealty to King Richard, and declared
their readiness to accept John as successor to the
throne in the event of his brother dying childless.^
This is the first public recognition of the citizens
of London as a body corporate ; but so far from
granting to them something new, the very words
their commune {communam suam) imply a commune
of which they were de facto, if not de jure already in
enjoyment. How long the commune may have been
in existence, unauthorised by the crown, cannot be
determined ; but that the term communio in connection
with the city's organization was known half a cen
tury before, we have already seen ; "- and, according to
the opinion of Giraldus Cambrensis, there is no valid
distinction between the words communio, co7nmuna
and communia? Bishop Stubbs, however, hesitates
to translate communio as "commune," the latter being
essentially a French term for a particular form of
municipal government. He prefers to render it "com
monalty," "fraternity," or "franchise," although he
goes so far as to allow that the term " suggests
" that the communal idea was already in existence as
"a basis of civic organization" in Stephen's reign, an
idea which became fully developed in the succeeding

' " Johannes comes frater regis et archiepiscopus Rothomagensis,
et omnes episcopi, comites et barones regni qui aderant, concesserunt
civibus Lundoniarum communam suam, et juraverunt quod ipsi eam et
dignitates civitatis Lundoniarum custodirent illibatas, quandiu regi
placuerit. Et cives Lundoniarum et epispcopi et comites et barones
juraverunt fidelitates regi Ricardo, et Johanni comiti de Meretone fratri
ejus salva fidelitate, et quod ilium in dominum suum et regem recip-
erent, si rex sine prole decesserit." — Benedict of Peterborough
(Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 214. Cf. Roger de Hovedene (Rolls Series
No. 51), iii, 141 ; Walter de Coventry (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 5-6.
'- Supra p. 49.
' " In crastino vero convocatis in unum civibus, communione, vel
ut Latine minus vulgariter magis loquamur, communa seu communia
eis concessa et communiter jurata." — 'Vita Galfridi, iv, 405.

SUBSTITUTION OF MAYOR FOR PORT-REEVE. i
reign.i He is also in favour of dating the foundation of
the communa in London from this grant by John and
the barons,^ and in this view he is supported by
Richard of Devizes, who distinctly states that the
communia of London was instituted on that occasion,
and that it was of such a character that neither
King Richard nor Henry his father would have con
ceded it for a million marks of silver, and that a
communia was in fact everything that was bad. It
puffed up the people, it threatened the kingdom, and
it emasculated the priesthood.^
With the change from a shire organization to Change of
that of a French commune, whenever that happened port-reeve
to take place, there took place also a change in the '° '^"•>'°'^-
chief governor of the city. The head of the city was
no longer a Saxon "port-reeve" but a French "mayor,"
the former officer continuing in all probability to per
form the duties of a port-reeve or sheriff of a town
in a modified form. From the time when this " civic
revolution'' * occurred, down to the present day, the
sheriff's position has always been one of secondary
importance, being Ijimself subordinate to the mayor.
'Const. Hist., i, 407.
^Referring to the year 1 191, he writes, "we have the date of the
foundation ofthe commune." — Id., i, 629.
'" Concessa est ipsa die et instituta communia Londoniensium, in
quam universi regni magnates et ipsi etiam ipsius provinciae episcopi
jurare coguntur. Nunc primum in indulta sibi conjuratione regno
regem deesse cognovit Londonia quam nee rex ipse Ricardus, nee
predecessor et pater ejus Henricus, pro mille millibus marcarum
argenti fieri permisisset. Quanta quippe mala ex conjuratione prove-
niant ex ipsa poterit diffinitione perpendi, quae talis est — communia
tumor plebis, timor regni, tepor sacerdotii. "^Chron. Stephen, Hen.
II, Ric I (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 416.
¦•"It is impossible to avoid a suspicion," writes Bishop Stubbs,
" that the disappearance of the port-reeve and other changes in the
municipal government, signify a civic revolution, the history of which
is lost." — Const. Hist., i, 4o6n.

66 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
When did The earliest mention of a mayor of London in a
take'^pl^aS^ formal document is said to occur in a writ ofthe reign
of Henry 11.^ The popular opinion, however, is that
a change in the name of the chief magistrate of the
City of London took place at the accession of
Richard I. What gave rise to this belief is hard to
say, but it is not improbable that it arose from a state
ment to be found in an early manuscript record still
preserved among the archives of the Corporation, and
known as the Liber de Antiquis Legibus} The
original portion of this manuscript purports to be a
chronicle of mayors and sheriffs from 1188 down to
1273, noticing briefly the chief events in each year,
and referring to a few particulars relative to the year
1274. After naming the sheriffs who were appointed at
Michaelmas, a.d. 1188, "the first year ofthe reign of
"King Richard," Mt goes on to say that "in the
" same year Henry Fitz-Eylwin of Londenestane was
" made mayor of London, who was the first mayor of
" the city, and continued to be such mayor to the end
" of his life, that is to say, for neajjy five and twenty
"years." That Henry Fitz-Eylwin was mayor in
the first year of Richard's reign is stated no less
than three times in the chronicle.*
'Merewether and Stephens, Hist, of Boroughs (1835), i, 384.
No authority, however, is given for this statement.
^The entire MS. was published in Latin by the Camden Society
in 1846 ; and a translation of the original portion of the work was
afterwards made by the late Mr. H. T. Riley, under the title "Chronicles
of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London, a.d. 1 188 to A. d. 1274. "
"^The correct date of the accession of Richard has never been
ascertained. No records appear to be extant to fix the commencement
tof the reign of any king before the accession of John. "—Nicholas,
Chronology of Hist., p. 285.
* Eos. 45, 63 and 63b.  ,

CHRONICLE OF ARNALD FITZ-THEDMAR. 67
The compiler of the chronicle is supposed to have Arnald Fltz-
been Arnald or Amulf Fitz-Thedmar,^ an Alderman thecompUer
of London, although it is not known over which ward °]f}^ff'^^'''
he presided. Particulars of his life are given in the
volume itself, from which we gather that he was a
grandson on the mother's side of Arnald de Grevingge^
a citizen of Cologne; that his father's name was
Thedmar, a native of Bremen ; that he was born on
the vigU of St. Lawrence [10 August] A.D. 1201, his
mother being forewarned of the circumstances that
would attend his birth in a manner familiar to biblical
readers ; that he was deprived of his aldermanry by
the king, but was afterwards restored ; that he became
supporter of the king against Simon de Montfort and
the barons, and that he was among those whom
Thomas Fitz-Thomas, the leader of the democratic
party and his followers, had "intended to slay"
on the very day that news reached London of the
battle of Evesham, which crushed the hopes of Mont
fort and his supporters. The date of his death cannot
be precisely determined, but there can be but little
doubt that it took place early in the third year of
the reign of Edward the First, inasmuch as his
will was proved and enrolled in the Court of
Husting, London, held on Monday, the morrow of
the Feast of St. Scolastica [lo Feb.] of that year
(A.D. 1274-5).^
' Or simply Thedmar.
' It is thus that Riley reads the word which to me appears to be
capable of being read "Grennigge."
' Calendar of Wills, Court of Husting, London, part. I., p. 22.
From another Will, that of Margery, relict of Walter de Wynton, and
one of Fitz-Thedmar's sisters — she is. described as daughter of
"Thedmar, the Teutonic" — it appears that other sisters of Fitz-Thedmar
married into the well-known city families of Eswy and Gisors. — Id.,
part i, p. 31.
F 2

68

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The title of
Mayor, first
mentionedin a Royal
Charter of
1202.

Richard's
return from
captivity, March, 1 194.

Setting aside the statement — namely that mention
is made of a mayor of London, in a document of the
reign of Henry II — as wanting corroboration, the
first instance known at the present day of any such
official being named in a formal document occurs
in 1 193 when the Mayor of London appears among
those who were appointed treasurers of Richard's
ransom.^ Richard's first charter to the City {z-i, April, 1 194)^
granted a few weeks after his return from abroad
makes no mention of a mayor, nor does the title
occur in any royal charter affecting the City until the
year 1202, when John attempted to suppress the guild
of weavers " at the request of our mayor and citizens
of London." A few years later when John was ready
to, do anything and everything to avoid signing the
Great Charter which the barons were forcing on him,
he made a bid for the favour of the citizens by granting
them the right to elect annually a mayor, and thus their
autonomy was rendered complete.
When Richard recovered his Hberty and returned
to England he was heartily welcomed by all except
his brother John. One of his first acts was to visit
the City and return thanks for his safety at St. Paul's.*
The City was on this occasion made to look its bright
est, and the display of wealth astonished the foreigners
in the King's suite, who had been led to believe that

'"Ibi etiam dispositum est, penes quem pecunia coUata debeat
residere : scilicet sub custodia Huberti Walteri Cantuariensis electi, et
domini Ricardi Lundoniensis episcopi, et Willelmi comitis de Arundel
et Hamelini comitis de Warenna et majoris Lundoniarum." — Roger
de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 212.
'^ Preserved at the Guildhall.
'Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, p. 114.

THE CITY'S CLAIM AT CORONATION BANQUETS. 69
England had been brought to the lowest stage of
poverty by payment of the King's ransom.^
In order to wipe out the stain of his imprisonment, is crowned
he thought fit to go through the ceremony of coro- second
nation for the second time. His first coronation had '™^-
taken place at Westminster (3 Sept., 1189,) soon after
his accession, and the citizens of London had duly
performed a service at the coronation banquet — a The custom
service which even in those days was recognised as an Mayo^r
"ancient service" — namely, that of assisting the chief chief "^*^
butler, for which the mayor was customarily presented Butler at
• , 1 11 , rr., . . .. , . coronation
With a gold cup and ewer. The citizens of the nval banquets.
city of Winchester performed on this occasion the
lesser service of attending to the viands. ^
The second coronation taking place at Winchester
and not at Westminster, the burgesses of the former
city put in a claim to the more honourable service
over the heads of the citizens of London, and the
latter only succeeded in establishing their superior
claim by a judicious bribe of 200 marks.^
Richard was ever in want of money, and cared Heavy
little by what means it was raised. He declared him
self ready to sell London itself if a purchaser could
be found.* The tax of Danegelt, from which the
citizens of London had been specially exempted by
' " Denique ad ingressum principis ita ornata est fades amplissimae
civitatis ut Alemanni nobiles qui cum ipso venerant et redemptione
regia exinanitam bonis Angliam credebant opum magnitudine obstupes-
cerent." — William of Newburgh (Rolls .Series No. 82), i, p. 406.
- ' ' Cives vero Lundonienses servierunt de pincernaria, et cives
Wintonienses de coquina. " — Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No.
51), iii, 12.
'Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. 3,504, fo. 248.
' " Si invenissem emptorem Londoniam vendidissem."— Richard of
Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 388.

7°

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
charter of Henry I, and which had ceased to be
exacted under Henry II, mainly through the inter
position of Thomas of London, was practically
revived under a new name. The charter already
mentioned as having been granted to the citizens by
Richard after his return from captivity -^^as probably
purchased, for one of the king's regular methods of
raising money was a lavish distribution of charters to
boroughs, not from any love he had for municipal
government, but in order to put money in his purse.
As soon as Richard had coUected all the money he
could raise in England, he again left the country,
never to return.

The rising
in the city
under Long-
beard, 1 196.

The pressure of taxation weighed heavily on the
poor, and occasioned a rising in the city under the
leadership of William Fitz-Osbert. The cry was that
the rich were spared whilst the poor were called upon
to pay everything.^ Accounts ofthe commotion differ
according as the writer favoured the autocratic or
democratic side. One chronicler, for instance, finds
fault with Fitz-Osbert's personal appearance, imputing
his inordinate length of beard — he was known as
" Longbeard " — to his desire for conspicuousness,
and declares him to have been actuated by base
motives.^

Others describe him as a wealthy citizen of the
best family, and yet as one who ever upheld the cause

'"Frequentius enim solito . . imponebantur eis auxilia non modica
et divites, propriis parcentes niarsupiis volebant ut pauperes solverent
¦universa." — Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iv. 5. "Ad
omne edictum regium divites, propriis fortunis parcentes, pauperibus
per potentiam omne onus imponerent." — Newburgh, (Rolls Series
No. 82), ii. 466.
''¦ Newburgh, ii., 466.

INSURRECTION UNDER LONGBEARD.

71

of the poor against the king's extortions.^ Whatever
may have been the true character of the man and the
real motive of his action, it is certain that he had a
large following. When Hubert Walter, the justiciar,
sent to arrest him, "Longbeard" took refuge in the
church of St. Mary-le-Bow. Thither he was followed
by the king's officers — described by a not impartial
chronicler as men devoid of truth and piety and
enemies of the poor.^ — who with the aid of fire
and faggot soon compelled him to surrender. On his
way to the Tower, he was struck at and wounded by
one whose father (it was said) he had formerly killed ; *
but this again may or may not be the whole truth.
A few days later he and a number of his associates
were hanged.''
Two years before his death at Chaluz, Richard, Richard's
with the view of aiding commerce, caused the wears second
in the Thames to be removed, and forbade his wardens ordering the
of the Tower to demand any more the toll that had removal of
wears in the
been accustomed. The wnt to this effect was dated Thames, 14
from the Island of Andely or Les Andelys on the J" ^' ' '^'''
Seine, the 14th July, 1197, in the neighbourhood of
that fortress which Richard had erected, and of
which he was so proud — the Chateau Gaillard
or "Saucy Castle," as he jestingly called it. The repu
tation which the castle enjoyed for impregnability
' Mat. Paris, ii, 57. A similar character is given him by
Roger de Hoveden. Dr. S. R. Gardiner describes him as an
alderman of the city, and as advocating the cause of the poor artisan
against the exactions of the wealthier traders. — Students' History of
England, i, 169.
'^ " Pauperum et veritatis ac pietatis adversarii." — Mat. Paris, ii, 57.
'Newburgh, ii, 470.
¦• " And for the time," adds Dr. Gardiner, " the rich tradesmen
had their way against the poorer artisans." — Students' History of
England, i, 170.

72

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

First mention
of a delibera-
tivemunicipal
body in the
city, 1200.

The council
held at St.
Paul's, 25th
Aug., 1213.

under Richard, was lost under his successor on the
throne. Soon after John's accession we find what appears
to be the first mention of a court of aldermen as a
deliberative body. In the year 1200, writes Thedmar
(himself an alderman), " were chosen five and twenty
of the more discreet men of the city, and sworn to
take counsel on behalf of the city, together with
the mayor." ^ Just as in the constitution of the realm,
the House of Lords can claim a greater antiquity than
the House of Commons, so in the city — described by
Lord Coke as epitome totius regni — the establishment
of a court of aldermen preceded that of the common
council. When, after thirteen years of misgovemment,
during which John had enraged the barons and
excited general discontent by endless impositions,
matters were brought to a climax by his submission
to the pope, it was in the city of London that the
first steps were taken by his subjects to recover their
lost liberty. On the 25th August, 1213, a meeting of
the clergy and barons was held in the church of
St. Paul; a memorable meeting, and one that has
been described as " a true parliament of the realm,
though no king presided in it." ^ Stephen Langton,
whose appointment as Archbishop of Canterbury
had so raised John's ire, took the lead and produced
to the assembly a copy of the Charter of Liberties,
granted by Henry I, when that king undertook to
put an end to the tyranny of WiUiam Rufus. If
the barons so pleased, it might (he said) serve as a
' Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 2.
^ Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 709.

THE GOLDEN BULL.
precedent. The charter having been then and there
deliberately read, the barons unanimously declared
that for such liberties they were ready to fight, and,
if necessary, to die.^
The clergy and people who had hitherto supported
the king against the barons, ha-ving now engaged them
selves to assist the barons against the tyranny of the
king, John found himself with but one friend in the
world, and that was the Pope. " Innocent's view of
the situation was very simple," writes Dr. Gardiner,
" John was to obey the Pope, and all John's subjects
were to obey John." Within a few weeks of the
coimcil being held at St. Paul's, the same sacred
edifice witnessed the formality of affixing a golden bulla
to the deed — the detestable deed {carta detestabilis)
— whereby John had in May last resigned the crown
of England to the papal legate, and received it again
as the Pope's feudatory.^
In the following year (12 14), whilst the king was Meeting of
abroad, the barons met again at Bury St. Edmunds, at Bu% St.
and solemnly swore that if John any longer delayed f^^™"^"*^^'
restoring the laws and liberties of Henry the First,
they would make war upon him. It was arranged
that after Christmas they should go in a body and
demand their rights, and that in the meantime they
should provide themselves with horses and arms, with
the view of bringing force to bear, in case of refusal.^
The citizens at the same time took the opportunity of
strengthening their defences by digging a foss on the
further side of the city wall.*
' Mat. Paris, ii, 143. Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84),
ii, 83—87. ^ Id. ii, 146. ' Id. ii, 153.
^ Ann. of Bermondsey (Rolls Series No. 36), iii, 453.

73

74

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Open hos
tility be
tween John
and the
Barons, 1215.

Robert Fitz-
Walter, cas-
tellain of
London.

Christmas came and a meeting between John
and the barons took place in London at what was
then known as the " New " Temple. The result,
however, was unsatisfactory, and both parties prepared
for an appeal to force, the barons choosing as their
leader Robert Fitz -Walter, whom they dubbed
" Marshal of the army of God and of Holy Church."^
This Fitz- Walter was Baron of Dunmow in Essex,
the owner of Baynard's Castle in the City of London,
and lord of a soke, which embraced the whole of the
parish known as St. Andrew Castle Baynard. He
moreover enjoyed the dignity of castellain and chief
bannerer or banneret of London. The rights and
pri-vileges attaching to his soke and to his official
position in time of peace were considerable, to judge
from a claim to them put forward by his grandson
in the year 1303. Upon making his appearance in
the Court of Husting at the Guildhall, it was the
duty of the Mayor, or other official holding the court,
to rise and meet him and place him by his side.
Again, if any traitor were taken within his soke or
jurisdiction, it was his right to sentence him to death,
the manner of death being that the convicted person
should be tied to a post in the Thames at the Wood
Wharf, and remain there during two tides and two
ebbs.^ In later years, however, upon an enquiry being
held by the Justiciars of the Iter (a° 14 Edward II,
A.D. 132 1), the claimant was obliged to acknowledge
that he had disposed of Baynard's Castle in the time
' Mat. Paris, ii, 154-156.
^ As to the services and franchises of Fitz-Walter, both in time of
peace and war, see Lib. Cust., (Rolls Series), part i, pp. 147-151.

75

FITZ-WALTER THE CITY'S CASTELLAIN.
of Edward I, but had especially reserved to himself
all rights attaching to the castle and barony, although
he very considerately declared his willingness to forego
the right and title enjoyed by his ancestor of drowning
traitors at Wood Wharf.^
But it was in time of war that Fitz-Walter duties of
the castel-
achieved for himself the greatest power and dignity, lain of the
It then became the duty of the castellain to proceed of war. '™^
to the great gate of St. Paul's attended by nineteen
other knights, mounted and caparisoned, and having
-his banner, emblazoned with his arms, displayed before
him. Immediately upon his arrival, the mayor, alder
men, and sheriffs, who awaited him, issued solemnl)^
forth from the church, all arrayed in arms, the
mayor bearing in his hand the city banner, the
ground of which was bright vermiHon or gules, with
a figure of St. Paul, in gold, thereon, the head, feet,
and hands of the saint being silver or argent, and
in his right hand a sword.^ The castellain, advan
cing to meet the mayor, informed him that he had
come to do the service which the city had a right
to demand at his hands, and thereupon the mayor
placed the city's banner in his hands, and then, attending
him back to the gate, presented him with a charger of
the value of ;^20, its saddle emblazoned with the
arms of Fitz-Walter, and its housing of cendal or silk,
similarly enriched.
A sum of ;^20 was at the same time handed to
Fitz- Walter's chamberlain to defray the day's expenses.
' Introd. to Lib. Cust, p. Ixxvii.
2 The sword of St. Paul, emblematic possibly of his martyrdom,
still remains in the City's coat of arms. It has often been mistaken for
the dagger with which Sir William Walworth is said to have killed
Wat Tyler.

76 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Having mounted his charger, he bids the Mayor to
choose a Marshal of the host of the City of London ;
and this being done, the communal or "mote-beU" is
set ringing, and the whole party proceed to the Priory
of Holy Trinity at Aldgate. There they dismount,
and entering the Priory, concert measures together for
the defence of the city. There is one other point
worthy of remark, touching the office of chief ban
neret, and that is that on the occasion of any siege
undertaken by the London forces, the castellain was
to receive as his fee the niggardly sum of one hundred
shillings for his trouble, and no more.
Feud be- It is iiot improbable that Fitz-Walter' s election
Walter and as leader of the remonstrant barons was in some
King John. measure due to his official position in the city. It is
also probable, as Mr. Riley has pointed out, that the
unopposed admission of the barons into the city, on
the 24th May, 1215, may have been facilitated by
Fitz-Walter' s connexion, as castellain, with the Priory
of Holy Trinity, situate in the vicinity.
But there were other reasons for selecting Fitz-
Walter as their leader at this juncture. If the story
be true, Fitz-Walter had good reason to be bitterly
hostile to King John, for having caused his fair
daughter Maude or Matilda to be poisoned, after
having unsuccessfully made an attempt upon her
chastity.! This is not the only crime of the kind laid
to the charge of this monarch,^ and there appears to
be too much reason for beHeving most of the charges
' The story is told in Mr. Riley's Introduction to the Liber Custa-
marum (p. Ixxix), on the authority ofthe Chronicle of Dunmow.
'¦^ He is said to have made a similar attempt upon the wife of
Eustace de Vesci, a leading baron. — (Blackstone, Introd. to Magna
Carta, pp. 289, 290).

77

LONDON AND THE GREAT CHARTER.
against him to be true. It is certain that Fitz-Walter
was one of the first to entertain designs against John,
and that he and Eustace de Vesci, on whose family
the king is said to have put a simflar affront, were
forced to escape to France. The story how Fitz-Walter
attracted John's notice by his prowess at a tournament
in which he was engaged on the side of the French,
and was restored to the King's favour and his own
estates, is familiar to all.
After a feeble attempt to capture Northampton, The Barons
the barons, with Fitz-Wafter at their head, accepted fnlo'th"^
an invitation from the citizens of London to enter the ^''y> '^'^^y^
1215.
city. They made their entry through Aldgate.^
The concession which John had recently made to
the citizens, viz. : — ^the right of annually electing their
own mayor ^ — had failed to secure their allegiance.
The city became thenceforth the headquarters of the
barons,^ and the adhesion of the Londoners was
followed by so great a defection from the King's party
(including among others that of Henry de Cornhill),
that he was left without any power of resistance.*
The citizens met their reward for fidehty to the The city
barons when John was brought to bay at Runnymede. carta, 15th
In drafting the articles ofthe Great Charter the barons, 1""^' '^'^'
mindful of their trusty allies, made provision for the
preservation of the city's liberties, and the names of
'Mat. Paris, ii, 156. A different complexion, however, is put on
this event by another chronicler. According to Walter de Coventry
(Rolls Series, No. 58, ii, 220) the barons made their way into the City
by stealth, scaling the walls at a time when most of tlie inhabitants
were engaged in divine sejrvice, arid having once gained a footing
opened all the City gates one after another.
^By charter, date Sth May, 121 5, preserved at the Guildhall.
'Mat. Paris, ii, 159, 161, 164, 186.
''Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 117.

78

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Open war
between
John and
the barons.

London
under an
interdict.

Fitz-Wafter and of the mayor of the city appear
among those who were specially appointed to see that
the terms of the charter were strictly carried out.^
By way of further security for the fulfilment of
the articles of the charter the barons demanded and
obtained the custody of the City of London, including
the Tower, and they reserved to themselves the right
of making war upon the king if he failed to keep his
word. For a year or more the barons remained in
the city, having entered into a mutual compact with
the inhabitants to make no terms with the king with
out the consent of both parties.^
The right of resistance thus established was soon
to be carried into execution. Before the year was
out, John had broken faith, and was besieging Rochester
with the aid of mercenaries. An attempt to raise
the siege failed, owing to the timidity (not to say
cowardice) of Fitz-Walter, who, like the rest of the
barons, was inclined to be indolent so soon as the
struggle with the king was thought to have ended.'
The Pope supported his vassal king. For a
second time during John's reign London was placed
under an interdict. The first occasion was in 1208,
when the whole of England was put under an inter
dict, and for six years the nation was deprived of aU
religious rites saving the sacraments of baptism and
extreme unction.* It was then the object of Innocent

' Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 298.
'- " Moram autem faciebant barones in civitate I.,ondoni£e per annum
et amplius cum civibus confoederati, permittentes se nullam pacem
facturos cum rege nisi assensu utriusque partis." — Annals of Waverley
(RoUs Series No. 36), ii, 283.
'Mat. Paris, ii, 161, 165.
''Contin. Flor. Wjgorn. ii, 167, i^l. Chron. of Mayors and
Sheriffs, p. 3. •

DEATH OF KING JOHN. yo
to stir up resistance against John by inflicting suffer
ings on the people, now his purpose was to punish
the people for having risen against John.
The barons saw no other course open to them The arrival
but to invite Louis the Dauphin to come and under- Dauphin,
take the government of the kingdom in the place of ^'^'^' '^'^'
John. On the 21st May, 12 16, Louis landed at
Sandwich and came to London, where he was wel
comed by the barons. Both barons and citizens paid
him homage, whilst he, on his part, swore to restore
to them their rights, to maintain such laws of the
realm as were good, and to abolish those (if any)
that were bad.^ Suspicion, however, had been aroused
against Louis by the confession of a French nobleman
who had come over in his train, and who had solemnly
declared on his deathbed that his master had sworn
when once on the throne of England to banish all
John's enemies.^ Just when matters seemed to be De'ath of
approaching a crisis and the barons were wavering in October,
their allegiance, John died (19th October, 1216). '^'^'
'Mat. Paris, ii, p. 179.
^Confession of the Vicomte de Melun. — Mat. Paris, ii, 187.

CHAPTER IV.

The barons
desert Louis.

Defeat of
Louis at
Lincoln,20th May,
1217.

Fitz-Walter
and Munt-
fichet made
prisoners.

Although London remained faithful to Louis after
John's death, the barons began to desert him, one by
one {quasi stillatim)^ and to transfer their allegiance
to John's eldest son, a boy of nine years of age, who
had been crowned at Gloucester soon after his father's
death, the disturbed state of the country not allowing
of his coming to London for the ceremony.^
After his defeat at Lincoln (20th May, 12 17), by
William the Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, one of Henry's
guardians, Louis beat a hasty retreat to London and
wrote to his father, the French king, to send him
military assistance, for without it he could neither
fight nor get out of the country.
Among the prisoners taken at Lincoln were
Robert Fitz-Walter, and a neighbour of his in the
ward of Castle Baynard, Richard de Muntfichet, who,
like Fitz-Walter, had also suffered banishment in 1213.
The tower or castle of Muntfichet lay a little to the
west of Baynard's Castle, and was made over in 1276
by Gregory de Rokesle, the mayor, and citizens of
London to the Archbishop of Canterbury, for the
purpose of erecting a new house for the Dominican
or Black Friars, in place of their old house in Holbom.'
We hear little of Fitz-Walter after this, beyond the

' Mat. Paris, ii, 200.

^ Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 4.

'Strype, Stow's Survey, 1720, Bk. i, p. 62. They had settled
in Holborn soon after their arrival in 1220.

THE- TREATY OF LAMBETH. gl
facts that he soon afterwards obtained his freedom,
that he went on a crusade, and continued a loyal
subject to Henry until his death in 1235. He is said
to have been in the habit of wearing a precious stone
suspended from his neck by way of a charm, which
at his last moments he asked his wife to remove in
order that he might die the easier.^
A French fleet which had been despatched in London
answer to Louis was defeated off Dover by Hubert de thrEari ^
Burgh, who had gallantly held that town for John, ^^'^^hai.
and continued to hold it now for Henry. London
itself was invested by the Marshal, and threatened
with starvation ; but before matters came to extremes,
Louis intimated his willingness to come to terms.^
A meeting was held on the nth of September Treaty of
(some say at Kingston,' others at Staines*), and a inh.s^ept.,
peace concluded.^ Louis swore fealty to the Pope '^'''•
and the Roman Church, for which he was absolved
from the ban of excommunication that had been
passed on him, and surrendered all the castles and
towns he had taken during the war. He, further,
promised to use his infiuence to obtain the restoration
to England of the possessions that had been lost
beyond the sea.
Henry, on his part, swore to preserve to the barons Departure of
and the rest of the kingdom, all those liberties which borrowing a
they had succeeded in obtaining from John. Every- ™^e°/from
tiling being thus amicably settled, Louis went to London, the citizens.
' Mat. Paris, ii, 385. 2/<:^., ii, 218, 220.
' Liber de Ant, foi. 38. According to this authority (foi. 38b),
the peace was ratified 23rd September, at Merton.
* Mat. Paris, ii, 222. ' Often spoken of as the Treaty of
Lambeth (Rymer's Fcedera, i, 148.)

82

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Attempt by
ConstantineFitz-Athulf
or Olaf, to
raise a cry in
favour of
Louis, 1222.

and, after borrowing a large sum of money from his
former trusty supporters, betook himself back to his
native country.^ The general pardon which was
granted by the young king extended to the Londoners,
who became reconciled and received back their lands,^
but did not extend to the clergy, who were left to the
tender mercy of the papal legate.
For some years to come there remained a party in
the city who cherished the memory of Louis, and the
cry of " Mountjoy ! " — the war-cry ofthe French king —
was sufficient to cause a riot as late as 1222, when
Constantine Fitz-Athulf or Olaf, an ex-sheriff of
London, raised the cry at a tournament, in order to
test the feeling of the populace towards Louis. Any
serious results that might have arisen were promptly
prevented by Hubert de Burgh, the justiciar, who very
quickly sought out the ringleader, and incontinently
caused him and two of his followers to be hanged at
the Elms in Smithfield. Whilst the halter was round
his neck, Fitz-Athulf offered 15,000 marks of silver for
his life. The offer was declined. He was not to be
allowed another chance of stirring up sedition in the
city.'' A more circumstantial account of this event is
given us by another chronicler,* who relates that the
' The sum mentioned by Matthew Paris (ii, 224) is £^,ooa sterling,
but according to a marginal note in the Liber de Ant. (foi. 39) it
would appear to have been only £i,aao, which, according to the com
piler of that record, Louis repaid the Londoners as soon as he arrived
home, out of pure generosity (.mera liberalitate sua). On the other
hand, Matthew Paris (ii, 292) under the year 1227, narrates that Henry
extorted from the citizens of London 5,000 marks of silver, on the
ground that that was the sum paid by the Londoners to Louis on his
departure, to the king's prejudice.
^ Walter of Coventry, (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 239.
' Mat. Paris, ii, 251, 252.
¦* Roger of Wendover, (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 265, 267.

TUMULT RAISED BY CONSTANTINE.
wrestling match which took place on the festival of
Saint James (25th July),— the same as that mentioned
by Matthew Paris — was held at Queen Matilda's
hospital in the suburbs,^ and was a match between
the citizens of London and those outside ; that victory-
declared itself in favour ofthe Londoners, and that their
opponents, and among them the steward of the Abbot
of Westminster, thereupon left in high dudgeon. With
thoughts of revenge in their hearts, the latter caused
invitations to be issued for another match to be held
at Westminster, on the following feast of Saint Peter
ad Vincula (ist August).
It was at this second and later match that the
trouble began. The steward was not content with
collecting the most powerful athletes he could find,
but caused them to seize weapons and to attack the
defenceless citizens who had come to take part in the
games. . The Londoners hurried home, bleeding with
wounds, and immediately took counsel as to what
was best to be done. Serlo, the mercer, who had
held the office of mayor of the city for the past five
years, and was of a peaceable disposition, suggested
referring the matter to the abbot ; and it was then that
Constantine, who had a large following, advocated an
attack upon the houses ofthe abbot and of his steward.
No sooner said than done, and many houses had already
suffered before the justiciar appeared upon the scene
with a large force. As to the seizure of Constantine
and his subsequent execution, the chroniclers agree.
Constantino's fellow citizens were very indignant
at the indecent haste with which the justiciar had
' Probably Saint Giles in the Fields, a hospital founded by Matilda,
wife of Henry I.

G 2

83

84

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

caused his execution to be carried out, and did not
fail to bring the matter up in judgment against him,
when, some ten years later, Hubert de Burgh him
self feU into disgrace. ^ The result was, that the
justiciar took refuge in the Priory of Merton. When
the citizens received the king's orders to foUow
him there, and to take him dead or alive, they
obeyed with unconcealed joy. They allowed little
time to elapse, but set out at once, 20,000 strong,
ready to tear him Hmb from limb ; but luckily they
were stopped in time by another message from the
king, and Hubert obtained a respite.^
The foreign At the time of Constantino's execution, there was
thTcountry. real danger to be anticipated from raising the cry in
favour of any foreigner. The land was already
swarming with foreigners, and in that yevf year
(viz. 1222), the archbishop had been under the neces
sity of summoning a council of bishops and nobles to
be held in London, owing to dissensions that had
arisen between the Earl of Chester, William of Salis
bury, the king's uncle, and Hubert de Burgh, and to a
rumour that had got abroad, that foreigners were
inciting the Earl of Chester to raise an insurrection.^
A few years later, the country was over-run by a
brood of Italian usurers who battened on the inhabi
tants, reducing many to beggary. When attempts
' " Cives autem Londonienses, qui eundem H [ubertum] propter sus-
pendium Constantini oderant, Isetati sunt de tribulationibus suis, et
ilico conquesti sunt de eo, quod concivem suum injuste suspendit, et
absque judicio. " — Mat. Paris, ii, 345.
'^ Id., ii, 346, 347. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 6, 7.
'"Dicebabur enim . . , quod alienigense qui plus regni per-
turbationem desiderabant quam pacem, prsefatum comitem Cestrije ad
domini sui regis infestationem et regni inquietationem inducere con-
arentur. " — Walter of Coventry, ii, 251.

THE KINGDOM OVER- RUN BY FOREIGNERS. ge
were made to rid the city of these pests, they
sheltered themselves under the protection of the
Pope.^ Throughout the reign of Henry III, there was
one continuous struggle against foreign dominion,
either secular or ecclesiastical. In this struggle,
none took a more active part than the citizens of
London, and "when [in 1247], the nobles, clergy, and
"people of England put forth their famous letter
"denouncing the wrongs which England suffered at
" the hands of the Roman bishop, it was with the seal
" of the city of London, as the centre of national life
" that the national protest was made." ^
Side by side with this struggle another was being The city's
carried on, a struggle for the liberty of the subject aga^ft^en-
against the tyranny and rapacity of the king. More croachment
especially was this the case with the city. Henry
was for ever invading the rights and liberties of the
citizens. Thus in 1239, he insisted upon their admit
ting to the shrievalty one who had already been
dismissed from that office for irregular conduct, and
because they refused to forego their chartered right of
election and to appoint the king's nominee, the city
was deprived of a mayor for three months and more.^
The substitution of a custos or warden appointed The city
by the king for a mayor elected by the citizens, and the'kfng's '°
of baihffs for sheriffs, — a procedure known as "taking hand" on
' ^ _ ° the most
the city into the king's hands," — was frequently frivolous pretences.
' Mat. Paris, ii, 382, 384, iii, 90.
'Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 469, 470. "Et quia com-
munitas nostra sigillum non habet, prsesentes literas signo communitatis
civitatis Londoniarum vestrte sanctitati mittimus consignatas. " — Mat.
Paris, iii, 17.
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 7, 8.

86 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
resorted to both by Henry and his successors, and
notably by Edward I, in whose reign the city was
deprived of its mayor, and remained under govern
ment of a custos for thirteen consecutive years
(1285-1298).! Any pretext was sufficient for Henry's purpose.
If the citizens harboured a foreigner without warrant,
not only was the city taken into the king's hand, but
the citizens were fined ;^ 1,000,- a sum equal to at
least _:^20,ooo at the present day. A widow brings an
action for a third part of her late husband's goods in
addition to her dower. The case goes against her in
the Court of Husting, and is heard on appeal before
the king's justiciar sitting at St. Martin's-le-Grand.
The verdict is not set aside, but some flaw is dis
covered in the mode of procedure ; the explanation
of the citizens is deemed insufficient, and the mayor
and sheriffs are forthwith deposed, to be reinstated
only on the understanding that they will so far forego
their chartered right — viz. : of not impleading nor being
impleaded without the walls of their city — as to consent
to attend the king's court at Westminster, where
finally, and after considerable delay, they are acquitted.^
Take another instance. The king had shown an
interest in the Abbey Church of Westminster, and
had caused a new chapel to be built in 1220, he him
self laying the first stone. Thirty j-ears later, or
thereabouts, he made certain concessions to the Abbot
of Westminster — what they were we are not told —
but it is certain that they, in some way or other,
' French Chronicle (Camden Soc, No. 28), ed. by Aungier (Riley's
¦translation), pp. 241-244.
'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 11. '/(/., pp. 13, 14, 16.

" TAKEN INTO THE KING'S HAND."
infringed the rights of the citizens of London in the
County of Middlesex. The king promised to com
pensate them for the loss they would sustain ; but
faihng to get their consent by fair promises, he
resorted to his favourite measure of taking the city
into his own hands. For fifteen years the dispute
between the citizens and the Abbot as to their
respective rights in the County of Middlesex was kept
alive, and was at last determined by a verdict given
by the barons of the exchequer, which completely
justified ! the attitude taken up by the citizens of
London. In 1230 he extorted a large sum of money from Money ex-
the citizens at a time when he was meditating an the Jews as
expedition to the continent for the purpose of ^^^ensfor
recovering lost possessions. The citizens, however, payment of
^ 'the king's
were not the only sufferers. The religious houses tradesmen.
were heavily mulcted, as were also the Jews, who,
whether they would or not, were made to give up
one third of their chattels.^ Again in 1244, the
citizens of London and the Jews were made to open
their purse-strings that the king might the better be
able to pay his wine merchant, his wax chandler, and
his tailor ; but even then his creditors were not paid
in fuU.^ Only once does it appear that the king's conscience
pricked him for the extortions he was continually
practising on the citizens. This was in 1250, when
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. i6, 17, 61. Mat. Paris, iii.,
62, 80-81. -Mat. Paris, ii, 323.
' " Quia dominus rex obligabatur de debitis non minimis erga
•mercatores de vino, de cera, de pannis ultramarinis, a civibus pecuniam
multam extorsit et Judzeis, nee tamen inde mercatores plenam pacationem
receperunt." — Mat. Paris,- ii, 496.

87

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The corona
tion of king
and, queen,
1236.

The king's
custom of
formally tak
ing leave of
his citizens
before going
abroad.

he called the citizens together at Westminster, and
begged their forgiveness for aU trespasses, extortions
of goods and victuals under the name of "prises," and
for forced loans or talliages. Seeing no other way
out of it, the citizens acceded to his request.'- As
recently as the previous year (1249) he had exacted
from them a sum of ^2,000.^
Henry had been crowned at Gloucester soon after
his accession.' Nevertheless he was again crowned —
this time in London — in 1236, after his marriage with
Eleanor of Provence. The city excelled itself in doing
honour to the king and queen as they passed on their
way to Westminster : but the joy of the citizens was
damped by the king refusing to allow Andrew Bukerel
the mayor to perform the customary service of
assisting the chief butler at the coronation banquet.
It was not a time for raising questions of etiquette, so
the mayor pocketed the affront, preferring to settle
the question of the city's rights at some more con
venient time, rather than damp the general joy ofthe
company by pressing his claim.*
Yet, notwithstanding his manifestly unjust treat
ment of the citizens of London, and the cynical
contempt with which he looked upon their ancient
claim to the title of "barons," he usually went through
the formality of taking leave of them at Paul's Cross

' " Cives tamen videntes aliud sibi non expedire, omnia benigne
remiserunt." — Mat. Paris, iii, 72. - /rf. , iii, 43.
" Ann. of Worcester (Rolls Series No. 36), iv. , 407.
¦' " Unde, ne exorta contentione lastitia nuptialis nubilaretur, salvo
cujuslibet jure, multa ad horam perpessa sunt, quse in tempore
opportuno fuerant determinanda." — Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl.,ed. 1684,
P' 355- (^f Cify Records, Liber Ordinationum, fo. 193 b. Brit. Mus.
Cotton MS. Vespasian, C. xiv. fos. 113-114,

LONDON SUPPORTS THE BARONS. 89
or at Westminster, before crossing the sea to Gascony'
and was not above making use of them when compelled
to sell his plate and jewels to satisfy his debts. In
1252, he even went so far as to grant them a charter
of liberties, but for this concession the citizens had to
pay 500 marks. ^
It is scarcely to be wondered at if, when the The Mad
crisis arrived, and king and barons found themselves nth June, '
in avowed hostility, the citizens of London joined the '^^^"
popular cause. By the month of June, 1258, the
barons had gained their first victory over Henry.
He was forced to accept the Provisions of Oxford,
passed by the Mad Parliament,^ as it came to be called
in derision. The Tower of London was transferred
to the custody of the barons, and they were for the
future to appoint the justiciar. Towards the end of
July, a deputation from the barons waited upon the
mayor and citizens to learn if they approved of the
agreement that had been made with the king.''
The mayor, aldermen, and citizens, after a hasty The citizens
consultation, gave their assent, but with the reservation thefrTotwith
" saving unto them all their liberties and customs," *^ Barons.
and the city's common seal was set to the so-called
"charter" which the deputation had brought.
It was not long before the city discovered that Hugh Bigod
the barons were as Httle Hkely to respect its liberties justiciar" in
as the king himself. Hugh Bigod, whom they had ^^g"'^'
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 9, 20, 45, 53. "Id., -p. 21.
' An early instance of this parliament being so designated is found
in the Liber de Antiquis of the City's Records (foi. 75b.) where the
words insane parliamentum occur.
'' This agreement between the king and barons is termed a " Charter "
. by Fitz-Thedmar, who says it bore the seals of the king and of many
barons. — Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 41.

90

The king
takes leave
of the citi
zens, No
vember, 1259.

The king's
return from
abroad, April, 1260.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
appointed justiciar gave offence by the way he
exercised his office. In spite of all remonstrance he
insisted upon sitting at the Guildhall to hear pleas,
a jurisdiction which belonged exclusively to the
sheriffs. He summoned the bakers of the city to
appear before him, and those who were convicted of
seUing bread under weight he punished, in a way that
was not in conformity with city usage.^
In November ofthe following year (1259), Henry
took occasion of his departure for the continent to
make some popular concessions to the citizens. He
appeared at a Folkmote, which was being held at
Paul's Cross, and, before taking leave, he announced
that in future the citizens should be allowed to plead
their own cases (without employing legal aid) in aU
the courts of the city, excepting in pleas of the
crown, pleas of land, and of wrongful distress. On
the same day John Mansel — who had been one of
the king's justiciars in 1257, when the city M'as "taken
into the king's hand," and Fitz-Thedmar had been
indicted and deprived of his aldermanry for upholding
the privileges of the citizens^ — publicly acknowledged
on the king's behalf the injustice of Fitz-Tliedmar's
indictment, and announced that Henry not only
recalled him to favour, but commanded that he should
be restored to his former position.^
During the king's absence abroad, the barons'
cause was materially strengthened by the support
afforded Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, by
the king's son. Upon hearing of the defection
of his son, Henry hurried back to England.

' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 43.
pp. 45, 46.

¦'Id., pp. 33-39.

'/flT.,

THE CITY AT THE MERCY OF THE KING. qi
A consultation took place in the cit)^ as to the attitude
which the citizens ought to take up, with the result
that when Henry appeared (April, 1260), both he and
the Earl of Gloucester were admitted into the cit}^,
whilst the Earl of Leicester and " Sir Edward," as
the chronicler styles the king's son, had to find
accommodation in the suburbs.^
Henry was now master of the situation. The
city was his, and he determined that it should remain
so. Strict watch was kept over the gates, which for
the most part, were kept shut night and day in order
to prevent surprise. Every inhabitant of the age of
twelve years and upwards was called upon to take an
oath of allegiance before the alderman of his ward,
and those of maturer age were bound to provide
themselves with arms. The king, who now ruled
again in his own way, stin'ed the anger of the barons,
by presuming to appoint Philip Basset, his chief
justiciar, without first asking their assent ; and the
barons retaliated by removing the king's sheriffs, and
appointing "wardens of the counties" in their stead.^
In June 1261, Henry produced a Bull of Alexander IV,
annulHng the Provisions of Oxford, and freeing him
from his oath.^
For eighteen months the king reigned supreme. The king
_,, _ . summoned
Thebaronscoulddonothing, andthe Earl of Leicester, to observe
finding their cause hopeless, withdrew in August ( 1 2 6 1 ) \l^^ of"
to France, and remained there until the spring of oxford,
1263, when he returned as the unquestioned head of
'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 47. ''Id., p. 52.
' The Bull was confirmed by Alexander's successor Pope Urban IV,
and the later Bull was read at Paul's Cross, by the king's orders in the
following year (1262), Id., p. 53.

92

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Arrangements made
between the
king, the
barons, and
the city,
July, 1263.

the baronial party, to take up arms against the king.
The citizens professed loyalty to Henry, who was re
siding in the Tower, and bound themselves by oath to
acknowledge his son Edward as heir to the crown.^
At Whitsuntide, the barons sent a letter to the king
requiring him to observe the Provisions of Oxford,
and shortly afterwards, addressed another letter to the
citizens " desiring to be certified by them whether
" they would observe the said ordinances and statutes
" made to the honour of God in fealty to his lordship
" the king, and to his advantage of all the realm, or
" would, in preference, adhere to those who wished
" to infringe the same." "^
Before sending a reply, the citizens had an inter
view with the king in the Tower, to whom they
showed the barons' letter. The result was, that
Henry availed himself of their seiwices to mediate
between him and the barons. A deputation of citi
zens accordingly travelled to Dover, where an under
standing was arrived at between the hostile parties.
The citizens were prepared to support the barons,
subject to their fealty to the king and saving their
o-wn liberties ; whilst the king promised to dismiss his
foreign supporters — the real cause of aU the mischief.
Hugh le Despenser, whom Henry had deposed, was
again installed justiciar of all England in the Tower ;
and the king and his family left the city for West
minster, the day after the barons entered it. " Thus
" was a league made between the barons and the
" citizens with this reservation — ' saving fealty to his
" lordship the king.' " ^

' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 56. ^ Id., p. 57.
' Id., p. 58.

ORGANIZATION OF CRAFT GUILDS. q^
Whilst the commons of England were thus Organization
winning their way to liberty, the commons of the city GuUds Jnder
were engaged in a similar struggle with the aristocratic f^^^'^^°'^^'
element of the municipal government. The craft 1262.
guilds cried out against the exclusiveness of the more
wealthy and aristocratic trade guilds, the members of
which monopolized the city's rule. They found an
able champion of their cause in the person of Thomas
Fitz-Thomas, the mayor for the time being (1261-
1265). The mayor's action in the matter disgusted
Fitz-Thedmar, the city alderman and chronicler, who
complains that he "so pampered the city populace,"
that they styled themselves the " commons of the
city," and had obtained the first voice in the city.
The mayor would ask them their will as to whether
this or that thing should be done ; and if they
answered "ya" " ya," it was done, without consult
ing the aldermen or chief citizens, whose very existence
was ignored.^ It is not surprising that, under a mayor
so thoroughly in sympathy with the people, oppor
tunity was taken by the citizens to rectify abuses from
which they had so long suffered. Their trade had
been prejudiced by the number of foreigners which
the king had introduced into the city, and accordingly
we read of an attack made on the houses of some
French merchants. Rights of way which had been
stopped up, were again opened, and where land
had been iUegaUy built upon, the buildings were
abated. ' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 59. " A similar uprising of
the middle class of citizens was taking place about this period in other
towns. They are spoken of by chroniclers of the same stamp as Fitz-
Thedmar as ribald men who proclaimed themselves 'bachelors,' and
¦banded themselves together to the prejudice of the chief men of the
towns (majores urbiuiu et burgoruvif" — Chron. of Thomas Wykes
(Rolls Series No. 36)^ iv, 138.

94

The
movementfavoured by
the barons.

The queen
insulted by
the citizens,
13th July,
1263.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
The chronicler complains of the populace acting
" like so many justices itinerant." It was in vain that
the king addressed a letter to the mayor and citizens,
setting forth that the dissensions between himself and
the barons had been settled, and commanding his peace
to be kept as well within the city as without.^
The popular movement received every encourage
ment from the barons. Let those who were disaffected
put their complaints into writing, and the barons
would see that the matter was duly laid before the
king, and that the city's liberties were not diminished.
Fortified with such promises, the mayor set to work
at once to organize the craft guilds. Ordinances
were drawn up — "abominations" Fitz-Thedmar caUs
them^ — for the amelioration of the members, and
everything M^as done that could be done to better
their condition.
A few days before Henry and the barons had
concluded a temporary peace, the citizens had been
greatly excited by an action of the king's son. Henry
was, as usual, in want of money, and had failed to raise
a loan in the city. His son came to his assistance and
seized the money and jewels lying at the Temple (29th
June). The citizens were so exasperated at this high
handed proceeding on the part of the prince that they
vented their spleen on the queen, and pelted her with
mud and stones, calling her all kinds of opprobrious
names, as she attempted to pass in her barge under
London Bridge on her way from the Tower to
Windsor. (13th July).^
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 59-60. - Id., p. 60.
' Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36), iii, 222-223. Chron.
of Thos. Wykes [Ibid) iv, 136. Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28, ii, 18),
places this event after the Mise of Amiens (23rd Jan., 1264).

THE MISE OF AMIENS. „„
9o
Such conduct very naturally incensed the king
and his son against the citizens. Henry was angry
with them, moreover, for^having admitted ;the barons
contrary to his express orders.^ It is not surprising,
therefore, that when Fitz-Thomas presented himself
before the Barons of the Exchequer to be admitted to
the mayoralty for the third year in succession, they
refused to admit him by the king's orders, Henry
"being for many reasons greatly moved to anger
" against the city." ^
Before the end ofthe year (1263), both king and The Mise
barons agreed to submit to the arbitration of the 23r1i'jan"!'
King of France. The award known as the Mise of '^64.
Amiens — from the place whence it was issued — which
Louis made on the 23rd Jan., 1264, proved of so one
sided a character that the barons had no alternative but
to reject it. However unjustifiable such repudiation
on the part of the barons may have been from a moral
point of view, it was a matter of necessity. Many
of them, moreover, including those of the Cinque Ports,
as well as the Londoners, and nearly all the middle
class of England, had not been parties to the arbi
tration, and therefore, were not pledged to accept the
award.^ The citizens and the barons now entered into League be-
solemn covenant to stand by each other "saving how- ckfzras of
ever their feafty to the king." A constable and a London
marshal were appointed to command the city force, barons.
which was to stand prepared night and day to muster
at the sound of the great bell of St. Paul's. The
' Annales Londonienses. — Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series
No. 76) i, 60.
= Chron. of Mayors .ind Sheriffs, p. 62. ' Id., pp. 64, 65.

96 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
manor of Isleworth, belonging to Richard, King of
the Romans, the king's brother, was laid waste, and
Rochester besieged, but, disturbances again breaking
out at home, Leicester had to hurry back to restore
order and prevent the city being betrayed to the
king's son.^
The Battle In May the earl set out again with a force of
i4th^May, Londoners ^ to meet the king, who was threatening
1264. ^j;^g Cinque Ports. In the early morning of the 14th
he came upon the royal army at Lewes. Prince
Edward himself led the charge against the Londoners
— he had not forgotten the insult they had recently
offered to his mother — and succeeded in driving them
off the field. They scarcely indeed awaited his on
slaught, so unpractised in warfare had they become of
recent years, but turned their backs and sped away
towards London, followed in hot pursuit by Edward.
When he returned he found that, owing to his absence,
the day was lost, and that his father and brother had
been made prisoners.^ In spite of his own success, he
also had to surrender.
The Mise of The baroiis returned to the city in triumph, bring-
Lewes. j^^g ^^ I'img and Richard, king of the Romans, in their
train. Edward had been placed in custod}'' in Dover
Castle, pending negotiations. Henry was lodged in
the Bishop's Palace, whilst Richard was committed to
'Ann. of Dunstaple, iii, 230, 231.
^ The number of Londoners who accompanied Leicester to Lewes
is not given. Thomas Wykes mentions it to have been very large,
for the reason that the number of fools is said to be infinite !
" Quo comperto comes Leycestrife glorians in virtute sua, congregata
baronuni multitudlne copiosa, Londoniensium innumerabili agmine
circumcinctus, quia legitur stultorum infinitus est numerus." — {Rolls
Series No. 36), iv, 148.
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 66 ; Ann. of Dunstaple, iii, 232
Thos. Wykes, iv, 149, 150; Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28), 27.

SIMON DE MONTFORT'S PARLIAMENT.
the Tower. An agreement was drawn up which
secured the safety of the king, and left all matters
of dispute to be again referred to arbitration .^ This
treaty formed the basis of a new system of govern
ment, and led to the institution of Simon de Mont-
fort's famous Parliament.
The short respite — for it proved to be no more —
from civil war was welcomed by the Londoners. The
city had been drained of a large part of its population
in order to increase the Earl of Leicester's army, and
business had been seriously disturbed. For the past
year no Court of Husting had been held, and therefore
no wills or testaments had received probate ; whilst all
pleas of land, except trespass, had to stand over until
the country became more settled.^
The parliament which Leicester summoned to Meeting of
meet on the 20th January, 1265, marked a new era Montfort^
in pariiamentary representation. It was the first fmhTan"''
parliament in which the merchant and the trader 1265.
were invited to take their seats beside the baron and
bishop. Not only were the shires to send up two
representatives, but each borough and town were to
be similarly privileged.^
Terms of reconciliation between king and barons
were arranged, and once more the mayor and alder
men did fealty to Henry in person in St. Paul's church.
Fitz-Thomas, who for the fourth time was mayor, was
determined to lose nothing of his character for inde
pendence ;. "My lord," said, he, when ta,kingthe oath,
• -.,ifi'' Chron. of Mayors and Sherif6,.p. 67. ^/t/., p. 74.
' Fitz-Thedmar gives the number of representatives of each city
andlrorpugh as four: "De qualitef diyitate et biirgo iiii homines." —
Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 75.

97

98

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Jealousy beween the
Earls of
Leicesterand Glou
cester.

The Battle
of Evesham,
4th August,
1265.

" SO long as you are willing to be to us a good king and
" lord, we will be to you faithful and true." ^
Peace was not destined to last long. Dissensions
quickly broke out between Gilbert, Earl of Gloucester,
and Simon de Montfort, owing in a great measure to
jealousy. Gloucester insisted that the Mise of Lewes
and the Provisions of Oxford had not been properly
observed, hinting unmistakably at the foreign birth
and extraction of his rival. Endeavours were made
to arrange matters by arbitration, but in vain ; and by
Whitsuntide the two earls were in open hostility.
Gloucester was joined by Edward, who had succeeded
by a ruse in escaping from Hereford, where he was
detained in honourable captivity.^
With their combined forces they fell on Earl
Simon at Evesham and utterly defeated him (4 Aug.).
Simon himself was killed, and his body barbarously
mutilated.' The king, who was in the earl's camp,
only saved himself by crying out in time " I am Henry
of Winchester, your king." Whilst the battle was
raging the city was visited with a terrible thunder
storm — an evil omen of the future.
If credit be given to every statement made by
the city alderman and chronicler, Fitz-Thedmar, we
must believe that the battle of Evesham took place
just in time to prevent a wholesale massacre of the
best and foremost men of the city, including the
chronicler himself, which was being contrived by the

' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 77. This anecdote is inserted
in the margin of Fitz-Thedmar's clironicle, the writer expressing his
horror at the " wondrous and unheard of" conduct of "this most
wretched mayor."
- The story is told by Thos. Wykes. (Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 163.
'Lib. de. Ant. fo. 94b.

THE BATTLE OF EVESHAM AND ITS RESULTS. go
mayor, the popular Thomas Fitz-Thomas, the no
less popular Thomas de Piwelesdon or Puleston, and
others.^ The citizens of London were soon to experience The city
the change that had taken place in the state of affairs, the king's
The day after Michaelmas, the mayor and citizens 1265 toi2"o
proceeded to Westminster to present the new sheriffs
to the Barons of the Exchequer ; but finding no one
there, they returned home. The truth was that the
king had resorted to his favourite measure of taking
the city into his own hands for its adherence to the
late Earl of Leicester ; and for five years it so
remained, being governed by a custos or warden
appointed by the king, in the place of a mayor elected
by the citizens.^
There had been some talk of the king meditating Threat of
. ..... the king to
an attack upon the city, and treating its inhabitants as subdue the
avowed enemies.' The very threat of such a pro- ^^^^ ^ °^'^^'
ceeding was sufficient to throw the city into the
utmost state of confusion. Some there were — " fools
and evil-minded persons," as our chronicler describes
them — who favoured resisting force by force ; but the
"most discreet men " of the city, and those who had
joined the Earl under compulsion, would have none
of it, preferring to solicit the king's favour through
the mediation of men of the religious orders. Henry
'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 119. Circumstantially as the
chronicler relates the story, he appears only to have inserted it as an
after-thought. Mr. Loftie (Hist, of London, i, 151), suggests that
possibly the news of Fitz-Thomas' death might have been the occasion
of its insertion.
^Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), p. 235.
' " His lordship the king had summoned to Wyndleshores all the
earls, barons, [and] knights, as many as he could, with horses and arms,
intending to lay siege to the City of London [and] calling the citizens
his foes.' — Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 81.
H 2

100

LONDON AND THE ' KINGDOM.

Fitz-Thomas
and others
summoned to Windsor.

StiU remained unmoved, and the- fear of the citizens
increased to such an extent that it was finally resolved
that the citizens as a body should make humble
submission to the king ; and that the same should
be forwarded to him at Windsor under the common
seal of the city. Whilst the deputation bearing this
document was on its way it was met by Sir Roger
de Leiburn, who turned it back on the ground that he
himself was on his way to the citj' for the express
purpose of arranging terms of submission.^
That night Sir Roger lodged at the Tower, and
the next morning he went to Barking Chmxh, on the
confines of the city,^ where he was met by the mayor
and a " countless multitude " of the citizens. The
advice he had to give the citizens was that if they
wished to be reconciled to the king, they would have
to submit their lives and property unreservedly to his
will. Letters patent were drawn up to that effect
under the common seal, and taken by Sir Roger
himself to Windsor. The citizens had not long to
wait for an answer. The king's first demand was
the removal of the posts and chains which had been
set up in the streets as a means of defence. His next
was that the mayor — his old antagonist Fitz-Thomas — ¦.
and the principal men of the city should come in
person to him at Windsor, under letters of safe conduct
Trusting to the royal word, the mayor and about
forty of the more substantial men of the city pro
ceeded to Windsor, there to await a conference with
the king. To their great surprise, the whole of the
' Chron. of May'ors and Sheriffs, p. ^82.
^ At one time the parish of All Hallows Barking is spoken of as
being in the County of Middlesex, at another as being within the City.— '
Hust. Roll. 274, (10), (12).

THE FATE OF FITZ-THOMAS,- -MAYOR. lOi
party were made to pass the night in the Castle keep.
They were practically treated as prisoners.
Some regained their liberty, but of Fitz-Thomas The fate of
nothing more is heard. From the time that he entered unknown.
Windsor Castle, he disappears fi'om public view. That
he was alive in May, 1266, at least in the belief of his
fellow-citizens, is shown by their cry for the release
of him and his companions "who are at Windleshores."
They would again have made him Mayor, if they
could have had their own way. " We will have no
"one for mayor" (they cried) "save only Thomas
" Fitz-Thomas." ^
In the meantime the king had himself gone to The city
° ° taken into
London and confiscated the property of more than the king's
sixty of the citizens, driving them out of their house ^"^ > '^ 5-
and home. Hugh Fitz-Otes, the Constable of the
Tower, had been appointed warden of the city in the
place of the imprisoned mayor; bailiffs had been
substituted for sheriffs, and the citizens made to pay -a
fine of 20,000 marks. Then, and only then, did the
king consent to grant their pardon.^
Oueen Eleanor, who had interceded for the Lon- London
"' -11 J Bridge be-
doners,' was presented by the king with the custody stowed on
of London Bridge, the issues and profits of which *e queen.
she was allowed to enjoy. She aUowed the bridge,
however, to faU into such decay, that she thought she
' In narrating this, Fitz-Thedmar again discloses his aristocratic
proclivities by remarking, " Such base exclamations did the fools of the
vulgar classes give utterance to " on this occasion, viz., the election of
William Fitz-Richard as Sheriff of Middlesex and Warden of London.—
Chron. of Majors and Sheriffs, pp. 90, 91.,
^ Chron. of -Mayors and. Sheriffs, pp. 83, 85.
' " Regina etiain irdgavit pro Londoniensibus- de quibus rex pluris
recepit ad pacem suam."— Ann. of Winchester (Rolls Series, No. 36),
ii, 103. ¦,:-.-: ' ¦

J02 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
could not do better than restore it to its rightful
owners. This she accordingly did in 127 1, but soon
afterwards changed her mind, and again took the
bridge into her charge. ^
The Earl of At Faster, 1267, the Earl of Gloucester, who had
master ofthe Constituted himself the avowed champion of those
1267.^''"'' who had suffered forfeiture, and become "disinherited"
for the part they had taken with the Earl of Leicester,
sought admission to the city. The citizens hesitated
to receive him within their gates, although according
to some, he was armed with letters patent of the
king addressed to the citizens on his behalf.^ Under
pretence of holding a conference with the papal legate
at the Church of Hol}^ Trinity, Aldgate, he gained
admission for himself and followers : and there he
remained, having made himself master of the city's
gates.' Thereupon many citizens left the city, fearing
the wrath of the king, and once more the city was in
the hands of the populace. The leading citizens were
placed under a guard ; the aldermen and bailiffs were
deposed to make way for the earl's own supporters,
and, for better security, a covered way of timber was
made from the city to the Tower. *
Whatever may have been the actual part played
by the legate in admitting the disinherited into the
city, he soon showed his dissatisfaction at the state of
things within its waUs, by leaving the Tower, to join
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 146, 147.
^ Ann. of Dunstaple. (Rolls Series, No. 36), 111,245.
'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 95. The citizens appear
to have been divided, as indeed they often were, on the question of
admitting the Earl.
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 95, 97.

THE MAYORALTY RESTORED. jq,
the king at Ham, and placing the disinherited — " the
enemies of the king" — under an interdict.'-
At length the king and the Earl of Gloucester Terms
came to terms (i6 June). The earl was to have his tow?en
property restored to him, and the city was to be ^^"h?'^'^
forgiven all trespasses committed against the king k™g. i6*
since the time that the earl made his sojourn within
its walls. The earl gave surety in 10,000 marks for
keeping the peace, and the citizens paid the king of
the Romans 1,000 marks for damages they had
committed three years before in his manor of
Isleworth.^ Not a word about the imprisoned mayor,
Fitz-Thomas !
The king's letters patent granting forgiveness to Charter of
the citizens for harbouring the Earl of Gloucester^ 26th'March,
were followed in the spring of the following year '^^^•
by another charter to the city.* But inasmuch as this
charter did not restore the mayoralty, the citizens
had Httle cause to be thankful and looked upon it as
only an instalment of favours to come.
Towards the end of this year or early in the next The city
(1269), the city was committed by the king to his rfgh^to^
son Edward, who ruled ft by deputy. Sir Hugh Fitz- f^^^'^JJ^^^y^g'
Otes being again appointed Constable of the Tower, 1270.
and warden of the city.^ It was through the good
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 96. '' Id., pp. 97, 100.
' Dated " Est Ratford," 1 6th June, 1267. Chron. of Mayors .ind
Sheriffs, pp. 98-100.
-¦ Dated 26th March, 1268. The original is preserved at the
Guildhall (Box No. 3). A copy of it, inserted in the Lib. de Ant.
(fo. io8b), has the following heading: — "Carta domini regis quam
fecit civibus Lond', sub spe inveniendi ab eo meliorem gratiam," the
words in italics being added by a later hand.
.- -'.Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 113. Ann. of Waverley (Rolls
Series No. 36), ii, 375.

104

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The sheriff's
ferm
increased to £a,qo.

Election'of
JohnAdrian, Mayor, 1270.

Election of
Hervy, 1272,
disputed.

offices - of the prince, that the citizens eventually
recovered the right to elect their mayor, so long with
held. "About the same time, that is to say,
Pentecost, 1270," writes Fitz-Thedmar, "at the
" instance of Sir Edward, his lordship the king
"granted unto the citizens that they might have a
" mayor from among themselves in such form as they
" were wont to elect him."^
He further allowed them to choose two sheriffs
who should discharge the duties of sheriff, {qui
teneirent vicecomitatem) of the City and Middlesex,
as formerly ; but instead of the yearly ferm of
;^300 in pure silver {sterlingorum blancorum),
formerly paid for Middlesex, they were thenceforth to
pay an annual rent of .;^40o in money counted
{sterlingorum computatorum.f
The citizens lost no time in exercising their
recovered rights. Their choice fell upon John Adrian
for the mayoralty, whilst Philip le Taillour and
Walter le Poter were elected sheriffs. After they
had been severally admitted into office — the mayor
before the king himself on Wednesday, the 16th July,
and the sheriffs at the Exchequer two days later — ^the
king restored the city's charters, and the citizens
acknowledged the royal favour by a gift of 100 marks
to the king, and 500 marks to Prince Edward, who
had proved so good a friend to them, and who was
about to set out for the Holy Land.^
Adrian was succeeded in the mayoralty by
Walter Hervy, who had already ser^^ed as sheriff or

' Chrqn. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 129. '- Lib. de Ant., fo. 120.
'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 129-130.

WALTER HERVY RE-ALECTED MAYOR. I05
bailiff on two occasions, once by royal appointment.
He made himself so popular with the " commons " of
the city during his year of office, that when October,
1272, came round and the aldermen and more
"discreet" citizens were in favour of electing Philip
le Taillour as his successor, the Commons or " mob of
the city " — as the chronicler prefers to style them —
cried out, " Nay, nay, we will have no one for mayor
but Wafter Hervi."^
The aldermen finding themselves in a minority. Appeal
appealed to the king and council at Westminster. bSh^partles
Hervy did the same, being accompanied to West- counciii^'"^'^
minster by a large number of supporters, who took
the opportunity of the aldermen laying their case
before the council to insist loudly, as they waited in
the adjacent hall, upon their own right of election
and their choice of Hervy. It was feared that the
noise might disturb the king who was confined to his
bed with what proved to be his last illness. All
parties was therefore dismissed, injunction being laid
upon Hervy not to appear again with such a follow
ing, but to come with only ten or a dozen supporters
at the most.
Hervy paid no heed to this warning, but con- The king's
tinued to present himself at Westminster every day death, i6th
for a fortnight, accompanied by his supporters in full '^°2^^'°^'''
force, expecting an answer to be given by the council.
At length the council resolved to submit the whole
question to arbitration, the city in the meanwhile
being placed in the custody of a -warden. Before the
arbitrators got to work, the king died (i6 Nov.),
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 153.

lo6 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
and rather than the city should continue to be
disturbed at such a crisis, the aldermen agreed to a
compromise, and Hervy was allowed to be mayor
for one year more.^
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 154, 159.

CHAPTER V.
Although the aldermen had been prevailed upon Fitz-Thed-
1 • -L -L TT , 1 , • 1 mar's preju-
to give their assent to Hervy s election to the dice against
mayoralty, his democratic tendencies made him an ^'^^^"
object of dislike, more especially to Fitz-Thomas. i^t^ru
When, therefore, that chronicler records that through
out Hervy's year of office he did not allow anj^
pleading in the Husting for Pleas of Land except very
rarely, for the reason that the mayor himself was
defendant in a suit brought against him by Isabella
Bukerel,'- we hesitate to place impHcit belief in his
statement.^ We are incHned, moreover, to give less
credit to anything that Fitz-Thedmar may say against
the mayor when we bear in mind that the former
had a personal grievance against the latter.'
Hervy was a worthy successor to Fitz-Thomas, Hervy's
, ^ ., , . ¦¦ so-called
and, under his government, the craft guilds improved "charter"
their position. Fresh ordinances for the regulation of ^°Jl^^_
various crafts were drawn up, and to these the mayor,
on his own responsibility, attached the city seal.''
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 164.
''The series of Husting Rolls for Pleas of Land, preserved at the
Guildhall, commence in the mayoralty of Hervy's successor.
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 205-208.
'What Fitz-Thedmar means when he says (Chron. of Mayors and
Sheriffs, p. 171), that "only one part of the seal of the Commonalty
of London "was appended to Hervy's so-called " charter " is hard to
determine. The common seal of the city was at this period in the
custody of the mayor for the time being. Under Edward II, it was for
the first time entrusted to two aldermen and two commoners for safe
keeping.— City Records, Letter Book D, fo. '145b. Cf Ordinances
of Edward II, a.d. 1319.

108 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
When Hervy's year of office expired — these so-called
"charters" were caUed in question as having been
unauthorised by the aldermen of the city and as
tending to favour the richer members of the guilds
to the prejudice of the poorer. After a " wordy and
most abusive dispute" carried on in the Guildhall
between the ex-mayor and Gregory de Rokesley who
acted as spokesman for the body of aldermen, Her-vy
left the hall and summoned the craft-guilds to meet
him in Cheapside. There he told them that it was the
wish of Henry le Galeys (or Waleys) the mayor and
others to infringe their charters, but that if they could
stand by him he would maintain those charters in all
their integrity.
Fearing lest a riot might follow, the chancellor —
Walter de Merton, through whose mediation Hervy
had been at last accepted as mayor by the aldermen
— ordered his arrest. This was on the 20tli De
cember, 1273. Hervy was, accordingly, attached but
released on bail, and early in the following January
(1274), his charters were duly examined in the
Husting before all the people, and declared void.
Thenceforth, every man was to enjoy the utmost
freedom in foUowing his calling, always pro-vided that
his work was good and lawful.^
Dispute be- When the mayor removed certain butchers' and
and^the ^"^ fishmongers' stalls from Cheapside, in order that the
Mayor, 1274. .^^xo. thoroughfaro of the city might present a credit
able appearance to the king on his return from abroad,
the owners of the stalls, who complained of being
disturbed in their freeholds — "having given to the
sheriff a great sum of money for the same " — found
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp.- 169-171; / '

CHARGES AGAINST WALTER HERVY.
a champion ip Hervy. Their cause was pleaded at
the Guildhall, and such -"a wordy strife" arose
between Hervy and the mayor, that the session had
to be broken up, and Hervy's conduct was reported to
the. king's council. The neixt day, upon the .resump
tion of the session, a certain roll was produced and
publicly read, in which "the presumptuous acts and
injuries, of most notorious character" which Hervy
was alleged to have committed during his mayoralt)^
were set forth at length.
The charges against him were eight in number. Charges
of which some at least appear to be in the last degree i-iervy for
frivolous. He had on a certain occasion borne false during his
witness ; he had failed on another occasion to attend mayoralty.
at Westminster upon a summons; he had failed to
observe all the assizes made by the aldermen and had
allowed ale to be sold in his ward for three halfpence
a gaUon ; he had taken bribes for allowing corn and
wine to be taken out of the city for sale, and he had
misappropriated a sum of money which had been
raised for a special purpose. Such was the general
run of the charges brought against him, in addition to
which were the charges of ha-ving permitted the
guilds to make new statutes to their own advantage
and to the loSs of the city and all the realm, as
already narrated, and of having procured "certain
" persons of the , city, of Stebney, of Stratford, and of
" Hakeneye" to make an unjust complaint against the
mayor, " who had warranty sufficient for what he had
done, namely, the.councU of his lordship the king."
This last charge had reference to the recent' re
moval of tradesmen's stalls from Chepe. ' No defence
appears to have 'been aUowed Hervy. The, charges

109

no
Is dis
charged
from his
aldermanry.

The after-
results of
the policy of
Hervy and
Fitz- Thomas.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
were read, and he was then and there declared to be
"judicially degraded from his aldermanry and for
" ever excluded from the council ofthe cfty"; a precept
being at the same time issued for the immediate
election "of a successor, to be presented at the next
court.^ From this time forward nothing more is heard
of Hervy. The same cloud envelopes his later
history, that gathered round the last years of his
predecessor and political tutor Thomas Fitz-Thomas.
The misfortune of both of these men was that they
lived before their age. Their works bore frmt long
after they had departed. The trade or craft guilds, as
distinguished from the more wealthy and influential
mercantile guilds, eventuaUy played an important
part in the city. Under Edward II, no stranger
could obtain the freedom of the city (without which,
he could do little or nothing), unless he became a
member of one of these guilds, or sought the suffrages
of the commonalty of the city, before admission to
the freedom in the Court of Husting.^
The normal and more expeditious way of obtain
ing the freedom was thus through a guild. If Hervy
or Fitz-Thomas lived till the year 13 19, when the
Ordinances just cited received the king's sanction, he
must have felt that the struggle he had made to raise
the lesser guilds had not been in vain. The mercan
tile element in the city, which had formerly overcome

' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 173-5.
'-"Et quod nullus alienigena in libertatem civitatis prEedictse
admittatur nisi in Hustengo . ¦ . et si non sint de certo mestero,
tunc in libertatem civitatis ejusdem non admittentur sine assensu com
munitatis civitatis illius." — Lib. Custumarum (Rolls Series), pt. I,
pp. 269-270.

THE RESULTS OF HERVY S POLICY. !„
the aristocratic element,^ in its turn gave way to the
numerical superiority and influence of the craft and
mtoufacturing element. Hence it was that in 1376 —
when the number of trade or craft guilds in the
city compared with the larger mercantile guilds was
as, forty to eight — the guilds succeeded in .wresting for
a while from the wards the right of electing members
of the city's council.^
In the meantime. King Edward I, arrived in Arrival of
London (i8th August, 1274), where he was heartily ;„ L^don,
welcomed by the citizens,^ and was crowned the 1 8th August,
1274-
following day. He had expected to have returned
much earher, and had addressed a letter to the mayor,
sheriffs, and commonalty of the City of London,
eighteen months before, informing them of his pur
posed speedy return, and of his wishes that they
should endeavour to preserve the peace of the realm.*
He was, however, detained in France.
Edward's right to succeed his father was never Edward's
disputed. For the first time in the annals of England, right to^the
a new king commences to reign immediately after the "°^^ ^c-
death of his predecessor. Le Roi est mort, vive le knowiedged.
, ' " The establishment of the corporate character of the city under
a mayor marks the victory of the communal principle over the more
ancient shire organisation, which seems to have displaced early in the
century the complicated system of guild and francWse. It also marks
the triumph of the mercantile over the aristocratic element." — Stubbs,
Const. Hist., i, 630, 631.
^ "The guilds continued to elect until 1384, when the right of
election was again transferred to the wards." City Records, Letter
Book H, fos. 46b, 173.
' Chron. Edward I and IL (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 84. Chron.
of T. Wykes (Rolls Series No. 36) iv, p. 259.
'Dated from "Caples in the land of Labour" (Cafles in terra
laboris) or Capua, 19th January, 1273. This letter wa^ publicly read
in the Guildhall on the 25th March following. —Chron. of Mayors and
Sheriffs, p. 163.

112

Four citi
zens to be
sent to con
fer with
Edward at
Paris,3rd April,
1274.

The object
of the con
ference.

LONDON, AND THE KIJ^GDOMi
Roi t Within a week of his father's decease, a writ
was issued, in which the hereditary right of succession
was distinctly asserted as forming Edward's title to
the crown .^
Before setting sail for England, Edward despatched
a letter (3rd April), " to his well-beloved, the mayor,
barons, and reputable men of London," thanking
them for the preparations he understood they were
making for the ceremony of his coronation, and bid
ding them send a deputation of four of the more dis
creet of the citizens, to him at Paris, for the purpose
of a special conference.^
The difficulty which gave rise to this conference
and to the signal mark of distinction bestowed upon
the citizens of London, proved to be of a commer^
cial character, and, as such, one upon which the
opinions of the leading merchants of London would
be of especial value. Ever since the year 1270, the
commercial relationship between England and Flan
ders had been strained. The Countess of Flanders
had thought fit to lay hands upon the wool and other
merchandise belonging to English merchants found
within her dominions, and to appropriate the same to
her own use. Edward's predecessor on the throne
had theireupon issued a writ to tlie mayor and sheriffs
of London, forbidding in future the export of wool to
any parts beyond sea whatsoever,^ but this measure
not ha-ving the desired effect, he shortly afterwards
had recourse to reprisals. .
Oh the 28th June,. 1270, ,a writ :ha.d been issuedto
the same parties ordering them to' :sei^e the goods of

'Chron.'ofMayors and Sheriffs, p. i6i. -Id.,-p. 172. '/i/.^pp. J3?, I4Q:Z,

INTERRUPTION OF TRADE WITH FLANDERS. H3
all Flemings, Hainaulters, and other subjects of the
Countess, for the purpose of satisfying the claims of
EngHsh merchants ; and all subjects of the Countess,
except those workmen who had received express per
mission to come to England for the purpose of making
cloth, and those who had taken to themselves English
wives, and had obtained a domicile in this country, were
to quit the realm by a certain date.^ Those Flemings
who neglected this injunction were to be seized and
kept in custody until further orders, and the same
measures were to be taken with those who harboured
them. In the meantime, an inquisition was ordered
to be made as to the amount and value of the goods
seized by the Countess, and the English merchants were
to lodge their respective claims for compensation.
The interruption of trade between England — interruption
at that time the chief wool-exporting country in the °,et^e^en^
world — and Flanders where the cloth-working indus- England
. .... and Flan-
try especially flourished, caused much tnbulation ; ders.
and the King of France, the Duke of Brabant, and
other foreign potentates, whose subjects began to feel
the effect of this commercial disturbance, addressed
letters to the King of England, requesting that their
merchants might enter his realm and stay, and traffic
there as formerly. They had never offended the King
or his people ; the Countess of Flanders was the sole
offender, and she alone ought to be punished. The
matter having received due consideration, the embargo
on the export of wool was taken off with respect to
aU countries, except Flanders, with the proviso that
no wool should be exported out of the kingdom with
out special license from the king.^
'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 143-4- '' M., pp. 145, 146-

114

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
By the month of October, 1271, the inquisitors,
who had been appointed to appraise the goods and
chattels of Flemings in England, were able to report
to parliament that their value amounted to ;^8,ooo
" together with the king's debt," whilst the value of
merchandise belonging to English merchants and seized
by the countess amounted to ;^7,ooo, besides chattels
of other merchants. Parliament again sat in January
of the new year to consider the claims of EngHsh
merchants, when those whose goods had been taken
in Flanders, "and the Londoners more especiaUy,"
appeared in person. Each stated the amount of his
loss and the amount of goods belonging to Flemings
which he had in hand, and a balance was struck. An
inquisition was, at the same time, taken in each of
the city -w^ards, as to the number of merchants who
bought, sold, exchanged, or harboured the goods of
persons belonging to the dominion of the Countess ;
and also as to who had taken wools out of England
to the parts beyond the sea, contrary to the king's
prohibition.! Many Flemings, stiff lurking in the city,
were arrested, and only 'liberated on icondition they
abjured the realm so long as the dispute between
England and Flanders should continue. Nearly six
months elapsed before any further steps were taken by
either party in the strife. The Countess then showed
signs of giving way. Envoys from her arrived in
England. She was willing to make satisfaction to aU
EngHsh merchants for the losses they had sustained,
but this was to be subject to the condition that the
king should bind himself to discharge certain alleged
debts, which had been the cause of all the mischief from
' Chron. of Mayorsand Sheriffs, pp. 147, 148.

FLEMINGS EXPELLED FROM ENGLAND. Ijc
the outset, within a fixed time. In the event of the
king failing to discharge these claims, the justice of
which he never recognised, the Countess was to be
allowed to distrain all persons coming into her country
from England by their bodies and their goods,
until satisfaction should be made for arrears. This
haughty message only made matters worse. The king
and his council became indignant, and contemptuously
dismissed the envoj'S, commanding them to leave
England within three days on peril of life and limb.^
Time went on ; Henry died, and before his son Writ for the
Edward arrived in England from the Holy Land to aiiFiemhigs
take up the reins of government, his chancellor, 8th Sept.,
Walter de Merton, had caused a proclamation to be
made throughout the city, forbidding any Fleming to
enter the kingdom, under penalty of forfeiture of
person and goods. The proclamation was more than
ordinarily stringent, for it went on to say that if per
chance any individual had received special permission
from the late king to sojourn and to trade within the
realm, such permission was no longer to hold good,
but the foreigner was to pack up his merchandise,
coUect his debts, and leave the country by Christmas,
1273, at the latest.^
The Countess had probably hoped that a change Negotiations
of monarch on the EngHsh throne would have gd^^ani^a*
favoured her cause. This proclamation was sufficient ^^'^'^ ^°\ ,
^ . peace with
to show her the character of the king with whom she Flanders.
had in future to deal, and destroyed any hope she
may have entertained in this direction. She therefore
took the opportunity of Edward's passing through
Paris to London, to open negotiations for the purpose
. 'Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 149, 150. "Id., p. 165.
I 2

ii6

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Particularsof the four
citizens sent
to confer
with the king
at Paris.

Peace
concluded
between England and
Flanders,
July, 1274.

of restoring peace between England and Flanders;
and it was to assist the king in conducting these
negotiations, that he had summoned a deputation of
citizens of London to meet him at Paris.
The choice of the citizens fell upon Henry le
Waleys, their mayor for the time being, one who was
known almost as well in France as in the city of
London, if we may judge from the fact of his fiUing
the office of Mayor of Bordeaux in the following year.
With him were chosen Gregoiy de Rokesley who,
besides being a large dealer in wool, was also a gold
smith and financier, and as such was shortly to be
appointed master of the exchange throughout
England ; ^ John Horn, whose name bespeaks his
Flemish origin,^ and who may on that account have
been appointed, as one who was intimate with both
sides of the question under discussion ; and Luke de
Batencurt, also of foreign extraction, who was one of
the Sheriffs of London this same year.
These four accordingly set out to confer with the
king at Paris, having previously seen to the appoint
ment of wardens over the city, and of magistrates to
determine complaints which might arise at the fair to
be held at St. Botolph's, or Boston, in Lincolnshire,
during their absence.^ The deputation were absent

'A.D. 1279. "Eodem anno escambia et novse monetse extiterunt
levata apud turrim Londoniensem ; et Gregorius de Roqesle major
monetse per totam Angliam. " —Chron, Edw. I and II. (Rolls Series
No. 76, i. 88).— Aungier Fr. Chron. (Transl.) p. 239.
^The name of John Horn with the addition, "Flemyng" occurs in
the 14th cent.— Hust. Roll. 64 (67), 81 (74).
' For one month after the Feast of St. Botolph the Abbot [17 June],
the Court of Husting in London was closed, owing to the absence of
citizens attending the fair. The right of appointing their own ofiicers to
settle disputes arising at the fair was granted to the citizens of London at
the close ofthe Barons' War. — Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 176.

ARRIVAL OF EDWARD I IN ENGLAND. „-
a month. On the 19th July, Gregory de Rokesle and
certain others whose names are not mentioned again
set out in compliance with orders received from the
king ; the object of their journey being, as we are
expressly told, to treat of peace between the king and
the Countess of Flanders at Montreuil.i A month
later Edward himself was in England.
The king ruled the city, as indeed he ruled the Strong
rest of the kingdom, with a strong hand. Londoners S^he dJy"'
had already experienced the force of his arm and his g^^J^^rd i
ability in the field, when he scattered them at Lewes ;
they were now to experience the benefit of his powers
of organization in time of peace. Fitz-Thedmar's
chronicle now fails us, but we have a new source of
information in the letter books ^ of the Corporation.
The first and the most pressing difficulty which The neces-
presented itself to Edward, was the re-organization immedkte"
of finance. Without money the barons could not be ^"Pp'^' °^
•' money.
kept within legitimate bounds. Having won their
cause against the usurpations of the crown, they
began to turn their arms upon each other, and it
required Edward's strong hand not only to impose
order upon his unruly nobles, but also, to bring
' Peace was signed before the end of July. — Rymer's Foedera,
(ed. 1816), vol. i, pt. 2, p. 513.
''A series of MS. books extending from A.D. 1275 to 1688,
deriving their title from the letters of the alphabet with wliich they are
distinguished. A, b, c, &c., aa, bb, cc, &c. We are further aided by
chronicles of the reigns of Edward I and II, edited by Bishop Stubbs
for the Master of the Rolls. A portion of these chronicles the editor
has fitly called "Annales Londonienses." There is even reason for
believing them to have been written by Andrew Horn, citizen and
fishmonger, as well as eminent jurist of his day. He died soon after
the accession of'Edward III, and by his will, dated 9th Oct., 1328,
(Cal. of Wills, Court of Husting, i, 344) bequeathed to the city many
valuable legal and other treatises, only one of which (known to this
day as " Liber Horn,") is preserved among the archives of the
Corporation.

jj8 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Scotiand and Wales into submission. The countr}'
was flooded with dipt coin. This was caUed in, and
new money minted at the Tower, under the super
vision of Gregory de Rokesley as Master of the
Exchange .1 Parliament made large grants to the
king ; and he further increased his resources by im
posing knighthood upon all freeholders of estates
worth ;^2o a year." When the Welsh war was
renewed in 1282, the city sent him 6,000 marks by
the hands of Waleys and Rokesley.^
The In 1283 an extraordinary assembty — styled a
Parliament parHamont by some chroniclers — was summoned to
bury^'Ss. ™^st at Shrewsbury to attend the trial of David,
brother of Llewelyn, Prince of Wales. To this so-
called parliament the city sent no less than six
representatives, viz. : Henry le Waleys, the mayor,
Gregory de Rokesley, Philip Cissor, or the tailor,
Ralph Crepyn, Joce le Acatour, or merchant, and
John de Gisors.-* Their names are worthy of record,
inasmuch as they are the first known representatives
of the city in any assembly deserving the name of a
parliament, the names of those attending Simon de
Montfort's parliament not having been transmitted to
us. David was convicted and barbarously executed,
his head being afterwards carried to London, and set
up on the Tower, where his brother's head, with a
mock crown of ivy, had recently been placed.^
' Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 239.
- Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 447.
'Chron. Edward I and II, (Rolls Series). Introd. vol. i, p. xxxiii.
' Id. , i, 92.
° Contin. F'lor. Wigorn., ii, 229, 230. Tho. Wykes (Ann. Monast.
Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 294. Ann. of Worcester {Ibid), iv, 486.
Walter de Heminburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc), ii, 13.

THE MURDER OF LAURENCE DUKET. ng
Of Ralph Crepyn, one ofthe city's representatives Ralph
at Shrewsbury, a tragic story is told. Meeting, one LaSce"
day, Laurence Duket, his rival in the affections of a ^"'^^'¦
woman known as "Alice atte Bowe," the two came to
blows, and Crepyn was wounded. The affiray tools
place in Cheapside, and Duket, fearing he had killed
his man, sought sanctuary in Bow Church. Crepyn's
friends, hearing of the matter, followed and having
killed Duket, disposed of their victim's body in such
a way as to suggest suicide. It so happened, however,
that the sacrilegious murder had been witnessed by a
boy who informed against the culprits and no less
than sixteen persons were hanged for the part they
had taken in it. Alice, herself, was condemned to be
burnt alive as being the chief instigator of the murder ;
others, including Ralph Crepyn, were sent to the
Tower, and only released on payment of heavy fines.*
The church was placed under interdict, the doors and
windows being filled with thorns until purification
had been duly made. Duket's remains, which had
been interred as those of a suicide, were afterwards
taken up and received the rights of Christian burial in
Bow Churchyard.
The year 1285 was a memorable one both for Legislative
London and the kingdom. It witnessed the passing of 1285.
of two important statutes. In the first place the
statute De Donis legaHsed the principle of tying up
real estate, so as to descend, in an exclusive perpetual
line ; in other words, it sanctioned entails, and its
'They were, in the language of Stow, " hanged by the purse."
(Survey, Thoms' ed., p. 96). Cf. " He was hanged by the nek and
nought by the purs." (Chaucer, Cook's Tale, 1, 885). The story is re
corded in Aungier's French Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 240 ; and
in Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series i, 92-93)-

I20 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
effect is still experienced at the present day in every
ordinary settlement of land. In the next place the
Assise of Arms of Henry II was improved so as to
secure for the king a national support in the time of
danger. In every hundred and franchise each man's
armour was to be viewed twice a year ; and defaults
reported to the king "who would find a remedy."
The gates of waUed towns were to be closed from
sun-set to sun-rise, and watch and ward were to be
kept as strictly as in times past, " that is to wit, from
" the day of the Ascension until the day of S. Michael,
" in every city by six men at every gate ; in every
" borough, twelve men ; every town, six or four,
"according to the number of the inhabitants of the
" town, and they shall watch the town continually all
"night from the sun-setting unto the sun-rising."*
Three years previous to the passing of this statute the
mayor, alderman and chamberlain had made very
similar provisions for the keeping of the City of
London, the city's gates, and the river Thames.^
The For the city, the j^ear was a memorable one,
justiciars at ¦ j. j.i • c -j. c ^ ¦ t'i
the Tower, owmg to the suspension oi its franchise. Ihe
1285. circumstances which caused the loss of its Hberties
for a period of thirteen years (1285-129 8) Avere these.
The king's justiciars were sitting at the Tower, where
the ma5'or, sheriffs, and aldermen of the city had
been summoned to attend. Owing to some in
formality in the summons, Gregory de Rokesley, the
Mayor, declined to attend in his official capacity, but
fomially "deposed himself" at the Church of All
Hallows Barking — the limit of the city jurisdiction —
' Stubbs, Select Charters, pp. 472-474.
- Letter Book C, fo. 52. Riley's Memorials, p. 21.

THE ITER AT THE TOWER. I2i
by handing the city's seal to Stephen Aswy or Eswy,
a brother alderman. On entering the chamber where
sat the justiciars, the mayor excused his unofficial
appearance on the ground of insufficient notice. This
was not what the justiciars had been accustomed to.
On the contrary, the citizens had usually shown studied
respect towards the justiciars whenever they came to
the Tower for the purpose of holding pleas of the
crown. The rules of procedure on such occasions are The cus-
fuUy set out in the city's " Liber Albus," * and they cedurewhen
contain, curiously enough, a provision expressly made ^aited'cm ^
for cases where the full notice of forty days had not the justices
been given. In such an event the prescribed rule was Tower.
to send some of their more discreet citizens to the
king and his council to ask for the appointment of
another day. Whether Rokesley had taken this step
before resorting to the measures he did we are not
told. It was also the custom on such occasions for
the citizens to gather at Barking Church, clothed in
their best apparel, and thence proceed in a body to
the Tower. A deputation was appointed — selected
members of the common council — who should also
proceed to the Tower for the purpose of giving an
official welcome to the justiciars on behalf of the
citizens. It was not thought to be in any way derog
atory to secure the goodwill of the king's justiciars
by making ample presents. It had been done time
out of mind. The sheriffs and aldermen were to
attend with their respective sergeants and beadles,
the benches at the Tower were to be examined
beforehand and necessary repairs earned out, all shops
'Rolls Series, i, 51-60. Cf. Lib. Ordinationum, fos. iS4b, seq.

122

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The city de
clared to be
taken into
the king's
hand.

For thirteen
years thecity
governed by
a custos in
stead of a
mayor.

were to be closed and no business transacted during
the session. In a word, everything was to be done
that could add to the dignity of the justiciars and
the solemnity of the occasion. In contrast with all
this, Rokesley's conduct -w^as indeed strange, and leads
us to suppose that his action was caused by some
other and stronger reason than the mere omission
to give the usual notice of the coming of the king's
justiciars. Be this as it may, the king's treasurer, who may
possibly have been forewarned of what was about to
take place, at once decided what course to take. He
declared the city to be there and then taken into the
king's hands, on the pretext that it was found to be
without a mayor, and he summoned the citizens to
appear on the morrow before the king at Westminster.
When the morrow came, the citizens duly appeared,
and about eighty of them were detained. Those who
accompanied Rokesley to Barking Church on the
previous day were confined in the Tower, but after a
few days they were all set at liberty, with the excep
tion of Stephen Aswy, who was removed in custody
to Windsor.* The king appointed Ralph de Sandwich custos or
warden of the city, enjoining him at the same time
to observe the liberties and customs of the citizens,
and for the next thirteen years (1285-129 8) thecity
continued to be governed by a warden in the person
of Sandwich or of John le Breton, whilst the sheriffs

' The circumstances of Rokesley's visit to the justices at the Tower
are set out in the city's "Liber Albus" (i, l6), from a MS. of Andrew
Horn, no longer preserved at the Guildhall. The story also appears
in Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 94.

THE EXPULSION OF THE JEWS. -^^2%
were sometimes appointed by the Exchequer and
sometimes chosen by the citizens.*
In May, 1286, the king went to Gascony, leaving Both the
the country in charge of his nephew, Edmund, Earl Ihe^ci'tyln
of Cornwall, and did not return until August, 1289. ^ong^*^^"'
He was then in sore straits for money, as was so 12S9-1290.
often the case with him, and was glad of a present of
;^i,ooo which the citizens offered by way of courtesy
{curialitas). The money was ordered (14th October)
to be levied by poU,^ but many of the inhabitants
were so poor that they could only find pledges for
future payment, and these pledges were afterwards
sold for what they would fetch.^ A twelve-month
later (October, 1290) when Edward visited London,
he was fain to be content with the smaller sum of
1,000 marks.**
The expulsion of the Jews in 1290 increased The king's
Edward's difficulties, for on them he chiefly depended increased by
for replenishing his empty exchequer. Their expul- sio^n^of "he
sion was not so much his own wish as the wish of his J*^*^' '^9o-
subjects, who, being largely in debt to the Jews,
regarded them as cruel tyrants. The nation soon
discovered that it had made a mistake in thus getting
rid of its creditors, for in the absence of the Jews,
' In 1293 the king appointed Elias Russell and Henry le Bole his
"improvers" ( apfropriatores ) in the city: — Chron. Edward I and II,
(Rolls Series No. 76, i, 102). Their duties were practically identical
with those of sheriffs, and Bishop Stubbs places a marginal note over
against the appointment, — " Sheriffs appointed by the king. " Walter
Hervy is recorded as having removed certain stones near Bucklers-
bury when he was "improver" of the city (Letter Book A, fo. 84.
Riley's Memorials, p. 25). This was probably done in 1268, when the
city was in the king's hand, and Hervy and William de Durham were
appointed bailiffs "without election by the citizens." — Chron. Mayors
and Sheriffs, pp. 112, 113.
^Letter Book A, fo. 132b. ^ Id., fo. no.
'' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 98.

12.^ LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Edward -^-as compelled to resort to the Lombard
merchants. It may possibly have been owing to
some monetary transactions between them that the
king was solicitous of getting a life interest in the
city's Small Beam made over to a lady known as
Jacobina la Lumbard. No particulars are known
of this lady, but tp judge from her name she probably
came of a famih' of money-lenders, and if so, the
king's action in writing from Berwick (28th June,
1 291) to the warden and aldermen of the city — at a
time when he was completely in the hands of the
Italian goldsmiths and money-lenders — soliciting for
her a more or less lucrative post is easily inteUigible.*
The king's request was refused, notwithstanding the
city being at the time in charge of a custos of his own
choice instead of a mayor elected by the citizens
themselves. Such requests produced friction between
the king and the city, and the former's financial
relations with the foreign merchants were fraught
with danger to himself and to his son.^
Edward's Edwai'd's anxiety was in the meanwhile increased
trouWerof by domestic troubles. In 1290 he suffered a bitter
1290. disappointment by the death of a Scottish princess
who was affianced to his son, the Prince of Wales,
and thus a much-cherished plan for establishing
friendly relations between the two countries was
frustrated. But this disappointment was quickly
' Letter Book A, fo. 95. Riley's Memorials, p. 26.
- " From the very day of his accession, Edward was financially in
the hands of the Lombard bankers ; hence arose, no doubt, the
difficulty which he had in managing the City of London ; hence came
also the financial mischief which followed the banishment of the Jews ;
and hence an accumulation of popular discontent, which showed itself
in the king's lifetime by opposition to his mercantile policy, and, after
his death, supplied one of the most efficient means for the overthrow
of his son."— Chron. Edward I and II. Introd. vol. i, pp. c, ci.

DEATH OF QUEEN ELEANOR. .9-
cast in the shade by the more severe affliction he
suffered in the loss of his wife. In November Queen
Eleanor died. Her corpse was brought from Lincoln
to Westminster, and the bereaved husband ordered a
memorial cross to be set up at each place where
her body rested. One of these crosses was erected
at the west end of Cheapside. After the Refor
mation the images with which the cross was orna
mented, like the image of Becket set over the gate
of the Mercers' Chapel, roused the anger of the
iconoclast, who took delight in defacing them.
Time only increased the king's pecuniary diffi- Seizure of
culties. In February, 1292, all freeholders of land of monastries
the annual value of ;^40 were ordered to receive ^"^ "Churches,
knighthood, and in the following January the estates
of defaulters were seized by the king's orders.* In
June, 1294, war was declared against France. Monej^
must be had. Every monastery and every church
throughout England was ransacked for treasure, and
the sum of ;^2,ooo, found in St. Paul's Church, was
appropriated for the public service.^ The dean was
seized with a fit {subita percussus passione) and died
in the king's presence.^
Instead of invading France, Edward found his The city fur-
 ^ msliGS shiDS
own shores devastated by a French fleet, whilst at and men for
the same time his hands were full with fresh diffi- ^f^tif^'^o^Tt
culties from Scotland and Wales. In the summer of 1295, 1296.
1295, the city furnished the king with three ships,
the cost being defrayed by a tax of twopence in
'Writ to the Sheriff of Middlesex, dated 2nd Jan., 1293. Letter
Book B, fo. 25. Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 266.
'^Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36), iii, 390. The chronicler
acquits the king of complicity in this sacrilege.
'Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 274.

J 26 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the pound charged on chattels and merchandise.
John le Breton, then warden, advanced the sum of
;^40, which the aldermen and six men of each ward
undertook to repay.* In the foUowing year (1296)
the city agreed, after some little hesitation, to furnish
forty men with caparisoned horses, and fifty ar
balesters for the defence of the south coast, under
the king's son, Edward of Carnarvon.^
The subjec- Edward again turned his attention to Scotland,
lami^Vlge!" and, having succeeded in reducing BalHol to submis
sion, he carried off from Scone the stone which
legend identifies with Jacob's pillow, and on which
the Scottish kings had from time immemorial been
crowned.^ By Edward's order the stone was enclosed
in a stately seat, and placed in Westminster Abbey,
where it has since served as the coronation chair of
English sovereigns.
The pariia- From Berwick Edward issued {26 Aug., 1296,)
Bury St. ,- writs for a Parliament to meet at Bury St. Edmund's,
ird'^'ov^' **^ ^^^® following November. The constitution of
1296. this Parliament was the same as that which had
met at Westminster in November of the previous
year (1295) and which was intended to serve as a
model parliament, a pattern for all future national
assemblies. The city was represented by two alder
men, namely, Sir Stephen Aswy, or Eswj^, who had
been confined in Windsor Castle ten years before for
his conduct towards the king's justiciars at the Tower,
and Sir William de Hereford.** From this time forward
' Letter Bopk C, fo. 20.
¦Id., fos. 2ib, 22. (Riley's Memorials, pp. 31-33). Liber Custum.,
i, 72-76. ' Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh (Eng. Hist. Soc), ii, 108, 109.;
' Letter Book C, fo. 22b.

THE KING IN DIFFICULTIES. J27
down to the present day we have little difficulty in
discovering from one source or another the names of
the city's representatives in successive parliaments.
Edward, of course, wanted money. The barons and
knights increased their former grants ; so also did the
burgesses. The clergy, on the other hand, declared
themselves unable to make any grant at all in the
face of a papal prohibition,* and the king was at last
driven to seize the lay fees of the clergy of the
province of Canterbury. In the spring of the follow
ing year he proceeded to seize aU the wool of the
country, paying for it by tallies, and to levy a supply
of provisions on the counties. The act was only
justifiable on the plea of necessity, and led to
measures being taken to prevent its repetition.^
It was an easier matter for Edward to raise Edward's
money than to get the barons to accompany him ^itlh Roger
abroad. To leave them behind was to risk the peace ^^°f'' ^^^¦'
of the country. He therefore spared no efforts to
persuade them to join in a projected expedition, and
when persuasion failed tried threats. It was his
desire that the barons should go to Gascony, whilst
he took the command in Flanders. This was not at
aU to the taste of the barons, who declined to go
abroad, except in the personal retinue of the king
himself. " With you, O king," said Roger Bigod, " I
" will gladly go ; as belongs to me by hereditary right,
" I will go in front of the host, before your face ; " but
without the king he positively decHned to move.
" By God, earl," cried the king, fairly roused by the
' By the bull Clericis Laicos, Boniface VIII had recently forbidden
the clergy to pay taxes to any layman. — Chron. of Walter de Heming
burgh (Eng. Hist. Soc), ii, 113-116.
-Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 130, 131. 134.

128

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The "Con-
firmatio Cartarum," Oct. 1297.

The mayor
al tyrestored
to the city,
nth April,
1298.

obstinacy of his vassal, "you shall either go or
hang ; " to which the earl replied, with equal deter
mination, " By the same token, O king, I will nefther
go nor hang." *
Nothing daunted, the king issued writs (15 May)
for a military levy of the whole kingdom for service
abroad, to meet at London on the 7th July, a
measure as unconstitutional as the seizure of wool
and the levying of taxes without the assent of
Parliament. On the day appointed, the barons, who
had received a large accession of strength from the
great vassals, appeared with their forces at St. Paul's ;
but instead of complying with the king's demands —
or rather requests, for the king had altered his tone —
they prepared a list of their grievances.
With difficulty civil war was avoided, and in
August Edward set sail for Flanders. No sooner was
his back turned, than the barons and the Londoners
made common cause in insisting upon a confirmation
and amplification of their charters.^ Prince Edward,
the king's son, who had been appointed regent in his
father's absence, granted all that was asked, and on
the loth October (1297), the Confirmatio Cartarum,
as it was called, was issued in the king's name."
Thenceforth, no customs duties were to be exacted
without the consent of parliament.
In view of the king's return to England in March
(1298), the warden of the city, Sir John Breton, the
aldennen, and a deputation from the wards met
together and resolved that every inhabitant of the

' Chron. of Walter de Hemingburgh, ii, 121.
-Id., ii, 126, 127. '/rf., ii, 149, 151.

129

RISING OF THE SCOTS UNDER WALLACE.
city, citizen and stranger, should pay to the king's
collectors the sum of sixpence in the pound of all
their goods up to ,;^ioo.* In the following month
Edward issued letters patent (nth April), restoring
to the citizens their franchises and the right of again
electing their mayor.^ The choice of the citizens fell
upon Henry le Waleys, who was duly admitted by the
Barons of the Exchequer after presentation to the
king.-' In the summer Edward marched to Scotland for Suppression
of the Scot-
the purpose of putting down the rising under Wallace, tish rising
An account of the battle of Falkirk, fought on the \^c&l i2()?,-^
22nd July, was conveyed to the mayor, aldermen, *304-
and "barons" of London, by letter from Walter
Langton, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, or, as he
was then styled. Bishop of Chester, who wrote as an
eye-witness, if not indeed as a partaker in that day's
work.* It was the first battle of any consequence in
which the English long-bow was brought into promi
nence. Edward's victory was complete. The enemy's
loss was great, the number that perished, according to
the bishop's information, being two hundred men-at-
arms and twenty thousand foot soldiers. Edward
was unable, however, to follow up his success for
want of supplies, and so retreated. In 1304, he again
marched northward, notwithstanding the defection of
many nobles. He had previously resorted once more
to the questionable practice of talliaging the city of
' Letter Book B, fo- xxxvii (loib).
' Preserved among the City Archives (Box 26). Cf. Letter Book
C, fo. xxiv, b.
' Letter Book B, fo. 93.
* Letter Book C, fo. 24. (Riley's Memorials, 37).

130

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Wallace
brought to
London,22 Aug. ,
1305.

Knighthoodconferred on
John le
Biound, the
mayor, and
others. May
1306.

London,* levying from the citizens the fifteenth penny
of their moveable goods and the tenth penny of their
rents.^ The campaign was eminently successful.
Sterling surrendered after a siege of two months, and
Wallace himself shortly afterwards fell into his hands,
having refused the terms of an amnesty which Edward
had generously offered.
He was carried to London, where a crowd of men
and women flocked out to meet one, of whose gigantic
stature and feats of strength they had heard so much.
He was lodged in the house of William de Leyre, an
alderman of the city, situate in the parish of All
Hallows at the Hay or All Hallows the Great.
Having been tried at Westminster and condemned to
death on charges of treason, sacrilege and robbery,
he was hanged, drawn, and quartered, and his head
set up on London Bridge.^
No sooner was Wallace disposed of than another
claimant to the Scottish crown appeared in the person
of Bruce. Before Edward took the field against the
new foe, he conferred knighthood upon his son and
nearly three hundred others, including John le Biound
the mayor. The number of knights within the small
compass of the city was reckoned at that time to be
not less than a thousand.'* Knighthood, as we have
seen, was one of the means Edward resorted to for
raising money, and on this occasion the citizens of

' Strictly speaking, a talliage could only be charged on the king's
demesnes, and these did not include the City of London.
2 Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 132.
'Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), 247. Chron. Edward I
and II (Rolls Series), i, 139.
-' Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series), i, 146. Hemingburgh
ii, 248.

DEATH OF EDWARD /. 1 31
London are said to have made him a free gift of
j£^2,ooo, in recognition of the honour bestowed on
their mayor.*
In the summer of 1307, Edward set out to Death of
1 r ¦ Tl 1 -I tl's king,
execute the vow of vengeance against Bruce that he 7th July,
had made on the occasion of the knighthood of his '^°^'
son, but the hand of death was upon him, and before
he reached the Scottish border he died (7th July).
'Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), 247 n.

K 2

CHAPTER VI.

The acces
sion of
Edward II.

The king's
foreignfavourites.

The new king's character, differing as it did so
much from that of his father, was not one to commend
itself to the citizens of London. With them he never
became a favourite. The bold and determined cha
racter of Queen Isabel, the very antipodes of her
husband, was more to their liking, and throughout
the contests that ensued between them, the citizens
steadily supported her cause. At her first appearance,
as a bride, in the city, the streets were compared with
the New Jerusalem, so rich were they in appearance;*
whilst at the coronation ceremony, which took place
a month later (25th February, 1308), she and her
husband were escorted by the mayor and aldermen
in their most gorgeous robes, quartered with the anns
of England and France, and were served at the banquet
as custom commanded.^
But even thus early in Edward of Carnarvon's
reign the presence of foreigners — to whom the king
was even more addicted than his father — was likely
to prove a source of trouble ; and it was necessary to
make special proclamations forbidding the carrying of

' ' ' Tunc visa est Londonia quasi nova Jerusalem monilibus ornatii. "
— Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 152.
^ " Ad quam coronationem major, aldermanni et cives Londoniarum
induti samiteis et sericeis vestimentis et ex armis Anglise et Francise
depictis, coram rege et regina Karolantes, et servi civium ad illud festum,
ut moris est, de cupa servientes, omnibus intuentibus inauditum provi-
serunt gaudium. " — Id. ibid.

THE ORDAINERS AND THEIR WORK. 13,
arms on the day of the coronation and enjoining
respect for foreigners attending the ceremony.* The
king's foreign favourites proved his ruin, and contri
buted in no small degree to the eventual defection of
the city. They were for ever desiring some favour of
the citizens. At one time it was Piers de Gavestone
who wanted a post for his "valet" ;^ at another it
was Hugh le Despenser who desired (and obtained) a
lease of the Small Beam for a friend.' The friend
only held the Beam for little more than six months,
and then, at the urgent request of the queen herself,
it was given to another.*
The barons were especiaUy irritated at being The Ordain-
supplanted by the king's favourites, and in 1308 their"work
succeeded in getting Edward to send Gaveston out 1308-1311-
of England. In the following year, however, he was
recalled, and the barons became so exasperated that
in 13 10, when the king summoned an assembly of
bishops and barons, the latter appeared, contrary to
orders, in full military array. The king could not do
otherwise than submit to their dictation. Ordainers
were appointed from among the barons for the pur
pose of drawing up ordinances for the government of
the kingdom. These ordinances were promulgated
in their complete form in 1311, when they received
the sanction of a parliament assembled at the House
of the Black Friars, in the month of August, and were
afterwards publicly proclaimed in St. Paul's Church
yard,' special precautions being taken at the time to
' Letter Book C, fo. 93 (Riley's Memorials, p. 64).
¦^ Letter Book D, fo. 96 (Memorials, pp. 69-71).
' Letter Book C, fo. 97 b (Memorials, p. 69).
* Letter Book D, fo. 104 (Memorials, pp. 72-74).
^ Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 224-225.

134

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The City's
gift of
i,ooo marks
to assist the
king against
Scotland,March, 13 ii.

Richer de
Refham,
Mayor, 1310-1311.

safeguard the gates of the city by night and
day.* Gaveston was condemned to banishment for
Hfe. In the meantime, whilst the Ordainers were en
gaged on their work, Edward had put himself at the
head of his army and marched against the Scots, who
were rapidly gaining ground under Bruce. He re
mained on the border until July, 131 1, trying every
means to raise money. In March of that year the
city sent him one thousand marks, by the hands of
Roger le Palmere and WilHam de Flete, the mayor.
Richer de Refham, contributing no less than one
hundred pounds of the whole sum. The money was
despatched on horseback, tied up in baskets covered
with matting and bound with cords, and the cost of
every particular is set out in the city's records.^
Refham was a mayor of the popular type. He
had already suffered deprivation of his aldermanry for
some reason or another, but was reinstated in 1302.^
No sooner was he chosen mayor than he caused a
coUection to be made of the ancient liberties and
customs of the city, from the books and rolls pre
served in the city's Chamber, and having assembled
the aldermen and best men of the city, he caused
them to be publicly read. This having been done,
he next proceeded to ask the assembly if it was their
will that these ancient customs and liberties, which
had so often been infringed by the removal of mayors

' Letter Book D, fo. 147b. ^ Id., fo. i2Sb.
'"Eodem anno {i.e. 1302), die Lunje iv'° Kalendas Februarii,
restitutus est Richerus de Refham in honore aldermannise Londoniarum,
et factus est aldermannus de Warda de Basseisha we. "—Chron. Edward
I and II, i, 104.

RICHER DE REFHAM, MAYOR.
and sheriffs, should be for the future maintained. Their
answer being given unanimously in the affirmative,
he at once took steps to obtain the king's writ of
confirmation, and caused them to be proclaimed
throughout the city. He made a perambulation of
the city and abated all nuisances and encroachments.
He went further than this. For some time past the
streets had been rendered unsafe to pass after dark
by bands of rioters who at that day were known by
the sobriquet of "roreres." A few years later, the
same class went under the name of "riffferes." The)-
were the precursors of the "Muns," the "Tityre Tus,"
the " Hectors," and the " Scourers," — dynasties of
tyrants, as Macaulay styles them, which domineered
over the streets of London, soon after the Restoration,
and at a later period were superseded by the " Nickers,' '
the " Hawcubites," and the still more dreaded "Mo
hawks," of Queen Anne's reign. By whatever name
they happened at the time to be known, their practice
was the same, viz. : — assault and robbery of peaceful
citizens whose business or pleasure carried them
abroad after sundown.
During Ref ham's mayoralty, a raid was made on
all common nightwalkers, "bruisers" {Jugnatores),
common "roreres," wagabunds and others, and many
were committed to prison, to the great relief of the
more peaceably disposed.*
His strictness and impartiality were such as to
raise up enemies, and an excuse was found for re
moving him not only from the office of mayor, but
' Among those who were called to account was a woman remarkable
for her name — " Sarra la Bredmongesterre. " A selection of the cases
enquired into is printed in Riley's Memorials, pp. 86-89.

135

136 LONDON -AND THE KINGDOM.
once again from his aldermanry.* On this point,
however, the city archives are altogether silent, they
only record the appointment of his successor to the
mayoralty chair at the usual time and in the usual
manner.
The fall of In January, 13 12, the king returned to the north,
Gaveston. ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^ -^^ -^^^ aiTived at York ignored the
ordinance touching Gaveston, and instead of sending
his favourite into exile, received him into favour and
restored his forfeited estates. Foreseeing the storm
that he would have to meet from the barons, the king
wrote from Knaresborough (9th Jan.) to Refham's
successor, John de Gisors, enjoining him to put the
city into a state of defence, and not allow armed men
to enter on an)' pretext whatever.^ On the 21st he
wrote again, not only to the mayor, but to nineteen
leading men of the city, exhorting them to hold the
city for him.' Other letters followed in quick suc
cession — on the 24th and 31st January and the 8th
February — all couched in similar terms.* When,
however, he saw how hopeless his case was, Edward
sent word to the mayor and Sheriffs that the barons
might be admitted pro-vided the city was still held for
the king. Accordingly the barons were admitted
without bloodshed, and held consultation at St. Paul's
as to what was best to be done.' Gaveston' s days
were numbered. On the 12th June he was forced to
' " Sed quia idem Richerus fuerat austerus et celer ad justitiam
¦faciendam nulli parcendo, et quia fecit imprisonare Willelmum de
Hakford, mercer, ideo dictus W, et sui complices insurrexerunt in ipsum
et ideo depositus fuit ab officio majoris et postea aldermannife suse." —
Chron. Edw. I and II, i, 175-176.
¦^ Letter Book D, fo. 142. ' Id., fos. I42b-I43b (Memorials pp.
93-98.) Vrf., fos. 142b, 143b, 145b.
* Chron. Edward I and II, i, 203.

THE FALL OF GAVESTON.
surrender unconditionally to the Earl of Warwick,
and that day week was beheaded without the sem
blance of a trial.*
The influence he had exercised over the king had
been remarkable from their youth. The son of a
Gascon knight, he had been brought up with Edward
as his foster brother and playfellow, and in course of
time the strong will of the favourite gained a complete
mastery over the weaker will of the prince. But his
arrogant behaviour soon raised such a storm among
the nobles at Court that he was forced to leave
England. When Edward succeeded to the throne, one
of his first acts was to recall Gaveston, to whom he
gave his own niece in marriage, after having bestowed
upon him the Earldom of Cornwall. The king seemed
never tired of heaping wealth upon his friend. Among
other things, he bestowed upon his favourite (28th
Aug., 1309) the sum of 100 shillings payable out of
the rent of ;^50 due from the citizens of London for
Queenhithe, to be held by him, his wife, and the heirs
of their bodies.^
Both of them had friends and enemidS in
common. As Prince of Wales, Edward had made
an attempt to encroach upon some woods belonging
.to Walter Langton, Bishop of Chester. This caused
a breach between father and son, and the prince
was banished from Court for a whole half-year.
Gaveston also bore the same bishop a grudge, for
it was owing in a great measure to Langton' s influence
as treasurer to Edward I that he was in the first
instance forced into exile. When the prince succeeded
' Lib. de Antiq., fo. 43b. Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.),
p. 250. 2 Letter Book C, fo. 45.

137

*38

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Parliament
at London,
August, 1312.

The birth of
a prince,
13 Nov., 1312.

his father, there came a day of retribution for the
bishop ; his property was handed over to Gaveston,
and he himself carried prisoner from castle to castle
by the now all powerful favourite. A proclamation
was also issued at the instance of Gaveston, inviting
complaints against the bishop.*
Edward had pui-posed holding a pariiament at
Lincoln towards the end of July, 13 12, but the turn
that affairs had taken induced him to change his mind,
and he summoned it to meet at Westminster.^ It was
important that he should secure the city, if possible,
in his favour. In this he was successful ; so that
when the barons appeared to threaten London, ha-ving
arrived with a large force at Ware, they found the
city's gates strongly guarded.'
In November (13 12), the queen gave birth to a
son, who afterwards ascended the throne as Edward III.
Isabel herself informed the citizens of the auspicious
event by letter sent by the hands of John de Falaise,
her " taillur."* The news had already reached the
city, however, before the queen's own messenger
arrived, and he signified his disappointment at being
forestalled by declining to accept a sum of ;^io and a
silver cup of 32 ozs., which the city offered him by
way of gratuity, as being inadequate to . his deserts.
As nothing further is recorded of the matter, it is
probable that the offended tailor had reason to repent
of his folly. For more than a week the city was
given up to merry-making, in honour of the birth of
' Letter Book C, fo. 92b (Memorials p. 63).
"^ The city chose as its representatives, Nicholas de Farendone, John
de Wengrave, and Robert de Kelleseye. Letter Book D, fos. 149b,
151, 151b. '/(/., fos. 151b, 152 (Memorials pp. 102-104.)
' Id., fo. 168 (Memorials, pp. 105-106).

139

THE CITIZENS RESIST A TALLIAGE.
an heir to the crown. The conduits ran with wine ;
a solemn mass was sung at St. Paul's, and the mayor
and aldermen rode in state to Westminster, accom
panied by members of the fraternities of drapers,
mercers, and vintners of London, in their respective
Hveries, to make offering, returning to dine at the
Guildhall, which was hung with tapestry as befitted
the occasion. After the death of Gaveston, his old enemy The ques-
Walter Langton again found favour and resumed his king's rights
office as treasurer. The city had little reason to be '° talliage
-' the city,
gratified at his return to power ; for it was by his 1312-1314-
advice that the king in December of this year (13 12),
issued orders for a talliage, which the great towns,
and especially London, objected to pay. Early in the
following January (13 13), the mayor and aldermen
were summoned to attend the royal council, sitting at
the house of the White Friars. The question was
there put to them — would they make fine for the
talliage, or be assessed by poll on their rents and
chattels ? Before making answer, the mayor and
aldermen desired to consult the commons of the city.
An adjournment accordingly took place for that
puipose. When next the mayor and aldermen
appeared before the council, they resisted the talliage
on the following grounds :* — In the first place, because,
although the king might taUiage cities and boroughs
that were of his demesne, he could not, as they
understood, talliage the City of London, which
enjoyed exemption from such an imposition by
charter. In the next place, there were prelates and
barons, besides citizens, who enjoj^ed rents and
' Letter Book D, fos. 164, 164b.

I^O LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
tenements in the city, and their consent would first
have to be obtained before the municipal authorities
could levy such a tax. Thirdly, the citizens held the
city by grant of former kings, at a fee ferm for aU
services payable into the exchequer, and on that
account ought not to be talliaged. Under these cir
cumstances the council was asked to delay the talliage
until Parliament should meet.
This request the king and council expressed
themselves as ready to comply with on condition that
the city made an immediate advance of 2,000 marks.
The city refused, and the king's assessors appeared at
the Guildhall, and read their commission. They were
on the point of commencing work, when the city
obtained a respite until the meeting of Parliament
by a loan of ;^ 1,000. More than eighteen months
elapsed, and at last a Parliament was summoned to
meet at York (Sept. 1314) ; but the country was
in such a disturbed state, owing to the renewal of
the war with Scotland, that the taUiage question was
not discussed. Nevertheless the king's officers
appeared again in the city to make an assessment,
and again they were bought off by another loan of
;^400. The king took the money and broke his word,
and the record of pledges taken from citizens for
"arrears of divers talliages and not redeemed," is
significant of the hardship inflicted by this iUegal
exaction on a large number of inhabitants of the city.*
of'Thrwar' *^"^ °^ *^*^ ^"™ ^^ -^4°°' nearly one-half (i"i78
with Scot- 3J. 4^.), was allowed the city for the purpose of
an , 0 4. furnishing the king with a contingent of 120
' Letter Book E, fo. i8. (Memorials, pp. 108-110).

DISSENSION IN THE CITY.
arbalesters, fully equipped for the defence of Berwick.
Edward had been defeated by the Scots at Bannock-
burn (24 June, 1314), and Berwick was threatened.
On the 2ist November, Edward wrote from North
ampton, asking for 300 arbalesters if the city could
provide so many ; but the city could do no more
than furnish him with 120.* The fall of Berwick was
only postponed. In 1318 the great border fortress
against Scotland was captured by Bruce. Edward was
forced soon afterwards to come to terms with the
Earl of Lancaster and the barons with whom he
had so long been in avowed antagonism, and a general
pacification ensued, which received the sanction of
Pariiament sitting at York in November.^ On the
4th December, the king sent home the foot soldiers
which the city had furnished, with a letter of thanks
for the aid they had afforded him. They were
immediately paid off and disbanded.^
It was not long before the king and Lancaster Dissension
were preparing to join forces for the recovery of 1318-1319.'
Berwick. In the meantime, the Barons of the
Exchequer appeared at the Guildhall (25th Februar}^,
13 1 9), and summoned the mayor, sheriffs and alder
men to answer for certain trespasses. Several holders
of office, and among them Edmund le Lorimer, Gaoler
of Newgate, for whom Hugh le Despenser had soli
cited the Small Beam, were deposed : a proceeding
which gave rise to much bickering between mayor,
aldermen and commons. Disputes, moreover, had
arisen in the city touching the election and removal
of the mayor, sheriffs and aldermen of the city, which
' Letter Book D, fo. 165. '' Chron. Edward I and II, ii, 55, 56.
' Letter Book E, fo. 84. (Memorials, pp. 128-129).

141

142

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Articles for
the better
governmentof the city
confirmedby the king,
8th June,
1319

required some pressure from the Earl Marshal and
other of the king's ministers, sitting in the Chapter
house of St. Paul's, before peace could be restored.*
According to the writer of the French Chronicle,
to which reference has frequently been made,^ the
dissension in the city was mainly attributable f o John
de Wengrave, the mayor. The citizens had lately been
busy drawing up certain "points "for a new charter.
Wengrave, who was at the time, or until quite recently,
the city's Recorder, had contrived, in 13 18, to force
himself into the mayoralty — having served as mayor
the two years preceding — "against the will of the
commons." He had shown no little opposition to
the "points" ofthe proposed charter, possibly because
one of the points precluded the mayor, for the time
being, from drawing or hearing pleas, saving only
"those pleas which, as mayor, he ought to hear,
" according to the custom of the city."' If this
received the king's approval, Wengrave's occupation
as Recorder, at least so long as he was mayor, was
gone. However this may be, the mayor's opposition
was rendered futile, and the articles were confirmed
by the king's letters patent.'* Their main feature has
already been alluded to ; thenceforth the direct way
to the civic franchise was to be through membership
of one of the civic guilds. A foreigner or stranger,
not a member of a guild, could only obtain it by
appealing to the full body of citizens before admission
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 285.
'' Aungier's French Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 252.
' Lib. Cust. (Rolls Series) 1, 269.
•¦Dated York, 8th June, 13 19. These letters patent are preserved
at the Guildhall (Box No. 4). Ten days later [l8th June] Edward
granted an ample inspeximus charter to the city, the original of which
does not appear among the archives. See Lib. Cust. i, pp. 255-273.

PROCEEDINGS AT THE ITER OF ij2l. 143
through the Court of Husting. Conscious of their
newly acquired importance, the gmlds began to array
themselves in liveries, and " a good time was about
to begin." * Edward did not give his assent to these
articles without receiving a quid pro quo. The citizens
were mulcted in a sum of ;^ 1,000 before the king's
seal was set to the letters patent.^ They did not
mind this so much as they did the annoyance caused
by the king's justiciars eighteen months later.
Early in 1321 commenced a memorable Iter at The iter at
the Tower which lasted twenty-four weeks and three 0^32°"'^'^
days. No such Iter had been held before, although
the last Iter held in 1275 had been a remarkable one
for the courageous conduct of Gregory de Rokesle,
the mayor. This was to surpass every other session
of Pleas of the Crown in its powers of inquisition, and
was destined to draw off many a would-be loyal
citizen from the king's side. Its professed object was
to examine into unlawful " colligations, confederations,
and conventions by oaths," which were known (or
supposed) to have been formed in the city.^ The
foUowing particulars of its proceedings are gathered
from an account preserved in the city's records and
supervised, if not compiled, by Andrew Horn, the
city's Chamberlain, an able lawyer who was employed
as Counsel for the city during at least a portion of the
Iter.* The annoyance caused by this Iter, the general
stoppage of trade and commerce, the hindrance of
municipal business, is realised when we consider that
' Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's translation), p. 253.
^ In this year [1318-19] the new charter was confirmed by the
king, and cost ;^i,ooo. Id., p. 252.
'Chron. Edward I and II, Introd., vol. ii, p. Ixxxiv.
' Lib. Cust. (Rolls Series) i, 285-432.

144

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Complaint
of negli
gence of
duty by the
sheriffs.

for six months not only the mayor, sheriffs and
aldermen for the time being, but everyone who had
fiUed any office in the city since the holding of
the last Iter — a period of nearly half a centur)^—
as well as twelve representatives from each ward,
were called upon to be in constant attendance. All
charters were to be produced, and persons who had
grievances of any kind were invited to appear. Great
commotion prevailed among the citizens upon recei-ving
the king's writ, and they at once addressed themselves
to examining the procedure followed at former Iters.
It is probable, as Mr. Riley suggests, that for this
purpose they had resort to the " Ordinances of the
Iter " already mentioned as set out in the city's Liber
Albus.* When the dreaded day arrived and the
justiciars had taken their seat at the Tower, the mayor
and aldermen, who, according to custom, as already
seen in Rokesley's day, were assembled at the church
of All Hallows Barking, sent a deputation to welcome
them, and to make a formal request for a safe conduct
to the citizens on entering the Tower. This favour
being granted, the king's commission was read.
The opening of the Iter did not augur well for the
city. Fault was found, at the outset, by Geoffrey le
Scrop, the king's sergeant-pleader, because the sheriffs
had not attended so promptly as they should have done.
The excuse that they had only acted according to cus
tom in waiting for the grant of a safe conduct was held
unsatisfactory, and nothing would please him but that
the city should be at once taken into the king's hand.^

' Rolls Series i, 51-60. Copies of the Ordinances are also to be
found in the Liber Horn (fos. 209, seq.) and Liber Ordinationum (fos.
154b seq.) of the city's archives. '^ Lib. Cust. i, 289,308.

CLAIMS PUT FORWARD BY THE CITY. I^j
Again, when the citizens claimed to record their The city
liberties and customs by word of mouth without being cord its
compelled to reduce them into writing, as the justices moiitirof^
had ordered, the oiilj- reply they got was that the)' *^^ *^'="
did so at their own peril.* Three days were con
sumed in preliminar}' discussion of points of etiquette
and questions of minor importance.
On the fourth day the mayor and citizens put in ^'^^ 4th day
their claim of liberties, which they supported by
various charters.- The justiciars desired answers on
three points, which were duly made,^ and matters
seemed to be getting forward when there arrived orders
from the king that the justiciars should enquire as to
the ancient right of the aldermen to record their
liberties orally in the king's courts. Having heard
what the citizens had to say on this point, the
justiciars were instructed to withhold their judg
ment ; and this and other questions touching the
liberties of the city were to be postponed for future
determination.* On the ninth da^' of the Iter, a long schedule, The 9th day
. ° of the Iter.
containing over 100 articles upon which the Crown
desired infonnation, was delivered to each ward of
the city.' Days and weeks were consumed in con
sidering various presentments, besides private suits
and pleas of the Crown. Suits were determined in
the Great Hall of the Tower facing the Thames,
whilst pleas of the Crown were heard in the Lesser
HaU, beneath the eastern tower. The justiciars
occasionaUy protracted their sittings till dusk, much
to the disgust of the citizens, whose business was
' Lib. Cust. , i, 296. ¦'- Id. , i, 308-322- ' -^'^- ' '• 322-324-
' Id., i, 324-325. " Id., i, 347-362.

146

Indictmentagainst a
late mayor.

The city
taken into
the king's
hand.

Adjourn ment of the
Iter over
Easter.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
necessarily at a stand-still, and as yet no indictments
had been made.* These were to come.
On the thirty-fourth day of the Iter, John de
Gisors was indicted for having during his mayoralty
(1311-1313), admitted a felon to the freedom of the
city, and fraudulently altered the date of his admission.
The question of criminality turned upon this date. Had
the felony been committed before or after admission ?
The accused declared in his defence that admission to
the freedom had taken place before the felony ; a jury,
however, came to the opposite conclusion, and not
only found that admission had taken place after an
indictment for the felony, but that the mayor at the
time was aware of the indictment. The judges
therefore ordered Gisors into custody. He was soon
afterwards released on bail, but not without paying
a fine of 100 marks.^
A similar indictment against his son Anketin, as
having participated in his father's offence, failed.
Within a week of Gisors's indictment, the mavor for
the time being, Nicholas de Farndon, was deposed,
and the city placed in the hands of Sir Robert de
Kendale, the king's commissioner.'
For nine weeks in succession the citizens had
suffered from the inconveniences of the Iter, when a
brief adjournment over Easter took place. In the
meantime, an assay was held at the Guildhall of the
new weights and measures which Walter Stapleton,
Bishop of Exeter, had, in his capacity as the king's

' " Et fuit illo die post horam vesperarum antequam Justiciarii et
duodenas perfiniebant ; sed neminem eodem die indicia verunt." — Lib.
Cust., i, 366.
^ Lib. Cust., 1, 371-374. ' Id., i, 378. Chron. Edward I and
II, i, 291. Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 253.

*47

CONTINUATION OF THE ITER.
treasurer, caused to be issued throughout the country.
One result of the trial was that whilst the city's
weight of eight marks was discovered to be slightly
deficient, the city's bushel was found to be more true
than the king's.
After Easter the sittings of the justiciars were Sudden
resumed. A great change, however, had come over the aftltude
them during the recess. They no longer behaved ?^"^^ .
JO judges after
" Hke lions eager for their prey ; on the contrary, they Easter.
had become verj^ lambs."* The reason for this sudden
change, we are told, was the insun'ection in Wales,
under the Earl of Hereford, the king's brother-in-law.
The chief questions discussed before the justices Andrew
were the right of the weavers of London to hold their appears as
guild, and the right of the fishmongers of Fish- j{?"r>^'°'^
wharf to sell their fish at their wharf by retail instead
of on their vessels or at the city markets. The claim
of the fishmongers was opposed by Andrew Horn,
himself a fishmonger by trade, as well as an eminent
lawyer, who acted on this occasion as leading counsel
for the Cit}'.
When Whitsuntide was approaching, an indict- The
^^ ° indictment
ment was brought by the city wards agamst their old brought
enemy John de Crombwelle, the Constable of the cfonstabieof
Tower. He had already made himself obnoxious to "*^ Tower.
the citizens by attempting to enclose a portion of the
city's lands f and now he was accused of seizing a
small vessel laden with tiles, and converting the same
to his own use, and further, with taking bribes for
' " Qui cum quasi leones parati ad praedam ante Pascham extitis-
sent, nunc, versa vice, quasi agni vicissim facti sunt." — Lib. Cust., i,
383-384. ¦- Chron. Edward I and II, i, 216, 272.

L 2

148

The Iter
brought to
a sudden
termination,4july, 1321.

The mayoralty restored to
the city.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
aUowing unauthorised "kidels" to remain in the
Thames. The judges, having heard what he had to
say in defence, postponed the further hearing until
after Trinity Sunday (14th June). In the meantime,
the cftizens had the gratification of seeing the
constable removed from office, for allowing the
Tower to fall into such a dilapidated state, that the
rain came in upon the queen's bed, while giving birth
to a daughter, afterwards known as Joanna of the
Tower,* and destined to become the wife of David
the Second, King of Scotland.
On the judges resuming their sittings after
Trinity Sunday, the}' sat no longer in the Great Hall
or the Lesser Hall, " as well by reason of the queen
" being in childbed there, as already mentioned, ,as of
" the fortifj'ing of the Tower, through fear of the
" Earl of Hereford and his accomplices, who were in
" insurrection on everj'' side." Temporary buildings
had to be found for them. A fortnight later there
were signs of the Iter being brought to an abrupt
termination, the citizens having represented that they
could not possibly keep proper watch and ward owing
to disturbances consequent to the holding of the
Iter;^ and within a week, viz., on 4th July, it was
actuall}' closed.
It was the bursting of the storm which had long
been gathering against the king's new favourites, the
Despensers, father and son, that caused the sudden
tennination of the Iter, and it was the fear lest he
should lose the support of the cit)' against Lancaster
and his allies that caused the king quickly to restore

' Lib. Cust., i, 408, 409. '- Id., i, 425.

HAMO DE CHIGWELL, MAYOR. 140
to the cftizens their Mayor. Hamo de Chigwell took
the place of the deposed Farndon.*
Within a few hours of the closing of the Iter The city
ChigweU and the aldennen were summoned to supporrthe
Westminster to say whether they would be wiUing j'"^' 1"^^'
to support the king and to preserve the city of London
to his use in his contest with the barons. Edward
and his council received for answer that the mayor
and his brethren " were unwilling to refuse the safe
keeping of the city," but would keep it for the king
and his heirs. They were thereupon enjoined to pre
pare a scheme for its defence for submission to the
king's council, and this was accordingly done.^
The city was, however, wavering in its support ; Letter from
Chigwell did his best to hold the balance between Hereford and
king and baron, and to hold a middle course, avoiding \f-. "^ ^
offence as far as was possible to one side and the
other. After the lapse of a few days, a letter came
from the Earl of Hereford, addressed to the mayor,
sheriffs, aldennen and commonalty of the city, asking
for an interview. It was then decided, after due deliber
ation in the Court of Husting, to ask Edward's advice
on the matter before returning an answer. At first
the king was disinclined to allow the interview,
but when the lords approached nearer London, and
resistance would have been hopeless, he gave wa}',
and a deputation was appointed to meet the lords at
the Earl of Lancaster's house in Holborn. To them
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 291. The precise date of his elec
tion is not known. Bishop Stubbs, in his introduction to the Chronicle
cited (i, p. Ixxxii), states it to have taken place in January. This can
hardly have been the case, inasmuch as the city had not been taken
into the king's hands before the middle of February — forty-one days
after the commencement of the Iter. See Lib. Cust. i, p. 378.
''Letter Book E, fos. Ii9b-I20 (Memorials, pp. 142-144).

ISO

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Terms
arrangedbe-tween the
king and
the lords,
14 August.

Chigwell
continued
in the
mayoralty.

the earl explained the aim and object of himself and
his confederates. The}' were desirous of nothing so
much as the good of the realm and the overthrow of
the Despensers, father and son, who led the king astra}-
and had caused the Iter to be held at the Tower in
order to injure the city. Having listened to the earl's
statement, the recorder, on behalf of the deputation,
asked for a few days' delay in order to consult with
the mayor and commonalty. The matter was laid
before an assembly which comprised representatives
from each ward (30th July), and again it was resolved
to ask the king's advice. At length a reply was sent
to the lords to the effect that the citizens would
neither aid the Despensers nor oppose the lords, but
the city would in the meantime be strongly guarded
for the presers'ation of order. With this the lords
were satisfied.*
A fortnight later (14th August) the king, moved
by the intercession of the Earl of Pembroke, the
bishops, and his queen, yielded to the lords, and an
agreement between them was reduced to writing and
publicly read in Westminster Hall.-
Chigwell's conduct throughout met with so much
favour from the citizens as well as from the king that
when the latter issued letters patent^ granting a free
election of a mayor in October of this year, it was
decided to continue Chigwell in office without a fresh
election."*

' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 293, 296. -Id., i, 297.
'Dated, Boxle, 25 October. Patent Roll 15, Edward II, Part I,
ii. 'Chron. Edward I and II, i, p. 298. Re-elected "by the com-
is at the king's wish." — Aungier Fv. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 254.

MILITARY SERVICE OF LONDONERS. t-
Such popularity as the king had for a time The queen
achieved by his concession to the demands of the Lady Bad^
lords, however unwillingly made, was enhanced by lesmere.
another circumstance. An insult had been offered to
the queen by Lady Badlesmere, who had refused to
admit her into her castle at Ledes, co. Kent, when on
her way to Canterbury. The queen was naturally
indignant, and the unexpected energy displayed by
Edward in avenging the insult gave fresh strength to
his cause. With the assistance of a contingent sent
by the citizens of London, the king beseiged the
castle, and, having taken it, hanged the governor.*
Sir Bartholomew de Badlesmere, the owner of the
castle, was afterwards taken and put to death at
Canterbury. Elated with his success, the king forthwith pro- Attempt to
ceeded to issue "a charter of service" — i.e., a charter "charter of

service.

binding the citizens to serve him in future wars —
which he wished the good people of London to have
sealed, " but the people of the city would not accede
to it for all that the king could do." ^ In the place
of this charter, however, he was induced to grant
the citizens one of a diametrically opposite' nature,
whereby it was provided that the aids granted by the
citizens upon this occasion should not be prejudicial
to the mayor and citizens, nor be looked upon as
establishing a precedent.-^
Having thus secured an acknowledgment of their The Lon-
rights, the citizens were ready enough to waive them Borough-
bridge, i6
'Chron. Edward I and II, i, pp. 298-299. March, 1322.
"Aungier, Fr. Chron., pp. 254, 255.
'The charter, dated Aldermaston, 12th December, 15 Edward II
[a.d. 1321], with seal (imperfect) attached, is preserved at the Guild
hall (Box No. 4.)

1^2

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The charac
ter of the
citizen sol
dier in the
field.

Defeat and
execution ot
the Earl of
Lancaster,March, 1322.

when occasion required. The battle of Boroughbridge
(16 March, 1322) was won for the king by the aid
of Londoners. We know, at least, that when he
started from London at the close of 132 1 he was
accompanied by five hundred men at arms from the
city, and one hundred and twenty more were sent
after him on the 3rd March.*
The Londoners were by no means to be despised
in the field. Froissart describes them as being very
dangerous when once their blood was up, and slaughter
on the battle field only gave them fresh courage.^
A late writer -^ who was pleased to describe the
city's military force as " an army of drapers' appren-
" tices and journeymen tailors, with common council-
" men for captains and aldermen for colonels," gave
it credit, nevertheless, for natural courage, which, com
bined with befitting equipment and martial discipline,
rendered the force a valuable ally and a formidable
enemy. The Earl of Lancaster, who was made prisoner
at Boroughbridge, and afterwards executed before his
own castle at Pomfret, had come to be a great
favourite with the Londoners, in whose eyes he
appeared as the champion of the oppressed against
the strong. His memor}'- was long cherished in the
city, and miracles were believed to have taken place
— the crooked made straight, the blind receiving sight
'Chron. Edward I and II, i, 301. — Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's
transl.), p. 255.
'' ' ' Car c'est le plus perilleux peuple [sc. the English] qui soit au
monde et plus outrageux et orgueilleux et de tous ceux d' Angleterre les
Londriens sont chefs ... lis sont fors durs et hardis et haux en
courage ; tant )3lus voyent de sang respandu et plus sont cruels et moins
ebahis." — Froissart's Hist. (ed. Lyon, 1559), pp. 333-334-
'Macaulay, Hist., cap. iii.

ESCAPE OF MORTIMER FROM THE TOWER. j - :,
and the deaf hearing — before the tablet he had set up
in St. Paul's commemorative of the king's submission
to the Ordinances. Edward ordered the removal of
the tablet, but it was again set up as soon as all
power had passed from his hands.*
Edward, again a free ruler, lost no time in re- Edward
voking these Ordinances. The elder Despenser he despotic,
raised to the earldom of Winchester.^ This was in *322-i323.
May, 1322 ; a year later (April, 1323), he deposed
Chigwell, who had again been re-elected to the
mayoralty in the previous October, and put in his
place Nicholas de Farndon,'^ thus reversing the order
of things in 132I, when Farndon had been deposed
and his place taken by Chigwell.
The deposed mayor, however, was ordered to
keep close attendance on the Court, as were also
three other London citizens, viz. : — Hamo Godchep,
Edmund Lambyn, and Roger le Palmere ; and in the
foUowing November he recovered his position,* and
held it for the rest of Edward's reign.
The king's triumph was destined to be short- Escape of
lived. In August, 1323, Roger Mortimer, a favourite Moftimer
of the queen, effected his escape from the Tower, 1^°™ *^^
where he had lain prisoner since January, 1322. The 1323-
divided feeling of the citizens which had been more
or less apparent since the year of the great Iter, now
began to assert itself. Mortimer's escape had taken
'Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), pp. 257, 264.
- Chron. Edward I and II, i, 303.
^ Id., i, 305. Aungier, P'r. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 257.
'By the king's writ, dated Ravensdale, 29 Nov., Letter Book E,
fo. 148. According to the French Chronicle (Aungier, p. 258) Chig
well recovered the mayoralty on the, feast of St. Nicholas [6 Dec. J.
On the 7th Dec. he was admitted and sworn into office.

154

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

A feud Ije-
tween the
Weavers and
the Gold
smiths, 1324.

Departure of
the queen
for France,
9 March,
1324-

place with the connivance, if not active assistance, of
a leading citizen, Richard de Betoyne, and he took
sanctuar}^ on the propert}' of another leading citizen,
John Gisors.* In November the citizens thought fit
to close their gates, to prevent surprise.^
In the following year (1324), a quarrel broke out
between two of the city guilds, the weavers and the
goldsmiths. Fights took place in the streets and
lives were lost.' How far, if at all, such a quarrel
had any political significance it is difficult to say, but
it is not unlikely, at a time when the guilds were
winning their way to chartered rights, that occa
sional!}' their members took sides in the political
struggle that was then being carried on.
Edward, in the meanwhile, was threatened with
war by France, unless he consented to cross the sea
and do homage to the French king for the pos
sessions he held in that country. This the Despensers
dared not allow him to do. A compromise was there
fore effected. Queen Isabel, who was not sorry for
an opportunity of quitting the side of a husband who
had seized all her property, removed her household,
and put her on board wages at twenty shiUings
a day, * undertook, with the king's assent, to re
visit her home and to bring about a settlement.
Accordingly, on the 9th Marcli,^ 1324, she crossed
over to France, where she was afterwards joined by
Mortimer and her son.

' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 301, 305, 3l8n.
' " Propter insidiantes domini regis et aliorum malorum homi
num."—/;/., i, 306. '/rf., i, 307. "i Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 259.
''Chron. Edward I and II, i, 308. Easter is given as the date of
her departure by the Fr. Chron. (p. 259), Easter Day falling on the
15th April in that year.

THE CITY LOST TO EDWARD IL j-:
Once on the continent, the queen threw off the Her return
mask, and immediately began to concert measures 24Septem-'
against the king and the Despensers. By negotiating '^^''' '326-
a marriage for her son with the daughter of the
Count of Hainault, she contrived to raise supporters
in England, whilst by her affected humility and
sorrow, displayed by wearing simple apparel as one
that mourned for her husband, she won the sym
pathy of all who beheld her.* The king, on the
other hand, publicly forbade any one holding cones-
pondence with her, caused provisions to be laid up in
the -Tower in case of emergency, and prepared a
fleet to prevent her landing.
It was all in vain. The majority of the citizens The City lost
had made up their mind to give him no more '° ^<^"^'^''-
support. On the 24th September, 1326, Isabel, in
spite of all precautions, effected a landing near
Harwich ; and Edward, as soon as he was made
aware of her arrival in England, took fright and left
London for the west. The queen, who was acccom-
panied by her son and her " gentle Mortimer," gave
put that she came as an avenger of Earl Thomas,
whose memory was yet green in the minds of the
citizens, and as the enemy of the Despensers.^ Ad
herents quickly came in from all sides, and with
these she leisurely {quasi peregrinando) foUowed up
the king.^ In the meantime a letter had been despatched to
the city in her name and that of her son, desiring its
'Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 260.
^See her proclamation issued at Wallingford, 15th Oct. Rymer's
Fcedera, vol. ii, part I, pp. 645, 646.
'Chron. Edward I and II, i, 314, 315.

jh5 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
assistance in destroying " the enemies of the land."
To this letter, we are told, no answer was sent
" through fear of the king.' ' Another letter was there
fore sent to the same effect, in which Hugh Despenser '
was especially named as one to be destroyed, and an
immediate answer was requested.* This letter was
affixed to the cross in Cheapside and copies circulated
through the city.
On the i5tli October, the city broke out into
open rebellion. The mayor and other leading men
had gone to the house of the Blackfriars to meet the
Bishops of London and Exeter. The mob, now fairly
roused by the queen's second letter, hurried thither
and forced them to return to the Guildhall, the timid
Chigwell "crying mercy with clasped hands," and
promising to grant all they required. A proclamation
was made shortly afterwards to the effect that " the
"enemies to the king and the queen and their son"
should depart the cit}'.-
The murder One unfortuuate man, John le Marchall, suspected
Stapleton, of being employed by Hugh Despenser as a spy,
15 October, .^^.^g seized and incontinently beheaded in Cheapside.
The mob, having tasted blood, hastened to sack the
house of Walter Stapleton, Bishop of Exeter, who as
Edward's treasurer, had confiscated the queen's pro
perty. It so happened, that the bishop himself,
attended by two esquires, was riding towards the city
intending to have his midday meal at his house in Old
Dean's Lane (now Warwick Lane), before proceeding
to the Tower. Hearing cries of " Traitor ! " he
'Dated Baldock, 6 Oct., 1326. City's Records, J^leas and
Memoranda, Roll A i, membr. x (12).
'- Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's translation), pp. 262; 263.

MURDER OF BISHOP .STAPLETON.
guessed that something was wrong, and made for
sanctuary in St. Paul's. He was caught, however,
just as he was about to enter the north door, dragged
from his horse, carried to Chepe, and there put to
death in the same wa}- as John le Marchall had been
executed a short hour before.*
The bishop's two attendant esquires also perished
at the hands of the mob. Their bodies were allowed
to lie stark naked all that day in the middle of Chepe.
The head of the bishop was sent to the queen at
Gloucester,^ but his corpse was reverently earned into
St. Paul's after vespers by the canons and vicars ofthe
cathedral. It was not allowed, however, to remain
there long ; for hearing that the bishop had died under
. sentence of excommunication, the authorities caused
it to be removed to the church of St. Clement Danes,
near which stood the bishop's new manor house of
which we are reminded at the present day by Exeter
HaU. The parish church was in the gift of the
Bishop of Exeter for the time being, and John Mugg,
then rector, owed his preferment to Stapleton. He
was, therefore, guilty of gross ingratitude when he
refused to take in the corpse of his patron, or to allow
it the rites of burial. Certain poor women had more
compassion ; they at least cast a piece of old cloth
over the corpse for decency's sake and buried it out of
sight, although without any attempt to make a grave
and "without any office of priest or clerk." Thus
it remained tiU the following month of February,
when it was disinterred and taken to Exeter. The
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 315, 316. Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 263.
''Chron. Edward I and II, ii, 310. Murimuth, Chron. (Eng. Hist.
Soc), p. 48.

'.-/

I^J

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The queen
confirms to
the citizens
their right
to elect
their mayor,
Nov., 1326.

treatment of Bishop Stapleton caused other prelates to
look to themselves, and many of them, including the
primate himself, began to make overtures of sub
mission to Queen Isabel.
After the Bishop's murder there was no pretence
of government in the city. The mob did exactly as
they liked. They sacked the houses of Baldock, the
Chancellor, and carried off the treasure he had laid
up in St. Paul's. The property of the Earl of Arundel,
recently executed at Hereford, which lay in the
Priory of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, shared the same
fate. The banking house of the Bardi, containing the
wealth accumulated by the younger Despenser, was
sacked under cover of night. The Tower was entered,
the prisoners set free, and new officers appointed.*
All this was done in the face of a proclamation, caUing
upon the citizens to sink their differences and to
settle their disputes by lawful means.^
When the Feast of St. Simon and Jude again
came round, and Chigwell's term of office expired by
efflux of time, no election of a successor took place,
but on the 1 5th November, the Bishop of Winchester
paid a visit to the Guildhall, where, after receiving
the freedom of the city, and swearing " to live and
die with them in the cause, and to maintain the
franchise," he presented a letter from the queen,
permitting the citizens freely to elect their mayor as
in the days before the Iter of 132 1, for since that time
no mayor had been elected, save only by the king's
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 321, ii, 310. Aungier, Fr. Chron.
(Riley's translation), p. 264. Murimuth (Eng. Hist. Soc), pp. 48, 49.
"^ The proclamation is headed, Proclamacio prima post decessum
episcopi Exoniensis et ipsitts decollacioncm. — City's Records, Pleas and
Memoranda, Roll A i, membr. 2 dors.

DEATH OF THE KING. 159
favour.* They at once elected Richard de Betoyne, Betoyneelected
whom the queen had that day appointed Warden of mayor.
the Tower, conjointly with John de Gisors.^ Thus
were these two aldermen recompensed for the
assistance they had rendered Mortimer in his escape
from the Tower.
On the i?th January, 1327 — exactly one week Public de-
~> •' J ' o I ¦' claration in
before the king met his -wretched end 111 Berkeley favour ofthe
Castle — Mortimer came to the Guildhall with a large the^ aty's
company including the Archbishop of Canterbury and ^'^J**^ ^ *3
several bishops, and one and all made oath to
maintain the cause of the queen and of her son, and
to preserve the liberties of the City of London. This
was solemnly done in the presence of the mayor, the
chamberlain, Andrew Horn, and a vast concourse of
citizens. The Archbishop, who had offended many
of the citizens by annulling the decree of exile passed
against the Despensers in 1321, now sought their
favour by the pubhc offer of a gift to the commonalty
of 50 tuns of wine.'^
' Aungier, Fr. Chron., p. 265. - Chron. Edward I and II, i, 318.
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 323. Pleas and Memoranda, Roll
A I, memb. 2.

CHAPTER VII.
Edward's Edward III was only fourteen years of age when
city' 6 March, he Succeeded to the throne. For the first three years
'¦'^''" of his reign the government of the country was practi-
caUy in the hands of Mortimer, his.mother's paramour ;
and it was no doubt by his advice and that of the
queen-mother that the young king re-v\'arded the
citizens of London, who had shown him so much
favour, by granting them not only a general pardon*
for offences committed since he set foot in England
in September, 1326, but also a charter confirming and
enlarging their ancient liberties."
This latter charter, which has been held to be of
the force of an Act of Parliament,^ established (among
other things) the ferm of the Sheriffwick of London
and Middlesex at the original sum of ;^300 per annum,
instead of the increased rental of ;^400 which had
been paid since 1270 * ; it appointed the mayor one of
the justices at the gaol delivery of Newgate, as well as
the king's escheator of felon's goods within the city;
it gave the citizens the right of devising real estate
within the city ; it restored to them all the privileges
they had enjoyed before the memorable Iter ofthe
' Dated 28 February, 1326-7. Chron. Edward I and II, i,
325-326. '' Dated 6 March, 1326-7. Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 5).
' In re Islington Market Bill, 3 Clk, 513. See also Stat. 5 and 6,
William I-V, cap. cxi, ss. 46 et seq.
' Vide sup., p. 104.

THE CITY MARKET MONOPOLY. l5j
last reign ; and granted to them a monopoly of markets
within a circuit of seven miles of the city.* These
two charters — the charter of pardon and the charter
of liberties — together with another charter ^ releasing
the citizens from all debts due to the late king, were
publicly read and explained in English to the citizens
assembled at the Guildhall by Andrew Horn, the
Chamberlain, on the 9th March.^
Scarcely was he knighted and crowned king The City
before necessity compelled him to take the field thigentto"
against the Scots. The Londoners were, as usual, f^^'^' '"^- ,
° ' ' King agamst
called upon to supply a contingent towards the forces "^^ ^'^°^^-
which had been ordered to assemble at Newcastle-
upon-Tyne.* They responded to the king's appeal
by sending 100 horsemen fully equipped, each one
supplied with the sum of 100 shillings at least for
expenses, and a further contingent of 100 foot-men. ,
They made their rendezvous at West Smithfield,
whence they proceeded to "la Bamette."^
Whilst furnishing this aid to the king the citizens This act not
. Ill to be made
were anxious that their liberality should not be a precedent.
misconstrued, or tend to establish a precedent in
derogation of their chartered privileges. Their fears
' According to the common law of the land, no market coiild be
erected so as to be a "nuisance" to another market within a less dis
tance than six miles and a half and a third of another half. — Bracton
"De Legibus Angliae" (Rolls Series No. 70), iii, 584.
-Dated 4 March, 1326-7.
'Chron. Edward I and II, i, 325.
'' The king's letters asking for assistance were dated from Notting
ham, 29 April and 2 May. — City's Records, Pleas and Mem., Roll A i,
-membr. iv dors, and ix.
'The names of the troopers are set out in full, under the several
wards, in Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A I, memb. ix. The compiler
of the "Annales Paulini " (Chron. Edward I and II, i, 333), gives the
number ofthe City contingent as 100 men, adding feelingly " sed proh
pudor ! nil boni-ibi facientes sine honore revertuntur."

M

l62

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The City's re
presentatives at the Parlia
ment at
Lincoln,
Sept., 1327.

Petition
against re
moving the
courts and the
exchequer to
York.

Peace with
Scotland, 1328.

on this score were set at rest by the receipt of letters
patent from the king declaring that their proceedings
on this occasion should not be to their prejudice.*
A parliament held in September, at Lincoln, in
which the citizens were represented by Benedict de
Fulsham and Robert de Kelseye,^ granted the king an
aid of a twentieth to defray expenses ; and Hamo de
Chigwell, among others, was appointed by the king
to collect the tax from the citizens.*
The City's representatives were accompanied to
Lincoln by the mayor, Richard de Betoyne, who was
the bearer of letters under the seal of the commonalty
addressed to the king, the queen, and members of the
king's council praying that the courts of King's Bench
and Exchequer might not be removed from West
minster to York.* The removal was inconvenient to
the city merchants, whatever advantage might accrue
to those dwelling in the north of England. Negotia
tions between the City and the king on this subject
were protracted for some weeks ; the king at length
promising that the courts should return to West
minster as soon as the country was in a more settled
state.' The campaign against the Scots brought Httle
credit to either side, and terminated in a treaty, the
terms of which were for the most part arranged by

'Dated Topclyf, 10 July. — Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr.
ii (4). ''Id., Roll A I, membr. iii.
'Writ dated Lincoln, 23 September. — Id., Roll A i, membr. v
(7) dors. * Id., Roll A I, memb. iii. — In July, 1323, the Exchequer had been
transferred from York to Westminster, "and great treasure there
with." — Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), p. 258.
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A I, membr. iii, and v (7).

THE CORONATION STONE. 15,
Mortimer and the queen-mother. One of the articles
of peace stipulated for the surrender of all proofs of
the subjection of Scotland ; and accordingly the abbot
of Westminster received orders to deliver up the
stone of Scone to the Sheriffs of London for trans
mission to Isabel, who was in the north.* This the
abbot refused to do — " for reasons touching God and
the church," — without further instructions from the
king and his council.^
When negotiations were opened in 1363 for the
union of the kingdoms of England and Scotland, it
was proposed that Edward should be crowned king
at Scone on the royal seat {si^ge roial) which he
should cause to be returned from England. These
negotiations, however, fell through, and the stone
remains in Westminster Abbey to this day.*
The treaty which had been ananged at Edinburgh
(17 March, 1328), was afterwards confirmed by a
Parliament held at Northampton, in which the city
was represented by Richard de Betoyne and Robert
de Kelseye.* When the terms of this treaty of Northampton The revolt of
(as it was called) came to be fully understood, the Lancaster,
nation began to realise the measure of disgrace which '^'¦' '-^^ '
they involved, and Mortimer and the queen became
the objects of bitter hatred. Henry, Earl of Lancaster,
' Pleas and Memoranda, Roll A i, membr. xxii.
''Id., Roll A I, membr. xxii, dors. — According to the Chronicle of
Lanercost (Bannatyne Club, p. 261), it was the Londoners who refused
to give up the stone.
'Rymer's Foedera (1830), Vol. iii, pt. ii, p. 716. Stanley's
Memorials of Westminster Abbey (2nd ed.), pp. 60-64.
'Rymer's Foedera (1821) 'Vol. ii, pt. ii, pp. 734, 740. Pleas
and Mem., Roll A i, membr. xx dors. Chron. Edward I and II,
j. 339-340.
M 2

164 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the king's nominal guardian, had grown weary of his
false position, and of serving only as Mortimer's tool.
Determined to throw off the yoke, he refused to attend
a parliament which met at Salisbury in October
(1328),* unless certain changes in the government and
in the king's household were first made. In the mean
time. Bishop Stratford of Winchester and Thomas,
Lord Wake, two of his supporters, had paid a visit to
the city and had endeavoured to rouse the citizens to
action. The king, hearing of this, wrote to the muni
cipal authorities for an explanation. They frankly
acknowledged, in reply, that the bishop had been in
the cit}' for the purpose of discussing the ill state of
affairs, and themselves expressed a hope, amid vows
of the utmost loyalty, that the king would redress
the grievances under which the nation suffered.^
The earl's Instead of attending the parliament at Salisbury,
City,' 5 Nov., the eari marched in full force to Winchester. On the
1328. 5th November he wrote to the citizens from Hunger-
ford, to the effect that he had made known to parlia
ment his honourable intentions, but had received no-
reply; that the parliament had been adjourned to-
London ; that he had been informed of certain matters
about which he could not write, but which the bearer
would communicate to them ; and he concluded with
assuring them that he desired nothing so much as the
king's honour and the welfare of the kingdom, and
declaring his implicit confidence in their loyalty.*
'The city was represented by Stephen de Abyndon and Robert de
Kelseye. The writ was dated Clipston, 28 August, and the return
made the loth October.— Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. xxiii-xxiv.
"Letter d.ited 27 September.— Pleas and Mem., Roll A ir
membr. xxiii (27) dors.
''Id., Roll A I, membr. xxiv (28) dors.

JOHN DE GRANTHAM ELECTED MAYOR.

l6S

The mayor of the city at this time was John de The election
Grantham. His election had taken place but recently, Grantimm
and was the result of a compromise. Chigwell, who had '^'^yor, in
• 1 1 1 ...... place of
again been chosen mayor at the expiration of Betoyne s Chigwell.
year of office in 1327, was a decided favourite with the
citizens, notwithstanding a certain want of firmness of
character, and he was again put up as a candidate for
the mayoralty in October, 1328. He had enemies, of
course. Towards the close of his last mayoralty he
was ill-advised enough to sit in judgment upon a
brother alderman on a charge of having abused him
two years previously. During the troublous times of
1326, John de Cotun, alderman of Walbrook ward,
was alleged to have described Chigwell, who was
then mayor, as " the vilest worm that had been in
the city for twenty years," adding that the city would
know no peace so long as Chigwell was alive, and that
it would be a blessing if he lost his head.* After some
hard swearing on both sides, leading to the discovery
of bad blood existing between the informer and the
alderman, the charge was dismissed.
At the outset it appeared that Chigwell's re
election was assured ; but the city as well as the
country was in a disturbed state, and political reasons
may have led to an endeavour to force another can
didate in the person of Benedict de Fulsham over his
head. Be that as it may, it is certain that when
Chigwell's name was proposed to the assembled
citizens at the Gmldhall, the cry was raised of
"Fulsham ! Fulsham !" So high did party spirit run,
'" Quod dictus Hamo fuit pessimus vermis qui venit in civitate jam
XX annis elapsis et amplius, et quod nunquam foret bona pax in civitate
dum viveret et quod bonum esset valde si capud ejus a corpore trunca-
tur." — Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. xxiii dors.

i66

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The king
desires a de
putation from
the city to
meet him at
Windsor,
Nov., 1328.

that the election had to be postponed, and eventually
it was thought best that both candidates should be
withdrawn. This having been done, the choice ofthe
electors fell on John de Grantham, a pepperer.*
On the 8th November the new mayor despatched
a letter to the king, expressing the joy of the city at
the news of a proposed visit, and the prospect of the
next parliament being held in London. His majesty
might be assured of the city's loyalty.' Four days
later (12 November), Edward despatched a messenger
from Reading with a letter to John de Grantham,
bidding him cause a deputation to be nominated for
the purpose of proceeding to Windsor. The messenger
arrived late on Sunday evening, and the deputation
was to be at Windsor on the following Tuesday. A
meeting was therefore summoned on Monday, when
six aldermen and six commoners were nominated to
meet the king. On Thursday the deputation returned
and reported the result of the interview. It appears
that Edward had complained to the deputation of
armed men having left the city to join the earl at
Winchester. He was also desirous to know if the city
was in a proper state of defence and the king's peace
preserved therein. On these points the mayor en
deavoured to satisfy him by letter of the i8th
November. As to armed men having left the city
for Winchester, his majesty was infonned that none
had so left with the knowledge of the municipal
authorities, and if any should be found to have done
so, they would most assuredly be punished.*

' Pleas and Mem., Roll A I, membr. 29. Vr/., Roll A I,
membr. 29 dors. ''Id., ibid. — Notwithstanding this disavowal,
it is said that no less than 600 Londoners assisted the Lancastrian
cause. — Chron. Edward I and II, Introd. 'Vol. i, p. cxx.

THE KING AND THE EARL OF LANCASTER. 1 67
Early in December the king and queen came to The king
London, accompanied by the queen-mother and Mor- ^fg^^ a^sho"^!
timer, and took up their quarters at Westminster. London,
Dec, 1328.
The whole of the city went forth to welcome them,
and they were made the recipients of valuable gifts.
Their stay, however, lasted but one short week.*
By the i6th the king was at Gloucester, where The king's
he wrote to the Mayor of London, enclosing a copy oJou'ce™^
of particulars of all that had passed between hiiyiself '" A^ Mayor,
and the Earl of Lancaster — the charges made by the don, 16 Dec,
earl and his own replies — in order, as he said, that '¦'^ '
the citizens might judge for themselves of the rights
of the quarrel between them. These particulars, the
mayor was desired to have publicly read at the Guild
hall.^ This was accordingly done (20 Dec), in the
presence of some of the earl's supporters, who
took the opportunity of explaining the earl's position.*
Whilst notifying the king that his wishes had The bishops
been complied with, the mayor and commonalty fn the^dty!
besought him that all measures of hostility between
himself and the barons might be suspended until
parliament should meet. The city became the head
quarters of the dissatisfied bishops and nobles. The
Sunday before Christinas, the pulpit in St. Paul's was
occupied by the primate, who was equally anxious
¦with the civic authorities that matters should be left
to be adjusted by parliament.*
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 343. —Letter Book E, fo. 179b.
(Memorials, pp. 170-171).
''Pleas and Mem., Roll A l, membr. 31.
' See letter from the mayor, &c., to the king informing him that his
wishes had been carried out. — Id., Roll A l, membr. xxviii (32).
'At Christmas, both the primate and the city despatched letters to
Edward, who was then at Worcester, to that effect. — Id., Roll A 1,
memb. xxviii (32).

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Failure of
Lancaster to
raise a con
federation against the
king, 2 Jan.,
1329.

Trial at the
Guildhall of
those impli
cated with
Lancaster,
Feb., 1329.

The barons in the city, in the meanwhile, awaited
the arrival of the Earl of Lancaster. On New Year's
day he came, and on the 2nd January (1329) a con
ference of bishops and barons took place at St. Paul's.*
The futility of an attempt to form a confederation
soon became apparent. The city stood fast to the
king ; some of the barons wavered, and nothing was
left to Lancaster but to make the best terms he
could. Edward had already offered pardon to all
who should submit before the 7tli January, with cer
tain exceptions.^Now that the king, or rather, we should say,
Mortimer, was once more master of the situation, the
citizens who had favoured the constitutional party
became the objects of retribution. On Sunday, the
22nd January (1329), the mayor and twenty-four
citizens were ordered to meet the king at St. Albans.
They returned on the following Thursday with instruc
tions to see if the city was prepared to punish those
who had favoured Lancaster. No sooner were the
king's wishes made known, than an enquiry was at
once set on foot. On Wednesday (1st February), the
deputation returned to the king, who was then at
Windsor, to report the sense of the city ; and on the
following Sunday (4th February), the king's justices
commenced to sit at the Guildhall for the trial of
those implicated in the late abortive attempt to over
throw Mortimer. Three days were consumed in pre
hminary proceedings ; and it was not until Wednesday
(8th February) that the real business of the session
commenced. By that time the king himself had

' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 343-344.
- Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. xxviii (32).

TRIAL OF HAMO DE CHIGWELL. 169
come to London, and had taken up his headquarters
at the Tower, having passed through the city accom
panied by his consort, the queen-mother, and many
of the nobility.* It does not appear that Mortimer
came with them.
Among those who were brought to trial at the Trial of
Guildhall was Chigwell. He was accused of being chigweii,
impHcated in the abduction ofthe Abbot of Bury St. J^jJ^^"'
Edmunds, and of feloniously receiving two silver
basins as his share of the plunder. Being convicted,
he claimed the benefit of clergy, and the Bishop of
London, after some delay, was allowed to take posses
sion of him on the ground that he was a clerk. His
life was thus saved and he was conveyed to the
episcopal prison amid general regret, although, as we
have already seen, he was not a universal favourite.
" Many said, he is a good man ; others, nay, but he
deceiveth the people." ^ He was kept for some
months in honourable confinement at the bishop's
manor of Orset, co. Essex, and early in 1330 was ad
mitted to purgation. Thus encouraged, he hastened
once more to return to the city. He was still popular
with a large body of the citizens, who, on hearing of
his approach, flocked to meet him, his re-entry into
the city being made to resemble a triumphal progress.
Both Isabel and her son were seized with alarm ; and
a writ was forthwith issued for his arrest.* He was,
however, forewarned, and able to make his escape.
Little is known of his subsequent career ; Stow places
his death in or about 1328, but this must be a mistake.
By his wiU dated 1332, he left some real estate in the
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 242-243. ^ Id., i, 245, 346.
' Id.,i, 246-247.

170

¦LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Execution of
Mortimer,
29 Nov.,
1330-

The queen
retires into
privacy.

city to the dean and chapter of St. Paul's Cathedral
for the maintenance of a chantry.*
Mortimer's vengeance was not confined to a few
leading citizens. Lancaster's life was spared, but he
was mulcted in a heavy fine. Many of his associates
took refuge in flight. The Earl of Kent, the king's
uncle, was shortly afterwards charged with treason,
into which he had been drawn by the subtlety of
Mortimer, and made to pay the penalty with his
head. This, more than anything else, opened the
king's eyes to Mortimer's true character, and at length
(Oct., 1339,) he caused him to be privily seized in the
castle of Nottingham.^ Thence he was carried to
London, and hanged at the Elms in Smithfield.
Queen Isabel, who witnessed the seizure of her
favourite and whose prayers to spare the "gentle
Mortimer " were of no avail, was made to disgorge
much of the wealth she had acquired during her
supremacy, and was put on an allowance. The rest
of her life, a period of nearly thirty years, she spent
in retirement. Before her death* she gave the sum
of forty shillings to the Abbess and Minoresses of
Aldgate of the Order of St. Clare, for the piupose of
purchasing for themselves two pittances or doles on
the anniversaries of the decease of her husband the
late king and of Sir John de Eltham his son.* The

'The will is enrolled in the records of the Court of Husting,
Roll 61 (17). His devise to St. Paul's was challenged by John de
Pulteney, and execution stayed.
^According to the compiler ofthe "Annales Paulini" (Chron.
Edward I and II, i, 352), Mortimer was taken "in camera Isabella
reginse." ' She died in 1357, and was buried in the church of the Grey Friars,
in the city.
•¦"The last days of Queen Isabella. "—ArchEeol. , vol. xxxv, p. 464.

LONDON MERCHANTS AND THE STAPLES. 171
removal of Mortimer conesponded very closely with
the king's coming of age. He was now eighteen years
old, and thenceforth he "ruled as well as reigned."
The king's maniage with Philippa of Hainault, increase of
which had taken place at York on the 30th January, Flanders.^
1328, hadbeen popular with the city* as tending to
open up trade with Flanders. Hitherto nearly all the
wool produced by this country had been sent to
Flanders for manufacture, the export trade being so
large that the king is said to have received more than
;^30,ooo in a single year from duties levied on this
commodity alone. ^ We have already seen how, in
order to punish the Countess of Flanders for injuries
inflicted upon English merchants, the king's grand
father resorted, in 1270, to the expedient of forbidding
all export of wool to her country.* The misery which
her half-starved people were then compelled to suffer
soon induced the Countess to come to terms. It was
also in no small measure owing to the fear of a similar
stoppage by the intervention of the French fleet, that
the Flemings laid aside their neutrahty in 1339, and
openly assisted Edward in his war with France.
Towards the close of the last reign the "staples" The estab-
° . . lishment of
or market towns for the sale of certain commodities, staples in
England.
' On her first arrival in London she was conducted by a cavalcade
of citizens to the Bishop of Ely's house in Holborn, and after her
marriage, was made the recipient of a present of gold and silver and a
great store of all kinds of provisions. Her coronation, which took place
two years later (Feb., 1330), was also made the occasion for a further
display of their loyalty and aff'ection. — Chron. Edward I and II, i,
338, 339. 349-
- Green, Hist, of the English People, i, 410. Imposts on wool,
writes Bishop Stubbs, became of such importance at this period that
" the merchants again seemed likely to furnish the realm with a new-
estate. "—Const. Hist., ii, 379.
^ Supra, pp. 1 1 2-1 1 5.

172 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
but more especially of wool, had been removed from
the continent and established at various places in Eng
land, Ireland and Wales.* London was one of those
places. No wool was to be exported abroad until it
had remained at one or another of the staples for a
period of forty days. This rule appears however to
have been relaxed by Edward II, in favour of all
staple towns but London ; merchants being allowed to
remove their goods from other staples after a stay of
only fifteen days. The London merchants, therefore,
were under the disadvantage of finding the market
always forestalled. Edward III had not long been
on the throne before they took the opportunity of
submitting this hardship not only to the king, but
also to the queen-mother, and pra}'ed that the relax
ation of the rule touching the forty days with respect
to other staples might be withdrawn.^ Their prayer,
however, would seem to have had but little effect,
for within a week of the petition to the king we find
that monarch issuing an order to the collector of
customs on wool, leather and wool-fells in the port
of London, to enforce the delay of forty days before
goods could be removed.*
A new tax Nor was tliis the only grievance that the London
leather, 'and merchants had. In order to raise money to put down
wool-fells. the rebeUion of the Scots which had broken out soon
'" Eodem anno {i.e., 1326) post Pascha dominus rex habuit con
silium apud Westmonasterium ; et ordinatum fuit ibi quod mercatores
emerent lanas, corias et plumbum, in certis locis Anglite, Wallije et
Hybernife, et ilia loca vocantur Stapel." — Chron. Edward I and II,
i, 312. Cf. Pleas and Mem., Roll A I, membr. 15.
-Dated 23 April, 1327. Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. i
(3) dors. 'Dated Nottingham, 30 April (1327). Rymer's Foedera, Vol. ii,
pt. ii, p. 705.

173

A NEW TAX ON WOOL.
after his accession, he had recourse to an extra tax
upon wool, leather, and wool-fells. The money thus
raised was to be considered a loan, receipts being
given to the merchants under the king's seal, known
as "Coket," and the merchants in return were to be
allowed absolute free trade from the 2iid July, 1327,
the date of the writ, up to the following Christmas.*
The Londoners objected altogether to this impost, on
the grounds that they had never been consulted on
the matter, and had never given their assent.^
A compromise was subsequently effected. In
consideration of the good service which the citizens
of London had already done to the Icing in times
past, and for the good service which they were pre
pared to render again in the future, they were re
leased of arrears of the tax due from 2nd July to the
.23rd September, provided they were willing to pay it
for the remainder of the term.* After Christmas the
restrictions upon free trade were again enforced.*
On the nth December (1327), Edward issued a Proposal to
writ^ to the Sheriffs of London to choose two repre- sTapietothe
sentatives to attend on behalf of the citizens at a p°'J,""i"28
pariiament to be held at York, on Sunday next after
the Feast of the Purification (2 Feb., 1328). Instead,
however, of sending only two members as directed,
the citizens appear on this occasion to have sent no
'Writ to the collector of dues in the port of London and other
places on both sides of the Thames as far as Gravesend. Dated Over
ton, 2 July, I Edward III (A.D. 1327). Pleas and Mem., Roll A i,
membr. 7 dors (cedula). ''Id., Roll A i, membr. 7 dors.
' Letters patent, dated Lincoln, 23 Sept., i Edward III (a.d.
1327). Id., Roll A I, membr. 7 dors.
'Writ to sheriff's to see the restrictions carried out, dated Yorki
I March, 2 Edward III (a.d. 1327-8). Id., Roll A i, membr. 24
dors. J
' Dated from Coventry. Id., Roll A i, membr. 18 dors.

174

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
less than four, viz. : Richard de Betoyne, Robert de
Kelseye, John de Grantham, and John Priour the
Younger.* One of the questions to be determined was the
advisability of again removing the Staple from
England to the continent. On this question, there
appears to have arisen some difference of opinion
among the city representatives. Betoyne, who had
formerly enjoyed the office of Mayor of the Staple
beyond the seas, favoured a return to the old order of
things, whilst his colleagues were opposed to any
such proceeding. Notification of Betoyne's disagree
ment with his colleagues was made to the mayor and
commonalty of the City by letter from the mayor
and commonalty of York, to which reply was made
that Betoyne's action was entirely unauthorised.^ A
letter was sent the same day to Betoyne himself,
enjoining him to do nothing in the matter opposed
to the wish of the commonalty of London* ; and
another to Betoyne's colleagues informing them of
the City's action, and bidding them to exert them
selves to the utmost to keep the Staple in England.*
The account of Betoyne's difference with his
colleagues, as related in the letter from the City of
York, was subsequently found to require considerable
modification, when a letter was received by the Mayor
of London from two of his colleagues, Grantham
' Return to writ, dated 12 January, i Edward III (a.d. 1327-8).—
Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. 20.
= Letter from the Mayor, &c., of York, to the City of London,
dated 29 January, and reply. — Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr.
xix (23). '/rf. ibid.
* Id., Roll A 1, membr. xvii (20) dors. The letter was sent in
reply to one from the City's representatives, Grantham and Priour,
asking for instructions.

RICHARD DE BETOYNE, MAYOR OF THE STAPLE.
and Priour.* Their account of what had actuaUy
taken place was to the effect that Betoyne had been
publicly requested by a number of representatives
from various towns, assembled in the Chapter House
at York, to resign his mayoralty (of the Staple) and
to deliver up the charters which had been acquired at
no little expense. Betoyne repHed that the charters
were in the possession of John de Charleton,^ who
refused to give them up, but that he had himself, four
years since, caused a transcript of the charters to be
made, which he was prepared to give up to them if
they so wished. Thereupon, there suddenly appeared
upon the scene the Mayor of York, hand in hand with
John de Charleton himself, and followed by a number
of burgesses of York. The appearance of John de
Charleton was eminently distasteful to Betoyne, and
he got up and left the room, declining to take any
further part in the discussion so long as Charleton was
present. That was practically all that had occurred,
and the writers expressed themselves as much hurt if
anything more than this had been reported from the
mayor and commonalty of York, for in their opinion
Betoyne had never shown himself otherwise than
dihgent in his duty. The letter concluded with a
report of general news, the chief item being the
announcement of the death of the King of France, and
the -writers expressed a wish that the same publicity
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. xix (23) dors.
^ He had been an intimate favourite of Edward II, and had been
removed, with others, from that king's service in 13 11. Notwith
standing this, he appears as the king's Chamberlain in 1316. Ten
years later, when the city was in the hands of an infuriated mob, and
the king confined at Kenilworth, John de Charleton took the Earl of
Arundel prisoner and caused him to be beheaded. In 1329 the citizens
received peremptory orders from Edward III, not to harbour him in the
city.— Chron. Edward I & II, i, 247.

^75

176

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Betoyne's
own account
of his dis
agreement
with his
colleagues.

might be given to their letter as was given to the
letter received from the Mayor of York.
Betoyne on the same day sent home his own
account of what had taken place at York.* It agrees
in the main with the account sent by his colleagues,
but contains some particulars of interest not men
tioned in the latter. He relates how he had been
asked to retire from the Mayoralty of the Staple
beyond the seas, and to give up the charters and other
muniments which the several towns had obtained at
considerable cost. To this he had replied that many
charters he had left behind on the continent, but he
had brought over with him the charters of the fran
chises of the staples which had been purchased of the
late king. These were in the hands of John de
Charleton, who refused to give them up. He had
himself, however, gone to Dover in the eighteenth
year of Edward II, when the king himself was there,
and had caused a duplicate of the charters to be made,
which he had expressed his readiness to show them.
He encloses a copy. As a proof of the bad feeling
{la malencolye) which the burgesses of York enter
tained towards him, he proceeds to relate how the
Mayor of York, maliciously and without any warning,
had appeared at the assembly with four or five of his
suite, accompanied by John de Charleton, clothed in
the mayor's livery, and by a crowd of citizens, to
the terror of the assembled merchants. Thereupon,
Bretoyne had declared that he would not sit nor
remain where Charleton was, and had left the meet
ing ; for, said he, he would never make peace with
Charleton except with the assent of the Mayor and

'Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. 24.

BETOYNE'S CONDUCT AT YORK APPROVED. 177
Commonalty of London. He concluded by asking
that his character might not be aUowed to suffer by
anything which the Mayor of York may have written.
By a postscript he informs the Mayor of London, that
on the eve of the Purification (the day fixed for the
re-assembly of parliament) the Mayor of York had
come to his hostel, accompanied by many others, and
had accused him of having come to the city for the
express purpose of annoying their fellow-burgess John
' de Charleton, which he had denied. This insult, he
is advised, touches not only himself, but the Corpora
tion of London whose representative he was.
Both these letters were laid before the com- Betoyne's
monalty of London assembled at the Guildhall on the proved'by
19th February, when Betoyne's action was approved, Ae^itizens,
and on the following day a letter was addressed to
him to that effect. The Mayor and Commonalty of
York received also a missive in which their late con
duct to Betoyne was severely criticised.* Betoyne's
recent services were recognized by the grant, at his
own request, of a handsome coverlet funed with
minever, in part payment of his expenses inclined in
attending the parliament at York."
The king, finding that the opposition to the re- Temporary
°' ° 1 , T- J abolition of
moval of the staple displayed not only by London staples, Aug.,
but by York, Winchester, Bristol and Lincoln was too '^^^'
great to be overcome, abolished staples altogether
(August, 1328), and re-established free-trade.* He
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A i, membr. 24.
^Letter Book E, fo. 183. (Memorials, p. 169.)
' " In 1333 they were again established in England, but merchants
ignored them, and in the following year they were abolished. From
1344 onwards they are frequently discussed in parliament and assemblies
of the merchants ; and by the statute of 1353 the system was consoli
dated."— Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 412.

jy3 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
even invited Flemish weavers to settle in England so
as to give a stimulus to the manufacture of woollen
fabrics. These he took under his special protection,*
for the native looked askance upon all foreigners,
traders or craftsmen.
England and Q^ie of the last political acts of Mortimer had
France, 1329-1331. been to send Edward over to France to do homage to
Philip of Valois, the new king, for his possessions in
that country. This homage Edward paid in 1329,
but subject to certain reservations.- In 1330 he
was making preparations for war, and took the
opportunity of the presence of Stephen de Abyndone
and John de Caustone, the City's representatives in
the parliament held that year at Westminster, to ask
them what assistance the City would be likely to
afford him. The City members asked leave to con
sult the commonalty on the matter. Eventually the
sum of 1,000 marks was offered, a sum so trifling
that Edward consented to accept it only as a free
gift, and plainly intimated that he looked for more
substantial aid in the future.*
In July, he summoned the ma}'or and twenty-
four of the leading citizens to attend him at Wood
stock. The mayor (Simon de Swanlonde) would
have had them excused on the ground of the disturbed
state of the city, but the king was not to be denied.
Substitutes were appointed for the mayor, during his
absence, and he and seven aldermen and sixteen
commoners went to Woodstock, where they gave
' Letter Book G, fos. 35b, 76.
'-Rymer's Foedera (1821), vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 765.
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 247, 249.

EXPIRATION OF TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON. 179
assurances of the City's loyalty.* In 133 1, after
Mortimer's fall, when Edward was his own master,
he agaiii visited France, and a peace was concluded
between the two kings. ^
From 1332 to 1335 the king was chiefly occupied The war with
with Scotland. It was part of the policy of Philip of 1332-1335.
Valois to encourage disturbance in the north of
England, as a means of recovering his lost possessions
in France.* The period of four years during which
peace had been assured by Edward with Scotland by
the treaty of Northampton had now elapsed,'' and
active operations on both sides re-commenced. In
1334 the city voted 1,000 marks, afterwards raised to
1,200, for raising 100 horsemen and as many men-at-
arms to assist the king for a period of forty days.^
A spy was also despatched to Normandy and
Brabant to see how matters were going there, and
gifts were made to the courts of Juliers and Namur
to secure their favour. The parliament which sat at
York in May, 1335,^ having decided in favour of a
fresh expedition to Scotland,^ the king sent orders
to the City to hold its forces in readiness to march
under the leadership of two of its aldermen, John de
'Chron. Edward I and II, i, 249, 251.
^Rymer's Foedera (1821), vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 815.
'Rex Francise subtiliavit viis et modis quibus potuit qualiter de-
turbaret regem Angliae et repatriare faceret ne tantum destrueret et debel-
laret regnum ScotiEe. — Knightqn (Rolls Series No. 76), i, 476.
* Id., i, 461.
'Letter Book E, fos. l*-4* — (Memorials, pp. 187-190).
' John de Grantham was allowed 60 shillings for a horse which he
lost whilst going to this parliament on the city's business. (Letter Book
F, fo. 9b.) It is, however, not clear that Grantham attentled the
parliament as a city member.
'Chron. Edward I and II, ii, 122.

N 2

i8o

LONDON' AND THE KINGDOM.

Preparations
for war with
France, 1337-

Charter,26 March,
1337-

Pulteney and Reginald de Conduit.* A commission
to seize ships in the port of London to the king's use,
resulted in the detention of six ships.^
At length, the friendly attitude which Philip of
Valois had taken up towards Scotland, much to
Edward's prejudice, determined the latter to go in
person to France for the purpose, not only of defend
ing his possessions there, but also of enforcing his
claim to the French crown. The year 1337 was de
voted to active preparations for the struggle. The
City of London, in spite of its franchise, was called
upon to furnish 500 men at arms, and to send them
to Portsmouth by Whitsuntide.* The date was sub
sequently altered to Trinity Sunday.'* The king took
occasion to find fault with the city's dilatoriness in
executing his demands, as well as with the physique
of the men that were being supplied. At the request
of the mayor. Sir John de Pulteney (he had recently
received the honour of knighthood^), the number of
men to be furnished was reduced to 200, the rest to
be supplied on further notice.''
When Parliament met in London in February,
the Cit}' made presents of money to the king, the
queen, the chancellor, the treasurer, and others,^ for
no other pui-pose apparently, but to win their favour.
In the following month the City obtained a charter

' Letter patent, dated 12 August. — Pleas and Mem., Roll A I.
membr. 35. '' Id. ibid.
' Letter patent, dated Westm., 24 March. — Letter Book F., fo. 6,
' Id., fo. 6b.
' Chron. Edward I and II, i, 366.
"The king's letter, dated Stamford, i June, 1337,— Letter Book F,
fo. 6b. ' Letter Book F, fos. 4-5.,

THE KING'S MONOPOLY OF WOOL. l8l
declaring its liberties and customs to be unaffected
by the recent statute establishing free trade,* when
presents in money or kind were again made to the
officers of state. ^
The services which the mayor had done the city The ser
in the work of obtaining this charter were acknow- John de
ledged by a gift of two silver basins and the sum of ^a'-or^^'
;^20 from his fellow citizens.* It was by Pulteney's
influence that the king consented to allow a sum of
1,000 marks to be taken into account at a future
assessment for a fifteenth, instead of insisting upon its
being a free gift from the citizens.*
In March, 1337, a statute forbade the importa- The king
tion of wool, as a preliminary to the imposition of an the"woorof
additional custom, and in the following year parlia- '^'^ country.
ment granted the king half the wool of the kingdom.'
The Londoners ha-ving no wool of their own, .paid a
composition,^ and were often reduced to sore straits.
Thus in April, 1339, an assessment had to be made in
the several wards of the City to discharge a debt to
the king of 1,000 marks. The men of Aldersgate
ward refused to pay their quota of ^^9. A precept
was thereupon issued to the sheriffs to levy the larger
sum of ;^i6 IOJ., on the lands, tenements, goods, and
chattels of the ward, and pay the same into the
Chamber of the Guildhall by a certain day.'' The
citizens of London, and the nation generally, would
' Charter dated Westminster, 26 March, 1337, preserved at the
Guildhall (Box No. 5). The kjng made frequent attempts to annul
this charter. — Letter Book F, fo. 197 ; Letter Book G, fos. lib, 41b.
^/(/,,fo. 9. '/(f., fo. 9b. (Memorials, p. 197). */(/., fo. lob.
'Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 380.
"Letter Book F, fo. 42.
' Pleas and Mem. , Roll A 3, membr. 3 and 3 dors.

l82

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Naval and
military pre
parations in
the City.

The city put
into a posture
of defence
after the
king's depar
ture, July,
1338.

the more willingly have borne these exactions if any
adequate good had resulted from them. But Edward's
first campaign resulted in nothing more than the
assumption by him of the name and arms of the
King of France, at a cost of ;^3oo,ooo.*
Among the ships which had been prepared for
the king's expedition to France, three were known as
" La Jonette," of London ; " La Cogge," of AU
Hallows ; and " La Sainte Marie Cogge." The last
mentioned belonged to William Haunsard,^ an ex-
sheriff of London, who subsequently did signal ser
vice in the great naval battle of Sluys. Prior to the
king's departure, measures were taken for the safe
custody of the city during his absence.* The City had
difficulties in raising a contingent of soldiers, for many
of the best men had joined the retinue of nobles, and
all that could be mustered amounted to no more than
100 men, viz : 40 men-at-arms, and 60 archers.*
After the king's departure (12 July, 1338) the
City laid in provisions for transmission abroad, 500
quarters of corn and 100 carcases of oxen to be salted
down. In addition to which it purchased 1,000 horse
shoes and 30,000 nails.^ In October steps were taken
to protect London from attack by sea and land.
Piles were driven into the bed of the river to prevent
the approach of a hostile fleet ; the wharves were
" bretasched " with boards, and springalds set at
different gates and posterns.^
'Stubbs, Const. Hist, ii, 380-381.
2 Letter Book F, fos. 3, 3b. ^ Id., fo. 14b. Id., fo. l8b.
' Pleas and Mem. , Roll A 5, membr. 3 dors. ^ Id. , membr. 5 dors.
^Id., membr. 6. On the 23 October, the Duke of Cornwall,
whom the king had nominated regent during his absence abroad, wrote
to the Mayor, &c. , of London, bidding him put the city into >i posture
of defence. — Letter Book F, fo, 19.

THE CITY PREPARES TO DEFEND ITSELF. 1 8^
In February, 1339, the citizens received the king's Orders for
orders to furnish four ships with 300 men, and four more'ships'"'^
scummars* with 160 men, victualled for three months, ?;"f ™^'''
' Feb., 1339.
to proceed to Winchester. Upon some demur being
made to this demand, the number of ships was reduced
to two, well equipped with men and arms. Pursuant
to these orders each ward was assessed for the pur
pose of levying no men armed with haketon, plates,
bacinet with aventail, and gloves of plate ; and sixty
men armed with only haketon and bacinet. The pay
of the men was to be threepence a day each for two
months. The vessels were to be joined by ships from
various other ports, and proceed to sea in charge of Sir
William Trussel by the middle of March to intercept,
if possible, the enemy's fleet.^
By Easter time the danger appeared more immi- A threatened
,, TIT ,1 ¦n-ji invasion up
nent, and the mayor and aldermen met huniedly in the the Thames,
Guildhall, on Easter Sunday afternoon after dinner, faster, 1339.
An immediate attack up the Thames was expected.
The mayor and aldermen agreed to take it in turns
to watch the river night and day. On the following
Wednesday, each alderman was ordered to enquire
as to the number of arbalesters, archers, and men
capable of bearing arms in his ward. A number of
carpenters were sworn on the same day to safe-guard
the engines of war laid up in the new house near
Petywales.* This new house appears to have been
known as "La Bretaske," and was used for storing
springalds, quarels, and other war material.'*
^Skumarii: a scummar, a rover. Skeats' Glossary to the Bruce
(Early Eng. Text Soc. s. v.)
- Letter Book F, fos. 22b-23.
'Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. i.
'Letter Book F, fly leaf. (Memorials, p. 204.)

1 84

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Implements
of war stored
at the Guild
hall.

The king's
return, Feb., 1340.

At this period there were kept in the chamber
of the GuildhaU six instruments caUed " gonnes,"
which were made of latten, a metal closely resem
bling brass, five "teleres" or stocks for supporting
the guns, four cwt. and a half of pellets of lead, and
thirty-two pounds of gunpowder by way of ammu
nition.* The mention of "teleres" and the smaU
amount of ammunition favours the assumption that the
instruments were rather hand-guns than heavy pieces,
as has been supposed.^ A "telere" or tiller was a
common name for the stock of a cross-bow,* and the
earliest hand-guns or fire-arms known consisted of a
simple tube of metal with touch-hole, fixed on a
straight stick or shaft, which when used was passed
under the arm so as to afford a better grip of the
weapon. The danger blew over, and before the close of the
year the king was expected to return to England.^
He did not return however before February, 1340,
having intimated his intention to the mayor of Lon
don, by letter from Sluys, dated Sunday the 20th.*

' Letter Book F, fly-leaf. The passage was printed by the late-
Mr. Riley, although somewhat inaccurately, in his Memorials (p. 205).
The original MS. runs thus : " Item in Camera Gildaule sunt sex In-
strumenta de Laton' vocata Gonnes cum quinque teleres ad eadem.
Item pelete de plumbo pro eidem Instrumentis que ponderant iiij*^ li et
dj. Item xxxij 11 de pulvere pro dictis instrumentis."
¦¦'The late Mr. Riley misread "roleres " for " teleres" (the writing
is not very legible), and therefore thought the passage referred to heavy
ordnance, ^Richard Hastinges bequeaths by will in 1558 his bows and arrows,
with "tyllers" &c. — Calendar of 'Wills, Court of Hust., London, ii,
670. ' Congregacio Maioris Aldermannorum et unius hominis cujuslibet
warde civitatis pro negociis coinmunitatem tangentibus die venerisi
proxima post festum Sancte Katerine Virginis (25 Nov.) anno xiij"
contra adventum domini regis et regine de partibus transmarinis. —
Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 10.
'¦• Letter Book F, fo. 30b.

THE BATTLE OF SLUYS. jge
Notwithstanding his long absence, he had accom
plished Httle or nothing.
He had come to the end of his resources and was A City loan
in want of money to carry on the war. The City was ° •^5'°°°"
asked to lend him ^20,000. It offered 5,000 marks.
This was contemptuously refused, and the muncipal
authorities were bidden to re-consider the matter, or
in the alternative to furnish the king with the names
of the wealthier inhabitants of the City. At length
the City agreed to advance the sum of ;^5,ooo for a
fixed period, and this offer the king was fain to accept.*
At the close of 1339, the chief towns of Flanders had
entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with
Edward, and an anangement was made for paying
the sum of ;^i,5oo out ofthe ;^5,ooo to Jacques van
Arteveldt, the king's agent at Bruges.^ Three alder
men and nine commoners were appointed to make
the necessary assessment for the loan, for the repay
ment of which John de Pulteney was one of the king's
sureties. *
Provided with this and other money supplied by The king
parliament, Edward again set out for the continent sSl"june,
(June, 1340). With him went a contingent of 283 *34o.
men-at-arms, furnished, by the City, 140 of them being
drawn from that part of the city which lay on the
east side of Walbrook, and 143 from the western side.
It had been intended to raise 300 men, and the better
class of citizens had been called upon to supply each
a quota, or in default to serve in person ; but eleven
had failed in their duty and, on that account, had
' Letter Book F, fo. 32b. (Memorials, pp. 208-210.)
^ Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 12 dors.
^ Letter Book F, fo. 34b.

1 86 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
been fined 50 shillings each, whilst six others, making
up the deficit, had set out in the retinue of Henry
Darcy, the late mayor.*
The battle The uamcs of the transport ships and the num-
24 June,' ber of men-at-arms supplied by each city, the number
1340- Qf mariners and serving-men {garzouns), which were
about to take part in the great battle fought off Sluys
(24 June), are on record.^ Although the French fleet
was superior to his own in numbers and equipment,
Edward did not hesitate to attack. The struggle was
long and severe, lasting from noon on one day until
six o'clock the next morning. If any one person was
more conspicuous for valour on that occasion than
another, it was William Haunsard, an ex-sheriff of
London, who came with " a ship of London " and
" did much good." *
An account of the battle was despatched by the
king to his son the Prince Regent, dated from
his ship, the "Cogg Thomas," the 28th June.*
' Letter Book F, fo. 39.
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 20-21. Letter Book F, fo. 37b.
'A cedula inserted between membranes 19 and 20 of Pleas and
Mem., Roll A 3.
"Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), 277.

CHAPTER VIII.
It was one of the conditions of the Flemish The king's
alliance, mentioned at the close of the last chapter, 'retum!'^'^'
that the campaign of 1340 should open with the siege 3° ^ov.,
of Toumay, and it was with this object specially in
view that Edward had set out from England. After
his brilliant victory over the French fleet which
opposed his passage Edward marched upon Toumay.
Its siege, however, proved fruitless, and, disappointed
and money-less, he slipt back again to England and
made his appearance unexpectedly one morning at
the Tower* (30 Nov.).
The king attributed the failure of the war to the Dismisses
„ , . ... . ,. . ministers and
remissness 01 his ministers m sending money and orders an en-
supplies. Scarcely had he landed before he sent for coi\7ctlon°of
the chancellor, the treasurer, and other ministers who revenue.
were in London, and not only dismissed them from
office, but ordered them each into separate confine
ment. John de Pulteney was one of those made to
feel the king's anger, and he was relegated to the
castle of Somerton, but as soon as Edward's initability
had passed off he and others obtained their freedom.^
A searching enquiry was instituted in the spring of The justices
at the Tower,
March-April,
'Murimuth, Contin. Chron. (Rolls Series No. 93), p. 116. Aves- '34i-
bury (Ibid'), p. 323.
'"Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's transl.), pp. 283-285. Murimuth,
p. 117.

1 88 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the following year (1341) as to the way in which the
king's revenues had been collected in the city.
Objection was raised to the judges holding their
session within the city and they sat at the Tower.
Great tumult prevailed, and the citizens refused to
answer any questions until the judges had formally
acknowledged the City's liberties. A special fund was
raised for the purpose of defending the City's rights.*
From the 5th March to the 17th March the justices
sat, and then an adjournment was made until the
16th April. On resumption of the session another
adjournment immediately took place owing to parlia
ment sitting at Westminster, and when the judges
should have again sat, the Iter was suddenly deter
mined by order of the king.^ The king showed much
annoyance at the attitude taken up by the citizens,
or at least by a certain portion of them, with respect
to this enquiry, and endeavoured to procure the names
of the ringleaders.* Failing in this, and not wishing
to make an enemy of the city on which he largely
depended for resources to carry out his mihtary
measures, he bestowed a general pardon on the citi
zens, and promised that no Iter should be held at the
Tower for a period of seven years. *
Charter to the As a ftuther mark of favour he granted to the
city, dated °
26 March, City, soon after the abrupt termination of the Iter, a
'^'^'' charter confirming previous charters ; allowing the
cftizens in express terms to vary customs that might
in course of time have become incapable of being put
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 22.
'¦'Letter Book F, fos. 45b-49. Murimuth, pp. 118, 119.
'Murimuth, p. 119.
' Letter Book F, fo. 49,

THE CITYS RIGHT TO VARY CUSTOMS. 1 89
into practice, and declaring the city's liberties not
subject to forfeiture through UQU-user.*
In August (i 341) the citizens met to consider the Thecity
¦question of levying a sum of ^"2,000, of Avhich 2,000 tofumishThe
marks was due to certain citizens in part payment of '^'"S >^'*
>¦ r J 26 ships.
the ;£'5,ooo lent to the king, and 1,000 marks was
required for the discharge of the city's own debts. A
certain number of aldermen and commoners were at
the same time appointed to confer with the king's
council touching the sending of ships of war beyond
the seas. The result of the interview was made
known to the citizens at a meeting held later on in
the same month. A further grievous burden {vehe
mens onus) was to be laid upon them ; they were
called upon to provide no less than twenty-six ships,
fully equipped and victualled at their own cost.^
The ships were probably wanted for conveying The king's
forces over to Brittany under the command of Sir Brittany,
Walter de Maunay, in the foUowing year. The king ^'^'¦' '¦^'^^'
¦himself made an expedition to that country in Octo
ber, 1342, having previously succeeded in bonowing
the sum of ;^i,ooo from the citizens. He had asked
for ;^2,ooo, but was fain to be content with the lesser
sum, security for repayment of which was demanded
and granted.* In March, 1343, Edward returned to England, a truce with
' ¦^^¦^' ° France for
having made a truce with France for three years.* three years.
He was beginning to learn the value of the EngHsh
' Dated 26 May, 1341. This charter, which was granted with
the assent of parliament, is preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 5.)
^ Pleas and Mem., Roll A 3, membr. 25 dors. ^Id., Roll A 5,
membr. 17.
'Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 392 note. Aungier's Fr. Chron. (Riley's
transl.), 290. ¦ ^

J 00 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
longbow, and the cloth-yard shaft in the field of
battle. Hitherto he, like others before him, had
placed too much reliance on charges by knights on
horseback. What the longbow could effect, under
proper management, had been experienced at Falkirk
in 1298. It had proved a failure at Bannockburn in
1 3 14 through bad strategy, but at Halidon Hill twenty
years later (1333) it was again effective. It was des
tined soon to work a complete reform in English
warfare ; and the yeoman and archer were to super
sede the noble and knight. The London burgess and
apprentice were especially apt with the weapon from
constant practice in Finsbury fields. Edward realised
the necessity of fostering the martial spirit of the
Londoners, and on one occasion (January, 1344)
invited the wives of the burgesses to witness a tourna
ment at Windsor, where they were entertained right
royally.*
Renewal of Before the expiration of the truce Edward was
1345^^^''" busy with preparations for a renewal of the war.
Four hundred London archers were to be got ready by
Midsummer of 1344, as the king was soon to cross the
sea ; and 100 men-at-arms and 200 horsemen were to
be despatched to Portsmouth.^ In 1345, a royal com
mission was issued for the seizure for the king's use
of aU vessels lying in the river.* A further contingent
of 160 archers was ordered to Sandwich by Whitsun
tide, and in August the city received another order for
yet more archers.'* In September, the king informed
the mayor by letter that, owing to the defective
' Murimuth, 155. '^ Letter Book F, fos. 8i-84b.
"Commission, dated Windsor, 20th March, 1345. Id. fo. 98b.
^ Id. fos. 99, 109, no.

EDWARD AGAIN SETS SAIL FOR FRANCE. 19I
state of his fleet and the prevalence of contrary
winds, he had postponed setting sail for a short time ;
the civic authorities were to keep their men-at-arms
and archers ready to set out the monow after the
receipt of orders to march.* Six months elapsed,
during which the citizens were kept under arms wait
ing for orders, when, on the 18th March, 1346, another
letter was sent by the king to the effect that he had
now ftiUy made up his mind to set sail from Portsmouth
a fortnight after Easter. The men-at-arms, the horse-
. men, and the archers, were to be ready by a certain
day on pain of losing life, Hmb, and property. On the
28th March, the archers mustered in "TotehuU" or
Tothill Fields, near Westminster.^
The expedition did not actually sail from Ports- Expedition to
. France sets
mouth until the loth July, the fleet numbering 1,000 sail, 10 July,
vessels more or less.* Previous to his departure, '•^'^ '
Edward caused proclamation to be made in the city
and elsewhere, to the effect that the assessments
that had been made throughout the country for the
purpose of equipping the expedition, should not be
drawn into precedent.*
On the 3rd August the regent forwarded to the News of the
'¦' ° " king s arrival
city a copy of a letter he had received from the king, and success
giving an account of his passage to Normandy and 3"Au°g™^"'^'
of the capture of various towns, and among them of
Caen. There he had discovered a document of no
littie importance. This was none other than an
' Letter Book F, fo. in. ''Id., fo. Ii6b.
' Murimuth (Rolls Series, No. 93, p. 198) states that the number
of vessels great and small amounted to 750 ; whilst in another Chronicle
the same writer says that they numbered more than 1,500 (Chron. ed.
for Eng. Hist. Soc, p. 164.)
'Letter Book F, fo. 119. Murimuth (Rolls Series), p. 198.

192

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

agreement made in 1338, whereby Normandy had
bound itself to assist the king of France in his pro
posed invasion and conquest of England.* This
document the king transmitted to England by the
hands of the Earl of Huntingdon, who was returning
invalided, and it was publicl}' read in St. Paul's
Churchyard, with the view of stining the citizens to
fresh exertions in prosecuting the war. The king's
own letter was also publicly read in the Husting by
the regent's order. ^ The City was exhorted to have
in readiness a force to succour the king, if need be.
Every effort was made to raise money, and the regent
did not hesitate to resort to depreciation ofthe coinage
of the realm in order to help his father. The City
made a free gift to the king of 1,000 marks and lent
him 2,000 more.*
The battle Ou the 2 6tli August the battle of Cre5y was won
26 Augf,' against a force far outnumbering the EngHsh army.
1346. The victory was due in large measure to the superi
ority of the English longbow over the crossbow used
by the Genoese mercenaries ; but it was also a victory
of foot soldiers over horsemen. The field of Bannock
burn had shown how easy a thing it was for a body
of horsemen to crush a body of archers, if allowed to
take them in the flank, whilst that of Halidon HiU
had more recently taught the king, from personal
experience, that archers could turn the tide of battle
against any direct attack, however violent. Edward
profited by the experience of that day. He not only
protected the flank of his archers, but interspersed
among them dismounted horsemen with levelled
'Murimuth (Rolls Series), pp. 205-211.
^Letter Book F, fo. 120b. ^ Id., fos. I2i-I25b.

193

SURRENDER OF CALAIS.
spears, the result being that the French were driven
off the field with terrible slaughter.
Flushed with victory Edward proceeded to lay Siege and
siege to Calais. His forces, which had been already Calais,
greatly reduced on the field of Cre9y, suffered a further ^^'^ "'347.
diminution by desertion. The mayor and sheriffs of
London were ordered to seize all deserters, whether
knights, esquires, or men of lower order, found in
the city, and to take steps for furnishing the king
with fresh recruits and store of victuals.* By Easter
of the following year, the City was called upon to
furnish two vessels towards a fleet of 120 large ships,
which the council had decided to fit out. All ships
found in the port of London were pressed into the
king's service.^
In July (1347) the king was in need of more
recruits and provisions.* Calais still held out, although
both besiegers and besieged were reduced to sore
strafts. At last it sunendered (4 Aug.). Edward
spared the lives of its principal burgesses at the inter
cession of his queen, but he cleared the town of
French inhabitants, and invited Londoners and others
to take up their abode there, offering them houses at
low rents and other inducements.* A truce with
Philip was agreed on, and Edward returned home.
For a time England was resplendent with the spoUs
of the French war — "A new sun seemed to shine,"
wrote Walsingham.^ Every woman of position went
gaily decked with some portion of the plunder of the
' Letter Book F, fos. 127, 127b, 130.
•'Id., fos. I32b-I33b. ^Id., fos. 139, 140. ' Id., fo. 140 b.
» Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 28), i, 272. Cf Chron. Angliae
(Rolls Series No. 64), p. 26.

194 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
town of Caen or Calais ; cupboards shone with silver
plate, and wardrobes were filled with foreign furs and
rich drapery of continental workmanship. The golden
era was of short duration.
The Black In August, 1 348, the pestilential scourge, known
1349- ' ^^"^ ^^ ^^ Black Death,* appeared in England, and reached
London in the following November. The number of
victims it carried off in the city has been variously
computed,^ but all conjectures of the kind must be
received with caution. All that is known for certain
is that the mortality caused a marked increase in the
number of beggars, and, at the same time, raised the
price of labour and provisions within the city's walls
to such a degree that measures had to be taken to
remedy both evils.* Besides the losses by death, the
population of the city and the country generally was
sensibly diminished by the flight of numbers of in
habitants to the continent, with the hope of escaping
the ravages of the plague. The king's treasury
threatened soon 'to become empty, and the country
left defenceless, if this were allowed to go on un
checked ; he therefore ordered the sheriffs of London
to see that no men-at-arms, strangers or otherwise, left
' It was the first of the three pestilences (the others occurring in
1 36 1 and 1369) which served occasionally as land marks in history for
dating conveyances and other records. — See Bond's Handy-book for
verifying dates, p. 311.
^ Stow extravagantly conjectures that no less than 50,000 perished
within a year, all of whom were buried in Walter M.anny's cemetery,
near the Charterhouse. Another chronicler states that 200 were buried
there alone between February and April, 1349. — Avesbury (Rolls
Series No. 93), p. 407.
^ Whilst the king forbade the encouragement of beggars by gifts
of charity, the municipal authorities fixed the price of labour. — Let
ter Book F, fos. 163, 168, 169, 181. At the close of the year (1349)
a statute — known as the Statute of Labourers — was passed, fixing the
scale of wages at the rate prevalent before the Black Death, and ordering
punishment to be inflicted on those who demanded more.

THE BLACK DEATH. igj
the kingdom, with the exception of well-known mer
chants or ambassadors, without the king's special
order.* Pilgrimages to Rome or elsewhere were made
an excuse for leaving England, at a time when the
king's subjects could ill be spared. The king en
deavoured to limit this drain upon the population of
the kingdom by allowing none to cross the sea
without his special licence. The city authorities having
negligently executed his orders in this respect, received
a rebuke in October, 1350, and were told to be more
strict in their observance for the future. ^
On the night which ushered in New Year's day, Afreshtruce
1350, an abortive attempt had been made by the TOmmencing'
French to recapture Calais. This ill success rendered 1311116,1350.
Philip the more willing to agree to a further prolonga
tion of the truce with England. Notification of this
cessation of hostihties was duly sent to the sheriffs of
London.* Before the truce had come to an end
PhiHp of Valois had ceased to live, and had been suc
ceeded on the throne of France by John II.
The city had scarcely recovered from the ravages Measures
•' -^ " taken for
of the late pestilence, before it was called upon (24 the suppres-
July, 1350) to furnish two ships to assist the king juiy,°i35o7'
in putting down piracy. These were accordingly
fitted out ; the ship of Andrew Turk being furnished
with 40 men-at-arms and 60 archers, whilst that of
Goscelin de Cleve had on board 30 men-at-arms and
40 archers.'* With their aid, Edward succeeded in
utterly defeating a Spanish fleet which had recently
inflicted much damage on the Bordeaux wine fleet,
'Letter Book F, fo. i68. " Id.,io. 191b.
' By writ, dated I July. Letter Book F, fo. 185b.
' Letter Book F, fos. 187b, i88b. O 2

196

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Charter rela
tive to the
City's gold
mace, 10 June,
1354-

and capturing 24 large ships laden with rich mer
chandise.* The citizens had further to submit to a
tax on wool and wine, in order to maintain the king's
vessels engaged in putting down piracy.^
In 1354 ah exception was made by special
charter of the king in favour of the City of London,
and its sergeants were permitted to carry maces of
gold or silver, or plated with silver, and bearing the
royal arms. Ten years before the commons of
England had petitioned the king {inter alia) not to
allow any one to cany maces tipped with silver in
city or borough, except the king's own officers. AU
others were to carry maces tipped with copper only
{virolez de cuevere), with staves of wood as formerly.
The petition was granted sa-ving that the sergeants
of the City of London might carry their mace within
the liberties of the city and before the mayor in the
king's presence.* This same year (1354), moreover,
the king with the assent of parliament had again
forbidden the carrying of gold or silver maces.
Thenceforth, maces were to be of iron, brass or
tin, or staves tipped with latten, and not to bear
representations of the royal arms, but the arms or
signs of the city using them. Again exception was
made in the case of London ; two sergeants of the
City as weU as ofthe City of York being permitted to
carry gold or silver maces, but they were not to be
sunnounted with the royal arms. This led to a
humble remonstrance from the whole body of the
citizens of London, presented to the chancellor and
'Avesbury (Rolls Series No. 93), p. 412.
'' Letter Book F, fos. 174, 176.
^Rot. Pari., ii, 155.

THE BATTLE. OF POITIERS.

197

the council by their mayor, Adam Fraunceys, and
within a month the charter above mentioned was
granted. That the charter originated or authorized
the title of "Lord" Mayor, as some have supposed,
is extremely improbable.
In 1355, all efforts to convert the truce into a Renewal of
final peace having failed, war with France was re- France, 1355.
newed. Edward was soon called home by fresh
troubles in Scotland. Having recovered Berwick,
which had been taken by surprise, and formally re
ceived the crown of Scotland from Edward Baliol, he
prepared to rejoin his son, the Black Prince, in France,
and in March, 1356, ordered the city to furnish him
with two vessels of war.*
News of the battle of Poitiers (19 September, Battle of
1356), and of the defeat and capture of the French ig sept.',
king, was received in the city by letter from the *356.
Prince of Wales, dated 22nd October.^ Again the
EngHsh longbow, combined with superior tactics,
gained the] day. The prince, on his return, made a
triumphal entry into the city, passing over. London
Bridge on his way to Westminster, with the captive
king and the king's son in his train.* The streets
were almost impassable for the multitude that
thronged them ; and for the moment the citizens for
got at what cost to themselves the victory had been
gained. A truce — a welcome truce — for two years
followed.* ' Letter Book G, fo. 47.— Their cost, amounting to nearly ;^500, was
assessed on the wards.
'' Letter Book G, fo. 53b. (Memorials, pp. 285-289).
'Walshingham (Rolls Series No. 28), i, 283. Chron. Angliae
(Rolls Series No. 64), p. 37.
'Letter Book G, fos. 65-67.

198 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Grievances of Only a few weeks before the prince's return the
before the citizcus Had laid before the king a Hst of their
'"^' grievances and prayed for redress.* They had com
plained of being charged taxes and talliages in excess
of any other of the commons. They had lent the
king at Dordrecht no less a sum than ;^6o,ooo, and
had incurred further loss by the discrepancy between
the weight for weighing wool at Dordrecht and that
of England. They had lent the king further sums of
j^5,ooo and j^2,ooo on two separate occasions, which
had not been repaid. The sum of ;^40,ooo had been
advanced to the king's merchants at Calais and else
where, and this, together with other sums lent
(amounting to over ;^3o,ooo), was still outstanding to
the grievous hurt of many citizens. They had, more
over, been called upon to undergo more charges than
others with respect to the king's expeditions to Scot
land, Flanders and France, and in providing men-at-
arms, archers and ships, in aid of his wars. Nor did
their complaints stop here. The king's purveyors had
been accustomed to seize the caniages, victuals and
merchandise of citizens without offering payment for
the same, in direct contravention of the king's first
charter to the city. Owing, moreover, to deaths by
the plague, so much property had come into mort
main that the city had become impoverished, and
one-third part of it rendered void of inhabitants.
These points they had desired the king to consider,
inasmuch as the city had always been loyal and peace
ful, setting an example to the whole country. The
petition wound up with the usual complaint against
the privileges allowed foreign merchants, and a request
' Letter Book G, fo. 60.

THE PEACE OF BRETIGNY. log
that the king would grant them letters patent under
the great seal, such as they might show to the pur
veyors whenever they attempted to take anything
without payment.*
After the expiration of the truce Edward again Edward's
set out for France. That country, however, had ofVrance,°"
suffered so much during the last two years at the *359-i36o.
hands of freebooters, that Edward experienced the
greatest difficulty in finding sufficient provisions for
his army. Whilst he was traversing France in search
of a force with which to try conclusions in the field,
a Norman fleet swept down upon the south coast and
sacked Winchelsea. The news of this disaster so
incensed the king that he determined to march direct
on Paris. The Londoners, in the meantime, assisted
in fitting out a fleet of eighty vessels, manned with
14,000 men, including archers, in order to wipe out
this disgrace, but the enemy contrived to make good
their escape.^
At length Edward was induced to accede to the The peace of
BretisTiv,
terms offered by France, and the peace of Bretigny 1360.
was concluded (Sth May, 1360). The terms were
very favourable to England, although Edward con
sented to abandon all claim to the French crown.
King John was to be ransomed, but the price set on
his release was so high that some years elapsed before
the money could be raised, and then only with the
assistance of a few of the livery companies of the city,
'Relief on this point was afibrded by the king in February, 1359,
by the issue of a writ to the effect that the names of his purveyors
should be handed to the M.iyor and Sheriff's of London, and that the
purveyors shall not seize any victuals until they had shown and read
their commission. — Letter Book G, fo. 74.
^Walsingham, i, 288.

200: LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
which showed their sympathy with the captured king
by contributing to the fund being raised for the pur
pose of restoring him to liberty.* It was John's high
sense of honour that kept him in captivity in England
until his death in 1364. He had in fact been liberated
and allowed to return to France soon after the con
clusion of peace, on payment of part of his ransom,
hostages being accepted for payment of the remainder.
In 1363 one of the hostages broke his pledge and fled,
and John, shocked at such perfidy, returned Regulus-
like to England. Hence it was that he appears as one
of the four kings whom Picard, the mayor, entertained
that same year at a banquet, followed by play at dice
and hazard.^
England at The citizens now enjoyed a period of leisure which
1360-1369. they were not slow to turn to account. The years
which followed the peace of Bretigny, until war broke
out afresh in 1369, witnessed the re-organisation of
many of the trade and craft guilds. Some of these,
like the Goldsmiths, the Tailors or Linen- Armourers,
and the Skinners, had already obtained charters from
Edward soon after his accession, so had also the Fish
mongers, although the earliest extant charter of the
company is dated 1363. The Vintners date their
chartered rights from the same year ; the Drapers from
1364 ; whilst the more ancient company of Weavers
obtained a confirmation of their privileges in 1365.
' Letter Book G, fo. 133.
-Stow's Survey (Thorn's ed. 1876), pp. 41, 90.— If we include
D.ivid, King of Denmark (as some do), the number of kings entertained
on this occasion was five, and to this day the toast of " Prosperity to
the Vintners' Company " is drunk at their banquets with five cheers in
memory of the visit of the five crowned heads. —See a pamphlet entitled
The Vintners' Company with Five, by B. Standring, Master of the
Company in 1887.

RENEWAL OF THE WAR WITH FRANCE. 201
Minor guilds, Hke the Founders, the Plumbers, the
FuUers and others, had to content themselves with
the recognition of their ordinances by the civic
authorities alone between 1364 and 1369.
The king's favour was purchased in 1363 by a
gift of nearly ;^500, to which the livery companies
largely contributed.* The amount of each subscription
varied from half-a-mark to ^^40, the latter sum being
contributed by the Mercers, the Fishmongers, the
Drapers, and the Skinners respectively. The Tailors
subscribed half that amount, being outdone by the
Vintners, who contributed ;^33 6^. %d.
With the renewal of the war, a change comes over The renewal
the pages of the City's annals. The London bachelor 1369. '
and apprentice is drawn off from his football and
hockey, with Avliich he had beguiled his leisure hours,
and bidden to devote himself to the more useful pur
suits of shooting with anow or bolt on high days and
hohdays.^ Once more we meet with schedules of
men-at-arms and archers provided by the City for
service abroad, and of assessments made on the City's
wards to pay for them.* Every inducement in the
shape of plunder was held out to volunteers for enlist
ment, and public proclamation was made to the effect
that the spoils of France should belong to the captors
themselves.* It was an easier matter for the City to provide the City loans,
J 1370-1371.
king with money than men. In 1370 it advanced a
' Letter Book G, fo. 133. — The list of subscribers, as printed in
Herbert's Introduction to his History of the Twelve Great Livery
Companies (p. 32), is very inaccurately transcribed.
''Id., fo. 158. ''Id., fos. 225b, 226b, 235b, 236b.
nd., fo. 228b.

202 . LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
sum of ^5,000,* and in the foUowing year a further
sum of ;^4,ooo, and more was subscribed by the
wealthier citizens, among whom were William Wal
worth, who contributed over ;^200, Adam Fraunceys,
Simon de Mordon, and others.^
New form Still the expenses of the war exceeded the supply
1371?'''°"' of money, and resort was had to a new form of
taxation, by which it was hoped that a sum of
;^5o,ooo might be realised. By order of parliament,
made in March, 1371, the sum of 22s. 31^. was to be
levied on every parish in the kingdom, the number
of parishes being reckoned as amounting to 40,000.
It soon became apparent that the number of existing
parishes throughout the country had been grossly
miscalculated. There were not more than 9,000, and
the amount of assessment had to be proportionately
raised. It was necessary to summon a council at
Westminster in June, to remedy the miscalculation
that had been made in March. Half of the represen
tatives of the late parliament were summoned to meet
the king, and among them two of the city's members,
Bartholomew Frestlyng and John PhiHpot — "the
first Englishman who has left behind him the repu
tation of a financier."* The mistake was rectified,
the charge of 22s. o^d. was raised to ii6j. and the city
was called upon to raise over ;^6oo. *
In the meantime the civic authorities had, in
answer to the king's writ,^ prepared a return of the
' Letter Book G, fo. 247b. — The money was advanced on the
security of Exchequer bills. The names of the contributors and the
several sums contributed, covering three folios of the Letter Book, have
been for some reason erased. ^ Id. , fos. 263, 270.
' Fasciculi Zizaniorum (Rolls Series No. 5), introd., p. xxviii.
'Letter Book G, fos. 274b-275. ^ Id., fo. 268.

ASSESSMENT ON CITY PARISHES. 203
number of parish churches, chapels and prebends
within the city.* It was found that within the city
and suburbs there were 106 parish churches ^ and
thirty prebends, but only two ofthe latter were within
the liberties. There was also the free chapel of St.
Martin's-le-Grand, which embraced eleven prebends,
all within the Hberty of the city, and there were,
moreover, two other chapels within the liberty.
Besides these (the return stated) there were none
other. The bare fact that there existed over 100 parishes, The city as an
each with its parish church, within so small an area centre.
as that covered by the city and its suburbs, is of itself
sufficient to remind us that, besides having a municipal
and commercial history, the city also possesses an
ecclesiastical. The church of St. Paul, the largest
foundation in the city, with its resident canons exer
cising magnificent hospitahty, was a centre to which
London looked as a mother, although it was not
strictly speaking the metropolitan cathedral. That
title properly applies to the Minster at Canterbury ;
but the church of Canterbury being in the hands of
a monastic chapter left St. Paul's at the head of the
secular clergy of southern England.* Besides the
hundred and more churches there were monastic estab-
Hshments and colleges which covered a good fourth
part of the whole city. The collegiate church of St.
Martin's-le-Grand almost rivalled its neighbour the
' Letter Book G, fos. 268b, 270.
^The number of parishes is elsewhere given as no. — Id., fo. 275.
A list of London benefices, under date 31 Edward I [1302-3], is given
in the City's Liber Custumarum (i, 228-230), the number being 116.
' Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), pref. vol. i, p. lvi.

204 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
cathedral church itself in the area of its precinct. The
houses of the Black Friars and Grey Friars in the
west were only equalled by those belonging to the
Augustine and Crossed Friars towards the east ; while
the Priory of St. Bartholomew found a counterpart in
the Priory of Holy Trinity. The church was every
where and ruled everything, and its influence manifests
itself nowhere more strongly than in the number of
ecclesiastical topics which fill the pages of early
chronicles in connection with London.*
Theprosecu- The War brought little credit or advantage in
war, °i 371^- return for outlay. In January, 1371, the Black Prince
*375- had returned to England with the glory of former
achievements sullied by his massacre at Limoges, and
the City of London had made him a present of
valuable plate.^ The conduct of the war was trans
ferred to his eldest surviving brother, John of Gaunt,
Duke of Lancaster. In 1372 the king himself set out
with the flower of the English nobility, and accom
panied by a band of London archers and crossbow
men.* The expedition, which had for its object the
relief of Rochelle, and which is said to have cost no
less than ^^900,000, proved disastrous, and Edward
returned after a brief absence.* In 1373 the city
furnished him with a transport barge called "The
Paul of London." The barge when it left London
for Southampton was fully supplied with rigging and
tackle ; nevertheless, on its anival at the latter port,
it was found to be so deficient in equipment that it
' Chron. Edward I and II, introd., vol. i., p. xii.
^Letter Book G, fo. 271. (Memorials, pp. 350-352).
^Id., fo. 289b.
'Walsingham, i,3i5.

205

PROCEEDINGS OF THE GOOD PARLIAMENT.
could not proceed to sea. The only explanation that
the master of the barge could give of the matter was
that a certain number of anchors and cables had been
lost on the voyage. The City paid twenty marks to
make up the defects.* The year was marked by a
campaign under Lancaster which ended in the utmost
disaster. The French avoided a general action ; the
English soldiers deserted, and as the winter came on
the troops perished from cold, hunger and disease.
By 1374 the French had recovered nearly all of their
former possessions. England was tired of the war
and of the ceaseless expenditure it involved. It was
with no little joy that the Londoners heard, in July,
1375,^ that peace had been concluded.
In April, 1376, a parliament met, known as the Charges
Good Parliament,* and before granting supply it afdermen,''
demanded an account of former receipts and expendi- *376-
ture. No less than three city aldermen were charged
with malversation. Richard Lyons, of Broad Street
ward, was convicted with Lord Latimer of embezzling
the king's 'revenue, and sentenced to imprisonment
and forfeiture of goods.* Adam de Bury, of Langboum
ward, who had twice served the office of mayor, was
charged with appropriating money subscribed for the
ransom of the French king and fled to Flanders to
avoid trial;' whilst John Pecche of Walbrook ward
' Letter Book G, fos. 297, 298, 304b, 306b, 307.
"Letter Book G, fo. 312b. Letter Book H, fos. I7-I9b.
"The parliament was originally summoned for the 12th February,
but did not meet before the 28 April. The city members were John
Pyel and William Walworth, Aldermen, William Essex and Adam
Carlile, commoners. — Letter Book H, fos. 28, 29.
' Chron. Anglic (Rolls Series No. 64), 78, 79.
'Walsinghami, 321. Higden's Polychron (Rolls Series No. 41),
viii, 385. Chron. Angliae (Rolls Series No. 64), pp. 94, 392.

206

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Anewsystem
of election
by the guilds,
instead of
the wards,
introduced, 1376.

was convicted of an extortionate exercise of a mono
poly of sweet wines and his patent annulled. AU
three aldermen were deposed from their aldermanries
by order of an assembly of citizens composed of repre
sentatives from the various guilds and not from the
wards.* The guilds, indeed, were now claiming a more
direct participation in the government of the city
than they had hitherto enjoyed, and their claim had
given rise to so much commotion that the king him
self threatened to interpose.^ The threat was not
liked, and the citizens hastened to assure him that no
disturbance had occuned in the city beyond what
proceeded from reasonable debate on an open ques
tion, and that to prevent the noise and tumult arising
from large assemblies, they had unanimously decided
that in future the Common Council should be chosen
from the guilds and not otherwise.* This reply was
sent to the king by the hands of two aldennen^
William Walworth and Nicholas Brembre — and six
commoners, and the foUowing day (2 August) the
king sent another letter accepting the explanation
that had been offered, and expressing a hope that the
city would be so governed as not to require his personal
intervention.'* Not only was the common council to be selected
in future by the guilds, but the guilds were also to elect
the mayor and the sheriffs. The aldermen and the
' Letter Book H, fo. 45b.
'' See the king's letter, dated " Haddele " Castle, 29 July, 1376.—
Letter Book H, fo. 44.
" The names of the representatives of the guilds forming the first
Common Council of the kind are placed on record.— Letter Book H,
fos. 46b, 47. -.'/rf., fo. 44b.

THE COMMON COUNCIL CHOSEN FROM THE GUILDS. 207
commons were to meet together at least once a
quarter,* and no member of the common council was
to serve on inquests, nor be appointed collector or
assessor of a talliage. This last provision may have
been due to the recent discoveries of malversation, but,
however that may be, it was found to work so well that
it was more than once re-enacted.^ These changes in
the internal administration of the city were avowedly
made by virtue of Edward's charter, which specifi
cally gave the citizens a right to remedy hard or de
fective customs.*
The power of the guilds in the matter of elections The old sys-
to the common council was not of long duration, tion by
Before ten years had elapsed representation was yenedtoin
made that the new system had been forced on the '384.
citizens, and in 1384 it was resolved to revert to the
old system of election by and from the wards.*
Encouraged by the success which had so far Proceedings
, ,. against Alice
attended their efforts of reform, the good parliament Perers, the
next attacked Alice Perers, the king's mistress. Of trTsf,^i376.
humble origin, and not even possessing the quality of
good looks, this lady, for whom the mediaeval chroni
clers have scarcely a good word to say,' nevertheless
gained so complete a mastery over the king as to
favour the popular belief that she indulged in magic.
At length her barefaced interference in public affairs
' Letter Book H, fo. 46. ^ Id., fos. 47, 161 ; Journal 11, fo. 89.
' Charter, dated 26 May, 15 Edward III, Supra p. 188.
'Letter Book H, fo. 173. — The names of those elected by the
wards to the Common Council two years' later (9 Ric. II), are inserted
on a cedula between membranes, 15 and 16, of Pleas and Memoranda,
Roll A 27.
'' Walsingham, i, 327. Chron. Anglise, pp. 142, I43- . Modern
writers, however, have discovered some good qualities in this lady. —
See Notes and Queries, 7th Series, vol. vii, pp. 449, et seq.

208

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Charter for
bidding free
trade to
merchant
strangers,4 Dec, 1376.

Hostility
between the
City and
Lancaster.

led to an award against her of banishment and for
feiture. Upon the dissolution of the good parliament
(6 July, 1376), and the meeting of a new parliament,
elected under the direct influence of the Earl of Lan
caster, who once more gained the upper hand now
that the Black Prince was dead, Alice Perers was
allowed to return.* She was again in disgrace soon
after Richard's accession, when her property, much of
which consisted of real estate in the City,- became
escheated, and the citizens of London were promised
redress for any harm she might have done them.*
She was afterwards married to Sir William de Windsor,
who, in 1376, had got himself into trouble over a
disturbance in Whitefriars* — a quarter of the city
which, under the name of Alsatia, became afterwards
notorious for riots, and as the resort of bad characters.
Towards the close of 1379 her sentence of banish
ment, never strictly enforced, was revoked and pardon
extended to her and her husband.^
In December, 1376, the citizens obtained a charter
from the king, with the assent of parliament, granting
that no strangers {i.e. non-freemen) should thenceforth
be allowed to sell by retail within the city and sub
urbs. This had always been considered a grievance,
ever since free trade had been granted to merchant
strangers by the pariiament held at York in 1335.
The last year of Edward's reign was one of serious
opposition between the City and the selfish and un-
' Chron. Angliae, p. 130.
"See Hust., Rolls, 95, (130) (131); 97, (9) ; 98, (73) (74)
(82) ; 109, (6) (7) (8) ; also Will of WiUiam Burton— Calendar of
Wills, Court of Hust., London, ii, 301.
^ Letter Book H, fo. 77b. ' Id., fo. 47b.
' Pat. Roll, 3 Ric. II, part i.

THE CITY AND THE DUKE OF LANCASTER.
principled Lancaster. In so far as the duke, with the
assistance of Wycliffe, meditated a reform among the
higher clergy, he might, if he would, have had the
city with him. The citizens, like the great reformer
himself, were opposed to the practice of the clergy
heaping up riches and intermeddling with political
matters. The duke, however, went out of his way
to hurt the feelings of the citizens, by proposing to
abolish the mayoralty and otherwise encroach upon
their liberties.* Not content with this he took the
occasion when WycHffe was summoned to appear at St.
Paul's (19 Feb., i377),to offer violence to Courtenay,
their bishop. This so incensed the citizens that the
meeting broke up in confusion. The next day the
mob, now thoroughly roused, hastened to the SavOy
where the duke resided. He happened, however, to be
dining in the city at the time, with a certain John de
Ypre. The company had scarcely sat down to their
oysters before a soldier knocked at the door and
warned them of the danger. They forth-with jumped
up from the table, the duke barking his shins (we
are told) in so doing, and, making their way to the
riverside, took boat for Kennington, where the duke
sought protection in the house of the Princess of
Wales. Thanks to the intervention of the bishop,
who appeared on the scene, the mob did butrlittle
serious harm, beyond iU-using a priest and some of
the duke's retainers whom they happened to come
across.^

' " Ut de cetero non major, antiquo more, sed capitaneus Londoniis
haberetur, et quod Marescallus Anglije in ilia civitate, sicut alibi, reos
arestare valeret ; cum. multis petitionibus quse manifeste obviabant urbis
libertatibus et imminebant civium detrimento." — Chron. Angliae, p. 120.
» Chron. .AngUee, pp.> 123-125,397.; Walsingham, i,. 325.-

209

210

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Interview
between the
king and the
citizens to
explainmatters.

The oivic authorities were naturally anxious as to
what the king might say and do in consequence of
the outbreak, and desired an interview in order to
explain matters. Lancaster was opposed to any such
interview taking place. The London mob had seized
upon an escutcheon of the duke, displayed in some
public thoroughfare, and had reversed it by way of
signifying that it was the escutcheon of a traitor.*
This had particularly raised his anger. Nevertheless,
in spite of his efforts to prevent it, an interview was
accorded to a deputation from the city, of which John
Philipot acted as spokesman. After drawing the
king's attention to the threatened attack on the
privileges of the city, and the proposed substitution of
a "captain" for a mayor, Philipot offered an apology
for the late riot. It had taken place, he said, without
the cognisance of the civic authorities. Among a large
population there were sure to be some bad characters
whom it was difficult to restrain, even by the authority
of the mayor, when once excited. A mob acted after
the manner of a tornado, flying hither and thither,
bent on committing havoc at anybody's expense, even
its own, but, thank God ! the duke had suffered no
harm nor had any of his retinue been hurt. The king
having listened to the deputation, assured them in
reply, that so far from wishing to lessen the privileges
of the city, he had a mind to enlarge them. They
were not to alarm themselves, but to go home and
endeavour to preserve peace. On leaving the presence
the deputation met the duke, with whom they inter
changed courtesies.^ In the meanwhile lampoons on
the duke were posted in the city. The duke became

'Chron. Angliae, pp. 125, 398. ^ Id., pp. 127, 128.

THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN REMOVED. 211
furious and demanded the excommunication of the
authors. The bishops hesitated through fear of the
mob, but at last the Bishop of Bangor was induced by
representations made to him by leading citizens, who
wished it to be known that they did not approve of
such libels, to execute the duke's wishes.*
The duke waf determined to have his revenge, and Another in-
,1 ., ¦ , . , _ terview with
agam the citizens were summoned to appear before the king at
the king, who was lying at Shene. This time they did Shene.
not get off so easily. The mayor, Adam Stable, was
removed, and Nicholas Brembre appointed in his
place. A fresh election of aldermen took place,^ and
the City did penance for the recent insult to the duke's
escutcheon by offering, at the king's confidential sug
gestion, a wax taper bearing the duke's arms in St.
Paul's. Even that did not satisfy him ; nay, it was
adding insult to injury (he said), for such an act was
an honour usually paid to one who was dead ! The
citizens were in despair, and doubted if anything would
satisfy him, short of proclaiming him king.*
One of the last acts of Edward was to restore the The king's
Bishop of Winchester to the temporalities of which 21 June,
ne had been deprived by the duke, and this restitution '•'^^'
was made at the instance and by the influence of
Alice Perers,* who within a few weeks robbed her
dying paramour of his finger rings and fled.*
' Chron. Angliae, p. 129.
2 Letter Book H, fos. 58, 59.
^Chron. Anglic, p. 134. * Id., pp. 136-137, \s,2-l/i,l.

P 2

CHAPTER IX.

Reconcilia
tion between
Lancaster
and the City,
1377-

The corona
tion of
Richard II,
l6 July,
1377.

Shortly after Edward had bneathed his last, a
deputation from the City waited upon the Prince of
Wales at Kennington. John Philipot again acted as
spokesman, and after alluding to the loss which the
country had recently sustained, and recommending
the City of London — ^the "king's chamber" — to the
prince's favour, begged him to assist in effecting a
reconciliation with Lancaster. This Richard promised
to do, and a few days later the deputation again
waited on the young king — this time at Shene, where
preparations were being made for the late king's
obsequies — and a reconciliation took place, the king
kissing each member of the deputation, and promis
ing to be their friend, and to look after the City's
interests as if they were his own.* Formal announce
ment of the reconciliation was afterwards made at
Westminster, and Peter de la Mare, long a prisoner
in Nottingham Castle, was set free, to the great joy of
the citizens.^ At the express wish of the citizens, Richard —
the "Londoners' king," as the nobles were in the
habit of cynically styling the new sovereign, for the
' Chron. Angliae, pp. 146-149. The chronicler expresses the utmost
joy and astonishment at the sudden change in the duke's manner. It
was (he says) nothing less than a miracle that one who had so recently
demanded a present of precious stones and 100 tuns of wine, as the
price of his favour, should now appear so complacent.
''Id., pp. 150, 151.

RICHARD THE "LONDONERS' KING." 213
reason that he had ascended the throne more by the
assistance of the bourgeois Londoner than of the
nobility* — ^took up his quarters at the Tower, whence
he proceeded in state to Westminster for his corona
tion. Great preparations were made in the city to
lender his progress through the streets one of ex
ceptional splendour. The claim of the mayor and
citizens to assist the chief butler at the banquet was
discourteously refused by Robert Belknap, Chief Jus
tice of the Common Pleas, who bluntly told them that
they might be of service in washing up the pots and
pans. The citizens had their revenge, however.
They set up an effigy of the man at a conspicuous
arch or tower in Cheapside, in which he appeared to
the whole of the procession as it passed on its way to
Westminster, in the ignominious attitude of vomiting
wine.^ This was enough ; the Londoners gained the .
day, and were aUowed to perform their customary
services at the banquet, and the mayor got his gold
cup.* Richard was only eleven years of age when A city loan
and parlia-
raised to the throne. A council was therefore mentary sup-
appointed to govern in his name. Neither the Duke ^ '^^' '¦^^'''
of Lancaster nor any other of the king's uncles were
elected councillors, and, for a time, John of Gaunt
retired into comparative privacy. The task of the
council was not easy. The French plundered the
' " Londonienses praecipue obloquebantur, dicentes jam perpaucorum
-procerum corda fore cum Rege, eos solos sibi fideles esse ; quorum
Rex licet ironice, vocabatur a nonnuUis proceribus, eo quod ipsi multum
juvissent eum in coronatione sua. " — Walsingham i, 370 ; Cf. Chron.
Anglias, p. 200. ^ Chron. Angliae, p. 153.
' Lib. Cust.^ ii, 467, 468. It appears from the City Records, that
the king's butler in ordinary could claim the office of Coroner of the
city.— See Letter Book H, fos. 68, 77b.

214

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Charter
granted to
the city with
the assent of
parliament,4 Dec, 1377.

The subsidy
taken out of
the hands of
Walworth and Philipot,
1378.

coast,* and the Scots plundered the borders. Money
was sorely needed. The City consented to advance
the sum of ;^5,ooo upon the security of the customs
ofthe Port of London and of certain plate and jewels,^
and when pariiament met (13 Oct., 1377) it made a
liberal grant of two tenths and two fifteenths, which
was to be collected without delay, on the understand
ing that two treasurers should be appointed to super
intend the due application of the money.* The two
treasurers appointed for this purpose were two citizens
of note, namely, William Walworth and John
Philipot, of whose financial capability mention has
already been made.
Before parliament broke up it gave its assent to
a new charter to the City.* Foreigners {i.e. non-free
men) were again forbidden to traffic in the city
among themselves by retail, and the City's franchises
were confirmed and enlarged. So much importance
was attached to this charter that Brembre, the mayor,
caused its main provisions to be published throughout
the city.^ Lancaster soon became tired of playing a sub
ordinate part in the government of the kingdom. As
' The Isle of Wight had been surprised and taken. Rye had been
captured, Hastings had been destroyed by fire, and Winchelsea would
have fallen into the hands of the enemy but for the bold defence made
by the Abbot of Battle. — Walsingham i, 340-342 ; Chron. Angliae,
pp. 151, 166, 167.
2 Letter Book H, fos. 76-77, 83.
^ Et deputati sunt ad hujus pecuniae custodiam duo cives London
ienses, scilicet Willelmus Walworthe et Johannes Philipot. — Chron.
Angliae, p. 171. Eight other citizens, viz., Adam Lovekyn, William
Tonge, Thomas Welford, Robert Lucas, John Hadley, John North
ampton, John Organ, and John Sely, were "appointed collectors of the
two fifteenths. — Letter Book H, fo. 90.
' Dated 4 Dec, 1377. Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 9).
= Letter Book H, fo. 82.

JOHN PHILIPOT. 21 S
a preliminary step to higher aims, he contrived,
after some little opposition, to obtain the removal of
the subsidy granted by the last parliament, out of the
hands of Walworth and Philipot into his own, although
these men had given no cause for suspicion of dis
honourable conduct in the execution of their public
trust.* The energetic John Philipot soon found other Patriotic con-
work to do. The English coast had recently become Phiiipot.
infested with a band of pirates, who, having already
made a successful descent upon Scarborough, were
now seeking fresh adventures. Philipot fitted out a
fleet at his own expense, and putting to sea succeeded
in capturing the ringleader,^ a feat which rendered
him so popular as to excite the jealousy of the Duke
of Lancaster and other nobles. His fellow citizens
showed their appreciation of his character by electing
him to succeed Brembre in the mayoralty in Octo
ber (1378).* The citizens were, however, split up into factions, Factions in
one party, with Philipot and Brembre at his head, main- and agamst"^
taining a stubborn opposition to Lancaster, whilst Laj,^asto,°^
another, under the leadership of Walworth and John 1378.
de Northampton, favoured the dulce. These factions
were continually plotting and counter-plotting one
against the other. At Gloucester, to which the duke
had brought the parliament in 1378, in the hope of
' Chron. Angliae, p. 194 ; Walsingham i, 367. It was stated before
parliament, in 1378, that Walworth and Philipot had laid out every
penny of the subsidy. — Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 445 note.
^ Chron. Angliae, pp. 199, 200. Philipot again showed his patriotism
in 1380, by providing money and arms for an expedition sent to assist
the Duke of Brittany.— /rf. , p. 266. He died in the summer of 1384.—
Walsingham, ii, 115.
" Letter Book H, fo. 95.

2l6

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The Earl of
Buckinghamand his par-
tizans with
draw them
selves and
their custom
from the City,
1378.

escaping from the interference of the "ribald" Lon
doners,* Brembre was anaigned on a charge of ha-ving
connived during his recent mayoralty at an attack
made on the house of the duke's younger brother,
Thomas of Woodstock, Earl of Buckingham, and
although he succeeded in proving his innocence, the
earl and his party continued to use threats, and
Brembre, in order to smooth matters over, consented
to be mulcted in 100 marks. When the matter was
reported to the Common Council at home (25 Nov.),
that body not only signified its approval of his con
duct — "knowing for certain that it was for no de-
" merits of his own, but for the preservation of the
"liberties of the city, and for the extreme love
"which he bore it, that he had undergone such
"labours and expenses," — but recouped him what he
had disbursed.^ In course of time the earl and his followers suc
ceeded in persecuting Brembre to a disgraceful death.
At present they contented themselves with damaging
the trade of the city, so far as they could, by lea-ving
the city en masse and withdrawing their custom. The
result was so disastrous to the citizens, more especially
to the hostel keepers and victuallers, that the civic
authorities resolved to win the nobles back to the city
by wholesale bribery, and, as the city's "chamber"
was empty, a subscription list was set on foot to raise a
fund for the purpose. Philipot, the mayor, headed the
list with ;£'io, a sum just double that of any other sub
scriber. Six others, among them being Brembre (the
' " Et idcirco locum ilium elegerant praemeditato facinori ; ne Lon
donienses, si Londoniis fuisset Parliamentum praedictum, sua auctoritate
vel potentia eorum conatus ullatenus impedirent." — Walsingham, i, 380.
'' Letter Book H, fo. loib. (Memorials, p. 427).

A CITY LOAN OF £ 5,000.' 21 7
earl's particular enemy) and Walworth, subscribed re
spectively £c^ ; whilst the rest contributed sums varying
from £i, down to five marks, the last mentioned sum
being subscribed by Richard "Whytyngdon" of
famous memory.*
The grants made to the king by the parliament Another City
at Gloucester were soon exhausted by the war, and ;^s"ooo,
recourse was had, as usual, to the City. In February, ^^'°'' '379-
1379, the mayor and aldermen were sent for to West
minster. They were told that the king's necessities
demanded an immediate supply of money, and that
the Duke of Lancaster and the rest of the nobility
had consented to contribute. What would the City
do ? After a brief consultation apart, the mayor and
aldermen suggested that the usual course should be
followed and that they should be allowed to consult
the general body of the citizens in the Guildhall.
Eventually the City consented to advance another
sum of .;^5,ooo on the same security as before, but
any tax imposed by parliament at its next session was
to be taken as a set off.^
At the session of parliament held in April and The poll-tax
May (1379), the demand for further supply became ° ^'
so urgent that a poll-tax was imposed on a graduated
scale according to a man's dignity, ranging from ten
marks or £(> is. i^d. imposed on a duke, to a groat or
four pence which the poorest peasant was called upon
to pay. The mayor of London, assessed as an earl,
was to pay £\ ; and the aldermen, assessed as barons,
£2. The sum thus fiimished by the city amounted
to less than ;^700,* and the whole amount levied on
'Letter Book H, fos. 109b, no. ''Id., fos. 107, 108, 109.
^Id.,ios. nib, 113.

2i8

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Renewal of
the poll-tax,
1380.

The peasants'
revolt under
Wat Tyler,
1381.

the country did not exceed /2 2,000, a sum far short
of what had been anticipated.
In the following year (1380) there was a re-
cunence to the old method of raising money, but
this proving still insufficient a poll-tax was again
resorted to. This time, the smallest sum exacted
was not less than three groats, and was payable on
every man, woman and unmanied child, above the age
of fifteen, throughout the country. The amount thus
raised in the city and liberties was just over ^1000.*
The tax was especially initating from its inquisitorial
character, and led to serious consequences.
The country was already suffering under a general
discontent, when a certain Wat Tyler in Kent struck
do-wn a collector of the poll-tax, who attempted in an
indecent manner to discover his daughter's age. This
was the signal for a revolt of the peasants from one
end of England to the other, not only against pay
ment of this particular tax, but against taxes and
landlords generally. The men of Essex joined forces
with those of Kent on Blackheath, and thence
marched on London. With the aid of sympathisers
within the City's gates, they effected an entrance on
the night ofthe 12th of June, and made free with the
wine ceUars of the wealthier class. The next day,
the rebels, more mad than drunk {non tam ebrii quam
dement es), stined up the populace to make a raid
upon the Duke of Lancaster's palace of the Savoy.
This they sacked and burnt to the ground. They
next vented their wrath upon the Temple, and after
wards upon the house of the Knight's HospftaUers at

'Letter Book H, fos. 12S, 132.

THE POLL-TAX AND PEASANTS' REVOLT.
Clerkenwell. In the meantime reinforcements were
gathering in Essex under the leadership of one known
as "Jack Straw," and were hurrying to London. At
Mile End they were met (14 June) by the young king
himself, who set out from the Tower for that purpose,
accompanied by a retinue of knights and esquires on
horseback, as well as by his mother in a drawn
vehicle. The rebels demanded the sunender of all
traitors to the king. To this Richard gave his assent,
and having done so returned to the city to take up
his quarters at the Wardrobe, near Castle Baynard,
whilst the rebels, availing themselves of the king's
word, hunied off to the Tower. There they found
Simon of Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, and he
and others were beheaded on Tower Hill. The rest
of the day and the whole of the next were given up
to plunder and massacre, so that the nanow streets
were choked with corpses . Among those who perished
at the hands of the rebels was Richard Lyons, the
deposed alderman. At length, on the evening of
Saturday, the 15th, when the king had ridden to
Smithfield accompanied by Walworth, the mayor,
and a large retinue in order to discuss matters with
Wat Tyler (the Essex men had for the most part
returned home), an altercation happened to arise be
tween Tyler and one of the royal suite. Words were
about to lead to blows when the mayor himself inter
posed, and summarily executed the king's order to
anest Tyler by bringing him to the ground by a fatal
blow of his dagger. Deprived of their leader the mob
became furious, and demanded Walworth's head ; the
mayor, however, contrived to slip back into the City,
whence he quickly returned with such a force that the

219

220

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Orders given
for safe
guarding the
city, 20 June.

Confession
made by
"Jack Straw.'

rioters were surrounded and compelled to submit.
The king intervened to prevent further bloodshed,
and knighted on the field not only Walworth, but
also Nicholas Brembre, John Philipot and Robert
Launde.* The same day a royal commission was
issued to enquire into the late riot and to bring the
offenders to account.^
Orders were given on the 20th June to each alder
man to provide men-at-arms and archers to guard in
turns the city's gates, and to see that no armed person
entered the city, except those who declared on oath
that they were about to join the king's expedition
against the rebels. In the meantime, the aldermen
were to make returns of all who kept hostels in their
several wards.* In a list, containing nearly 200 names
of divers persons of bad character, who had left the
city by reason of the insunection,* there appear the
names of two servants of Henry " Grenecobbe."
The name is far from common, and we shall not per
haps be far wrong in conjecturing that the owner of
it was a relation of William " Gryndecobbe," who
led the insurgents against the abbey of St. Albans and
compelled the abbot to surrender its charter.^
"Jack Straw," on being brought before the mayor,
was induced by promises of masses for the good of his
soul, to confess the nature of the intentions of the
rioters, which were to use the king's person as a

' The story of the insurrection under Wat Tyler, and of his death
at the hands of Walworth, as told in Letter Book H, fo. 133b (Memo
rials, pp. 449-45 1 ), varies in some particulars from that given by Walsing
ham (i, 454-465), and in the Chronicon Anglian (pp. 285-297).
^Letter Book H, fo. 134. ^ Id., fo. 134b. .
' Pleas and Mem. , Roll A 24, membr. 9.
' Walsingham, i, 467-484 ; ii, 23.

REFORMS UNDER JOHN DE NORTHAMPTON. 221
stalking horse for drawing people to their side, and
eventually to kill him and all in authority throughout
the kingdom. The mendicant friars, who were be
lieved to be at the bottom of the insunection,* were
alone to be spared. Wat Tyler was to be made king
of Kent, whilst others were to be placed in similar
positions over the rest of the counties. The mayor
sentenced him to be beheaded. This done, his head
Was set up on London Bridge, where Wat Tyler's
already figured.^
The discontent which had given rise to the Revulsion of
peasants' revolt, had been fanned by the attacks made the Lollards
by WycHffe's "simple priests" upon the rich and idle ^^^^J^lt^'
clergy. The revolt occasioned a bitter feeling among *<= peasants'
^^ b b revolt, 1382.
the landlord class against Wycliffe and his followers,
and after its suppression the Lollards were made the
object of much animadversion. Their preaching was
forbidden,* and Wycliffe was obHged to retire to his
country parsonage, where he continued to labour with
his pen for the cause he had so much at heart, until
his death in 1384.
The majority of the citizens favoured the doc- Reforms in
trines of WycHffe and his followers and endeavoured to dudngNorth-
cany them out. The Duke of Lancaster had no real ^^^jt'yf ''
sympathy with the Lollards ; he only wished to make 1381-1382.
use of them for a poHtical purpose. It was otherwise
with the Londoners, and with John de Northamptorf,
a supporter of the duke, who succeeded to the
mayoralty soon after the suppression of the revolt.
Under Northampton — a man whom even his enemies
aUowed to be of stem purpose, not truckling to those
'Walsingham, ii, 13. ''Id., ii, 9, 10.
'Letter Book H, fos. I;49b,' 150.

222

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
above him, nor bending to his inferiors,*— many
reforms were canied out, ecclesiastical as well as civil.
The ecclesiastical courts having grossly failed in
their duty, the citizens themselves, fearful of God's
vengeance if matters were allowed to continue as they
were, undertook the work of reform within the city's
walls. The fees- of the city parsons were cut down.
The fee for baptism was not to exceed forty pence,
whilst that for marriage was not as a general rule to
be more than half a mark. One farthing was all that
could be demanded for a mass for the dead, and the
priest was bound to give change for a half-penny
when requested or forego his fee.^ Steps were taken
at the same time to improve the morality of the
city by ridding the streets of lewd women and licen
tious men. On the occasion of a first offence, culprits
of either sex were subjected to the ignominy of
having their hair cropt for future identification, and
then conducted with rough music through the public
thoroughfares, the men to the pillory and the women
to the "thewe." After a third conviction, they were
made to abjure the City altogether.* It was during
Northampton's first year of the mayoralty that the
citizens succeeded in breaking down the monopoly of
the free fish-mongers. A number of "dossers" or
baskets for carrying fish were also seized because they
were deficient in holding capacity, and on that account
were calculated to defraud the purchaser.* But,
' " Homo duri cordis et astutus, elatus propter divitias et super-
bus, qui nee inferioribus adquiescere, nee superiorum allegationibus sive
monitis flecti valeret quin quod inceperat proprio ingenio torvo proposito
ad quemcunque finem perducere niteretur." — Walsingham, ii, 65.
^ Letter Book H, fo. 144. (Memorials, p. 463).
' Letter Book H, fo. 146b. ' Id., fos. 153-154.

NICHOLAS EXTON, ALDERMAN, DEPOSED. 223
although a mayor in those days exercised, no doubt,
greater power in the municipal government than now,
we must be careful to avoid the common mistake of
attributing to the individuality of the mayor for the
time being what was really the action of the citizens
as a body corporate.
In October, 1382, Northampton was elected Northamp-ton rc-clcctcd
mayor for the second time, and Philipot, his rival, mayor at the
either resigned or was deprived of his aldermancy.* ^^^2, Oct.,
His re-election was at the king's express wish. On *382.
the 6th he wrote to the sheriffs, aldermen and com
mons of the city intimating that, whilst anxious to
leave the citizens free choice in the matter of election
of their mayor, he would be personally gratified if
their choice fell upon the outgoing mayor. At first
Northampton decHned re-election, but he afterwards
consented to serve another year on receiving a 'written
request from the king.^ His hesitation was probably
due to the factious state of the city. Brembre and
Philipot were not his only enemies. Another alder
man, Nicholas Exton, of Queenhithe Ward, had
recently been removed from his aldermancy for oppro
brious words used to Northampton during his first
mayoralty. A petition had been laid before the Court
of Common Council in August, 1382, when Exton him
self being present, and seeing the turn affairs were
taking, endeavoured to anticipate the judgment ofthe
' Walsingham, ii, 71. From the City's Records it appears that early
in 1383, William Baret was alderman of Philipot's ward (Cornhill) ; but
in the following year, when Brembre succeeded to his mayoralty, and
the so-called " king's party " was again in the ascendant, Philipot again
appears as alderman of his old ward, continuing in office until his death
(12 Sept., 1384), when he was succeeded by John Rote. — Letter
Book H, fos. 163, 174.
-Letter Book H, fo. 155b.

224

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

court, by himself asking to be exonerated from his
office, declaring at the same time that he had offered
a large sum of money to be released at his election in
the first instance. The court wishing for fiirther time
to consider the matter adjourned. At its next meet
ing a similar petition was again . presented, but the
court hesitated to pronounce judgment in the absence
of Exton, who was summoned to appear at the next
Common Council. When the court met again, it was
found that Exton had ignored the summons. Judg
ment was, therefore, pronounced in his absence and he
was deprived of his aldermancy.*
At the close of Northampton's second mayoralty
(Oct., 1383), his place was taken by his rival, Nicholas
Brembre,^ and a general reversal of the order of things
took place. The free-fishmongers recovered their
ancient privileges,* and the judgment passed upon
Exton as well as a similar judgment passed upon
another alderman, Adam Carlile, were reversed.*
Richard's Soou after Brembre's election the king confirmed
to'^th" CAyT^ the City's Hberties by charter,^ which had the assent
26 Nov., 1383. Qf pariiament. Two years previously the citizens had

Brembre
succeeds Northamptonin the mayor
alty, Oct.,
1383-

' Letter Book H, fo. 154.
'^ Letter Book H, fo. 168. Three years later, "the folk of the
Mercerye of London " complained to parliament that Brembre and his
"upberers" had on this occasion obtained his election by force — ¦
"through debate and strenger partye." — (Rot., Pari, iii, 225). There
is no evidence of this in the City's Records, although there appears to
have been a disturbance at his re-election in 1384. It may be to this
that the^ Mercers' petition refers. It is noteworthy that at the time of
his election in 1383, Brembre was not an alderman, although in the pre
vious year, and again in the year following his election, he is recorded as
Alderman of Bread Street Ward. — Letter Book H, fos. 140, 163, 174.
' Breve quod piscenarii libertatis civitatis Londoniae exerceant
artem suam ut consueverunt. Dated 27 Nov., 1383. — Letter Book H,-
fo. 172. ^ Id., fos.. 154-1 54b, 176-177.
= Dated 26 Nov., 7 Ric. II. Preserved ait the Guildhall (Box
No. 9).

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST JOHN DE NORTHAMPTON. 22:
besought the newly-married queen to use her interest
with Richard to that end.* Her good offices, as well
as the fact that the City had recently advanced to
the king the sum of 4,000 marks, on the security
of the royal crown and other things,^ may have been
instrumental in obtaining for the citizens this fresh
confirmation of their rights.
In January (1384) Northampton was bound over Proceedings
to keep the peace in the sum of ;^5,ooo ;* but in the Nortiilmpton.
following month he was put under anest (together
with his brother, known as Robert " Cumberton," and
another), for raising a disturbance in the City, and
sent to Corfe Castle.* For Northampton's anest, as
well as for the summary execution of a certain
John Constantyn, a cordwainer, who had been con
victed of taking a leading part in the disturbance,
Brembre received a letter of indemnity from the
king.^ The riot had one good effect. It roused
public opinion against monopolies and restriction of
trade to such an extent, that Richard very soon after
wards caused the city to be opened freely to all
foreigners {i.e., non-freemen) wishing to sell fish or
other victuals.'^
In August (1384) the opinion of each individual Trial of
member of the Common Council was taken on oath, at Reading.
as to whether it would be to the advantage or dis
advantage of the city if Northampton were aUowed to
return ; and it was unanimously found that his return
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 3 dors.
-Letter Book H, fos. 166, 167.
'Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 3.
'Writ dated 9 February ; Letter Box H, fo. 173b.
''Id., fos. 173b, 174b. »/£/., fo. 174.

226 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
would breed dissension rather than peace and unity,*
Armed with this plebiscite the mayor and a number
of citizens, whom the king had summoned by name,
attended a council at Reading for the purpose of
determining the fate of Northampton. The accused
contented himself with objecting to sentence being
passed against him in the absence of his patron the
Duke of Lancaster. This, however, availed him
nothing, and he was sentenced to perpetual imprison
ment in Tintagel Castle.^ Another authority* states
that the mayor brought with him to the council a
man named Thomas Husk or Usk (whose name, by
the way, does not appear in the list which the king
forwarded to the mayor), who made a number of
charges against Northampton. The prisoner so far
forgot himself in the royal presence as to call Usk a
liar, and to challenge him to a duel. Matters were
not improved by Northampton's appeal for delay in
passing sentence upon him in the absence of the
Duke of Lancaster. Richard flushed crimson with
anger at the proposal, declaring that he was ready to
sit in judgment upon the duke no less than on North
ampton, and forthwith ordered the latter's execution,
and the confiscation of his goods. The sentence would
have been canied out but for the timely intercession
of the queen, who flung herself at her husband's feet
and begged for the prisoner's life. The queen's prayer
was granted, and Northampton was condemned to
perpetual imprisonment and remitted to Corfe Castle,
Thence, at the beginning of September, he was removed
' Letter Book H, fo. 179,
'' Letter Book H, fo. 179b ; Walsingham, ii, 116.
'Hidgen, Polychron. (Rolls Series No, 41), ix, 45 seq.

NORTHAMPTON CONFINED IN TINTAGEL CASTLE. 227
to the Tower of London, where two of his partisans,
John More, one of the sheriffs, and Richard North-
bury, recently anested, were lodged.
The Chief Justice, Tressilian, hesitated to take any is committed
steps against the prisoners, one of whom had already Castle.^^^
been tried and sentenced, asserting that the matter
lay within the jurisdiction of the mayor. His scruples,
however, on this score were easily set aside, and on
the loth September, each of the prisoners was sen
tenced to be drawn and hanged. No sooner was
sentence passed than the chancellor, Michael de la
Pole, entered on the scene, and proclaimed that the
king's grace had been extended to the prisoners, that
there lives would be spared, but that they would be
imprisoned until further favour should be shown them.
They were accordingly sent off to various fortresses ;
Northampton to Tintagel Castle in Cornwall, North-
bury to Corfe Castle, and More to Nottingham ; and
all this arose, says the Chronicler, from the rivalry of
fishmongers.* When Brembre sought re-election to the mayoralty Brembre's
in October, 1384, he found a formidable competitor in the mayoralty,
Nicholas Twyford, with whom he had not always °'^''' *3^'^"
been on the best of terms. It was in 1378, when
Twyford was sheriff and Brembre was occupying the
mayoralty chair for the first time, that they fell out,
the occasion being one of those trade disputes so
frequent in the City's annals. A number of gold
smiths and pepperers had come to loggerheads in
St. Paul's Churchyard dining sermon time, and the
'"Haec autem omnia sibi fieri procurarunt aemuli piscarii, ut
dicebabur, quia per illos stetit quod ars et curia eorum erant destructae."
— Higden, ix, 49.
Q 2

228

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Renewed
efforts to
obtainNorthampton's re
lease, March,
1386.

mayor had committed one of the ringleaders to the
compter. The culprit, however, happened to be, like
Twyford, a goldsmith, and was one of his suite.
Twyford resented his man being sent to prison, and
for his pains got anested himself.* It was felt that
the election would be hotly contested and might
lead to disturbance. Besides the customary precept
issued by the mayor forbidding any to appear who
were not speciaUy summoned,^ the king took the
precaution of sending John de Nevill, of Roby, to
the Guildhall to see that the election was properly
conducted. In spite of all precautions, however, a
disturbance took place, and some of the rioters were
afterwards bound over to keep the peace.* It is
said that Brembre himself secreted a body of men
in the neighbourhood of the Guildhall, and that
when he found the election going against him, he
signalled for them, and Twyford's supporters were
compelled to flee for safety, and that thus the election
was won.* Nothing of this appears in the City's
Records, where Brembre's re-election is entered in the
manner of the day.^
In 1385 Brembre was again elected mayor, and
continued in office until October, 1386, when he was
succeeded by his friend and ally, Nicholas Exton.
This was the fourth and last time Brembre was
mayor. In the meantime, the Duke of Lancaster
and his party had renewed their efforts to effect the
release of Northampton and of his fellow prisoners,

' Letter Book H, fo. 92. (Memorials, pp. 415-417).
^ Letter Book H, fo. 182. The names of those specially summoned
are set out in Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 15.
' Pleas and Mem., Roll A 27, membr. 4, 5 and 6.
' Higden, ix, 50, 51. = Letter Book H, fo. 182.

THE BOOK CALLED ''JUBILEE." 229
More and Northbury, on the understanding that they
were not to come near the City, and Brembre again
took the opinion of the aldermen and commons
severally as to the probable effect of the release of
the prisoners. This occuned in March, 1386, when it
was unanimously resolved that danger would result
to the city if Northampton was allowed to come
within 100 miles of it.* The resolution caused much
annoyance to the duke, who characterised it as un
reasonable and outrageous, and led to some heated
correspondence.^ It had, however, the desired effect
of at least postponing the release of the prisoners.*
A few months after Exton had taken Brem- a book of
bre's place as mayor (Oct., 1386), the new mayor i^J^Hs''
raised a commotion by ordering a book called "Jubiiee,"
, ¦' ^ burnt by
" Jubilee,' which Northampton is supposed to have order of
compiled— or caused to be compiled — for the better Exton|
government of the City, to be publicly burnt in Guild- ^'^'¦='^' *387.
hall yard.* The cordwainers of London, staunch
supporters of Northampton (the leader of the riot
which led to Northampton's arrest in 1384 was a
cordwainer), complained to parliament of Exton.
The book, said they, "comprised all the good
articles pertaining to the good government of the
City," which Exton and all the aldennen had sworn
to maintain for ever, and now he and his accomplices
had biunt it without consent of the commons, to the
annihilation of many good liberties, fi-anchises, and
' Letter Book H, fo. 198b.
^ Pleas and Mem. , Roll A 27, membr. 26.
' Letters patent of pardon received the king's sign manual on the
3 June, 1386 (Letter Book H, fo. 216), but the prisoners were not
released before April in the following year.— See Higden, Polychron.
i". 93- ' Letter Book H, fo. 214. (Memorials, p. 494).

230

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Furtherefforts to
secure Northampton's release,
1387.

Northampton set free,
27 April,
1387.

customs of the City.* The book had already been
subjected to revision in June, 1384, when Brembre
was mayor ; ^ it was now utterly destroyed.
In 1387 efforts were again made to secure
Northampton's release, and this time with success.
On the 17th April Exton reported to the Common
Council that Lord Zouche was actually engaged in
canvassing the king for the release of Northampton
and his allies. The Council thereupon unanimously
resolved to send a letter to Lord Zouche, on behalf
of the entire commonalty of the City, praying him to
desist from his suit, and assuring him of their loyalty
to the king even unto death.* It also resolved to
send a deputation on horseback to the king, who was
at " Esthamstede," to ask his favour for the City, and
to beg of him not to annul the charters which he had
already given to the citizens, more especially as touch
ing the release of the prisoners in question.
On the 4th May the Recorder, WilHam Clieyne,
reported to the Common Council assembled in the
upper chamber of the Guildhall the result of the
interview with the king. The deputation had been
received most graciously, and the mayor had been
particularly successful in his speech, setting forth the
dangers that would inevitably ensue, both to the king
and to the city, if pardon were granted to Northamp
ton and his friends. The king had replied that he
would take good precautions for himself before he

' Rot. Pari, iii, 227, cited by Riley in his " Memorials,'' p. 494,
note. '' Letter Book H, fo. 176b.
' This letter, which was dated the 27 April, was delivered to Lord
Zouche at his house by John Reche, Common Pleader, and Ralph
Strode and John Harwell, Sergeants-at-Arms. — Letter Book H, fo. 215b.

EFFORTS TO OBTAIN NORTHAMPTON'S RELEASE. 231
granted them their liberty ; * and with this answer
the citizens had to be content. The answer was an
evasive one, if it be true, as one authority states,
that on the 27th April — the day on which the mayor
had informed the citizens of the intervention of
Lord Zouche — Northampton had received his pardon
and been restored to his property.^ His friends re
mained StiU unsatisfied, and plagued the king for
more favourable terms to such a degree that Richard
ordered (7 Oct.) proclamation to be made in the city
against any further entreaties being made to him on
the subject.* Two days before the order for this proclamation, Letter from
the king was informed by letter of the nature of a {o^h^^Wng,
fresh oath of allegiance* that had been taken by the ^ 0'='-
mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city. He
was furthermore exhorted to give credence to what
Nicholas Brembre might inform him as to the state
and government of the city, since there was no one
better informed than Brembre on the subject.
To this the king sent a gracious reply .^ He had The king's
learnt with much pleasure from Nicholas Brembre of
the allegiance of the citizens, which he trusted would
'"Super quo dominus Rex respondit quod licet in sua potestate
fuerat cum ipsis, Johanne, Johanne et Ricardo agere graciose bene
tamen sibi provideret priusquam foret eis graciam concessurus." — Letter
Book H, fo. 215b.
" Higden, Polychron. ix, 93.
'Letter Book H, fo. 222.
' The oath as set out in the letter to the king differs from another
copy ofthe oath, which immediately precedes the letter in Letter Book H,
fos. 220b, 221 ; a clause having been subsequently added to the latter
to the effect that the swearer abjured the opinions of Northampton and
his followers, and would oppose their return within the bounds and limits
set out in the king's letters patent.
"^T^iefBodk Hrior"222r>

232 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
continue, as he would soon have good reason for pay
ing a visit to the city in person. He had heard that
the new sheriffs were good and trusty men, and he
expressed a hope that at the approaching election of a
mayor they would choose one of whom he could
approve, otherwise he would decline to receive the
mayor-elect at his presentation. He not only forbade
any further entreaties to be made to him touching
Northampton, More and Northbury, but commissioned
enquiry to be made as to their property in the city.
He was especiaUy gratified to learn that, in accordance
with his request, they had appointed Thomas Usk (the
chief witness against Northampton) to the office of
under-sheriff, and promised that such appointment
should not be drawn into precedent. The citizens
were not slow to take the hint about the election of a
new mayor, and Exton was continued in office.*
The Parlia- Great discoutent had arisen meanwhile in the
™^" ° ' country at the lavish expenditure of the king, without
any apparent result in victories abroad, such as had
been gained in the glorious days of his predecessor.
A cry for reform and retrenchment was raised, and
found a champion in the person of the Duke of Glou
cester, the youngest of the king's uncles. At his insti
gation, the parHament which assembled on the ist
October, 1386, demanded the dismissal of the king's
ministers, and read him a lesson on constitutional
government which ended in a threat of deposition
unless the king should mend his ways. Richard was at
the time only twenty-one years of age. In the im
petuosity of his youth he is recorded as having contem
plated a dastardly attempt upon the life of his micle,
' Letter Book H, fo. 223b.

DISAFFECTION TOWARDS THE KING.

233

whom he had grown to hate as the cause of all his
difficulties. A plan was laid, which is said to have
received Brembre's approbation, for beguiling the duke
into the city by an invitation to supper, and then and
there making away with him, but the duke was fore
warned. The chronicler who records Brembre's com
plicity in this nefarious design against Gloucester's life
also relates that Exton, who was mayor, refused to
have anything to do with it.*
Before the end of the session, parliament had Appointment
appointed a commission, with Gloucester at its head, "ion J}"""'^'
to regulate the government of the country and the ^^^g^^^y-
king's household. This very naturally excited the
wrath of the hot-headed king, who immediately set to
work to form a party in opposition to the duke. In
August ofthe next year (1387) he obtained a declara- TheCommis-
. . J- „ ^ , . . 1 r-/- 1 , sion declared
tion from five 01 the justices to the effect that the illegal.
commission was iUegal. On the 28th October he
sent the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Suffolk
into the city to learn whether he could depend upon
the support of the citizens. The answer could not Richard ap-
have been regarded as unfavourable, for, on the 10th Pj.'^= *° '^^
° City for assis-
November, the king paid a personal visit to the city tance.
and was received with great ceremony.^ On the
following day (11 Nov.) orders were given to the
aldermen of the City to assemble the men of their
several wards, to see that they were suitably armed
according to their rank and estate, and to make a
return of the same in due course.*
On thfe 14th Gloucester forfnally charged the The king's
king's five counsellors — the Archbishop of York, the charged with
treason,
' Walsingham, ii, 150. ^ Higden, Polychron. ix, 104. '4 Nov.
" Letter Book H, fo. 223b.

234

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The mayor
and aldermen
summoned to
Windsor, 28 Nov.

Richard
obliged to
submit.

Duke of Ireland, the Eari of Suffolk, Chief Justice
Tressilian and Nicholas Brembre, " the false London
knight," with treason.* The king retaliated by causing
proclamation to be made to the effect that he had
taken these same individuals under his own protec
tion, and that no one should harm them save at his
own peril. This protection was extended also to the
king's uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Earls of
Arundel and Warwick, the impeaching parties.
On the 28th the mayor and aldermen were
summoned to proceed to Windsor forthwith, to con
sult upon certain matters very weighty {certeines
treschargeauntes matirs)? The City's archives contain
no record of what took place at the interview, but it
appears that the object ofthe conference was to ascer
tain how many men-at-arms the city would be Hkely
to furnish the king at a crisis. The answer given by
the mayor was not encouraging ; the citizens were
merchants and craftsmen, and not soldiers, save for
the defence of the city itself ; and the mayor straight
way asked the king's permission to resign his office.*
Finding that he could not rely on any assistance
from the Londoners — whom Walsingham describes as
fickle as a reed, siding at one time with the lords and
at another time with the king * — Richard was driven
to temporise. He had already promised that in the
next parliament his unfortunate advisers should be
called to account, but long before parHament met

' Higden, Polychron. ix, 106 ; Walsingham, ii, 166.
"Letter Book H, fo. 223b. (Memorials, p. 449.)
' Higden, Polychron. ix, 108-109.
' " Londonienses . . , mobiles erant ut arundo, et nunc cum
Dominis, nunc cum Rege, sentiebant, nusquam stabiles sed fallaces." —
Hist. Angliae, ii, 161.

THE LORDS APPELLANT IN THE CITY. 23 q
(3 Feb., 1388), four out ofthe five culprits had made Flight ofthe
good their escape — at least for a time. Brembre alone ^'^'^"^^''•
was taken.* He had anticipated the blow by making
over all his property at home and abroad to certain
parties by deed, dated the istli October, 1387, no
doubt, upon a secret trust.^
Notwithstanding the evident coolness of the The lords
citizens towards him, Richard determined to leave ^tt^ed^into '
Windsor and spend Christmas at the Tower. He would ^^ "¦^'^' „
be safer there, and less subject to the dominating
influence ofthe Duke of Gloucester and the Earls of
Arundel, Nottingham, Warwick and Derby, who ob
jected to his shaking off the fetters ofthe commission.
As soon as his intention was known, these five lords —
who, from having been associated in appealing against
Richard's counsellors, were styled " appellant " — has
tened to London, and drawing up their forces outside
the city's walls, demanded admittance. After some
little hesitation, the mayor determined to admit them,
defending his action to the king by declaring that they
were his true Hege men and friends of the realm.*
On the i8th January, 1388, the lords appeared at The lords at
the Guildhall, accompanied by the Archbishop, the i8%n.^, 1388.'
Bishops of Ely, Hereford, Exeter, and others. The
Archbishop absolved the citizens of their oaths of
allegiance, whilst the Bishop of Ely, the lord treasurer,
deprecated any remarks made to the disparagement
of the lords. The lords and the bishops had been
indicted on an iniquitous charge, and there were some
' Higden, Polychron. ix, io8 ; Walsingham, ii, 169.
^Pleais and Mem., Roll A, membr. 7.
'Higden, ix, 111-114; Walsingham, ii, 170, 171; Engl. Chron.
(Camd. Soc. No. 64), p. 5.

236 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
among the citizens who had been similarly indicted,
but whether justly or unjustly he (the bishop) could
not say. That would be decided by parliament. In
the meantime they were ready to assist in settling the
trade disputes in the city, for it was absurd for one
body of the citizens to attempt to exterminate another.
The citizens, however, showed no desire to accept the
proffered mediation.*
Trial of When parliament met (3 Feb.), a formidable
before par- indictment of thirty-nine charges was laid against
itss?"'' ^^'^'' '^^ king's late advisers, of whom Brembre alone
appeared. On the 1 7th February, he was brought up
by the constable of the Tower, and was called on to
answer off-hand the several charges of treason alleged
against him. He prayed for time to take counsel's
advice. This being refused, he claimed to support his
cause by wager of battle, and immediately the whole
company of lords, knights, esquires, and commons,
flung down their gages so thick, we are told, that they
"seemed Hke snow on a winter's day."^ But the
lords declared that wager by battle did not lie in such
a case. When the trial was resumed on the following
day, so much opposition arose between the king, who
spoke strongly in Brembre's favour, and the lords,
that it was decided to leave the question of the
prisoner's guilt or innocence to a commission of lords,
who, to the surprise and annoyance of the majority
of the nobles, brought in a verdict of not guilty.
Brembre was not to be allowed thus to escape. The
lords sent for two representatives of the various crafts
ofthe city to depose as to Brembre's guilt ; but even
' Higden, ix, 117, 118.
'-Howell's State Trials, i, 115.

TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF NICHOLAS BREMBRE. 237
SO, the lords failed to get any definite verdict. At
last they sent for the mayor, recorder, and some of
the aldermen {seniores) to learn what they had to say
about the accused.
One would have thought that with Nicholas Conviction
Exton, his old friend and ally, to speak up for him, of de^at'h.^"'^^
Brembre's life would now at least be saved, even if
he were not altogether acquitted. It was not so,
however. The mayor and aldermen were asked as
to their opinion (not as to their knowledge), whether
Brembre was cognisant of certain matters, and they
gave it as their opinion that Brembre was more
likely to have been cognisant of them than not.
Turning then to the Recorder, the lords asked him
how stood the law in such a case ? To which he
replied, that a man who knew such things as were
laid to Brembre's charge, and knowing them failed to
reveal them, deserved death. On such evidence as
this, Brembre was convicted on the 20th February,
and condemned to be executed.* He was drawn on a
hurdle through the city to Tyburn, showing himself
very penitent and earnestly desiring all persons to pray
for him. At the last moment he confessed that his
conduct towards Northampton had been vile and
wicked. Whilst craving pardon of Northampton's
son "he was suddenly turned off, and the execu
tioner cutting his throat, he died." ^
If we are to believe all that Walsingham records of Character of
¦ Brembre as
Brembre, the character and conduct of the city alder- depicted by
1 1 1 • 1 1 -r> -J ¦ Walsingham
man and ex-mayor was bad indeed. Besides conni
ving at the plot laid against Gloucester's Hfe, which
' Higden, Polychron. ix, 168.
2 State Trials, i, 118, 119.

238

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Deaths of
Tressilian
and Uske.

The proceed
ings of the
' ' merciless ''
parliamentconfirmed by
oath.

involved the grossest breach of hospitality, he is
recorded as having lain in wait with an armed force
at the Mews near Charing Cross, to intercept and
massacre the lords on their way to Westminster, to
effect an anangement with the king, as well as having
entertained the idea of cutting the throats of a number
of his fellow-citizens, and placing himself at the head
of the government of the city, the name of which he
proposed changing to that of "Little Troy."*
Of Brembre's associates, Tressilian was captured
during the trial, torn from the Sanctuary at West
minster, and hanged on the 1 9th. Another to share
the same fate was Thomas Uske, who had been one
of the chief witnesses against Northampton. He was
sentenced to death by parliament on the 4th March,
and died asseverating to the last that he had done
Northampton no injury, but that every word he had
deposed against him the year before was absolutely
true.^ The lords appellant, who were now complete
masters of the situation, insisted upon the proceedings
of this "merciless" parliament, as its opponents
called it, being ratified by oath administered to
prelates, knights, and nobles of the realm, as well as
to the mayor, aldermen, and chief burgesses of every
town. On the 4th June — the day parliament rose—
a writ was issued in Richard's name, enjoining the
administration of this oath to those aldermen and
citizens of London who had not been present in
parliament when the oath was administered there.*
' Walsingham, ii, 165-174. ^ Higden, ix, 167-169.
" Letter Book H, fo. 228,

RE-APPEARANCE OF NORTHAMPTON. 239
In the meantime the continued jealousy existing Party spirit
among the city guilds— the Mercers, Goldsmiths, 1388^1389.'
Drapers, and others, objecting to Fishmongers and
Vintners taking any part in the government of the
city on the ground that they were victuallers, and as
such forbidden by an ordinance passed M^hen
Northampton was mayor to hold any municipal
office* — had led parliament (14 May) to proclaim free
trade throughout the kingdom.^ A party in the city
tried to get parliament to remove Exton from the
mayoralty on the ground of his having connived at
the curtailment of the City's liberties and franchises.
The attempt, however, failed, and he remained in
office until succeeded by Nicholas Twyford (Oct.,
1388).* Although Twyford belonged to the party of
Northampton as distinguished from that of Brembre
and Exton, his election raised little or no opposition,
such as had been anticipated. When he went out of
office in October, 1389, however, party strife in the
city again showed itself. The majority of the citi
zens voted William Venour, a grocer, into the
mayoralty, but the choice was strongly opposed by
the Goldsmiths, the Mercers, and the Drapers, who
ran another candidate, one of their own body, Adam
Bamme, a goldsmith.*
Some months before the close of Twyford's The return
. . . ofNorthamp-
mayoralty, Richard had succeeded in gaming his ton to the
independence (May, 1389), which he was induced by "'^' '3^°'
Lancaster, On his return after a prolonged absence
abroad, to exercise at length in favour of Northamp
ton, by pennitting him once more to return to London,
' Letter Book H, fo, i6i. ''Id., fo. 126; Higden ix, 179.
' Letter Book H, fos. 234, 234b, ' Higden ix, 217.

240

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Proclamation
enforcing
knighthood, Feb., 1392.

The mayor
summoned to
Nottingham,
June, 1392.

although only as a stranger.* This was in July.
In December, letters patent granting him a fi-ee
pardon were issued, containing no such restriction.^
His re-appearance in the streets of the city revived
the old party spirit, and Adam Bamme, who had
succeeded Venour in the mayoralty, found it ex
pedient to forbid all discussion of the rights and the
wrongs of the several parties of Northampton and
Brembre on pain of imprisonment.* Four more
years elapsed before Northampton was re-instated in
the freedom of the city.*
For some years Richard governed not unwisely.
In 1392, however, he quarrelled with the city. Early
in that year he called upon every inhabitant, whose
property for the last three years was worth ^40 in
land or rent, to take upon himself the honour of
knighthood. The sheriffs, Henry Vanner and John
Shadworth, made a return that all tenements and
rents in the city were held of the king in capite as
fee burgage at a fee farm {ad feodi firmam); that
by reason of the value of tenements varying from
time to time, and many of them requiring repair from
damage by fire and tempest, their true annual value
could not be ascertained, and that, therefore, it was
impossible to make a return of those who possessed
;^40 of land or rent as desired.^
This answer was anything but agreeable to the
king. But he had other cause just now for being

' Higden ix, 238, 239.
^ Letters patent, date, 2 Dec, 1390.
Higden ix, 243.
' Letter Book H, fo. 259. (Memorials, p. 526.).
' Id., fo. 270.

¦Letter Book H, fo. 255 ;
' Id.,io. 300.

241

THE CITY REFUSES A LOAN TO RICHARD.
offended with the city. Being in want of money, he
had offered a valuable jewel to the citizens as security
for a loan, and the citizens had excused themselves on
the plea that they were not so well off as they used
to be, since foreigners had been allowed to enjoy the
same privileges in the city as themselves. Having
failed in this quarter, the king had resorted to a
Lombard, who soon was able to accommodate him ;
but when the king learnt on enquiry that the money so
obtained had been advanced to the Lombard mer
chant by the ver}^ citizens who had refused to lend it
to the king himself, his anger knew no bounds,* and
he summoned John Hende, the mayor, the sheriffs, the
aldermen, and twenty-four of the chief citizens ^ of the
City to attend him in June, at Nottingham. They
accordingly set out on their journey on the 19th June,
and anived in Nottingham on the 23rd ; the govern
ment of the city being left in the meanwhile in the
hands of WiUiam Staundon. On the 25th they ap
peared before the lords of the council, when the
chancellor rated them roundly for paying so little
attention to the king's writ — ^the writ touching knight
hood — and complained of the defective manner in
which the city was governed.*
He thereupon dismissed the mayor from office. The mayor
committing him to Windsor Castle. The sheriffs were committed
likewise dismissed, one being sent to Odyham Castle, j°nP"'3g'2.
' Higden, ix, 270. According to Walsingham (Hist. Angl. ii, 208),
the Lombard failed to get the money from the citizens, who nearly
killed him when they learnt his purpose.
^ The names of the citizens chosen for the occasion are given by
Higden (Polychron. ix, 269, 270), and in Letter Book H, fo. 270.
^ The reason given in the City Records for the dismissals which
followed is stated to be "certain defects in a commission under the
common seal and other causes. "—Letter Book H, fo. 270b.

242

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Sir Edward
Dalyngriggeappointedwarden ofthe
city, July,
1392.

The City
fined
;^I00,000, July, 1392.

and the other to the Castle of Wallingford. The rest
of the citizens were ordered to return home.*
At nine o'clock in the morning of the ist July,
Sir Edward Dalyngrigge appeared ip the GuildhaU,
and there, before an immense assembly of the com
mons, read the king's commissions appointing him
warden of the city and the king's escheator. The
deposed sheriffs were succeeded by Gilbert Maghfeld,
or Maunfeld, and Thomas Newton, who remained in
office, by the king's appointment,^ until the end of
the year, when they were re-elected, the one by the
warden and the other by the citizens.* Dalyngrigge
was soon afterwards succeeded in the office of warden
by Sir Baldwin de Radyngton.*
By way of inflicting further punishment upon the
citizens, Richard had already removed the King's
Bench and Exchequer from London to York f but the
removal proved so much more prejudicial to the
nation at large than to the City of London that the
courts were soon brought back.^ He would even
have waged open war on them had he dared.^
Instead of proceeding to this extremity, he sum
moned the aldermen and 400 commoners to Windsor *
and fined the City ^100,000. This was in July (1392).
' Higden, Polychron. ix, 272 ; Walsingham, ii, 208-209.
' Higden, ix, 273 ; Letter Book H, fo. 270b.
' Letter Book H, fo. 275b. ' Id., fo. 273.
' Letter Book H, fo. 269b ; Higden, ix, 267. Walsingham (ii, 213)
suggests that this was done at the instance of the Archbishop of York,
the Chancellor. " " Putabant isti officiarii per hoc non modicum damnificare civita
tem Lundonia;, sed potius hoc multo majora damna intulerunt regi et
hominibus regni quam jam dict^ civitati."— Higden, ix, 267-268.
'Walsingham, ii, 210.
* Higden, ix, 273.

FARRINGDON WARD—WITHIN AND WITHOUT, 243
In August the king notified his intention of passing
through the city on his way from Shene to West
minster. The citizens embraced the opportunity of
giving him a magnificent reception, which the king
acknowledged in the following month by restoring to
them their liberties and setting free their late mayor
and sheriffs.* The fine of ^^100,000 recently imposed,
as well as other moneys which the king considered to
be due to him from the city, were also remitted.^
Once more restored to their liberties, the citizens Municipal re
in the following year (1393), with the assent of par- °™^'
liament, effected a reform in the internal government
of the city which the increasing population had
rendered necessary. The Ward of Farringdon Within
and Without had increased so much in wealth and
population that it Was deemed advisable to divide it
into two parts, each part having its own alderman.
Accordingly, in the following March (1394), Drew
Barantyn was elected Alderman of Farringdon Within ^
whilst John Fraunceys was elected for Farringdon
Without. A more important reform effected at the
same time was the appointment of aldermen for life
instead of for a year only.*
In the foUowing year (1394) the queen — ^Anne Change of
of Bohemia — died. She had always shown a friendly the part of
disposition towards the city, and it was mainly owing i3g^!'i3'g8.
'Letters Patent of pardon, dated Woodstock, 19 September, 1392.
Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 6).
2 Higden, ix, 274, 276, 278 ; Letter Book H, fos. 271b, 272, 274.
Notwithstanding these remissions, the city was mulcted, according to
Walsingham (ii, 211), in no less a sum than ;^io,ooo before it received
its liberties.— C)C Chron. of London, 1089-1483 (ed. by Sir H. Nicolas,
sometimes called "Tyrrell's Chronicle," from a City Remembrancer of
that name), p. 80.
'Stat. 17, Ric. II, c. 13 ; Letter Book H, fos. 290b, 291. ; Bohun,
" Privilegia Londini " (ed. 1723), p. 57. R 2

244 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
to her intercession that Richard had restored its
liberties.* Her death removed one good influence
about Richard, and marks a change of pohcy or of
character.^ His second maniage in 1396 did not im
prove matters. In that year the mayor, Adam
Bamme, died in office, and instead of allowing the
citizens freely to elect a successor, he thrust upon
them Richard Whitington.* He anested the Duke of
Gloucester and the Earls of Warwick and Arundel,
and otherwise behaved so outrageously as to raise
doubts as to his sanity. He gave out that he was
afraid to appear in public for fear of the Londoners ;
but this was only a nise for the purpose of raising
money.* Like Edward II, he bonowed money from
anybody and everybody, and often resorted to uncon
stitutional measures to fill his purse. He made the
nobles and his wealthier subjects sign blank cheques
for him to fill up at his pleasure.' These cheques, or
"charters" as they were called, were afterguards
burnt by order of his successor on the throne.
The landing A crisis was fast approaching. The Duke of
Lancaster" Hereford, whom the king had banished, and who, on
July, 1399- -tlie death of his father "time honoured Lancaster,"
succeeded to the title early in 1399, was prevailed
upon to return to England and strike a blow for the
recovery of his inheritance which Richard had seized.
Richard, as if infatuated, took this inopportune
' Higden, ix, 274.
''Stubbs, Const. Hist., ii, 489-490.
^Letter Book H, fo. 314.
'Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc. No. 64), p. 12.
= " Also this yere (1397-8), by selying of blank chartres, the Citie
of London paled to the kyng a m' li." — Chron. of London (ed. by Sir
H. Nicolas), p. 83.

THE CITY LOST TO THE KING, 24S
moment to sail to Ireland. Before setting out he
made a last bid for the favour of the citizens by
again granting them permission to rule the fish trade
according to ancient custom.* It was too late ; they
had already resolved to throw in their lot with
Henry of Lancaster.
As soon as Henry had landed at Ravenspur (4th
July) a special messenger was despatched to the city
with the news. The mayor was in bed, but he
hurriedly rose and took steps to proclaim Henry's
arrival in England. " Let us apparel ourselves and go
" and receive the Duke of Lancaster, since we agreed to
" send for him," was the resolution of those to whom
the mayor conveyed the first tidings ; and accordingly
Drew Barentyn, who had succeeded Whitington in
October, 1398, and 500 other citizens, took horse to
meet the duke, whom they escorted to the city. The
day that Henry entered the city was kept as a
hoHday, "as though it had been the day for the
celebration of Easter."
When Richard heard of Henry's landing he Richard's
hunied back from Ireland. He was met by the duke depos"?fon^"'^
with a large force, which comprised 1,200 Londoners, f''°'" ''^^
° ' '^ crown.
fiilly armed and horsed.^ Finding resistance hopeless,
the king made submission, craving only that he might
be protected from the Londoners, who, he was con
vinced, bore him no good will. He was, in con
sequence, secretly conveyed to the Tower under cover
' Letters Patent, dat. 9 May, 1399.— Letter Book H, fo. 326.
Richard set sail on the 29th.
'' " Douze cent hommes de Londres, tous armes et monies i
cheval."— Froissart (ed. Lyon, 1559), vol. iv, c. 108, p. 328. In Lord
Berner's translation of Froissart (iv, 566), the number is wrongly given
as 12,000.

246 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
of night. Articles were drawn up accusing him of
misgovemment, and publicly read in the Guildhall.
Four of his advisers and supporters, whose names he
gave up, hoping to gain favour for himself thereby,
were executed at a fishmonger's stall in Cheapside.
Sentence of deposition was passed against him, and
Lancaster proclaimed king in his stead under the title
of King Henry IV.

CHAPTER X.
The sentence passed on the late king proved his Doubtful
death warrant; his haughty spirit broke down, and theTat^e^^
he died at Pontefi-act the foUowing year. According ''™^'^ '^^^^^'
to Henry's account he died of wilful starvation.
There were many, however, who believed him to
have been put to death by Henry's orders ; whilst
others, on the contrary, refused to believe his death
had actually taken place at all, notwithstanding the
fact of the corpse having been purposely exposed to
pubhc view throughout its journey from Pontefract to
London.* This belief that Richard was still alive was
fostered by many, and, among others, by William
Serle. He had been at one time the late king's
chamberlain, and he kept up the delusion of Richard
being still in the land of the living, by exhibiting
the late king's signet, which had come into his pos
session. Serle was eventually arrested in the north
of England and brought to London, to be executed
at Tyburn.^ Sixteen years later (141 6), a certain Thomas The "Trump-
Warde, called " Trumpyngtone," personated the late ^^^l°^y^
king, and a scheme was laid for placing him on the 1416-1420.
throne with the aid of Sigismund, king of the Romans
'Walsingham, ii, 245, 246.
, 2 Walsingham, ii, 262-264. Serle's Christian name is given else
where as John.— Eng. Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 64), p. 30. The writ
for his execution is dated 5 August, 1404.— Letter Book I, fo. 31b.

2-8 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Sigismund, however, refiised to have anything to do
wfth the plot, which was hatched within the city's
liberties by Benedict Wolman and Thomas Bekering.
The conspiracy having been discovered, fts authors
were thrown into prison. One died before trial, the
other paid the penalty for his rashness with his head.*
In August, 1420, long after Trumpington was dead,
two others, Thomas Cobold and WUliam Br}'an,
endeavoured still to keep up the delusion in the city.
The mayor, Whitington, himself ordered their anest.
Bryan had time to escape from the house of WiUiam
Norton, a barber given to LoUardry, M^here he and
his fellow conspirator were lodged. Cobold tried to
hide himself, but was discovered cunningly concealed
in the house, and taken before the mayor and alder
men. Being questioned as to the identity of Trump
ington and the late king, he gave an evasive reply,
adding, that the question of identity had become
immaterial since Trumpington had been dead some
time. Cobold was thought to be too dangerous a
man to be allowed at large, so he was committed to
prison.^
Proceedings In the meantime Wycliffe had died (1384), and
ifoTiards. ^ LoUardry had become only another name for general
discontentment. The clergy made strenuous efforts to
suppress the Lollards. Pope Boniface had invoked
the assistance ofthe late king (1395) to destroy these
' Letter Book I, fo. i8ob. (Memorials, pp. 638-641). Walsingham,
ii, 317- '' City Records Journal, i, fo. 83b. We have now a series of MS.
Volumes among the City's archives known as "Journals" to assist us.
They contain minutes of proceedings ofthe Court of Common Council,
just as the " Repertories " (which we shall have occasion to consult
later on), contain a record of the proceedings of the Court of Aldermen.
The Letter Books may now be regarded as "fair copies" of the more
important of the proceedings of both Courts.

THE STATUTE OF HERESY. 249
"tares" {lolium aridum) that had sprung up amidst the
wheat which remained constant to church and king,
and called upon the mayor and commonalty of the
city to use their interest with Richard to the same
end.* Besides seeking the support of the commonalty
against the powerful nobles, the new king sought the
support of the church, and he had not been long on
the throne before he issued commissions for search to
be made in the city for Lollards, and for the arrest of
all preachers found sowing the pestilential seed of
LoUardry {semen pestiferum lollardrie).^ Early in
1 40 1 a price was put upon the head of the captain
and leader of the sect, Sir John Oldcastle, otherwise
known as Lord Cobham. Public proclamation was
made in the city, that any one giving information
which should lead to his arrest should be rewarded
with 500 marks ; any one actually arresting or causing
him to be anested should receive double that amount,
whilst the citizens and burgesses of any city or
borough who should take and produce him before
the king, should be for ever quit of all taxes, talliages,
tenths, fifteenths and other assessments.* Not only
were conventicles forbidden, but no one was allowed
to visit the ordinary churches after nine o'clock at
night or before five o'clock in the morning.*
Still the clergy were not satisfied. The eccle- The statute
siastical courts could condemn men as heretics, but i^oi!"^^^^'
they had no power to burn them. Accordingly, a
statute was passed this year (1401), known as the
' Letter Book H, fo. 307b. The Lollards are said to have derived
their name from a low German word lollen, to sing or chant, from their
habit of chanting, but their clerical opponents affected to derive it from
the Latin lolium, as if this sect were as tares among the true wheat of
the church. "Letter Book I, fo. I25b-I32. ^ Id., fo. 130b. ' Ibid.

2^0

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Henry's
other
troubles.

Supplies
granted by
parliamentin 1404.

statute of heresy {de hceretico comburendo), authorising
the ecclesiastical courts to hand over to the civil
powers any heretic refusing to recant, or relapsing
after recantation, so that he might pay the penalty of
being publicly burnt before the people.* It was the
first English law passed for the suppression of religious
opinion, and its first victim is said to have been one
William Sautre, formerly a parish priest of Norfolk.^
Henry had other difficulties to face besides
opposition from the nobles. France had refiised to
acknowledge his title to the crown, and demanded
the restoration of Richard's widow, a mere child of
eleven. The Scots * and the Welsh were on the point
of engaging in open insurrection. Invasion was
imminent ; the exchequer was empty, and the
Londoners appealed to could offer no more than a
paltry loan of 4,000 marks.*
As time went on, Henry had to try new methods
for raising money. The parHament which met at the
opening of 1404, granted the king a \s. in the
pound on all lands, tenements and rents, besides
20s. for every knight's fee. The money so raised
was not, however, to be at the disposal of the
king's own ministers, but was to be placed in the
hands of four officials to be known as treasurers of
war {Guerrarum Thesaurarii). The names of the
'Letter Book I, fo. lib.
" He appears, however, to have burnt by a special order of the king,
before the passing ofthe statute.— See Ease. Zizan. (Rolls Series No. S),
Introd. p. Ixix.
' A curious story is told of boys in the streets playing at England
and Scotland at this time, with the result that what began in play
ended in fighting and loss of life.— See Chron. Mon. S. Albani (Rolls
Series No. 28, 3), p. 332.
' Letter Book I, fo. 16.

TAX ON REAL ESTATE IN THE' CITY. 251
treasurers elected for the purpose are given as John
Owdeby, clerk, John Hadley, Thomas KnoUes, and
Richard Merlawe, citizens of London.* Three of
these were citizens of note. Hadley had already
served as mayor in 1393, KnoUes had filled the same
office in 1399, and was re-elected in 14 10, whilst
Merlawe was destined to attain that honour both in
1409 and 1417.
It was during Merlawe's first mayoralty that More city
. . loans in
the citizens advanced to the kmg the sum of 7,000 1409&1412.
marks,^ to enable him to complete the reduction of
Wales, which his son, the Prince of Wales, had
already nearly accomplished. In 14 12 they advanced
a further sum of 10,000 marks.* At the beginning of
that year a commission was addressed by Henry to
Robert Chichele, the mayor, brother ofthe archbishop
of the same name, to the sheriffs of the city, to
Richard Whitington and Thomas KnoUes, the late
mayor, instructing them to make a return of the
amount of land and tenements held in the city and
suburbs, with the view of levying 6s. 8d. on every
;^20 annual rent by virtue of an act passed by the
late parliament.* A return was made to the effect
that it was very difficult to discover the true value of
lands and tenements in the city and suburbs, owing to
absence of tenants and dilapidations by fire and
water, but that they had caused enquiry to be made,
and the names of men, women and other persons
{hominum, feminarum et aliarum personarum) men
tioned in the commission were forwarded by them in
' Letter Book I, fo. 27 ; Chron. Mon. S. Albani (Rolls Series
No. 28, 3), p. 379.
"Letter Book I, fo. 89b. ^ Id., fo. 113. "-id., fo. io8b.

252 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the following a, b, c {in sequenti a, b, c). What lands
and tenements the " men, women and other persons "
had elsewhere they had no means of discovering.*
The schedule, or " a, b, c," is not entered in the City
Letter Book, but is to be found among the Exchequer
Rolls, preserved at Her Majesty's Public Record^
Office. The gross rental was returned at ^4,220, and
the sum paid into the exchequer — at 6j. M. for every
;^2o, under the provisions of the act — amounted to
;^7o ds. 8d. The mayor and commonalty of the city
are credited as possessing lands, tenements and rents
of an annual value of no more than ^150 9^. 11^.,
whilst the Bridge House Estate was returned at
;^i48 1 5 J. T,d. Of the livery companies, the Gold
smiths appear as the owners of the largest pro
perty, their rental of city property amounting to
£46 IOJ. }4<^; the Merchant Tailors following them
closely with ;^44 3J. yd. The Mercers had but a
rental of /13 i8i-. ^d., whilst the Skinners had
;^i8 I2S. 8d. Robert Chichele, the mayor, was
already a rich man, with an annual rental of
;^42 19J. 2d., derived from city property, or nearly
double the amount (.;^25) with which Richard
Whitington was credited.
Whitington Whitington had already three times occupied the
mayor for -^ "^
the third mayoralty chair; once (in 1396) at the word of a
I'^s' king, and twice (in 1397 and 1406) at the wiU of his
fellow citizens. On the occasion of his -third election
a solemn mass was for the first time introduced into
the proceedings, the mayor, aldermen and a large
' Letter Book I, fo. 1,12b.
^Exchequer Roll, Lay Subsidy, 144-20. — See Archaeological
Journal, vol. xliv, 56-82.

RICHARD WHITINGTON, MAYOR. 253
body of commoners attending the service at the
Guildhall Chapel, before proceeding to the election.*
The custom which then sprang up continues in a
modified form to this day, the election of a
mayor being always preceded by divine service. Its
origin may perhaps be ascribed in some measure to
the spirit of LoUardry which, in its best sense, found
much favour with the citizens.
The enonnous wealth which he succeeded in amas
sing was bestowed in promoting the cause of educa
tion, and in relieving the sufferings of the poor and
afflicted. He built a handsome Hbrary in the house of
the Grey Friars and also the Church of Saint Michael
in the "" Riole." He is credited by some writers with
having purchased and presented to the corporation
the advowson of the Church of St. Peter upon
Cornhill. But this is probably a mistake arising from
the fact of a license in mortmain having been granted
by Henry IV to Richard Whitington, John Hende,
and others, to convey the manor of Leadenhall,
together with the advowsons of the several churches
of Saint Peter upon Cornhill and Saint Margaret
Patyns, held of the king in free burgage, to the mayor
and commonalty of the City of London and their
successors.^ On the accession of Henry V, Archbishop Arundel, Further
whom Walsingham describes as the most eminent agdnst ofd
castle and
' Letter Book I, fo. 54. (Memorials pp. 563-564.) the Lollards,
'' License, dated Westminster, 29 May, 12 Henry IV (a.d. 141 i).— *4I3'
Letter Book I, fo. 103b. In 1417 the mayor and aldermen ordained
that the rector of St. Peter's for the time being should in future take
precedence of the rectors of all other city churches, on the ground
that Saint Peter's was the first church founded in the city of London,
having been built in 199 by King Lucius, and for 400 years or more
held the metropolitan chair. — Letter Book I, fo. 203. (Memorials,
pp. 651-653.) Cf. Journal i, fo. 21b.

254

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Meeting of
Lollards in
St. Giles'
Fields, 12 Jan., 1414.

bulwark and indomitable supporter of the church,*
renewed his attack on the Lollards, and endeavoured
to serve Oldcastle with a citation. Failing to accom
plish this he caused him to be anested. The bold
defence made by the so-called heretic, when before his
judges, gained additional weight from the reputation
he enjoyed for high moral character. Nevertheless
he was adjudged guilty of the charges brought against
him. A formal sentence of excommunication was
passed, and he was remitted to the Tower for forty
days in the hope that at the expiration of that time
he might be found willing to retract. This, however,
was not to be.
He contrived to make his escape from prison,^
and shortly afterwards appeared at the head of a
number of followers in St. Giles's Fields. Great dis
appointment was felt at not receiving the assistance
that had been expected from city servants and
apprentices. According to Walsingham, no less than
5,000 men, comprising masters as well as servants,
from the city, were prepared to join the insurgents,
had not the king taken precautions to secure the
gates. As soon as it was discovered that the
young king had made ample preparations to meet
attack, the Lollards took to flight. Many, however,
failed to make good their escape, and nearly forty
paid the penalty of their rashness with their lives.*
' " Eminentissima turris Ecclesise Anglicana^ et pugil invictus
Dominus Thomas de Arundelia. " — Hist. Angl. ii, 300.
- A certain William Fyssher, a parchemyner or parchment-maker
of London, was afterwards (1416) convicted of assisting in Oldcastle's
escape, and was executed a Tyburn.— Letter Book I, fo. iSlb. (Me
morials, p. 641.)
' Walsingham, ii, 292-299 ; Ease. Zizan. (Rolls Series No. 5),
433-449 ; Chron. of London (ed. by Sir H. Nicolas), p. 97.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST OLDCASTLE. 2^^^
Walsingham was probably misinformed as to the
number of the persons who were prepared to assist
the LoUards. The fact is that, to the respectable
City burgess, LoUardism was a matter of less moment
than was the scandalous Hfe led by the chantry priest
and other ministers of religion, and this the civic
authorities were determined to rectify as far as in
them lay. Between the years 1400 and 1440, some
sixty clerks in holy orders were taken in adultery
and clapt into prison by ward beadles.* Nevertheless
the clergy, and more especially the chantry priest,
continued to live a life of luxury and sloth, oftentimes
spending the day in dicing, card playing, cock fight
ing and frequenting taverns.
The recent abortive attempt of Oldcastle gave The last
rise to another Statute against the Lollards,^ by which the LoiUrd",^
the secular power, no longer content with merely *'^*4-
carrying into execution the sentences pronounced by
ecclesiastical courts, undertook, where necessary, the
initiative against heretics. Archbishop Arundel, the
determined enemy of the Lollards, had had no hand
in framing this Statute — the last that was enacted
against them.* He had died a few months before
parliament met, and had been succeeded by Henry
Chichele. Early in the foUowing year (14 15) the king made The king's
an offer of pardon to Oldcastle, who was still at large, don^efu^ed
if he would ' come in and make submission before i^y Oldcastle,
1415.
' Letter Book I, fos. 286-290. '' 2 Hen. V. Stat, i, c. 7.
^ It was not, however, the last occasion upon which parliamentary
action was attempted. In 1422, and again in 1425, the Lollards were
formidable in London, and parliament on both occasions ordered that
those who were in prison should be deUvered at once to the Ordinary,
in accordance with the provisions of this Statute. — Stubbs, Const.
Hist., iii, 81,363.

2-6 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Easter.* Instead of accepting so generous an offer,
Oldcastle busied himself in preparing for another rising
to take place as soon as the king should have set sail
on his meditated expedition to France. Lollard mani
festoes again appeared on the doors of the London
churches ; whilst Oldcastle himself scoured the country
for recruits, to serve under a banner on which the
most sacred emblems of the church were depicted.^
Trial and In August (1415) another Lollard, John Cley-
execution of . , • 1 j. i i • j • Oi
cieydon, a doue by name, a cumer by trade, was tned m bt.
Lollard, 1415. p^ul's Churcli before the new Archbishop and others,
the civic authorities having taken the initiative
according to the provisions of the recent Statute,
and anested him on suspicion of being a heretic.
The mayor himself was a witness at the trial, and
testified as to the nature of certain books found in
Cleydon's possession ; they were " the worst and the
most perverse that ever he did read or see." Wal
singham, who styles Cieydon " an inveterate Lollard "
{quidam inveteratus Lollardus), adds, with his usual
acerbity against the entire sect, that the accused
had gone so far as to make his own son a priest, and
have Mass celebrated by him in his own house on
the occasion when his wife should have gone to
church, after rising from childbed.* Having been
convicted of heresy by the ecclesiastical court, the
prisoner was again delivered over to the secular
authorities for punishment.* Both he and his books
were bumt.^
' Letter Book I, fo. 147. 2 'Walsingham, ii, 306, 307.
=¦ Hist. Angl., ii, 307. ' Letter Book I, foi. 154.
* See letter from the mayor to the king, giving an account of Cley-
don's.trial, 2?nd August, 1415. — Letter Book I, fo. 155. (Memorials,
p. 617). Foxe, "Acts and Monuments," iii, 531-534.

THE MAYOKS PRECEDENCE IN THE CITY <,--
Two years later Oldcastle himself was captured in Oldcastle
Wales and brought to London. At his trial he pub- executed'^
licly declared his belief that Richard II was still alive ; *4i7-
he was even fanatic enough to beHeve that he himself
would soon rise again from the dead.* He was sen
tenced to be hanged and burnt on the gallows, a
sentence which was carried out in St. Giles's Fields.^
LoUardry continued to exist, especially in London and
the towns, for some years, but it ceased to have a.ny
historical or political significance.*
Henry V was resolved to maintain not only the Preparations
old rehgion of the days of Edward III, but also the invasion of
old foreign policy, and in 1 414 he commenced making f!i?^j^ir
preparations for renewing the claim of his great-grand
father to the crown of France. In 141 5 this claim
was formally made, and Henry gathered his forces
together at Southampton. On the loth March he
informed the civic authorities of his intention of cross
ing over to France to enforce his claim and of his
need of money. On the 14th a briUiant assembly,
comprising the king's two brothers, John, Duke of
Bedford, and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, Edward,
Duke of York, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishop of Winchester, and mothers, met at the Guild
hall to consider the matter.
A question arose as to order of precedence, and it A question of
precedence
was ananged that the mayor, as the king s representa- in the city.
tive in the City, should occupy the centre seat, having
the Primate and the Bishop of Winchester on his
'Walsingham, ii, 327, 328.
"Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 64), p. 46; Chron. of London
(Nicolas), p. 106.
^Stubbs, Const. Hist., iir., 363, 364.

2^^

LONDON AND ¦ THE KINGDOM.

The king
takes leave of
the citizens
on Black -
heath, June,
1415.

The capture
of Harfleur,
18 Sept.,
1415.

right, and the Duke of York and the king's brothers
on his left.* This question having been settled, the
meeting, we presume, got to business ; but what took
place is not recorded in the City's archives. We
know, however, that in June the king pledged his
jewels to the City for a loan of 10,000 marks,^ and
that on the ist August — just as he was preparing to
set sail — he raised a further loan of 10,000 marks on
the security of the customs.*
On the 1 5th June the king, who was then on his
way to the coast, took solemn leave of the civic
authorities, who had accompanied him to Blackheath.
He bade them go home and keep well his "chamber"
during his absence abroad, giving them his blessing
and saying "Cryste save London."* Arriving at
Southampton, he there discovered a conspiracy to
place the young Earl of March, the legitimate heir of
Edward III, on the throne, as soon as he himself
should have set sail. The traitors were seized and
executed, and the City lost no time in sending the king
a letter congratulating him upon his discovery of
the plot.' A few days later (12th August) he sailed for
France and landed near Harfleur, to which town he
'Letter Book I, fo. 150. This "very antient memorandum " of
the Lord Mayor's precedence in the City was submitted to Charles II
in 1670, when that monarch insisted upon Sir Richard Ford, the Lord
Mayor of the day, giving ' ' the hand and the place " to the Prince of
Orange (afterwards William III of England), on the occasion of the
prince being entertained by the City. — Repertory, 76, fos. 28b, 29.
¦-Letter Book I, fo. 158b. (Memorials, p. 613). 'Id., fo. 157.
' Gregory's Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 17), pp. 108-109.
Gregory was an alderman of the City, and an eye-witness of much that
he relates. ' Letter dated 2nd August — the day on which Sir Thomas Grey,
one of the chief conspiritors was executed. — Letter Book I, fo. 180.

BATTLE OF AGINCOURT. 2159
laid siege. It offered, however, a stubbom defence,
and it was not until the i8th September that the
town surrendered. On the 22nd Henry sent a long
account of the siege and capture to the mayor and
citizens of London, bidding them render humble
thanks to Almighty God for this mercy, and express
ing a hope of further success in the near future.*
Early in October the king caused proclamation Volunteers
to be made in the City, that all and singular knights, France'le^- '°
esquires and valets who were willing to go with him i^'i^^d' Oct.,
to Nonnandy, should present themselves to his uncle
Henry, Bishop of Winchester and Treasurer of
England, who would pay them their wages. By the
same proclamation merchants, victuallers and handi
craft-men were invited to take up their residence in Citizens in
vited to reside
the recently captured town of Harfleur, where houses in Harfleur.
would be assigned to them, and where they should
enjoy the same privileges and franchises to which they
had always been accustomed.^
The battle of Agincourt was fought on the 25th Jpy in the
October, and news of the joyous victory arrived in news^ofthe
England on or before the 28th, on which day — the Aginco°urt
Feast of St. Simon and St. Jude — Nicholas Wotton, Oct-. 1415-
the recently elected mayor, was sworn into office at
the Guildhall according to custom. On the following
day, therefore, the mayor, aldermen and a large
number of the commonalty made a solemn pilgrimage
on foot to Westminster, where they first made devout
thanksgi-ving for the victory that had been won, and
then proceeded to present the new mayor before the
Barons of the Exchequer. Care is taken in the City
' Letter Book I, fo. 143. (Memorials, p. 619).
^Letter Book I, fo. 177. S 2

26o

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The citizens
welcome the
king on his
return from
France.

Preparations
for another
expedition, 1416-1417.

records to explain that the procession went on this
occasion on foot, simply and solely for the purpose of
marking their humble thanks to the Almighty and his
Saints, and more especially to Edward the Confessor,
who lay intoned at Westminster, for the joyful news
which so unexpectedly had arrived. The journey on
foot was not to be drawn into precedent when others
succeeded to the mayoralty, nor supplant the riding
in state which had been customary on such occasions.*
The reception given to the king by the Londoners on
his return from France, was of so brilliant and varied
a character, that one chronicler declares that a des
cription of it would require a special treatise.^ On the
1 6th November he landed at Dover and proceeded
towards London. On Saturday, the 23rd, the mayor
and aldermen and all the companies rode forth in
their liveries to meet the king and conduct him and
his train of French prisoners through the City to
Westminster. On Sunday morning a deputation from
the City waited upon Henry and presented him with
the sum of ;^ 1,000 and two basons of gold worth half
that sum.*
During the next eighteen months succeeding the
battle of Agincourt, Henry devoted himself to
making preparations at home for renewing active
military operations. He had intended at midsummer,
14 1 6, to lead an expedition in person to the rehef
of Harfleur, but the command was subsequently

' Letter Book I, fo. 159. (Memorials, pp. 620, 622).
'' " Quail gaudio, quaU tripudio, quail denique triumpho, sit acceptus
a Londoniensibus, dicere prastermitto. Quia revera curiositas appara-
tuum, nimietas expensarum, varietates spectaculorum, tractatus exigerent
merito speciales.' — Walsingham, ii, 314.
' Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 103.

MORE CITY LOANS. 26 1
delegated to his brother, the Duke of Bedford. Procla
mation was publicly made in the city by order of the
king, dated the 28th May, that all and singular
knights, esquires and valets holding any fief or
annuity from the king should proceed to Southampton
by the 20th June, armed each according to his estate,
for the purpose of joining the expedition.* In 1417
France was rendered weak by factions, and Henry
seized the opportunity for another attack. On the rst
February he issued his writ to the sheriffs of London
for a return to be made of the number of men-at-arms
and archers the City knights could furnish.^ In
March the mayor, Henry Barton, was made a com
missioner for victuaUing the navy which was to
rendezvous at Southampton.*
In the same month the City advanced the king City loans,
the sum of 5,000 marks,* and in the following June a
further sum was advanced by private subscription
among the wealthier citizens on the security of a
Spanish sword, set in gold and precious stones, of the
estimated value of ;^2,ooo. The sword was pledged
with the subscribers on the understanding that they
would not dispose of it before Michaelmas twelve
month.^ On the 9th August the king addressed a letter to Letter from
the mayor, sheriffs, aldermen and good folk of the the CUy^ '°
City of London, informing them of his safe arrival in announcing
-' JO his success,
9Aug., 1417.
' Letter Book I, fo. 178b. Other proclamations on the same sub
ject are recorded in the same place, most of which will be found in
" Memorials " (pp. 627-629).
^ Letter Book I, fo. 190b. ^ Id., fos. 188, i88b.
' Letter Book I, fo. 191b.
* Letter Book I, fo. 218b. In May, 1419, the sword was sur
rendered, and the security changed to One on wool, woolfells, &c. —
Id., fo. 227b.

262

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Another
letter inform -
ing them of
the capture
of Caen,
5 Sept.

Proclamation
by the Duke
of Bedford,
i8 Oct.

Normandy and of his success in making himself
master ofthe castle of "Touque" without blood
shed.* To this the citizens sent a dutiful reply on the
28th day of the same month, assuring the king ofthe
peaceful condition of the city. On the 2nd September
an order went forth from the Common Council of
the City that each aldennan should immediately
instruct the constables of his ward to go their rounds
and warn all soldiers they might come across, to
vacate the City and set out on the king's service
before the end of the week on pain of imprisonment.^
Success continued to attend Henry's anns. On the
5tli September he was able to inform the citizens, by
letter,* of the capture of Caen, excepting only the
citadel, and this was to be rendered to him by
the 19th day of the same month at the latest, unless
relief should have previously arrived for the besieged
from the King of France, his son the Dauphin, or the
Count of Armagnac, Constable of France. The Duke
of Clarence wrote a few days later to the citizens,
notifying the extraordinary success which had followed
the king. So many towns and fortresses had been
taken that the only fear was that there were not
sufficient men to keep guard over them.*
In order to keep the English force in Nonnandy
better provided with victuals, the Duke of Bedford,
who had been left behind as the king's lieutenant,
caused the Sheriffs of London to proclaim that all
persons willing and able to ship victuals to France for

' Letter Book I, fo. 229. (Memorials, p. 654.)
''Journal I, fo. 30b.
' Letter Book I, fo. 200b. (Memorials, p. 657.)
'' Letter, dated Caen, 11 September. — Letter Book I, fo. 200b.

HENRY'S CONQUEST OF 'NORMANDY. 263
Henry's use, might do so without paying custom dues
on their giving security that the victuals should be
sent to Caen and not elsewhere.* Bedford, who was
learning how to rule a free people — a lesson which,
had he been allowed to practice in after years, might
have saved the house of Lancaster from utter destruc
tion^ — presided in the parliament, which met in
November, 14 17. On the 17th December this pariia- Supplies
ment granted the king two fifteenths and two tenths, flriiamenl.
No time was lost in taking measures for collecting ^^'^" *'^*^'
these supplies, the king's writ appointing commis
sioners for the City of London being issued the day
following. *
In Paris matters were going on from bad to Henry's con-
worse. Whilst the capital of France was at the Normandy,
mercy of a mob, Henry proceeded to lay close siege '417-1419-
to Rouen. Frequent proclamation was made in
London for reinforcements to join the king, either at
Rouen or elsewhere in Normandy.* This was in
April, 1418, or thereabouts. On the 5th July, the
Duke of Clarence informed Richard Merlawe, the
mayor, by letter, of the fall of Louviers, and of the
expected surrender of Pont de I'Arche,^ from which
latter place the duke wrote. On the loth August
Henry himself wrote to the citizens informing them
of his having sat down before Rouen and of the
' Writ, dated i8th Oct.— Letter Book I, fo. 203.
" Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 89.
' Letter Book I, fo. 222.
' Letter Book I, fos. 211b, 212b, 217. Proclamations made by the
civic authorities at this time were subscribed " Carpenter "—the name
of the Common Clerk or Town Clerk of the City. The custom of the
Town Clerk of London for the time being, signing official documents
of this kind with his surname alone, continues at the present day.
= Letter Book I, fo. 215b.

264 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Straits his forces were in for lack of victuals and
more especially of "drink." He begged them to
send as many small vessels as they could, laden
with provisions, to Harfleur, whence they could
make their way up the Seine to Rouen.* In less
than a month a reply was sent (8 Sept.) from
Gravesend under the seal of the mayoralty, informing
Henry that the citizens had been busy brewing ale
and beer and purveying wine and other "vitaille," and
that they had despatched thirty butts of sweet wine —
comprising ten of "Tyre," ten of "Romesey," and ten
of " Malvesy " — and 1,000 pipes of ale and beer.
With these they had also sent 25,000 cups for the
king's " host " to drink out of ^ In the meantime, the
besieged received no such relief from the pains of
hunger and thirst, and on the 19th January, 141 9,
they were compelled to sunender their ancient town.*
The war continued throughout the year (1419),
all attempts at a reconciliation proving abortive.
Pointoise fell into Henry's hands ; and both Henry
and the Duke of Clarence sent word of its capture to
London. The duke took the opportunity of asking
that the freedom of the City might be confened on
his servant, Roger Tillyngton, a skinner ; but the
citizens in acknowledging the duke's letter make no
reference to his request.*
The king's On the 17th August the king wrote again to the
letter to the ,, ^ \ ^ r.- , ^ ¦
City, 1 7 Aug., mayor, aldermen and commons of the City, thanking
1419. ' Letter Book I, fo. 216. (Memorials, p. 664).
^Letter Book I, fo. 216. On the 15th September the question of
payment to the brewers, wine drawers and turners of the cups was
considered. — ^Journal i, fo. 48. (Memorials, pp. 665, 666).
' Gregory's Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 17), 1222.
' Letter Book I, fos. 236, 236b.

THE TREATY OF TROYES. 265
them for their "kynde and notable profre of an ayde,"
which they had granted of their own free wiU, therein
setting a good example to others, and prayed them to
follow such directions as the Duke of Bedford should
give them respecting their proffered assistance. The
bearer of this letter having been taken prisoner at
Crotoye, a dupHcate copy of it was afterwards for
warded from Trie le Chastel on the 12th September.*
The murder of John, Duke of Bm-gundy, by a The treaty of
partisan of the Dauphin, which took place about this Jo May, 1420.
time, induced Duke Philip to come to terms with
England in the hope of avenging his father's death ; ^
and the French king, finding further resistance hope
less, was content to make peace. By the treaty of
Troyes (20 May, 1420), the Dauphin was disin
herited in favour of Henry, who was formally recog
nised as the heir to the French crown, and who agreed
to marry Catherine, daughter of Charles VI .* The
marriage took place on the 3rd June, and on the
14th a solemn procession was made in London and
a sermon preached at Paul's Cross in honour of the
event.* On the 12th July Henry addressed a letter from The king's
Mant to the corporation of London informing them city, 12 July,
of his welfare. He had left Paris for Mant in order *'^^°'
to reheve the town of Chartres, which was being
threatened by the Dauphin. The Duke of Burgundy
had joined him and had proved himself " a trusty,
lovyng and faithful brother." The king's expedition
proved unnecessary, for the Dauphin had raised the
siege before his anival and had gone into Touraine.
' Letter Book I, fo. 237. (Memorials, p. 674). ''Id., fo. 241b.
' Letter Book I, fo. 252. ' Walsingham, ii, 335.

266

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The mayor's
reply, 2 Aug.

The queen's
coronation.

Henry's last
expedition,and death,
Aug., 1422.,

To this letter a reply was sent under the mayorafty
seal on the 2nd August, congratulating Henry upon
his success, and assuring him that there was no city
on earth more peaceful or better governed than his
City of London.*
On the 26th January, 1421, the Duke of Glouces
ter, the Guardian of England in the king's absence,
ordered the Sheriffs of London to announce that the
queen's coronation would take place at Westminster
on the third Sunday in Lent.^ The king and queen
landed at Dover with a small retinue on the 1st Feb
ruary, and after a few days' rest at Canterbury,
entered the city of London amid tokens of welcome
and respect from the laity and clergy. They took up
their abode at the Tower, whence they were con
ducted on the day appointed for the coronation to
Westminster by the citizens on foot and on horseback.*
Henry had not been at home six months before
he again left England, never to return.* The hopes
that he entertained of reforming and governing his
possessions in France, and his ambition to . have
headed, sooner or later, a crusade which should have
stayed the progress of the Ottoman and have re
covered the sepulchre of Christ, were not destined to
be realised. He died at the Bois de Vincennes, near
Paris, on the last day of August, 1422, leaving a child

' Letter Book I, fo. 263.
^ Letter Book I, fo. 259. According to Walsingham (ii, 336), the
ceremony took place on ihz. first Sunday in Lent.
'Walsingham, ii, 336, 337.
' Parliament voted a fifteenth and a tenth to assist the king in
his necessities ; John Gedney, alderman, John Perneys, John Bacon,
grocer, and John Patesley, goldsmith, being appointed commissioners to
levy the same within the City. — Letter Book I, fo. 277b.

DEATH OF KING HENRY V. 26;
nine months old — the unhappy Henry of Windsor —
who succeeded to the throne as Henry VI. When
the body of the late king was brought over from
France to be buried at Westminster, the citizens
showed it every token of respect in its passage through
London. The streets of the city, as well as of the
borough of Southwark, were cleaned for the occasion.
The mayor, sheriffs, recorder and aldermen, accom
panied by the chief burgesses, and clad in white gowns
and hoods, went forth to meet the remains of the
king they loved so well, as far as St. George's bar
in Southwark, and reverently conducted them to St.
Paul's Church, where the funeral obsequies were per
formed. The next day they accompanied the corpse
to Westminster, where further ceremonies took place.
Representatives of the various wards were told off to
line the streets, the solemnity of the occasion being
marked by the burning of torches, whilst chaplains
stood in the porches of the various churches, clad in
their richest copes, with thuribles in their hands, and
chanted the venite and incensed the royal remains as
they passed. The Hvery companies provided amongst
them 211 torches, and to each torch-bearer the city
chamberlain gave a gown and hood of white material
or "blanket" {de blanqueto), at the "cost of the
commonalty." ^ ' Letter Book K, fo. ib.

CHAPTER XI.

Rivalry
between Bedford and
Gloucester, 1422.

At the death of Henry V the administration of
affairs fell into the hands of his two brothers, , John,
Duke of Bedford, and Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester.
On the 29th September a writ was issued from
Windsor, in the name of the infant on whom the
crown of England had devolved, summoning four
citizens of London to attend a parliament to be held
at Westminster at Martinmas,* and two days after
wards another was addressed to the sheriffs of London,
enjoining them to make proclamation for the keeping
the king's peace, and authorising them to anest and
imprison rioters until the king and his council should
determine upon their punishment.^ The precise wishes
of the late king as to the respective parts which Bed
ford and Gloucester were to undertake in the govern
ment of the realm are not clearly kno'wn, but it is
generally thought that he intended the former to
govern France, whilst the latter was to act as his
vicegerent in England. An attempt to cany out the
anangement was doomed to failure.
As soon as parliament met (9 Nov.) it took
into consideration the respective claims of the two
dukes. Bedford had already (26 Oct.) despatched
a letter from Rouen, addressed to the civic authorities,
' Letter Book I, fo. 282b.
'' Letter Book I, fo. 282b ; Letter Book K, fo. 12.

RIVAL CLAIMS OF BEDFORD AND GLOUCESTER. 269
setting forth his right to the government of the
realm, as elder brother of the deceased sovereign
and as the party most interested in the succession
to the crown. Without mentioning Gloucester by
name, he warned the citizens against executing orders
derogatory to himself. He professed to do this, not
from any ambitious designs of his own, but from a
wish to preserve intact the laws, usage and customs
of the realm.* After some hesitation, parliament
resolved to appoint Bedford protector as soon as he
should return from France, but that during his absence
Gloucester should act for him.^
On the Sth February of the new year (1423), An expedition
the sheriffs of London received orders to make pro- France, °^
clamation for all soldiers who were in the king's pay j .^,"'^^'
to assemble at Winchelsea by the ist day of March,
as an expedition was to set sail from that port for
the purpose of defending the town and castle of
Crotoye. The business was pressing and necessitated a
repetition of the order to the sheriffs a fortnight later
(22 Feb.).* On the 23rd February WiUiam Crowmere, the Sir John
mayor, William Sevenoke, William Waldene, and
John Fray were appointed commissioners to enquire
into cases of treason and felony within the city ; and
two days later they found Sir John Mortimer, who
was charged with a treasonable design in favour of
the Eari of March, guilty of having broken prison.*
He was subsequently convicted of treason both by
lords and commons, and sentenced to death.
' Letter Book K, fo. 2. ^ Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 97.
• 'Letter Book K, fos. 10, lob, ^ Id., fo. 15b.

270

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The debts of On the 5th June (1423) the hearts ofthe citizens
Henry IV. ^^^^ gladdened with the news that they were likely
to be repaid some of the money they had advanced
to the king's grandfather. Orders were given for all
persons to -wdiom Henry IV was indebted at the time
of his decease, and who had not yet received from
his executors a moiety of the sums due, to send in
their bills and taUies to Sir John Pelham and John
Leventhorp, two of the king's executors, sitting at
the Priory of Saint Mary, Southwark, by the Monday
next after Midsummer-day.* We can believe that
few orders ever met with readier response from the
inhabitants of the city.
Gloucester At home as well as abroad Gloucester soon made
1425-^28.'^'' enemies ; among them was his own uncle, the Chan
cellor, Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, a
wealthy and ambitious prelate. During Gloucester's
absence on the continent, whither he had gone to
recover the estates of his newly-married wife, the
ill-fated Jacqueline of Hainault, Beaufort ganisoned
the Tower with creatures of his own. When Glou
cester returned mutual recriminations took place, and
the mayor was ordered (29 Oct., 1425) to prevent
Beaufort entering the city. A riot ensued in which
the citizens took the part of the duke, and the bishop
had to take refuge in Southwark. The quanel was
patched up for awhile until Bedford, who was sent
for, should arrive to act as arbitrator.^ He arrived in
London on the 10th January, 1426. The citizens,
who had more than once been in communication with
' Letter Book K, fos. 10-18.
'Chron. London (Nicolas), p. 114 ; Gregory's Chron. (Camd. Soc,
N.S., No. 17), p. 159 ; Engl., Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 64), pp. 53, 54-

GLOUCESTER AND CARDINAL BEAUFORT.

271

the duke* during his absence abroad, presented him
with a pair of basins, silver-gilt, containing 1,000
inarks. The gift, however, does not appear to have
been so graciously received as it might have been,
for a London alderman records that the donors, for
all their liberality, " hadde but lytylle thanke."^
The two brothers had not met since the death of End of
Henry V. After prolonged negotiations, a modus between
vivendi between the parties was arrived at, and ^d^gea"
Gloucester and the bishop were induced to shake '^°'^^-
hands. Beaufort left England soon afterwards with
the Duke of Bedford, on the plea of making a pil
grimage, and did not return until September, 1428,
by which time he had been made a cardinal and
appointed papal legate in England. Notwithstanding
his legatine authority being unacknowledged by
Gloucester and others, the citizens received him on
his return "worthily and loyally," riding out to
meet him and escorting him into London.*
Gloucester had always been a favourite with the Gloucester
loses the
Londoners, until his conduct to his Flemish wife, favour of
whom he left behind on the continent to fight her **= "**^^"=-
own battles as best as she could, and the undisguised
attention he paid to Eleanor Cobham, a lady in his
wife's suite, whom he eventually manied, estranged
their favour. In August, 1424, the Common Council
had voted the duke a gift of 500 marks ; and two
years later — viz., in April, 1426 — the citizens raised a
sum, variously stated to have been ;^i,ooo and 1,000
marks, for the benefit of his duchess.* The female
' See two letters from the mayor. — Letter Book K, fos. i8b, 21.
^Gregory's Chron., p. 160. "Id., p. 162.
' Journal 2, fos. 22b, 64b (new pagination).

272

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The siege of
Orleans, 1428-1429.

Famine in
London, 1429.

portion of the community were specially incensed
against the duke, and a number of women went the
length of presenting themselves before parliament in
1427, with a letter complaining of his behaviour to
wards his wife. In March of the next year (1428)
the citizens themselves followed suit, and drew the
attention of parliament, through the mouth of John
Symond, their Recorder, to the wretched straits to
which the duchess had been reduced, as witnessed her
own letters. They begged parliament to consider the
best means for recovering for her the lands of Hai
nault, Holland and Zeeland, which had always been
places of sure refuge for the English merchant, and
the rulers of which had ever been friendly to the king
of England. The citizens finally avowed themselves
ready to take upon themselves their share in any
undertaking the lords and commons of the realm might
decide upon.*
In the meantime matters had not gone well with
the EngHsh in France. In July, 1427, the Earl of
Salisbury came over to London for reinforcements.^
In September of the following year he was able to
inform the City of the success that had attended his
recruited army.* He was then within a short distance
of Orleans, before which town he shortly afterwards
met his death. Bedford continued the siege, but the
town held out until May, 1429, when it was relieved
by the Maid from the Httle village of Domremi, and
the EngHsh army was compelled to retreat.
Whilst Bedford was conducting the siege of
Orleans, and Jeanne Dare was meditating how best to

' Letter Book K, fo. sob.
^ Gregory's Chron., p. 161.

' Letter Book K, fo. S5b.

RELIEF OF ORLEANS. 273
reheve the town, the citizens of London were suffering
from a severe dearth. At length the Common
Council resolved {22 July, 1429) to send agents
abroad for the purpose of transmitting all the com
they could lay their hands on to England. The
assistance of Bedford, who had by this time been
compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, was invoked.*
Bedford had recently been joined by Beaufort, Beaufort
who had become more than ever an object of hatred fOTd^in^
to Gloucester, and had lost to a certain extent the ^'^""=^-
goodwill of the nation by the acceptance of a
cardinal's hat. He had set out on the 22nd June
(1429), carrying with him a small force which he was
allowed to raise for the avowed object of prosecuting
a Hussite crusade in Bohemia, but which was
eventually sent to France.^ The question of his
position in parliament and the council, now that he
was a cardinal, was decided by the parliament which
met on the 22nd September.
Members of parliament representing the City of Allowances
London had hitherto been allowed a certain amount those repre-
of cloth and fur trimming at the City's expense, ciiym' ^
wherewith to dress themselves and their personal parliament,
attendants in a manner suitable to the position they
held. Those who had from time to time been elected
members appear to have abused this privilege —
where a yard had been given, they had literally taken
an ell — and it was now thought to be high time to
take steps to check the abuse in future. Accordingly
it was ordained by the mayor and aldermen, on the
1 2th August of this year (and the ordinance met with
' Letter Book K, fos. 62, 63b ; Gregory's Chron., p. 164.
" Letter Book K, fo. 66b ; Gregory's Chron., p. 164.

274 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the approval of the commoners on the 29th day of
the same month), that for the future no alderman
elected to attend parliament should take out of the
chamber or of the commonalty more than ten yards
for gown and cloak, at 15J. the yard, and iooj.
for fur if the alderman had already served as
mayor, otherwise he was to have no more than five
inarks. Commoners were to be content with five
yards of cloth and 33J. 4^. for fur. Each alderman,
moreover, was to be allowed eight yards of cloth
at 28 pence a yard for two personal attendants,
and each commoner four yards of the same for one
attendant, if the parliament was sitting in London or
the neighbourhood, and eight yards for two attendants
if parliament was sitting in some more remote place,
" as was formerly ordained during the mayoralty of
JohnMicheU" (1424-5).*
The corona- The Condition of France necessitated the early
Hen°yVi, coronatiou of the young king, whose right to the
6 Nov., 1429. French crown had been established by the Treaty of
Troyes. At his accession to the throne of England
Henry VI was but a child of nine months. He was
now eight years old. Before he could be crowned
King of France, it was necessary that he should first
be crowned King of England. Proclamation was
accordingly made that he would be crowned on the
6th November following, and that aU claims to ser
vices should be forthwith laid before the lord steward.^
' Letter Book K, fo. 68b. In 1443 the Common Council agreed
to allow the City members their reasonable expenses out of the
chamber (Journal 5, fo. 129b), but when parliament met at Coventry
in 1459, the City members were allowed 405. a, day, besides any dis
bursements they might make in the City's honour Qournal 6, fo. l66b),
and the same allowance was made in 1464, when parliament sat at
York (Journal 7, fos. 52, 54). 'Id., fo. 69b.

CORONATION OF HENRY VL 27 S
Gregory, to whose chronicle we have had. frequent
occasion to refer, writing as an eye-witness, gives
a full account* of what took place at the cere
mony of coronation in Westminster Abbey, and of
the banquet that followed ; but -omits to mention
that the citizens put in their usual claim, in accord
ance with the above proclamation, to serve the king
at the banquet as butler. That the claim was actually
made we learn from other sources.^ We also know
that William Estfeld, the recently-elected mayor,
received the customary gold cup and ewer used on
the occasion, which he afterwards bequeathed to his
grandson.* In April, 1430, the young king left England for Sets out for
France, and remained abroad for nearly two years. April, 1430.
On the loth November he wrote to the mayor and
citizens, urging them to advance him the sum of
10,000 marks, as that sum might do him more ease
and service at that particular time than double the
amount at another. The letter was dated from
Rouen, where the court afterwards established itself
for a considerable time.* On Sunday, the 12th De- And is
cember, 1 431, he made his entry into Paris with great paris, Dec,
ceremony, and was duly crowned.' *'^3*"
On his return to England early in the following The citizens
T 1 TTT 11 ii il welcome him
year, he was met by John Welles, the mayor, the on his return,
aldermen, the sheriffs, and more than 12,000 citizens *432-
' Gregory's Chron., pp. 164-168.
-City Records, Liber Dunthorn, fo. 6ib ; Letter Book K, fo. 70.
' Cal. of Wills, Court of Husting, London, ii, 509.
' Letter Book K, fo. 84.
^ A long account of his entry into the French capital, and of the
pageantry in honour of the occasion, is set out in full in the City's
Records.— I.etter Book K, fos. ioib-103. T 2

276

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
of London, who rode out on Thursday, the 20th
February, as far as Blackheath, and was there pre
sented with the following address : —
'^Sovereign lord as welcome be ye to your noble
" Roialme of England, and in especial to your notable
" Cite London o\erwise called your Chambre, as ever
" was cristen prince to place or people, and of the good
'' and gracioux achevyng of your Coronne of Fraunce,
''we thank hertlich our lord almyghty which of his
" endles mercy sende you grace in yoye and prosperite
"on us and all your other people long for to regne.''
After hearing the address the king rode to
Deptford, where he was met by a procession of 120
rectors and curates of the city, in the richest copes,
and 500 secular chaplains in the whitest of surplices,
with whom were a like number of monks bearing
crosses, tapers and incense, and chanting psalms
and antiphons in grateful thanks for his safe return.
Thence the royal cavalcade passed through South
wark to the city, where pageants appeared at every
turn. The fulsome adulation bestowed upon a lad
scarcely ten years of age was enough to turn his
young brain. Passing through Cornhill and Chepe, the
procession eventually reached St. Paul's. There the
king dismounted, and being met by the Archbishop
of Canterbury and ten other bishops in their pontifical
robes, was led by them to the high altar. Prayers
were said and the sacred relics kissed. The king
then remounted his horse and made his way to his
palace of Westminster, the streets being hung with
tapestry and the houses thronged to their roofs with
crowds of onlookers, and was there allowed a brief
day's rest. On the following Saturday a deputation

THE KING'S RETURN FROM FRANCE.

277

from the city, headed by the mayor and aldermen. The mayor
went to the palace and presented Henry with i" 1,000 p"eseit him™
of the purest gold, in a gold casket, with these with a gift of
, '^ ' ;^I,000.
words : —
" Most cristen prince the good folk of youre notable
" Cite of London, otherwise clepedyour Chambre, besechen
" in her most lowely wise that they mowe be recomanded
" un to yc hynesse, ant Y can like youre noble grace to
" resceyve this litell yefte yoven with as good will and
" lovyng hertes as any yefte was yoven to eny erthly
"prince" The king having graciously acknowledged the
gift, the deputation returned to the city.*

Beaufort, who had returned home in time for Gloucester's
the coronation, had again set out for France with Beaufort and
the king, and Gloucester took advantage of their fffa^^',,
absence to renew his attack on his rival. Letters of
praemunire were drawn up in anticipation of the car
dinal's return, and additional offence was given by the
seizure of the cardinal's plate and jewels at Dover.
On learning of Gloucester's schemes, Beaufort deter
mined to give up a projected visit to Rome, and to
return home in time for the opening of parliament
(i2th May, 1432).^ He desired to learn why he had
been thus " strangely demeened " contrary to his
deserts. When parliament met and the cardinal
asked who were his accusers, Gloucester held his
' A full descriptive account of Henry's reception on his return from
France is set out in the City Records (Letter Book K, fos. I03b-I04b).
It purports to be an account sent by John Carpenter, the Town Clerk,
to a friend, and has been printed at the end of the Liber Albus (Rolls
Series) ; Cf. Gregory's Chron., pp. 173-175-
^ He informed the City of his intention by letter, dated from Ghent
the 13th April.— Letter Book K, fo. 105.

278 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
tongue, and the king expressed his confidence in the
cardinal's loyalty. In the following year (1433)
Bedford appeared before parHament and announced
that he had come home to defend himself against
false accusations. He understood that the recent
losses that had occuned in France were attributed to
his neglect. He desired his accusers, of whom he
shrewdly suspected Gloucester to be one, to stand
forth and prove their charges. Again there was
silence, and the duke, like the cardinal, had to rest
satisfied with the king's assurance of loyalty.*
Financial re- The finances of the country were at this time
form, 1433. / N .
(1433) m the most deplorable condition. It was
necessary to exercise the strictest economy. Bed
ford was the first to set an example of self-denial
by offering to discharge the duties of counsellor at a
reduced salary. Gloucester foUowed his brother's
example. The archbishops, the cardinal, and the
bishops of Lincoln and Ely agreed to render their
services without payment. Pariiament showed its
good will by voting a fifteenth and tenth, but out of
the sum thus realised ^"4,000 was to be applied to
the relief of poor towns. The amount of relief
which fell to the share of the poorer wards of the
City of London was £y(i 15^-. (>y^d., which was
apportioned among eighteen wards. The largest sum
allotted was ^"20, which went to Cordwainer Street
Ward, whilst Lime Street Ward received the mag
nificent relief afforded by the odd farthing.^ The
mayor, sheriffs and aldermen were called upon to
attend in person before the chancellor, in April, 1434,
to make oath that they would duly observe a certain
' Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 114-117. ^Letter Book K, fo. 137b.

CALAIS APPEALS TO LONDON. 279
article {quendam articulum) which the late parliament
had agreed to, but what this article was does not
appear in the City's archives.*
Bedford was prevailed upon to remain in England The death of
and undertake the office of chief counsellor, but ^4 sept.',
differences again arising between him and Gloucester, *'*35-
which the personal interference of the young king
could with difficulty calm, he again set sail for France
(June, 1434). His career was fast drawing to an end.
Burgundy was intending to desert him as he knew
full well, and the knowledge accelerated his end.
His death took place at Rouen on the 14th Septem
ber ofthe following year (1435).^
With his death England's supremacy in France Calais appeals
began to decline, and Henry VI was to lose in that f^ assistance,
country all or nearly all that had been gained by his ^7 Jtme.
doughty predecessor. The defection of Burgundy
was followed by the loss of Paris. The chief event
of 1436 was the raising of the siege of Calais, which
had been invested by the Duke of Burgundy. On
the 27th June the mayor and aldermen of Calais,
being anxious to get help from the government at
home, and finding that according to precedent they
could only do so through the mediation of the City of
London, addressed a letter to the mayor and alder
men of London imploring them, as the head of " the
principal of aU the cities of the realm of England," to
move the king to send the requisite aid.*
In answer to this appeal Henry Frowyk, the
mayor, consulted the livery companies, and by their
' Letter Book K, fo. 138. ^ Gregory's Chron., p. I77-
' Letter Book K, fo. 148.

28o

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

A tax imposed
on aliens,
1439-

The penance
of Eleanor
Cobham,Gloucester'swife, 1 44 1.

advice sent a contingent to the rehef of the town.*
The king, too, had been very urgent that the City
should raise a force to oppose " the man who stUed
" himself Duke of Burgundy and Count of Flanders,"
whilst he took pains to concihate such Flemings as
were living in the city and were ready to take an oath
of allegiance. 2 Gloucester had been appointed cap
tain of Calais for a term of nine years, but before he
set sail for its relief the siege had been raised by
Edmund Beaufort, Count of Mortain.*
An attempt was made in 1439 to bring about a
peace, but it failed, and a new tax — a tax upon aliens
— had to be imposed for the purpose of raising money
in addition to the usual supplies. Every alien house
holder was called upon to pay sixteen pence, and
every alien who was not a householder sixpence, to
wards the expenses of the country.*
The streets of the city have witnessed few sad
der sights than the penance inflicted on Eleanor
Cobham, at one time the mistress, and afterwards —
on the dissolution of his maniage with Jacqueline — the
wife of Gloucester. The new duchess was aware
that in the event of the king's death her husband was
next in succession to the throne, and was inclined to
anticipate matters. It was a superstitious age, and
the duchess invoked the aid of witchcraft to accom
plish her wishes. In 1441 her operations, innocent as
' " And that same yere (1437), the Mayre of London sende, by the
good a-vyse and consent of craftys, sent sowdyers to Calys, for hyt was
sayde that the Duke of Burgone lay sege unto Calls." — Gregory's
Chron. p. 178.
^ Letter Book K, fos. 160-162. ' Gregory's Chron. p. 179.
'Letter Book K, fo. 183b. The tax was found to be so successful
that it was subsequently renewed. In 1453 it was renewed for the
king's life. — Id., fo. 280b.

THE PENANCE OF ELEANOR COBHAM. 28 1
they were in themselves, however bad their intent,
were discovered, and she was condemned to do public
penance followed by imprisonment for life. For three
days the wretched lady was made to walk the streets,
taper in hand and bare-foot (it was November), in the
sight of all the citizens, who were forbidden to show
her any respect, but, at the same time, were ordered
not to molest her.* The latter they were little likely
to do. Nay! on each day as she landed at the
Temple, at the Swan or at Queenhithe, the mayor
and sheriffs went forth to attend her, accompanied by
members of the livery companies.^ Yet, not a finger
did her husband raise in her defence ! He either
could not or would not save her.
By charter, dated the 26th day of October, 1444, The king's
the king confirmed the mayor, recorder and certain the city,
aldermen as justices of the peace, and, among other ^^ ^'^'¦' ''*^"
things, granted to the corporation the soil of the
Thames within the City's liberties.* This grant was
not made without some little opposition from the
inhabitants of the neighbouring county of Surrey.*
The king was now under the infiuence of William Henry's
de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, by whose intervention a wkh"^^
truce with France had been concluded on the 28th ^"l^^^'
May of this year (1444), to last unth the ist April, 22 April,
1446. In order to strengthen the truce, a marriage
' Journal 3, fo. 103b.
^ Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 129.
' The validity as well as the effect of this charter (which is preserved
in the Town Clerk's of&ce) has been made the subject of much contro
versy, some contending that it is in effect a grant of the soil of the river
from Staines to Yantlet, that being the extent of the City's liberties on
the Thames, whilst others restrict the grant to the City's territorial
limits, i.e., from Temple Bar to the Tower.
' Letter Book K, fo. 220b.

282 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
was ananged between Henry and Margaret of Anjou.
The princess came over to England early in the follow
ing year, and was manied on the 22nd April (1445).
The match was not altogether a popular one ; never
theless, when Margaret passed through the city on
her way to be crowned at Westminster, she was re
ceived " in the most goodly wise, with alle the
"citezines on horseback ridyng ayenst hir to the
" Blackheth in blew gownes and rede hodes." *
Jack Cade's The truce was renewed, and Suffolk increased in
1450. ' popularity. After the deaths of Gloucester and
Cardinal Beaufort, within a few weeks of each other,
in 1447, he became the king's chief adviser, and con
tinued to be so until the loss of the French provinces
three years later (1450), raised so much opposition
against him that the king was compeUed to order his
banishment. This was not thought a sufficient
punishment by his enemies, and he was taken on the
high seas and brutally murdered (2 May). After his
death an attack was made on his supporters. Agaiii
the men of Kent rose in revolt ; this time under the
leadership of an Irish adventurer — Jack Cade — who
called himself Mortimer, and gave out that he was an
illegitimate son of the late Earl of March. They
mustered on Blackheath 30,000 strong (i June), and
then awaited the king's return from Leicester, where
parliament had been sitting. Henry on his anival
sent to learn the reason of the gathering, and in
reply received a long list of grievances which the
rebels intended to amend.^ Notwithstanding the
' Chron. of London (Nicholas), p. 134.
"See "Historical Memoranda," by Slow, printed in "Three
Fifteenth Cent. Chron." (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 28), pp. 94-99.

JACK CADE'S REBELLION. 28^
boldness of this answer, the king had only to make
proclamation that all his true and liege subjects should
" a-voyde the fylde," for the whole force to disperse
in the course of one night. The danger, indeed,
seemed to be over. A week later, however, the
royal force met a number of the rebels near Seven-
oaks, by whom it was put to rout. Encouraged by
this success, the rebels returned and took up their
quarters in Southwark. The unhappy king had by
this time retired to Kenilworth, notwithstanding the
offer made by the citizens of London to stand by him.*
The city authorities had, in the meantime, taken The city pie-
steps to put the city into a state of defence. A Com- ftnrits°eif!"
mon Council met on the Sth June, when it decided
that an efficient guard should be placed night and da}^
upon all gates, wharves and lanes leading to the
Thames. An enclosure recently erected at " le Crane "
on the riverside belonging to John Trevillian, was
ordered to be abated. Balistic machines {fundibula)
of all kinds were to be collected on the wharves,
whilst the sale of weapons or armour or their
removal out of the city was restricted. Lastly, it
was agreed to represent to the king the advisabilit}'
of limiting the number of his nobles coming into the
city, owing to the scarcity of provisions.^ On the
26tli June the Common Council again met, and it
was then decided to send two mounted men to recon
noitre Cade's position, and to learn, if possible, his
' "And the Meire of London with the comynes of the city came
to the kynge besekynge him that he wolde tarye in the cite, and they
wolde lyve and dye with him, and pay for his costes of householde an
halff yere ; but he wold nott, but toke his journey to Kyllyngworthe. " —
"Three Fifteenth Cent. Chronicles " (Camd. Soc), p. 67.
" Journal 5, fo. 36b.

284

LONDON. AND THE KINGDOM.

Mock trials
held by the
rebels at the
Guildhall.

movements.* Three days later (29 June) orders were
given for four men to be selected from each ward to
assist the aldermen in preserving the peace. Anyone
refusing to do his duty in keeping watch was to be
sent to prison. In spite of all precautions. Cade and
his followers succeeded in gaining a footing in the city
(3 July), their first action being to sack the house of
Philip Malpas.^ Cade himself encouraged rather
than restrained the excesses of his men. " Now is
Mortimer lord of the City," he cried as he struck with
his sword the old Roman mile-stone known as
London stone.* It is clear that the rebels had friends
in the city, otherwise they would never have effected
an entrance so easily — " They had othyr men with
hem as welle of .London as of there owne party."*
The matter was 'made the subject of investigation by
the Common Council. Evidence was given by
Thomas Geffrey, a barber, to the effect that on
Friday, the 3rd July, the keys of the bridge had been
given up, but by whom he knew not. William
Reynold also deposed that Richard Philip, a grocer,
had told him that unless the wardens of the bridge
opened the gates, the Kentish captain threatened to
set fire to the bridge and the city, and that there
upon Thomas Godfrey, a " sporyour," clad in russet,
brought the keys and opened the gates.^
On Saturday, the 4th of July, the rebels, who
had retired for the night, returned to the city.
' Journal 5, fo. 39.
- He had been admitted alderman of Lime Street ward in 1448,
at the king's special request, and had only recently been discharged. —
Journal 4, fo. 213b ; Journal 5, fo. 38b. In 1461 he left England,
but was captured at sea by the French and put to ransom for 4,000
marks. — Fabyan, p. 638.' " Holinshed, iii, 224.
' Gregory's Chron., p. 192, ' Journal 5,fo. 40b.

CAPTURE AND DEATH OF CADE. 285
Robert Home, aldennan of Bridge Ward, who had
rendered himself especiaUy obnoxious to the rebels,
was made prisoner and sent to Newgate. Sir James
Fiennes, the Lord Say, was brought from the Tower
to the Guildhall, where the rebels were holding mock
trials on those who were unfortunate enough to fall
into their hands, and, after a hasty examination, was
conveyed to the Standard in Chepe and there executed.
His head, together with those of two others who had
that day suffered a similar fate, was set up on London
Bridge. By the next evening (Sunday) the citizens had Cade appre-
. . ^ . , , bended.
managed to recover their presence ot mmd, and
sallied out at ten o'clock at night, under the leader
ship of Lord Scales and another, across the bridge.
Before they had arrived on the Southwark side of the
river they were met by the rebels, and a severe fight
took place between the parties on the bridge itself,
lasting until eight o'clock the next morning. At last
the rebels were defeated, and the city freed from their
presence. Offers of pardon were made and accepted,
and the rebels dispersed. Cade, however, continued
to plunder and ravage the country, until a price having
been put upon his head, he was apprehended by the
Sheriff of Kent,* and died the same night from injuries
received at his capture. His head was subsequently
set up on London Bridge.
The king had now been manied some years, and The question
° -11°' *"^ succes-
no heir had appeared. Great uncertainty prevailed sion to the
throne.
' Alexander Iden, who appears to have pursued Cade beyond the
limits of his own jurisdiction, as Sheriff of Kent, into the neighbouring
county of Sussex, where the rebel was apprehended in a garden at
Heathfield.— "Three Fifteenth Cent. Chron.," preface, p. vii.

286

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Rivalry
between the
Dukes of
York and
Somerset, 1450.

as to the right of succession to the throne, and gave
rise to much rivalry and mutual mistrust between
Richard, Duke of York, who now for the first time
becomes a conspicuous figure on the stage, and
Edmund Beaufort, recently created Duke of Somerset.
Both of them could claim to bethe king's nearest kins
men, both of them being descendants of Edward III,
the one tracing his descent, on his father's side,
through Edmund Langley, and on his mother's side,
through Lionel, Duke of Clarence, whilst the other
was the surviving representative of John of Gaunt.
The king's- incapacity to govern without a strong
minister at his back, as evinced by his conduct
during the recent outbreak, induced both of these
nobles to throw up their appointments, the one in
Ireland and the other in France, and to hasten home.
The Duke of York was the first to reach England,
and, in spite of measures which had been taken to
intercept him, made his way to London. He was
anxious in the first place to clear himself of suspicion
of having been implicated in Cade's rebellion,* and to
this end sought and obtained an interview with the
king. Having satisfied Henry on this point, he next
proceeded to demand the reform of certain abuses in
the government. A short session of parliament, which
met on the 6tli November, opened with an altercation
between the rival dukes. On the ist December
Somerset was placed under anest ; and on the follow
ing day his lodgings at the Black Friars were broken
into and pillaged. An example was made of one of

' The exclusion of the Duke and other nobles from the king's
council had been made an express ground of complaint by the Kentish
insurgents.

RIVALRY BETWEEN YORK AND SOMERSET. 287
the men convicted of being concerned in the breaking
into the Black Friars, and he was beheaded at the
Standard in Chepe. The Duke of York made a per
sonal visit to the city, and caused proclamation to
be made of the heavy pains and penalties which
should follow any attempt at robbery. As a further
demonstration against lawlessness, the king himself
rode through the city a few days later, accompanied
by his lords in full panoply, the route being kept by
a line of armed citizens on either side of the way.
Alderman Gregory, whose chronicle affords us a vivid
picture of contemporary events, and who was called
upon to serve the office of mayor of the city the
foUowing year, confesses that the procession on this
occasion would have been a gay and glorious sight,
"if hit hadde ben in Fraunce, but not in Ingelonde,"
for it boded little good.*
The Duke of Somerset did not long remain in
prison, for immediately after Christmas he was ap
pointed captain of Calais. In 145 1 the disasters
which followed the English arms in France, when
Calais was again threatened, were made an occasion
for another attempt by York to crush his rival. He
openly avowed his determination to proceed against
Somerset, and, joined by the Earl of Devonshire
and Lord Cobham, marched to London (Jan., 1452).
Henry at once prepared to march against his cousin.
The duke had hoped that through the influence of his
party within the city, the gates would have been
flung open on his approach. In this he was dis
appointed. The majority of the citizens were still
loyal to Henry, and by his orders entrance was denied
' Chron., p. 196.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Civil war
averted.

The king's
illness, 1453.

the duke, who thereupon withdrew to Dartford, whilst
the king's forces encamped at Blackheath.
For a time civil war was avoided, the king
promising that Somerset should be again committed
to custody until he should answer such charges as York
should bring against him. The king, however, failed
to keep his word. Somerset was allowed to remain
in power, and York was only aUowed his liberty after
he had consented to swear public allegiance to the
king in St. Paul's Church. Any stronger measures
taken against him would probably have provoked
disturbance in the city.*
Henry's mind had never been strong, and in the
following year (1453) it entirely gave way. In
October the queen bore him a son, after eight years
of manied life, but though the infant was brought to
his father, Henry gave no signs of recognising his
presence. The illness of the king, and the birth of an
heir to the crown, were events which materially
affected the fortunes of the Duke of York. In No
vember the civic authorities prepared for emergencies ;
every citizen was to provide himself with armour, but
he was strictly enjoined to be guarded in his conver
sation, and not to provoke tumult by showing favour
to this or that lord. Even a proposal that the mayor
and aldermen should pay a visit of respect to the
Duke of York was rejected as impolitic at the pre
sent juncture.^
'"And so thei brought (the duke) ungirt thurgh London bitwene
ij bisshoppes ridyng unto his place ; and after that made hym swere at
Paulis after theire entent, and put him frome his good peticions which
were for the comoen wele ofthe realme." — Chron. of London (Nicolas),
p. 138. ^Journal 5, fos. 131, 132b, 133b.

THE CITIZENS . IMPOVERISHED. 289
Notwithstanding liberal grants made by parlia- The City
ment for the defence of Calais, that town was still in ^on trassist
danger. On the 29th November, 1453, a letter was j," cakiJ™*^^
read before the Common Council ofthe City, emana- i4S3-i454-
ting from the Lord WeUes and the Lord Ryvers,
asking for assistance towards putting Calais into a
state of defence. Further consideration of the matter
was adjourned until the following 4th December. By
the 7th day of the same month the Council had con
sulted the commons, who had declared that owing to
their numerous burdens and expenses they could con
tribute nothing to that end.* This did not prevent a
further application being made early in 1454, for con
tributions towards the defence of Calais if that town
were besieged.^ Again the commons were consulted,
and again they pleaded the excessive burdens they
were already called upon to bear, and the losses they
had sustained by seizure of their ships and merchandise
by the Duke of Burgundy, rendering them unable for
the present to undertake any further charges unless
steps were taken for the recovery of their goods.* An
answer to this effect was accordingly delivered by the
Common Sergeant on behalf of the citizens, who de
clared themselves willing at the same time to bear their
share with the rest of the realm.* An appeal made in
August of the same year (1454), for the sum of ;^i,20o
for the same purpose, met with similar failure.^
The plea of poverty was no idle one, if we may
judge from the fact that when, in November of this
year, an assessment of half a fifteenth was made on
the city wards, eleven out of twenty-five wards were
'Journal 5, fos. 134b, 135b, 136. ''Id., fo. 148. ^ Id., fo. 152,
"Id., fo. iS2b. .''Id., fos. 183, 184. U

290

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The Duke of
York and his
supporterstake up their
quarters in
thecity, 1454.

in default.* Between the years 143 1 and 1451 the
citizens had advanced large sums of money to the
king, of which more than ;^3,ooo remained in the
latter year due to the city.^
A crisis, in the meanwhile, was fast approaching.
The birth of an heir to the throne urged the Duke of
York to take prompt action. Although the majority
of the nobles were opposed to him, he had on his side
the powerful family of the Nevills, having married
Cicely Nevill, sister of Richard Nevill, Earl of Safis
bury, the head of the family, and father of the still
more powerful Earl of Warwick. Towards the end of
January (1454) the Duke of York, the Earls of Salis
bury and Warwick, and others ofthe duke's supporters,
entered the city, each followed by a large force of re
tainers fully armed. With them came also York's eldest
son, the Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV.*
The Common Council were anxious lest the pre
sence of these nobles in the city should lead to a dis
turbance. A strict neutrality was ordered to be ob
served both by the mayor and aldennen, as well as by
the inhabitants of the city at large. The waytes, or
watchmen, were ordered to perambulate the streets
every night with their minstrels to keep the citizens in
good humour {pro recreacione hominum), and prevent
robbery. Nevertheless, there is evidence to show
that disturbances did occasionally arise between the
inhabitants and those in the suite of the nobles.*

' Journal 5, fo. 206.
2 Report of City Chamberlain to the Court of Common Council. —
Journal 5, fos. 227-228b.
'News-letter of John Stodeley, 19 Jan., 1454; Paston Letters
(Gairdner), i, 265, 266.
'Journal 5, fos 143, 145b, 152, l52b-l6ob.

THE DUKE OF YORK NOMINATED PROTECTOR. 291
The king's continued illness necessitated sooner The Duke of
or later the appointment of a regent. For a brief nated protec-
space there seemed a possibility of the regency being '°'^' ^°''^'''
claimed by the queen. The City, in the meanwhile,
paid court to both parties, the mayor and aldermen
one day paying a solemn -visit to the queen, attired in
their gowns of scarlet, and a few days later paying a
similar compliment to the Duke of York.* At length
the duke was nominated protector (3 April). Some
correspondence ensued between the City, the Duke
of York, the queen, and the Earl of Salisbury, on
what subject we know not,^ but on the 13th May
the mayor and aldermen waited upon the duke to
thank him for his favour and goodwill.*
So long as the king remained an imbecile York The first
^ ^ battle of St.
was supreme, his rival, Somerset, having been com- Albans,
mitted to prison at his instigation in December, 1453. ^^ ^^' ^
Henry, however, soon recovered from his illness,
although his convalescence proved of equally short
duration, and York's protectorate came to an end.
With Henry's restoration came the release of Somer
set, and York determined to try conclusions with his
rival in the field. At the first battle of St. Albans,
fought on the 22nd May, 1455, victory declared for
York and Somerset was killed. After the battle
York accompanied the king to London and lodged
him in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's churchyard.
The excitement caused Henry a relapse, and York was
for the second time named protector; but in the
spring of 1456 he had again to retire upon the king's
recovery. 'Journal 5, fo. 150. "/</., fos. 162, 162b. '/a'., fo. 164b.
U 2

292

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

A rising Just whcu the country was settling down to enjoy
Lomwrin a period of comparative quiet, there occurred (May,
'u^"%\(i 1456) in the city one of those sudden outbreaks
against the "merchant stranger" residing within the
city's waUs which too often appear in the annals of
London. On this occasion the young mercers of the
city rose against the Lombards ; why or wherefore
we are not told. We only know that these foreigners
received such bad treatment that they meditated
leaving the city in a body and setting up business
elsewhere. The fault was not altogether with the
citizens, it appears ; for two Lombards were ordered
to be hanged.*
The king, who was at the time at Coventry —
-whither the queen had caused him to be removed,
owing to her suspicion that the Londoners were in
favour of the Yorkist party — sent for alderman
Cantelowe,^ a mercer, and promptly committed him
to Dudley Castle for safe keeping, as ha-ving been
implicated in the attack on the houses of the Italian
merchants. This outbreak was followed by another "hur-
lynge " between the mercers of the city and those
Lombards who had consented to remain in the city on
the understanding that they should be allowed to ply
' Booking to Paston, 15 May ; Paston Letters (Gairdner), i, 387 !
Cf. Chron. of London (Nicolas), p. 139 ; Gregory's Chron., p. 199.
'' William Cantelowe, alderman of Cripplegate and Billingsgate
wards, from the latter of which he was discharged in October, 1461, on
the score of old age and infirmity (Journal 6, fo. 8ib). He appears in
his time to have had financial dealings with the crown, on one occasion
conveying money over sea for bringing Queen Margaret to England,
and on another supplying gunpowder to the castle of Cherbourg, when
it was in the hands of the English. He is thought by some to be
identical with the William Cantelowe who afterwards (in 1464) cap
tured Henry VI in a wood in the North of England. — " Three Fifteenth
Cent, Chron." (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 28), Preface, p. viii.

A FRENCH DESCENT ON SOUTH COAST. 293
their business without molestation until the council or
parliament should determine otherwise. In conse
quence of this second outbreak no less than 28 mercers
were anested and committed to Windsor Castle.*
On the 3rd September, 1456, the king wrote from Letter from
Lichfield to the Mayor, reminding him of the dangers Lfe-gufrd^ng
which had recently threatened the city — "the king's '^^"'y-
chamber " — the government whereof ought to serve as
an example to the rest of the kingdom, and enjoining
him that thenceforth he should allow no one to enter
the city but such as came peaceably, and with
moderate retinue, according to his estate and degree,
and should take precautions against gatherings of
evil disposed persons which might lead to a breach
of the peace.^
Notwithstanding the precautions taken to pro- The citizens
tect the coast, the French made a descent in 1457, and'victuS"
and plundered Sandwich and Fowey, capturing over ?^'P^, '° p**"*'
30 ships, great and small, and doing much damage. 1457.
The citizens of London, to whom the protection of
their commerce in the "nanow sea," as the channel
was then frequently called, was everything, thereupon
took counsel among themselves, and made a proposal
to the king and to Bishop Waynflete, the chancellor,
to find 2,000 men and provisions for certain ships then
lying in the Thames, at their own expense, to join an
expedition to punish the enemy for their boldness.
The king thanked them for their patriotic spirit and
gave orders for a naval force to join the city contin
gent from Hull.*
'Short English Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 28), p. 70.
2 Letter Book K, fo. 287. ' Id., fo. 288b.

294

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

A general re
conciliationat St. Paul's,
25 March,
1458.

Warwick
implicated in a riot,
Nov., 1458.

In 1458 Henry tried his hand at effecting a
reconciliation between the two rival sections of the
nobUity, and to this end ordered a great council to
meet in St. Paul's on the 27th January. Warwick
left his post at Calais, and came over to London to
attend the meeting ; but he did not anive until more
than a month after the appointed day, and M^hen he
came it was with a body of 600 men at his back,
" all apparyled in reed jakkettes, with whyte ragged
stavis." * He took up his quarters within the city,
where he found the Duke of York and the Earl of
Salisbury. The young Duke of Somerset and other
lords, who, like him, had lost their fathers at the
battle of St. Albans, were refused an entrance to the
city for fear of a breach of the peace, and had to find
accommodation outside the city's walls.^ During the
conference the mayor patrolled the streets by day,
whilst at night a force of 3,000 men was kept in
readiness to assist the aldermen in preserving the
.king's peace.* The times were critical, but at length
all ended well. A grand pacification took- place in
March, and was solemnized by an imposing procession
to St. Paul's, in which York led the queen by the
hand. The reconciliation thus effected was more
apparent than real, and neither party relaxed their
efforts to prepare for renewed hostility.
In August the civic companies were warned
against furnishing the confederate lords with any war
material, but were to keep their anns and harness at the

' Cotton MS., Vitell. A, xvi, fo. 114.
'' Engl. Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc, No. 64), p. 77.
'Fabyan, Chron.(ed. i8ii),p. 633; C/. Chron. of London (Nicolas),
P- 139-

A GENERAL RECONCILIATION AT ST. PAUL'S. 29-
disposal of the king alone.* It wanted very Httle to
kindle the smouldering embers of dissatisfaction into
a flame, and this little was soon forthcoming. In
November^ a riot occurred at Westminster, in which
the Earl of Warwick was implicated. A yeoman in
his suite picked a quarrel with one of the king's
servants and wounded him. Thereupon others of the
king's household, finding their fellow-servant wounded
and his enemy escaped, way-laid the earl and his
attendants as they left the council to take barge on
the river. By dint of hard hitting, the earl managed Seeks refuge
to embark and to make his way to the city. But the
affray was not without bloodshed, and Warwick found
it convenient to withdraw soon afterwards to his post
at Calais, which thenceforth became the head-quarters Leaves for
of the disaffected lords.
In the following April (1459) another affray Riot between
broke out. This time it was between inhabitants of xempiars,"
the city and certain members of the Inns of Court, ^P"^*'' *'^S9•
and the riot was so dangerous as to result in loss of
Hfe. The king hearing of this sent for William
Tayllour, the alderman of the ward, and kept him in
confinement at Windsor untU the election of the new
riiayor, WiUiam Hewlyn, in October, by whose inter
cession he regained his freedom.*
By this time the country was again divided into The battle of
two hostile camps. A crisis came in September, when 23'sept.!^ '
the Earl of Salisbury, the king's most inveterate *'*S9-
enemy, marched upon Ludlow with a large force.
' Journal 6, fos. 138, 138b, 139.
" Engl. Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc, No. 64), p. 78 ; Cf. Fabyan,
p. 633 ; Holinshed, iii, 249.
'Short Engl. Chron. (Camd. Soc, N. S., No. 28), p. 71 ; Chron.
of London (Nicolas), p. 140.

296

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Parliament at
Coventry, 20 Nov. ,
1459-

The king
loses favour.

Lord Audley, sent by the queen to arrest him, was
defeated by the earl at Blore Heath {22, Sept., 1459).
Later on, however, the earl and the Yorkist army
were themselves compelled to seek security. The
Duke of York took refuge in Ireland, and the
Earl of Warwick, who had crossed from France to join
his father, returned to Calais, taking the Earl of Safis
bury with him.
On the 9th October the king issued his writ for
a parliament to be held at Coventry on the 20th
November. The usual writ was sent to the City
of London, but the names of the aldermen and com
moners elected to represent the citizens do not appear
in the City's records.* The business of the session
was the attainder of the Duke of York and his
followers, and judgment was passed upon the duke,
the Nevills, father and son, the young Earls of
March and Rutland, and others. Two days after the
date of this writ, the Common Council decided to send
a deputation to wait upon the king and assure him of
the City's allegiance and of the steps taken for its
safe custody.^The citizens had previously (Oct., 1459) displayed
their willingness to assist the king by a gift of 1,000
marks.* This gift must have been the more wel
come, inasmuch as Henry's debts had been rapidly
on the increase, whilst his creditors remained unpaid.
The queen, on the other hand, into whose hands the
government of the kingdom had been drawn, was
"gaderyng riches innumerable." The imposition of
taxes, talliages and fifteenths, whilst harassing the

' Journal 6, fo. i66.

''Id., fo. 145.

»/</., fo. 163.

COMMISSIONS OF ARRAY. 297
king's subjects, seemed to make him not a whit the
richer, the issues and profits being frittered away.
They would have forgiven him had he maintained a
household in regal style or spent their money on
maintaining the country's honour in the field. As
matters were, Henry, by misgovemment, was rapidly
losing the hearts of his people, and " theyre blessyng
was turned in to cursyng." *
On the 14th January, 1460, the king issued a Unconstitu-
commission to the mayor, aldermen and sheriffs for duct^ofThe
collecting men-at-arms and archers to resist the late i<;™g"? issuing
° commissions
Duke of York and the late Earls of March, Warwick, to raise an
Salisbury and Rutland.^ Similar commissions were 1460.'
addressed to every township,* and did much harm to
the royal cause, now tottering to its fall, as being
unconstitutional. They formed the subject of one of
the set of articles of complaint drawn up by the Earls
of March, Warwick and Salisbury, and addressed by
them, on behalf of themselves and the Duke of York,
to the archbishop and the commons of England.*
Such commissions the lords declared to be an imposi
tion which, if continued, would be "the heaviest
charge and worst example that ever grew in England."
The city authorities appear to have rested their oppo
sition to the king's commission, not so much on the
grounds that they were unwilling to raise a force for his
'English Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc, No. 64), p. 179.
^Journal 6, fo. 224b.
' William Paston, writing to his brother John, under date 28th Jan
uary, 1460, remarks, " Item, the kyng cometh to London ward, and, as
it is seyd, rereth the pepyll as he come ; but it is certayn ther be comys-
syons made in to dyvers schyres that every man be redy in his best aray
to com when the kyng send for hem." — Paston Letters (Gairdnei:),
i, 506. 'Paston Letters (Gairdner), Introd., p. cxi.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

A deputation
from the City
waits upon
the king at
Northamp -

The City's
liberties not
to be preju
diced.

Military pre
cautionstaken by the
City, Feb.,
1460.

Landing of
the confed
erate earls.

assistance, as that a demand for military aid in such a
form might derogate from the city's franchise and
liberties. A deputation, consisting of two aldennen,
Thomas Urswyk, the Recorder, and one of the under-
sheriffs, was sent to Northampton to wait upon the
king and council and to explain the views of the
citizens in that respect. The interview was of a satis
factory character ; and the deputation returned bearing
a gracious letter from the king declaring that the City's
franchise and liberties should in no way be prejudiced
by the commission.*
The citizens deemed it time to look to their own
safety, and place their city into a better posture
of defence. The master and wardens of the livery
companies were exhorted (14 Feb., 1460), on account
of the disturbed state of the kingdom, to raise con
tributions towards the purchase of accoutrements
for the safeguard of the city.^ The king himself was
shortly coming into the city, and measures were taken
(28 Feb.) for placing a proper guard over the several
gates.* On the nth May the masters and wardens
were summoned, on behalf of the king, to appear
before the mayor and aldermen at the Guildhall, to
hear a royal proclamation read touching the preser
vation of the king's peace.*
The Yorkist Earls of Salisbury, Warwick and
March, encouraged by the reports of the state of
affairs in England, at length made' up their minds to
return and strike a blow for the recovery of their
'The king's letter, dated 2 Feb., was read before the Common
Council on the 5 Feb.— Letter Book K, fo. 313b ; Journal 6, fo. 196b.
2 Journal 6, fo. 197b. ^Id., fo. 203b. '/(/., fo. 158.

THE CITY AND THE YORKISTS. 299
estates, which had become forfeited to the king. They
set sail from Calais {26 June), and landing at Sand
wich made their way without opposition through
Kent to London.
On the 27th June, by which time news of their The Common
anival must have reached the city, a Common determine to
Council was held, when the commoners who were pre- °nt^jaiK:*tT
sent solemnly promised to stand by the mayor and the city,
aldermen in safe-guarding the city, and resist with all 1460.
their might the rebels against the lord the king who
were about to enter the city contrary to the king's
orders. The civic companies somewhat tardily gave
their adhesion to the royal cause, and agreed to
defend the city. The gates were ordered to be
manned, and no one was to be allowed to enter with
out first saying who and what he was. Strict
enquiry was to be made as to the character of
strangers residing within each of their wards.* On
the following day the Common Council met again
and gave orders that the drawbridge of London
Bridge should be always kept down, so that victual
lers and others might have ready access to the City,
but the gateway on the drawbridge was to be kept
closed, whilst le wikett was to be constantly open.
A strict watch was to be kept on the new tower ^
above the bridge by men-at-arms stationed there,
who should also be ready to let down le part Colyce
when occasion required.*
A deputation, moreover, was appointed to set
out to meet the Earls of March and Warwick on
'Journal. 6, fo. 237.
2 It had been destroyed by fire during the Kentish outbreak.—
Gregory's Chron., p. 193. ^Journal 6, fo. 237b.

3°o

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Meeting of
CommonCouncil on
Sunday,29 June.

their way to Northampton, for the purpose of induc
ing them, if possible, to turn aside and not approach
the city. The members were instructed to inform
the lords of the king's commands to the citizens
to hold the city for him, and to oppose the lords'
entry under heavy penalty. This instruction to the
deputation was given, we are told, with the ap
proval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops
of Norwich, Ely and Exeter, and of the Prior of St.
John's, Clerkenwell. The mayor, aldermen and com
monalty agreed to stand by any terms which the
deputation might be compelled to make. They had
not taken this step without first consulting the Lords
Scales and Hungerford, and Sir Edmund Hampden,
who held the Tower of London for King Henry.
The bridge gate was ordered to be closed between
nine and ten o'clock on the night of the 28th, and to
remain closed till the morning. Even the portcullis
was to be kept down if necessary, whilst the mayor
and sheriffs, with a certain number of armed men,
patrolled the city, and the aldennen kept watch in
their several wards.* Notwithstanding the next day
being Sunday, the critical state of affairs necessitated
a meeting of the Common Council. It was then
agreed that if any messenger should anive from War
wick, no communication should be held with him.
Special watches were appointed for the bridge and
for Billingsgate by night and day, and so anxious
were the authorities to avail themselves of the
service of every abled citizen on that Sunday, that
no one was aUowed to attend Di-vine Service at St.
Paul's.^

' Journal 6, fq. 238. ''Id., fo. 238b,

THE YORKISTS ADMITTED INTO THE CITY.

%0\

Up to this point the citizens had shown them- The Yorkist
selves loyal to Henry. They now began to waver, -nto tht d"y,^
Early in the morning of the 30th June the mayor ^ 1"'^' *46o.
and aldermen appear to have changed their minds.
The earls had sent them a letter and they resolved
to receive it. The contents of this letter are not
recorded. On the foUowing day (i July) another
communication from the earls was received. Here
again we are left in the dark as to its purport — the
City's joumals at this period being very imperfect, — we
only know that they declined to accede to the request
to keep at a distance from London, for the very next
day (2 July) they were admitted into the city.*
The city was thus lost to the king ; but the Tower The Tower
still held out, and no amount of eloquence on the ° '^ ^ °"''
part of certain doctors of divinity, whom the Common
Council had appointed to try and anaiige matters so
as to avoid bloodshed, would induce Lord Scales and
his companions to sunender it, although the ganison
was hard pressed for victuals.^ Nothing was left but
to starve them out, and this the Earl of SaHsbury
proceeded to do, with the aid of the citizens and the
boatmen on the river, by whom the Tower was
strictly invested by land and water. The Common
Council appear to have felt some qualms of conscience
in joining in this proceeding, for they caused it to be re
corded — as if by way of excuse for their action — that
"there seemed to be no other way of preserving the
city."* A resolution, moreover, that each alderman
should subscribe the sum of £s towards raising a
'Journal 6, fos. 239, 239b; Eng. Chron., 1377-1461 (Camd. Soc.
No. 64), p. 94. ^J9urnal 6, fo. 252b.
' Eo quod nullus alius modus videtur esse tutus pro civitate. — Id.,
fo. 251.

302

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The Tower
surrendered, 19 July.

force to intercept victuals on their way to the Tower
was rescinded.* By the loth July matters had become so serious
with the beleaguered ganison, that a letter was sent
to the Common Council, signed by the Earl of Kendal,
Lord Scales, Lord Hungerford, Lord Lovell and Sir
Edmund Hampden, asking why war was thus being
made upon them. To this the Council repHed that
the lords had brought it upon themselves by firing
on the citizens in the first instance, and taking pro
visions from them without payment.^ At last the
ganison could hold out no longer, and the Tower was
sunendered (19th July). Lord Scales endeavoured to
take sanctuary at Westminster, but was seized by
river boatmen and barbarously murdered.*
Meanwhile the Duke of York had managed to
io'juiy,"i46a' raise a sum of money in the city;* the battle of
Northampton had been won and lost (loth July),
and Henry had been brought a prisoner to London
(i6th July). On the same day that the king arrived
in London, the mayor, aldermen and commonalty of
the City entered into an agreement, under the Com
mon Seal, to abide by any anangement made between
the Earl of Salisbury and the beleaguered lords in the
Tower for the sunender of that stronghold.^

Murder of
Lord Scales.

Battle of

'Journal 6, fo. 251b. ''Id., fo. 250b.
^Eng. Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 64), p. 98. The Thames boatmen
and sailors were almost as powerful and troublesome a body of men as
the London apprentices. The Common Council had recently (nth
July) endeavoured to subdue their turbulent spirit by the distribution
among them of a large sum of money (..f 100). — ^Journal 6, fo. 254.
' On the 4th July the Common Council voted the earls the sum of
£,\,cao by way of loan. — ^Journal 6, fo. 253.
''Journal 6, fo. 256. By some inadvertence two copies of the
agreement were sealed, one of which was returned to the mayor to be
cancelled.

THE DUKE OF -YORK CLAIMS THE CROWN. 303
On the 2ist July the king, or the Earl of Warwick, Measures for
in his name, attempted to restore quiet in the city by confidence
promising that those who had offended against the *" *^ '^"y-
king's highness and the common weal of the realm,
and had been committed to the Tower, should forth
with receive ample justice. In the meantime all
conventicles, assemblies or congregations in breach of
the peace were strictly forbidden, and every man was
exhorted to repair to his own house, and wait upon
his lord or master in whose service he might happen
to be.* In October the Duke of York attended parlia- Parliament
of 7 Oct
ment and boldly asserted his right to the throne. 1460. '
After hearing arguments for and against his claim,
.pariiament anived at a compromise by which the
• J- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 The Duke of
reversion of the crown was settled on the duke, and York's claim
to this the king himself was forced to give his assent .^ luowed.™"'"
It was otherwise with the proud and defiant Queen
Margaret. She was determined to acquiesce in no
such anangement. Whilst she was collecting a force
in the north, wherewith to strike one blow for the
crown of which her son appeared likely to be robbed,
the mayor and aldermen held an extraordinary meet- The Livery
ing of the wardens of the livery companies. The declare their
king wished to be assured of the temper of the citizens. ^"e^k;"g^ '°
Would they as a body support him and his council,
protect his royal person, and defend the city against
those who were raising disturbances in divers parts of
the realm ? To each and all of these questions the war
dens are recorded as ha-ving given satisfactory replies,
' Journal 6, fo. 257.
^ Gregory's Chron., p. 208 ; Engl. Chron., pp, 99-100 ; Short Engl.
Chron., p. 75.

204 LONDON AND. THE KINGDOM..
and it was then and there agreed that each alderman
should make enquiry as to the number of strangers
residing in his ward, and the reasons for their being
in the city. Watch was to be kept by night in every
ward, a lantern hung outside every dwelling-house,
and the city's gates were to be closed every night and
guarded by men-at-arms.* Although these measures
were avowedly taken on behalf of King Henry, they
were, in reality, so many precautions for securing the
government in the hands of his rival the Duke of
York.
The battle of The Struggle which hitherto had been between
Wakefield, . . .
29 Dec, 1460. .two unequal sections ot the nobility, each avowing its
loyalty to the king, now became a struggle between
the two rival Houses of Lancaster and York.
Richard, Duke of York, did not live to enjoy the
crown, his right to the reversion of which had recently
been acknowledged by parliament. Just as the year
was drawing to a close he met his death at Wakefield
in the fust clash with the House of Lancaster, and his
head in mockery was set up on one of the city's
gates from which he derived his ducal title.
" Off -with his head, and set it on York's gates ;
So York may overlook the to-(vn of York."
The second When Henry was once restored to liberty and to
Albans, ' his quoeu, after the second battle of St. Albans
i7Feb.,i46i. (j^ Yeh., 1461), York's son, Edward, Eari of March,
who became by his father's death heir to the crown,
was immediately proclaimed traitor in the city.^ The
' The interview with the wardens of the companies took place at
a Common Council held on the 13th December, 1460. — ^Journal 6,
fo. 282b. ^ Journal 6, fo. 13.

LONDON FORSAKEN :B Y HENR Y.

-305

queen wished for victuals to be sent from the city to
her forces at St, Albans, but the carts were seized
before they left the city by a mob which refused to
let them go Jn spite of the mayor's entreaties and
threats. Margaret's army consisted for the most part
pf rude northern followers who threatened to sack
the city if once allowed within its walls, and the
majority of the inhabitants were unwilHng to supply
the queen with provisions until she had removed her
half-disciplined force to a distance from London.
With a ciyiHzed army at her back it might ha-ve been
possible for Margaret to have gained a footing in the
city.* As matters stood, she deemed it best to accede
to the request thus made to her, and to draw off her
army. It was a fatal mistake, for it gave time for Edward The Earls
and Warwick to join forces and march on London, and Warwick
The civic authorities, finding how hopeless it was to ai^dty, '"'°
place further dependence upon Henry, and desiring ^^'^•' *46i.
above all things a stronger government than they
could look for under the king, now sunendered the
city to his opponents. They had not forsaken the
king — he had forsaken them. They would no more
of him. " He that had Londyn for sake,
Wolde no more to hem take." ^
' The governing body in the city was still Lancastrian at heart. On
the 13th Feb. the Common Council had voted Henry, at that time in
the hands of Warwick, a loan of 1,000 marks, and a further sum of 500
marks (making in all ^1,000) for the purpose of garnysshyng and safe
guarding the city. On the 24th -a certain number of aldermen and
commoners were deputed to answer for the safe custody of the Tower,
and on the following day (25 Feb.) the mayor forbade, by public
proclamation, any insult being offered to Sir Edmund Hampden and
others, who had been despatclied by the king and queen to London for
the purpose of ascertaining " the true and faithful disposition " of the
city. — ^Journal 6, fos. 35, 35b, 40.
' Gregory's Chron., p. 215.

3o6

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Edward's
claim to the
crown recog
nised,
,1 March,
-1461.

On the ist March the chancellor called a general
assembly of the citizens at Clerkenwell, and explained
to them the title by which Edward, Duke of York,
laid claim to the crown.* His title was thereupon
acknowledged with universal applause, and on the
4th he proceeded to Westminster Palace, accompanied
by many of the nobility and commons of the realm,^
and was there proclaimed king by the name of
Edward IV.

' Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, iS

^Journal 6, fo. 37b.

CHAPTER XII.
The new king made himself very popular with The accession
the citizens. He was not less a favourite with them Edward IV,
because he joined their ranks and became a trader ^^^'^^' '^fii-
Hke themselves, or because he took a wife from among
his own subjects and made her a sharer of his crown.
At the coronations, both of Edward and his queen,
which took place after an interval of three years,
the City was fully represented, and its claim
to services at the king's coronation banquet duly
acknowledged.* At the latter ceremony no less than
four citizens, among them being Ralph Josselyn,
the mayor, were created Knights of the Bath.^ The
.citizens had previously shown their respect to Elizabeth
WoodvUle by riding forth to meet her and escorting
her to the Tower on her first arrival to London, and by
presenting her with a gift of i,ooo marks or ;^75o.^
If the young and handsome prince who now as- Edward's
. first charter
cended the throne occasionaUy carried his famiHarity to the city,
with the wives of city burgesses beyond the limits of j^gf"^"
strict propriety, much could be forgotten and forgiven
for the readiness he showed to confirm and enlarge
the City's privileges and to foster the trade of the
country. Before he had been on the throne many
rinonths he granted the citizens, by charter, the right
' Letter Book L, fo. 4 ; Lib. Dunthorn, fo. 62 ; Journal 7, fo. 98.
' Short English Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. .28), p. 80.
' Journal 7, fos. 97b, 98,.
X 2

3o8

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Secondcharter of
Edward IV,
25 March,
1462.

City Loans,
1462.

The king's
reception in
the city on
his return
from the
North, Feb., 1463.

of package and scavage, as well as the office of ganger
of wines.* In the following March (1462) he confirmed the
charter granted to the City by Henry IV, whereby the
citizens obtained the right of taking toll and custom
at Billingsgate, Smithfield and elsewhere, as well as
the right of tronage or weighing wool at the Tron.^
In August, 1462 Calais was again in danger, and
the king wanted money. The Earl of Worcester and
others of the council were sent into the city to ask
for a loan of ;^3,400. After considering the matter,.
the civic authorities agreed to lend him ;^i,ooo. The
money was to be raised by assessment on the wards,.
but Dowgate ward being at the time very poor, was
not to be pressed.^ In the following October the City
again came to the king's assistance with a further loan
of 2,000 marks,* and on the 9th November the City
obtained (in return, shall we say ?) a charter confirm
ing its jurisdiction over the Borough of Southwark,*
originally granted by Edward III. Again, the coinci
dence of a charter granted by the king to the City,
with a loan or gift from the City to the king, is re
markable. When Edward returned in February, 1463, from
the North, where he had succeeded with the assistance
afforded him by the Londoners in re-capturing most
of the castles which the restless Margaret had taken,
'Charter, dat. Winchecombe, 26 Aug., 1461. Preserved at the
Guildhall (Box No. 28).
'' Inspeximus charter, dated Westminster, 25 March, 1462. Pre
served at .the Guildhall (Box No. 13).
^ Journal 7, fo. 8. ' Id., fo. 15.
* See Inspeximus charter 15 Charles IL

309

EDWARD IV WELCOMED BY THE CITY.
the City resolved to give him a befitting reception.
Preparations were made for the mayor, aldermen and
commons to ride forth to meet him in their finest
Hveries, but the king having expressed his intention of
coming from Shene to the city by water, the citizens
went to meet him in their barges, with all the pomp
and ceremony of a Lord Mayor's day.*
Edward now gave himself up to a life of luxury Estrange-
and pleasure. In 1464 he married the young widow Warwick,
,of Sir John Grey, better known by her maiden name 1464-1468.
of Elizabeth Woodville. His maniage to her gave
offence to the nobility, more especially to the Earl of
Warwick, who was planning at the time a match with
France or Burgundy, and to whom the news of the
marriage with one so beneath the king in point of
dignity came as an unpleasant surprise. The earl
was still more offended when he learnt that the young
king had secretly effected a maniage treaty between
his sister Margairet (whom Warwick had destined for
one of the French princes) and the Duke of Burgundy.
These matrimonial aUiances, combined with the in
ordinate favour Edward displayed towards his wife's
family, led to an estrangement between the king and
,his powerful subject.
The proposed alliance with Burgundy was far Alliance be-
, J. , . tween Eng-
from being distasteful to the merchants ot the city, land and
inasmuch as ft was likely to open up trade with those ^^^^^^'^'
states of the Low Countries which the Burgundian
dukes had consoHdated as a banier against France.
When the Princess Margaret was about to start (Jun§,
1468) for her future husband's dominions, the mayor
' Journal 7, fo..2}b.

310 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
and aldermen of London testified their appreciation
of the alHance by presenting her with a pair of silver
gilt dishes, weighing 19 lbs. 8 oz., besides the sum of
^100 in gold, by way of a wedding gift.*
Renewal of Disgustod with the king's unhandsome conduct
1469.'"'' ^^^' towards him, Warwick found an ally in Clarence, the
king's brother, gave him one of his daughters in mar
riage, and even encouraged him to hope for the
succession to the crown. Edward's extravagant and
luxurious Hfe had lost him much of his popularity.
He had ceased, moreover, to possess the goodwiU of
the citizens for having allowed the anest of Sir Thomas
Cooke or Coke,^ an alderman of the city, on a false
charge of treason. Notwithstanding his acquittal,
Cooke had been committed to prison and only
regained his liberty on payment of an extortionate
fine to the king and queen. ^ Warwick and Clarence
made use of the general discontent that prevailed to
further their own designs, and the civil war was
.renewed. The City endeavoured to steer a middle
course. In June (1469) it lent the king the sum of
£200, but in the following month it lent Warwick and
Clarence just five times that amount on the sole
security of some jewels of little value.* In May, 1470,
when there seemed little hope of the jewels being
redeemed, as Warwick and Clarence had been obliged
to flee to France, the Common Council entertained
the thought of selling them for what they were worth.
' Journal 7, fo. 175.
"Ancestor of Lord.Bacon and others of the nobility. — See Orridge
'' Citizens and their Rulers," p. 222.
' Fabyan, p. 656. He was deprived of his aldermanry (Broad Street
Ward) by the king's orders. — ^Journal 7, fo. 128.
'Journal 7, fos. 196, 198, 199.

RENEWAL OF THE CIVIL WAR. 3IJ
The sale did not take place, however, but they were
kept some in the "Treasury," and some in the custody
of WUHam TaUlour, late mayor, on the express under
standing that he was not to be held responsible in the
event of their being stolen or taken by force.* In
February, 1471, when the wheel of fortune had once
more placed Henry VI on the throne from which
he had been driven by Edward, and Warwick and
Clarence were again in power, the mayor and alder
men caused it to be placed on record that the
loan on the jewels had been made by agreement of
the whole court, with the assistance of certain com
moners who had been called in to contribute. What
their object was in so doing is not clear. Perhaps
they felt some qualms as to what Edward might say
or do in respect of the loan, should he again return to
power. They, at the same time, extended the time
for the repayment of the loan, at the desire of the
dukes of Clarence and Warwick. If the jewels were
not redeemed by Whitsuntide at the latest, they were
to be sold.2 ¦ ' .
Whilst Warwick and Clarence were in France' in Flight of
1470, they concerted measures with Queen Margaret restoration of
for effecting another revolution. By September ^l^^.^.h
matters were ready for execution. On the 13th
Warwick landed in England ; and before the end of
the month the Kentish men so threatened the City
and Westminster, that the newly-elected sheriffs had
to be escorted by an armed force in order to be sworn
in at the Exchequer, whilst a constant patrol was kept
in the streets.^ On the ist October it was made
known in. the city that the king had i;aken flight.
' Journal 7, fos. 215b, 222b. ^ Id., fos. 229b, 230b. = Id., fo. 222b.

312

LONDON AND 'TilE K'l'Ni^DOM.
His queen took sanctuary at Westminster, leaving the
Tower in the hands of the mayor and aldermen and
members of the council of Warwick and Clarence.
The unfortunate Henry was quickly removed from
the wretched cell in which he had so long been con
fined to a commodious and handsomely furnished
apartment which the queen herself, being enceinte at
the time, purposed occupying when she should be
brought to bed. A ganison was placed in the Tower
by order of the Common Council, sitting, for safety's
sake, in the church of St. Stephen, Walbrook. On the
5th October Archbishop Nevill, Warwick's brother,
entered the city with a strong force and relieved the
civic authorities of the custody of the Tower, and on
the following day Warwick himself appeared, accom
panied by Clarence and a large following, and removed
Henry from the Tower to the Bishop of London's
palace.* Two days later {9 Oct.) he obtained from
the Common Council the sum of ;^ 1,000 for the
defence of his stronghold, Calais, besides a loan of
;^ioo from the aldermen of the city for his own
private use.^ On the i8th the Eajrl of Worcester,
Edward's constable and minister of his cruelties,^ was
beheaded on Tower Hill, the ground being kept by
the Sheriffs of London and a contingent from the
several wards.*

Sir Thomas In November Henry was made to hold a parlia-
Coke, late ment, and Sir Thomas Cooke, the deposed alderman,
alderman. ' A record of what took place in the city between the ist and 6th
October is set out in Journal 7, fo. 223b. " Id. , fo. 225.
' He had, after Warwick's flight to France in March of this year,
• put to death and impaled twenty of the earl's followers. — Warkworth's
Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 10), p. 9.
'Journal- 7, io. 225.

HENRY VI RESTORED TO THE CROWN. ,1,
lost no time in presenting a bill for the restoration of
his lands, which had been seized by the queen's father,
Lord Rivers. He would probably have been success
ful had fortune continued to favour King Henry, for,
besides being a member of parliament, he was, writes
Fabyan (a brother alderman), " a man of great bold-
"nesse in speche, and well spoken and syngulerly
" wytted and well reasoned." * John Stokton had
recently been elected mayor, but there is reason for
belie-ving that he, like other aldermen, prefened
Edward on the throne, licentious and extravagant
as he was, to an imbecile like Henry. He fell ill,
or, as Fabyan puts it, feigned sickness and took
to his bed, and Cooke assumed the duties of the
mayoralty. At Edward's restoration Cooke had to
seek refuge in France, but he was taken at sea before
he could reach the continent. The same fate might
have awaited Stokton had he sho-wn himself less
cautious at that critical time.
That the aldermen and the better class of citizens Edward
favoured Edward, is shown by the ease with which throne" *^
he effected an entry into the city when he returned ^P"^*'' *47i.
to England in the spring of the foUowing year (1471).
The gates, we are told, were opened to him by
Urswyk, the Recorder, and certain aldermen (their
names are not mentioned), who took advantage of
the inhabitants being at dinner to let in Edward.^
Two days later, having recruited his forces, Edward
' Fabyan Chron. , p. 660.
''Warkworth's Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 10), p. 15. — According to the
chronicler, the Commons of the city were still loyal to Henry, whom
Archbishop Nevill had carried through the streets, weak and sickly as
he was, in the hope of exciting the sympathy of the burgesses. Had
the archbishop been a true man, "as the Commons of London were,"
Edward would not have gained an entry into the city until after the
victory of Barnet-field. ..

314 . LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
marched out of the city, with Henry in his train, to
meet Warwick, He encountered him on Easter Day
(14 April) at Barnet, and totally defeated him, both
the earl and his brother being left dead on the field.
By this time Margaret had landed with a fresh army ;
but a crushing defeat inflicted upon her at Tewkes
bury (4 May) left Edward once more master of the
kingdom.
The Kentish, For a sHort time the city lay in some peril whilst
"bastard" Edward was engaged with Warwick and Margaret.
M^ay °i47i^' ^'^^ ra.eTv of Kent again became troublesome. They
affected not to believe that Warwick had actually
fallen at Barnet. Under the leadership of Thoirias
Fauconberg or Falconbridge, generally spoken of as
the " bastard," being a natural son of William Nevill,
first Lord Fauconberg, Earl of Kent, they marched to
London, with the intention of releasing Henry from
confinement and placing him again on the throne.
Fauconberg, who had been made a freeman of the
City in 1454,* assumed the title of captain of King
Henry's people in Kent, and on the 8th May wrote
from Sittingbourne to inform the inhabitants of the
city that he had undertaken the cause of Henry
against the "usurper" Edward, and to ask to be
allowed to pass through the city with his followers,
whom he promised to hold in restraint and prevent
doing any mischief. He had -written to the mayor
and aldermen to the same effect, and had desired to
have a reply sent to him at Blackheath by a certain
day and hour. To this letter the mayor and aldermen
sent an answer on the following day, to the effect
that when Edward left the city, after the battle of
'journal 5, fos. 152,175.

THE "BASTARD" FAUCONBERG. 315
Barnet, to follow the movements of Margaret and
endeavour to bring about an action before she could
completely rally her forces, he had charged them on
their allegiance to hold the city of London for him,
and for none other. For that reason they dared not,
neither would they.,, suffer him to pass through the
city. They hesitated to accept his assurance as to
the peaceable beha-viour of his followers, judging from
past experience. As for the statement he had caused
to be published, that he held a commission as captain
of the Na-vy of England and men of war by sea and
land under the Earl of Warwick, whom he still sup
posed to be alive, they assured him that the earl was
dead, and that his corpse, as well as the corpse of
Montague, the earl's brother, had been exposed to
-view for two days in St. Paul's. They gave him the
names of some of the chief men who had fallen at
Tewkesbury, obtained, they assured him, not from
hearsay but from eye-witnesses — special war cones-
pondents, whom the City had despatched for the
express purpose of reporting on the state of the field,
and they concluded by exhorting him to do as they
themselves had done, and to acknowledge Edward IV
as the rightful king. They would even plead for royal
favour on his behalf, but as to letting him and his host
pass through the city, that was out of the question.*
Having despatched this answer to Fauconberg, the
civic fathers at once set to work to fortify the river's
bank from Castie Baynard to the Tower, where lay
the rebels' fleet. On Sunday, the 12th May, the Attack made
Kentish men tried to force London Bridge and set °" *^ ^"y-
' The " bastard's " letter and the reply of themayor and aldermen
are set out in Journal 8, fos. 4b-6b, and Letter Book L, fo. 78.

3i6

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Edward's
return to
London, and
death of
Henry VI,
May, 1471.

fire to some beer-houses near Saint Katherine's
Hospital. The attack was renewed on the following
Tuesday, whilst portions of the rebel force, amounting
it was said to 5,000 persons, were told off to try and
force the gates of Aldgate and Bishopsgate. There,
however, they were repulsed, and nearly 300 of them
met their death, either in actual fight or in their
endeavours to get on board their boats at Blackwall.
Urswyk, the city's Recorder, as well as Robert Basset,
alderman of Aldgate Ward, showed conspicuous valour
in the fight which took place in that quarter.* The
city was never again troubled by Fauconberg. After
much wandering he was taken prisoner at Southamp
ton, and thence conveyed to Middleham, in Yorkshire,
where he was beheaded. His head was afterwards
sent to London and set up on London Bridge, " looking
into Kentward."^
On the night after Edward's return' in triumph
to London, Henry VI ended his Hfe in the Tower,
murdered, in all probability, at the instance of the
Duke of Gloucester, the king's brother, afterwards
King Richard III. His remains lay in state at St.
Paul's and at the Blackfriars a short while, and were
then canied to Chertsey to be buried.* Edward dis
tributed honours among his supporters in the city with
a lavish hand. Not only did the Lord Mayor— the
cautious Stokton — receive the honour of knighthood,
' Holinshed, iii, 323 ; Fabyan, p. 662. — According to Warkworth
(p. 19), the Commons would willingly have admitted the rebels had
the latter not attempted to fire Aldgate and London Bridge.
^Paston Letters, iii, 17.
' The 2ist May is the day usually given as that on which Edward
returned. The City's Journal, however, gives the day as the Eve of the
Ascension, that festival falling on May the 23rd. — ^Journal 8, fo. 7.
' Warkworth's Chron., p. 21.

RESTORATION OF'. EDWARD IV. ,17
but the alderm'en* besides, whilst the city's doughty
Recorder was soon afterwards raised to be Baron of
the Exchequer. The City was so pleased with its
Recorder that it voted him a pipe of wine annually,
but the gift was not to be drawn into precedent.^
The rest of Edward's reign was undisturbed by Birth of
any attempt to unseat the new dynasty, and his posi- ^^'"^''^ ^¦
tion was rendered the more secure; by the birth of
a son (afterwards Edward V) in the sanctuary of West
minster, whither his wife Elizabeth had fled for refuge.
Before the young Prince of Wales was five years old
he received the honour of knighthood at Westminster.
The mayor and aldermen went to meet him on his
way from the city to Westminster on that occasion,
clad in scariet robes, whilst the streets from Bishopsgate
to Saint Paul's were thronged with the commons in
their livery.'
Edward was now free to cany out his foreign The invasion
policy. Parliament voted supphes to enable him to 1475'^^"'^^'
make war with France, but these were not sufficient,
and he had recourse to a system of "benevolences "
or free gifts, which few, however, dared to refuse. On
the 30th May, 1475, he left the Bishop of London's
palace in St. Paul's Church-yard, and, passing through
Cheapside to London Bridge, took boat to Greenwich
for the purpose of crossing over to France. The
livery companies turned out to do him honour.* The
expedition ended without a blow, Edward allowing

I Namely, Richard Lee, Mat-the-w Philip, Ralph Verney, John
Young, William Tailour, George. Irlond, William Hampton, Bartholomew
James, Thomas Stalbrok,' and William Stokker.'— Journal 8, fo. 7.
"Journal 7, fo. 246. " Id. 8, fo. 98. ' Id., fo. loi. .

3ii

¦ LONDON AND THE- KINGDOM.

Edward and
the citizens.

A famine
threatened, 1482.

himself to be bought off with a sum of 75,000 cro-wns
paid down and a pension of 50,000 more. On his
return he was met at Blackheath by the mayor
and aldermen in scarlet gowns, with their servants in
gowns of "musterde-vilers," accompanied by more than
600 members of the companies in gowns of bright
murrey.* By resorting again to benevolences and exacting
money from the City in return for charters, Edward
avoided the necessity of summoning parliament be
tween the years 1478 and 1483. On the 25th May,
148 1, the king granted the City a general pardon,^ and
in the following month the City returned the compli
ment by a loan of 5,000 marks.' This loan was not
only repaid, but the king in the next year extended
his hospitality to the City by giving a large number of
citizens a day's hunting in Waltham forest, and after
wards regaling them and their wives with venison and
wine.* The close of the year 1482 witnessed such a
dearth of cereals that the exportation of wheat or
other grain was absolutely forbidden. It was feared
that a famine might arise in the City of London, so
vast had its population become, both from the influx
of nobles who had taken up their quarters within its
walls as well as of strangers from foreign lands.
Merchants were therefore encouraged to send their
grain to London by a promise that it should not be
intercepted by the king's purveyors.^
'Journal 8, fo. nob. ^ Preserved at the Guildhall (Box No. 28).
' Journal 8, fo. 244. '' Fabyan, p. 667.
* Proclamation, dated 21 Nov., 22 Edw. IV. — Letter Book L, fo,
281b ; Journal 9, fo. 2.-

:. ACCESSION OF EDWARD V. 3 19
The names of; the City's representatives who Edward's
attended the parliament which met in January, 1483, men^^nSs.
are not recorded, but we have the names of four
aldermen and -five commoners, who were appointed
in the previous 'month of December to confer with
the City members on matters affecting the City.* In
addition to parliamentary grants of a fifteenth and
tenth, and a renewal of the tax on aliens, the
citizens agreed to lend the king the sum of £2,000,
each alderman to lay down 50 marks and 80 com
moners to subscribe ;^I5 a piece .^ Some difficulty
was experienced in raising the money, and the names
of eleven persons who had refused to contribute were
forwarded to the king.' A little more than a month
elapsed and Edward was dead.
The coronation of the young prince who now Preparations
¦' ° ^ for the coro-
succeededto his father's throne, only to occupy it how- nation of
everforafewweeks,wasfixedto take place on the first *"
Sunday in May ; and on the 19th April the City was
busy making arrangements for the prince's reception.
It was decided that the mayor and aldermen should
ride forth to meet the king, clad in gowns of scarlet,
their attendants being provided with gowns of the
colour of lion's-foot {pied de lyon), at the public cost.
Five sergeants-at-mace belonging to the mayor, and
nineteen sergeants-at-mace in the service of the
sheriffs, were also to ride out to meet the king, clad
in gowns of the last-mentioned colour. The sword-
bearer was to be provided with a gown of mmrey, and
a deputation from the civic guilds, to the number of
410 persons, clad in gowns of the same colour, was to
join the cavalcade.* On the 14th May they rode out
' Journal 9, fo. 12. '- Id., fo. 14. ' U., fo 14b. * Id^, fos. 18, i8b.

330 LONDON: AND ' THE:. KINGDOM.
to Hornsfey, where they met the prince and his uncle,
the Duke of Gloucester, and escorted them to the
city. The duke was the same day appointed Protector,
to the great disappointment of the queen, who again
took sanctuary at Westminster. She was induced
shortly afterwards to give up possession of her younger
son, the Duke of York, and he and Prince Edward
were lodged in the Tower by order of Gloucester,, who
took up his; quarters at Crosby Palace, the mansion
house of Sir John Crosby,, in Bishopsgate Street.
Although preparations had been made for the
coronation, and the City had appointed representatives
from the livery companies to assist the chief butler at
the banquet* according to custom, that ceremony
never took place. Gloucester feared that if once the
young king was crowned, the project which he had
already begun to entertain of transfening the crown
to his own head would be less capable of realization.
Although he took an oath of allegiance to the new
king,^ it was not long before he determined to feel the
pulse of the citizens as to their feelings towards him
self as a claimant of the crown.
Shaw's ser- Jn order to do this he called to his assistance
mon at Paul s - .
Cross, Dr. Shaw, an eminent preacher, whose brother. Sir
22 June, Edmund Shaa, or Shaw, happened to be mayor at the
*483- time. Acting upon instructions from Gloucester,
Shaw preached a sermon at Paul's Cross on Sunday,
the 22nd June (1483), in which he charged the late
king with bigamy, Edward IV having, as he declared,
'Journal 9, fo. 21b,
" The oath taken by Gloucester to King Edward V, as well as the
oath which he was willing to take to the queen, if she consented to quit
Westminster, were read before the Common Council on the 23rd March.
— Journal 9, fo.- 23b.

THE CITY AND THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. 321
made a contract of marriage with one of his mistresses
before he married Ehzabeth Woodville, and this being
the case the late king's children by her were illegiti
mate, and Gloucester was the rightful heir to the
throne. It was ananged that at this point in his
discourse Gloucester himself should appear on the
scene, coming up, as if by chance, from his lodgings
at Castle Baynard. By some mischance the duke
failed to appear at the proper moment, and the effect
was lost. The citizens sat stoHdly silent, not a single
cry being raised in favour of Gloucester.
Nothing daunted by this dismal failure, Gloucester The Duke of
made another and more successful attempt to win over at the
the citizens. On the following Tuesday (24 June) he 2i"june^''
sent the Duke of Buckingham to harangue the citizens '483-
at the Guildhall. The duke began by reminding his
hearers of the danger to which their wives and
daughters had been exposed under the late king ; of
the undue influence exercised at court by Jane Shore,*
one only of a number of respectable women whom
Edward, he said, had seduced ; of the excessive taxes
and illegal extortions by way of "benevolences" they
had recently suffered, and of the cruel treatment of
their own alderman, Cooke. He then went on to
repeat the remarks of Dr. Shaw touching the illegiti
macy of the princes, and spoke of the dangers of
' Wife of Matthew Shore, a respectable goldsmith of Lombard
Street :— "In Lombard -street, I once did dwelle,
As London yet can witness welle ;
Where many gallants did beholde
My beautye in a shop of golde. "
(Percy Reliques).
She had recently been made to do penance by Gloucester in a white
sheet for practising witchcraft upon him ; but her unhappy position, as
well as her well-known charity in better days, gained for her much
sympathy, and respect.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
having a boy king on the throne, concluding by saying
that although it were doubtful if Gloucester would
accept the crown if asked, he would certainly be
greatly influenced by any request proceeding from
the " worshipful citizens of the metropolis of the
kingdom." * Buckingham's eloquence was lost on the
citizens, who were as littie influenced by what theft
new Recorder, Thomas Fitz-WiUiam, had to say on
the matter. At length the duke lost patience and
plainly told them that the matter lay entirely with
the lords and commons, and that the assent of the
citizens, however desirable in itself, was not a neces
sity. By this time the back of the hall was packed
with Gloucester's partisans, so that when Bucking
ham put the question pointedly to the assembly —
would they have the Protector assume the crown ? — a
cry of assent arose from this quarter and was taken up
by a few lads and apprentices. This was enough ; the
voice of the few was accepted as the voice of the
many, and the citizens were bidden to attend on the
monow to petition Gloucester to accept the crown.
The deposi- Accordingly, on the monow, a deputation from
Edward V, tiic city waited on the Duke of Gloucester at Bay-
26 June, nard's Castle and invited him to accept the crown.
1483. After a considerable show of affected reluctance,
Richard assented, and, having assented, lost no time
in canying out his pre-conceived purpose. The very
next day he hastened to Westminster and, seating
himself on the throne, declared himself king by inheri
tance and election.
' The duke's speech, interesting as it is, as showing the importance
attached to gaining the favour of the City,, cannot be regarded as historical.
— Stubbs, Const. Hist., iii, 224 note.

CORONATION OF RICHARD IH. 323
On the 6th July the last Angevin king that The corona-
reigned over England was crowned— crowned wfth Richard iii,
his wife Anne, widow of Prince Edward, killed at ^J^'y' *433-
Tewkesbury, but after the battle not in it, and of
whose blood Richard himself is thought to have been
guilty. The City accepted the position and made
,the new king and queen a present of ;^ 1,000 ; two-
thirds for the king and the remainder for the queen.
The money was raised in the city by way of a
fifteenth ; the poor were not to be called upon to con
tribute, and the gift was not to form a precedent.*
The claim of the mayor and citizens to assist the
chief butler at the coronation banquet was made and
allowed,^ the king, sitting crowned in le Whitehawle,
presented to the mayor and aldermen who were pre
sent on that occasion a gold cup set with pearls and
precious stones, to be used by the commonalty at
public entertainments in the GuildhaU.' Concerning
this cup there is the following curious entry made in
the City's Records, under date 13th July, i486, when
Hugh Brice was mayor : — *
" Item it is aggreed this day by the Court that
" where Hugh Brice Mair of this Citie, hathe in his
" Kepyng a Cuppe of gold, garneised with perle and
" precious stone of the gifte of Richard, late in dede
" and not of right, Kyng of Englond, which gifte was
" to thuse of the Cominaltie of the said Citee, that if
" the saide Cuppe be stolen or taken away by thevys
' Journal 9, fo. 27.
" Journal 9, fo. 33b. The names of the citizens selected for that
honour are recorded.— /a^., fo. 21b. The names alsoof those who
attended coronations in the same capacity down to the time of George
IV are, with one exception (the coronation of Charles I), entered in the
City's archives. — (See Report on Coronations, presented to Co. Co.,
j8Aug., 1831. Printed.") ^Id.,io.i^Z. '/rf., fo. 114b. Y 2

324

Rebellion of
the Duke of
Buckingham, 1483.

His execution
2 Nov.

The king's
reception in the city,
Nov., 1483.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
" oute of his possession, or eUes by the casualtie of
" Fire hereafter it shall hapne the same Cuppe to be
"brent or lost, that the same Hugh Brice hereafter
" shall not be hurt or impeched therfore."
This extract is interesting as showing that the
coronation cup presented to the mayor of the City
by way of honorarium was, at this period at least,
looked upon as a gift made to the City's use, and
that the mayor could not claim it as his own per
quisite, as mayors had been in the habit of doing in
days gone by, and as they continued to do afterwards.
WilHam Estfeld, who, as mayor, attended the corona
tion of Henry VI (6 Nov., 1429), and received the
customary gold cup and ewer, appropriated the gift
to his own use, and, as we have already mentioned,
bequeathed them to his grandson.
Richard had scarcely been seated three months
on the throne before the Duke of Buckingham, who
had been rewarded for his late services by being
appointed lord high constable, was in open rebellion,
and Henry, Earl of Richmond, long an exile in France,
was meditating an invasion. Buckingham's conspiracy
proved a failure, and he paid for his rashness with his
head. The Earl of Richmond was detained in France
by stress of weather, and danger from that quarter
was averted at least for a time.
On Richard's return to London after putting
down his enemies, he was welcomed by over 400
members of the various civic companies, who rode
out to meet him in gowns of muney.* His pohcy
was one of conciliation, and he lent a ready ear to a

' Journal 9, fo. 39.

BOLD SPEECH OF THE CITIZENS.

325

Petition which the citizens presented to him setting
forth the wrongs which they had suffered : — " We be Bold speech
"determined" said the citizens in forcible language, Londoners.
"rather to adventure and to commit us to the peril
" of our lives and jeopardy of death, than to live in
" such thraldom and bondage as we have lived some
" time heretofore, oppressed and injured by extortions
" and new impositions against the laws of God and
" man, and the liberty and laws of this realm wherein
"every Englishman is inherited."*
Richard met this appeal by summoning parlia- Richard's
ment to meet in January (1484), when various acts Jan., 1484.'
were passed affecting the trade and commerce of the
city and the country, and among them one which
forbade aliens keeping any foreign apprentices or
workpeople to assist them in their occupation, and
otherwise imposed great restrictions upon the mer
chant stranger.^ This statute was scarcely less wel
come to the citizens of London than that which
declared the practice of exacting money under the
guise of benevolences to be unconstitutional.'
In the summer he was welcomed wherever he Expected
1 Tl • 1. J invasion of
went, yet he knew that danger threatened. Richmond Henry of
was preparing for an invasion and the nobles were not ^g^™™"^'
to be trusted. The citizens, too, were aware of the
danger, and had in the early part of the year appointed
a joint committee of aldermen and commoners to sur
vey the city's ordnance, and to supply guns and gun
powder in place of that which had recently been
destroyed by a fire.* In August they had promised
' Green, Hist, of the English People, ii, 63.
2 Stat. I Richard III, c. 9. ^ Id., c. 2. ' Journal 9, fo. 43b.

326

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Richard de
feated and
slain at
Bosworth,22 Aug.,
1485.

Henry VII
escorted to
the city.

The sweating
sickness,Sept. -Oct.,
1485.

Richard a loan of ;^2,400, each alderman contributing
;^ioo;* and in the following November the mayor
and aldermen rode out to Kennington to meet him
and escort him to the Wardrobe, near Blackfriars.^
Matters became more serious as time went on;
In June, 1485, the City advanced another sum of
;^2,ooo to assist Richard against the "rebels," who
were daily expected to land in England.' Extraor
dinary precautions were taken to guard the city.* At
last the blow fell. On the 7th August Henry landed
at Milford Haven, and on the 22nd the battle of
Bosworth was fought and Richard killed.
From Bosworth field Henry set out for London.
He was met at Shoreditch by a deputation from the
City, accompanied by the Recorder, and was presented
with a gift of 1,000 marks.^ The standards taken on
the field of battle were deposited with much pomp
and ceremony in St. Paul's Church, where a Te Deum
was sung, and for a few days Henry took up his resi
dence in the bishop's palace in St. Paul's Churchyard.^
A cloud soon overshadowed the rejoicings which
followed Henry's accession. An epidemic hitherto un
known in England, although visitations of it followed
at intervals during this and the succeeding reign, made
its appearance in the city towards the close of Sep
tember. The "sweating sickness," as this deadly
' Journal 9, fo. 56.
" Cotton MS. Vitellius A, xvi, fo. 140.
'Journal g, fos. 78b, 81. Richard issued a proclamation against
Henry " Tydder" on the 23 June, calling upon his subjects to defend
themselves against his proposed attack.— Paston Letters (Gairdner), iii,
316-320. 'Journal 9, fos. 8ib-83b.
"Journal 9, fos. 84, 85b, 86b; Cf "Materials illustrative of the
reign of Henry VII " (Rolls Series, No. 60), i, 4-6.
' Holinshed, iii, 479.

327

THE SWEATING SICKNESS.
pestflence was called, canied off two mayors and six
aldermen within the space of a week* — so sudden and
fatal was its attack. Sir Thomas Hille, who was
mayor at the time of its first appearance, fell a victim
to it on the 23rd September, and was succeeded by
WiUiam Stocker, appointed on the following day.^
Within four days Stocker himself was dead. There
remained little more than a month before the regular
day of election of a mayor (28 Oct.) ' for the year
ensuing, and John Warde was called upon to take office
during the interval.* He appears to have entertained
but Httle affection for the city, and the civic authorities
had some diflficulty in getting him to reside in London,^
where his duties required his presence. When the
mayoralty year expired he was not put in nomi
nation for re-election. He probably went back into
the comitry, glad to get away from the pestilential
city, and Hugh Brice was elected in his stead.^
Fortunately for the city, the epidemic departed as
suddenly and unexpectedly as it came. By the end
of October it had entirely disappeared, and allowed
of Henry's coronation taking place on the 30th of
that month.
Within a fortnight of his anival in London A city loan
Henry issued a writ of summons for his first parlia
ment. It was not so much for the purpose of obtain
ing supplies that he was anxious that parHament should
meet at the earliest opportunity ; he was desirous of
' Hecker's " Epidemics of the Middle Ages,'' p. i68.
2 Journal 9, fo. 87b.
' The day for election of mayor varied ; at one time it was the
Feast of the Translation of S. Edward (13 Oct.), at another the Feast of
SS. Simon and Jude (28 Oct.).
' Journal 9, fo. 88. ''Id., fo. 78b. ^Id., fo. 89b.

328

Henry's mar
riage with
Elizabeth of
York, Jan., i486.

The insurrec
tion of
LambertSimnel, 1487.

City gills to
the king,
June and
July, 1487.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
obtaining as soon as possible a parliamentary title to
the crown. As for his immediate necessities, he pre
fened to apply to the City. He asked for a loan of
6,000 marks, or ^"4,000 ; but the citizens would not
advance more than half that sum. The loan was re
paid the following year — "every penie to the good
contentation and satisfying of them that disbursed it." *
In January, i486, Henry manied the Princess
Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV, and heiress of the
Yorkist family. He had previously taken the pre
caution of committing to the Tower the Earl of
Warwick, son of Clarence, for fear lest he might set
up a title to the crown.^ After his maniage he set
out on a progress through the country, and on his
return to London, in June, was met by the mayor and
citizens at Putney, and escorted by them down the
river to Westminster.'
A rumour that the Earl of Warwick had escaped
from the Tower gave an opportunity for an impostor,
Lambert Simnel, to personate the earl. In order to
satisfy the Londoners that the rumour of Warwick's
escape was a fabrication, Henry caused his prisoner to be
paraded through the streets of the city, and exposed to
public view at St. Paul's. After Simnel's defeat (16 June,
1487), the Common Council agi-eed (28 June) to send
a deputation, consisting of two aldermen, the recorder,
and four commoners, with a suite of 24 men, to meet

' Holinshed, iii, 482, 483 ; Cotton MS. Vitellius A, xvi, fo. 141b.
According to P'abyan (p. 683), the Mercers, Grocers and Drapers
subscribed nearly one half of the loan.
^ Pol. Verg., 717; "Materials illustrative of the reign of Henry
VII " (Rolls Series, No. 60), i, 3.
' Gairdner's " Henry the Seventh " (Twelve English Statesmren
Series), p. 47. No record of this appears in the City's archives.

VISIT OF HENRY VII TO THE CITY. 329
the king at Kenilworth, and at the same time voted
the king a present of ;^i,ooo.* This gift was quickly
followed (11 July) by the grant of another loan of
£2,000 to be levied on the civic companies as before.^
In October Henry was expected in London,' and The king
the Common Council again showed their loyalty by London,
agreeing that the mayor and aldermen should ride '^'¦' '* ^'
forth to meet his highness, clad in cloaks of scarlet,
and accompanied by a suite of servants clothed in
medley, at the cost of the " Chamber." With them
also rode a contingent from the various civic guilds,
clothed in violet, and numbering over 400 horsemen.
The Mercers, the Grocers, the Drapers, the Fish
mongers, and the " Taillours," each sent 30 mounted
representatives of their guild ; the Goldsmiths sent 24,
whilst the rest sent contingents varying from one to
twenty.* On the occasion of the queen's coronation, The city's
which took place the following month (25 Nov.), she queen at her
was made the recipient of a gift of 1,000 marks by ^^^^y""'
the City.' 1487-
The king would willingly have remained at peace Henry vil
„ ¦¦ ^ • /- -rr and Brittany,
if he were allowed, from motives of economy it tor no 1488-1492.
other reason. England, however, could not sit still
and see Brittany overwhelmed by the French king.
Before assistance could be sent to the Duchess Anne,
it was imperative that money should be raised. At
the close of 1488 the Common CouncU voted the king
a loan of ;^4,ooo. The money was ordered to be
raised by assessment on the companies, but the prac
tice was not to be dra-wm into precedent. The king,
'Journal 9, fos. 150b, 151. 'Id., fo. 151.
' He arrived on the 3rd Nov.— Gairdner, p. 57. ' Journal 9,
fos. iS7b, 158. * Td., fo. 161.

330 LONDON AND - THE KINGDOM.
like a good paymaster as he always was, whatever
other defects he may have had, repaid the money in
the following year.*
Parliamentary Early in the foUowiug year parliament ^ granted
City loans" large suppHes which enabled Henry to despatch 6,000
Englishmen to Anne's assistance, but which caused
much discontent among the "rude and beasthe "
people of Yorkshire and Durham.' In June, 1491,
another loan of ;^3,ooo was raised, this time by assess
ment on the wards';* and in October Henry declared
to parliament his intention of invading France in
person. A grant of two fifteenths and two tenths was
immediately made to assist him in his expedition by
parliament ; whilst the City contributed a " great be
nevolence," the feUowship of Drapers contributing
more than any other fellowship, and every alderman
subscribing, whether he wished it or no, the sum of
£200. The amount contributed by the commonalty
exceeded ;^9,ooo.' Thus furnished with supplies, the
king crossed over to Calais on the 6th October, 1492.
The campaign, however, had scarcely opened before
Henry gladly accepted the liberal terms offered him
by the French king, and peace was signed at Etaples
(3 Nov.). ' Journal 9, fo. 223b ; Cotton MS. Vitellius A, xvi, fo. 142b ;
Fabyan, p. 683 ; Holinshed, iii, 492.
^ Henry's second parliament was summoned to meet the 9th Nov.,
1487. The names of the City's representatives have not come down to
us, but we know that William White, an alderman, was elected one ot
the members in the place of Thomas Fitz-WiUiam, who was chosen
member for Lincolnshire, and we have the names of six men chosen to
superintend the City's affairs in this parliament (ad prosequendum in
parliamento pro negociis civitatis), viz : — William Capell, alderman,
Thomas BuUesdon, Nicholas Alwyn, Simon Harrys, William Brogreve,
and Thomas Grafton. — ^Journal 9, fo. 224.
' Holinshed, iii, 492.
' Journal 9, fo. 273b. = Fabyan, p. 684.

THE PERKIN WARBECK CONSPIRACY. 33 j
The success which, brief as it was, had attended Perkin War-
Simnel's enterprise was sufficient to encourage a hope s^'piiacy!""
that a better planned project might end in overturning 1496-1497-
the throne. A report was accordingly blazed abroad
that Richard, Duke of York, brother of King Edward V,
was yet alive, not having been mindered in the Tower,
as had been supposed ; and a man called Perkin War
beck or Warboys, a native of Toumay, assumed the
name of Richard Plantagenet and succeeded in getting
a large number of people in Ireland and Scotland to
beHeve that in his person they in fact saw Richard,
Duke of York, the rightful heir to the crown.
James IV of Scotland not only gave him in maniage
the lady Catherine Gordon, daughter of the Earl of
Huntley, but led an army into England in hopes that
the appearance of the pretended prince might raise
an insurrection in the northern counties. Instead,
however, of joining the invaders the English prepared
to repel them, and James retreated into his own
country. This took place in 1496. ParHament granted
large supplies to enable the king to meet the danger,
but the inhabitants of Cornwall, sick of the constant
demands made of them for money, and aware of the
large treasure which Henry had aheady amassed,
openly resisted any attempt at further taxation and
determined to march on London.
The Londoners, who not only abstained from The city
opposing the new demand for money, but volunteered state of
a loan to the king (15 Nov.) of ^^"4,000,* lost no time '^^'^="=^-
in putting their city into a state of defence. Six
'Journal lo, fos. Sob, 83 ; Repertory i, fos. lob, 13. The
" Repertories '' — containing minutes of the proceedings of the Court of
Aldermen, distinct from those of the Common Council — commence in
1495- ;

332 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
aldermen and a number of representatives from the
livery companies were deputed to attend to the city's
ordnance.* The mayor was to be allowed twelve
armed men in addition to his usual suite, and the
sheriffs forty sergeants and forty valets in order to
assist them in keeping the peace within the city.
Communication was to be kept up at least once in
the day between the mayor and the Lord Chancellor.
Houses which had been set up on the city's waUs, or
within sixteen feet of them, were to be abated. John
Stokker, who fiUed the not unworthy office of Common
Hunt,^ was ordered daily to ride out to learn the
king's pleasure and report thereon to the mayor and
aldermen. Among those appointed to guard the city's
gates and Temple Bar was Alderman Fabyan, the
chronicler.' The state of anxiety which prevailed in
the city at this crisis is Ulustrated by " Jesus Mercy"
at the head of one side of the page of the City's record,
on which the above orders are entered, whilst on the
other side are the words vigilie temporis turbacionis.^
The rebels By the 22nd Juno, 1497, all immediate danger had
Blackheath, passod, the rebels being on that day utterly defeated
22 June, 1497. at Blackheath. Their leaders were taken and executed;
the rest were for the most part made prisoners, but were
soon afterwards dismissed without further punishment.
The leniency displayed towards them by Henry was
' Repertory I, fo. 19b.
¦•' Two years later, when the post was held by Arnold Babyngton,
complaint being made of the noisome smell arising from the burning of
bones, horns, shavings of leather, &c. , in preparing food for the City's
hounds, near Moorgate, the Common Hunt was allowed a sum of 26i-. %d.
in addition to his customary fees for the purpose of supplying wood for
the purpose. — Repertory I, fo. 70. The office was maintained as late as
the year 1807, when it was abolished by order of the Common Council.
— ^Journal 84, fo. 135b.
^Repertory I, fo. 20b. ^ Id., fos. 20, 20b.

DEFEAT AND^ CAPTURE OF WARBECK. 333
iU-repaid by their afterwards flocking to the standard
of the soi-disant Richard IV, King of England, who
avaUed himself of their mutinous disposition and
appeared in their midst at Bodmin. The news of
Perkin Warbeck having arrived in Cornwall from Perkin War-
Ireland was brought to the mayor and aldermen of Comwaii.
the City of London by letter from the king, which was
read to the Common Council on Saturday, the i6th
September.* The rebels made an unsuccesfrU attempt
to get possession of Exeter, but hearing ofthe approach
of the king's forces, Perkin Warbeck withdrew to
Taunton, leaving his followers to take care of them
selves. From Taunton he went to " Mynet " (Mine-
head) accompanied by less than sixty adherents,^ and
by the 12th October the king was able to inform Surrenders to
the Mayor that Peter "Warboys" had voluntarily forces'^and
submitted himself and had confessed to his beinsf is brought
° prisoner to
a native of Tournay.' The king had him con- London,
veyed to London and paraded through the streets '^¦'*'^9¦
on horseback, in a species of mock triumph, and
caused his confession to be printed and scattered over
the country that people might see the real character
of the man. For a time he appears to have been
detained in lax custody about the court, but after he
had made an attempt to escape and reach the sea-
coast, and been re-captured, he was sent to the Tower.
There he got into communication with the unfortunate
Earl of Warwick, and entered into a plot for effecting
his own and the earl's liberty. A charge was formu
lated against the earl on the most trivial grounds, of a
conspiracy to seize the Tower, and Warbeck was
indicted as an accomplice. The former, being found
'Journal 10, fo. 104b. ''Id., fo. 195. ^ Id., fo. 108.

334

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Is executed
at Tyburn,
1499.

Visit of
Henry VIII
as a boy to
the city,
30 Oct., 1498

His speech.

Negotiations
for a marriage
between Prince Arthur
and Catherine
of Aragon.

guilty by his peers, was beheaded on Tower HiU,
while Perkin and three of his accomplices were hanged
at Tyburn.* In the meantime Prince Henry, who afterwards
succeeded his father on the throne as King Henry VIII,
but was at the time a child of seven years, paid a -visit
to the city (30 Oct., 1498), where he received a hearty
welcome and was presented by the Recorder, on behalf
of the citizens, with a pair of gilt goblets. In reply to
the Recorder, who in presenting this "litell and po-wre"
gift, promised to remember his grace with a better at
some future time, the prince made the following short
speech : — ^
" Fader Maire, T thank you and your Brethern
" here present of this greate and kynd remembraunce
" which I trist in tyme camyng to deserve. And for as-
" moche as I can not give unto you according thankes,
" I shall pray the Kynges Grace to thank you, and for
" my partye I shall not forget yo'- kyndnesse."
In anticipation of the prince's -visit, a proclamation
had been made by the civic authorities with the view
of piu-ging the city of infectious disease, to the
effect that all vagabonds and others affected with the
"greate pockes" should vacate the city on pain of
imprisonment.' The removal of Warwick— "the one judicial
murder of Henry's reign "—if not suggested by Spain,
was an act which could not be otherwise than grateful
to the Spanish king. For five years past negotiations
' Fabyan, p. 687. » Cotton MS. Vitellius A, xvi, fo. 176.
' Repertory i, fo. 41b.

THE MARRIAGE OF PRINCE ARTHUR. 335
had been proceeding for a maniage between Prince
Arthur and Catherine of Aragon. Warwick's death
cleared away the last of Henry's serious competitors,
and "not a doubtful drop of royal blood" remained
in the kingdom to oppose Arthur's claim to the
succession. The princess was expected shortly to Preparations
arrive in England, and a committee composed of oTthe^^^"°"
aldermen and commoners was appointed (Nov. 1499) nov'^^^^qq
to consult with the king's commissioners as to the
preparations to be made for her reception.* Nearly
two years, however, elapsed before she set foot in
England. In May, 1500, there were again rumours
of her approach, and the Common Council voted a
sum of money to be levied on the wards to defray
the expenses of her reception.^
The "garnysshyng ofthe pagents" for the festive Death of an
occasion' was interrupted by the death of Edmund, jun", 1500.
the king's infant son. On the 1 9th June the members
of the various craft guilds were ordered to Hne the
streets of Old Bailey and Fleet Street, through which
the funeral procession was to pass on its way to
Westminster. The mayor and aldermen were to
stand, clad in their violet gowns, near Saint Dunstan's
Church, and the next morning to go to Westminster
by barge to attend the solemn requiem.*
There was no necessity for huny in regard to The marriage
the pageants. More than a twelvemonth was yet to Arthur with
elapse before they were wanted. At length — on the ^f^^^^.^^
2nd October,^ 1501 — ^the princess landed at Plymouth, 14 Nov., 1501.
' Repertory l, fo. 62. ^Journal 10, fo. 187b.
'Journal 10, fo. 190b. "Id., fo. 191.
*This is the date given by Gairdner (p. 198). According to
Fabyan (p. 687) she arrived on the 4th Oct.

336

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

More re
joicings in
the city,
March, 1503.

and five days later the City received notice from the
king of her approach to London. The marriage was
solemnized at St. Paul's on the 14th November, the
princess being presented with silver flagons by the
City in honour of the occasion.* Five months later
(2 April, 1502) the bride was a widow. Prince Arthur
having died at the early age of fifteen.
In 1503 the streets of the city were again put
into mourning, for in February of that year Henry
lost his queen. A long account of the manner of
"receyvyng of the corps of the most noble princes
Queue Elizabeth" is given in the City's Archives.^
In the following month the streets presented a
very different appearance, the occasion being the
solemnization of the league made between Henry and
the King of the Romans. Bonfires were ordered to be
lighted at nine different places, and at each of them
was to be placed a hogshead of wine, with two
sergeants and two sheriffs' yeomen to prevent dis
turbance ; but seeing that it was the Lenten season
and that the queen had so recently died, there was to
be no minstrelsy. The City Chamberlain was in
structed to provide a certain quantity of "Ipocras,"
claret, Rhenish wine and Muscatel, besides comfits
and wafers, and two pots of " Succade " and green
ginger, to be presented on the City's behalf to the
ambassadors of the King of the Romans, lying at
" Pasmer Howse " ; a similar gift being presented the
following day on behalf of the sheriffs.'

'Journal 10, fos. 238, 238b.
^Repertory I, fos. I22b-I26.
chjeol., vol. xxxii, p. 126.
'Repertory I, fos. 130, 130b.

The account will be found in Ar-

THE CITY'S CONTROL OVER THE COMPANIES. 337
Henry's chief merit was that he established order, charter of
and for this the citizens were grateful. This improve- ^o^^^t^ox-^
ment on the weak government of his immediate pre- °f London,
'^6 [une,
decessors had only been canied out, however, at the 1503.
cost of extension of royal power, and the City was
made to suffer with the rest of the kingdom. In
1503 the civic authorities were deprived by statute
of their control over the livery companies,* and in the
same year the Tailors of London obtained a charter
which ga,ve umbrage to the mayor and aldermen ot
the City, as ousting them of their jurisdiction. The
Tailors maintained their independence, and their war
dens are expressly mentioned as refiising to join the
Mercers, Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers, Goldsmiths
and other fraternities in a petition to parliament
(15 1 2) for placing them formally under the rule of
the mayor and aldermen, from which they were fre
quently breaking away.^
It was not until 1505 that the City succeeded in Henry's
getting its charter' from Henry, and then only on the city,"
payment of the sum of 5,000 marks. The terms of ^3 J»'y=
the charter, moreover, were far from satisfactory, and
an attempt was made to get them altered and obtain
an abatement of the fine,* but to no purpose.
Henry continued his high-handed policy towards Henry's
the City up to the day of his death, and thereby poUcy toward,'^
greatly increased his treasure. His chief instniments j'^^^'p,'
were Empson and Dudley, who took up their resi
dence in the city, occupying two houses in Walbrook,
' By Stat. 19 Henry VII, c. 7, annulling Stat. 15 Henry VI, c. 6.
" Repertory 2, fo. 146.
'Charter dated 23 July, 1505, preserved at the Guildhall (Box
No. 15).
' Repertory I, fo. 175.

,,g LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
whence each had a door into a garden of the Eari of
Oxford's house in St. Swithin's Lane.* There they
used to meet and concert measures for filling the
king's purse and theft own. In 1506 Henry removed
Robert Johnson, a goldsmith, from the shrievalty
within three days of his election, and put WilHam
Fitz-WiUiam in his place. Johnson took the matter
so much to heart that he died.^ In the same year
Thomas Kneseworth, the late mayor, was committed
to the Marshalsea, together with the sheriffs who had
served under him, and only regained his liberty on
payment of a large sum of money.' In 1507 Sir
William Capel, Alderman of Walbrook Ward, who
had already fallen a victim to Empson and been
heavily fined under an obsolete statute, was again
attacked and fined ;^2,ooo for supposed negligence
during his mayoralty. Rather than submit to such
extortion he went to prison, and remained there
until the king's death, when he obtained his free
dom and was soon afterwards re-elected mayor.*
Lawrence Aylmer, another mayor, was also a victim
of Henry's tyranny, and was committed to the
compter, where he remained for the rest of the
reign.^
Marriage of In the meantime the Archduke Philip happened
Mary^ ^o fall iuto Henry's hands (Jan., 1506). Whilst
Dec, 1508. crossing the sea to claim the kingdom of Castile
' Strype, Stow's "Survey" (1720), bk. ii, p. 193.
- Repertory 2, fos. 12, 14; Grey Friars Chron. (Camd. Soc, No.
53). P- 29.
' The sum mentioned by Holinshed (iii, 539), is ;i^l,400; Cf Fabyan,
p. 689. ' Baker, in his Chronicle (ed. 1674), p. 248, puts Capel's fine at
;rfl,400; Cf. Fabyan, p. 689; Holinshed, iii, 530; Journal n, fo. 94.
'Fabyan, p. 690.

339

MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCESS MARY.
in right of his wife, he was driven by stress of
weather into Weymouth. Henry was too shrewd a
politician not to make the most of so lucky an event,
and detained him in a species of honourable captivity,
until Philip had promised him the hand of his sister
Margaret with a large dower. This marriage alHance
was destined never to be realised. Another scheme,
however, was subsequently proposed and met with
more success. This was a marriage of Henry's own
daughter with Philip's son Charles, Prince of Castile.
News of their engagement was conveyed to the
mayor and aldermen of the City by a letter from the
king himself (25 Dec, 1507), in which he expatiated
on the benefits, poHtical and commercial, likely to
arise from the match.*
This letter was followed by another from the king,
dated from Greenwich, the 23rd June following, in
which the Corporation was informed that for the assur
ance of execution of the mamage treaty both parties
had given pledges, and that the City of London was, -
among other cities and towns, included in letters
obhgatory to that effect, which letters he begged
should be sealed without delay with the Common Seal
of the City.^ And so, after the manner of the times,
the boy of eight was manied (by proxy) to the girl of
twelve, amid great rejoicings in London (17 Dec, 1508).'
If Henry amassed wealth, it was not from any Henry's taste
miserly motive. He well knew the value of the arts.
money, and that peace at lioine was never better
secured than by a full treasury. He made, moreover,
a princely use of his money, encouraging scholarship,
' Letter Book M, fo. 138 ; Journal II, fo. 28.
^Journal 11, fos. 37-39. 'Gairdner's "Henry the Seventh," p. 206.
Z 2

340

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The King's
Chapel and
Chantry at
Westminster.

The king's
death,22 April,
1509.

music, and architecture, and dazzled the eyes of foreign
ambassadors with the splendour of his receptions. That
he had a fine taste in building no one can deny who has
once seen the chapel of King's College, Cambridge, or
the chapel that bears his name at Westminster.
Originally intended by Henry as a resting place
for the remains of his uncle, Henry VI, the last men
tioned edifice was diverted from its purposes and be
came the chantry as well as the tomb of Henry VII
himself. Anxiety for his soul caused him to bind the
Abbot of Westminster by heavy penalties to the due
observance of his obit. These penalties were set out
in six books or deeds, sealed with the Common Seal of
the City of London, and formally delivered to the king
by a deputation of the mayor and aldermen, who re
ceived in return a seventh book to remain in their
custody. In 1504 — the year that Pope Julius sanc
tioned the removal of the remains of Henry VI from
Windsor to Westminster — the mayor and citizens
formally sealed the "books" before the Master ofthe
Rolls at the Guildhall. Two years later certain livery
companies undertook to keep the king's obit on the
day that the mayor for the time being went to take
his oath at the Exchequer.*
The king died at his palace of Shene, recently re
named in his honour " Richmond," on the 22ndApril,^
'Journal IO, fos. 318, 318b; Repertory 2, fos. lob-iib. A list of
" such places as have charged themselfand promysed to kepe the yerely
obit" of Henry VII, as- well as a copy of indentures made for the
assurance of the same obit, with schedule of sums paid to various
religious houses for the observance of the same, are entered in the City'.s
Records.— Repertory i, fo. 167b ; Letter Book P, fo. l86b.
-The generally accepted day of his death, although the City's
Archives in one place record it as having taken place on the 21st.—
Journal 2, fo. 67b ; Cf. Fabyan, 690.

LAST DAYS OF HENRY VII.
1509. Just before his death he granted a general
pardon and paid the debts of prisoners committed to
the compters of London and to Ludgate for debts
amounting to forty shillings or less.* His corpse was
conveyed from Richmond to St. Paul's on the 9th
May, being met on its way at St. George's Bar, in
Southwark, by the mayor, aldermen and a suite of
104 commoners, all in black clothing and all on horse
back. The streets were lined with other members of
the companies bearing torches, the lowest craft occu
pying the first place. Next after the freemen of the
city came the " strangers " — Easterlings, French
men, Spaniards, Venetians, Genoese, Florentines and
" Lukeners" — on horseback and on foot, also bearing
torches.^ These took up their position in Gracechurch
Street. Cornhill was occupied by the lower crafts,
ordered in such a way that "the most worshipful
crafts" stood next unto "Paules." A simUar order
was preserved the next day, when the coip)se was
removed from Saint Paul's to Westminster. The
lowest crafts were placed nearest to the Cathedral,
and the most worshipful next to Temple Bar, where
the civic escort terminated. The mayor and aldermen
proceeded to Westminster by water, to attend the
" masse and offering." The mayor, with his mace in
his hand, made his offering next after the Lord
Chamberlain ; those aldermen who had passed the
chair' offered next after the Knights of the Garter,
and before aU "knights for the body"; whilst the
aldermen who had not yet served as mayor made
their offering after the knights.*
' Holinshed, iii, 541. '']om-a2X 11, fos. 67b-69.
' " Aldermen barons and presenting barons astate whiche hath been
Maires." ¦'Journal 2, fo. 69.

341

342

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
When King Henry VIII was about to make an
expedition to France in 1544, the Court of Aldeimen
gave notice to the Bishop of London that the obit
of Henry VII would be kept on Friday, the i6th May,
on which day there would be a general procession,
and that the observance would be continued until the
king departed out of the realm, and then on every
Friday and Wednesday until his return.*
' Repertory ii, fo. 68b.

CHAPTER XIII.
One of the first acts of the new king was to Proceeding.';
grant Letters Patent absolving the City of all tres- ^^^p^^^
passes committed before the date of his accession,* ""'} Dudie)
* ' and their
and to offer restitution to all who had suffered at the agents.
hands of Empson and Dudley or their agents. Emp
son and Dudley were themselves committed to the
Tower and afterwards executed. In the meantime
an enquiry was opened in the city as to recent pro
ceedings against Capel and others.
It was found that six men, whose names were
John Derby, alias Wright, a bowyer, Richard Smyth,
a carpenter, William Sympson, a fuller, Henry Stok
ton, a fishmonger, Thomas Yong, a saddler, and
Robert Jakes, a shearman — all of whom had more
than once been convicted of perjury, and on that
account been struck off inquests — had contrived to get
themselves replaced on the panel, and had been the
chief movers in the recent actions against the late
mayor and other officers of the city. They had,
moreover, taken bribes for concealment of offences of
forestalling and regrating. Being found guilty, on
their own confession, of having brought false charges
against many of the aldennen, the Court of Common
Council adjudged the whole of the accused to be
disfranchised. Three of them, who were found more
'Letters Patent, dated 9 June, 1509, preserved at the Guildhall
(Box No. 29).

344 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
guilty than the rest, were sentenced to be taken from
prison on the next market day, on horseback, without
saddles, and with their faces turned towards the horses'
tails, to the pillory on Cornhill. There they were to
be set "their heddes in the holys " until proclamation
of their crime and sentence was read. The lesser
offenders were spared the pillory, but were condemned
to attend on horseback at Cornhill, whence all the
offenders were conducted to the Standard in Fleet
Street " by the most high ways," where the proclama
tion was again read. The culprits were then taken
back to prison and made to abjure the city on pain of
imprisonment at the pleasure of the mayor and
aldermen.* Among the charges brought against
Derby was one to the effect that being on a jur}' he
had received the sum of ten shilHngs and " a quarter
of ffisshe for his howsehold," a bribe which a suitor
had tendered by the advice and counsel of Thomas
Yong, saddler, who was apparently acting as Derby's
accomplice.^
City gift on Qn the occasiou of the king's coronation, which
occasion ot o ;
the king's took place on Midsummer-day soon after his maniage
coronation, -ii /-^ ^i • r a i • , .
24 June, With Catherine of Aragon, his brother s widow, the
'5°9- cftizens presented the king and queen with the sum
of ;^i,ooo or 1,500 marks. Two-thirds of the gift
was given expressly to the king, the remaining one-
third being a tribute of respect to the queen. The
money was to be raised in the city by way of a
fifteenth, but the poor were not to be assessed.' The
procession from the Tower to Westminster was equal
'Letter Book M, fo. 159; Journal 11, fo. 74b.
^ Repertory 2, fo. 68.
'Journal II, fos. 80, 8ib, 82; Letter Book M, fo. 160.

CORONATION OF HENRY VIIL 34-
to, if it did not surpass, any spectacle that had yet
been witnessed in the city for its gorgeousness and
pomp. The streets were railed and baned from
Gracechurch Street to Cheapside at the expense of
the livery companies who lined the way,* "be-
" ginning wfth base and meane occupations and so
" ascending to the worshipful crafts." The Goldsmiths
of London were especially conspicuous for their marks
of loyalty on that day. Their stalls, which were
situate by the Old Change at the west end of Chepe,
were occupied by fair maidens dressed in white and
holding tapers of white wax, whilst priests in their
robes stood by with censers of silver and incensed the
king and queen as they passed.^
After three years of indolent and luxurious ease The war
Henry became embroiled in continental troubles. In Tsll^i^is!^'
151 1 a holy league had been formed for the purpose
of driving the French out of the Milanese, . and
Henry's co-operation was desired. A parliament was
summoned to meet early in the following year.'
After granting supplies* it unanimously agreed that
war should be proclaimed against France. The cam
paign of 1 5 12 ended ingloriously, and the French
'Journal II, fo. 80. ^Holinshed, iii, 547.
'According to Holinshed (iii, 567), Parliament opened on the
25th Jan., 1 512. The Parliamentary Returns give the date as the
4th Feb. with "no returns found." The names of the City's members,
however, are recorded in the City's Archives. They were Alderman Sir
William Capell, who had suffered so much at the close of the last reign,
Richard Broke, the City's new Recorder, William Cawle or Calley,
draper, and John Kyme, mercer, commoners. — ^Journal 11, fo. 147b;
Repertory 2, fo. 125b.
' The Act for levying the necessary subsidy ordained that every
alien made a denizen should be rated like a native, but that aliens who
had not become denizens should be assessed at double the amount at
which natives were assessed. — See " Historical Introd. to Cal. of
Denizations and Naturalizations of Aliens in England, 1509-1603."
(Huguenot Soc), viii, 7.

3^6 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
king threatened to turn the tables on Henry and to
invade England. Henry rose to the occasion and at
once set about strengthening his navy. On the
30th January, 1513, he addressed a letter to the Cor
poration of London desiring them to furnish him
with 300 men, the same to be at Greenwich by the
15th February at the latest.* Proclamation was
thereupon made in the city for all persons who were
prepared to join the war to appear at the Guildhall
any time before the loth February, where, if approved,
they would be furnished with sufficient harness and
weapons, without any charge, and also with sufficient
wages at the king's cost.^
The city was suffering at the time from great
scarcity of wheat, and each alderman was called upon
to contribute the sum of £'^ towards alleviating the
distress which prevailed. A contract was made with
certain Hanse merchants to furnish the city with 2,000
quarters of wheat and rye respectively by Midsummer-
day, whilst the royal purveyors were forbidden to
lay hands on wheat, malt or gi'ain entering the port
of London.' Under the circumstances it could have
been no great hardship, but rather an advantage to rid
the city of 300 mouths. On the ist Febmary, 15 13,
the aldermen were instructed to enquire in their
respective wards as to the number of men each ward
could furnish, and two days later the livery companies
were ordered to find the sum of ;^300 to defi'ay the
expense connected with fitting out the men. If more
than ;^30o were needed they were to draw on the
Chamber, but any money not expended out of that
'Journal ii, fo. i. -/rf. , fo. lb.
'Journal II, fo. 171 ; Repertory 2, fos. 150b, 172.

SOLDIERS FURNISHED BY THE CITY. 347
sum was to be paid into the Chamber.* The com
panies raised the sum of ^405, the Mercers contributing
;^35, the Grocers, Drapers, Fishmongers and Gold
smiths respectively ;^30, and the rest sums of smaller
amount.^ There was some difference of opinion as to
the nature of the uniform to be worn by the city's
contingent. At length it was settled that the soldiers'
coats should be white, with a St. George's cross and
sword, together with a rose, at the back and the same
before. Their shoes were to be left to the discretion
of the muster-masters.'
Henry himself now crossed over to France. The The Battle
campaign proved more successful than the last, for. "e Aug^^'isij.
the French being attacked at Guinegate, were seized
with so great a panic that Henry achieved a bloodless
victory. From the hasty fiight of the French cavalry,
the engagement came to be known as the Battle of
Spurs. This victory secured the fall of Terouenne
and was followed shortly afterwards by the capture
of Toumay. Notwithstanding these successes, however, Henry Peace with
found it necessary to make peace in the following j^j^
year. His aUies had got what they wanted, and the
conquest of France was as far off as ever. It
remained only to make as good a bargain as he could.
The French king consented to the payment of a large
sum of money, in return for which he was given
Henry's sister Mary in marriage, although she was
already affianced, if not manied, to Prince Charles
Of Castile. This was the work of the king's new
minister, Wolsey.
' Repertory 2, fos. I5lb-I52. ^ Journal 11. fo. 2.
'Repertory 2, fo. 153.

348

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The New
Learning.

Thomas More.

Dean Colet.

To the apostles of the New Learning — as the
revival of letters which commenced in the last reign
came to be called — ^to Erasmus, to Archbishop
Warham, to More and to Colet, the war at its outset
had been eminently distasteful. With the accession
of Henry VIII to the throne they had hoped for
better things. War was to be for ever banished and
a "new order" was to prevail.
Of its connection with More and Colet the City
is justly proud. At the opening of Henry's reign the
future lord chancellor was executing the duties of the
comparatively unimportant post of under-sheriff or
judge of the Poultry Compter, a post which he con
tinued to hold until 15 17.* He had received his
education in the city at St. Antony's School in Thread-
needle Street, a school which had already achieved a
great reputation and afterwards reckoned among its
pupils the famous Whitgift. Later in life he shut
himself up for four years in the Charterhouse of
London, living a life of devotion and prayer, but
without taking any vow.^
The father of John Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, had
taken an active part in municipal life. Henry Colet
had been alderman first of Faningdon Ward Without
and afterwards of the Wards of Castle Baynard and
Cornhill,' and as alderman of the last mentioned ward
' Letter Book M., fo. 257 ; Repertory 3, fo. 221. In July, 15 17,
the Fellowship of Saddlers of London consented, on the recommenda
tion of Archbishop Warham, to refer a matter of dispute between it
and the parishioners of St. Vedast to the Recorder and Thomas More,
gentleman, for settlement (Repertory 3, fo. 149) ; and in Aug., 1521,
•'Thomas More, late of London, gentleman," was bound over, in the
sum of £20, to appear before the mayor for the time being, to answer
such charges as might be made against him. — Journal 12, fo. 123.
'' Roper's Life of Sir Thomas More, pp. 3, 5, 6.
'Journal 8, fo. 144 ; Journal 9, fos. 13, 142b.

EDUCATION IN THE CITY. -^51
he had died towards the close of 1505. He had
served as sheriff in 1477 and as mayor in i486.
Up to the time of Henry VI education had been Education
canied on in the city chiefly by means of schools '" "^'^ "'^''
attached to the various city churches and religious
houses. By order of Henry VI, and at the instigation
of four city ministers,* grammar schools were estab
lished in several parishes. The school of St. Antony
attached to the hospital of the same name, of which
Dr. John Carpenter was at the time master, received
an endowment from Henry VI for the maintenance of
scholars at Oxford. The school continued to flourish
some time after the dissolution of the hospital. There
was also a school attached to the hospital of St.
Thomas of Aeon, as famous in its day as that of
St. Antony, but of which little is known until after the
suppression of the religious houses by Henry VIII,
when it passed into the hands of the Mercers' Company
and became known, as it is to this day, as the Mercers'
School. The Dr. John Carpenter just mentioned must not The city
be confounded with the Town Clerk of that name, school.
the compiler of the famous Liber Albus and the
founder of the City of London School. There is little
known of the foundation of this latter school beyond
the statement made by Stow a century and a-half
later, that he "gave tenements to the city for the
" finding and bringing up of four poor men's children
" with meat, drink, apparel, learning at the schools in
"the universities, etc., until they be prefened, and
' William Lichfield, rector of All Hallows the Great, Gilbert
Worthington, rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn, John Cote, rector of St.
Peter's, Cornhill, and John Nigel or Neel, master of the hospital of St.
Thomas de Aeon and parson of St. Mary Colechurch. — Rot. Pari, v, 137.

34^. LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
T " then others in their places for ever." * Within the
last few years the City Chamberlain's accounts-
touching "the lands of Mr. John Carpenter, sometyme
common clarke of this cittie "—have been brought
to light, and serve to supplement in a small way
Stow's meagre but valuable statement. The rental
or amount with which the Chamberlain charged
himself for the year 1565 or 1566 is there set down
as ^"41 OS. 4^., and the discharge — embracing a quit
rent due to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster,
and expenses incuned in overseeing, clothing and
feeding four poor children " being founde at scoole
" and lerning by the bequeste of the sayde Master
"Carpenter" — amounted to ;^i9 12s. 8d., leaving a
balance to the City of ;^2i 7s. 8d.^ From so modest
a beginning arose the school which, situate on the
Thames Embankment, now numbers over 700 scholars.
St. Paul's There was a school attached to St. Paul's long
before Colet's day, just as there is one now, indepen
dent of the school of Colet's foundation, and devoted
mainly to the instruction of the Cathedral choristers.
Soon after Colet's appointment to the Deanery in
1505 he experienced no little dissatisfaction with
the Cathedral School, where great laxity prevailed,
more especially in the religious education of the
"children of Paul's," and so, about the year 1509 —
the year of Henry's accession — having recently come
into a considerable estate by the death of his father,
he set about acquiring a small property situate at the
east end of St. Paul's Church for the purpose of
establishing another school which would better realise
' Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed., 1876), p. 42.
- Chamber Accounts (Town Clerk's office), i, fos. 202b, 203.

School.

DEAN COLET AND ST. PAUL'S SCHOOL. 35 1
his own ideal of what a school should be than the
existing Cathedral School. Colet's School grew apace.
In 15 1 1 he was in negotiation with the Court of
Aldermen for the purchase " of a certen grounde of
"the citie for an entre to be hadde into his new
" gramer scole."* By January of the next year (i 5 1 2)
he had succeeded in obtaining the assent both of the
Court of Aldermen and Common Council to the
purchase by him of a " certen grounde in the Olde
" Chaunge for the inlargyng of his gramer scole in
"Powly's Churcheyerd" for the sum of ;^30.^ The
property was conveyed to him by deed, dated the
27th September, which deed 'was sealed with the
common seal on the 7th October following.' The
question as to whom he should entrust the manage
ment of his school caused Colet no little anxiety.
He eventually decided to confide its revenues and
management entirely to the Mercers' Company, and
when asked the reason for his so doing replied that
" though there was nothing certain in human affairs
he yet found the least corruption in them."*
Considerable rivalry existed among the various
g^mmar schools of the city, more especially between
the boys of Colet's School and the boys of the more
ancient foundation of St. Antony, which, for a long
time, had the reputation for turning out the best
scholars. Public disputations were held in the open
air. The St. Paul's boys meeting St. Antony's boys
would derisively call them St. Antony's pigs, that
saint being generally represented with a pig following
' Repertory 2, fos. 121b, 123. ''Id., fo. 126b; Journal 11, fo. 147b.
'Journal 11, fo. 163; Repertory 2, fos. 133b, 142.
' Letter of Erasmus to Justus Jonas quoted in Lupton's Life of
Colet, pp. 166, 167.

352

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Provincial
grammarschools
founded by
citizens of
London.

him, and chaUenge them to a disputation ; the latter
would retaliate by styling their rivals "pigeons of
St. Paul's," from the bird which then, as now, fre
quented St. Paul's Churchyard. From questions of
grammar, writes Stow,* they usually fell to blows
"with their satchels full of books, many times in
"great heaps, that they troubled the streets and
"passengers." After the decay of St. Antony's School
the rivalry was taken up, but in a more friendly way,
by the later foundation of the Merchant Taylors'
School. But the citizens of London did not limit their
efforts in the cause of education to their own city.
Throughout the country there are to be found
grammar schools which owe their establishment to
the liberal-mindedness and open-handed generosity of
the city merchant.^ Their existence bears testimony
to the kindly feeling which men who had grown rich
in London still bore to the provincial town or -viUage
which gave them birth and which they had left in
early life to seek their fortune in the great metropolis.
To take but a few instances : Sir John Percival,
a merchant-tailor, who in 1487 filled the subordinate
office of Lord Mayor's carver, performing his duties
so well that the mayor. Sir Henry Colet, nominated
him one of the sheriffs for the year ensuing by the
time honoured custom of drinking to him at a public
dinner, founded a school at Macclesfield. Stephen

' Survey (Thoms's ed., 1876), p. 28.
'' " The number of grammar schools, in various parts of the country,
which owe their foundation and endowment to the piety and liberality
of citizens of London ... far exceeds what might be supposed,
approaching as it does nearly to a hundred." — Preface to Brewer's Life
of Carpenter, p. xi.

PROVINCIAL SCHOOLS FOUNDED BY CITIZENS.
Jenyns, another merchant-tailor, did the same thing at
Wolverhampton. Sir Thomas White, another member
of the same company, founded two schools in the
provinces, one at Reading and another at Bristol,
besides the College of St. John at Oxford. Sir
WilHam Harper, yet another merchant-tailor, estab
lished a school at Bedford.
The Mercers' Company rivalled, the Merchant-
Taylors' in the number of schools established in the
country through the liberality of its members. Sir
John Gresham founded one at Holt, in Norfolk ; Sir
Rowland Hill, an ancestor of the originator of the
Penny Postal scheme, another at Drayton, in Shrop
shire ; whilst schools at Horsham, in Sussex, and
West Lavington, in Wiltshire, were erected by two
other mercers, Richard Collier and William Dauntsey.
There exist at the present day at least four schools
which owe their foundation to wealthy members of
the Grocers' Company, the well known school at
Oundle, co. Northampton, upon which the Company
have expended on capital account the sum of
^35,000, having been founded by Sir William Laxton ;
another at Sevenoaks, in Kent, by William Sevenoke,
a native of the place, who rose from very humble
circumstances to the chief magistracy of the city ;
another at Witney, in Oxfordshire, by Henry Box,
and another at Colwall, co. Hereford, by Humphry
Walwyn. Sir Andrew Judd, a member of the Skinners'
Company, established a school at Tonbridge, whilst
Sir Wolstan Dixie, another skinner, performed the
same charitable act at Market Bosworth. Lastly,
Sir George Monoux and Thomas Russell, both of
them members of the Drapers' Company, founded

:3S3

2 A

354

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

schools at Walthamstow and at Barton-under-Need-
wood, CO. Stafford, respectively.
Birth of the On the Feast of St. Matthew (21 Sept.), 15 15, a
Feb.nSe"^' messenger arrived in the city from Wolsey desiring
the mayor and aldermen to attend that evening at
St. Paul's to return thanks to Almighty God for the
queen, who was quick with child. The summons was
obeyed,* and in the foUo-wdng February (15 16) the
Princess Mary -w^as born.
The city and By this time Wolscy ha-d risen to be a gi'eat
Wo?se"y^i5i6. power in the State. In 1514 he had been made
Archbishop of York, and in the following year a
cardinal. His high position as a prince of the Church,
as well as his authority with the king, rendered it
desirable for the citizens to keep well with him. On
the 6th March, 15 16, it was resolved to send a deputa^
tion to the cardinal for the purpose of securing his
favour. No expense was to be spared in the matter,
and all costs and charges were to be paid b}- the
Chamber.^ In the foUowing June the cardinal handed
to the mayor a list of abuses in the city which required
reform. Sedition was rife there ; the commons were
disobedient, the statute of apparel was ignored, -v^aga-
bonds and masterless folk resorted there and unlawftil
games were allowed in houses. The king's council
required an answer on these points within a few days,
and an answer was accordingly given, but the purport
of it is not recorded, although it was read to the
Court of Aldermen before being despatched.'
In November of the same year (1516) the City
was in difficulties with the recently erected Couit of
' Repertory 3, fo. 46. = Id. , fos. 70b, 71. ' /<f. , fos. 86, 86b, 88.

THk CITY BEFORE THE STAR CHAMBER. 355
Star Chamber, and Wolsey, who practically kept the
whole business of government in his own hands, came
to the City's assistance with advice. It appears that
a subsidy was due on the 21st of this month and the
City had not paid its quota. The mayor and aldermen
were cited to appear before the cardinal and other lords
ofthe council in the Star Chamber at Westminster.
Being asked if they had "sworne for their assayng "
to the king's subsidy, the Recorder answered on their
behalf that such procedure was contrary to Act of
Parliament. The cardinal thereupon advised them to
agree to give the king ;^2,ooo in order to be discharged
of their oaths " or ells every of theym to be sworn of
" and uppon the true value of their substance within
" the sum of 100 marks." This took place on Saturday,
the 22nd, and the mayorand aldermen were to give
an answer to the Star Chamber by the following
Wednesday. On Tuesday, the 25th, the Court of
Aldermen met to consider what was best to be done
under the circumstances. The decision they anived
at was that as the present assessment was less than
the last, they would, in consideration of the king's
letters, make up the sum then payable so that it
should equal the last assessment.*
The seditious "brutes " or riots of which Wolsey Evil May-
had complained as daily occurring in the city were ^y* *5* •
soon to assume a serious form. They were occasioned
for the most part by the jealousy with which every
body who was not a freeman of the city was looked
upon by the free citizen. The influx of strangers and
foreigners has been daily increasing, notwithstanding
.the limitations and restrictions placed upon their
' Repertory 3, fos. 116. Ii6b.

2 A 2

356 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
residence and mode of trading,* whilst the tendency
of fi-eemen had been to leave the city for the
country.^ Whilst the civic authorities were doing all they
could to prevent the possibility of a disturbance
arising on the coming May-day' — a day kept as a
general holida}' in the city — occasion was taken by
a minister of the church, whose duty it was to preach
the usual Spital sennon on Easter Tuesday (14 April),
to incite the freemen to rise up against the foreigner
and stranger.* When the ist May anived all might
have been well, had not a city aldennan allowed his
zeal to outrun his discretion. It happened that John
Mundy,^ Alderman of Queenhithe Ward, came across
some youngsters playing "at, the bucklers" at a time
when by a recent order they should have been within
doors, and he commanded them to desist. This they
showed no disposition to do, and when force was
threatened raised the cry for 'prentices and clubs. A
large crowd quickly assembled and the aldennan had
to beat a hast}^ retreat. The mob, now thoroughly
roused, proceeded to set free the prisoners in Newgate
and the compters, and to attack the strangers and

' Wares bought and sold between strangers — " foreign bought and
sold " — were declared forfeited to the City by Letters Patent of Henry
VII, 23 July, 1505, confirmed by Henry VIII, 12 July, 1523.
'In 1500, and again in 1516, orders were issued for all freemen to
return with their families to the city on pain of losing their freedom.
— Journal 10, fos. l8lb, 259.
' Repertory 3, fos. 141b, 142.
' Holinshed, iii, 618.
" Or Munday ; the name is said to appear in twenty-seven different
forms. He was a goldsmith by trade, and was appointed (among
others) by Cardinal Wolsey to report upon the assay of gold and silver
coinage in 1526.— Journal 13, fo. 45b; Letter Book O, fo. 71b. He
served sheriff, 1514 ; and was mayor in 1522.

EVIL MAY-DAY.
foreigners quartered at Blanchappleton* and elsewhere.
Rioting continued throughout the night, but early the
following morning they were met by a large force which
the mayor in the meantime had collected, and 300 of
them were made prisoners, so that by the time that
assistance arrived from the comt quiet had been
restored. A commission of Oyer and Terminer was
opened at the Guildhall to try the offenders. John
Lincoln, who had not so long ago been appointed
surveyor of goods bought and sold by foreigners,^ was
charged with being the instigator of the riot, and being
found guilty was hanged in Cheapside, whilst twelve
others were hanged on gallows in different parts of
the city. Others received the king's pardon with
halters round their necks in token of the fate they
deserved.' The civic authorities were not unnaturally anxious The City
. anxious to
to make their peace with the king, and to disclaim regain the
any complicity in the late outbreak. The Court of favfur."^
Aldermen met on the nth May to consider how
best to approach his majesty on so delicate a subject.
It was decided to send a deputation to the lord
cardinal to "feel his mind" as to the number of
persons that should appear before the king. The
next day eight aldermen and the Recorder were
nominated by the court " to go the Kinges grace and
" to knowe his plesure when the Mayr and Aldremen
' In 1462 the Common Council ordered basket-makers, gold wire-
drawers, and other foreigners plying =i craft within the city, to reside
at Blanchappleton — a manor in the vicinity of Mark Lane — and not
elsewhere. '' Repertory 3, fo. 55b.
'For an account of the riot and subsequent proceedings, see
Holinshed, iii, 621-623, and the Grey Friars Chron. (Camd. Soc,
No. 53), p. 30-

357

358

A deputation
attends the
king at
Greenwich, II May, 1517.

Wolsey and
other lords
to be bought
over wilh
gifts.

The king's
pardon obtained, 22 May.

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
" and diverse of the substancyall commoners of this
" citie shall sue to beseche his grace to be good and
"gracious lord un to theym and to accept theym
"nowe beyng most sorrowfuU and he-yye for thees
"late attemptates doon ayeynst their wyUes."*
The deputation forthwith proceeded, clothed in
gowns of black, to Greenwich, whither the king had
gone on the i ith May. The Recorder as usual acted
as spokesman, and humbly prayed the royal forgive
ness for the negligence displayed by the mayor in not
keeping the king's peace within the city. The king
in reply told them plainly his opinion that the civic
authorities had winked at the whole business, and
refened them to Cardinal Wolsey, his chancellor,
who would declare to them his pleasure.^ With
this answer the deputation withdrew and reported
what had taken place to the mayor, who had wisely
kept away. It was clear that above all things the
favour of the cardinal had to be obtained. For this
purpose a committee was appointed, whose duty it
was to " devise what thinges of plesiu shalbe geven
" to my lord Cardynall and to other of the lordes as
"they shall thynk convenient for their benevolences
"doon concernyng this last Insuneccioun." ' By the
22nd May matters had evidently been accommodated.
On that date the king sat at Westminster Hall in
great state, surrounded by the lords of his council and
attended by the cardinal. The mayor and aldermen
and chief commoners of the city, chosen from the
leading civic companies,* had arrived by nine o'clock
in the morning clad in their best liveries, " according

' Repertory 3, fos. 143, 143b.
' Repertory 3, fo. 144b.

'' Holinshed, iii, 624.
' Id., fo. 143b..

THE CITY OBTAINS THE KING'S PARDON.
as the cardinal had commanded them."* Wolsey
knew the king's weakness for theatrical display. At
Henry's command all the prisoners were brought
into his presence. They appeared, to the number of
400 men and eleven women, all with ropes round
their necks. After the cardinal had administered a
rebuke to the civic authorities for their negligence,
and had declared that the prisoners had deserved
death, a formal pardon was proclaimed by the king,
the cardinal exhorting all present to loyalty and
obedience. It was some time before the effects of
the late outbreak disappeared. Compensation for
losses had to be made;^ some were bound over to
keep the peace;' and counsel were employed to
draw up a statement of the points of grievance be
tween the citizens and merchant strangers for sub
mission to the king.* In September there were
rumours of another outbreak, but the civic authorities
were better prepared than formerly, and effectually
stopt any such attempt by putting suspected persons
into prison.
Lest any unfavourable report should reach the
cardinal, the Recorder and another were ordered to
ride in aU haste to Sion, where Wolsey was thought to
be, and if they faded to find him there, to follow him
to Windsor and to report to him the active measures
that had been taken to prevent any further insunec
tion in the city.^ "EvU May-day" was long remem
bered by the cftizens, who raised objection to Thomas
Semer or Seymer, who had been sheriff at the
' Holinshed, 624. ' j^epertory 3, fo. 145b. ^ Id., fo. 145.
'Repertory 3, fo. 165. 'Id., fo. 166.

359

360 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
time, being elected mayor ten years later.* In May,
1547, all householders were straitly charged not to per
mit their servants any more to go maying, but to keep
them within doors.^
The epidemic With gibbets aU over the city, each bearing a
"•^'^iS- ghastly freight, and the summer approaching, it is
scarcely surprising that the city should soon again be
visited wfth an epidemic. " At the city gates," wrote
an eye-witness, " one sees nothing but gibbets and the
quarters of these wretches " — the wretches who had
been hanged for complicity in the late disturbance —
" so that it is horrible to pass near them."' The
" sweating sickness," which had again made its ap
pearance in 1516, and had never really quitted the
city (except for a few weeks in winter), now raged
more violently than ever, accompanied by measles
and small-pox. The king ordered all inhabitants of
infected houses to keep indoors and hang out wisps
of straw, and -wdien compelled to walk abroad to carry
white rods.* This order, however, was badly received
in the city and gave rise to much murmuring and
dissatisfaction.^ The civic authorities did what they
could to mitigate the evil by driving out beggars
and vagabonds, and removing slaughter-houses outside
the city walls,^ as well as by administering relief to the
poorer classes by the distribution of tokens or licences
' " Thys yere was much a doo in the yelde-halle for the mayer for
the comyns wold not have had Semer, for be cause of yell May-day."
— Grey Friars Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 53), p. 33.
¦^Repertory 11, fo. 351b.
' Cal. Letters and Papers, For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. ii,
pt. i, Pref, p. ccxxi. "Id., vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 1276.
'' Repertory 3, fos. 184b, 189b, 191, 192.
"Letter Book N, fo. 95b.

AN EPIDEMIC IN THE CITY. 36 1
to solicit alms. These tokens consisted of round
" beedes " of white tin, bearing the City's arms in
the centre, to be worn on the right shoulder.* In
the midst of so much real suffering, there were
not wanting those who took advantage of the charit
able feehng which the crisis called forth and were not
ashamed to gain a livelihood by simulating illness.
Such a one was Miles Rose, who on the nth March,
1518, openly confessed before the Court of Aldermen
that he had frequently dissembled the sickness of
the "fallyng evyle" (or epilepsy) in divers parish
churches in the city, on which occasions " jemewes "
of silver, called cramp rings, would as often as not
be placed on his fingers by charitable passers-by, with
which he would quickly make off, pocketing at the
same time many a twopence which had been bestowed
upon him.^
The city could scarcely have recovered its wonted Marriage of
. . the infant
appearance after the ravages of the pestilence berore Princess Mary
its streets were enlivened with one of those magnifi- dauphin,
cent displays for which London became justly famous, 5 Oct., 1518.
the occasion being an embassy from the French king
sent to negotiate a marriage treaty between Henry's
daughter Mary, a child but two years of age, and
the still younger Dauphin of France. The City
Records, strange to say, appear to be altogether
silent on this subject, and yet the embassy, for
magnificent display, was such as had never been seen
within its walls before. We can understand that the
embassy was not acceptable to the thrifty middle-class
trading burgess, when we read that it was accompanied
' Repertory 3, fos. 192, 194 ; Letter Book N, fos. 63b, 74.
^ Repertory 3, fo. 197.

362 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
by a swarm of pedlars and petty hucksters who
showed an unbecoming anxiety to do business in
hats, caps and other merchandise, which under colour
of the embassy had been smuggled into the country
duty free.* The foreign retail trader was at the best of
times an abomination to the fi-ee burgess, and this sharp
practice on the part of the Frenchmen, coming so soon
after the recent outburst against strangers on Evil
May-day, only served to accentuate his animosity —
" At this dooing mannie an Englishman grudged, but
it availed not."^ The ambassadors were lodged at
the Merchant Taylors' HaU, which, owing to the
ill-timed action of the French pedlars, had the look of
a mart. On Sunday, the 3rd October, the king, with
a train of 1,000 mounted gentlemen richly dressed,
attended by the legates and foreign ambassadors, went
in procession to St. Paul's to hear mass ; after which
the king took his oath — a ceremonial which the French
admiral declared to be " too magnificent for descrip
tion." On the following Tuesday (5 Oct.) the mar
riage ceremony — so far as it could be canied out
between such infants — was celebrated at Greenwich,
and a tiny gold ring, in which was a valuable diamond,
placed upon Mar}'-'s finger.'
Preparations In the foUowiug year (July, 1519) the streets
ception of witnessed another scene of gaiety. This time it was
thedty^'" a visit of the legate. Cardinal Campeggio, for which
July, 1519. the civic authorities made gi-eat preparations.* In
' Hall's Chron., pp. 593, 594. ^ Holinshed, iii, 632.
'Cal. Letters and Papers, For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. ii,
pt. i, Pref, pp. cix, clxi.
' " An order devysed by the Mayer and hys brethrern the aldremen
by the Kynges commandment for a Tryumphe to be done in the Citie of
London at the Request of the Right hono'-able ambassadors of the
Kynge of Romayns. — 10 July, Journal 12, fo. 9.

RECEPTION OF CARDINAL CAMPEGGIO. Ae^
the first place the mayor and aldermen, in their gowns
and cloaks of scarlet, were ordered to take up their
position at 9 o'clock on the morning of Relic Sunda}^
{i.e., the third Sunday after Midsummer Day) at St.
Paul's stairs {the stayers wHn poulys). Next to them
were to stand the Skinners, then the Mercers and
other worshipful crafts in their order, clothed in their
last and best livery. In this manner the street was
to be lined on either side fi^om the west door of St.
Paul's down to Baynard's Castle. Upon the anival
of the lord cardinal and other lords at the Cathedral
the mayor and aldermen were to head the procession
and seat themselves in the choir to hear Te Deum
sung. Bonfires or "pryncypall fyres" were to be
lighted at St. Magnus corner, Gracechurch, Leaden
hall, the conduit on Cornhill, St. Thomas " of Acres,"
the Standard and little conduit in Cheap, the Standard
in Fleet Street, and in Bishopsgate Street ; whUst
cresset lights and small fires " made after the manner
of Midsummer-night " were to add to the gaiety ofthe
scene. Men-at-arms, well harnessed and appareUed,
were to keep certain streets, whilst the aldermen and
their constables were to keep watch and ward in their
best anay of harness. The ambassadors, who were to
be lodged in CornhiU, were to be escorted home at night
by the aldermen with torches, and to await their com
mands. There was one other, perhaps not unnecessary,
direction to be followed, which was to the effect that
if by any chance the strangers should be overcome
by the hospftality of the city, or, in the words of the
record — "yf eny oversyght be wt moche drynke of
the strangers "—the citizens were to "left theym
alone and no Englishemen to medyle w' theym."

364

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The legate
lands at
Deal, 23
July, 15 19.

\ story told
of his pass
age through
tlie city.

The contest
for the en»-
pire, 1519.

The em
peror's visit
to the city,
1522.

The legate landed at Deal on the 23rd July, and
by slow stages was conducted with every mark of
respect to London. His passage through the city
was associated with an episode of a decidedly comic
character if we are to believe the chronicler. A story
is told* that the night before Campeggio entered
London, Wolsey sent him twelve mules with (empty)
coffers, in order to give a semblance of wealth to the
legate and his retinue. In Cheapside one of the mules
turned restive and upset the chests, out of which
tumbled old hose, shoes, bread, meat, and eggs, with
"muche vile baggage," at which the street boys cried
"See, see my lord legate's treasure!" The story,
however, is on good authority deemed more malicious
than probable.
In January, 1519, the Emperor Maximilian died
and left the imperial crown to be contested for by the
kings of France and Spain. It eventually fell to the
latter, and Charles V of Spain was elected Emperor
Charles I, the event being celebrated by a solemn
mass and Te Deum at St. Paul's, followed by a
banquet at Castle Baynard.^
Both France and Germany were eager to secure
the co-operation of Henry. Charles anticipated the
meeting which was to take place between Henry and
Francis on the famous Field of the Cloth of Gold by
coming over in person to England (May, 1519) and
having a private conference with his uncle. The
young emperor did not visit the city on this occasion ;
but in 1522, when war had broken out between him
and Francis and he was again in England, he was

' Hall, pp. 592, 593. 2 Holinshed, iii, 639.

THE EMPEROR CHARLES VISITS THE CITY. 365
escorted to the city with great honour and handsomely
lodged in the palace of Bridewell. Nearly ;^ 1,000
was raised to meet the expenses of his reception and
of furnishing a body of 100 bowmen for the king's
service.* The king and his guest and ally were met at St.
George's Bar in Southwark by John Melborne,^ the
mayor, accompanied by the high officers of the city,
clothed in gowns of " pewke," each with a chain of
gold about his neck.' A " proposicioun " or address
was made by Sir Thomas More, now under-treasurer
of England, who was afterwards presented by the
City with the sum of j^io towards a velvet gown,*
whilst other speeches made in the course of the
procession were composed by Master Lilly,^ of
Euphues fame, the first high master of Colet's School.
Between the first and second visits of the emperor Pestilence
the citizens had witnessed some strange sights and 1519-1522.'
had gone through much suffering and privation. The
city had scarcely ever been free from sickness, and
famine and pestilence had followed one another in
quick succession. In September, 1520, the fellow
ships or civic companies subscribed over ;^i,ooo for
the purchase of wheat" to be stored at the Bridge-
house, where ovens were fitted up.^ Mills for grinding
corn already existed in the Thames hard, by.* The
following year the plague raged to such an extent
¦Journal 12, fos. 125, 172b, 173b; Letter Book N, fo. 194b.
- Knighted the next day at Greenwich. — Repertory 5, fo. 295.
'Repertory 5, fo. 294. "Id. 4, fo. 134b. ^ Id. 5, fo. 293.
"Journal 12, fos. 75b-76 ; Letter Book N, fos. 142-143-
'Grey Friars Chron., p. 30; Repertory 4, fo. 71b.
'Repertory 4, fos. ib, 12, 13.

366 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
that every house attacked was ordered to be marked
with St. Antony's cross, " otherwise called the syne
of Tav,"* and citizens were forbidden to attend the
fair at Windsor for fear of carrying infection to the
court.^ Again a scarcity of corn was feared, and the
Bridge-masters were authorised by the Court of Com
mon Council to purchase provisions, the corporation
undertaking to give security for the repayment of all
monies advanced by the charitably disposed for the
purpose of staving off famine.' Early in 1522 (15 Jan.)
died Fitz- James, Bishop of London, canied off with
many others by " a great death in London and other
places of the realm." *
Execution of The citizeus had also in the meanwhile witnessed
Buckingham, the aiTcst and execution of the Duke of Buckingham,
*5^'' son of the duke who figured so prominently before the
citizens when the cro-wn was offered to Richard III
at Baynard Castle. He was seized one day whilst
landing from his barge at the Hay Wharf, on a
number of charges all more or less frivolous. His
attendants were dismissed to the duke's "Manor of
the Rose," in the parish of St. Laurence Pountney^ —
on the site of which recently stood Merchant Taylors'
School — whilst he himself was conducted to the Tower
(16 April, 1521). An indictment was laid against
'Journal 12, fo. 136. ''Id., fo. 144.
'Journal 12, fos. 158, 161, 163b; Letter Book N, fos. 187b, 190b.
' Holinshed, iii, 675.
^ Shakespere mentions the Duke's manor thus : —
" Not long before your highness sped to France,
The duke being at the Rose, within the parish
St. Laurence Poultney, did of me demand
What was the speech among the Londoners
Concerning the French journey."— Henry VIII, act i, sc. 2.

TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF BUCKINGHAM. 367
him at the GuildhaU before Sir John Brugge, lord
mayor, and others (8 May). After a trial at West
minster which lasted some days, he was found guilty
of high treason, and condemned to be hanged, drawn
and quartered, and to suffer such other atrocities as
usually accompanied the death of a traitor in those
days. The king, however, satisfied with his con
demnation, spared him these indignities, and the duke
was allowed to meet his death at the block. His
corpse was reverently canied from the Tower to the
Church of the Austin Friars by six poor members of
that Order.*
The duke had other friends in the city besides
these poor religious men, who thus requited in the only
way they could many acts of kindness done to their
Order by Buckingham in his life time, and his death
gave rise to much disaffection and seditious language,
for some time afterwards.^
Before the emperor left England he succeeded in City loan of
committing Henry to an invasion of France. In order assist the king
to carry out his object the king needed money, and p^anre 1^22
the City was asked to furnish him with the sum of
;^ 1 00,000.' Ten days later (26 May) the City
agreed to advance ^20,000. The livery companies
were to be called upon to surrender their plate, and
' Cal. Letters and Papers, For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. iii,
pt. i, Pref, pp. cxxv, cxxvi, cxxxv, cxxxvi.
- On the 5th July steps were taken by the Court of Aldermen for
putting a stop to the mutinous and seditious words that were current in
the city "concerning the lamenting and sorrowing of the death of the
duke" — men saying that he was guiltless— and special precautions were
taken for the safe custody of weapons and harness for fear of an out
break. The scribe evinced his loyalty by heading the page of the
record with Lex domini immaculata.: Vivat Rex Currat L\ex\ —
Repertory 5, fo. 204.
' Repertory 5, fo. 288.

368 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
foreigners as well as citizens were to be made to
contribute.*
The alder- The quostiou aroso whether the aldermen should
men to be ... i ¦ i n 11
assessed with be jointly assessod With the commoners or by them-
ers ancTnoTto selves. The mayor and aldermen were willing to
be severed. contribute the sum of ;^3,ooo,^ but this offer the
Common Council " nothyng regarded," but sent the
common sergeant to talk the matter over with them.
After long consultation the mayor and aldennen sent
back word that it was more " convenient " that they
should be assessed with the commoners and not to be
severed.' In the meantime a hasty valuation had been made
by. the command of Wolsey of the plate ofthe livery
companies, and of the ready money lying in their
halls, the -v\rhole value of which was estimated to be
;^4,ooo. This, together with the sum of ;^io,ooo
which the Court of Aldermen purposed raising among
the wealthier class of citizens, was all that the cardinal
was given to expect from the City.* On the 24th
May the deputation, which had ridden with all speed
after the cardinal in order to make this report, returned
to the city and reported to the Court of Aldermen
that his grace was in no wise satisfied with the City's
offer, and that he expected the City to furnish the king
with at least ^^30,000, of which ;^ 10,000 was to be
ready within three days.^ The matter was compro
mised by the City consenting to advance ^20,000.
In June the Recorder had an interview with Wol
sey respecting the seciuity to be given for repayment
'Journal 1 2, fos. 187b, 1 88b, 195; Letter Book N., fos. 203b, 204, 208.
^ Repertory 5, fo. 292. 'Journal 12, fo. 187b.
' Repertory 5, fos. 289, 290. ''Id., fo. 29U

LIVERY COMPANIES TO SURRENDER THEIR PLATE. 369
of the loan. The cardinal refused to allow that
certain abbots, abbesses and priors, who had been
named, should enter into bond, and the citizens were
obliged to be content with the personal securities of
the king and Wolsey himself. Touching the plate of
the halls, the cardinal wished only to take it in case
of absolute necessity, and then only at a fair price.
He desired the owners to bring it to the Tower," there
" to be coyned and they {i.e., the government] to pay
"the seyd money that so shalbe coyned." The result
ofthe Recorder's interview was reported to the Court
of Aldermen the 17th June.* A committee had
already (2 June) to take an account of the plate
brought in and to enter its true weight in a book.^
The recent loan of ;^20,ooo had scarcely been A further loan
raised' before the citizens found it necessary to make marks.
a further advance of 4,000 marks. Their liberality
was repaid by a gracious letter from Wolsey himself. Letter of
. , . , , . , • 1 • thanks from
in which he promised to see the money repaid in a Woisey,
fortnight,* and to extend to them his favour. What 3 Sept., 1522-
vexed the citizens more than anything was being
compelled to make oath before the cardinal's deputy
sitting in the Chapter House of St. Paul's as to the
amount each was worth in money, plate, jewels,
household goods and merchandise, — a system of
inquisition recently introduced.^
As if all this were not enough Wolsey demanded The City
. makes a stand
another loan before the end of the year. This was against ftirther
too much even for the patient and open-handed j°2"2!' °'''
' Repertory 5, fos. 296b, 297. = Id., fo. 294.
'A portion remained unpaid on 16 August.— Journal 12, fo. 195.
'Letter dated 3 Sept.— Journal 12, fo. 196b. On 28 Sept. Wolsey
asked for more time to repay the loan.— Repertory 5, fo. 326.
'Journal 12, fo. 200. 2 IJ

370

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Others follow
its example.

Appeal to
parliament,April, 1523.

London burgess. The Common Council determined
(4 Nov.) to put a stop to these extortionate demands,
and resolved that, " As touchyng the Requeste made
"by my lorde cardynalles grace for appreste or
" aloone of more money to the kynges grace, they
" can in no wise agre thereto, but they ar and wilbe
"well contendid to be examyned uppon their othes
" yf it shall please his grace so to do."* The stand
thus made by the citizens against illegal exactions
gave courage to others. The king's commissioners
were forcibly driven out of Kent, and open rebellion
was threatened in other counties.^
There was only one course left open to Henry,
and that was to summon a pariiament. For nearly
eight years no parliament had sat. It was now
summoned to meet on the 15th April, 1523, not at
Westminster, but at the house of the Blackfi'iars.'
The names of the city's representatives are on record.
The aldermen elected one of their body, George
Monoux, and with him was associated "according
to ancient customs," the city's Recorder, William
Shelley ; whilst the commons elected John Hewster,
a mercer, and WiUiam Roche, a draper.*
A few days after the election a committee of
fourteen members was nominated to consider what
matters should be laid before parliament as being for
the welfare of the city.^ Sir Thomas More was

'Journal 12, fo. 210.
"See Green's "Hist, ofthe English People," ii, 121, 122.
' Grey Friars Chron., p. 31.
' Repertory 4, fo. 144 ; Cf. Repertory 6, fo. 20b ; Letter Book N,
fo. 222. ' Repertory 4, fo. 145b.

PARLIAMENT THREATENED BY WOLSEY.

371

chosen Speaker. The enormous sum of ;^8oo,ooo
was demanded. Expecting some hesitation on the
part of the Commons, Wolsey himself determined to
argue with them, and suddenly made his appearance
in state. Finding that his speech was received in grim
silence, he turned to More for a reply. The Speaker,
falling on his knees, declared his inabihty to make
any answer until he had received the instructions of
the House, and intimated that perhaps the sUence of
the Commons was due to the cardinal's presence.
Wolsey accordingly departed discomforted.* His
attempt to overawe parHament marks the beginning
of his downfall. He stiU kept well with the city,
however, and rendered it several small services.
Emboldened by their recent success the citizens The City and
determined to make a stand against other exactions, 1523?^'
and when in May, 1523, another demand was made
for one hundred bowmen, as in the previous year,
they sent their charter to the cardinal and begged
that the article touching citizens not being liable to
foreign service might remain in force. A similar
demand was made in the following November, and
again the assistance of Wolsey was caUed in.^ The
City on the other hand had recently confened a
favour on the cardinal by discharging Robert Amadas,
his own goldsmith, from serving as alderman when
elected in March of this year.'
In June the king and queen of Denmark paid a The king and
cj. -D T 4 qieen of
visit to the city and attended mass at st. raul s, Denmark in
the city.
' Roper's " Life of More," pp. 17-20.
-Repertory 4, fos. 152, 168; Cf. Repertory 6, fo. 38.
' Repertory 4, fos. 144b, 145, 146, 150 ; Cf. Repertory 6, fos. 22b,
29, 32b. 'Grey Friars Chron., pp. 30, 31.

2 B 2

372

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

England
invaded by
the Scots,
1523-

Monouxrefuses to
accept the
mayoralty a
second time,
Oct., 1523.

when the Court of Aldermen made them a present of
two hogsheads of wine, one of white and another of
claret, and two "awmes" of Rhenish wine, two fresh
salmon, a dozen great pike, four dozen of "torchettes,"
and eight dozen of "syses."*
The joint attack of Henry and the emperor
against France in 1523 proved as great a failure as
that of 1522. In the midst of the campaign Henry
was threatened with danger nearer home, The Scots
marched southward, and created such a panic in the
city that a solemn procession, in which figiued
Cuthbert Tunstal, Bishop of London (successor to the
unfortunate Fitz-James), the mayor and aldermen, all
the king's justices, and all the sergeants-at-law, took
place every day for a week.^ After a futile attack
upon Wark Castle the invaders withdrew and all
danger was over.'
When the Feast of St. Edward (13 Oct.) came
round, George Monoux, alderman and draper, who
had already (15 14-15) once filled the ofiice of mayor
ofthe city, was re-elected; but refusing to accept the
call of his fellow-citizens he was fined ;^i,ooo. It
was thereupon declared by the Court of Aldemien
that anyone who in future should be elected mayor,
and refused to take up office, should be mulcted in a
like sum.* Monoux's fine was remitted the following
year, and he was discharged from attendance,
although keeping his aldermanry, on account of ill
health. In retum for this favour he made over to the

' Repertory 4, fos. 153b- 154; Cf. Repertory 6, fo. 42.
'' Repertory 6, fo. 6ib. ' Holinshed, iii, 692, 693.
'Journal 12, fos. 249-250.

DIPLOMATIC INTRIGUE. 3-3
Corporation his brewhouse situate near the Bridge-
house in Southwark.*
Before the close of the year (3 Dec, 1523) the The king
king pledged himself by letters patent to repay the himsdf to
loan of /"20,ooo which the City had advanced for his ^^.P^y the
' -^ City loan
defence of the realm and maintenance of the wars of £20,000.
against France and Scotland.^
The disappointment experienced by Wolsey in Formation
not being selected to fill the Papal chair on the death ^alnsf^^
of Adrian VI induced him to take measures for trans- ^'^^"'^e-
fening his master's power from the imperial court
to the court of France. In the meantime a league
was formed between Henry, the emperor, and Charles,
Duke of Bourbon, for the conquest and partition of
France. During the formation of this league some
conespondence between England and the Continent
appears to have been lost in a remarkable manner, to
judge fi-om the following proclamation,' made the
loth July, 1524: —
" My lorde the maire streitly chargith and cam- Proclama-
" maundith on the king or soveraigne lordis behalf that recovery of
" if any maner of person or persons that have founde a io^ju^"^'/j24.
" hat with certeyn lettres and other billes and writinges
" therin enclosed which lettres been directed ta 0^' said
" soveraigne lorde from the parties of beyond the see let
" hym or theym bryng the said hat lettres and writinges
" unto my said lorde the maire in all the hast possible and
" they shalbe well rewarded far their labour and that no
" maner of person kepe the said hat lettres and writinges
¦' nor noon of them after this proclamacioun made uppon
"payn of deth and Gad save the king"
'Journal i2,fos. 287-288. ''Id., fo. 276. ^ Id., fo. 284.

374 The king of
France made
prisoner at
Pavia,24 Feb., 1525.

Rejoicing in
the city.

The Amicable
Loan, 1525.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
The news of the defeat and capture of the
French king at Pavia (24 Feb., 1525) was hailed by
Henry with great delight. The crown of France was
now, he thought, within his grasp. On Saturday, the
nth March, a triumph was made in the city to
celebrate "the takynge of the Frenche kyng in
BataiU by Themporer and his ahes." * Bonfires
were lighted at different places, one being in Saint
Paul's Churchyard near the house where lay the
foreign ambassadors. The Chamberlain was ordered
to provide a hogshead of wine at every fire. The
city minstrels filled the air with music, and the parish
clerks attended with their singing children, who sat.
about the bonfires and sang ballads and "other
delectable and joyfuU songs." On the Smiday
following the king and queen and officers of state
attended a Te Deum at St. Paul's, the legate himself
pronouncing the benediction.^
Henry's first impulse was to take advantage of
the French king's misfortune; the cardinal, on the
other hand, saw danger in the predominating influence
of Charles in Europe, and would gladly have seen his
master join hands with Francis against the emperor.
He was nevertheless bound to cany out the king's
wishes as if they were his own, and money was
necessary for the purpose. Instead of resorting to
a benevolence — a mode of raising money already
declared by pariiament to be illegal — he suggested
that the people should be asked for what was called
an Amicable Loan, on the old feudal ground that
the king was about to lead an expedition in person.

' Letter Book N, fo. 280 ; Journal 12, fo. 329.
'' Grey Friars Chron., p. 32.

THE AMICABLE LOAN.
The citizens were among the first to whom Wolsey
made application. Were they of opinion, he asked,
that the king should undertake the expedition to
France in person ? If so, he could not go otherwise
than beseemed a prince, and this he could not do
without the city's aid. The sum they were asked to
subscribe did not, he said, amount to half their sub
stance, which the king might very well have demanded.
When it was objected that trade had been bad,
Wolsey lost his temper and declared that it was
better that some citizens should suffer rather than
that the king should be in want, and that if they
refused to pay it might " fortune to cost some their
"heddes."* At length the citizens agreed to grant
the king a sixth part of their substance, which Henry
graciously acknowledged by letter (25 April),^ saying
that it was not his wish to overburden them, for he
valued their prosperity more than ten such realms as
France. The letter was read, by Wolsey's express
wish, to the Common Council on the 28th, when it
was agreed to ask for a fortnight's grace before
sending an answer to so important a missive.' A
deputation was forthwith despatched to Hampton
Court to solicit the cardinal's mediation, but not
being able to obtain an interview they retumed, and
steps were taken to raise the money required.
When the cardinal was informed later on that
the alderman of each ward was holding an enquiry as
to the means of the inhabitants he affected to be very
angry. "They had no right to examine anyone," he
said ; " I am your commissioner, I will examine you
¦ ' Hall's Chron., p. 695. ^Journal 12, fo. 331 ; Letter Book N, fo. 278.
'Journal 12, fo. 331b.

375

376 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
"one by one myself." The mayor (Sir WilHam
Bailey) thereupon threw himself at the cardinal's feet
beseeching him that since it was by Act of Common
Council that the aldermen had sat in their respective
wards for the purpose of taking the benevolence — a
procedure which he now perceived to be against the
law — the Act should by the Common Council be re
voked. "Well," said Wolsey " I am content," and he
then proceeded to ask how much the mayor and
aldermen then present were prepared to give. When
the mayor incautiously remarked that if he made any
promise there and then it might perhaps cost him his
life, Wolsey again became furious. What ! the mayor's
life threatened for obeying the king's orders ! He
would see to that.
In the country the loan met with so much
opposition that a rebellion was feared. At length,
finding it was impossible to collect the money, Wolsey
sent (19 May) for the mayor and aldermen and
informed them that the king had given up all
thoughts of his expedition to France, and that they
were pardoned of all that had been demanded of
them.*
A truce be- Before many weeks elapsed Wolsey saw with
tween tngland . . '^ •'
and France, satisfaction a truce made between Henry and the
queen regent of France.^ Early in 1526 the French
king regained his liberty by virtue of a treaty which
he at once repudiated, and war between him and the
emperor was renewed, but England remained virtually
at peace. In the foUowing year (1527) the cardinal
' Hall's Chron., p. 701.
^The truce was to last from 14 August to i December.— Letter
Book N, fos. 291, 293 ; Journal 12, fos. 300, 305.

A TRUCE WITH FRANCE. 3„
himself paid a visit to the French king and super
intended the drawing up of articles for a permanent
peace. By September all was settled, and Wolsey
returned to England. Ambassadors from France French
shortiy afterwards anived, and were lodged in the l™i^edln°the
Bishop of London's palace in St. Paul's Church- <:'ty'i527.
yard. The City made them valuable presents at the
instance of the lord cardinal.*
The election of Paul Wythypol,- a merchant- Troubles over
tailor, as alderman ofthe Ward of Farringdon Within, eiicdon as''
in 1527, again brought Henry and the citizens into f/27-T528
variance. The king desired Wythypol's discharge, at
least for a time. The Court of Aldermen hesitated
to accede to the request and consulted Wolsey.' He
recommended them an interview with the king at
Greenwich. To Greenwich they accordingly went
(24 Feb.) by water, where they arrived in time to
give a formal reception to the cardinal, who landed
soon afterwards from his barge. After a few words
had passed between the cardinal and the municipal
officers, the former entered the palace, whilst the
latter waited in the king's great chamber till dinner
time. When that hour anived they were bidden to go
down to the hall, where the mayor was entertained
'"Item in lyke wyse the Chamberleyn shall have allowance of and
for suche gyftes and presentes as were geven presentyd on Sonday laste
passyd at the Bysshoppes palace at Paules to the Ambassadours of
Fraunce devysed and appoynted by my lorde Cardynalles Grace and
most specyally at his contemplacioun geven for asmoch as lyke
precedent in so ample maner hath not afore tyme be seen ; the presents
ensue etc." — Repertory 7, fo. 225.
'¦' He had been one of the commoners sent to confer with Wolsey
touching the amicable loan (Journal 12, fo. 331b). He attended the
coronation banquet of Anne Boleyn in 1533 (liepertory 9, fo. 2), and
was M.P. for the city from 1529-1536 (Letter Book O, fo. 157). His
daughter Elizabeth married Emanuel Lucar, also a merchant-tailor. —
Repertory 9, fos. 139, 140.
'Repertory 7, fos. 171b, 172, 174b, 179;

378 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
at the lord steward's mess, and the aldermen received
like attention from the comptroller and other officers
of state. The city's Counsel who had accompanied
the mayor and aldermen were entertained at the
table of "master coferer." Dinner over, the com
pany returned to the great chamber, where they
were kept waiting till the evening. At length the
mayor and aldermen were bidden to the king's
presence in his secret chamber. What took place
there the writer of the record declares himself unable
to say,* and, although the mayor afterwards made a
report of the matter to the court, no particulars are
recorded in the City's archives. The practical out
come of the interview appears to have been tha'^
Wythypol was left unmolested for a whole twelve-
Wythypoi month. When that time had elapsed he was again
again sum-
moned to take summouod before the Court of Aldermen either to
accept office or take the oath prescribed.^ Refusing
Committed to both theso propositions he was committed to Newgate.'
6 Feb., 1528. This took place on the 6tli February, 1528. On the
3rd March he appeared in person before the Court of
Aldermen and desired a respite from office, or to be
allowed to pay a fine. Being asked the amount of
fine he was prepared to pay, he offered ;^40, and at
the same time asked to be discharged from office for
a period of three years. This offer was declined,
and Wythypol was again ordered to take the oath
prescribed for his discharge.* Nearly three months
were aUowed to elapse before any further steps
were taken, when, on the 22nd May, the court
' Repertory 7, fos. 179b, 180.
"To theeffect that he was not worth ;£'l,ooo. — Journal 7, fo. 198.
'Repertory 7, fos. 238b, 240, 240b, "Id., fo. 243b.

PAUL WYTHYPOL, MERCHANT-TAILOR.

379

again ordered Wythypol to appear at its next Again sum-
, , , , r~ . , , moned to take
meeting, and to take up office, or else take the office, 22 May.
oath, or pay such fine as should be assessed by the
mayor, aldermen and common council.* It is
certain that he did not take office, so the conclusion
must be that he availed himself of one or other of
the alternatives open to him. John Brown was
elected alderman of Farringdon Within shortly after
wards, but he was discharged by the Common
Council, and the aldermanry was subsequently filled
by John Hardy being translated to it from Aldersgate
Ward.2 In addition to an epidemic of sickness,' the city A great
was threatened the following year with a famine, city, 1529.
notwithstanding the fact that large quantities of grain
had been stored up in various parts of the city by
order of the municipal authorities. The country had
suffered recently by heavy rains, and large tracts of
land had been inundated. In anticipation of trouble,
a large stock of wheat had been laid in, but when it
came to the point of disposing of it, the bakers of the
city and the bakers of Stratford-at-Bow declined to
take it except at their own price, until compeUed by
threats and, in some cases, imprisonment.*
For some years past Henry had been meditating The legatine
J r ¦' " court at the
a divorce from Catherine of Aragon, his brothers Blackfriars,
widow, but it was not until 1529 that the assent of ^^^^"
the Pope was at last obtained to try the vaHdity of
the marriage. The legatine court sat in the city at
' Repertory 7, fo. 2d6. The Common Council assessed the fine at
;^ioo.— Journal 13, fo. 6ib ; Letter Book O, fo. 80b.
"Repertory 7, fo. 264. 'Journal 13, fo. 184b.
'Letter Book O, fos. 88b, 89b.

380 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
the house of the Blackfriars, where every anangement
was made to add dignity to the proceedings. At its
head sat the two cardinals, Campeggio and Wolsey,
on chairs covered with cloth of gold, and on their
right sat Henry himself.* The sudden suspension of
all proceedings after the court had sat for some weeks,
and the revocation of the cause to the Court of Rome,
led to Wolsey's downfall. In October the seals were
taken from him and given to Sir Thomas More, his
fumitiure and plate were seized, and he himself ordered
to remove from London.
The lord A few days after Wolsey's disgrace a banquet
banquet was held at the Guildhall on the occasion of the
28 Oct., 1529 g-wearing in of Ralph Dodmer, the newly-elected
mayor. It is the first lord mayor's banquet of which
any particulars have come down to us, and they are
interesting as recording the names of the chief guests.
The mayor's court, the scene of the feast, was
boarded and hung with cloth of Anas for the occasion.
One table was set apart for peers of the realm, at the
head of which sat the new lord chancellor and at the
bottom the lords Berkeley and Powis. At either side of
the table sat nine peers, among whom were the dukes
of Norfolk and Suffolk, the one being the treasurer and
the other the marshal of England, Sir Thomas Grey,
Marquis of Dorset, the Earl of Oxford, high cham
berlain, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, lord steward of
England, Tunstal, Bishop of London, Sir Thomas
Boleyn, Lord Rochford, whose daughter Anne was
shortly to experience the peril of sharing Henry's
throne. Lord Audley, and others. At two other
' Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. iv,
Introd., p. cccclxv.

THE FALL OF WOLSEY. 38 1
tables, placed between the court of orphans and the
mayor's court, were entertained a number of knights
and other gentlemen, whose names are not recorded.*
It was not long before further proceedings were The fall of
taken against the king's late minister. On the 3rd 1529^.7530.
November (1529), after the lapse of six years, parHa
ment met in the city at the palace of Bridewell.
The City was represented by Thomas Seymer, an
alderman and ex-mayor, John Baker, the City's Re
corder, John Petyte, grocer, and Paul Wythypol,^ the
merchant-tailor whose election as alderman had re
cently created no little trouble. Among other members
was Thomas Cromwell,' a friend of Wolsey, and destined
soon to take his place as the king's chief adviser. A
bUl for disabling the cardinal from being restored to
his former dignities was canied by the Lords and sent
down to the Commons (i Dec). There it is said to
have met with the strenuous opposition of Cromwell.
Of this, however, there is some doubt, as it is uncer
tain whether the bill provoked any discussion, parlia
ment being shortly afterward prorogued (17 Dec.)
and the unhappy cardinal left in suspense as to what
fate was in store for him.* At Christmas he feU iU,
and the king's heart became so far softened towards
his old favourite that early in the following year
(Feb., 1530) he was restored to the archbishopric of
'Letter Book O, fcs. I74b-I75 ; Journal 13, fo. i8ob.
2 Letter Book O, fo. 157.
'About the year 1522 Cromwell was living in the city, near Fen-
church, combining the business of a merchant with that of a money
lender. He sat in the parliament of 1523, and towards the close of
that year served on a wardmote inquest for Bread Street Ward. In 1524
he entered Wolsey's service. —Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom.
(Henry VIIL), vol. iii, pt. i, Introd., pp. cclvi, cclvii.
'Cal. Letters and Papers 'For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. iv,
Introd., pp. dliii-dlvi.

382 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
York with all its possessions except York-place
(Whitehall) in Westminster, which Henry could not
bring himself to sunender. His colleges were seized ;
the coUege he had founded at Ipswich was sold ; but
his college at Oxford, known as Cardinal College, was
aftewards re-established under the name of Christ
Church. He himself was not allowed to rest long in
peace. He was summoned to London on a charge of
treason, for which there was little or no foundation,
but the troubles of the last two years had rendered
him so infirm that he died on the way.

CHAPTER XIV.
Although Wolsey was no more, his works followed The House
, . TT • 1 TT , r- • ¦, °^ Commons
him. He it was, and not Henry, who first conceived and the
the idea of church reform, towards which some steps 1529^'''
had been taken in Wolsey's lifetime. It was left for
Henry to cany out the design of his great minister.
When the king laid his hand on the monasteries, he
only followed the example set by the cardinal in 1525,
when some of the smaller religious houses in Kent,
Sussex and Essex were suppressed for his great founda
tion of Oxford. To assist him in carrying out his design
he turned to parliament. Relieved as they now were
of the oppression of the great nobles, the Commons
were ready to use their newly-acquired independence
against the clergy, who exacted extravagant fees and mis
used the powers of the ecclesiastical courts. Acts were
passed regulating the payment of mortuary fees and
the fees for probate, whilst another Act restricted the
holding of pluralities and the taking of forms by church
men.* The clergy threatened to appeal to Rome,
but were warned that such action would be met
with pains and penalties as opposed to the royal
prerogative.^ In the city the question of tithes payable to the Disputes
¦' ^ . touching
clergy had been always more or less a vexed question, tithes pay-
Before the commencement of the thirteenth century ^J^J^^" "'^
the city clergy had been supported by casual dues in 1527-1534-
' Stat. 21, Henry VIII, caps. 5, 6 and 13.
2 Proclamation, 12 Sept., lS30.—Letter Book O, fo. 199b.

384 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
addition to their glebe land. These casual payments
were originally personal, but subsequently became
regulated by the amount of rent paid by parishioners
for their houses. A question arose as to whether the
cftizens were also liable to pay personal tithes on
their gains, and it was eventuaUy decided that they
were so liable.*
On the 31st August, 1527, a committee, which
had been specially appointed to enquire into matters
concerning the city's welfare, reported, among other
things, upon the tithe question as it then stood in the
city.^ The "curates," they said, had purchased a
Bull of Pope Nicholas, on the 6th August, 1453, and
this BuU had been confirmed by Act of Common
Council on the 3rd March, 1475. Not only was the
amount of the tithe payable fixed by the Bull, but the
BuU itself was to be pubhcly read by the curates four
times a year, so that no doubt should exist in the minds
of the parishioners. This the curates had failed to do,
and had caused their parishioners heavy legal expenses
in disputing demands for tithes. One man was known
to have spent as much as ;^ioo in his own defence.
The committee suggested that the whole question
should be referred to the Bishop of London, and that
a translation of the Bull should be exhibited in every
church. The citizens were the more aggrieved because
many parsonages and vicarages were let to ferm.'
The curates' The curates made their defence in a book of
article°s. eighteen articles touching tithes and other oblations,
' Burnell, " London (City) Tithes Act, 1879," Introd., pp. i, 2.
^Letter Book O, fos. 47, seq.
' A list of these, comprising seven churches, was submitted to the
Court of Aldermen, 23 Feb., 1528. — Repertory 8, fo. 21,

TITHES PAYABLE IN THE CITY. 385
the chief point being that every householder, time out
of mind, had been bound to pay to God and the
Church one farthing out of every loj. of rent, a half
penny out of 20s. and so forth, on 100 days of the
year; amounting in all to 2s. id. for every los. rent
per annum. This manner of payment proving tedious,
the curates and their parishioners came to an agree
ment that IS. 2d. should be paid on every 6j. 8d.
or noble, and this sum the curates had been receiving
time out of mind, none reclaiming or denying. But,
inasmuch as this payment by occupiers of houses was
only ordained for a " dowry " to the parish churches
of London which had no glebe lands, the curates
demanded that all merchants and artificers, with other
occupiers of the city, should pay personal tithes of
their " lucre or encrece " according to the common
law, and as " well conscyoned" men had been in the
habit of paying in times past.* The book of articles
was laid before the Court of Common CouncU on
the 1 6th February, 1528, by Robert Carter and six
other priests, on behalf of their entire body. On
the following i6th March the Court of Aldermen
for themselves agreed to pay tithe at the forthcoming
Easter according to the Bull of Pope Nicholas, and
not after the rate of \s. 2d. on the noble,^ whilst
four days later the Common Council decided that,
for the sake of convenience, biUs should be posted
in every parish church within the city showing
the number of offering days (viz., eighty-two) and
the amount to be offered by inhabftants of the
city.' ' Letter Book O, fos. 140b, 141b. '' Repertory 8, fo. 27b.
'Letter Book O, fos. 145, 145b; Journal 13, fo. 125b.

2 C

,86 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
So matters continued until, early in 1534, ft was
agreed to submit the whole question to the lord
chancellor and other members of the councU, who
made their award a few days before Easter.* It
decreed that at the forthcoming festival every subject
should pay to the parson or curate of his parish after
the rate of 2s. <)d. in the pound, and 16 pence
half-penny in the half-pound, and that every man's
wife, servant, child and apprentice receiving the
Holy Sacrament should pay two pence. These pay
ments were to continue to be paid " without grudge
or murmur" until such time as the council should
arrive at a final settlement.^
Elsing Spital In the meauwhUc the city had been made to
Trhn^Priory ^el the hcavy hand of the king and of his new
surrendered to minister, THomas CromweU. In May, 1530, Elsing
the kmg, 1530- ' ¦" •'•' ' °
1531. Spital, a house established by William Elsing, a
charitable mercer, for the relief of the bhnd, but
which had subsequently grown into a priory of
Augustinian canons of wealth and position, was con
fiscated by the Crown. What became of the blind
inmates is not known. In the foUowing year (1531)
the Priory of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, shared the same
fate. The priory had existed since the time of
Henry I and the "good queen" Matilda,' and its
prior enjoyed the singular distinction of being ex
' Letter book P, fos. 31, 34, 41b ; Journal 13, fo. 417b.
^This order was confirmed by stat. 27, Henry VIII, cap. 21. Ten
years later a decree was made pursuant lo stat. 37, Henry VIII,
cap. 12, regulating the whole subject of tithes, but owing to the decree
not having been enrolled in accordance with the terms of the statute,
much litigation has in recent times arisen. — Burnell, "London (City)
Tithes Act, 1879," Introd., p. 3.
' The well-known and somewhat romantic account of the origin of
the priory and of its connection with the city cnihten-guild is given in
Letter Book C, fos. 134b, seq.; Cf. Liber Dunthorn, fo. 79.

THE CITY AND THE GREAT BEAM. 387
officio an alderman of the city. The canons were
now removed to another place and the building and
site bestowed by Henry upon his chanceUor, Sir
Thomas Audley.*
Between 1531 and 1534 the City enjoyed some The Great
respite from attack. It even recovered some of its vey^ toThe
lost privileges. In 1521 Henry had deprived the [^''^ ^^'/[ "'^
City of its right to the Great Beam, and of the issues years, 1531.
and profits derived from it, and had caused a con
veyance of it to be made to Sir William Sidney.
In 1 53 1 the beam was re-conveyed to the City.^ The
Grocers' Company were scarcely less interested in
the beam than the City, for to them was deputed the
choice of weighers, who were afterwards admitted
and sworn before the Court of Aldermen. Both the
City and the company used their best endeavours to
recover their lost rights, the former going so far as
to sanction the distribution ofthe sum of ;^23 ds. 8d.
between the king's sergeant, the king's attorney, and
one "Lumnore,"' a servant of "my lady Anne,"* with
the -view of gaining their object the easier." A com
promise was subsequently effected by which Sir
William Sidney continued to hold the beam at an
annual rent payable to the City," until, in 1 531, he
' Grey Friars Chron. (Camd. Soc, No. 53), p. 35. Three years later
(30 March, 1534) the Court of Aldermen resolved to wait upon the
chancellor "to Icnow his mind for the ofSce concerning the lands"
belonging to the late priory. — Repertory 9, fo. 53b.
'^ By letters patent dated 13 April, 1531 (preserved at the Guildhall,
Box No. 16).
' Henry Lumnore, Lumnar or Lomner, a grocer by guild as well as
calling (see Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. iii,
pt. ii, p. 879), was associated with Sidney in holding the beam. The
City offered to buy him out either by bestowing on him an annuity of
;^io during the joint lives of himself and Sidney, or else by paying him
a lump sum of £100. — Repertory 8, fo. 218b.
'Anne Boleyn. ^Repertory 8, fo. 131*. "/</., fos. 142b, 202b.
2 C 2

388

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Feeling in the
city at
Henry's
marriage with
Anne Boleyn,
1533-

The queen's
passage from
the Tower
to West
minster, 31 May, 1533.

consented to a sunender, and it became again vested
in the Corporation.
Finding it hopeless to obtain the Pope's sanction
to his divorce from Catherine, Henry at last lost
all patience, and on the 25th January, 1533, was
privately married to Anne Boleyn. The match was
unpopular with the citizens, who took occasion of a
sermon preached on Easter-day to show their dis
satisfaction. According to Chapuys, the Spanish
ambassador, who sent an account of the affair to the
emperor, the greater part of the congregation got up
and left the church when prayers were desired for the
queen. When Henry heard of the insult thus offered
to his new bride he was furious, and forthwith sent
word to the mayor to see that no such manifestation
should occur again. Thereupon, continues Chapuys,
the mayor summoned the guilds to assemble in their
various halls and commanded them to cease mur-
mm'ing against the king's maniage on pain of
incurring the royal displeasure, and to order their
own joumeymen and servants, "and, a still more
difficult task, their own wives," to refrain from
speaking disparagingly about the queen.*
It was perhaps on this account that the civic
authorities exceUed themselves in gi-ving the queen a
suitable reception as she passed from the Tower to
Westminster on the 3 ist May. The Court of Aldermen
directed (14 May) the wardens of the Haberdashers
to prepare their barge as weU as the "bachelors"
barge for the occasion. Three pageants were to be
set up, one in Leadenhall and the others at the
_' Chapuys to the emperor. — Cal. State Papers (Spanish), vol. iv.,
pt. ii, p. 646.

ANNE BOLEYN AND THE CITY. ,8q
Standard and the littie Conduit in Cheapside. The
Standard was to run with wine. A deputation was
appointed to wait upon the king's council to learn its
wishes, and enquiry was to be made of the Duke of
Norfolk whether the clergy should take part in the
day's proceedings, and whether the merchants of the
Steelyard or other strangers should be allowed to
erect pageants.*
The Court of Common Council had on the pre- The City's
vious day (13 May) voted a gift of 1,000 marks to ^arks.''°°°
be presented to the queen at her coronation, and a
further sum to be expended in the city " for the honor
of the same."^ Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn
were the only queens of king Henry VIII who were
crowned, and on both occasions the citizens of London
performed the customary ser-vices.'
In September (1533) Anne gave birth to a The Act of
daughter, who afterwards ascended the throne as ^"=^^^='°"'
Queen Elizabeth. In the following spring (1534)
parHament passed an Act of Succession, which not
only declared Ehzabeth (and not Mary, the king's
daughter by Catherine of Aragon) heir to the crown,
but required all subjects to take an oath acknowledg
ing the succession. Commissioners were appointed
to tender the oath to the citizens,* and by the 20th
April the " most part of the city was sworn to the
' Repertory 9, fo. lb. There is a fine drawing at Berlin by
Holbein which is thought to be the original design for the triumphal
arch erected by the merchants of the Steelyard on this occasion.
^Journal 13, fo. 371b. According to Wriothesley (Camd. Soc,
N.S., No. II, p. 19) the present to the queen was made to her in a
purse of cloth of gold on the occasion of her passing through the city
on the 31st May, the day before her coronation.
' Repertory 2, fo. 70b ; Repertory 9, fo. ^..
' Letter Book P, fos. 37-37b ; Journal 13, fo. 408b.

390

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Proceedings
againstthose ob
jecting to
subscribe to
the Act of
Succession.

The monks
of the
Charter
house, 1534-1535.

" king and his legitimate issue by the queen's gi'ace
" now had and hereafter to come."* A fortnight later
deeds under the common seals of the livery companies
"concernyng the suretye state and succession" of
the king were delivered to Henry in person at Green
wich by a deputation of aldermen.^
The oath, nevertheless, met with much opposi
tion, more especially among the clergy and the religious
orders. Elizabeth Barton, known as the " holy maid
of Kent," and some of her followers, among them
being Henry Gold, rector of the church of St. Mary
Aldermary, were executed at Tyburn for daring to
speak against the king's maniage.' The friars proved
extremely obstinate, and Henry sent commissioners
to seek out and suppress all those friaries that refused
to submit. The inmates of the London Charterhouse, who
might well have been left to enjoy their quiet seclusion
from the world, were startled by a visit from the king's
commissioners calling upon them to take the oath.
The manner of their reception by John Houghton,
the prior, and his brethren and subsequent proceedings
are graphically described by Maurice Chauncy,* one
' Letter to Lord Li,sle.— Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom.
(Henry VIII), vol. vii, p. 208.
^.Repertory 9, fo. 57b. "Allso the same day [20 April] all the
craftes in London were called to their halls, and there were sworne on
a booke to be true to Queene Anne and to believe and take her for law-
full wife of the Kinge and rightfull Queene of Englande, and utterlie
to thincke the Lady Marie, daughter to the Kinge by Queene Katherin,
but as a bastarde, and thus to doe without any scrupulositie of con
science. " —Wriothesley's Chron., i, 24.
' Grey Friars Chron. , p. 37. In November of the last year they had
been made to do penance at Paul's Cross and afterwards at Canterbury.
' " Historia aliquot nostri steculi martyrum," 1583. Much of it is
quoted by Father Gasquet in his work on " Henry VIII and the
English Monasteries" (cap. vi), and also by Mr. Froude ("Hist, of
England," vol. ii, cap. ix).

THE COMMISSIONERS AND THE CHARTERHOUSE. 39 1
of the inmates, who was more compliant than his
brethren to the king's wishes, and thereby saved his
life. The prior and Humphrey Middlemore, the pro
curator of the convent, were committed to the Tower
for counselling opposition to the commissioners. There
they were visited by the Archbishop of York and the
Bishop of London, who persuaded them at last that
the question of the succession was not a cause in
which to sacrifice their lives for conscience sake. The
result was that after a while Houghton and his com
panion declared their wUlingness to submit. On the
29th May the commissioners received oaths of fealty
from Prior Houghton and five other monks, and on
the 6th June Bishop Lee and Sir Thomas Kitson,
one of the sheriffs, received similar oaths from a
number of priests, professed monks and lay brethren
or conversi belonging to the house.* The oaths of
obedience to the Act were given under reservation
"so far as the law of God permitted," and for a time
the monks were left in comparative quiet, some few
of them, of whom Cromwell entertained the most
hope of submission, being sent, by his direction, to
the convent of Sion.^
' Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. vii,
p. 283. "This convent — the most virtuous house of religion in England —
was of the Order of St. Bridget, and received an annual visit from the
mayor and aldermen of the City of London at what was known as
"the pardon time of Sion," in the month of August. In return for
the hospitality bestowed by the lady abbess on these occasions the
Court of Aldermen occasionally made her presents of wine (Repertories
3, fo. 94b; 7, fo. 275). In 1517 the court instructed the chamberlain
to avoid excess of diet on the customary visit. There was to be no
breakfast on the barge and no swans at dinner (Repertory 3, fo. lS4b).
In 1825 the Court of Common Council decreed (inter alia) that "as
touchyng the goyng of my lord mayre and my masters his brethern
the aldermen [to] Syon, yt is sett at large and to be in case as it was
before the Restreynt " (Journal 12, fo. 302). It was suppressed
25 Nov., 1539. — Wriothesley's Chron., i, 109.

392

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The Act of
Supremacy, 1534-

Execution
of Houghton
and others,
1535-

The exhortations of the " father confessor" were
not without some measure of success, several of the
Carthusians being induced to alter their opinions as to
the king's demands. The seal of doom, however, was
fixed on the order by the passing of the Act which called
upon its members to renounce the Pope and acknow
ledge the royal supremacy.* Fisher and More denied
the king's title of Supreme Head of the Church, and
were committed to the Towet. At this crisis there
came to London two priors of Carthusian houses
established, one in Nottinghamshire and the other
in Lincolnshire. They came to talk over the
state of affairs with Houghton. An interview
with Cromwell, recently appointed vicar-general
or king's vicegerent in matters ecclesiastical, was
resolved on. The king might possibly be prevailed
upon to make some abatement in his demands.
Cromwell, however, no sooner discovered the object
of their visit than he committed them to the Tower
as rebels and would-be traitors. As they still refused
to acknowledge the king's supremacy in the Church,
in spite of all efforts of persuasion, they were brought
to trial, together with Father Reynolds of Sion, on a
charge of treason. A verdict of guilty was, after some
hesftation on the part of the jury, found against them,
and they were executed at Tyburn (4 May, 1535),
glorying in the cause for which they were held worthy
to suffer death. Houghton's arm was suspended over
the gateway of the London Charterhouse, in the fond
hope that the rest of the brethren might be awed
into submission. This atrocious act of barbarism had,
' The Act of Supremacy was passed in 1534, but the king's new
title as Supreme Head of the Church was not incorporated in his style
before the 15 Jan., 1535.

EXECUTION OF FISHER AND MORE.
however, precisely the opposite effect to that desired.
The monks were more resolute than ever not to
submit, and not even a personal visit of Henry him
self could turn them from their purpose.* Three of
them were thereupon committed to prison, where
they were compeUed to stand in an upright position
for thirteen days, chained from their necks to their arms
and with their legs fettered.^ They were afterwards
brought to trial on a charge of treason, convicted and
executed (19 June).
The fate of the remaining monks is soon told.
In May, 1537, the royal commissioners once more
attended at the Charterhouse, when they found
the majority of its inmates prepared to take the oath
prescribed. Ten of them, however, still refused, and
were committed to Newgate and there left to be
" dispatched by the hand of God," in other words to
meet a painful and lingering death from fever and
starvation. The following month the remnant of the
community made their submission, and the London
Charterhouse, as a monastic institution, ceased to
exist. Fisher and More were now brought from the Execution
Tower, where they had lain six months and more, and More,
and convicted on a similar charge of treason. Their *S35-
sentence was commuted to death by beheading. Fisher
was the first to suffer (19 June, 1535). His head was
set up on London Bridge and his body biuied in the
churchyard of All Hallows, Barking. More suffered
a few weeks later (6 July). His head, too, was placed
on London Bridge, but his body was buried in the
' Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. viii,
p. 321. ''Id., p. 354.

393

394

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Tower, whither the remains of Fisher were afterwards
canied. On the I5tli December the Court of Alder
men publicly condemned a sermon preached by Fisher
" in derogation and diminution of the royal estate of
the king's majesty."*
ThePii- When, in the following year (1536), the smaller
Gracefi5'36. monasteries — those of less than ;^200 a year — were
dissolved by Act of Parliament, and the inhabitants
of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, taking fright lest the
king and Cromwell should proceed to despoil the
parish churches, set out on the Pilgrimage of Grace,
Henry sought the City's aid. On the loth October a
letter from the king was read before the Court of
Aldermen, desiring them to dispatch forthwith to his
manor of Ampthill, where the nobles were about to
wait upon his majesty, a contingent of at least 250
armed men, 200 of which were to be well horsed, and
100 to be archers.^ The mayor. Sir John Allen,' lost no
time in issuing his precept to the livery companies for
each of them to furnish a certain number of bowmen
and billmen, well horsed and anayed in jackets of
white bearing the City's arms. They were to muster
in Moorfields within twenty-four hours. The Mercers
were called upon to furnish the largest quota, viz.,
twenty men ; the Grocers, Drapers, Tailors and Cloth-
workers respectively, sixteen men, and the rest of the
companies contingents varying from twelve to two.*
The Court of Aldermen at the same time took
' Repertory 9, fo. 145. ''Id., fo. 199.
' He had been elected mayor for the second time in October last ( 1 535),
much against his own wish, at the king's express desire.— Journal 13,
fo. 452b; Wriothesley, i, 31. He presented the City with a collar of SS.
to be worn by the mayor for the time being. —Repertory 11, fo. 238.
'Repertory 9, fos. 199, 199b.

THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE. 305
the precaution of depriving all priests and curates, as
well as all friars dwelling within the city, of every
offensive weapon, so that they should be left with
nothing but their " meate knyves."* The king sent
a letter of thanks for the city's contingent."
Later on, when Allen had been succeeded in the
mayoralty by Sir Ralph Wanen,' it was resolved that
each member of the court should provide at his own
cost and charges twenty able men fully equipped in
case of any emergency that might arise, whilst the
companies were again called upon to hold men in
readiness.* Henry in the meantime had got rid of his second Henry's
.f. ,, . , ^ . . . . marriage with
wiie on the specious ground ot her having mis- jane Seymour,
conducted herself with more than one member of the ^^^' *53°-
court, the real cause being her miscaniage^ of a male
child, to the king's bitter disappointment. Henry had
made up his mind to change his wives until he could
find one who would give him a male heir and thus
place the succession to the crown beyond all possi
bility of doubt. The very next day following Anne
Boleyn's execution he manied Jane Seymour. The
maniage necessitated the calling together of a
new parliament, when a fresh Act was passed settling
' Repertory 9, fo. 200. ''Id., fo. 200b.
'Son of Thomas Warren, fuller; grandson of William Warren, of
Fering, co. Sussex. He was knighted on the day that his election was
confirmed by the king (Wriothesley, i, 59). His daughter Joan (by his
second wife Joan, daughter of John Lake, of London) married Sir Henry
Williams, a&j Cromwell (Repertory 14, fo. 180 ; Journal 17, fo. 137b), by
whom she had issue Robert Cromwell, father of the Protector. Warren
died II July, 1533, and his widow married Alderman Sir Thomas White.
—See notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 330.
' Repertory 9, fo. 209b.
' Henry attributed her miscarriage to licentiousness ; others to her
having received a shock at seeing her royal husband thrown from his
horse whilst tilting at the ring.— Wriothesley, i, 33-

396

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Convocation
at St. Paul's,
9 June-

the succession on Jane's children and declaring
both Mary and Elizabeth illegitimate. Nevertheless,
as soon as Mary made formal submission to her
father, the king's attitude towards her, from being
cold and cruel, changed at once to one of courtesy if
not of affection. He was thought to entertain the
idea of declaring her heir-apparent. Indeed, on
Sunday, the 20th August, she was actually proclaimed
as such in one of the London churches — no doubt by
some mistake.*
Whilst parliament was sitting at Westminster
convocation was gathered at St. Paul's in the city,
20 July, 1536. a^nd continued to sit there until the 20th July, presided
over by Cromwell as the king's vicar-general. The
meeting was remarkable for its formal decree that
Henry, as supreme head of the Church, might and
ought to disregard all citations by the Pope, as well
as for the promulgation of the ten articles intended
to promote uniformity of belief and worship .^
In September, 1536, the Court of Common
Council agreed to vote the same sum of money for
the coronation of the "right excellent pryncesse lady
Jane, queue of Englonde," as had been granted at the
coronation of "dame Anne, late queene of Englonde."'
The money, however, was not required, for the new
queen was never crowned. Just one week after the
birth of a prince (12 Oct., 1537), afterwards King
Edward VI, there was a solemn procession of priests
from every city church, with the Bishop of London,
the choir of St. Paul's, the mayor, aldermen and

Preparationfor the new
queen'scoronation.

'Chapuys to [Granvelle] 25 Aug., 1536. — Cal. Letters and Papers
For. and Dom. (Henry VIII), vol. xi., p. 145.
-Wriothesley, i, 52-53. 'Letter Book P, fo. 103b.

. JANE SEYMOUR— ANNE OF CLEVES. 39^
crafts in their liveries, for the preservation of the
infant prince and for the health of the queen, who lay
in a precarious state.* A few days later (24 Oct.) she She dies in
was dead. The citizens caused her obit to be 24 0ct'!!^i537.
celebrated in St. Paul's with truly regal pomp.^
Two years later the citizens were preparing to Anne of
set out to Greenwich in their barge (the mayor, at'oover,""^^
aldermen, and those who had served the oflSce of ^^ ^^'^•' *S39-
sheriff, in liveries of black velvet with chains of gold
on their necks, accompanied by their servants in
coats of russet) to welcome Anne of Cleves, who
landed at Dover the 27th December, 1539.' On the
3rd February^ 1540, the Court of Aldennen was Her passage
informed that the king and queen would be leaving cU^,"! Feb!.
Greenwich on the morrow for Westminster, and that *54o-
it was the king's wish that the commons of London
should be in their best apparel, in their barges, to
wait upon his highness, meeting at St. Dunstan's in
the East at 7 o'clock in the morning and aniving at
Greenwich by 8 o'clock.*
The insunection which had taken place in the Cromwell's
country under the name of the Pilgrimage of Grace demolition i

in

was seized by the king as an excuse for suppressing j'i^g'^^' '^^^'
many of the larger monasteries and confiscating their
property. He had no such excuse for carrying out
his destructive policy in the city. Nevertheless, under
the immediate supervision of Cromwell, the work of
suppression went on, and before the end of 1538 was
'Wriothesley, i, 69,
= Letter Book P, fo. i3Sb; Wriothesley, i, 71, 72.
'Repertory 10, fos. 152b, 153; Wriothesley, i, 109, III.
¦* Repertory 10, fo. 161. The circumstance that Henry carried his
new bride to Westminster by water instead of conducting her thither
through the streets of the city has been considered a proof of his want
of regard for her.

398

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
well nigh complete. The sunender of the houses of
the Black Friars, the Grey Friars and the Whfte
Friars foUowed in quick succession, " and so all the
other immediatiie."* Cromwell by this time had
removed from his house near Fenchurch to another
near the Austin Friars in Throgmorton Street.
He had recently asked for a pipe of water to be
laid on to his new house, and this the Common
Council had "lovingly" granted.^ In his private
concerns he showed as little regard for the rights
of others as in the affairs of State. He did not
scruple to remove bodily a smaU house, the property
of Stow's father, in order to enlarge his own garden,
giving neither warning beforehand nor explanation
afterwards, and "no man durst go to argue the
matter."' The hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon, which had
ministered to the wants of the poorer citizens for
nearly 400 years, disappeared,* and was soon followed
by the priory and hospital of St. Bartholomew, an
institution of even greater antiquity, the hospital of
St. Thomas, in Southwark, the priory and hospital of
St. Mary without Bishopsgate, known as St. Mary of
Bethlem, or "Bedlam," andthe Abbey of Graces or
New Abbey (sometimes called the Eastminster to
distinguish it from the other minster in the west of
London) which had been founded by Edward III,
near Tower Hill.
' Holinshed, iii, 807. - Letter Book P, fo. 1 13 ; Journal 14, fo. 30b.
'Stow's "Survey" (Thoms's ed., 1876), p. 68.
' The Mercers' Company applied for a grant of the chapel and
other property of the hospital ; and this was conceded by letters patent,
21 April, 1542, upon payment of the sum of .^969 17^. dd., subject to
a reserved rent of £l 'is. lod., which was redeemed by the company in
1560. — Livery Comp. Com. (1880), Append, to Report, 1884, vol. ii, p. 9.

THE DISSOLUTION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES.

399

A portion of the spoil was, as we have already The division
seen, distributed among court favourites. The site of ° ' ^ ^^°'''
the house and gardens of the Augustinian Friars in
Broad Street Ward was occupied, soon after their
suppression (12 Nov., 1538), by the mansion-house of
that politic courtier the celebrated Marquis of Win
chester, who managed to maintain himself in high
station in spite of the changes which took place
under the several reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI,
Mary, and Ehzabeth, "by being a willow and not an
oak." The building known at the present day as
Winchester House, in Broad Street, stands near the
site of the old mansion-house and garden of William
Paulet, first Marquis of Winchester. The Friars'
church he allowed to stand; and in June, 1550, the
nave was granted, by virtue of a charter permitting
alien non-conforming churches to exist in this country,
to the Dutch and Walloon churches.* The first marquis
dying in 157 1, he was succeeded by his son, who sold ,
the monuments and lead from the roof of the re
maining portion of the church and turned the place into
a stable.^ The fourth marquis was reduced to parting
with his house, built on the site of the old priory, in
order to pay his debts, and appears to have found a
purchaser in a wealthy London merchant and alderman
of the city, John Swinnerton or Swynarton.'
'On the re-establishment of the Dutch or Mother Strangers'
Church, at Elizabeth's accession, it was declared by the Privy Council to
be under the superintendence of the Bishop of London (Cal. State Papers
Dom., Feb., 1560). Hence it was that Dr. Temple, Bishop of London,
was memorialised in March, 1888, as superintendent of the French
Church in London.— See "Eng. Hist. Review," April, 189 1, pp. 388-389.
" Stow's " Survey " (Thoms's ed., 1876), p. 67.
'Nichols'" Progresses of Queen Eliz.," iii, 598. For particulars of
Swinnerton see Clode's " Early Hist, of the Merchant Taylors' Com
pany, i, 262, etc.

.00 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
The mayor's The Steeple of the church, which was of so great
t1ie°dest'ruction beauty that the citizens desired its preservation,* was
of the Austin ^°^^ ^^ ^^® marquis to Henry Robinson, who forth-
Friars with Set to work to puU it down on the ground that
Church. . . ill
it was m such a state of decay as to be a danger to
the passer-by. Swinnerton, who happened to be
mayor at the time, ordered him to stay the work of
demolition ; he, however, not only hurried on the
more, but obstructed the officers sent to put a stop to
the work, for which he was committed to Newgate to
stay there until he gave security for restoring what he had
already pulled down. The thought suggests itself that
the fact of Swinnerton having purchased adjacent pro
perty may have made him the more zealous in prevent
ing the demolition ofthe steeple than perhaps he might
otherwise have been. However that may be, he lost
no time in informing the lords of the council of the
state of affairs and asking their advice (i6 Feb.,
1 6 12). The reply came three days later, and was to
the effect that as the City had had the option of
purchasing the steeple at even a less price than
Robinson had paid for it, and might have come to
some anangement with the marquis to keep it in
repair, it could not prevent Robinson, who purchased
it as a speculation, making the best he could of his
bargain ; so that, unless the City consented to accept
Robinson's offer to part with his property on payment
of his purchase-money and disbursements within a
fortnight, down the steeple must come.^
The priory of The priory of St. Helen without Bishopsgate
without was one ofthe last to be surrendered. In 1542 the
Bishopsgate. ' Strype's Stow, bk. ii, pp. 114, 115.
'^ Remembrancia (Analytical Index), pp. 133, 134.

401

RELIGIOUS HOUSES FOSTERED BY THE CITY.
nuns' chapel, which at one time was partitioned off
from the rest of the church, was made over to Sir
Richard Williams, a nephew of Thomas Cromwell,
and ancestor of the Protector. The nuns' refectory or
haU passed into the hands of the Leathersellers' Com
pany and formed the company's hall until the close
of the last century. The conduct of the inmates of
the priory had not always been what it should be.*
The last prioress, in anticipation of the coming storm,
leased a large portion of the conventual property to
members of her own family, and at the time of the
suppression was herself allowed a gratuity of ^"30
and a pension.
The relations existing between the civic authori- Friendly
ties and the religious houses in the city were often of tweenfte ""
a most friendly and cordial character. When, in 1520, Corporation
. ' J t and religious
the I'nars of the Holy Cross wanted assistance for houses in
the maintenance and building of their church, they ^ '^''^'
appHed to the Corporation as being their "secund
founders."^ For assistance thus given the friars
bound themselves to pray for their benefactors.
When, in 15 12, the master of St. Bartholomew's
hospital obtained a lease for ninety-nine years from
the City of a parcel of land on which his gatehouse
or porch stood, it was on condition of payment of a
certain rent and of his keeping a yearly obit in his
church for the souls of the mayor, aldermen and
commons of the city ; and when the master of the
hospital, two years later, attempted to back out of
' In 1439 Reginald Kentwode, Dean of St. Paul's, having in a
recent visitation discovered "many defaults and excesses," drew up a
schedule of injunctions for their better regulation. — Printed in London
and Middlesex Arch^ol. Soc. Transactions, ii, 200-203.
"Journal 12, fo. 75. 2 D

402

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
the terms of his lease and asked to be discharged
from keeping the obit on the ground that he thought
that the payment of the specified rent was sufficient
for the premises, the Court of Aldermen unanimously
decided that no part of the agreement should be
minished or remitted.* When the house of the
Sisters Minoresses or Poor Clares, situate in Aldgate,
suffered from fire, the Corporation rendered them
pecuniary aid to the extent of 300 marks.^
It was, however, to the Franciscans or Grey Friars
that the citizens of London, individually as well as in
their corporate capacity, were more especially attached.
Soon after their anival in England in 1223, they
became indebted to the benevolence and generosity
of citizens, their first benefactor having been John
Ewen, citizen and mercer, who made them a gift of
some land and houses in the parish of St. Nicholas
by the Shambles. Upon this they erected their
original building. Their first chapel, which became
the chapel of their church, was built at the cost of
William Joyner, who was mayor in 1239 ; the nave
was added by Henry Waleys, who was frequently
mayor during the reign of Edward I ; the chapter
house by Walter le Poter, elected sheriff in 1272 ; the
dormitory by Gregory de Rokesley, who was mayor
from 1274 to 1281, and again in 1284-5, ^"d whose
bones eventually found a resting place in their church ;
the refectory by another citizen, Bartholomew de
Castro; and lastly — coming to later times — a library
was added to their house by the bounty of Richard
Whitington, as already narrated. It became the cus
tom for the mayor and aldermen, as patron and
' Repertory 2, fo. 185b. -Repertory 5, fos. 15, 15b, 82b.

INSTITUTION OF PARISH REGISTERS. 403
founders, to pay a yearly visit to their house and
church on St. Francis's day (4 Oct.). The custom
dates from 1508. In 1522 the visit was for the first
time followed by a dinner.*
In one respect at least, if in no other, Cromwell's Royal in
action in suppressing religious houses resulted in a i^e"'^^(°" ^°"^
benefit to the city of London as well as to the country Parish Re-
. . gisters,
at large, and this was m the institution of parish 29 Sept.,
registers, not only for baptisms, but also for maniages. ^^^ '
It had been his intention to estabhsh them in 1536 to
remedy the inconvenience to the public arising
from the suppression of the smaller monasteries,
and it is evident that some instructions were given at
this time, inasmuch as the registers of two city parishes
— viz., St. James Garlickhithe and St. Mary Bothaw
— commence in November of this year,^ although
the royal injunction commanding that registers should
systematically be kept up, under penalty of fines, was
not pubHshed by Cromwell, as vicar-general, until the
29th September, 1538. The delay is to be accounted
for by the great discontent which the rumour of his
project excited in the country. It was reported that
some new tax on the services of the Church was con
templated, and the first in the list of popular grievances
circulated by the rebels in the Pilgrimage of Grace
was the payment of tribute to the king for the
sacrament of baptism. In course of time, as matters
became quieter and the government began to feel its
own strength, Cromwell resumed a project never alto
gether abandoned, and caused the injunction to be
'Repertory 2, fo. 185 ; Grey Friars Chron., pp. 29, 31.
^Sixteen other registers for city- parishes commence in 1538, and
four in 1539.— See Paper on St. James Garlickhithe, by W. D. Cooper,
F.S.A. (London and Middlesex Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. iii, p. 392, note).
2 D 2

404

Great in
crease of
London
poor, conse
quent on the
suppression of religious
houses.

Sir Richard
Gresham's
letter to the
king for
conveyanceto the City
of certain
hospitals.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
issued, an action for which posterity must ever be
deeply grateful.
On the other hand, the sudden closing of these
institutions caused the streets to be thronged with the
sick and poor, and the small parish churches to be so
crowded with those who had been accustomed to fre
quent the larger and more commodious churches of
the friars that there was scarce room left for the
parishioners themselves. The city authorities saw at
once that something would have to be done if they
wished to keep their streets clear of beggars and of
invalids, and not invite the spread of sickness by
allowing infected persons to wander at large. As a
means of affording temporary rehef, collections for the
poor were made every Sunday at Paul's Cross, after
the sermon, and the proceeds were distributed weekly
among the most necessitous,* but more comprehensive
steps were required to be taken.
Sir Richard Gresham,^ who was mayor at the
time (1537-8), took upon himself to address a letter'
to the king setting forth that there were three hospitals
in the city, viz., St. Mary's Spital, St. Bartholomew's
and St. Thomas's, besides the New Abbey on Tower
Hill — institutions primarily founded "onely for the
" releffe, comforte and helpyng of pore and impotent
'Wriothesley's Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 11), i, 77, 78.
" Descended from a Norfolk family. Apprenticed to John Middle-
ton, mercer, of London, and admitted to the freedom of the Mercers'
Company in 1507. Alderman of Walbrook and Cheap Wards
successively. Sheriff 153 1-2. Married ( I ) Audrey, daughter of William
Lynne, of Southwick, co. Northampton, (2) Isabella Taverson, nie
Worpfall. Was the father of Sir Thomas Gresham, the founder of the
Royal Exchange and of the college which bears his name. — Ob., 21 Feb.,
1549. Buried in the church of St. Laurence Jewry.
'Cott. MS., Cleop. K, iv, fo. 222.— Printed in Burgon's " Life of
Gresham," i, 26-29.

THE CITY AND THE DISSOLVED HOUSES. 405
" people not beyng able to helpe theymselffes ; and
" not to the mayntenannce of Chanons, Preests, and
" Monks to lyve in pleasure, nothyng regardyng the
"miserable people Hyng in every strete, offendyng
" every clone person passyng by the way with theyre
"fylthy and nasty savours" — and asking that the
mayor and aldermen of the city for the time being
might have the order and disposition of the hospitals
mentioned, and of all the lands, tenements and reve
nues appertaining to the same. If his grace would but
grant this request the mayor promised that a great
number of the indigent sick would be relieved, whilst
"sturdy beggars" not willing to work would be
punished. In March, 1539, the City presented two petitions Two petl-
to the king, one desiring that the late dissolved houses thTcity,™
might be made over to them, together with their rents ^^'•' *539-
and revenues, in order that relief might be provided for
the sick and needy, and the other asking that Henry
would be pleased to convey to them the churches ofthe
late four orders of friars, together with their lands and
tenements, so that the mayor and citizens might take
order for the due performance of divine service there
in to the glory of God and the honour of the king.*
These petitions having been either refused or ignored. The City
the Court of Common Council, on the ist August, "hase certain
1540, authorised the mayor and aldermen to make dissolved
-'~ ' -' houses,
diligent suit to the king for the purchase of the houses, i Aug., 1540.
churches, and cloisters of the dissolved friars, and to
make an offer of 1,000 marks for them " yf thei can
be gotten no better chepe."^ Henry upbraided the
'Journal 14, fo. 129; Letter Book P, fo. 178. 'Journal 14,
fo. 2 1 6b J Letter Book P, fo. 220b.

4-q6

The City in
difficulties
with king
and parlia
ment, 1541-
1542.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM. '
City for being "pynche pence" or stingy in their
offer,* but as no better offer was made the matter was
allowed to stand over, and nothing was done for four
years. Henry meanwhile took the opportunity afforded
him by a full treasury, which rendered him independ
ent of the favour of the citizens, of robbing them of
their right of measuring linen-cloth and other com
modities, and confening the same by letters patent
on John Godsalve, one of the clerks of the signet.
The City's right was incontestable, and had been
admitted by the king's chancellor, as well as by the
Chancellor of the Court of Fruits and Tenths (a court
recently established), and the mayor and aldermen
represented the facts of the case to the king himself
by letter, dated the 21st July, 1541.^ Another
" variance " occuned about this time between the City
and the Crown touching the office and duties of the
City's waterbailiff.'
Again, in the spring of 1542, an incident occurred
which caused the relations between pariiament and
the City to be somewhat strained. The sheriffs of
that year — Rowland HiU,* an ancestor of the fomider
of the Penny Post, and Henry Suckley — had thought
fit to obstruct the sergeant-at-mace in the execu
tion of his duty, whilst attempting to remove a
prisoner, who was a member of parliament, fi^om

'Repertory 10, fo. 200. ^Journal 14, fo. 269.
'Wriothesley, i, 129.
' Son of Thomas Hill, of Hodnet, co. Salop. He devoted large
sums of money to building causeways and bridges, and erected a
grammar school at Drayton-in-Hales, otherwise Market Drayton, in his
native county, which he endowed by will, dated 6 April, 1551 (Cal. of
.Wills, Court of Hust., London, part ii, p. 651). See also Holinshed,
iii, 1021. . ;

'407

PRECAUTIONS AGAINST INFECTIOUS DISEASES.
one of the compters. The arrest of a member
of parliament has always been a hazardous operation,
and the sheriffs after a time thought better of it and
gave up their prisoner. The Speaker, nevertheless,
summoned them to appear at the Bar of the House
and finally committed them to the Tower. They
were released after two or three days, however, at
the humble suit of the mayor.*
In the following year (1543) the plague returned, Precautions
and extra-precautions had to be taken against the spread of ^
spread of the disease, now that the houses of the pestdence,
friars were no longer open to receive patients and to
alleviate distress. Besides the usual order that infected
houses should be marked with a cross, the mayor
caused proclamation to be made that persons of in
dependent means should undergo quarantine for one
month after recovery from sickness, whilst others
whom necessity compeUed to walk abroad for their
livelihood were to carry in their hands white rods,
two feet in length, for the space of forty days after
convalescence. Straw and rushes in an infected house
were to be removed to the fields before they were
burnt, and infected clothing was to be canied away
to be aired and not to be hung out of window. The
hard-heartedness engendered by these visitations is
evidenced by the necessity of the mayor having to
enjoin that thenceforth no householder within the
city or liberties should put any person stricken with
the plague out of his house into the street, without
making provision for his being kept in some other
' Holinshed, iii, 824; Wriothesley, i, 135. According to the Grey
Friars Chron. (p. 45), it was the sergeant-at-arms himself whom the
sheriffs detained.

4o8

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Preparation
for renewal
of war with
France, 1544.

house. All dogs other than hounds, spaniels or mastiffs
kept for the purpose of guarding the house were forth
with to be removed out of the city or killed,
whilst watch-dogs were to be confined to the house.*
In October the mayor was ordered to resume the
weekly bills of mortality, which of late had been
neglected, in order that the king might be kept in
formed as to the increase or decrease of the sickness.^
The Michaelmas Law Sittings had to be postponed
until the 15th November, and were removed to St.
Albans.' Whilst the city was being wasted by disease the
king was preparing for war with France.* A joint
expedition by Henry and Charles was to be under
taken in the foUowing year (1544). A commission
was issued early in the year for raising money in the
city, and the lord chancellor himself, accompanied by
officers of State, came into the city to read it. Finding
that the lord mayor's name appeared third on the
commission instead of being placed at its head, the
chancellor ordered the mistake to be at once rectified
by the town clerk and a new commission to be drawn
up, whilst the rest of the lords agreed that at their
several sessions on the business of this subsidy the
lord mayor should occupy the seat of honour.^ By
the end of April the chancellor (Audley) had died.
His successor. Lord Wriothesley, had not long been
appointed before the Court of Aldermen sent a depu
tation to desire his lordship's favour and friendship
'Proclamation dated 13 Aug., 1543.— Journal 15, fo. 48b.
'Journal 15, fo. 55 ; Letter Book Q, fo. 93.
' Letter Book Q, fo. 92b ; Grey Friars Chron., p. 45.
'Writ to mayor and sheriffs for proclamation of war, dat. 2 Aug.,
1543-— Journal 15, fo. 46b. 'Repertory 11, fo. 32b.

RENEWAL OF WAR WITH FRANCE.
in the city's affairs, and agreed to make him a present
of a couple of silver-gilt pots to the value of ;^2o
or thereabouts.* On the 24th May the Common
Council agreed to provide a contingent of 500 or 600
men at the discretion of the mayor and aldermen,
the men being raised from the livery companies.^
Just as the king was about to set sail for the There-
continent, he issued letters patent (23 June, 1544) men't'ofst.
re-estabhshing the hospital of St. Bartholomew on a ^arthoio-
new foundation, with the avowed object of providing hospital,
" comfort to prisoners, shelter to the poor, visitation 1544""^'
" to the sick, food to the hungry, drink to the thirsty,
"clothes to the naked, and sepulture to the dead."'
Henry crossed over to France, leaving the new The cam-
queen, Catherine Parr, widow of Lord Latimer, whom F^2ice"of
he had recently manied, regent of the realm. After *544.
a long siege, lasting from July untU September, he
succeeded in taking Boulogne. On Thursday, the 25th
September, an order was received by the Court of
Aldermen from the lord chancellor, on behalf of the
queen regent, to get in readiness another contingent of
500 men well harnessed and weaponed, 100 of whom
were to be archers and the rest bUlmen. The last
mentioned were to be provided with " blak bylles or
morys pykes." The whole force was to be ready for
shipment to Boulogne by the following Saturday. No
time was to be lost. The wardens of the city
companies were immediately summoned, and each
company was ordered to provide the same number
' Repertory ii, fo. 65b.
= Journal 15, fo. 95; Repertory II, fo. 74; Letter Book Q, fo. 109.
'"Memoranda . . . relating to the Royal Hospitals," 1863,
pp. 4-7.

409

:410

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
of men as on the last occasion. Each soldier was to
be provided with a coat of grey frieze, with half
sleeves, and a pair of new boots or else "sterte upps."
The Corporation for its part appointed five captains,
,to each of whom was given the sum of ^lo towards
his apparel and charges, whilst £^ was allowed to
each petty captain. These suins were paid out of the
"goods" of the mayor and commonalty.*
Scarcely had the city recovered from this drain
upon its population before it was again called upon to
fill up the ranks of the army in France. On Saturday,
the 25th October, the Court of Aldermen was ordered
to raise another force of 500 men by the following
Monday. It was no easy matter to comply with so
sudden a demand. The city companies were called
upon to contribute as before, any deficiency in the
number of men raised by them being made up by
men raised by the mayor and aldermen themselves
in a somewhat novel fashion. The Court of Alder
men had agreed that each of their number should on
the Saturday night make the round of his ward and
select "fifty, forty, twenty, or ten" tall and comely men,
who should be warned in the king's name to appear
the next moming before seven o'clock at the Guild
hall. On Sunday moming the mayor, and aldennen
came to the Guildhall, and took the names of those
whom they had selected over night. Two hundred
men were eventually set apart to make up the
deficiency of those to be provided by the companies.
By six o'clock in the evening the whole contingent of
500 men was thus raised, and . at nine o'clock on
-Monday morning they mustered at Leadenhall,
' Repertory ii, fo. lo6 ; Letter Book Q, fo. Il6b.

A BENEVOLENCE RAISED IN THE CITY. 41 1
whence they were conducted by the sheriffs and city
chamberiain to the Tower Hill and handed over to
Sir Thomas Arundel, who complimented the civic
authorities on the appearance ofthe men, and promised
to commend their diligence to the king.* This same
Monday morning {27 Oct.) the mayor received in
structions to see that such carpenters and other
artificers as had , been " prested " for the king's
service at Boulogne by the king's master-carpenter
kept their day and presented themselves at the -time
and place appointed on pain of death.^ Search was
ordered to be made in the following month for
mariners lurking in the city, and if any were dis-
discovered they were to be forthwith despatched to
the ships awaiting them.'
By this time the king had ceased to take a City gift
personal part in the campaign and had returned home, his*e^turn^ °"
the mayor and aldermen giving him a hearty wel- '^""^ France.
come, and making him a suitable present in token of
their joy for his return and his success in effecting the
sunender of Boulogne.*
At the opening of the next year (1545) Henry Opposition to
¦demanded another benevolence after the rate of two L theTity!"'^^
shillings in the pound. The lord chancellor and others '545-
ofthe king's council sat at Baynard's Castle to coUect
the benevolence of the city, " callinge all the citizens
" of the same before them, beginninge first with the
" mayor and aldermen." * Richard Rede, alderman of
the ward of Faningdon Without, resisted this demand
'Repertory, 11, fo. 11 8b; Letter Book Q, fo. 120b.
"Journal 15, fo. 123 ; Letter Book Q, fo. 119.
'Journal 15, fo. 124; Letter Book Q, fo. 122.
' Letter Book Q, fo. 120b.
'Wriothesley, i, 151, 153; Grey Friars Chron., p. 48.

412

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

as unconstitutional, and was promptly despatched to
the king in Scotland, where he was shortly afterwards
made a prisoner of war. Another alderman. Sir
William Roche, of Bassishaw ward, was unfortunate
enough to offend the council and was committed to
the Fleet.*
William Lax- On the 8th February William Laxton, the mayor,
knlghtedr' ¦^^.s presented to the king at Westminster, when
8 Feb., 1545. Uenry took occasion to thank him and his brother
aldermen for the benevolence they had given him.
He informed them of the success that had recently
attended the English forces under the Earl of
Hertford and the lord admiral, Sir John Dudley,
whom he had left as deputy of Boulogne, and dis
missed them to their homes after confening upon the
mayor the honour of knighthood.^
A call for In the following April volunteers were called for,
the French and tliose in the city willing to follow the fortunes of
war, April, .^^j. g^g "adventurers" were asked to repair to the
sign ofthe "Gunne," at Billingsgate, where they would
receive directions from John of Caleys, captain of all
such adventurers, for their passage to France.' The
sessions of the law courts were adjourned in order
to give lawyers and suitors an opportunity of showing
their patriotism by taking up arms.* The city com
panies furnished loo men appareled "with whyte
cotes of penystone whytes^ or karsies," with a
'Holinshed, iii, 346 "Wriothesley, i, 151, 152.
'Journal 15, fo. 239b ; Letter Book Q, fo. 167b.
'Journal 15, fo. 240. ; Letter Book Q, fo. 168 ; Wriothesley, i, 154.
'"A coarse frieze was so called from a small town in the West
Riding of Yorkshire. An Act of 5 and 6 Edward VI (1551-2) pro
vided that all " clothes commonly called Pennystones or Forest Whites
. . shall conteyne in length beinge wett betwixt twelve and thirtene
yardes. "

MORE LEVIES TO BE RAISED IN THE CITY.

413

red cross of St. George before and behind, each being
provided with a white cap to wear under his " sallett
or scull." *
There yet remained a portion of the last subsidy to The last sub-
be coUected, for which purpose the lord chancellor forfhwith paid
once more paid a visit to the city (12 June) and sat "P-
in the Guildhall. Every alderman was straitly
charged to call before him every person in his ward
who was worth ;^40 and upwards. The king's affairs
were pressing, and this last payment must be im
mediately forthcoming.^
A week later (19 June) letters from the king a force of
were read to the Court of Aldermen touching the demanded 'oF
levying of more forces and firing of beacons — a French the City, June,
squadron had appeared off the south coast. It
was resolved to adjourn consideration of the message
until the foUowing Monday, when the lord chancellor
and other lords of the council would again be coming
into the city for the subsidy, and their advice could
be asked. The outcome of these letters was that the
City had to raise a force of 2,000 able men. To do this
an assessment of a fifteenth was ordered to be levied
on the wards, but in the meantime the money so to
be raised was to be advanced by the aldermen.' Not
only were the aldermen on this, as on other occasions,
mulcted in their pocket, but they were also called upon
to personaUy share with the lord mayor himself and the
sheriffs in the extra watch which in the " besye tyme
of the warres " was ordered to be kept in the city.*
'Repertory II, fo. 193b; Letter Book Q, fo. 133; Wriothesley,
i> 154. "Wriothesley, i, 155. 'Repertory 11, fos. 203, 212b.
¦'30 July. — Repertory 11, fo. 215b. The Midsummer watch had
not been kept this year. — Wriothesley, i, 156.

414

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Boulogne
threatened.

Act for con
fiscating
chantries,&c., 1545.

In the meantime a man was despatched by the Court
of Aldermen to St. James' Fair to buy five wey of
cheese for the city's soldiers who were already at
Guildford. The cheese was to be sent by water as
far as Kingston, whence it would be conveyed by
" the good industrye and help of Master Judde, alder
man," to its destination. The bakers of Stratford
contracted to send two cart-loads of bread. It was
further agreed on the same day that Christopher
Fowlke should forthwith go to Guildford, and further
if need be, " to guyde the seyd vytayle and to utter
" the same to the souldyers by thassistence of the
" sworde berer and the under chamberleyn. And to
" recyve money for the same." * A fiag and a drum
were likewise to be despatched forthwith. The
citizen soldiers were required to assist in driving out
the French, who had effected a landing in the Isle of
Wight ; but before they arrived the enemy had dis
appeared.^ The French king now prepared to lay siege to
Boulogne, and the citizens were again called upon to
furnish soldiers. One thousand men were required,
and this number was only raised by enlisting men who
had failed to pass previous musters. However, there
was no time to pick and choose.'
By this time Henry's resources were fast giving
out. A parHament was summoned to meet in Novem
ber, and again resort was had to confiscation for the
purpose of supplying the king with money. An Act
was passed which placed 2,000 chantries and chapels
and over 100 hospitals at Henry's disposal.*

' Repertory ii, fo. 213.
'Repertory 11, fo. 216b.

" Wriothesley, i, 58.
'Stat. 37, Henry VIII, c. 4.

ENFORCEMENT OF UNIFORMITY. , j c
All parties were, however, tired of the war, and Peace with
in the foUowing June (1546) a peace was concluded. ckimed'^'^°'
Henry was allowed to retain Boulogne as security for *3 June,
a debt, and the French admiral soon afterwards paid
a visit to the city, where he was heartUy welcomed
and hospitably entertained.*
Freed from the embanassment of foreign wars. Uniformity
Henry now had leisure to turn his attention to home enforcfd°"
affairs, and more particularly to the establishment of *546.
that uniformity which he so much desired, and
which he endeavoured to bring about by getting rid
pf all those who differed in opinion from himself.
Those who openly declaredftheir disbelief in any one
ofthe "Six Articles," and more particularly in the
first article, which established the doctrine of the real
presence, ran the risk of death by the gallows, the
block or the stake. A city rector. Dr. Crome, of the
church of St. Mary Aldermary, got into disgrace for Recantation
speaking lightly of the benefits to be derived from of st! Mary
private masses, and, although his argument tended to Aldermary.
minimise the effect of the recent confiscation of so
many chantries, he was called upon to make a public
recantation at Paul's Cross.^
Others were not so compHant. Among these was Trial and
Anne Ascue or Ascough, a daughter of Sir William AnneAscu°e.
Ascough, of Kelsey, in Lincolnshire, and sometimes
known as Anne Kyme, from the name of her husband,
with whom she had ceased to live. In June, 1545,
she and some others, among whom was another
woman, Joan, wife of John Sauterie, of London, had
'Repertory ii,fo. 299b; Letter Book Q, fo. i8i ; Journal 15, fo.
270; Wriothesley, i, 165.
"Holinshed, iii, 856'; Grey Friars Chron., p. 50.

41 6 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
been anaigned at the Guildhall "for speaking against
the sacrament of the altar" ; but, no evidence being
adduced against her, she was on that occasion acquitted
and discharged.* Scarcely a year elapsed before she
was again in custody. On the i8th June, 1546, she
was tried at the Guildhall and condemned to be
burned alive as a heretic at Smithfield, where the city
chamberlain had- orders to erect a " substantial stage,"
whence the king's council and the civic authorities
might witness the scene.^
Improved The insanitary condition of the city, occasioned
of the city, for the most part by an insufficient supply of water,
1545-1546. .^^g j^Q^ improved by the infiux of disbanded and
invalided soldiers, followed by a swarm of vagabonds
and idlers, which took place at the conclusion of
peace with France. To the soldiers licences were
granted to solicit alms for longer or shorter periods,
whilst the vagabonds were ordered to quit the city.'
The water question had been taken in hand by the
Common Council towards the close of the preceding
year (1545), when Sir Martin Bowes entered upon
his mayoralty, and a tax of two fifteenths was
imposed upon the inhabitants of the city for the
purpose of conveying fresh water from certain
"lively sprynges" recently discovered at Hackney.*'
Bowes himself was very energetic in the matter,
and before he went out of office he had the satis
faction of seeing a plentiful supply of water brought
into the heart of the city from the suburban manor
of Finsbury.^ ' Holinshed, iii, 847. "Letter Book Q, fo. 181.
'Repertory II, fo. 247. 'Journal 15, fo. 213b. 'Wriothesley,
i, 162, 175.

THE CITY AS GOVERNORS OF. ROYAL HOSPITALS.

417

Henry's reign was now fast drawing to a close. St. Bartholo-
In April, 1546, he had bestowed an endowment of 500 ^iZ\^°^'
marks a year on the city poor-houses on condition the y,^^*^*^ '"^^
. . City, I3jan.,
citizens themselves found a similar sum.* In January, i547-
1547 — a few days only before he died — he showed
still further care for the city poor by vesting in the
Corporation, not only St. Bartholomew's Hospital,
thenceforth to be known as the House of the Poor in
West Smithfield, but also the house and church of the
dissolved monastery of the Grey Friars and the house
and hospital of Bethlehem.^
The Corporation lost no time in getting their Acommittee
newly acquired property into working order. On the fnTC°tigate°
6th May the late king's conveyance was read before '^^ recently
-' a J acquired
the Court of Aldermen, and thereupon a committee, property,
of which Sir Martin Bowes was a prominent member, 1547.
was deputed to make an abstract of the yearly
revenues and charges of the house of the Grey Friars
and hospital of little Saint Bartholomew, and to
report thereon to the court with as much speed as
possible.' From a purely monetary point of view the
City had made a bad bargain, and had saddled itself
with an annual expenditure out of the Corporation
revenues to an extent Httle thought of at the time.*
On the 28th ¦ January, 1547, Henry died "at hys The king's
"most pryncely howse at Westminster, comenly fg^jan.,

1547-

'Journal 15, fos. 245, 399b, seq.
""Memoranda . . . Royal Hospitals,'' pp. 20-45.
'Repertory 11, fo. 349b.
'In Sept., 1547, the citizens were called upon to contribute half a
fifteenth for the maintenance of the poor of St. Bartholomew's. —Journal
15, fo. 325b. In Dec, 1548, an annual sum of 500 marks out of the
profits of Blackwell, and in 1557 the whole of the same profits were set
aside for the poor.— Journal 15, fos. 398, seq. ; Repertory 13, pt. ii,
fo. 512.

2 E

4i8

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Edward VI
proclaimedking in the
city, 31 Jan.,
1547.

Distribution of gowns of
black livery.

" called Yorkeplace or Whytehall " — the palace which
Cardinal Wolsey built for himself, and which Henry
appropriated, extending its grounds and preserves in
cynical contempt of public convenience and utter
disregard of the chartered rights of the citizens of
London.* There his corpse remained until the 14th
February, when it was removed at 8 o'clock in the
morning to Sion House, near Richmond, and thence
conveyed to Windsor on the following day.
In the meantime the mayor, Henry Huberthome,
or Hoberthome,^ had been sent for (3 1 Jan.) to attend
the king's council at Westminster, where he received
orders to return to the city and cause himself and his
brother aldermen to be anayed in their scarlet robes,
in order to accompany the heralds whilst they pro
claimed the new king in various parts of the city.
This being done, the mayor took steps for securing the
peace of the city, and the citizens voted Edward a
benevolence of a fifteenth and a half.'
Edward on his part presented the mayor and
aldermen with 104 gowns of black livery, according to
the precedent followed at the decease of Henry VII.
'Royal proclamation, 7 July, 1545, forbidding all pursuit of game
in Westminster, Islington, Highgate, Hornsey and elsewhere in the
suburbs of London. — ^Journal 15, fo. 240b.
= Son of Christopher Huberthome, of Waddington, co. Lane,
Alderman of Farringdon Within. His mansion adjoined the Leadenhall.
Ob., Oct., 1556. Buried in the church of St. Peter, Cornhill.— Machyn.
115.352. It was in Huberthorne's mayoralty that the customary banquet
to the aldermen, the "officers lerned" and the commoners of the city, on
Monday next after the Feast of Epiphany,. known as " Plow Monday,"
was discontinued.— Letter Book Q, fo. 191b. It was afterwards re
newed and continues to this day in the form of a dinner given by the
new mayor to the officers of his household and clerks engaged in various
departments of the service of the Corporation. An attempt was at the
same time made to put down the lord mayor's banquet also.—
Wriothesley, i, 176.
'Journal 15, fos. 303b, 3osb ; Letter Book Q, os. 192b, 194;
Wriothesley, i, 178.

FUNERAL OF HENRY THE EIGHTH.
These gowns were distributed among the mayor
and aldermen, the high officers and certain clerks
in the service of the Corporation. Ten aldermen
accompanied the remains of the late king on their
waiy to Windsor, riding forth in black coats with the
rest of the mourners, the harness and bridles of their
horses being covered with black cloth. Two of the
aldermen, Sir William Laxton and Sir Martin Bowes,
had each four servants in their suite, whUst the rest
of the aldermen had three, all in black coats.*
'Journal 15, fo. 304; Letter Book Q, fo. 195; Repertory 11,
fo. 335b.

419

2 E 2

CHAPTER XV.
Accession and Provision had been made for the succession to
Edward vi°^ the crowu on Henry's death by an Act of Pariiament
1547- passed in 1544, and the princesses Mary and Ehza
beth were thereby re-instated in their rights of
inheritance as if no question of their legitimacy had
ever been raised. As Edward, who was next in
succession to the crown, was but a boy, Henry had
taken pains to select a council of regency in which
no one party should predominate. This council was
soon set aside, and Hertford, the king's uncle, got
himself appointed Protector of the realm and took
the title of Duke of Somerset. At the time of his
father's death Edward was residing at Hertford Castle.
He was soon afterwards carried thence by his uncle
to London and lodged in the Tower, where the mayor,
Henry Hoberthome, went to pay his respects and
received the honour of knighthood.*
On the 19th the young king passed through the
city to Westminster, the mayor riding before him
bareheaded with the mace of crystaP in his hand.
'"The lord mayor of London, Henry Hobulthorne, was called
fourth, who kneeling before the king, his majestie tooke the sworde of
the Lord Protector and made him knight, which was the first that eaver
he made." — Wriothesley's Chron. (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. ii.), i, l8i.
"This mace is still in possession of the Corporation. It is only
brought out for use on such occasions as a coronation, when it is carried
by the lord mayor as on the occasion narrated above, and at the annual
election of the chief magistrate of the city, when it is formally handed
by the Chamberlain to the lord mayor elect The mace consists of a
tapering shaft of rock crystal mounted in gold, with a coroneted head
also of gold, adorned with pearls and large jewels. Its age is uncertain.
Whilst some hazard the conjecture that it may be of Saxon origin,
there are others who are of opinion that the head of it at least cannot
be earlier than the 15th century.

THE CORONATION OF EDWARD VL

421

The streets were lined with members of the livery
companies. The conduits, the standard and cross in
Chepe, the Ludgate and the Temple Bar had been
freshly painted and trimmed with goodly hangings of
Arras and cloth of gold for the occasion. At three of
the conduits, namely, the conduit in Cornhill, the
great conduit in Chepe, and the conduit in Fleet
Street, wine was made by artificial means to flow as
if from the "festrons" of the conduits themselves.
At the Httle conduit in Chepe were stationed the
aldermen of the city, in their scarlet gowns, and the
Recorder, who, in the name of the whole city, pre
sented his majesty with 1,000 marks in "hole new
sufferaynes" of gold in a purse of purple cloth of gold,
which his majesty deigned to accept with his own
hand. The next day Edward was crowned. The lord
mayor, according to custom, attended with his crystal
mace as the king passed from his palace to church, and
thence, after mass, to Westminster Hall, and received
for his services the customary gold cup, which on this
occasion weighed twenty ounces, with its cover and a
"leyer" (or laver) silver-gilt weighing six ounces.*
The work of reformation was now about to be Opposition in
taken seriously in hand. Something, it is true, had sacrament of ^
been done in this direction under Henry, but in *^™^%
dilettante fashion. The ceremony connected with
the boy -bishop, which even Colet had thought
worthy to be perpetuated in his school,^ had been
'Journal 15, fo. 305; Letter Book Q, fos. I95b-I96; Repertory 11,
fo. 334b. " " All these chyldren shall every Chyldermasse day come to Paulis
Church and here the chylde bisshoppis sermon, and after be at the hye
masse, and eche of them offer a \^- to the childe bisshop and with theme
the maisters and surveyors of the scole." — Statutes of St. Paul's School,
printed in Lupton's " Life of Dean Colet," p. 278b.

422 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
abolished by order of the mayor in 1538.* The ruth
less destruction of the shrine of St. Thomas at
Canterbury, and the erasure of his name from service-
books, had been followed in the city by an order
(1539) for a new common seal on which the arms of
the city were substituted for the original effigy of
the saint.^ Henry himself only coquetted with
Protestantism ; his chief object, if not the only one,
was to get rid of the papal supremacy; but among
the bourgeois class of the city there was an eamest
desire to see an improvement made in the doctrine
and discipline of the Church.'
Whilst the statute of the Six Articles was still
unrepealed, the sacrament of the mass frequently
provoked open hostility in the city. Thus, in August,
1538, Robert Reynold, a stationer, was declared upon
the oath of five independent witnesses to have been
heard to say "that the masse was nawght, and the
" memento was Bawdrye, and after the consecracioun
"of the masse yt was idolatrye." He was further
charged with having said that it were better for him
to confess and be houseled by a temporal rather than
a spiritual man.* Again, in February, 1543, Hugh
Eton, a hosier of London, was convicted of disguising
himself "in fonde fassyon," and of ineverently walking
up and down in St. Bride's Church before the sacra
ment, disturbing the priests at mass and creating a
tumult. By way of punishment for his offence he was
set in the cage in Fleet Street, "disguised" as he was,
' Letter Book P, fo. 172b.
"Journal 14, fo. 158b ; Letter Book P, fo. 197.
'See Brewer's Introd. to Cal. Letters and Papers For. and Dom.,
vol. IV, pp. deli — dcliii.
¦i Letter Book P, fo. 153.

THE REFORMATION.
with a paper on his head setting forth his offence.
He there remained until four o'clock in the afternoon,
when he was removed to the compter and condemned
to stay there a prisoner until he found sureties for
good behaviour.*
After the repeal of the statute by Edward's first
parliament, the opposition to the " sacrament of the
altar," as the mass was called, became greater than
ever.^ A boy was ordered to be whipt naked in the
church of St. Mary Woolnoth for throwing his cap at
the host at the time of elevation.' In February,
1548, information was given to the Court of Aldermen
of preachers having used "certain words" touching the
mass in the churches of St. Dunstan in the east and
St. Martin Orgar.* On the 5th May, 1548, the mayor
and aldermen resolved to appear the next day before
the Lord Protector Somerset and the council, and
explain the nature of the misdemeanours of certain
preachers, concerning which the mayor had already
had some communication with the Archbishop of
Canterbury.^ In the foUowing month (5 June) the Court of
Aldermen investigated a charge made against a city
' Letter Book Q, fo. 102.
""Also this same tyme [Nov., 1547] was moche spekying agayne
the sacrament of the auter, that some callyd it Jacke of the boxe, with
divers other shamefuUe names . . . And at this tyme [Easter, 1548]
was more prechyng agayne the masse." — Grey Friars Chron., p. 55.
' Letter Book Q, fo. 250b. ' Repertory II, fo. 423.
' " After the redyng of the preposycioun made yesterday in the Sterre
Chamber by the lorde chaunceler and y" declaracioun made by my lorde
mayer of suche comunicacioun as his lordshyp had w' the Bysshop of
Caunterburye concernyng the demeano"- of certein prechers and other
dysobedyent persones yt was ordered and agreyd that my lorde mayer
and all my maisters thaldermen shall this afternone att^ ij of y= clok
repayre to my lorde protectors grace and the hole counseill and declare
unto theim the seid mysdemeanor and that thei shall mete att Saint
Martyns in the Vyntrey att one ofthe clok. "—Repertory 11, fo. 4S6b.

423

424

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Act for
abolition of
chantries, 1547-

Redemption
of charges
for super
stitious uses
by the city
and com
panies, 1550.

curate that, about a month before, after reciting the
common prayers at the choir door at high mass, he
had prayed among other things that Almighty God
might send the king's council grace and bring them
out of the erroneous opinions that they were then in.
The informer went on to say that Sir Clement Smith
and the Recorder, who were present, laughed at the
prayer. But inasmuch as the informer had not been
present himself, and that what he had laid before the
court was mere hearsay evidence, little attention was
paid to it.*
The abolition of chantries initiated by Henry
VIII was canied out to a fuller extent by his suc
cessor. The statute (i Edward VI, cap 14) by which
this was effected not only deprived a large number of
priests of a means of livelihood, but laid them open to
insult from those they met in the street. They com
plained that they could not walk abroad nor attend
the court at Westminster without being reviled and
having their tippets and caps violently pulled.^
The same statute — by declaring all chantries,
obits, lights and lamps to be objects of superstitious
use, and all goods, chattels, jewels, plate, ornaments
and other moveables hitherto devoted to their main
tenance to be thenceforth escheated to the Crown —
dealt a heavy blow to the Corporation of the City of
London, as well as to the civic companies and other
bodies who owned property subject to certain payments
under one or other of these heads. Three years after

' Repertory ii, fo. 465.
" A proclamation against the evil behaviour of citizens and others
against priests, 12 Nov., 1547. — Letter Book Q, fo. 218 ; Journal 15,
fo. 335b.

SUPERSTITIOUS USES. 425
the passing of the Act the Corporation and the com
panies redeemed certain charges of this character on
their respective properties to the amount of ;^939 2s.
Sj4d. by payment to the Crown of no less a sum than
;^i8,744 IIS. 2d.^
The redemption of these and other charges of a
similar character, whUst very convenient to the Crown,
saving the trouble and expense of coUecting small
sums of money, worked a hardship upon the Corpo
ration and the companies. In order to raise funds
for redeeming the charges they were obHged to
sell property. This property was often held under
conditions of reverter and remainders over, unless
what was now declared to be illegal was religiously
canied out. It was manifestly unfair that they should
be made to forfeit property because the conditions
under which it was held could no longer be legally
comphed with. A petition therefore was presented
to the king in order to obviate this difficulty, and to
enable them to part with the necessary property and
at the same time to give a clear title.^
In the meantime (Aug., 1547) an order had gone Order for
forth for the demolition of all images and removal of of h^age°?
pictures and stained glass from churches. The in- ^^'"'^^/'^y''
structions sent to the lord mayor were very precise.
" Stories made in glasse wyndows " relative to Thomas
Becket were to be altered at as little expense as possible.
Images and pictures to which no offerings and no
prayers were made might remain for "garnisshement"
'By letters patent dated 14 July, 1550 (preserved at the Guildhall,
Box 17).
"Letter Book R, fo. i66b ; Wriothesley's Chron. (Camden Soc,
N.S., No. 20), ii, 35. See also exemplification of Act of Pari, passed
a" 5 Edward VI, in accordance with the terms of this petition (Box 29).

426 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
of the churches ; and if any such had been taken down
the mayor was at liberty to set them up again, unless
they had been taken down by order of the king's
commissioners or the parson of the church. If there
existed in any church a " storye in glasse " of the
Bishop of Rome, otherwise the Pope, the mayor
might paint out the papal tiara and alter the "storye."*
These instructions, contained in a letter from the
king's council, were duly considered at a Court of
Aldermen held on the 22nd September, with the
.result that every alderman was ordered, in the most
secret, discreet and quiet manner he could devise, to
visit each parish church in his ward, and to take with
him the parson or curate and two or three honest
parishioners, churchwardens or others who had had
anything to do with the removal of the images that
had already been taken down, and, having shut
the church door for the sake of privacy, to take a
note in writing of what images had formerly been
in the several churches, what images had offerings
and were prayed to, and what not ; who had re
moved those taken down, and what had been done
with them. A report was to be made on these points
by every alderman at the next court, so that the
lords of the council might be informed thereon and
their will ascertained before any further steps were
taken. ^
The havoc worked by the king's commissioners
in the city and throughout the country by the reckr
less destruction of works of art was tenible. The
churches were stripped of every ornament, their walls
¦Journal 15, fo. 322 ; Letter Book Q, fo. 210b.
" Repertory 11, fo. 373 ; Letter Book Q, fo. 214.

SPOLIATION OF THE CHURCHES.
whitewashed, and only relieved by the tables of
the commandments. Early in September the com
missioners visited St. Paul's and pulled down all the
images. In November the rood was taken down
with its images of the Virgin and St. John. The great
cross of the rood fell down accidentaUy and killed
one of the workmen, a circumstance which many
ascribed to the special intervention .of the Almighty.
From St. Paul's the commissioners proceeded to the
church of St. Bride, and so from parish church to
parish chinch.*
In the following year (1548) the chapel of St.
Paul's charnel house was pulled down and the
bones removed into the country and reburied. From
a sanitary point of view their removal is to be com
mended. There is no such excuse, however, for the
destruction of the cloister in Pardon churchyard
(April, 1549), with its famous picture of the Dance
of Death, painted at the expense of John Carpenter, the
town clerk of the city, of whom mention has already
been made. The fact was that the Protector Somerset
required material for building his new palace in
the Strand,^ to enlarge which he had already pulled
down Strand Church, dedicated to Saint Mary and
the Holy Innocents.' The destmction of the cloister
necessitated a new order of procession on the next
Lord Mayor's Day (24 Oct.), when Sir Rowland Hill
paid the customary visit to St. Paul's, made a circuit
'Grey Friars Chron., 54, 55 ; Wriothesley, ii, 1.
" Grey Friars Chron. , p. 58. In May (1548) the duke applied to the
City for water to be laid on to Stronde House, afterwards known as
Somerset House —Repertory 11, fos. 462b, 484 ; Journal 15, fo. 383b;
Letter Book Q, fo. 253b.
' Grey Friars Chron. , p. 55.

427

428 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
of the interior of the cathedral, and said a De profundis
at the bishop's tomb.*
The citizens Nor can the civic authorities themselves be alto-
and the Grey
Friars Church, gother acquitted of vandalism. They destroyed the
'^'^^' churches of St. Nicholas Shambles and St. Ewin, and
sold the plate and windows, but the proceeds were
distributed among the poor.^ They went further than
this. They removed the fine tombs and altars, as well
as the choir stalls, fi'om the church of the Grey Friars,
where mingled the ashes of some of the noblest and
best in the land. There was some excuse, however,
for these acts. The house and church of the Grey
Friars had been granted to the City at the close of
the last reign on the express condition that the
churches of St. Nicholas and St. Ewin should be
abolished, and that the church of the Grey Friars
should be established as a parish church in their
place under the name of Christ Church. It was
probably in order to render the old monastic church
more convenient as a parish church that they re
moved much of what to the antiquary of to-day would
have seemed of priceless value, and at the same time
reduced the dimensions of the choir.'
The "com- At Eastor, 1548, a new communion service in
^bstituted for English took the place of the mass.* At the election
the mass,
1548. 'Wriothesley, ii, 29. Touching the ceremony of visiting the tomb
ofthe Bishop of London, to whom the citizens were indebted for the
charter of William the Conqueror, see chap, i, p. 35.
" Letter Book Q, fos. 232, 234b ; Repertory 11, fos. 356, 415, 431,
444b, 511b.
' " Item, at this same tyme \circ. Sept., 1547] was puUyd up alle the
tomes, grett stones, alle the auteres, with sialics and walles of the qweer
and auters in the church that was some tyme the Gray freeres, and solde
and the qweer made smaller." — Grey Friars Chron., p. 54.
'"At Ester foUowyng there began the commonion, and confession
but of thoys that wolde, as the boke dothe specifythe. " — Grey Friars
Chron., p. 55 ; Cf. Wriothesley (Camd. Soc, N.S., No. 20), ii, 2.

THE TUNING OF THE PULPITS. 429
of the mayor on the following Michaelmas-day, on
which occasion a mass had always been celebrated at
the Guildhall Chapel since the time of Whitington, an
endeavour appears to have been made by the Court
of Aldermen to effect a compromise between mass
and communion, for whilst it ordered that a mass of
the Holy Ghost should be solemnly sung in English
in the Guildhall Chapel (which had been confiscated
by Henry VIII)* as theretofore, it further ordered
that the holy communion should be administered to
two or three of the priests there at the same mass.^
Orders were issued by the king's council that candles
should no longer be carried about on Candlemas-day,
ashes on Ash Wednesday, palms on Palm Sunday.
These practices were now considered superstitious, as
also was the "sensyng" which hitherto had taken
place in St. Paul's at Whitsuntide, but which the
Court of Aldermen now decreed to be abolished, and
the preaching of sermons substituted in its place.'
The people were at this time extremely distracted The " tun-
by the various and contradictory opinions of their pu^pUs."^
preachers ; and as they were totally incapable of judg
ing of the force of arguments adduced on one side or
the other, but conceived that everything spoken from
the pulpit was of equal authority, great confusion and
perplexity of mind ensued. In order to "tune the
'The Guildhall college, chapel and library were restored to the
City in 1550, by Edward VI, on payment of £\<,(i 13.?. 4^.— Pat. Roll
4 Edward VI, p. 9m. (32) 20; Letter Book R, fo. 64b.
"Repertory 11, fo. 493b.
^ Id., fo. 455. (431 pencil mark) ; Letter Book Q, fo. 237. "This
yeare in the Whitson holidaies my lord maior [Sir John_ Gresham]
caused three notable sermons to be made at Sainct Marie Spittell,
according as they are kept at Easter . . . And the sensing in
Poules cleene put downe."— Wriothesley, ii, 2, 3. The processions
were kept up in 1554, " but there was no sensynge. "— Grey Friars
Chron., p. 89.

43°

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

pulpits" and to effect uniformity of doctrine and
service, the Lord Protector resorted to proclamations,
which, although no longer having the authority of
statutes as in the reign of Henry VIII, practicaUy
answered the same purpose. Preaching was thus
restricted to those who had previously obtained a
Hcence from the king, his visitors, the archbishop of
Canterbury, or the bishop of the diocese.* The same
want of uniformity which appeared in the preachers
appeared also. in their congregations; some "kepte
"holy day and manny kepte none, but dyd worke
" opynly, and in some churches servys and some none,
"soche was the devysyon."^
The insur- In the meantime great discontent had been caused
rections of , ^^ Protoctor's moasures. The rich nobleman and
1549. J
country gentleman said nothing, for their assent had
been purchased by gifts of church property, but the
tenants and bourgeois class suffered from increased
rents, from enclosures and evictions. Church lands
had always been underlet ; the monks were easy
landlords. Not so the new proprietors of the con
fiscated abbey lands, they were determined to make
the most out of their newly-acquired property.'
Insurrection broke out in various parts of the
' Cf. Journal 15, fo. 3S2b ; Letter Book Q, fos. 23o-252b. " This
yeare [1548] the xxviii* dale of September, proclamation was made to
inhibite all preachers generallie till the kinges further pleasure. After
which dale all sermons seasede at Poules Crosse and in all other
places." — Wriothesley, ii, 6.
"Grey Friars Chron., pp. 59, 62. Occasionally the chronicler is
overcome by his feelings, and cries out, " Almyghty God helpe it whan
hys wylle ys !" Id., p. 67.
' In some cases the new owners may have experienced some difficulty
in fixing a fair rent, as appears to have been the case with the City of
London and its recently acquired property of Bethlehem. When the
Chamberlain reported that the rents demanded for houses in the
precincts of the hospital were far too high, he was at once authorised
to reduce them at discretion. — Letter Book R, fo. lob.

CRANMER AT ST. PAUL'S. 43 1
country. Not only were enclosures thrown open and
fences removed, but a cry was raised for the restora
tion of the old religion. Information of what was
taking place was sent to Sir Henry Amcotes, the
mayor, and steps were at once taken (2 July, 1549)
for putting the city into a state of defence and for the
preservation of the king's peace, A "false draw-
brydge" was ordered {inter alia) to be made for
London Bridge " in case node should requyer by reason
" of the stenynge of the people (which God defende !)
"to caste downe thother."* The city gates were con
stantly watched and the walls mounted with artUlery .^
In the midst of these preparations there was a Cranmer at
lull. On the 21st day of July, being the 6th Sunday fjf^f^^'
after Trinity, came Archbishop Cranmer to St. Paul's. *549-
He wore no vestment save a cope over an alb, and
bore neither mitre nor cross, but only a staff. He
conducted the whole of the service as set out in the
" king's book " recently published, which differed but
' slightly from the church service in use at the present
day, and he administered the "Communion" to him
self, the dean and others, according to Act of Parlia
ment. The mayor and most of the aldermen occupied
seats in the choir. Cranmer' s object in coming to the
city on that day was to exhort the citizens to obey the
king as the supreme head.of the realm, and to pray the
. Almighty to avert the trouble with which, for their
sins, they were threatened.'
Two days later {2^^ July) the king himself left The king
Greenwich and rode through the city to Westminster, through the
city, 23july,
'Letter Book R, fo. lib.
"Grey Friars Chron., p. 60 ; Wriothesley, ii, 15, 16.
'Wriothesley, ii, 16, 17; Grey Friars Chron., p. 60.

432 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
accompanied by the Lord Protector and other nobles.
The mayor and aldermen rode out to Southwark, the
former in a gown of crimson velvet, the latter in
gowns of scarlet, to meet the royal party, and conducted
it as far as Charing Cross, where the aldermen took
their leave, the king saluting them and "putting of
his capp to everie of them." The mayor rode on to
Westminster, where the king and the Protector
graciously bade him farewell.*
Ket's The aspect of affairs began to look black indeed.
Norfolk, 1549. By the end of the month Exeter was being besieged
by the rebels, and on the 8th August the French
ambassador, taking advantage of the general dis
traction, bade the Lord Protector open defiance at
Whitehall.^ At midnight instructions were sent to
the mayor to seize all Frenchmen in the city who
were not denizens, together with their property.
By this time, however, Exeter had been relieved and
the insunection in the west had been put down.
The western insmgents had demanded the restoration
of the mass and the abolition of the English liturgy.
Contemporaneously with this religious movement
another agitation was being made in the eastern
counties, and more especially in Norfolk, which had
for its object the destruction of enclosures. With the
eastern rebels; who placed themselves under the
leadership of Robert Ket, a tanner of Wymondham,
the Protector himself sympathized at heart, and the
council had to exercise no little pressure before he
could be induced to send an efficient force to put them
down. At length the rebels were met and defeated
'Wriothesley, ii, 19.
"Wriothesley, ii, 20; Grey Friars Chron., p. 61.

KET'S REBELLION. 4,33
by a force under the command of the Earl of
Warwick, the son of the extortionate Dudley who
was associated with Empson in oppressing the city
towards the close of the reign of Henry VII. Ket
galloped off the field, leaving his followers to be
ridden down and kiUed by the earl's horsemen. He
was shortly afterwards captured in a bam, and
eventually brought up to London, together with his
brother William, and committed to the Tower.
Being anaigned and convicted of treason, they were
handed over to the high sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk.
Robert was hanged in chains on the top of Norwich
Castle, whilst his brother WUliam suffered a similar
fate on the top of Wymondham Steeple.*
Somerset's fall was now imminent. The citizens The fall of
hated him, not for his favouring the reformers, but 15^^^^ '
for the injury he had caused to trade and for his
having bebased the coinage still further than it had
been debased by Henry VIII. His colleagues in the
councU, who had been pampered with gifts of church
lands, were angry with him for the favour he had
shown towards those who raised the outcry against
enclosures, and they began to show their independence.
On the afternoon of Sunday, the 6th October, Letter from
1549, a letter was sent to the mayor subscribed by council to the
Lord St. John, the president of the council, the earis f^j^yp^o' ecto?,
of Warwick, Southampton and Arundel, and other 6 Oct.
members of the council, containing a long indictment
of the Protector's poHcy and conduct. He was proud,
covetous and ambitious. He had embezzled the pay
of the soldiers, with which he was building sumptuous
' Holinshed, iii, 982-984. 2 F

434,

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Letter from
Somerset to
the mayor,
6 Oct., 1549-

Conference
between the
lords and
the City at
Ely Place,
6 Oct., 1549.

houses in four or five different places. Whilst sowing
discord among the nobles, he flattered the commons
to the intent that, having got rid of the former, he
might with the aid of the latter achieve his scarcely
veiled design of supplanting the king himself. They
had hoped, the letter continues, to have persuaded
the duke by fair means to take order for the security
of the king's person and the commonwealth ; but no
sooner was the matter broached to the duke than he
showed himself determined to appeal to the arbitra
ment of the sword. Such being the case, they on
their part were no less resolved, with God's help, to
deliver the king and the realm from impending ruin,
or perish in the attempt. They concluded by asking
the civic authorities to see that good watch and ward
were kept in the city and that no materiel of war
was supplied to the duke or his followers. Any
letters or proclamations coming from the Protector
were to be disregarded.*
Determined not to be forestalled by his enemies ;
the duke himself wrote the same day (6 Oct.) to the
mayor desiring the City to furnish him forthwith with
1,000 trusty men fully armed for the protection ofthe
king's person. The men were to be forwarded to
him at Hampton by the following Monday mid-day
at the latest, and in the meantime the citizens were
to take steps to protect the king and his uncle, the
duke, against conspiracy.^
Before these letters had been despatched the
mayor and aldermen had been summoned by the
Earl of Warwick, who now took the lead against
' Letter Book R, fo. 40 ; Journal 16, fo. 36.
" Letter Book R, fo. 39b.

THE CITY OPPOSED TO THE PROTECTOR. 435
Somerset, to meet him and other lords of the council
at his house in Ely Place, Holborn. A meeting had
accordingly taken place that Sunday morning, when
the state of affairs was discussed. After the meeting
separated Warwick came to the city and took up
his residence in the house of Sir John York, one of
the sheriffs, situate in Walbrook. Sir John Markham,
lieutenant of the Tower, was removed, and Sir
Leonard Chamberlain appointed in his place, whilst
the Court of Aldermen took extraordinary precautions
for safe-guarding the city.*
As soon as Somerset was made aware of the Removal of
rr. • • 1 • J- T • • 1 1 t^e king to
Tower being m the possession 01 his rivals he Windsor.
removed from Hampton Court to Windsor, carrying
the young king with him, and despatched a letter to
Lord Russell to hurry thither with such force as he
could muster.^
On Monday (7 Oct.) the lords of the council The City joins
sat at Mercers' Hall — they felt safer in London — and against
thence despatched a dutiful letter to the king, and 7°oct'^i549.
another (explaining their conduct) to Cranmer.' The
Common Council met at seven o'clock that morning,
having been warned on Sunday night.* The object of
their meeting so early in the day was that no time
might be lost before taking into consideration the
letters that had been received from Somerset and
from the lords. After due deliberation the citizens
agreed to throw in their lot with the lords and to
assist them "to the uttermost of their wills and
'Acts of the Privy Council, ii, 331-332; Wriothesley, ii, 24-25;
Holinshed, iii, 1014; Repertory 12, pt. i, fos. 149-15°.
"Holinshed, iii, 1014-1015 ; Acts of Privy Council, ii, 333-
'Acts of Privy Council, ii, fos. 333-336-
'Repertory 12, pt. i, fo. 150b. 2 F 2

436

The lords
attend a
CommonCouncil,8 Oct., 1549.

A meeting
at Sheriff
York's house, 9 Oct.

The City
agrees to
furnish a
contingent of soldiers
to aid the
lords.

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
powers" in the maintenance and defence of the
king's person.*
On Tuesday (8 Oct.) the Common CouncU again
assembled in the Guildhall to meet the lords by
appointment. Rumour had been spread to the effect
that it was the intention of the lords to cause a re-
establishment of the old religion.^ This the lords
assured the meeting was far from their minds. They
intended no alteration of matters as established by
the laws and statutes. All they wanted was to cause
them to be maintained as formerly, before they had
been "disformed" by the Lord Protector, and for this
they prayed the assistance of the citizens. There
upon the mayor, aldermen and common council,
thanking God for the good intentions of their lord
ships, " promised their ayde and helpe to the uttermost
of their lieves and goodes."'
On Wednesday (9 Oct.) the lords met at the
house of Sheriff York, where they had dined the
previous day.* They had heard that Somerset had
seized all the armour, weapons and munitions of war
he could lay his hands upon, both at Hampton Court
and Windsor, and with them had armed his adherents.
They again sent letters to the king, the archbishop
and others, and declared Somerset to be miworthy to
continue any longer in the position of Protector.^
The Common Council, which met the same day —
" for divers lugent causes moved and declared by the
" mouth of the recorder and of the lord mayor and
" aldermen on the king's behalf" — agreed to furnish

' Letter Book R, fo. 40b.
'Acts of Privy Council, ii, 336, 337.
'Acts of Privy Council, ii, 337-342.

''Id., fos. 43-43b.
' Wriothesley, ii, 26.

the lords.

THE PROTECTOR LODGED IN THE TOWER. 437
with all speed 500 men, or if necessary 1,000 men,
well harnessed and weaponed, to proceed to Windsor
Castle for the delivery and preservation of his majesty.
It was subsequently ananged that 100 of the con
tingent should be horsemen.* . By the afternoon of
Friday (1 1 Oct.) the men and. horsemen were ready.
They mustered in Moorfields, whence they marched
through Moorgate, Coleman Street, Cheapside, and
out by Newgate to Smithfield, with the Sword-bearer
riding before them as captain. At Smithfield they
broke off, and were discharged from further service
for the time.^ There is no evidence to show that the
force was ever called upon to proceed to Windsor.
The adhesion of the City to the lords had in the The effect ^
meanwhile added strength to their cause, many who adhesion to
had at first held back now declaring themselves against
Somerset. In this manner they were joined by Lord
Chancellor Rich, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Chief Justice
Montague and others, whose signatures appear to a
proclamation issued on the 8th October setting forth
'" the verye trowth of the Duke of Somersettes evell
government and false and detestable procedynges."'
By the end of the week (12 Oct.) the lords felt
themselves strong enough to proceed in person to
Windsor, where on their knees they explained their
conduct to the king, who received them graciously and
' Letter Book R, fos. 41-42 ; Journal 16, fos. 37, 37b. According
to Holinshed (iii, 1017, 1018), considerable opposition was made by a
member of the Common Council named George Stadlow to any force at
^11 being sent by the city. He reminded the court of the evils that had
arisen in former times from the city rendering support to the barons
against Henry III, and how the city lost its liberties in consequence.
The course he recommended was that the city should join the lords in
making a humble representation to the king as to the Protector's conduct.
"Wriothesley, ii, 26, 27.
'Letter Book R, fo. 37 r Journal 16, fo. 34 ; Wriothesley, ii, 26.

438

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Somerset
brought to
the Tower,
14 Oct.

Bonner de
prived of
bishopric of
London, I Oct., 1549.

gave them hearty thanks. The following day (Sunday)
was spent in removing some of Somerset's followers ;
and on Monday (i4tli) Somerset himself was brought
prisoner to London, " riding through Oldborne in at
" Newgate and so to the Tower of London, accom-
" panied with diuers lordes and gentlemen with 300
" horse, the lord maior. Sir Ralph Warren, Sir John
" Gresham, Mr. Recorder, Sir William Locke and both
" the shiriffes and other knights, sitting on their horses
" agaynst Soper-lane, with all the officers with hal-
" bards, and from Oldborne bridge to the Tower cer-
" taine aldermen or their deputies on horsebacke in
" every sfreete, with a number of housholders stand-
" ing with bils as hee passed.*
At the sudden fall of one who for a short time
had been all powerful — a little more than a week had
served to deprive him of the protectorate and render
him a prisoner in the Tower — did it cross the mind of
any of the onlookers that he it was who canied away
from the Guildhall Library some cartloads of books
which were never returned ?
There were some who looked upon Somerset's
fall as an act of God's vengeance for his having caused
Bonner to be deprived of his bishopric of London.
On the ist September last Bonner had preached at
Paul's Cross against the king's supremacy. Informa
tion of the matter was given to the councU, and
Bonner was called upon to answer for his conduct
before Cranmer and the rest of the commissioners.
The informers on this occasion were William Latymer,

'Stow's " Summarie of the Chronicles of England" (ed. 1590),
p. 545; Wriothesley, ii, 27, 28. The names are given differently in the
Acts of the Privy Council, ii, 344.

THE KING ENTERTAINED BY SHERIFF YORK. 439
the parson of the church of St. Laurence Pountney,
and John Hooper, a zealous Protestant, who after
wards became Bishop of Gloucester. Whilst under
examination before the commissioners Bonner was
confined in the Marshalsea. Hooper in the meantime
was put up by Cranmer to preach at Paul's Cross,
and he took the opportunity thus afforded him of
inveighing strongly against Bonner's conduct. Bonner
failed to satisfy the commissioners, and on the ist
October was deprived of ofifice and committed to
prison during the king's pleasure. " But marke what
followeth," writes the chronicler of the Grey Friars,
within a week "was proclaymyd the protector a
traytor."* On the 17th October Edward came from Hamp- The king
ton Court to Southwark Place, a mansion formerly by'sheriff
belonging to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, when ^°'^''' '^'^'•'
° ° ' ' 1549.
it was known as Suffolk House. It was now used in
part as a mint, and was occupied by Sheriff York in
his capacity as master of the king's mint. After
dinner the king knighted York in recognition of his
hospitality and his past services, an honour personal
to York and not extended to his colleague in the
shrievalty, Richard Turke. From Southwark Edward
set forth to ride through the city to Westminster,
accompanied by a long cavalcade of nobles and gentle
men, " the lord mayor bearinge the scepter before his
maiestie and rydinge with garter kinge of armes."^
Somerset's confinement in the Tower was not of Somerset
long duration. On the 6th February, 1550, the ^^^^l^
lieutenant of the Tower received orders to bring his 6 Feb., 1550.
'Grey Friars Chron., pp. 63, 64; Cf. Wriothesley, ii, 24.
"Wriothesley, ii, 28.

440 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
prisoner " with out greate garde or busyness " to Sheriff
York's house in Walbrook, where the council was
sitting ; and on the duke entering into a recognisance
to remain privately either at Shene or Sion, and not
to travel more than four miles from either place, nor
attempt to gain an interview with the young king, he
was allowed to depart.*
Warwick and With Warwick, who became the ruling spirit of
the reformers,
1550. the council after the fall of Somerset and the abolition
of the protectorate, religion was a matter of supreme
indifference, and for a time it was uncertain whether
he would favour the followers of the old religion or
the advanced reformers. He chose to extend his
patronage to the latter. The day after Somerset's
release from the Tower, Bonner was again brought
from the Marshalsea, where he had been roughly used,^
and the cause of his deprivation reconsidered by the
lords of the council sitting in the Star Chamber, the
result being that the previous sentence by Cranmer
was confirmed and Bonner again relegated to prison.
Bishops were now appointed directly by the king,
who in the following April caused Nicholas Ridley,
bishop of Rochester, to be transferred to London in
Bonner's place ; and the see of Westminster,' which
' Acts of Privy Council, ii, 384 ; Wriothesley, ii, 33.
" For more than a week he had been compelled to lie on nothing
but straw, his bed having been taken away by order of the knight
marshal for refusing to pay an extortionate fee.— Grey Friars Chron.,
p. 65. 'Thomas Thurlby, the last abbot of Westminster, became the first
and only bishop of the see. Upon the union of the see with that of
London Thurlby became bishop of Norwich. Among the archives of
the city there is a release by him, in his capacity as bishop of West
minster, and the dean and chapter of the same, to the City of London
of the parish church of St. Nicholas, Shambles. The document is dated
14 March, 1549, and has the seals of the bishopric and of the dean and
chapter, in excellent preservation, appended.

THE BOROUGH OF SOUTHWARK. 44I
had been created in 1540, was united to London. In
July Hooper was nominated to the see of Gloucester ;
but some time elapsed before this rigid refonner could
be induced to overcome his prejudice to episcopal
vestments (which he denounced as the livery of Anti-
Christ) and consent to be consecrated in them.* As
soon as the ceremony was over he cast them off.
For some time past the City had experienced The city and
difficulty in exercising its franchise in the borough of of Southwark,
Southwark. That borough consisted of three manors, '5^°'
known respectively as the Guildable Manor, the
King's Manor and the Great Liberty Manor.^ The
first of these — and only the first — had been granted
to the City b)'' Edward III soon after his accession.
The civic authorities had complained of felons making
good their escape from the city to Southwark, where
they could not be attacked by the officers of the city;
and the king, in answer to the City's request, had made
over to them the town or vill of Southwark.' This
grant was afterwards confirmed and amplified by
a charter granted by Edward IV in 1462, whereby
the citizens were allowed to hold a yearly fair in the
borough on three successive days in the month of
September, together with a court of pie-powder, and
with all liberties and customs to such fair appertaining.*
In course of time the City claimed the right of holding
a market, as well as the yearly fair, twice a week in
' For objecting to the prescribed vestments, he was committed to
the Fleet by order of the Privy Council, 27 Jan., 1551, and was not
consecrated until the foUowing 8th March.— Hooper to Bullinger,
I Aug., 1 55 1 ("Original Letters relative to the English Reformation." ed.
for Parker Society, 1846, p. 91).
" Their respective boundaries are set out in the Report of Com
missioners on Municipal Corporations (1837), p. 3.
' Charter ciated 6 March, I Edward III.
'Charter dated 9 Nov., £ Edward IV.

442 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Southwark. This claim now led to difficulties with
the king's bailiff, Sir John Gate. A draft agreement
had been drawn up during Somerset's protectorate in
the hopes of arranging matters,* but apparently with
out success.
Charter to the At length the city agreed (29 March, 1550) to make
^^'y'_^3 April, ^j^ Qi^fgj. q|- ^qq marks for the purchase ofthe rights of
the Crown in Southwark,^ and eventuaUy a com
promise was effected. For the sum of ;^647 2s. id.
the king conveyed by charter' to the City of London
divers messuages in Southwark, with the exception of
" Southwark Place " and the gardens belonging to it,
formerly the Duke of Suffolk's mansion, and for a
further sum of 500 marks he surrendered all the royal
liberties and franchises which he or his heirs might
have in the borough or town of Southwark. It was
expressly provided that this charter was not to be
prejudicial to Sir John Gate or to his property and
interests. The ancient rent of ^10 per annum was
still to be paid, and the citizens were to be allowed
to hold four markets every week in addition to a fair
and court of pie-powder enjoyed since the time of
Edward IV. On the 9th May the lord mayor took
formal possession of the borough of Southwark by
riding through the precinct, after which the Common
Cryer made proclamation with sound of trumpet for
' Letter Book Q, fos. 239b-24ib. ' Letter Book R, fo. 58b.
'Dated 23 April, 1550. A fee of £(> "and odde money " was
paid for the enrolment of this charter in the Exchequer. — Repertory 12,
pt. ii, fo. 458. This fee appears to have been paid, notwithstanding
the express terms of the charter that no fee great or small should be
paid or made or by any means given to the hanaper to the king's use.
According to Wriothesley (ii, 36), the "purchase" of Southwark cost the
city 1 ,000 marks, ' ' so that nowe they shall have all the whole towne of
Southwarke by letters patent as free as they have the City of London, the
Kinges Place \i.e. Southwark Place or Suffolk House] and the two
prison houses ofthe Kinges Bench and the Marshalsea excepted."

THE WARD OF BRIDGE WITHOUT. 443
all vagabonds to leave the city and borough and the
suburbs and liberties of the same.*
It was originally intended, no doubt, that the The ward of
borough should be incorporated for all municipal ^^'j^s^With-
purposes with the city, and that the inhabitants of
the borough should be placed on the same footing as
the citizens. This, however, was never carried out.
Notwithstanding the fact that among the ordinances
drawn up (31 July) for the government of the
borough,^ there was one which prescribed the same
customary procedure in the election of an alderman
for the new ward of Bridge Without as prevailed in
the city ; ' the inhabitants of the borough have never
taken any part in the election of an alderman. The
first alderman. Sir John Aylyff, a barber-surgeon, was
"nominated, elected and chosen" by the Court of
Aldermen,* and was admitted and sworn before the
same body on the 28th May, 1850 — that is to say,
some weeks before the ordinances just mentioned
were drawn up.
The alderman of the ward continued to be
nominated and elected by the Court of Aldermen
' Wriothesley, ii, 38.
"Letter Book R, fo. 80; Journal 16, fo. 82b.
' The custom in the city was for the inhabitants of a vacant ward
to nominate four persons for the Court of Aldermen to select one. As
there were no means of enforcing the above ordinance it was repealed
by Act of Co. Co., 16 June, 1558. — Letter Book S., fo. 167b.
' Letter Book R, fo. 71b. The following particulars of Aylyff and
his family are drawn from the city's archives. From Bridge Ward
Without he removed to Dowgate Ward. At the time of his death, in
1556, he was keeper of the clothmarket at Blackwell Hall. His
widow was allowed to take the issues and profits of her late husband's
place for one week, and was forgiven a quarter's rent. Aylyff's son
Erkenwald succeeded him at Blackwell Hall. The son died in 1561.
After his decease he was convicted of having forged a deed. His
widow, Dorothy, married Henry Butler, "gentleman." — Repertory 13,
pt. ii, fos. 442b, 443, 461 ; Repertory 14, fos. 446b, 477b, 478 ;
Repertory 16, fo. 6b.

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
untU 171 1, when, by virtue of an Act of Common
Council, the ward was to be offered to the several alder
men who had served as mayor, in order of seniority. If
no alderman could be found willing to be translated
from his own ward to that of Bridge Without, the
Court of Common Council was empowered by another
Act passed in 1725 to proceed to the election of an
alderman. The ward of Bridge Without has never sent
representatives to the Common Council, inasmuch as
its inhabftants refused to "take up their freedom"
and bear the burdens of citizenship, and there existed no
means for forcing the freedom upon them. In 1835,
however, a petition was presented to the Common
Council by certain inhabitants of Southwark asking
that they might for the future exercise the right of
electing not only an alderman, but common council-
men for the ward, and that the ordinances of 1550
might be canied out according to their original
intention. The petition was refened to the Com
mittee for General Purposes, who reported to the
Common Council * to the effect that, considering that
the borough of Southwark had never formed part of
the City of London, the charter of Edward VI not
withstanding, and that the holding of wardmotes in
the borough would materially interfere with the duties
of an ancient officer known as a seneschal or steward
of Southwark, the petition could not be complied with,
except by application to the legislature, and that such
a course would neither be expedient or advisable.
Another petition to the same effect has quite recently
' Printed Report, Co. Co., 20 May, 1836.

UNPOPULARITY OF WARWICK. 445
been presented to the Court of Aldermen ; but it was
equaUy unsuccessful.*
Warwick had not long taken the place of Growing un-
Somerset before he found himself compelled to make ^L"S °^
peace with France (29 March, 1550). This he accom- 1550-1551-
pHshed only by consenting to sunender Boulogne.
The declaration of peace was celebrated with bon
fires in the city, although the conditions under which
the peace was effected were generally unacceptable
to the nation and brought discredit upon the earl.^
One result of the conclusion of the war was again
to flood the streets of the city with men who openly
declared that they neither could nor would work,
and that unless the king provided them with a
livelihood they would combine to phmder the city,
and once clear with their booty they cared not if
10,000 men were after them. It was in vain that
proclamation was made for all disbanded soldiers to
leave the city. They refused to go, and oftentimes
came into conflict with the city constables. At length
the mayor and aldermen addressed a letter on the
subject to the lords ofthe council (25 Sept.).'
In the following year the state of the city was The debase-
rendered worse by a proposal of Warwick to debase currency,
the cunency yet more. As soon as the proposal got '^^''
wind up went the price of provisions, in spite of every
effort made by the lords of the council to keep it
down. They sent for the mayor (Sir Andrew Judd) to
' See Report Committee of the whole Court for General Purposes,
with Appendix, 31 May, 1892 {Printed).
"Grey Fri.ars Chron., p. 66. The surrender of Boulogne was "sore
lamented of all Englishmen." — Wriothesley, ii, 37.
'Repertory 12, pt. ii, fo. 271b; Letter Book R, fos. 74, 8sb ;
Journal 16, fos. 66b, 91b.

446 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
attend them at Greenwich on Sunday, the loth May,
and soundly rated him — or, as the chronicler puts
it, " gave him some sore words " — for allowing such
things to take place. On Thursday, the 28th, the
mayor summoned a Common Council, when the
Recorder repeated to them the king's orders that the
price of wares was not to be raised. The livery
companies were to see to it, and there were to be
no more murmurings.*
Warwick himself excited the anger of the city bur
gesses by riding through the streets to see if the king's
orders against the enhancement of the price of -victuals
were being carried out. Coming one day to a butcher's
in Eastcheap, he asked the price of a sheep. Being
told that it was 13 shillings, he replied that it was too
much and passed on. When another butcher asked
1 6 shillings he was told to go and be hanged. The
earl's conduct so roused the indignation of the butchers
of the city — a class of men scarcely less powerful than
their brethren the fishmongers — that they made no
secret that the price of meat would be raised still
more if the debasement of the currency was carried
out as proposed.- Yet, in spite of all remonstrances
and threats, a proclamation went forth that after the
17th August the shifting should be cunent for six pence
sterhng and no more, the groat for two pence, the
penny for a halfpenny, and the halfpenny for a far
thing.' The price of every commodity rose 50 per
cent, as a matter of course, and nothing that Warwick
' Letter Book R, fo. 115 ; Journal 16, fo. 118.
"Wriothesley, ii, 48. The price of living became so dear that the
town clerk and the under-sheriffs asked for and obtained from the
Common Council an increase of emoluments. — Letter Book R, fo. 1 17b.
'Wriothesley, ii, 54.

THE FALL OF SOMERSET. 447
could do could prevent it. Seeing at last the hope
lessness of attempting to overcome economic laws by
a mere ipse dixit, he caused a " contrary proclamasyon "
to be issued, and " sette alle at lyberty agayne, and
" every vit6ler to seUe as they wolde and had done
"before."* Warwick's increasing unpopularity raised a hope The Duke
in the breast of Somerset of recovering his lost power. agafnTrTesf-
Some rash words he had allowed to escape were ^^' *^ C>ct.,
1551.
earned to the young king, who took the part of
Warwick against his own uncle, and showed his
appreciation of the earl's services by creating him
Duke of Northumberland (11 Oct.). A few days later
Somerset was seized and again committed to the
Tower.^ The new duke vaunted himself more than
ever, and as a fresh coinage was on the eve of being
issued, he caused it to be struck with a ragged staff,
the badge of his house, on its face.' Some of the
duke's servants thought to ruffle it as well as their
master, and offered an insult to one of the sheriffs,
attempting to snatch at his chain of office as he
accompanied the mayor to service at St. Paul's on
All Saints' Day, and otherwise creating no Httle
disturbance in St. Paul's Churchyard. The mayor
waited until service was over, and then took them
into custody.*
At the time of Somerset's second anest the Trial and
Common Council and the wardens of the several Somerset,
livery companies were summoned to meet at the j?^^"''
Guildhall to hear why the duke had been sent for the
'Grey Friars Chron., p. 72.
"Wriothesley, ii, 56; Grey Friars Chron., p. 71.
'Grey Friars Chron., pp. 72, 73. "Id., pp. 71, 72.

448 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
second time to the Tower, and to receive instructions
for safe-guarding the city. They were informed by the
Recorder that it had been the duke's intention to seize
the Tower and the Isle of Wight, and to " have des-
" troyed the city of London and the subsfantiall men
" of the same."* This was, of course, an exaggeration,
although there is Httle doubt that the duke was pre
paring to get himself named again Protector by the
next parliament. On the ist December he was
brought from the Tower hj water to Westminster,
the mayor and aldermen having received strict orders
to keep the city well guarded.^ He was anaigned of
treason and felony, but his judges, among whom sat
his enemy Northumberland himself, acquitted him of
the former charge, and those in the hall, thinking he
had been altogether acquitted, raised a shout of joy
that could be heard as far as Charing Cross and Long
Acre. When they discovered that he had been found
guilty of felony and condemned to be executed they
were grievously disappointed. As he landed at the
Crane in the Vintry on his way back to the Tower
that evening, and passed through Candlewick (Cannon)
Street, the people, we are told, cried " 'God save him'
" all the way as he went, thinkinge that he had clerely
" bene quitt, but they were deceyved, but hoopinge
" he should have the kinge's pardon."' According to
another chronicler there were mingled cries of joy and
sonow as he passed through London, some crying for
joy that he was acquitted, whilst others (who were
better informed of the actual state of the case)
' Wriothesley, ii, 57.
"Repertory 12, pt. ii, fo. 426; Letter Book R, fo. 157b.
'Wriothesley, ii, 63.

THE CITY AND THE ROYAL HOSPITALS 449
lamented his conviction.* His execution took place
on To-vs^er HUl in January ofthe next year (1552).
In the meanwhile the civic authorities had been The City and
energetically engaged in making regulations for the 'nosl^tefs
hospital of the poor in West Smithfield, better known i547-i5S3-
as St. Bartholomew's Hospital, which they had recently
acquired, and in grappling with the poverty and sick
ness with which they were sunounded. Instead of
tmsting to the charity of those attending the parish
churches on Sunday for raising money for the poor,
the Common Council, in September, 1547, resorted to
the less precarious method of levying on every inhabi
tant of the city one half of a fifteenth for the main
tenance of the poor of the hospital.^ The voluntary
system, however, was not wholly abolished. In the
following April (1548) a brotherhood for the relief of
the poor had been established, to which the mayor (Sir
John Gresham) and most of the aldermen belonged,
each agreeing to subscribe a yearly sum varying from
half a mark to a mark.' In September governors
were appointed of St. Bartholomew's Hospital — four
aldermen and eight commoners* — and in the following
December the Common Council passed an Act for the
payment of 500 marks a year to the hospital, the sum
being levied on the livery companies.^
In 1 55 1 the City succeeded in obtaining another st. Thomas's
hospital. This was the hospital in Southwark origin- ^°^P"^ •
ally dedicated to Thomas Becket, but whose patron
' Holinshed, iii, 1032.
"Journal 15, fo. 32Sb ; Letter Book Q, fo. 214b.
'Letter Book Q, fo. 237 ; Repertory 11, fo. 445b.
'Journal 15, fo. 384.
'Letter Book Q, fo. 261b; Journal 15, fos. 398, 401 ; Appendix vii
to "Memoranda ofthe Royal Hospitals," pp. 46-51-
2 G

450 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
saint was, after the Reformation, changed to St.
Thomas the Apostle. Negotiations were opened in
February with the lord chancellor for the purchase of
this hospital.* They proceeded so favourably that by
the 1 2th August the hospital and church and part of
their endowment were conveyed to the City by deed,
whilst the rest of the endowment was transfened by
another deed on the following day.^ The purchase-
money amounted to nearly ^2,500.
Christ's Having thus cared for the sick and the poor, the
civic authorities next turned their attention to the
conversion of a portion of the ground and buildings
of the dissolved monastery of the Grey Friars into a
hospital for the reception and education of fatherless
and helpless chUdren. In 1552 Sir Richard Dobbs'
was mayor. He took an active part in the charitable
work that was then being canied on in the city, and
his conduct so won the heart of Ridley that the
bishop wrote from prison shortly before his death
commending him in the highest possible terms: —
" O Dobbs, Dobbs, alderman and knight, thou in thy
"year did'st win my heart for evermore, for that
"honourable act, that most blessed work of God,
" of the erection and setting up of Christ's Holy
" Hospitals, and truly religious houses which by thee
" and through thee were begun." In July the work
of adapting the old buildings, rather than erecting
new, was commenced, and in a few months the
'Repertory 12, pt. ii., fos. 311, 312b.
" Both deeds are printed in Supplement to Memoranda relating to
Royal Hospitals, pp. 15-32.
' Son of Robert Dobbs, of Batley, Yorks. Alderman of Tower
Ward. Knighted 8 May, 1552. Ob. 1556. Buried in Church of
St. Margaret Moses.— Machyn, pp. 105, 269, 349; Wriothesley, ii, 69.

ALDERMAN DOBBS AND CHRIST'S HOSPITAL. 45 1
premises were sufficiently forward to admit of the
reception of nearly 400 children. The charity was
aided by the king's bestowal of the linen vestures
used in the city prior to the Reformation, and at that
time seized by the commissioners.* Just a,s the close
of the reign of Henry VIII had witnessed the re
opening of the church of the Grey Friars under the
name of Christchurch, and the celebration of the
mass once more within its walls, so now the close of
his son's short reign witnessed the restoration of their
house and buildings, and their conversion, in the cause
of education and charity, into Christ's Hospital.
There was yet another class of inhabitant to Bridewell
be provided for, namely, those who either could not °^'^' ^ '
or would not work. On behalf of these a deputation^
was appointed by the City to present a petition to
the king that he would be pleased to grant the
disused palace of Bridewell to the municipality for
the purpose of turning it into a workhouse. The
deputation was introduced by Ridley, who himself
wrote in May of this year (1552) to secretary Cecil
on the same subject.' The efforts of the bishop and
the deputation were rewarded with success. In the
following spring (1553) the king not only consented
to convey the palace to the municipal body, but
further gave 700 marks and aU the beds and bedding
of his palace of the Savoy for the maintenance of
' Report, Charity Commissioners, No. 32, pt. vi, p. 75 ; Strype,
Stow's "Survey," bk. i, p. 176.
" Among the names of those forming the deputation appears that
of Richard Grafton, whose printing house, from which issued "The
Prymer " — one of the earliest books of private devotion printed in
English as well as Latin — was situate within the precinct of the Old
Grey Friars. —Repertory 12, p. ii., fos. 271b, 272b.
'Strype, Stow's "Survey," bk. i, p. 176.
2 G 2

452 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the workhouse.* The City ha-ving thus become
possessed of the several hospitals of St. Bartholomew,
St. Thomas, Christ's and Bridewell, the king, a few
days before his death, granted the mayor, aldermen
and commonalty a charter of incorporation as
governors of these Royal Hospitals in the city.^
' Wriothesley, 83 ; Repertory 13, fo. 60.
" Charter dated 26 June, 1553.

CHAPTER. XVI.
The death of Edward VI took place on the 6th North-
July, 1553, although it was not generally known until c^spiracy,^
two days afterwards. By his father's wUl the Princess *553-
Mary became heiress to the throne. Northumberland
was aware of this. He was equaUy aware that if
Mary succeeded to her brother's crown matters might
go hard with him. He therefore persuaded Edward
to follow the precedent set' by his father and re-settle
the succession to the crown by will. He succeeded
moreover in getting the late king to name as his suc
cessor the Lady Jane Grey, grand-daughter of Mary
Duchess of Suffolk, the younger sister of Henry VIII,
and he took the further precaution of manying her to
his own son. Lord Guildford Dudley. It was in vain
that the judges and law officers of the Crown pointed
out that the Act of Parliament which authorised
Henry to dispose of the crown by will, in the case of
his children dying without heirs, did not apply to
Edward. CounciUors and judges, and even Cranmer
himself, were forced to signify their assent by sub
scribing to the wUl, which was dated (21 June) a
fortnight only before Edward's death.
Northumberland well knew the advantage to be
got by securing the co-operation ofthe city in prosecut
ing his scheme, so he persuaded the mayor (Sir George
Barnes), a number of aldermen (including Sir John
Gresham, Sh Andrew Judd, Thomas Offley and Sft

454

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Lady Jane
Grey
proclaimed
queen, IO July,
1553-

Queen Mary
proclaimed, 19 July.

Richard Dobbs), and several of the leading merchants
of the city to append their signatures to the will.*
The king had been already dead two days before
Northumberland sent for them to Greenwich and
acquainted them of the fact, exhorting them at the
same time to sign the document.^
On the loth July the Lady Jane was brought from
Richmond and lodged in the Tower, and that same
evening was proclaimed queen at the Cross in Chepe.
The mayor took no part in the ceremony, and only
one of the sheriffs (William Gerard or Garrard)
attended the heralds. If Northumberland thought
that the citizens would favour Lady Jane merely
because she was a Protestant he was mistaken. The
proclamation was received with undisguised coldness,
and "few or none said God save her."' Nor was it
better received by the country at large. The eastern
counties rose and in a few days Mary was at the
head of 30,000 men. No time was to be lost, and
Northumberland at once set out from London to
meet her. As he passed through the city he noticed
that none wished him "God speed."
No sooner was his back turned than the lords
of the council, seeing how matters were going, and
eager to throw off the yoke which the duke had
placed on their necks, determined upon proclaimiri^
Mary queen. It was necessary, however, that the
City should first be informed of their intention, and ¦

' " Letters Patent for the limitation of the CrownJ' sometimes
called the "counterfeit will" of King Edward VI. — Chron. of Q.Jane
and Q. Mary (Camd. Soc, No. 48), pp. 91-100.
"Richard Hilles to Henry Bullinger, 9 July, 1553. — "Original
letters relative to the English Reformation " (Parker Soc), pp. 272-274.
' Grey Friars Chron., pp. 78, 79.

MARY PROCLAIMED QUEEN IN THE CITY. 455
that, too, without creating too much attention. One
of their number therefore took the opportunity of
the mayor riding abroad on Wednesday, the 19th
July, to accost him privately and bid him and the
sheriffs, and such of the aldermen as he could
get together at short notice, to meet the lords
of the council within an hour at the Earl of
Pembroke's place at Castle Baynard. The mayor
hunied back, sent for the Recorder and some of the
aldermen, and with them proceeded to the place
appointed, where they found the council assembled.
They were informed of the intention of the lords, and
the mayor was bidden to accompany them to Cheap-
side for the purpose of proclaiming Queen Mary.
Their object soon got wind ; a crowd foUowed them
to Cheapside, and when the proclamation was made
there was such a throwing up of caps and such cries
of "God save Queen Mary" that nothing else could be
heard. The civic authorities, as well as the lords of
the council, thereupon proceeded to St. Paul's to hear
a Te Deum; after which the lords withdrew from the
city, leaving orders, however, for Queen Mary to be
proclaimed in other parts of the city according to
custom. The next day (20 July) they returned and
dined with the mayor, sitting in council, after dinner,
until four o'clock in the afternoon, whilst the church
bells rang aU day long. *
As soon as Northumberland heard of the turn North-
affairs had taken, he caused Mary to be proclaimed "e^^t To Ae
at Cambridge, where he happened to be quartered, Tower^^
" castinge up his capp after as if he had bene joyfull
of ft." His simulated enthusiasm, however, availed
' Wriothesley, ii, 88-90.

45^

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

him nothing, and orders were issued for his arrest.
Special precautions were taken to avoid disturbance
on the day (25 July) that he passed through the city
on his way to the Tower, every householder in the
several wards through which he and his fellow
prisoners were to pass being instructed to hold himself
in readiness within doors with a clean halberd, and a
bill or "pollox" for such service as the alderman
might appoint.* No disturbance took place, the
populace contenting itself with cursing the duke and
calling him traitor, and making him take off his hat as
he passed through Bishopsgate and continue his
journey bareheaded.^
Queen Mary On the evening of the 3rd August Queen Mary
^"Air*^"^"^' i^^^® her first entry into the city, accompanied by
her sister Elizabeth. She had come from Newhall,
in Essex, where a few days before she had been
presented with the sum of ^500 in gold by a
deputation of the Court of Aldermen accompanied by
the Recorder.' On the 2nd August it was decided
that the lord mayor and his brethren should ride out
the next afternoon to meet her majesty at the Bars
without Aldgate, and taking their places appointed by
the herald-of-arms, should accompany the royal pro
cession.* The reception which the new queen met
with in the city must have been gratifying. The
mayor, on approaching her, handed to her the ci-vic
sword, which was given to the Earl of Arundel to
cany before her. The mayor himself bore the mace.
By express permission of the Court of Aldermen a
' Letter Book R, fo. 262b ; Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 68.
"Wriothesley, ii, 90, 91 ; Grey Friars Chron., p. 81.
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 69. "Id., fo. 70b.

THE MASS RESTORED. 457
number of Florentine and other merchant strangers
were aUowed to attend on horseback, and to erect a
pageant at Leadenhall.* The whole length of the
streets through which the queen had to pass on her
way to the Tower had been lavishly decorated, and
was lined with members of the various civic companies
in their Hvery gowns. Nothing was omitted that
could please the eye or ear.^
A touching scene took place as Mary was about
to enter the Tower. The widow of the Duke of
Somerset, to whose policy as protector Mary had
offered a steady opposition, met the queen at the
Tower gate, and in company with the Duke of
Norfolk, Stephen Gardiner and others, who had been
confined in the Tower in the late reign, knelt down
and saluted her. Mary, in a charitable mood, kissed
each of them, claimed them as her own prisoners, and
shortly afterwards granted them their liberty.'
A week later (10 Aug.) the remains of the late Mary releases
king were canied from Whitehall to Westminster and and restores
laid in Henry the Seventh's Chapel, the service ^^'^^^s-
being conducted wholly in English, the communion
taking the place of the mass, and the priests being
vested in a surplice only, in accordance with the pro
visions of the Book of Common Prayer. For a short
time after Mary's accession it was thought that she
would be content if the Church were restored to the
posftion it was in at the time when Henry VIII died.
It was not long before the new queen shewed this
opinion to be enoneous. The Prayer Book of King
' Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 69b. " Wriothesley, 93-95-
' Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, p. 14 ; Wriothesley, ii, 95.

458 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
Edward VI was set aside, the high altars that had
been removed were restored, and mass was restored.
Ridley was sent to the Tower and Bonner brought out
from the Marshalsea and reinstated in the bishophric
of London. Gardiner, who had been deprived of his
see of Winchester and kept prisoner in the Tower, not
only recovered his freedom and his see, but was made
the queen's chancellor. On the other hand, Cranmer
and " Mr. Latimer " were sent to the Tower.
Disturbances The change that was being wrought caused some
e CI y. ij^^ig disturbance in the city. When Doctor Bourne,
who had been put up by the queen to preach at
Paul's Cross one Sunday in August, began to pray for
the dead, and to refer to Bonner's late imprisonment,
one of his hearers threw a knife at him whilst others
called the preacher a liar. The queen was so angry
at this that she sent for the mayor and aldermen and
told them plainly that she would deprive the city
of its liberties if they could not better preserve peace
and good order within its walls.*
A few days later she issued a proclamation in
which, whilst making no secret of her wish that
everyone would conform to the religion " which aU
"men knew she had of long tyme observed, and ment,
" God willing, to contynue the same," she deprecated
men. calling each other heretic or papist, but willed
that everyone should follow the religion he thought
best until further orders were taken.^ The mayor in
the meantime had also issued his precept against any
sermon or lecture being read other than the Divine
' Grey Friars Chron. , p. 83 ; Wriothesley, ii, 96-98.
" Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, p. 24.

CORONATION OF QUEEN MARY. 455
Service appointed until the queen's further pleasure
should be made known.*
Lest any disturbance should arise on the following
Sunday (20 Aug.), when Bishop Gardiner's chaplain
was to preach at Paul's Cross, the queen sent the
captain of the guard with 200 men, who sunounded
the pulpit, halberd in hand. The mayor, too, had
ordered the livery companies to be present "to
" herken yf any leude or sedicious persons made any
" rumors " — a precaution which much pleased the
queen.^ When Michaelmas-day (the day on which the Election of
election of the new mayor for the ensuing year was white mayor,
to take place) came round, the choice of the citizens 29Sept.,i553.
fell upon Sir Thomas White.' In accordance with
the new order of things, the election was preceded by
the celebration of mass in the Guildhall Chapel as
of old. The day after the election of the new mayor The queen's
the queen passed through the city from the Tower j oct.
to Whitehall for her coronation. The streets pre
sented their usual gay appearance on this occasion,
and the queen was made the recipient of the
' Letter Book R, fo. 270 ; Journal 16, fo. 261b.
"Wriothesley, ii, 99, 100; Holinshed, iv, 3.
'Citizen and Merchant Taylor. Son of William White, of Reading,
and formerly of Rickmansworth. Founder of St. John's College,
Oxford, and principal benefactor of Merchant Taylors' School. Alder
man of Cornhill Ward ; when first elected alderman he declined to
accept office and was committed to Newgate for contumacy (Letter
Book Q, fo. 109b; Repertory 11, fo. 80b). Sheriff 1547. Knighted
at Whitehall 10 Dec, 1553 (Wriothesley, ii, 105). His first wife, Avice
(surname unknown), died 26 Feb., 1588, and was buried in the church
of St. Mary Aldermary. He afterwards married Joan, daughter of
John Lake and widow of Sir Ralph Warren, twice Mayor of London.
Ob. II Feb., 1566, at Oxford, aged 72.— Clode, " Early Hist. Guild of
Merchant Taylors," pt. ii, chaps, x-xii ; Machyn's Diary, pp. 167,
330. 363-

460

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Mary's first
parliament, Oct. -Nov.,
1553.

"accustomed" gift of 1,000 marks on behalf of the
city.* On the day of the coronation (i Oct.) the
daily service at St. Paul's had to be suspended
because aU the priests not under censure for Protes
tantism or for having married were summoned to
assist at Westminster.^
When Mary appeared before her first parliament'
she found her subjects in many points opposed to her.
They were wiUing to restore the worship and practice
of the Church as they existed before the death of
Henry VIII, but they showed a determination neither
to submit to Rome nor to restore to the Church the
property of which it had been deprived. They knew,
moreover, of her anxious wish to many Philip, son of
the emperor Charles V, and yet did not hesitate to
present to her a petition against a foreign maniage.
It was a bold step for parliament to take in those
days, and showed that it was determined to win back
its ancient rights and no longer to be the tool of the
crown. Mary was not one likely to yield in a matter
on which she had once set her heart. Rather than
take its advice she dissolved parliament. The result
was an insurrection.

In the meanwhile the aged Cranmer and the
youthful Lady Jane Grey — she "that wolde a been
her husband and two of her husband's
1553- brothers had been brought to trial at the Guildhall

Trial at the
Guildhall of
Lady Jane
Grey,Cranmer q^ene'
and others, ^
Nov.

'Journal i6, fo. 261 ; Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 74b.
-Grey Friars Chron., p. 84.
'Met in October, 1553. The names of the city's representatives
are not recorded. The Court of Aldermen, according to a custom then
prevalent, authorized the city chamberlain to make a gift oi £(1 \y. 4a?.
to Sir John Pollard, the Speaker, "for his lawful! fevor to be borne
and shewed in the parlyment howse towardes this cytie and theyre
affayres theire." — Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 92.

WYATT' S REBELLION. 46 j
(13 Nov). The axe was borne before them on their
way from the Tower, as if in anticipation of the
verdict. The Lady Jane is described as clad in a black
gown, with velvet cap and black hood, having a black
velvet book hanging at her girdle, whilst she canied
another in her hand.* Each of the accused pleaded
guilty, and sentence of death was passed ; its execution
was, however, delayed owing to the outbreak known
as Wyatt's Rebellion.
The ostensible cause of the rebellion was the Outbreak of
queen's determination at all hazards to many Philip, Rebellion,
whose ambassadors arrived at the opening ofthe new J^"'' *^5'^"
year (1554). The civic authorities had been warned
to treat them handsomely, a warning which was
scarcely necessary, for the citizens have never allowed
political differences to interfere with their hospitality ;
and accordingly one of the ambassadors was lodged
at Durham Place, neiar Charing Cross, another at the
Duke of Suffolk's house hard by, whilst a third .
shared apartments with the chancellor "Nigro"
(Philip Negri) in Sir Richard Sackville's house at
the conduit in Fleet, Street. To each and all of
the guests the City sent presents of wax, torches,
flour and every kind of meat, game and poultry.^
Formal announcement of the intended match was
made by the chancellor on the 14th January, but
it was received with every sign of discontent and
misgiving, "yea and therat aUmost eche man was
' Grey Friars Chron., p. 85 ; Wriothesley, ii, 104; Chron. Q. Jane
and Q. Mary, p. 32. There is preserved in the British Museum a small
manual of prayers believed to have been used by Lady Jane Grey on
the scaffold. The tiny volume (Harl. MS., 2342) measures only
34 inches by 2% inches, and contains on the margin lines addressed to
Sir John Gage, lieutenant of the Tower, and to her father, the Duke
of Suffolk. "Journal 16, fo. 283.

462

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The city put
into a state of
defence.

" abashed, loking daylie for worse mattiers to growe
"shortly after."* The foUowing day (15 Jan.) — the
day on which the rebellion under Wyatt broke
out in Kent, to be followed by risings in Devonshire
and Norfolk — the mayor and aldermen were sum
moned to court and ordered to bring with them forty
of the chief commoners of the city, when the lord
chanceUor informed them of the queen's intention,
and exhorted them as obedient subjects to accept her
grace's pleasure and to remain content and quiet. He
warned them, at the same time, to see that the
queen's wishes respecting religious services in the city
were strictly canied out, on pain of incurring her high
indignation.^ Steps were taken for putting the city into a proper
state of defence. The civic companies were ordered
to set watches as on similar critical occasions, and
no gunpowder, weapons or other munitions of war
were allowed to be sent out of the city. Chains were
set up at the bridge-foot and at the corner of New
Fish Street. The borough of Southwark was called
upon to provide eighty tall and able men, well
harnessed and weaponed, for the safeguard of the
queen's person and of the city,' whilst the livery
companies at a few hours' notice fiimished a force of
500 men to be speedily despatched by water to
Gravesend.*

Whatever faults Queen Mary had, she was by no
On the same day (i Feb.)

The queen's
speech at the , n •
Guildhall, means deficient m courage.
I e .,1554. .(.^^^ Wyatt appeared with his forces at Southwark,

' Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, 35. " Wriothesley, ii, 106.
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fos. 116, Ii6b, 117, 117b, Ii9-I22b.
' Wriothesley, ii, 107.

QUEEN MARY AT THE GUILDHALL. 463
she came to the GuildhalU* and there addressed a
spirited harangue to the assembled citizens.^ She
plainly told them that her proposed marriage was but
a Spanish cloak to cover the real purpose of the
rebeUion, which was aimed against her religion. She
was their queen, and the}'- had sworn allegiance to
her ; they surely would not allow her to fall into the
hands of so vUe a traitor as Wyatt was. As for her
marriage, it had been ananged with the full knowledge
of the lords of the council, as one of expediency for
the realm. Passion had no part in the matter. She had
hitherto, she thanked God, lived a virgin, and doubted
not she could, if necessary, Hve so still. At the close
of her speech, which, we are told, was delivered in
a loud voice so that all might hear, she bade the
citizens to pluck up heart and not to fear the rebels
any more than she did. She then quitted the hall
and went up into the aldermen's council chamber and
there refreshed herself, after which she rode through
Bucklersbury to the Vintry, where she took barge to
Westminster. In the meantime the Spanish ambassadors had
taken fright at Wyatt's approach and had "sped
themselves awaie by water, and that with aU hast."'
Many inhabitants of the city had also deserted their
fellow burgesses at this critical time, and their names
were submitted to the Court of Aldermen for subse
quent enquiry.* They were, according to Foxe,
afraid of being entrapped by the queen and perhaps
put to death.
' Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 121.
"Foxe's " Acts and Monuments," vi, 414-415 ; Holinshed, iv, 16.
'Holinshed, iv, 15. 'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 124.

464

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

A force of
1 ,000 men
raised in the
city.

Wyatt and
his followers
before Ludgate.

In response to the qufeen's speech the citizens at
once set to work to raise a force of 1,000 men for the
defence of the city, the mayor and aldermen each in
his own ward taking a muster. So busy was every
one on Candlemas-day (2 Feb.) that the civic
authorities omitted to attend the afternoon service at
St. Paul's, and the mayor's serving-men waited upon
him at dinner ready harnessed.* Even the lawyers
at Westminster "pleaded in harness."^
The defensive precautions taken by the mayor
and aldennen were sufficient to prevent Wyatt making
good his entry into the city by Southwark and London
Bridge. Foiled in this direction he sought to approach
the city from another side, but had to march as far as
Kingston before he could cross the Thames. Many
of his followers in the meantime deserted him.'
Nevertheless he continued to make his way, with
but little opposition, to Ludgate, which, contrary to
his expectation, he found shut in his face. He had
been recognised by a tailor of Watling Street, who
seeing the force approaching cried, " I know that theys
be Wyettes ancienttes," and forthwith closed the
gate.* That Wyatt had supporters in the city may be
gathered from the half-hearted opposition that he met
with in Southwark, as well as from the fact that many
of the soldiers raised in the city and neighbourhood
deserted to Wyatt at the outset of the rebeUion.*
Wyatt himself exhibited no little disappointment
at finding Ludgate closed against him instead of the
' Wriothesley, iii, 109. " Stow.
'Foxe's " Acts and Monuments,"- vi, 4-15.
' Grey Friars Chron., p. 87.
' Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, p. 43 ; Wriothesley, iii, 107, 108.

SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 465
aid which he evidently had expected. " I have kept
touch" said he, as he turned his back on the city.*
He had scarcely reached Temple Bar before he was wyattmade
overcome by a superior force and yielded himself a fJd^°ed^;n"'^
prisoner. After a short stay at Whitehall he was the Tower.
removed to the Tower.
The failure of the revolt was fatal to Lady Execution
Jane Grey, and she was beheaded within the Tower ?^ ^^^
¦' ' Jane Grey,
(12 Feb.) almost at the same time that her husband Wyattand
others.
was being executed outside on Tower Hill. By the
strange irony of fortune, it fell to the lot of Thomas
Offley to perform the duties of sheriff at Dudley's
execution, although he had himself been one of the
supporters of the Lady Jane in her claim to the crown.
For the next few days the city presented a sad
spectacle; whichever way one turned there was to be
seen a gibbet with its wretched burden, whilst the
city's gates bristled with human heads.^ Wyatt him
self was one of the last to suffer, being brought to the
block on Tower Hill on the nth April. His head
and a portion of his body, after being exposed on
gaUows, were taken away by his friends for decent
burial.' On the 17th February proclamation was made Measures for
_ , .1 1 preserving the
for aU Strangers to leave the realm, on the ground peace.
that they sowed the seeds of their "malycyouse
doctryne and lewde conversacioun" among the queen's
good subjects ;* and this had been foUowed in the city
' Grey Friars Chron., p. 87.
" Machyn, 45. The gibbets remained standing till the following
June, when they were taken down in anticipation of Philip's public
entry into London.— Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, 76.
'Grey Friars Chron., p. 89.
'Journal 16, fo. 283 ; Letter Book R, fo. 288.
2 H

466

The lord
mayor before
the Star
Chamber.

Demand of
money from
the city,
1554-

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
by precepts to each alderman to call before him all
the householders of his ward, both rich and poor, on
Wednesday the 7th March, at six o'clock in the mom
ing, and strictly charge them that they, their wives,
their children and servants behave themselves in all
things and more especially in matters of religion,
following the example of the queen herself. All
offenders were to be reported forthwith.*
A report having got abroad in the city that the
lords of the council had endeavoured to extract a
confession from Wyatt implicating the Princess Eliza
beth in the late rebellion, the mayor was ordered
by Bishop Gardiner to bring up the originator of the
rumour before the Star Chamber. When Sir Thomas
White appeared with the culprit, one Richard Cut by
name, a servant to a grocer in the city, he was soundly
rated by Gardiner for not having himself punished the
offender, and when he replied that the party was
there present for the Star Chamber to deal with
according to its pleasure, was again rebuked :— " My
" lord, take heed to your charge, the Citie of London
" is a whirlepoole and a sinke of evill rumors, there
" they be bred, and from thence spred into all parts
" of the realme."2 Cut paid the penalty for his love
of gossip by being made to stand two days in the
pUlory and by the loss of his ears.'
The suppression of the revolt left Mary at Hberty
to carry out her matrimonial design. But before
accomphshing this she was determined to place such
a garrison in or near London as should prevent similar
' Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 131. " Holinshed, iv, 26.
' Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 153 ; Letter Book R, fo. 293.

MEN AND MONEY DEMANDED OF THE CITY. 467
outbreaks in future. For this purpose she appHed to
the citizens for a sum of 6,000 marks. Thus called
upon to supply a rod for their own backs, the citizens
demurred. They at first proposed to offer the sum of
1,000 marks, or at the most ;^ 1,000 ; they afterwards
agreed to contribute double the first mentioned sum,*
and this was accepted. The money was raised by
contributions from the different livery companies, the
Merchant Taylors, the Mercers, the Grocers, the
Drapers, the Fishmongers, the Goldsmiths, and the
Haberdashers being called upon to subscribe the sum
of ;^ 1 00 respectively, whilst the rest of the companies
paid sums varying from ;^8o to forty shillings.^ No
sooner had the citizens satisfied the queen in this
respect than they were called upon to send 200
soldiers to Gillingham, in Kent, there to be embarked
for foreign service under the Lord Admiral. The City
again demurred, and asked to be excused the necessity
of forwarding the men beyond Billingsgate or the
Tower Wharf and also of providing them with
accoutrements. It was to no purpose, both men and
accoutrements had to be found.' On the 10th April
the chamberlain received orders to see that the city's
artillery was in readiness and to increase the store of
gunpowder.* Wyatt was to be executed the next
day, and these orders were probably given in antici
pation of a disturbance.
That Wyatt still had friends in the city is shown Trial at the
by the bold attitude taken up by the jury in the NkS °^
trial (17 April) of one of his accomplices, Nicholas Throckmor-
\ I r J •- ton, 17 April.
Throckmorton, against whom they brought m a
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 130; Journal 16, fo. 284b.
"Repertoryl3,pt. i, fo. 138b. '/</., fos. 142b, 146b. " Id.,io.\d,'].
2 H 2

468 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
verdict of not guilty.* For this they were bound
over to appear before the Star Chamber. Four of the
twelve made submission ; the rest, among whom were
Thomas Whetstone, a haberdasher, and Emanuel
Lucar, a merchant tailor, were committed some to
the Tower and the rest to the Fleet, where they
remained for six months. In the meantime the
Court of Aldermen wrote (19 July) to the council in
their favour, but with little success.^ A month later
(19 August) a deputation waited on the Court of
Aldermen for advice as to what future steps had
best be taken for obtaining the release of their
brethren in the Fleet, when they were told that the
wives of the prisoners or the prisoners' friends should
first make suit to the council for their release, after
which the court would see what they could do.' At
length the prisoners were summoned once more
(26 Oct.) before the Star Chamber, when they one
and all declared that they had only acted in accordance
with their conscience, whilst Lucar, more outspoken
than the rest, asserted that " they had done in the
matter like honest men and true and faithful subjects."
Such plain speaking iU suited the judges, who there
upon condemned the offenders to a fine of 1,000
marks apiece and imprisonment until further order.
Eventually five out of the eight were discharged
(12 December) on payment of a fine of ^"220, and ten
days later the rest regained their liberty on payment
of ;^6o apiece.*
' Wriothesley, ii, 115.
"Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. i86b. '/rf., fo. 190b.
'Howell's "State Trials," i, 901, 902; Chron. of Q. lane and
Q. Mary, p. 75.

THE QUEENS MARRIAGE. 46^
A pariiament which met in AprU (1554)* gave its The queen's
consent to Mary's marriage with Philip, but refused ?Sy,'^iT54.
to re-enact the old statutes for the persecution of
heretics. On the 19th July Philip landed at South
ampton, and on the 21st Mary herself notified
the event to the citizens of London,^ who for
some time past had been making preparations for
giving both queen and king a fitting reception, and
who immediately on receipt of the news of Philip's
landing caused bonfires to be lighted in the streets.'
Mary rode down to Winchester to meet Philip,* The passage
, ^ of the king
and on the 25th became his wife. It was not until and queen
the 17th August that the royal pair approached city°"^
the city. On that day they came by water from Rich- *9 Aug.
mond to Southwark, the king in one barge, the queen
in another. After taking refi^eshment at the Bishop
of Winchester's palace, and killing a buck or two in
the bishop's park, they retired to rest.' Special
orders were given to the aldermen to keep a good
and substantial double watch in the city from nine
o'clock in the evening (17 Aug.) until five o'clock the
next morning, such watch to continue untU further
notice." The authorities differ widely as to the
precise day on which the royal party passed through
the city. The city's own records point to the after
noon of Sunday the 19th August as the day. On the
morning of that day the Court of Aldermen sat, and
' It sat from 2 April until 5 May.— Wriothesley, ii, 114, 115. The
city returned the same members that had served in the last parliament
of Edward VI, namely, Martin Bowes, Broke the Recorder, John Marsh
and John Blundell.
"Journal 16, fo. 295b.
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fos. 165, 166, i66b, 170.
'Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, p. 77- "" ^'^¦' P- 78.
'Journal 16, fo. 263.

470 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
a letter from the queen commending them for their
forwardness in "making shewes of honour and glad-
nes" for the occasion was read to the wardens of all
the companies for them to communicate to the
members. The wardens were further enjoined to
give strict orders to the members of their several
companies to honestly use and entreat the Spaniards
in all things, both at their coming in with the king
and queen and ever afterwards. The same morning
a speech which the Recorder had prepared for the
occasion in English was handed over to the master of
St. Paul's School to be tumed into Latin. None too
much time was allowed the worthy pedagogue for
the purpose, for he was to give it back that same
afternoon so that the Recorder might "make and
"pronounce yt to the kinges majesty at his comynge
" in."* A curious incident is related in connection with
the royal procession through the city. The conduit
in Gracious Church Street, which had been newly
painted and gilded, bore representations of the "nine
worthies," and among them Henry the Eighth and
Edward the Sixth. Instead of carrying a sword or
mace like the rest, Henry had been portrayed with a
sceptre in one hand and a book bearing the inscription
Verbum Dei in the other. This catching the eye of
Bishop Gardiner as he passed in the royal train, he
was very wroth and sent for the painter, asked him
by whose orders he had so depicted the king, called
him "traitor" and threatened him with the Fleet

'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 191. A full account ofthe pageants, etc.,
will be found in John Elder's letter. — Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary,
Appendix x.

RECONCILIATION WITH THE POPE.

471

prison. The poor painter, who for the first time had
been made to realise the change that was taking
place, pleaded that what he had done had been done
in all innocence, and hastened to rectify his mistake
by removing the bible from the picture and substi
tuting in its place a pair of gloves.*
In November (1554) a new pariiament^ was Therecon-
caUed, which proved more ready than the last to Rome°°i^*
comply with the queen's wishes. It re-enacted the
statutes for burning heretics and agreed to a recon-
cihation of the Church of England with the See
of Rome, but it refused to sanction the sunender
of Church lands. Bonner had already taken steps
to purge his diocese of heresy by issuing a series
of articles (14 Sept.) to which every inhabitant,
clerical and lay, was expected to conform.' That
there was room for improvement in matters touching
rehgion and public decorum there is no doubt, other
wise there would have been no need of proclamations
such as those against the anest of persons whilst
conducting service in church,* against wrangling over
passages of scripture in common taverns and vic
tualling houses,' or against canying of baskets of
provisions and leading mules, horses or other beasts
through St. Paul's."
' Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, pp. 78-79-
" Martin Bowes, of the old members, alone continued to sit for the
city, the places of the other members being taken by Ralph Cholmeley,
who had succeeded Broke as Recorder ; Richard Grafton, the printer ;
and Richard Burnell.
'Chron. of Q. Jane and Q. Mary, 82; Wriothesley, 122.
'Repertory 13, part i, fo. iiib. ^ Id., fo. 193.
"Journal 16, fo. 300. Bishop Braybroke, nearly two centuries
before, had done all he could to put down marketing within the sacred
precincts, and to render "Paul's Walk"— as the great nave of the
cathedral was called— less a scene of barter and frivolity.

472

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

The mayor and aldermen endeavoured to set a
good example by constant attendance at the services
and by joining in processions at St. Paul's as in former
days.* The law forbidding the eating of meat in
Lent, except by special licence, was vigorously en
forced.^ Ale-houses and taverns were closed on
Sundays and holy days, and interludes were for
bidden.'
Opposition Nevertheless the attempt to restore the old
establishment worsliip within the city was often met with scornful
of the old mockery, sometimes attended with violence. A dead

religion.

cat, for instance, was one day found hanging in
Cheapside, its head shorn in imitation of a priest's
tonsure, and its body clothed in a mock ecclesiastical
vestment, with cross before and behind, whilst a piece
of white paper to represent a singing-cake was placed
between its forefeet, which had been tied together.
Bonner was very angry at this travesty of religion,
and caused the effigy to be publicly displayed at
Paul's Cross during sermon time. A reward of twenty
marks was offered for the discovery of this atrocious
act, but with what success we do not know.*
On another occasion, when the Holy Sacrament
was being carried in solemn procession through
Smithfield on Corpus Christi-day (24 May), an attempt
was made to knock the holy elements out of the
hands of the priest. The offender was taken to
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 251b.
"In 1558, a man convicted of breaking this law was ordered to
ride through the public market places of the city, his face towards the
horse's tail, with. a piece of beef hanging before and behind him, and a
paper on his head setting forth his oHence. — Repertory 13, fo. 12b.
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 193; Letter Book S, fo. 119b.
'Journal 16, fo. 285b; Letter Book R, fo. 290b; Repertory 13,
pt. i, fo. 147 ; Wriothesley, ii, 114.

THE MARIAN PERSECUTION. 47,
Newgate, where he feigned to be mad.* Again, on the
following Easter-day a priest was fiercely attacked
by a man with a wood-knife whilst administering the
sacrament in the church of St. Margaret, Westminster.
The culprit was seized, and after trial and conviction
paid the penalty of his crime by being burned at the
stake.^ A pudding was once offered to a priest whilst
walking in a religious procession,' the offender being
afterwards whipt at the "Post of Reformation," which
had been set up in Cheapside in 1553.* But aU this
defiance shown to Mary's attempt to restore the old
worship only led her to exercise more drastic methods
for accomplishing her purpose.
By the opening of 1555 her own strong personal The Marian
will had overcome the conciliatory policy of her 1555. '°°'
husband, who was content to restrain his fanaticism
within the limits of expediency, and the Marian
persecution commenced. On the 25th January a
proclamation was issued in the name of the king and
queen, and bearing the signature of William Blackwell,
the town clerk of the city, enjoining the lighting of
bonfires that afternoon in various places in token of
great joy and gladness for the abolition of sundry
great sins, errors and heresies which lately had arisen
within the realm of England, and for the quiet renova
tion and restitution of the true Cathohc faith of Christ
and his holy rehgion.' This proclamation was but a
prelude to other fires Hghted for a very different
purpose, which the mind even at this day cannot
contemplate without a shudder. The first victim of
the flames for conscience sake was John Rogers, once
' Grey Friars Chron., p. 89. "/(^., p. 95. ^ Id., ibid. " Id., ¦p. ySn.
'Journal 16, fo. 321b.

474

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
vicar of St. Sepulchre's church and prebendary of St.
Paul's. He was bumt in Smithfield "for gret herysy"
in February of this year, in which month Hooper,
who had been deprived of his bishopric of Gloucester,
suffered the same fate in his own cathedral city.*
In the following May another city vicar, John Card-
maker, otherwise known as John Taylor of St. Bride's,
who had been a reader at St. Paul's and had publicly
lectured against the real presence, was burnt in Smith-
field with John Warne, an "upholder" of Walbrook.^
Few weeks passed without the fire claiming some
human victim either in London or the provinces.
On the 9th February Thomas Tomkins, a godly and
charitable weaver of Shoreditch, and William Hunter,
a young London apprentice, were with four others
condemned to the stake. The two named met their
fate in Smithfield, one on the i6th March and the
other on the 26th. The rest were removed into
Essex and there consigned to the flames, three of
them in March and one in the following June.'
In October Bishops Latimer and Ridley were
burnt at Oxford. "Be of good comfort. Master
Ridley, and play the man " — cried Latimer encourag
ingly to his feUow sufferer — " we shaU this day light
" such a candle, by God's grace, in England as I trust
" shall never be put out." In March of the foUowing
year (1556) Cranmer, after some display of weakness,
suffered the same fate, on the same spot, and with no
less fortitude. And thus for two years more the fires
were kept alive in London and in the country ; the
'Wriothesley, ii, 126 ; Grey Friars Chron., p. 94.
"Wriothesley, ii, I26n ; Grey Friars Chron., pp. 56, 57, 95.
'Foxe's "Acts and Monuments," vi, 717, 737, 740, vii, 114, 115.

FOREIGNERS IN THE CITY. 4^5
Lollard's tower at St. Paul's serving as a prison for
heretics,* and proving more often than not but a step
to Smithfield. Throughout Mary's reign the strife between the Renewed
citizens and merchant strangers was renewed. She to strangers
had herself added to the evil by her maniage with '" *^ "'^"
Philip, causing the city to be flooded with Spaniards,
who took up their abode in the halls of the civic
companies.^ A rumour got abroad early in September,
1554, that 12,000 Spaniards were coming over "to
fethe the crown,"' and this accounts for precepts
being sent to the several aldermen of the city on
the 27th September enjoining them to make a return
of the number of foreigners that had come to reside
in their ward during the past nine or ten days, and
whence they came.* The favour shown by the Crown
to the merchants of the Steelyard was especially
annoying to the freemen of the city.' It was to little
purpose that the mayor and aldermen issued orders
from time to time against giving work to foreigners
and prohibiting all such from opening shops within

' " Item the v'l' day of September [1556], was browte thorrow
Cheppesyde teyd in ropes xxiij" tayd together as herreytkes, and soo
unto the Lowlers tower." — Grey Friars Chron., p. 98.
""At this time [Aug., 1554] there was so many Spanyerdes in
London that a man shoulde have mett in the stretes for one Inglisheman
above iiij Spanyerdes, to the great discomfort of the Inglishe nation.
The halles taken up for Spanyerdes." — Chron. Q.Jane and Q. Mary, p. 81.
^ Id., ibid.
'Repertory 13, pt. i, fo. 20Sb.
'By an order in council, dated Greenwich, 13 March, 1555, the
merchants of the Steelyard were thenceforth to be allowed to buy cloth
in warehouses adjoining the Steelyard, without hindrance from the
mayor. The mayor was ordered to give up cloth that had been seized
as foreign bought and sold at Blackwell Hall. He was, moreover, not
to demand quotam salis of the merchants, who were to be allowed to
import into the city fish, corn and other provisions free of import. —
Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 384b ; Letter Book S, fo. 76.

476 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the city.* The struggle between citizen and stranger
stUl went on. In 1557 the corporation made an
effort to induce the king and queen to revoke the
favours shown to the merchants of the Steelyard in
prejudice of the liberties of the city,^ and eventually
the privileges were revoked on the ground that the
merchants of the Hanse had not kept faith with the
Crown.' In the same year the exclusiveness enter
tained by the citizens towards foreigners made
itself felt more particularly against that class of
foreigner which kept open school in the city for
teaching writing. Certain scriveners, freemen of the
city, made a complaint before the Court of Aldermen
against foreigners keeping writing-school within the
city and its liberties.* The chamberlain's conduct of
shutting in the shop windows of foreigners teaching
children to write was approved by the maj^or and
aldermen,' whilst freemen were allowed to keep open
school provided they entered into a bond not to engross
deeds." Occasionally foreigners were successful in
obtaining licences from the civic authorities for teach
ing writing, but it was only on condition they kept
their lower windows closed.^
Philip leaves Jn the meantime the disposition of the queen
England, n i •
4Sept..is55. towards heretics became more relentless in proportion
as her temper became more soured from ill-health, by
disappointment in not having off-spring, and by the
increasing neglect of her by her husband. Tired of
' Repertory 13, pt. ii, fos. 399b, 404, 406 ; Letter Book S, fos. 70, 93b.
" Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 508b.
'Wheeler's "Treatise of Commerce" (ed. 1601), p. 100.
' Repertory 13, pt. ii, fos. 507b, S2ob, 540.
'Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 529. '/rf., fo. 526b. '/rf., fo. 534b.

DECLARATION OF WAR WITH FRANCE.
her importunate love and jealousy, Philip took the
first opportunfty of quitting her side and crossed over
to the continent (4 Sept., 1555) on a visft to the
Emperor Charies. The abdication of the latter to
wards the close of 1556 made Philip master of the
richest and most extensive dominions in Europe, and
his greatest wish at the time was to engage England
in the war which was kindled between Spain and
¦France. In this he received the support of Mary, The queen
who had in August (1556) succeeded in obtaining a cuy'roanof
loan from the city of ;^6,ooo.* The seizure of the ^6'°°°-
castie of Scarborough by Thomas Stafford,^ second ^"^'' '^^^'
son of Lord Stafford, in which he was reported to
have received encouragement from the King of France,
was made a casus belli, and Henry was proclaimed an War declared
open enemy (7 June, 1557).' French subjects were France,
allowed forty days to quit the country, and letters of 7 June, 1557.
marque were issued by proclamation on the 9th June.*
On the 5th July Philip once more left England for
Flanders,' having succeeded in the object for which
he had come, viz., the declaration of war against
France. The citizens of London at once began to take a city con
stock of their munitions of war. On the 22nd th?expedi°^
June the Chamberlain was instructed to prepare with p°" '°
all convenient speed four dozen good splentes and
'Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 420.
" Stafibrd had issued a proclamation from Scarborough Castle de
claiming against Philip for introducing 12,000 foreigners into the country,
and announcing himself as protector and governor of the realm. He
was captured by the Earl of Westmoreland and executed on Tower
Hill 28 May. — ^Journal 17, fo. 34b; Letter Book S, fo. 127b; Holinshed,
iv, 87 ; Machyn's Diary, p. 137.
'Journal 17, fo. 37b ; Letter Book S, fo. 131.
'Journal 17, fos. 37b, 38 ; Letter Book S, fo. 131b.
'Machyn, p. 142.

478 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
as many good sallettes or sculles for the city's
use, and to cause a bowyer to "pemse" the city's
bows and to put them in such good order that
they might be serviceable when required.* In
the foUowing month a large force crossed over
to France under the leadership of Lords Pembroke,
Montagu and Clinton. To this force the City of
London contributed a contingent of 500 men, the best
(according to Machyn^) that had ever been sent.
They mustered at the Leadenhall on the i6th July in
the presence of Sir Thomas Offley,' the mayor, the
sheriffs and Sir Richard Lee, and were conveyed
thence by water to Gravesend and Rochester under
the charge of ten officers, whose names are duly
recorded.*
The City On the last day of July the queen informed the
furnish"^"" ° civic authorities by letter of the departure of her
contingent of " ^Issrest lord and husband" to pursue the enemy in
1,000 men, France, and desired them to get in readiness 1,000
men, a portion of whom were to be horsemen, well
horsed and armed, and the rest to be archers, pikes
and billmen. The force was to be ready by the
'Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 517.
""London fond v.c. men all in bluw cassokes, sum by shyppes
and sum to Dover by land, the goodlyst men that ever whent, and best
be-sene in change (of) apprelle. " — Diary, p. 143.
' Merchant Taylor, son of William Offley, of Chester ; alderman of
Portsoken and Aldgate Wards. Was one of the signatories to the
document nominating Lady Jane Grey successor to Edward VI, and
was within a few weeks (i Aug.) elected sheriff. Knighted with alder
man William Chester, 7 Feb., 1557. His mansion-house was in Lime
Street, near the Church of St. Andrew Undershaft. Ob. 29 Aug, 1582. —
Machyn, pp. 125, 353; Index to Remembrancia, p. 37, note. Fuller,
who erroneously places his death in 1 580, describes him as the ' ' Zaccheus
of London" not "on account of his low stature, but his great charity
in bestowing half of his estate on the poor." — Fuller's "Worthies,"
p. 191. 'Repertory 13, pt. ii, fos. 521b, 522 ; Letter Book S, fo. 134.

SOLDIERS FURNISHED BY THE CITY. 470
1 6th August at the latest, after which date it was to
be prepared to set out at a day's notice. The letter
contained a schedule of names of individuals to whom
the queen had made special application, and these
were not to be called upon by the municipal officers
to make any contribution, neither were the tenants
of those noblemen and gentlemen already on active
service in France.*
The Court of Aldermen was taken aback at such The citizens
a demand coming so soon after the setting out of the but in vain.'^'
previous force, and on the 4t-h August it instructed the
Recorder and one of the sheriffs to repair to the
queen's council " for the good and suer understandyng
of her majesty's pleasure" in the matter. The depu
tation was further instructed to remind the lords of the
council not only of the ancient liberties and franchises
of the city on the point, but also of the city's lack of
power to furnish a number of men exceeding any it
had ever been called upon to furnish before.^ It was
all to no purpose ; the men had to be pro-vided ; and
the matter having been fully explained to the wardens
of the several livery companies, they succeeded in
raising the force required.'
The defeat of the French king at St. Quentin The French
, , ,.,.,, . . king defeated
was celebrated m the city by a solemn procession at St. Quentin,
to St. Paul's, in which figured the mayor and alder- 27 Aug., 1557.
men in their scarlet gowns.* The joy of the citizens
was shortlived. Philip's caution did not allow him
to avail himself of the opportunity thus offered
him of marching on the French capital, and before
'Journal 17, fo. 54b. "Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 530.
'Repertory 13, pt. ii, fos. 530, 532, S22b, 535; Journal 17, fo. 54.
'Machyn, p. 147.

480 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
the end of the year matters had taken a different
turn.
The loss of In December a Spaniard named Ferdinando
Calais, 7 Jan., Lyg^j^g .^^g commissioned to raise 300 mounted
archers in the city of London and county of Middle
sex.* At the opening of the new year (2 Jan., 1558)
the queen wrote to the corporation desiring to be at
once furnished with 500 men out of the 1,000 men
the city had been ordered to keep in readiness since
July. As the matter was urgent they were not to
wait to supply the men with coats. ^ The force was
required for the defence of Calais, which was now in
a critical position. On the 9th January another
letter was sent by Mary marked, Hast, Hast Post,
Hast, Far lief. For lief. For lief. For Heft demanding
the full contingent of 1,000 men.' Calais had fallen
two days before,* and Mary was determined not to
rest until the town had been recovered. Dihgent
search was at once instituted throughout the city
for all persons, strangers as well as freemen, capable
of wearing harness;' and the livery companies and
fellowships were called upon to provide double the
number of men they had furnished in July last.^
' Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 571.
"Journal 17, fo. 55. See Appendix. They were ordered in the
first instance to be forwarded to Dover by the 19th Jan. at the latest, but
on the 6th Jan. the Pri-vy Council sent a letter to the mayor to the effect
that " albeit he was willed to send the V^ men levied in London to
Dover, forasmuch as it is sithence considered here that they may with
best speede be brought to the place of service by seas, he is willen to
sende them with all speede by hoyes to Queenburgh, where order is
given for the receavinge and placing of them in the shippes, to be
transported with all speede possible." — Harl. MS. 643, fo. 198 ; Notes
to Machyn's Diary, p. 362.
'Journal 17, fo. .56. 'Wriothesley, ii, 140.
'Order of the Court of Aldermen, 10 Jan. — Repertory 13, pt. ii,
fo. 582. " Repertory 13, pt. ii, fo. 582b ; Precept to the Companies. —
Journal 17, fo. 56b.

THE LOSS OF CALAIS. ^g j
On the 13th the queen wrote to say that a violent
storm, which had occurred on the night of the loth
January, had so crippled the fieet that her forces
could not be conveyed across the channel ; the
civic authorities were therefore to withhold sending
their force to the sea-coast until further orders, but
to keep the same in readiness to start at an hour's
notice.* On the 19th January the citizens were
informed by letter that Philip's forces were on their
way to Flanders, under the Duke of Savoy, and that
the channel was being kept open by a fieet under
Don Luis Carvaial. One half of the force of 1,000
men, furnished with armour and weapons and coats of
white welted with green and red crosses, was to be
despatched to Dover by the end of the month, thence
to sail for Dunkirk for service under the Earl of
Rutland. The City was to take especial care that
the contingent should be chosen from the hand
somest and best picked men, and superior to those
last sent.^ The force mustered at the Leadenhall, the a city force
24th January, for inspection by the mayor, and at 24 Jan., 1558.
five o'clock in the evening were delivered over to
the captains for shipment.' Three days later the
lords of the council instructed the mayor to make
a return of the number of foreigners residing still
within the city, and to make proclamation on the
next market day that it should be lawful thenceforth
for anyone to seize the persons of Frenchmen who
had not avoided the city pursuant to a previous order,
'Journal 17, fo. 57. So furious was this storm, lasting four or five
days, that "some said that the same came to passe through necro-
mancie, and that the diuell was raised vp and become French, the truth
whereof is known (saith Master Grafton) to God."— Holinshed, iv, 93.
"Journal 17, fo. 7.
'Repertory 14, fo. lb; Journal 17, fo, 58; Machyn, 164. 21

482

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

A city loan
of ;^20,00O,
March, 1558.

Death of
Mary, 17 Nov.,
1558.

and to confiscate their goods and chattels to his own
proper use.*
Mary succeeded in March in raising a loan in the
city of ;^2o,ooo (she had asked for 100,000 marks or
;^75,ooo^) on the security of the crown lands. The
loan bore interest at the rate of twelve per cent., and
a special dispensation was granted to avoid the
penalties of the Usury Act.' The money was raised
by assessment on the livery companies. On the
1 6th March the Court of Aldermen summoned
the wardens of the twelve principal companies
to attend at the Guildhall at eight o'clock the
next morning, in order that they might learn how
much the lords of the council had " tottyd " against
each of them towards the loan. The smaller com
panies were to attend in the afternoon of the same
day in order to be informed of the sums the Court of
Aldermen deemed fit that each should contribute to
assist their wealthier brethren. The total amount sub
scribed by the greater companies was ;^i 6,983 (>s. 8d.,
of which the Mercers contributed £21,27$. The lesser
companies subscribed ^1,310, in sums varying from
£?,o to ^500.*
It is probable that Mary wanted this loan to
enable her to prosecute the war. The country was
'Journal 17, fos. 59, 59b; Letter Book S, fos. 154b, 155.
"Cal. State Papers Dom. (1547-1580), p. 100 ; Wriothesley, ii,
140, 141.
' Stat. 5 and 6, Edward VI, c 20, which repealed Stat. 37, Henry
VIII, u. 9 (allowing interest to be taken on loans at the rate of ten per
cent.) and forbade all usury. This Statute was afterwards repealed
(Stat. 13, Eliz., c 8) and the Statute of Henry VIII re-enacted. The
dispensation granted by Mary was confirmed in 1560 by Elizabeth.—
Repertory 14, fo. 404b.
'Repertory 14, fo. 15b; Journal 17, fo. 63. A large portion of
this loan was repaid by Elizabeth soon after her accession. — Repertory I4,
fos. 236b, 289. * '

DEATH OF MARY.
not disposed, however, to assist her in this direction.
The people were afraid of rendering Philip too power
ful. Disappointed both in her public and domestic
life, she fell a victim to dropsy and died on the
17th November — "wondering why all that she had
" done, as she believed on God's behalf, had been
" followed by failure on every side — by the desertion
"of her husband, and the hatred of her subjects."
The loss of Calais so much affected her that she
declared that the name of the town would be found
impressed upon her heart after death. On the
occasion of her funeral the City put in its customary
claim for black livery cloth, but more than one
appHcation had to be made before the cloth was
forthcoming.* ' Repertory 14, fos. 94b, 96b.

483

2 I 2

CHAPTER XVII.
The accession The accossion of EHzaboth, after the gloomy
17 Nov?, 1^558. reign of her sister, was welcomed by none more joy
fully than by the citizens of London, who continued
to commemorate the day with bonfires and general
rejoicing long after the queen had been laid in her
grave.* When news was brought of her sister's death
Elizabeth was at Hatfield. Within a week she
removed to London and took up her abode at the
Charterhouse. The sheriffs went out to meet her
as far as the boundary of the county of Middlesex,
the limit of their jurisdiction, dressed in coats of velvet,
with their chains about their necks and white rods in
their hands. Having first kissed their rods, they
handed them to the queen, who immediately retumed
them, and the sheriffs thereupon joined the gentle
men of the cavalcade and rode before her majesty
until they met Sir Thomas Leigh,^ the mayor, and
his brethren the aldermen. The sheriffs then fell
back and took their places among the aldermen.'
' The commemoration was eventually put down by the Stuarts as
giving rise to tumults and disorders. — ^Journal 49, fo. 270b ; Luttrell's
Diary, 17 Nov., 1682.
" Son of Roger Leigh, of Wellington, co. Salop, an apprentice of
Sir Rowland Hill, whose niece, Alice Barker, he married. Buried in
the Mercers' Chapel. By his second son, William, he was ancestor of
the Lords Leigh, of Stoneleigh, and by his third son William, grand
father of Francis Leigh, Earl of Chichester. — Notes to Machyn's
Diary, p. 407.
' " The order of the sheryfes at the receyvyng of the queues
highenes in to Myddlesex."— Letter Book S, fo. 183 ; Repertory 14,
fo. 90b.

CORONATION OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 48 r
From the Charterhouse she removed after a stay
of a few days to the Tower, amid the blare of
trumpets, the singing of children and the firing of
ordnance. The Court of Common CouncU (21 Nov.) agreed The queen's
to levy two fifteenths on the inhabftants of the city ?/?"^*'°r' „
J 15 J3.n. ) 1 559*
for the customary present to be given the new queen
on her passing through the city to her coronation,
which was to take place on the 15 th January follow
ing, as well as for defraying the costs of pageants on
the occasion.* Committees were appointed to see
that the several conduits, the Standard and Cross in
Cheap, and other parts of the city were seemly
trimmed and decked with pageants, fine paintings
and rich cloth of Arras, silver and gold, as at the
coronation of Queen Mary, and better still if it con
veniently could be done.^ Among those appointed to
devise pageants for the occasion and to act as masters
of the ceremony was Richard Grafton, the printer.'
Eight commoners were appointed by the Court of
Aldermen (17 Dec.) to attend upon the chief butler of
England at the cupboard at the coronation banquet.*
A curious instance of a strike among painters is A strike
recorded at this time. The painters of the city, we paints. ^
are told, utterly refused to fresh paint and trim the
great conduit in Cheap for the coronation for the sum
of twenty marks. This being the case, the siuveyors
of the city were instructed to cause the same to be
covered with cloth of Arras having escutcheons of the
queen's Anns finely made and set therein, and the
wardens of the Painters' Company were called upon
' LeUer Book S, fo. 182b ; Journal 7, fo. loib.
"Repertory 14, fos. 97, 98. ^ Id., fo. 99. Id., fo. 102b.

486

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Elizabeth's
policy of
moderation, 1558.

The Act of
Uniformity
and Supre
macy, 1558.

to render assistance with advice and men for reason
able remuneration.*
The main object which Elizabeth kept before her
eyes, from first to last, was the preservation of peace —
peace within the Church and without. Her natural
inclination was towards the more ornate ritual of the
Roman Church, but the necessity she was under of
gaining the support ofthe Protestants, whom even the
fires of Smithfield had failed to suppress, inspired
restraint. AU her actions were marked with caution
and deliberation. From the day of her accession
religious persecution in its worst form ceased. Non
conformity was no longer punished by death. Preachers
who took advantage of the lull which followed the
Marian persecution and resumed disputatious sermons,
as they did more especially in the city, were silenced
by royal proclamation,^ which ordered them to confine
themselves to reading the gospel and epistle for the
day, and the Ten Commandments, in the vulgar tongue,
without adding any comment. They were further
ordered to make use of no public prayer, rite or
ceremony other than that already accepted until par
liament should ordain otherwise.
Parliament met in January, 1559, and at once
acknowledged the queen's legitimacy and her title to
the crown, an acknowledgment which she had failed
to obtain fi-om the Pope. An Act of Uniformity was
passed forbidding the use of any form of public prayer
other than that set out in the last Prayer Book of
Edward VI, amended in those particulars which
savoured of ultra-Protestantism. The same parliament
' Repertory 14, fo. 103b.
"Dated 27 Dec, 1558.- Journal 17, fo. io6b.

RESTORATION OF THE PRAYER BOOK. 487
also passed an Act of Supremacy, which dropt the
title of supreme head of the Church with reference
to the queen, but stiU upheld the ancient jurisdiction
ofthe Crown over all ecclesiastics. Having accom
plished this much, parliament was dissolved (8 May).
On the following Whitsunday (14 May) Divine The restor-
Service was conducted in the city in English according prayer Book
to the Book of Common Prayer.* Commissioners of the^Mas's"
were appointed in July "to ride about the realm for i';'^9-
the estabHshing of true religion," four being nominated
for the city, whose duty it was to call before them
divers persons of every parish and make them swear
to observe "certain injunctions newly set out in
print." ^ The election of a new mayor at Michaelmas
was followed by the celebration of a " communion "
in the GuildhaU Chapel."'
The success of Elizabeth's policy was unfortu- Uitra-Pro-
nately marred by the excess of zeal displayed by formers in
the reformers. More especially was this the case in Cecity, 1559.
the city of London. Had the inhabitants bent their
energy towards putting down the disgraceful traffick
ing that went on within the very walls of their
cathedral church, shutting up gambling houses, and
stopping interludes and plays which made a jest of
religion, instead of leaving such abuses to be conected
by royal proclamation,* their conduct would have
met with universal approbation. Instead of this they
again set to work pulling down roods, smashing up
ancient tombs and committing to the fiames vestments
'Wriothesley, ii, 145. ''Id. ibid.
'Repertory 4, fo. 213b.
'Journal 17, fos. i2ob, 168 ; Repertory 14, fo. 152 ; Letter Book T,
fo. 82b.

488 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
and service books — the work of years of artistic
labour* — until the wanton destruction was restricted,
if not altogether stopped, by the queen's orders.^
The claims of In the meantime the state of affairs with France
^9-1560"' and Scotland demanded Elizabeth's attention. The
marriage of Mary Stuart with the Dauphin of France
had taken place in April, 1558, and the sudden death
of Henry II of France by an accident at a tournament
had soon afterwards raised her and her husband to
the throne. Mary now assumed the arms and style of
Queen of England, and the life-long quanel between
her and Elizabeth was about to commence. By the
end ofthe year (1559) Mary had collected a sufficient
force at her back to render her mistress of Scotland.
In the following January a French fleet was ready
to set sail. Nevertheless Elizabeth refused to take
any active measures to meet the enemy and to pre
vent them effecting a landing. On the 6th she caused
proclamation to be made for French subjects to be
allowed perfect freedom as in time of peace, but
English vessels were to be held in readiness " untill yt
" maye appeare to what ende the greate preparaciouns
" of Fraunce do entende."' Long after the appear
ance of a French fleet off the coast of Scotland, and
when it had been driven to take refuge in Leith
harbour, Elizabeth still declared her intention of
' " In some places the coapes, vestments, and aulter clothes, bookes,
banners, sepulchers and other ornaments of the churches were burned,
which cost above ;^2,ooo renuinge agayne in Queen Maries time"
(Wriothesley, ii, 146 ; Cf Machyn, p. 298). Among the churchwarden
accounts of the parish of St. Mary-at-Hill for the year 1558- 1559 there
is a payment of one shilling for " bringing down ymages to Romeland
(near Billingsgate) to be burnt."
"Proclamation, dated 19 Sept., 1559.— Journal 17, fo. 267; LeUer
Book T, fo. 5b.
'Journal 17, fo. 184b.

THE WAR WITH FRANCE.

489

keeping, if possible, on friendly terms with France if
only the "insolent titles and claims" of Francis and
Mary might cease and Scotland left in peace.* With
the aid of soldiers and seamen provided by the City^
the French were forced to surrender, and, by a treaty
signed at Edinburgh, agreed to leave Scotland and to
acknowledge Elizabeth's right to the English crown.
In 1 56 1 Mary, who had declined to recognise the The French
treaty of Edinburgh from the first, returned to Scotland, 7s^64. ^~
in spite of Elizabeth's prohibition, and soon succeeded
in drawing over many Protestants to her side. In the
following year an opportunity offered itself to Eliza
beth for striking a blow at her rival — irot in Scotland,
but in France. A civil war had broken out between
the French Protestants — or Huguenots, as they were
called — arid their Cathohc fellow-subjects, and Eliza
beth promised (Sept., 1562) to assist the leaders of
the Huguenots on condition that Ha-vre — or New-
haven, as the place was then known — was sunendered
to her as security for the fulfilment of a promise to
sunender Calais. The queen (23 July, 1562) appHed
by letter to the City of London for a force of 600 men
to be held in readiness to march at a moment's notice.
She had determined, the letter said, to put the sea
coast into a " fencible arraye of wane."' The men
'Proclamation, dated 24 March, 1560.- Journal 17, fo. 223b.
" In April the city was called upon to furnish 900 soldiers, in May
250 seamen, and in June 200 soldiers.— Repertory 14, fos. 323, 336,
339b, 340, 340b, 344b ; Journal 17, fos. 238b, 244. It is noteworthy
that the number of able men in the city at this time serviceable for war,
although untrained, was estimated to amount to no more than 5,000. —
Journal 17, fo. 244b.
'Journal 18, fos. 57-6ob. The livery companies furnished the men
according to allotment. The barber-surgeons claimed exemption by
statute (32 Henry VIII, c. 42), but subsequently consented to waive
their claim. The city also objected to supplying the soldiers with
cloaks. — Repertory 15, fos. nob, 113.

490 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
were ordered to muster at the Leadenhall on the
i8th September.* The aim and object of the expe
dition was set out in a " boke " or proclamation.^
Soldiers for In 1 563 a peace was patched up, and the Catholics
of Havre, and Hugueuots united in demanding from Elizabeth
'^ ^' the restoration of Ha-vre. The queen refused to
sunender the town, and again called upon the City of
London to fumish her with 1,000 men for the purpose
of enabling her to secure Ha-vre, and to compel the
French to surrender Calais as promised.' The Court
of Aldermen hesitated to raise so large a force, and
sent a deputation of three of their court to wait upon
the lords of the Privy Council the same afternoon,
with a view to having the number reduced to 500 on
the ground that the City had supplied so many soldiers
during the past year.* The deputation having reported
to the court the next day (3 July) that the Privy
Council would make no abatement in the number of
soldiers to be fuiTiished, it was agreed to renew the
application.' Again the City's request was refused,
and the full number of 1,000 men was apportioned
among the livery companies.^ The citizens, jealous
as they always were of the stranger within their gates,
availed themselves of a too literal interpretation of
a royal proclamation and seized all the Frenchmen
they could find in the city with all their belongings.
They even went so far as to attack the house of the
French ambassador, and would probably have gone
'Journal 18, fo. 66; Machyn, pp. 292, 293.
"Journal 18, fo. 71.
' The queen to the mayor and corporation of London, 30 June, 1 563. —
Journal 18, fo. 124.
'Repertory 15, fo. 258. '' Id. , (o. 2^g. " Id., io. 26^.

TIIE LOSS OF HAVRE OR NEWHAVEN.

491

yet further lengths had they not been stopt by
peremptory orders from the queen.*
On the Sth July the City was informed by letter
from the queen that the French had already com
menced the siege of Havre, and was asked to have
400 out of the 1,000 men ready to set sail with Lord
CHnton by the i6th.^ This letter was immediately
followed by another from Lord Clinton summoning
every inhabitant of the city "usinge the exercise of
eny kynde of water crafte " before the lord high
admiral or his deputy at Deptford on a certain day.'
The Common Hunt, the city's water-bailiffs, two
sergeants-at-mace and two sheriff's officers were
appointed by the Court of Aldermen to "conduct"
the city's contingent to the fieet lying in the Thames.*
Before the end of July Ha-vre was lost.' The The loss of
garrison had been attacked by a plague, which for juiy, 1563.
more than a twelvemonth had been rampant in
London,^ and the Earl of Warwick, the commander
of the town, found himself compelled to accept such
terms as he could obtain. The ganison was allowed
to leave with all munitions of war. Whilst proclaim
ing to her subjects the sunender of the town — not
through any cowardice on the part of the garrison,
but owing to a "plage of infectuous mortaU sickness "
'The queen to the mayor, 2 Aug., 1563.— Journal 18, fo. 140.
Preceptofthemayor.— /i/.,fo. 136; Repertory 15, fo. 279b ; Machyn s
Diary, p. 312.
"Journal 18, fo. 128. ^ Id, fo. 119b.
'Repertory 15, fo. 265b. 'Machyn, 312.
"Journal 18, fos. 139, 139^. 142, 151b, 152b, 154, 156b, 184, 189b.
With the sickness was associated, as was so often the case, a scarcity of
food.— Repertory 15, fos. 127, 133b, 138, 168, 178, 179b, etc The
rate of mortality increased to such an extent that a committee was
appointed for the purpose of procuring more burial accommodation.—
Repertory 15, fos. 311b, 313b, 333.

402 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
inflicted by the Almighty — Elizabeth pleaded for
tender care and charity to be shown to the soldiers
on their return, due precaution being taken by the
principal officers of every city, town and parish against
the spread of infection.*
Peace between The approaching end of the war with France is
Francesigned, foresHadowcd by an order of the Court of Aldermen
1564.'^"'' (25 Nov., 1563) touching the re-delivery to the various
civic companies ofthe " harness " which they severally
provided for the war, and which had been forwarded
from Portsmouth and was lying in the Guildhall
Chapel.- Peace was signed on the 13th April, 1564,
and on the 31st July a proclamation was issued for
disbanding the navy.' Throughout the war Elizabeth
had been careful to keep on good terms with Spain,
and English vessels found molesting Spanish ships
under pretext of searching for French goods were
ordered to be arrested.* An intenuption of com
merce with Flanders had been threatened, owing to
the Duchess of Parma having forbidden the importa
tion of EngHsh woollen cloth into the Low Countries
for fear of infection from the plague, but Elizabeth
retaliated by closing English ports to all Flemish
vessels, and matters were accommodated.'
The period of peace and tranquillity which
ensued enabled the citizens to bestow more attention
on their own affairs. Their cathedral stood in urgent
need of repairs. Its steeple had been struck by
lightning in 1561, and 3,000 marks had already been

The restor
ation of
St. Paul's
Cathedral, iS6i-f565.

'Proclamation dated I Aug., 1563. — ^Journal 18, fo. 141.
"Repertory 15, fo. 284b.
'Journal 18, fo. 249. "Id., fo. 190b.
¦'Journal 18, fos. 214, 215, 227, 291b, 3S4b; HoUnshed, iv, 224.

THE RESTORATION OF ST. PAUL'S.
expended on its restoration.* An application to the
City from the lord treasurer in 1565 for a sum of
;^30o towards roofing one of the aisles of the
cathedral came as a surprise to the Court of Alder
men, who caused enquiries to be made as to the
receipt and delivery of contributions already made,
and returned for answer that the Cit)^ of London
had long ago delivered "all such mony as the
"sayd cyty dyd at eny tyme grant or agree to geve
"or paye towards the sayd work." His lordship
was desired " no further to charge or burden the sayd
" cytye w* the payment of any more mony towards
"the sayd work."^ Nevertheless the City was called
upon for a further contribution two years later
(June, 1567), when negotiations were entered into
between the City, the Bishop of London and the
Dean and Chapter of Saint Paul's, which ended in the
Corporation agreeing to find forty foders of lead for
roofing the south aisle of the catheral, and lending
a sum of ;^i5o to the bishop and the dean and
chapter, on condition the latter granted a further lease
to the City of the manor of Finsbury for a term of
200 years beyond the term yet unexpired.' WhUst
repairs were being carried out in the cathedral itself,
something was also being done outside the building
to render the accommodation for hearing the sermons
preached at Paul's Cross more convenient for the
mayor and aldermen and municipal officers. A gutter
'Journal 17, fos. 320, 321, 331b; Letter Book T, fos. 42, 42b;
Repertory 14, fo. 491b. The fire caused by the lightning threatened
the neighbouring shops, and their contents were therefore removed to
Christchurch, Newgate and elsewhere for safety.— Journal 17, fo. 319b;
Letter Book T, fo. 42.
"Repertory 15, fos. 474, 478-
'Repertory 16, fos. 327, 241b, 274; Letter Book V, fo. lo8b.

493

494

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

which conducted rainwater upon the heads of the
lord mayor's suite at sermon time was removed ; the
bench on which the civic officials sat was enlarged
for their better convenience, and places erected for
the accommodation of aldermen's wives.*
Sir Thomas The rapid increase of commerce under the
^e'ci^y^Bursl fostering carc of Elizabeth rendered the erection of
1565-1566. ^ Burse or Exchange for the accommodation of
merchants "to treate of their feate of merchandyzes "
a pressing necessity. The matter had been mooted
thirty years before, but little had been done beyond
ascertaining the opinion of merchants as to the most
convenient site.^ The project, however, took root in
the mind of Sir Richard Gresham, an alderman of the
city, whose business had occasionally carried him to
Antwerp, where he became familiar with the Burse
that had been recently set up there, and in 1537 (the
year that he was elected mayor) he forwarded to
Thomas Cromwell, then lord privy seal, a design for
a similar Burse to be erected in London. Finding
little or no attention paid to his communication he
again (25 July, 1538) wrote to Cromwell suggesting
the erection of a Burse in Lombard Street — the site
favoured by city merchants — at a cost of ;^2,ooo. If
the lord privy seal would but bring pressure to bear
upon Sir George Monoux, a brother alderman but a
man of " noe gentyll nature," to part with certain
property at cost price, he (Gresham) would undertake
' Repertory i6, fos. 303b, 448. Among the Chamber Accounts of
this period we find an item of a sum exceeding £^ paid for ' ' Cusshens
to be occupied at Powles by my L. Maio' and thaldermen, vz : — for
cloth for the uttorside lyning of leather feathers and for making of
theym as by a bill appearth. " — Chamber Accounts, Town Clerk's Office,
vol. i, fo. 50b.
"Journal 13, fos. 417, 420, 435, 442b, 443-

THE INCEPTION OF THE ROYAL EXCHANGE.
to raise ;^i,ooo towards the building before he went
out of office, and he would himself carry Cromwell's
letter to Monoux and "handle him" as best he
could.* This application had the desired effect. On
the 13th August Henry VIII addressed a letter to
Monoux desiring him to dispose of certain tenements
about Lombard Street which were required for the
commonweal of merchants of the city, and to come
to terms with Gresham as to the amount to be paid
for them. Both parties having refened the matter
to Sir Richard Rich, Chancellor of the Court of
Augmentations of the Crown, as arbitrator, the City
agreed to pay a yearly sum of twenty marks for the
houses that were required. Monoux refusing to accept
this sum, another letter was despatched to him from
the king urging him not to stand in the way of a
project so useful to merchants and tending so much
to the "beautifitye" of the city. To this second
appeal Monoux gave way, and received the cordial
thanks of Henry by letter dated the 25th November.^
Nothing more was done in the matter until it was
taken up many years later by Sir Thomas Gresham,
son of Sir Richard.' Acting, as he did for a long
succession of years, as Queen Elizabeth's agent in
Flanders, Sir Thomas spent much of his time in
Antwerp.* When he was not there himself he
' Cotton MS., Otho E, x, fo. 45 ; Cf. Burgon's " Life of Gresham,"
'> 3i~33- "Journal 14, fos. 124, 124b.
'By Sir Richard's first wife Audrey, daughter of William Lynne, of
Southwick, CO. Northampton. Sir Thomas is supposed to have been
born in London in 1 5 19. Having been bound apprentice to his uncle.
Sir John Gresham, he was admitted to the freedom of the Mercers'
Company in 1543. Married Anne, daughter of William Ferneley, of
West Creting, co. Suffolk, widow of William Read, mercer.
'The queen's business kept him so much abroad that her majesty
wrote to the Cominon Council (7 March, 1563) desiring that he might
be discharged from all municipal duties. — Journal 18, fo. 137.

495

496 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
employed a factor in the person of Richard Clough to
conduct his affairs. In 1561 this Richard Clough, in
a letter addressed to his principal from Antwerp
(31 Dec.),* expressed much astonishment at the City
of London being so far behind continental towns: —
"Consideryng what a sittey London ys, and that in
" so many yeres they have nott founde the menes to
" make a bourse ! but must walke in the raine, when
" ytt raineth, more lyker pedlers then marchants ; and
"in thys countrie, and aU other, there is no kynde
"of pepell that have occasion to meete, butt they
"have a plase meete for that pourpose." Indeed,
Clough got quite excited over the thought that
London, of all cities in the world, possessed no decent
accommodation for merchants transacting their every
day business, and declared his readiness to build " so
"fere a bourse in London as the grett bourse is in
" Andwarpe" and that "withhoutt molestyng of any
" man more than he sliuUd be well dysposyd to geve."
It was not long before Gresham made up his
mind that London should have a Burse, and in May,
1563, the Court of Aldermen deputed Lionel Duckett,
who was also a mercer, to sound Gresham as to "his
benevolence towards the makyng of a biirse."^ But
however desirous Gresham might be to prosecute the
work, he was prevented from doing so by stress
of business. Commercial difficulties arose between
England and the Low Countries owing to the pro
clamation of the Duchess of Panna. Up to the year
1564 Gresham was forced to make Antwerp his place
of abode, and could only occasionally visit London ;
' Printed in Burgon's " Life of Gresham," i, 409.
"Repertory 15, fo. 237b.

SIR THOMAS GRESHAM. 4gy
since that time, however, his business allowed him
to look upon London as his permanent residence, and
he only crossed over to Antwerp when special cir
cumstances rendered it necessary. An additional
reason for the delay in canying out Gresham's project
may perhaps be found in the fact that, during his
absence on the queen's business in 1563, Ehzabeth
had, with her usual parsimony, cut down Gresham's
allowance of twenty shilHngs a day for " his diets."
Gresham complained bitterly of this abridgment of his
income in a letter to Secretary Cecil, and also in another
letter couched in more guarded terms to the queen
herself.* In both letters he set out the sum total of
the nioney (;^830,ooo) which he had negotiated for
the queen, and referred to his having broken a leg in
her majesty's service and to his declining years. What
ever may have been the cause of the delay, it was
not until the 4th January, 1565, that a definite offer
was made by Gresham to erect a "comely burse" at
his own cost and charge, provided the City would
fumish a suitable site. This offer was accepted.^
Difficulties at once presented themselves in find- Difficulties
ing a site. It was originally proposed to obtain from ° sL.^'"^
the Merchant Taylors' Company a plot of land
between Lombard Street and Comhill, but the com
pany refused to part with the property and a new site
had to be chosen.' No sooner was this done, and a
place selected to the north of CornhiU, than a difficulty
arose between the City and the Dean and Chapter of
Canterbury as to the terms of purchase.* This having
been successfuUy overcome and the site purchased,
'Burgon, ii, 30-40, "Repertory 15, fos. 406b, 407.
' Repertory 15, fos. 410b, 412. "Id., fos. 417b, 431. 2 K

4q8 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the next step was to invite subscriptions, not only
from members of the livery companies, but from
merchant adventurers beyond the sea.* Such a liberal
response was made to this invitation^ that on the
7th June, 1566, Sir Thomas Gresham was able to lay
the first stone of the new building, a deed of trust
between the City and Gresham having previously
(14 May) been executed.'
Strong foreign It is curious to uote the strong foreign element
connection in Connection with the building of Gresham's Burse.
buiidi'ng of The architect as well as the design of the building came
the first from abroad. The clerk of the works (Henryk)*
Burse. . ^ n
and most of the workmen were foreigners, Gresham
having obtained special permission from the Court of
Aldermen for their employment.' Most of the
material for structural as well as ornamental purposes
(saving 100,000 bricks provided by the City)^ came
from abroad, and to this day the Royal Exchange is
paved with small blocks of Turkish hone-stones be
lieved to have been imported in Gresham's day, and
to have been relaid after the several fires of 1666
and 1838. It was the employment of these strangers
which probably gave rise to an order of the Court of
Aldermen (19 June, 1567) that an officer should be
appointed to attend at the Burse daily " for a com
petent season," to see that no "misorder" be done
to any of the artificers or other workmen there
' Repertory l6, fos. 31b, 32b, 43b ; Letter Book V, fos. 5, 7b, 8,
17, 2lb. " The amount of subscriptions and charges is set out in a " booke "
and entered on the City's Journal (No. 19, fos. 12-20 ; Cf. Letter Book
V, fos. 7ob-79) ; see also Repertory 16, fo. 126.
'Journal 18, fo. 398. '' Repertory 16, fo. 316.
'Repertory 16, fo. 406b. 'Repertory 15, fo. 268b.

THE ROYAL EXCHANGE COMPLETED. 400
employed, and to commit to ward any that he should
find so-doing.* By the 22nd December, 1568, the Burse was so The Burse
far complete as to allow of merchants holding their Q^^Laifeth,
meetings within its walls, but it was not until the ^sJan., 1571.
23rd January, 1 571, that the queen herself visited it
in state and caused it thenceforth to be called the
Royal Exchange. Her statue which graced tries
building bore testimony to trie care and interest she
always displayed in fostering commercial enterprise.
On trie door of a staircase leading up to a "pawne" Wanton
or covered walk on trie south side of trie building tottTenew
triere riad been set up trie arms and crest of Gresliam '"^^'
himself, wriicli some evilly disposed person took it
into his head to deface. A proclamation made by
trie mayor (16 Feb., 1569) for the apprehension of trie
culprit does not appear from trie city's records to
have proved successful.^ Some years later (2 1 March,
1577) trie mayor had occasion to issue another pro
clamation for trie discovery of persons who had
defaced and puUed away " certen peces of timber
fixed to thendes and corners of trie seates"' in the
Royal Exchange, with wriat result we know not.
In ii;74 the Court of Aldermen appointed a Insurance
business
committee to confer with Gresriam toucriing the carried on at
"assurance" of the Royal Exchange.* Trie con- l^^^/gt
nection between the new Burse and insurance is
remarkable. Trie principle of insurance policies had
' Repertory 16, fo. 229.
" " A proclamacioun concernyng the cutting of the crest conyzans and
mantell of the arms of S' Thomas Gresham."— Journal 19, fo. 150b;
Letter Book V, fo. 222.
'Journal 20, pt. ii, fo. 341- * Repertory 18, fo. 362. 2 K 2

soo

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
been introduced into trie city by trie Lombards as early
as trie triirteentri century,* and a Lombard Street
policy became a familiar term.^ When trie Lombard
Street merchants quitted their old premises for the
more commodious Exchange they carried triither trieir
insurance business with them, and a part of the new
building was devoted exclusively to this branch of
commerce. A grant of letters patent wriicri Elizabeth
made to Richard Candler for the making of policies
and registering of assurances within trie city was
objected to by trie Court of Aldennen, as being con
trary to trie liberties of the City, and a deputation
was appointed to wait upon trie lords of the Privy
Council to riave it revoked.' This was early in 1575.
A year later we find Candler making answer to a bill
of fees drawn up by certain aldermen and citizens of
London, respecting his office.*
In order to put an end to the frequent disputes
which arose in trie Royal Excriange among mercriants
on matters of insurance, trie Court of Aldermen
appointed two of trieir number to consider trie diffi
culty and to report thereon. They made trieir report
to the court on the 29th January, 1577.' They riad,
in accordance with the oft-repeated desire expressed
' "Law and Practice of Marine Insurance," by John Duer, LL.D.
(New York, 1845), Lecture ii, p. 33.
" At the present day the form of policy used at Lloyds and com
monly called the "Lloyd's policy" contains the following clause: —
"and it is agreed by us the insurers, that this writing or policy of
assurance shall be of as much force and effect as the surest writing or
policy of assurance heretofore made in Lombard Street or in the Royal
Exchange or elsewhere in London." — Arnould, "Marine Insurance"
(6th ed.), i,'23o.
'Repertory 18, fo. 362b.
'Cal. State Papers Dom. (1547-1580), p. 523.
'Repertory 19, fos. 1 66b, 168.

INSURANCE BUSINESS AT ROYAL EXCHANGE. 501
to previous lord mayors by trie lords of trie Privy
Council, consulted with their brethren the aldermen,
as well as witri mercriants of trie city, botri Englisli-
men and foreigners, and riad drawn up orders agreeable
to those that had hitherto been used in Lombard
Street, to which all countries had been acccustomed to
submit. The orders, however, not yet being com
pleted, the Court of Aldennen decided upon appointing
arbitrators from year to year to deal with all matters
of insurance, and so relieve the lords of the Privy
Council of trie trouble wriicri they had hitrierto
experienced on triat score at a time when they riad
weightier matters to attend to. The arbitrators were
to receive one penny in trie poimd amongst triem in all
cases, whether the claim were for whole losses, part,*
or averages. Their decision was to bind botri assurer
and assured, and they were to sit twice a week
(Monday and Thursday) "in trie offyce riowse of
assurances" in trie Royal Excriange. Triey were to
be attended by the "register of assurances," wriose
business it was to summon witnesses. A poor-box
was to be provided, to wriicri trie party assured, on
judgment, sriould contribute twelve pence.
On Sundays and holy days trie Excriange was Music and
¦' . r -, -^^ ^\. ¦ football at the
enlivened during a portion of trie year wfth the music Exchange.
of the cfty wafts, who were ordered by the Court of
Aldermen (April, 1572) to play on trieir instiuments
as they had hitrierto been accustomed at trie Royal
Exchange, from seven o'clock till eight o'clock in trie
' The reader is here reminded that there is an essential diff'erence
between life policies and fire or marine policies of assurance. The latter,
being policies of indemnity, recovery can be had at jaw only to the
extent of the actual damage done, whereas in life policies the whole
amount of the policy can be recovered.

-02 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
evening up to the Feast of Pentecost, after wriicb
they were to commence playing at eight p.m., and
"to hold on " tiU nine p.m. up to Michaelmas.* There
is another circumstance connected with the same
building that deserves a passing notice, wriicri is that
football used to be played within its walls, a game
forbidden in 1576 to be played any longer either there
or in any of the city's wards.^
Gresham The citizens of London are indebted to Sir
Lectures^"'' Thomas Gresriam for something more than trieir
Royal Excriange. By wiU dated 5tri July, 1575,
proved and enroUed in the Court of Husting,'-
Gresriam disposed of trie reversion of trie Royal
Exchange and of his mansion-house in trie parisli of
St. Helen, Bisriopsgate, after trie decease of riis wife,.
to trie mayor and corporation of the city and to trie
wardens and commonalty of trie Mercers' Company in
equal moieties in trust {inter alia) for the maintenance
of seven lectures on the several subjects of Divinity,
Astronomy, Music, Geometry, Law, Physic and
Rhetoric. In 1596 triese two corporate bodies came
into possession of trie property, and in the following
year drew up ordinances for trie regulation of the
various lectures. According to trie terms of Gresham's
will trie lectures were delivered at Gresham House.
Wrien Gresriam House, wriicri escaped the Fire of
London, became dilapidated, trie City and trie
Company on more trian one occasion petitioned
Parliament for leave to pull it down and to erect
anotrier building on its site. The proposal, however,
was not entertained, but in trie year 1767 an Act was
' Repertory 17, fo. 300. "Repertory 19, fo. 150.
'Cal. Wills, Court of Hust., London, ii, 698.

GRESHAM COLLEGE. -Og
passed vesting Gresriam House in the Crown for the
purpose of an Excise Office, and providing for trie
payment by the Crown to the City and Company of
a perpetual annuity of ;^5oo per annum. For some
time trie lectures ceased to be delivered for lack of
accommodation. Wrien triey were next delivered it
was at the City of London School, where triey con
tinued until Gresriam College was erected in Basing-
hall Street.* In the meantime Protestantism had been gaining The Act of
ground in England as well as on the continent, strictly en-
Many who in trie evil days of the Marian persecution ^°^'^^^' *S65-
riad sought refuge in Switzerland and Germany had
retumed to England as soon as they were assured of
safety under Elizabeth, and had introduced into trie
country trie rehgious tenets of Calvin triey riad learnt
abroad. Elizabetri found herself confronted not only
by Catholics but by Puritans. As she felt herself
seated more strongly on the throne she determined
to enforce more strictly trian liitherto trie Act of
Uniformity. In 1565 trie London clergy were ordered
to wear trie surplice and to conform in other par
ticulars. Between thirty and forty of triem — and those
the most intelligent and active of them — refused and
resigned trieir cures. Trieir congregations supported
them, and thus a large body of good Protestants were
driven into opposition. But triere all action against
triem ceased. It was otrierwise with trie Protestants
on the continent, where a determination arrived at in
the same year that Elizabeth enforced trie Act of Uni
formity, to suppress heresy, led to trie most honible
' Printed Report "Gresham College Trust," 29 Oct., 1885.

504

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Gresham's
hospitality to Cardinal
Chastillon, 1568.

The city
crowded with refugees
from the
continent.

persecution, and drove many of the inhabitants to
seek refuge in England.
Of the riundreds of foreigners who sought this
country, driven from France or Spain by religious
persecution,* none -was more hospitably received than
trie brotrier of trie 'great Coligny, trie Cardinal
Chastillon. The Bisriop of London riaving excused
riimself entertaining the cardinal at Fulham, his
eminence was lodged and hospitably treated for a
whole week by Gresriam. During his visit he paid a
visit. Huguenot as he was, to the French Church
established in the city, where riis co-religionists were
allowed to worsriip without fear of molestation. He
further paid riis riost trie compliment of visiting the
Exchange, then approacriing completion. At the end
of the week he removed to Sion House, where
accommodation had been found for him.^
The influx of refugees from the continent was
far from being an unmixed blessing. Whilst some
settled peacefully down and taught the London artizan
the art of silk-weaving, others betook themselves to
the river's side, where they defied the civic authorities.'
A fresh retum was ordered to be made of trieir num
ber.* It became necessary to forbid aliens remaining
in the city more than a day and a nigrit ; they might
reside in other places if they liked, but not in the city
of London.' Mortality increased so much that a

'A return made in 1567 by the livery companies of foreigners
residing in the city and liberties gives the number as 3,562. — Repertory
16, fo. 202. Another authority gives the number as 4,851, of which
3,838 were Dutch. — Burgon's "Life of Gresham," ii, 242, citing Haynes,
p. 461. "Burgon's "Life of Gresham," ii, 271-275.
'Repertory 16, fo. 164. 'Journal 19, fo. 116.
'Precept ofthe mayor to that effect, 19 Oct., 1568.- Id., fo. 132b.

THE CITY FLOODED WITH POLITICAL REFUGEES 505
committee riad to be appointed (Marcri, 1569) "to
" peruse about the cytie where apte and convenient
" places maye be had and founde for the buryall of
" the deade in tyme of plage and other tymes of gret
"deathe," and to report triereon to the Court of
Aldermen.* An acre of ground, more or less, near
Bethlem Hospital was subsequently prepared as a
cemetery by the civic authorities,^ whilst a friend of
the mayor agreed under certain conditions to enclose
it with a wall, erect a pulpit and make other improve
ments at riis own cost.'
In trie course of time trie persecuted Nether- The Prince

of Orange
receives
substantialassistance

landers took heart of grace, encouraged by trie gallant
conduct of the Prince of Orange, their leader, no less
trian by the active assistance and sympathy of their ^''°'" *e
1 .1 .,-,,,, ¦ ,, . citizens.
brethren in England, who were continually passing to
and fro with munitions of war, in spite of proclama
tions to the contrary.* "Whilst Elizabeth dribbled
" out her secret aid to the Prince of Orange trie London
" traders sent riim rialf-a-million from trieir own purses,
"a sum equal to a year's revenue of trie Crown."'
The decline of Antwerp which followed Alva's The decline
administration marks trie foundation of London's London's
supremacy in the world of commerce. Hitrierto the °PP™t''"'ty-
queen had been accustomed through Gresham, her
'Repertory 16, fo. 451.
"Journal 19, fo. 180 ; Letter Book V, fo. 245.
' Letter Book V, fo. 246. Holinshed (iv, 234) and others give the
whole credit of providing the cemetery to the liberality of Sir Thomas
Rowe, the mayor.
'Proclamation (15 July, 1568) against suspected persons landing in
England or returning "with any furniture for mayntenannce of ther
rebellion or other lyke cryme" against the King of Spain. —Journal 18,
fo. 115; Cf Letter Book V, fos. 181, 246b.
'Green, " Hist, of the English People," ii, 418.

5o6

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

The queen
applies to
the merchant
adventurers
for a loan.

The first
public lottery,
1567-1569.

factor, to raise what money she required by loans from
merchants abroad. Merchant strangers were weU
content to lend her money at ten or twelve per cent.,
seeing triat the City of London was as often as not
called upon to give bonds for repayment by way of
collateral security.* Wrien triat door was closed to
rier srie tumed to rier own subjects, the Company of
Merchant Adventurers, to wriom she had shown con
siderable favour. Her first application to this company
for a loan was, to rier great surprise, refused. The
matter was afterwards accommodated trirougri trie
intervention of Sir Triomas Gresham ; and as the
confidence of the city mercriants increased, loans were
afterwards frequently negotiated between them and
the Crown, much to the convenience of one party and
to trie advantage of the otlier.^
As anotrier means of raising money Elizabetri riad
resort to a lottery — trie first public lottery ever Held
in London, altriougri trie game called " Trie Lott " was
not unknown in trie city in trie reign of Henry VIIL'
Trie lottery was advertised in 1567 as being a very
ricri lottery general, without any blanks, containing a
number of good prizes of ready-money, plate and
divers sorts of merchandise, the same having been
valued by expert and skilful men. The lottery was,
as we sriould say at trie present day, "under the
immediate patronage " of the queen herself, and the
proceeds, after deducting expenses, were to be devoted
to the repair of harbours and other pubhc works con
ducive to strengthening the realm. Besides trie prizes, of
'Repertory 15, fos. 162, 164, l66b, 241b, 258, 267b, 297, etc
"Strype, Stow's "Survey" (ed. 1720), bk. i, p. 283.
'Journal 11, fo. 253.

THE FIRST PUBLIC LOTTERY.
which a long list is set out in the city's records, there
were to be three " welcomes " or bonuses given to trie
first three winners of lots. Trie first person to whom
a lot sriould riappen to fall was to have for " welcome"
a piece of silver-gUt plate of the value of ;^5o, and
the second and triird fortunate drawers were to riave
respectively, in addition to trieir prizes, a piece of gilt
plate of the value of ^20. The prizes, trie chief of
which amounted to ^^5,000 sterling, altriougri trie
winner was to receive only ;^3,ooo' in cash, trie rest
being taken out in plate and tapestry,* were exriibited
in Crieapside at trie sign of the Queen's Arms, trie liouse
of Antony Derick, goldsmitli to Elizabeth and engraver
to trie Mint in this and the preceding reign. ^ Trie
mayor and aldermen agreed to put into trie lottery
triirty "billes or lottos" at trie least under one posy,
viz. : — God preserve the Cytye of London quod M and A .
Any profit triat migrit arise from the lots was to be
equally divided between triem.'
The livery companies of the city were also invited
to subscribe to the lottery as well as the Company of
Merchant Adventurers.* On trie 4th August the livery
of trie Merchant Taylors' Company were summoned
to their hall to declare trie amount eacri individual was
ready to venture — " all under our posy in the name of
this Common Hall," the posy subsequently determined
upon being trie following : —
" One byrde in hande is -w-orthe two in the woode,
Yffi wee have the greate lott it -will do us good.'" •
'Journal 19, fos. 55-58 ; Letter Book V, fos. Iisb-ii7b.
"Price's "London Bankers" (enlarged edition), p. 51.
'Letter Book V, fo. 139.
'Cal. State Papers Dom. (1547-1580), p. 314.
'Clode, "Early Hist, of the Guild of Merchant Taylors," pt. 11,
pp. 229-230.

507

So8

English
merchants in
Antwerparrested by
order of Alva,
1568.

Elizabeth
retaliates by
seizing
treasure on
board Spanish
vessels.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Trie "reading" of the lottery was postponed tiU
trie loth January, 1569.* It took place at the west
door of St. Paul's, commencing on trie nth day of
that month, and continued day and night until the
6th May following.^ It was reported at the time that
Ehzabeth withdrew a large sum of trie prize-money
for rier own use previous to trie drawing of trie lots,
and triis report, whether well founded or not, created
no little disgust among trie subscribers.'
Before the close of 1568 Alva had severed the
last links connecting England witri trie Low Countries
by suddenly seizing and imprisoning all English mer
criants found at Antwerp on trie ground triat certain
Spanish treasure-ships riad been detained in England.
Such conduct on his part was characterized by
Elizabetri as "verie straunge and hertofore in no tyme
" used betwixt the Crowne of England and the House
" of Burgondye w' owt some manner of former con-
"ferrence proceedyng and intelligence had of the
" myndes and intentions of the prynces themselves
" on both sides," and she forthwitri issued a pro
clamation for trie seizure of Spanisri vessels and
mercriants found in English ports by way of reprisal.*
She was careful to show that any former detention of
Spanish vessels served as a mere pretence for Alva's
conduct. Certain Spanish vessels of small tonnage,

'Journal 19, fo. 133b. "Holinshed, iv, 234.
' " Mesmes j'entendz que de la blanque, qu'on a tiree ces jours
passes en ceste ville, ceste Royne retirera pour elle plus de cent mille
livres esterlin, qui sont 33,000 escuz ; de quoy le monde murmure asses
pour la diminution qu'ilz trouvent aulx benefices qu'ilz esperoient de
leurs billetz" — wrote Dela Motlie Fen^Ion, the French aml)assador in
London. — Cooper's " Recueil des Depeches, etc., des Ambassadeurs de
France (Paris and London, 1838-1840)," i, 155.
'Proclamation, 6 Jan., 1569. — ^Journal 19, fo. 139; Letter Book V,
fo. 210.

SEIZURE OF SPANISH VESSELS.
caUed "zabras," had, it was true, entered English
harbours in trie west country, and the bullion and
merchandise had been discharged on English soil ; but
all this had been done in order to prevent the ships
and cargo falling into trie riands of the French ships
which threatened them. Some of the treasure riad
been even "borrowed" ; but triis was not contrary to
the honorable usage of princes in their own dominions.
The Spanish ambassador had called upon her majesty
to ask that the vessels and cargo might be given up,
" pretending the monye to appertaine to the king riis
maister," wriicri her majesty had declared her willing
ness to assent to as soon as she should riave riad
communication from trie west country. Trie am
bassador, wrio was asked to retum in four or five
days to receive the ships and treasure, had failed to
appear, and her surprise was great to find triat orders
had been given for the arrest of her subjects at
Antwerp on the very day (29 Oct.) triat trie Spanisri
ambassador was with her majesty. Such was trie
account of trie matter as given in the queen's pro
clamation to the citizens of London. But there are
other and contradictory accounts. Wrioever may
riave been trie rigritful owner of trie treasure, wriicri
in aU probability was on its way to Flanders for
payment of Alva's soldiers,* trie opportunity of
dealing a blow to Spain and at the same time of
replenishing the Exchequer at home afforded by trie
presence of trie ships in English waters was thought
too good to be lost.
'See letter from Sir Arthur Champernowne, William Hawkins and
others to the lords of the council, I Jan., 1569.— Cal. State Papers
Dom. (1547-1580), p. 326.

509

Sio

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Order to seize
Flemishmerchantsand their
goods in
London,
Jan., 1569.

On trie 5th January the mayor received orders
from Sir Nicholas Bacon to seize all Flemings' goods
to trie queen's use, inasmuch as it was quite possible
that wriat had taken place in Flanders riad been
done witriout trie King of Spain's commission. The
following day the mayor informed trie council triat rie
riad arrested the bodies and goods of certain merchant
strangers in trie city.* Triroughout trie greater part of
trie montri frequent letters passed between the city,
the merchant adventurers, the merchants of the
staple and the lords of the council concerning Alva's
proceedings and measures to be taken by way of
reprisal. Trie citizens sriowed themselves very
anxious to devise measures of retaliation and to avail
themselves to the utmost of trie opportunity afforded
them of avenging themselves of their foreign rivals,
as trie following memorial signed by trie mayor and
nine of trie principal mercriants of trie city proves : — ^
" First, we doe triinck it very needfuU and neces-
" sary triat w"' all possible speed trie bodies, sriipps
" and goodes of all trie subiects of trie said king be
" riad under anest, and trieir bodies to be sequestred
" from trieir riouses, comptinghouses, books, ware-
" riouses and goods ; and triey triemselves to be
" committed unto severall and sure custodie and
" keeping. And triat alsoe comission may be granted
" to sage persons to enquire and trie out all coulorable
" transports and contracts don since trie xx''' of
" December last by any of trie subiects of trie said
' Cal. State Papers Dom. (1547-1580), p. 326.
"Cotton MS., Galba C, iii, fo. 151b. This letter was signed by
John Gresham, Thomas Offley, John White, Roger Martyn, Leonell
Duckett, Thomas Heaton, Richard Wheler, Thomas Aldersey and
Francis Beinson.

THE DUKE OF ALVA'S ENVOY IN THE CITY. 511
" king or by any other nation. And that a proclam-
" ation be made by the queene's ma'" aucthorite
" fortriw"" for trie avoiding of coUorable bargaines,
" transports and contracts hereafter to be made."
Thomas Rowe* (rie had not yet received the
honour of knighthood), who was mayor at trie time,
happened to be a connection by maniage of Sir
Thomas Gresriam, having married Mary, trie eldest
daughter of Sir John Gresham, of Titsey, Sir Thomas's
uncle. It was owing to this connection that trie
mayor received information of Alva's arbitrary pro
ceedings before the news reached trie ears of Secretary
Cecil; for Gresham's factor at Antwerp, Richard
Clough, had lost no time in despatching a special
messenger to riis master, wrio, immediately after
hearing the news, broke in upon the mayor's slumbers
at twelve o'clock on trie night of the 3rd January in
order to communicate trie same to riim. Trie next
morning trie mayor wrote to Sir William Cecil
informing riim of what had occuned and how under
the circumstances he (trie mayor) riad taken upon
himself to stay trie despatch of letters abroad for a
while.^ Towards the end of January, 1569, the Duke of Alva's envoy
Alva sent over an agent. Monsieur D'Assoleville, to reTltution.
demand the restitution of the treasure. Trie mayor
deputed John Gresham and anotrier to escort trie
' Citizen and Merchant Taylor; Alderman of the Wards of Port
soken and Bishopsgate; Sheriff', 1560-61. Ob. 2 Sept., 1570. Buried
in Hackney Church. He bestowed the sum of £\<x> for the relief
of members of his company " usinge the brode shire or ell rowinge of
the pearch or making of garraentes" during his lifetime, and some
landed estate in the city by his will for like purpose.— Letter Book V,
fo. 274b ; Cal. of Wills, Court of Husting, ii, 686.
"Letter printed (from original among State Papers Dom.) in
Burgon's " Life of Gresham," ii, 287.

SI2

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

envoy from Gravesend to London, wriere rie was
lodged at Crosby Place, at that time trie mansion
house of William Bond, alderman of Candlewick
Street Ward.* At first rie demanded an audience
with the queen herself, but was fain to be content
with a reference to rier council.^ The treasure in the
meantime riad been removed to London for greater
security.' Negotiations proving fruitless the agent
returned to Antwerp, " having succeeded in obtaining
"from Elizabeth notriing beyond the assurance that
"she was ready to surrender the treasure when his
" master promised indemnity to all her subjects in trie
" Low Countries, and agreed solemnly to ratify trie
"ancient treaty of alliance between the Crown of
" England and trie House of Burgundy."*
That such a large amount of treasure should be
lying idle did not commend itself to the mind of so
astute a financier as Sir Triomas Gresriam. He
14 Aug., 1569. accordingly suggested to Sir WilHam Cecil by letter
(14 Aug., 1569) triat trie queen sriould cause it to be
minted into rier own coin, and thereby make a profit
of ;^3,ooo or ;^4,ooo. As for repayment, rier majesty
could effect it by way of excriange, to her great profit,
or give bonds for a year or more to trie mercriants
who owned the money, and who, in Gresham's opinion,
would willingly accede to such proposal.' Bold as
this suggestion was, it appears, nevertheless, to have
been carried into execution.^

Gresham
suggestsminting the
Spanish
treasure.

' Sir Thomas Rowe, mayor, to Secretary Cecil, 23 Jan., 1569. —
Cal. State Papers Dom. (1547-1580), p. 329; Burgon's "Life of
Gresham," ii, 295-296. " Id., 25 Jan.
'Cooper's "Depeches, etc., des Ambassadeurs de France,"
i, 176-177- ' Burgon's " Life of Gresham," ii, 297.
'Lansd. MS., No. xii, fo. i6b. '^ Id., fo. 22.

MEASURES OF RETALIATION AGAINST SPAIN. 513
The hardships already experienced by Spanisri The City
mercriants from stoppage of commercial intercourse to'spanisif^'^'
with England must have been materially increased the suitors, II July, 1570.
following year by an order of trie Court of Aldermen
(11 July, 1570) to the effect that all matters and suits
brought by merchant strangers, subjects of the King
of Spain, in any of the Queen's Majesty's Courts
within trie city of London for trie recovery of a
debt sriould be stayed, and no manner of anest or
attachment allowed until further notice, unless the
stranger suing were a denizen or a member of the
Church.* By proclamation made the last day of June, 1570, Failure of
English merchants who riad suffered loss by Alva's amutVaV*^'"
proceedings were desired to make a retum of sucri restoration of
^ ° goods seized.
loss to trie officers of one or other of the cities or
towns of London, Southampton, Bristol, Chester,
Newcastle, Hull or Ipswich, as they should find it
most convenient,^ and on the 20th July following
every Englishman into whose hands any goods
belonging to Spanish subjects migrit riave come was
ordered to make a certificate under riis hand and seal
into trie Court of the Admiralty, in the city of Londoi!,
for her majesty to take further order triereon as
sriould be triougrit meet.' Negotiations, wriicri riad
been renewed for mutual restitution, again broke
down, for when the terms on which restitution was to
be effected were to be reduced to writing, or, in
the language of the record, "put into mundum"'' trie
Spanish commissioners were found to have no
' Repertory 17, fo. 36b.
"Journal 19, fo. 247b; Letter Book V, fo. 301.
'Journal 19, fo. 257.' "Id.,ib. 390b. 2 L

.J LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
authority to anange matters, whilst at the same time
triey wished to introduce clauses and conditions
Spanish goods which EHzabeth could in no wise accept. Seeing
orciered to be ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^.^^ played with, and knowing that
much of the goods of English mercriants seized in
Spain and the Netherlands had already been sold, the
queen determined to put up for sale trie Spanish
merchandise which for three years riad been in
Enghsh riands. Proclamation to triis effect was made
trie I4tri January, 1572.* The queen showed every
desire to treat trie Spanish mercriants with con
sideration. The sale was entrusted to Spanish
subjects, wrio, upon trieir oath, were to make sale of
all the ships, goods, wares and merchandise arrested,
to the utmost advantage triey could ; and Spanish
owners were allowed, either by themselves, their
factor or attorney, freely to enter the realm witriin
triirty days after trie date of the proclamation to
attend the sale, provided triey made no attempt
against rier majesty or the peace of the country and
departed immediately the sale was over. This
proclamation, coupled witri the hopelessness of Alva's
case and the manifestation of discontent displaj'ed by
his own ruined merchants, led to articles being drawn
The respective up (25 Mar.) between Elizabeth and the King of
England and Spain for au adjustment of their respective claims.
Spain referred gj^ Thomas Grosham had previously (4 Feb.) been
to arbitration. ^ j ^-i j
directed by letter from Lord Burghley and Sir Walter
MUdmay to deliver up certain bonds of trie Govemor
and Company of Merchant Adventurers to be cancelled
now that the whole matter was to be refened to
arbitration.^ 'Journal 19, fo. 390b. ¦'Adfi. MS., No, 5,755, fo. 58.

THE RISING IN THE NORTH. ^ij
To add to the queen's difficulties, Mary, who riad insurrection of
been deposed fi-om the throne of Scotland and riad NoroTumVer-
sought shelter in England, was importuning rier for land and
assistance for the recovery of her lost crown. Whilst land, 1569.
Elizabetri riesitated eitrier to replace her rival in power
or to set her at liberty, trie Earls of Northumberland
and Westmoreland endeavoured to cany out a scheme
for marrying Mary to trie Duke of Norfolk and forcing
Elizabetri to acknowledge her as successor to the
crown of England. The D,uke of Norfolk obeyed
the queen's summons to attend trie court, and was
committed to the Tower (Oct., 1569).* Trie earls
refused to obey trie summons, and rose in insurrection.
On the 24th November they were proclaimed traitors.^
Troops were sent against them, but they cowardly
left their supporters to trieir own fate and fled to
Scotland. The rebellion, fruitless as it proved to be,
caused no Httle excitement in the city.
The same day that trie earls were proclaimed Measures
traitors the Mayor of London issued riis precept to safe-gua°ding
the several aldermen, enjoining them to take steps ''^^ '^*'>'-
for safe-guarding the city and taking into custody all
rogues, masterless men and vagabonds.' On trie
following day another precept was issued to the
several Hvery companies for providing a certain
number of soldiers, " well and sufficientlie fumyshed
"w"' a jerkyn and a paire of gaily sloppes of broad
' In the following year he was removed to the Charterhouse, but
being discovered in correspondence with the deposed Queen of Scots was
again placed in the Tower. He was tried and convicted of treason, and
after some delay executed on Tower Hill.— Holinshed, iv, 254, 262, 264,
267. "The proclamation, which is set out in Journal 19, fo. 202b (Cf
Letter Book V, fo. 267b), gives in detail the rise and progress of the
rebellion. 'Journal 19, fo. 202 ; Letter Book V, fo. 267. 2 L 2

5i6 LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
"clothe, collor watcriet, one calyver w"' flaske and
"tucriebox, a moryan, a sworde and a dagger."*
Trie soldiers were to be ready to serve her majesty
at an hour's warning. The Chamberlain received
orders to amend the several gates of the city and trie
portcullises belonging to them, as well as to repair
the city's guns and put them in readiness, and lay in
a stock of powder and shot to serve as occasion
sriould require.^ By trie i2tri December all fear of
immediate danger had passed away, and the livery
companies were ordered to receive back the aiTnour
and weapons supplied to trie soldiers and to keep
triem in trieir riall. Trie men were to be dismissed to
trieir several industries, but still to bold triemselves in
readiness for service at an hour's warning if occasion
should require them. A week later the soldiers were
dismissed to trieir riouses, triose wrio had no house
being allowed sixpence a day until called upon for
active service.'

Papal Bull of Although the rising in trie nortri had failed, trie
excommunica- /-,..,. . . _,,
tion against Catholics were not Without hope. They were
fs7a^^"'' encouraged by the issue of a Papal Bull excom
municating Elizabeth and absolving rier subjects from
their allegiance. Triis Bull was affixed to trie door of
the Bisriop of London's palace by a man named John
Felton. The queen was alarmed. She beheved that
the long-tlireatened union against her of the Catholic'
powers riad at lengtri been effected. Felton was
seized and tried at trie Guildriall. He was found
'Journal 19, fo. 202 ; Letter Book V, fo. 267.
" Letter Book V, fo. 269.
'Journal 19, fo. 206b; Letter Book V, fo. 270b; Repertoi-v 16,
fo. 522b.

THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO. ej-
guilty, and paid the penalty of his rashness by being
hanged, drawn and quartered.* His exemplary
punishment failed, however, to put a stop to CatrioHc
intrigues against Elizabeth.
The defeat of the Turkish fleet at Lepanto by Rejoicing in
Don John of Austria (7 Oct., 1571) was commemorated '^^ battie^of
two days later in London by a thanksgiving seiwice Lepanto,
at St. Paul's,^ wriicri was attended by trie mayor, Sir
William Allen,' the aldermen and members of trie
companies in their liveries. In the evening of trie
same day bonfires were lighted in trie streets of the
city by precept of the mayor.* The immediate effect
of trie victory was trie release of a large number of
captives (variously estimated at 12,000 and 14,000)'
from Turkish slavery, for whose redemption trie citi
zens were constantly being called upon to subscribe.'^
Whilst the Low Countries were winning their Peace and
way to freedom from trie Spanisri yoke, and France pr^perity,
was suffering the horrors of Saint Bartholomew's '572.
day (24 Aug., 1572), England remained tranquU, and
the city merchant had little cause to complain,
except, it migrit be, on account of trie number of
strangers who rivalled riim in his business.^ For the
'Holinshed, iv, 254. " Id., 262.
' From Hertfordshire, alderman of Billingsgate Ward.
'Dated 8 Nov.— Journal 19, fo. 370b.
' Holinshed, iv, 263.
'Repertory 17, fos. 8b, 23, 27b, 29, 243, etc. ; Repertory 19, fos
24b, 154, etc.; City Records known as "Remembrancia (Analytical
Index), pp. 51-55. , . ,, ¦. t, J
'Stranger denizens, carrying on a handicraft in the city, naa
recently preferred a Bill in Parliament against several of the hvery
companies. They were persuaded, however, to drop it, and refer their
grievance to the Court of Aldermen.— Repertory 17, fos. 302b, 335,
337. A return made by the mayor (10 Nov., 1571) of the strangers
then living in London and Southwark and liberties thereof gives the
total number as 4,631.— Cab State Papers Dom. (i547-iS8o), p. 427-

5l8 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
better preservation of peace members of the French
and trie Dutcri criurcries were ordered (28 Sept.) not
to leave their houses after 9 o'clock at night.*
The shifting So loug as the Spanish king tumed a deaf ear to
EHzabefh the exriortatious of the Pope, and refused to make a
towards Spain descent upou England, Elizabeth was able to cope
1572-1574.' with Catholicism at home by peaceful measures. But
the time was approaching when she could no longer
refuse to give practical assistance to her struggling
co-religionists on trie continent. The Netherlands
had for some time past been preparing for open revolt
against the barbarous government of Alva. In 1572 a
party seized Brill, and thus laid the foundation of trie
Dutcri Republic. It wanted but trie active adriesion of
Elizabeth to enable the French to drive trie Spaniards
out of trie country, but this the queen was as yet un
willing to give. Two years later (1574) she offered
rier services to effect an understanding between Spain
and trie Netherlands, but rier mediation proved futile.
Botri in 1572 and 1574 triere are signs of military
preparations having taken place in trie city. In trie
first mentioned year Elizabetri rield a re-view of the
city troops in Greenwich Park.^ In 1574 the city
was called upon to fumish 400 soldiers for the queen's
service, and steps were taken to allot to trie livery
companies trieir quota of men or money in view of
future calls.' A store of gunpowder was also laid up.*
Piracy If One thing more than another was calculated
iS75'-^57'6. ^° precipitate a rupture between England and Spain it
' Repertory 17, fo. 372.
"Journal 19, fos. 407-4o8b, 4i7-4i7b; Repertory 17, fos. 292,
298b, 307, 308.
'Journal 20, pt. i, fos. 133b, 143b ; Repertory 18, fo. 224b.
'Journal 20, pt. i, fo. 156b.

FURTHER CALLS FOR MONEY AND MEN. 519
was trie action of EngHsh seamen, who roved trie seas
and indirectly rendered assistance, to the Nether-
landers by plundering Spanish vessels, in spite of aU
proclamations to the contrary.* Trie Londoner was
not behind-hand in this predatory warfare.
In June, 1575, the queen borrowed a sum of a loan of
;^30,ooo from the citizens on security.^ The money jl°^^.je^_
was subscribed by trie wealthier class of citizens, and
a moiety of the loan was repaid in little more than a
twelvemonth.' Whatever may have been her faults,
Elizabeth honestly paid her debts, and when she dis
covered in 1577 triat money wriicri she had repaid to
certain officials had not reached the hands of trie
original creditor, srie forthwith issued a proclamation
commanding all such creditors to send in their claims
in writing to the chief officer of rier majesty's riouse-
hold.* It is difficult to dissociate altogether this pro- a city
clamation from the removal of George Heton from dismissed
the office of Criamberiain of trie City tliree montris f™'" °'*^<=^-
afterwards.' In February, 1578, the City was called upon to Thecity
. . Tl r 1 T called upon
provide 2,000 arquebusiers. Refusal was useless, to furnish
although an attempt was made to get the number ^°^^-'^^'"
reduced to 500. The mayor had scarcely issued his
precept to the aldermen to raise the men before he
received another order for 2,000 to be trained as
directed in handling and using theft weapons and kept
'Journal 20, pt. i, fo. 252 ; Id., pt. ii, fo. 280b.
"Journal 20, pt. i, fos. 228b, 239.
'Repertory 19, fo. 98. 'Journal 20, pt. ii, fo. 371.
'He was removed by order of Common Council, 13 Dec, pro
diversis magnis rebus dictam civitatem et negotia ejttsdem tangentibus.—
Journal 20, pt. ii, fo. 376b.

520

Count
Casimir at
Gresham
House,
Jan., 1579-

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
in readiness for future seiwice.* One riundred and fifty
men were ordered (12 June) to be ready at an hour's
notice for foreign service.^ Strangers and foreigners
were not exempt.' Some of trie city companies were
slow in paying trieir quota of expenses of fitting out
the men, and pressure had to be brougrit to bear on
triem by the Court of Aldermen.*
In trie following year Casimir, Count Palatine
of trie Rhine, paid a visit to England to answer a
charge brought against riim by trie English envoy in
Holland, of riaving used forces against the Nether-
landers wriicri had been despatched from these shores
for their support. On trie evening of Triursday, trie
22nd January, 1579, trie Count landed at the Tower,
where rie was received by a party of noblemen and
otriers, among whom we may conjecture was the
Mayor of London and representatives of trie city.'
Trience rie was conducted by trie ligrit of cressets to
Gresriam's house, in Bishopsgate Street, wriere rie was
received with music and lodged and feasted by the
worthy owner for three days. The honour thus
shown to Gresriam is only one more proof of trie
esteem and respect in wriicri lie was universally held
by all parties, and, "in truth," as his biographer
justly remarks,^ " riis great experience, his long and

' Journal 20, pt. ii, fos. 388b, 389, 394-395b. The queen to the
mayor, etc., of London, 12 March. — Cal. State Papers Dom. (1547-1580),
p. 586. "Journal 20, pt, ii, fo. 409b. ^ Id., fos. 404, 408b, 412.
' Repertory 19, fo. 346b.
'This conjecture is made from the fact of a precept ha-ving been
issued on the 20th Jan. for certain persons to furnish themselves with
velvet coats, chains and horses, and a suitable suite, to wait upon the
lord mayor on the following Saturday. — Journal 20, pt. ii, fo. 404b.
'Burgon's "Life of Gresham," ii, 451-452.

COUNT CASIMIR ENTERTAINED BY GRESHAM. 52 1
" famUiar intercourse with men of all grades and pro-
" fessions, from princes and nobles — with whom . . .
" rie was on as intimate, a footing as trie impassable
" barrier of rank will permit — to the lowliest of his
" own dependants, the knowledge of men and manners
" wriicri he must riave derived from foreign travel, and
" riis acquaintance with aU the languages of civilised
" Europe, must have rendered him, towards trie close
" of his life especially, as favourable a specimen as
" could have been selected of the English gentleman
" of that day." Casimir's reception was one of the
last acts of public service performed by Gresriam, for Death of Sir
before trie close of the year he had died (21 Nov.). Gresham,
On Sunday (25 Jan.) trie Count was conducted to 1570°^"'
Westminster for an interview witri the queen, after
which lodgings were assigned to riim in Somerset
House. The court of Common Council riad already
(23 Jan.) voted " Duke Cassimerus " a gratification Count
"in moneye or anye other thinge" to the value of presented by
500 marks.* His visit was one round of feasting, fgjff^f^'*
hunting and sight-seeing ; one day dining witri the Soo marks.
lord mayor, another with the merchants of the
Steelyard ; one day hunting at Hampton Court, and
another day witnessing athletic sports at Westminster.
That the Count succeeded in clearing his character
may be surmised from the fact of his receiving the
Order of the Garter before his departure.^
In the following year the plague, which had been The plague
, , . , J. ... in the city,
very virulent towards the end of 1577, and from which 1580-1583.
the city was seldom entirely free, appeared at Rye
(June, 1580). A twelvemonth later it was raging in
'Journal 20, pt. ii, fos. 464, 480.
"Continuation of Holinshed, iv, 315.

522

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
London, but as trie weather grew colder its virulence
abated, allowing of the resumption of the lord mayor's
feast. The respite was short. In the spring of 1582
it was again rife in the city, increasing in fatality
during the riot season and continuing until the winter
of 1583.* Business was often at a standstill, trie law
courts had to be removed to - the country, and trie
sittings of trie London Husting suspended.^
St. Paul's Criurchyard, wriicri served as the burial
ground to no less trian twenty-triree city parisries,
became overcrowded and greatly added to the in
sanitary condition of trie city by its sriallow graves.
Trie mayor informed trie lords of the council of this
state of affairs by letter (15 May, 1582), in which he
says that scarcely any grave was then made without
exposing corpses, and that the heat of the crowds
standing over trie sriallow graves caused noxious ex
halations. It was currently reported at the time that
the gravediggers were trie cause of the shallow graves
" as being desirous to have the infection spred that
triey migrit gaine by burieng." '
'City Records known as "Remembrancia" (Printed Analytical
Index), pp. 306, 330, 331, 350-352 ; Journal 20, pt. ii, fos. 373, 379, 407.
"Remembrancia (Index), pp. 207, 331, 334; Journal 21, fo. 235b.
'Remembrancia, vol. i. No. 331.

CHAPTER XVIII.
The time was fast approaching when the queen Preparations
would find herself unable any longer to maintain her ^°' """""
frequent cry to the council board, "No war, my lords,
no war ! " and she began to concert measures to
frustrate any attempt that might be made to attack
her crown and realm by the subtle device of trie
Pope's emissaries or trie more open hostility of
Philip. There were two ways in wriicri trie Pope and Troubles in
Spain could attack England, the one by making a {579-"'^'83.
descent upon the coast, the other by undermining
the loyalty of the queen's subjects by the aid of mis
sionaries. A descent upon the EngHsh coast was, for
the present at least, out of the question, but it was
possible to wound England by fostering insiurection
in Ireland. Accordingly, in 1579, a large force landed
at Limerick under the authority of the Pope. It
was, however, overpowered and destroyed by Lord
Grey, the lord deputy.*
Then followed the rebellion under the Earl of
Desmond, who six years before had regained his
liberty on a promise to use his infiuence to destroy
the Catholic religion in Ireland.^ Throughout the
' A reference to this defeat is to be found in the Dublin Assembly
Roll under the year 1581.— "Cal. of Ancient Records of DubHn" (ed.
by John T. Gilbert, 1891), ii, 155.
"Bright, "Hist, of England," ii, 539-

224 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Desmond rebellion the Londoners were constantly
being called upon to furnish men and munition of
war. Trie trouble was protracted by the landing of
a force of 800 men from Spain, with the connivance,
if not wfth the authority, of PhiHp. Wrien the
rebellion was suppressed distress drove many Irish to
England, and trie city became trieir chief refuge.* A
special day was appointed for apprehending "aU
"suche rogishe and begging Ireishe people as well
"men weomen as children" as should be found
wandering abroad in the city,^ and steps were taken
subsequently to convey all Irish beggars to Bristol
witri the view of sending them back to their native
land.'
The Jesuits Whilst appealing to force to accomplish their
I'Jso-^isSi'' object in Ireland, the Catriolics resorted to intrigue to
gain trie same object in England and Scotland. For
some years past triere riad been a steady flow from
the continent of seminary priests, who worked silently
and secretly making converts to the old religion.
Every precaution was taken to prevent their incul
cating their dangerous opinions into the minds of trie
inliabitants of the city and drawing them off from
their allegiance to the queen and to the established
Criurcri. Trie aldermen were instructed to make
return of those in trieir ward who refused to attend

'Journal 21, fos. 19, 34, 52, 53, 69b-7lb, 78b, etc. ; Repertory 20,
fos. 90, 117, 117b, 119b, etc. ; Remembrancia (Analytical Index),
pp. 230-236. "Journal 21, fo. 329b.
'Among Chamber Accounts circa 1585 we find the following: —
" Pd. the X of Dec. by order of Courte to Roger Warffeld Treasuro' of
Bridewell towards the conveyinge of all the Irishe begging people in
and nere London to the Citie of Bristowe v'-" — Chamber Accounts,
Town Clerk's Ofiice, vol. ii, fo. 17.

JESUITS IN THE CITY. ^25
church. This was in 1568.* In 1574 aU strangers
wrio riad crept into trie city under colour of religion
and were found to be of no church were ordered to
leave.2 In the foUowing year (9 June, 1575) eveiy
stranger was called upon to subscribe the Articles of
religion before he was allowed to take up riis residence
within trie city, and those who refused to subscribe
or to attend criurcri were to give bond for trieir
appearance before rier Majesty's Commissioners for
Ecclesiastical Causes to answer such matters as sriould
be objected against them.' Trie aldermen were
instructed to make diligent search in trieir several
wards for sucri as held conventicles under colour of
religion and inter-meddled witri matters of State and
civil governance.* In 1580 a regular Jesuit mission,
under two priests, Campion and Parsons, was des-
patcried to England as part of an organised CatrioHc
scrieme. Campion riad at one time been a fellow
of St. John's College, Oxford. Their first step was
to remove a difficulty under wriicri devout Catholics
had laboured ever since the issue of trie Bull of
excommunication against Elizabeth in 1571. That
Bull had reduced them to trie necessity of choosing
between disobedience to the Church and treason to
the queen. The new missionaries helped triem out
of trie dilemma by explaining triat the censures of the
Criurcri only applied to heretics ; CatrioHcs migrit
feign allegiance and the Church would say notriing.
Under these circumstances it can scarcely be The Recus-
wondered at that the government proceeded to strong ijgi. ^"'^'
' Repertory 16, fo. 350. "Repertory 18, fo. 167.
'Journal 20, fo. 219b.
'Journal 21,. fo. 8lb; Repertory 20, fo. lb.

;26

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Special
preachers
appointed for
the city,
1581-1582.

measures. A proclamation was issued requiring
English parents to remove their children from foreign
seminaries, and declaring that to harbour Jesuit priests
was to harbour rebels;* whilst parliament imposed
fines upon all who refused to attend the service of
trie estabhshed Criurcri, in addition to trie penalties
imposed in 1571 upon triose who claimed to absolve
subjects from trieir allegiance and to receive triem into
trie Criurcri of Rome. In the city a strict watch was
again ordered to be kept on all those who failed to
attend regularly their parish church.^ It was further
proposed to appoint special preachers to counteract
the baneful influence of the Jesuit priest, and the
Bishop of London was ordered to make a list of the
best preachers and to appoint triem districts.'
These instructions Bishop Aylmer forwarded to
the lord mayor with a request for a contribution to
enable him and riis associates, trie dean of St. Paul's
and trie dean of Windsor, to cany triem into effect.
Trie mayor replied (6 Sept., 1581) triat, as for riimself,
riis office was already so burdensome, both in work
and expense, that it would go hard with riim if
he was called upon to pay more than any other
parishioner in a Church matter. Both he and his
bretriren trie aldermen were no less desirous trian otriers
to promote trie knowledge of true religion and to in
culcate obedience to the queen by lectures in the city,
but trie commons would riave to be consulted first. He
enclosed a list of lectures already established in the
several parisries, and drew attention to trie great
yearly charge incuned by the companies and private

'Journal 21, fo. 90. ''Id., fos. 114b, 135, 290, 322.
' Remembrancia (Analytical Index), pp. 364, 365.

SPECIAL PREACHERS FOR THE CITY,
persons in the city in maintaining students at the
universities to serve the Church in the office of
preaching and reading.* This expense, the mayor
said, wananted the City -and the Companies asking
to be no further burdened. The writer concluded
by intimating that, however willing the corporation
might be to assist in the good work, its ability to
do so had been much diminished by trie indiscreet
demeanour of the bishop's own chaplain, Mr. Dyos,
who had recently defamed the citizens in a public
sermon at Paul's Cross, " as favorers of userers, of trie
" familye of love and puritanes," saying " that if the
" appointing of preachers were committed to us we
"wold appointe preachers such as should defend
" usirie, the familie of love and puritanisme as they
" call it." The City was Hable to make mistakes, just
as the bishop himself had made a mistake in appoint
ing so indiscreet a person for riis chaplain, but in other
respects they had no cause to reproach themselves
in the matter of appointments. In conclusion they
desired his lordship to take order for the reparation
of their good fame.
Hitherto the City had received no direct com
munications from the Privy Council on trie subject,
but three days after the date of trie lord mayor's
letter to the Bishop of London the lords of the
councU made a direct appeal to trie mayor and
i aldermen suggesting triat a collection should be
made among the clergy and other inhabitants of
the city in order to "oppose the supersticion of
' As early as 1554 students had been supported by the Corporation
and the Companies at the Universities.— Repertory 13, fos. 144b, 148,
150b.

527

528

Arrest and
execution of
Campion.

Breach with
Spain, Jan..
1584.

LONDON AND THE ' KINGDOM.
"popery w* by trie coming over of divers Jesuits
" and seminarie preistes riatri ben of late mucri in-
" creased." * Little appears to riave been done in trie
matter by trie civic aiitriorities until trie beginning of
trie next year, when the first step was taken by the
appointment of a committee (25 Jan., 1582).^
Campion meanwhile riad been anested and sub
jected to cruel torture. He was eventually executed.
Parsons, riis companion, escaped to the continent, where
he continued to carry on an intrigue against trie Hfe
of Elizabeth in conjunction with Allen, who some
years before had established the famous seminary at
Donay for trie purpose of keeping up a supply of
Jesuit priests for England.
In 1583 — soon after Edward Osborne' riad been
elected to trie mayoralty — a conspiracy, wriicri had
long been on foot, for trie assassination of Elizabetri
and the invasion of England by a French army was
discovered. Matters began to look serious, and it
behoved trie queen to dismiss the Spanisri ambassador

' Rembrancia, i, 250, 256 (Analytical Index, pp. 365, 366). Another
difference shortly occurred between the corporation and the Bishop of
London in October of this year. A dispute arose between them as to who
was responsible for keeping St. Paul's Cathedral in repair, each party
endeavouring to throw the burden upon the other (Id. , Analytical Index,
pp. 323-327) ; and in the foUowing March (1582) Bishop Aylmer found
cause to complain by letter of unbecoming treatment by the mayor, both
of the bishop and his clergy, and threatened, unless matters changed for
the better, to admonish the mayor publicly at Paul's Cross, ' ' where the
lord mayor must sit, not as a judge to control, but as a scholar to learn,
and the writer, not as John Aylmer to be thwarted, but as John London,
to teach him and all London." — {Id., ibid., pp. 128-129).
" Repertory 20, fo. 282.
' Son of Richard Osborne, of Ashford, co. Kent. The story goes that
he was apprenticed to Sir William Hewet, clothworker, and that he
married his master's daughter, whom he had rescued from a watery grave
' in the Thames at London Bridge. His son. Sir Edward Osborne, was
created a baronet by Charles I, and his grandson. Sir Thomas, made
Duke of Leeds in 1692 by King William III.

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. ^29
from England (Jan., 1584) and to see to her forces.
Lord Burghley drew up "a memoryall of dyvers
" thynges nesessary to be thought of and to be put
"in execution for this sommer. for y= strength of
" y= realme to serve for martiall defence ageynst ether
"rebeUion or invasion,"* containing suggestions for
holding musters and training soldiers. The navy was
got ready for sea.
In April (1584) the City received orders to muster Muster of
4,000 men and to revive the mihtary shows on trie G^e°nwfcV"
eve ofthe Feasts of St. John trie Baptist and St. Peter ^^'^''> *584.
the Apostle as accustomed to be held in trie days of
Henry VIII. These displays riad gradually fallen into
desuetude ; it was now trie queen's policy to renew
them.^ The citizens sriowed themselves equal to trie
emergency, and "mustered and skirmished" daily at
Mile End and St. George's Field, so that in little more
trian a month triey were in a fit state of discipline and
training to appear in Greenwicri Park before trie queen
herself, who thanked them graciously for their energy
and pains, and declared triat srie riad no subjects more
ready to suppress disloyalty and to defend her person.'
In July news arrived of the assassination of the Assassination
Prince of Orange (10 July). Englishmen well knew orange,
that triose who plotted against his life were plotting *°J"iy> *S84-
also against the life of trieir queen, and with wonderful
unanimity — Catholics and Protestants alike — they
'Cal. State Papers Dom. (1581-1 590), p. 157. The right of holding
musters in Southwark was again questioned ; and the claim of the city
was upheld by Sir Francis Walsingham. For this he received the thanks
of the lord mayor by letter dated 15 Feb.— /^., p. 159.
" " A lettre from the quenes ma'y for y^ mustringe of 4000 men,
and also for the shewes on the evens of St. John Baptist and St. Peter
thapostles." — ^Journal 21, fo. 421b.
' Contin. of Holinshed, v, 599, 600. 2 M

530

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Dutch envoys
to Elizabeth,
June, 1585.

Recruits for
service in
the Low
Countries,
July, 1585.

The fall of
Antwerp and
despatch of
Leicester to]
the Low
Countries, 1585.

joined in a "Bond of Association" for trie defence of
her majesty's person. The terms of the association
were afterwards embodied in a bill and submitted to
parHament, specially summoned for the purpose.*
Staggered by the sudden loss of their beloved
leader, the Netrierlanders despatcried envoys the
following year (1585) to England offering to acknow
ledge Elizabetri as their sovereign. Upon their
arrival in London trie envoys were lodged and
liospitably entertained — altriougri not at trie City's
expense — in Clotri workers' Hall,^ and on trie 29th
June were received in audience by the queen at
Greenwich. After much hesitation, as was her wont,
she at last consented to take the Netherlands under
rier protection and to despatcri troops to their assist
ance, but only on condition triat trie States gave
security for expenses to be incurred.'
On trie 9th July the mayor. Sir Thomas PuUison,*
issued his precept to trie aldermen for each to make
a survey in his ward of all such persons as were suit
able and wiUing for service in trie Low Countries,
wriere it was intended triey should have good
allowance.' Every effort was made to save Antwerp, but it
was too late. By chaffering and bargaining with the
envoys Elizabetri had lost her opportunity and
Antwerp fell (19 Aug.). She could be resolute at
'Journal 21, fo. 388b.
" Stow's Annals (ed. 1592), pp. 1198-1201.
'Motley, "United Netherlands," i, pp. 318-324.
¦" For particulars of his life see Remembrancia (Analytical Index),
p. 284, note.
'Journal 21, fo. 448b.

THE FALL OF ANTWERP.
times, but it wanted mucri to rouse rier into activity.
The news of Antwerp's fall administered to her the
necessary incitement to deal "roundly and resolutely"
witri her new allies. Fresh forces were despatcried
to Flanders under trie Earl of Leicester, making in
all some 10,000 men that riad already been sent
triitrier, nearly one-fourtri of wriicri riad been fiirnisried
by the city of London.* Trie queen grumbled at
having to send so many — " I riave sent a fine rieap
" of folk thither, in all . . . not under 10,000
" soldiers of the English nation," said she to the
envoys in October^ — and she kept trie earl so sriort
of money triat rie had to mortgage riis estate.' Trie
City did wriat it could and made riim a present of
;^500 in "newe angells," but the City itself was in
pecuniary difficulties and was compelled to borrow or
¦" take up " money to defend its title to its own
lands,* which riad been in constant jeopardy ever
since trie appointment of the royal commission to
search for "concealed lands" in 1567.'
' " Thaccompte of the saide chamberlyn for the transportacioun and
necessary provision of mmccccxx soldiers into the lowe countryes of
Flaunders." — Chamber Accounts, vol. ii, fos. 56-58b.
"Motley, "United Netherlands," i, 340.
'Chamber Accounts, ii', 134. The eari's honor of Denbigh, North
Wales, was mortgaged to certain citizens of London, and not being
i-edeemed, was afterwards purchased by the queen herself —Reper
tory 22, fo. 287.
'Repertory 21, fos. 308-311.
'For'many years after the passing of the Act (i Edw. VI, i;. 14)
.confiscating property devoted to "superstitious uses," the corporation
•and the livery companies were the objects of suspicion of holding
" concealed lands," i.e. lands held charged for superstitious uses, -which
they had failed to divulge. The appointment of a royal commission
lo search for such lands was submitted to the law officers of the city
for consideration, 9 Sept., i567.-Repenory 16, fo. 276b. Vexatious
proceedings continued to be taken under the Act until the year 1623,
when a Statute was passed, entitled "An Act for the General Quiet of the
Subjects against all Pretences of Concealment whatsoever. —Stat. 21,
James I, c. ii.
2 M 2

531

532
The city
flooded with
strangers from France
and Flanders.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
The direct effect of the fall of Antwerp upon
trie city of London was to flood its streets more
than ever witri strangers, and on trie 30tri October,
1585, trie mayor was once more caUed upon by trie
lords of trie Privy Council to make a return of trie
number of strangers witriin trie city, and more
especially of the number of French and Flemish
strangers that riad arrived " sitriens the beginninge of
" the presente trebles moved by the house of Guise
" in Fraunce and trie rendringe of the towne of
"Andwerpe."* In April and May of the foUowing
year (1586) — the year of trie disastrous battle at
Zutprien and of trie deatri of the Chevalier sans peur
et sans reproche, Sir Philip Sidney — another call was
made in the city for volunteers for service in the
Low Countries,^ and the civic companies were
ordered to lay in a stock of gimpoM^der to be ready
" uppon eny ymminent occacioun."'
Wriilst operations, more or less active, were
plot, Aug.^, being canied on in trie Netrierlands against Spain, a
1586. j^g.^ Catholic conspiracy against the life of Elizabeth,
with Anthony Babington at its head, was dis
covered by Walsingham. Trie delight of trie citizens
at trie queen's escape drew fortri from rier a letter
wriicri she desired to be read before the Common
Council, and in wriicri srie testified rier appreciation
of trieir loyalty. The letter was introduced to the
council by some prefatory remarks made by James
Dalton, a member of trie court, in wriicri rie ex
patiated upon trie beauties of trie reformed Criurcri

Discovery of

'Journal 22, fo. I. ''Id., fos. 26, 29.
'Journal 22, fo. 37b; Repertory 21, fo. 288b.

THE BABINGTON CONSPIRACY. (33
as contrasted witri trie Roman religion.* The discovery
of the plot led to stringent measures being taken
against suspected persons in trie city, and returns
were ordered to be made setting fortri for eacri ward :
(i) trie names of trie ablest men for service, (2) trie
names of triose past service, (3) trie names of all who
were suspected as to religion, and (4) trie names of
all strangers born.^
Trie discovery had also another effect : it Execution of
brought the head of Mary Stuart to trie block. A s Feb., 1*587!
commission of peers sitting at Fotheringhay found
that the conspiracy had been "witri trie privitie of
" the said Marie pretending tytle to the crowne of trie
"realme of England," and it only remained for
Elizabeth to sign trie warrant for rier execution to
remove for ever a dangerous rival. Triis, riowever,
the queen long riesitated to do, and when at length
prevailed upon she caused public proclamation to be
made of the reasons wriicri induced rier to take the
extreme course.'
To add to the general gloom, England was a threatened
.threatened before the close of trie year (1586) witri a ckyrNov.l ^
famine, caused partly by trie inclemency of trie *S86.
seasons and partly by a "corner" in wrieat, wriicri
some enterprising engrossers riad managed to bring
about.* In November trie mayor caused trie city
companies to lay in 6,000 or 7,000 quarters of wrieat
and rye for trie relief of triose wrio had already
'Journal 22, fos. 52-53. Both the queen's letter and Dalton's
speech are printed in Stow's Continuation of Holinshed, iv, 902-904.
"Journal 22, fos. 48, 57b, 58; Repertory 21, fo. 327.
' Proclamation, dated Richmond, 4 Dec. , 1586.— Journal 22, fo. 67b.
'Royal Proclamation against engrossers of corn, 2 Jan., 1587.—
Journal 22, fo. 74.

534

Philip'spreparations
for invasion,
1587-

Preparations
in England,
1 587-1 588.

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
suffered from the extreme dearth, and to raise a sum
of .;^2,5oo over and above sucri sums as they had
hitrierto disbursed for trie provision of corn and
grain,* and trie Court of Aldermen (3 Jan., 1587)
agreed to erect a new gamer at the Bridgehouse.^
After trie execution of Mary Stuart, Priilip of
Spain laid claim to trie crown of England. For years
past rie was known to riave b^en preparing a fleet for
an invasion of the country. Preparations were now
almost complete, and in 1587 expectation was that
the fleet migrit be seen any day bearing down
upon the English coast. The inhabitants of villages
and towns on the south coast forsook trieir riomes in
terror of trie invasion and sougrit srielter inland.'
Trie evil riour was put off by trie prompt action of
Drake, who, with four ships of trie royal navy and
twenty-four otriers supplied by trie City and private
individuals,* appeared suddenly off trie Spanisri coast,
and running into Cadiz and Lisbon, destroyed tons
of sriipping under trie very nose of trie Spanisri lord
riigh admiral, and threw into the sea trie vast military
stores that had been accumulated there. Having
thus accomplished the object for which rie set sail — •
triat of "singeing the king of Spain's beard" — he
returned, and trie sailing of trie Armada was put off
for a year.
Preparations were in the meanwhile pushed on
in the city to meet trie attack wrienever it sriould be
made. Ten tliousand men were levied and equipped
in a short space of time.' Any inhabitant of the city

'Journal 22, fo. 64. "Repertory 21, fo. 370b.
'Journal 21, fo. 136b. 'Motley, "United Netherlands,'
'Journal 22, fos. 144, i6ib, l66-l67b, 170b.

ii, 281.

PREPARATIONS TO MEET THE ARMADA.
assessed in the subsidy-book at ^50 in goods, and
who, being under fifty years of age, was called upon
to serve, and refused, was forthwitri committed to
Newgate.* If any fault was to be found witri trie
city's force it was trie inefficiency of its officers,
whom the municipal authorities always claimed to
appoint. The Earl of Leicester, who was in command
of the camp wriicri riad been formed at Tilbury, rield
but a poor opinion of Londoners as a fighting force.^
" For your Londoners," wrote trie earl to Walsingriam,'
" I see their service will be little, except triey riave
"their own captains, and having triem, I look for
" none at all by triem wrien we sriall meet trie
"enemy." He declares that rie knows what burghers
be well enough, even though they be " as brave and
well trained" as the Londoners; they would be
useless without good leaders,* and on triis rie riad
always insisted. He wams Walsingriam against yield
ing to trie wisries of " townsmen " at such a critical
juncture, for they would look for the like concession
at other times. The Londoners were not peculiar
in trieir desire to have trieir own officers, according
to the earl's own showing, for trie letter continues : —
" You and mv lords all know trie imperfection

'Journal 22, fo. 190.
"Only 1,000 men out of the force raised by the city went to
Tilbury, and the earl only consented to receive this small contingent
on condition they brought their own provisions with them, so scantily
was the camp supplied with victuals through the queen's parsimony.—
Remembrancia (Analytical Index), p. 244. Letter from Leicester to
Walsingham, 26 July.— Cal. State Papers Dom. (1581-1590), p. 513.
'Leicester to Walsingham, 28 July, 1588.— State Papers Dom.,
vol. ccxiii. No. 55-
' William of Malmesbury bears similar testimony to the courage of
Londoners under good leadership : Laudandi prorsus_ viri et quos
Mars ipse collata non sperneret hasta si ducem habtnssent.-Gesia.
Regum (Rolls Series, No. 90), i, 208.

535

-36 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
"at this time, how few leaders you have, and the
"gentlemen of the counties here are likewise very
"loth to have any placed with triem to command
" under triem, but well pleased to have some expert
" man with them to give triem advice." Two years
later a code of regulations for the "trayninge of
capytaynes" was forwarded by the government to
the city, and there put into execution.*
The City fits In addition to the land force the City agreed
sMp^andfour (s April, 1588) to fumish and fully equip for war
pinnaces. sixteen of trie largest and best mercliant ships that
could be found in trie Thames, and four pinnaces to
attend on them.^ A committee was nominated to sit
at Clothworkers' Hall and take the necessary steps for
fitting out the vessels, the cost of which was to be
met by an assessment on citizen and stranger alike.'
Nothing was said at trie time about victualling the
fleet, but we learn from a later entry in the City's
Journal that they were victualled for three months.
On trie 1 6th July the City agreed to supply victuals
' Repertory 22, fo. 148b.
"A list of "the London shippes" (including pinnaces), dated
19 July, 1588, is preserved among the State Papers (Domestic) at the
Public Record Office (vol. ccxii. No. 68), and is set out in the
Appendix to this work. Two other lists, dated 24 July, giving the
names of the ships (exclusive of pinnaces) are also preserved (State
Papers Dom., vol. ccxiii, Nos. 15, 16). Each of these lists give the
number of vessels supplied by the city against the Armada as sixteen
ships and four pinnaces, or as twenty ships (inclusive of pinnaces). It
is not clear what was the authority of Stow (Howes's Chron., p. 743)
for stating that the city, having been requested to furnish fifteen ships
of war and 5,000 men, asked for two days to deliberate, and then
furnished thirty ships and 10,000 men. At the same time there does
exist a list of " shipps set forth and payde upon y^ charge of y" city of
London, anno 1588" (that is to say, the ships furnished by the city
for that whole year), and that list contains the names of thirty ships,
with the number of men on board each vessel and the names of the
commanders. — State Papers Dom., vol. ccxxxii, fos. 16, l6b.
'Journal 22, fo. 173. The assessment was afterwards (19 April)
settled at three shillings in the pound. — Id., fo. 175.

THE ADVENT OF THE ARMADA.

537

for "those twentie sriipps lately sett forth" for one
month longer, and on the loth August the Common
Council again passed a similar resolution.*
At last trie blow fell. On Friday, trie I9tri (o.s.) The fate of the
July, trie Armada was siglited off trie Lizard. A 15*88? ^'•'"^'
strong wind from trie soutri-west was blowing at trie
time, and it was triougrit advisable to let the fleet
pass and to follow it up with trie English vessels
then lying in Plymouth harbour. On the following
day the two fleets hove in sigrit of eacri otrier.
According to the report made to Walsingriam by
Richard Tomson — a Londoner serving on board the
Margaret and John, .one of trie sriips furnislied by trie
City — trie Spanisri fleet numbered at triat time 136
sail, ninety of which were large vessels, wriilst the
English fleet numbered no more trian sixty-seven.^
Notwithstanding trie great superiority of the
enemy's fleet in numbers and tonnage, the EngHsh
admiral, Lord Howard, opened fire trie next morning,
but took care not to come to close quarters. " We
"riad some small figrit witri triem triat Sunday
"aftemoon," reported Hawkins to Walsingriam.'
Trie admiral riad otrier reasons for preserving caution.
His ships were but ill-furnished witri provisions and
with ammunition, and even thus early he had to beg
the Secretary of State to send riim " for God's sake
some powder and sriot." * The same deficiency of
ammunition was experienced trie wriole time that
'Journal 22, fos. 193, 200b.
"Richard Tomson to Walsingham, 30 July, 1588.— Cal. State
Papers Dom. (1581-1590), p. 517-
'Hawkins to Walsingham, 31 July, 1588.— Cal. State Papers
Dom. (1581-1590), P- 517-
' Howard to the same, 21 July.— /rf., p. 507-

538 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
the two fleets were opposed to each other, and but
for this trie enemy would not have got off so cheaply
as it did. Scarcely a day passed witriout some
cannonading taking place, but never a general en
gagement. The English trusted to their superior
seamanship and to the greater activity of trieir own
ligrit vessels compared witri trie rieavier and more
un wieldly Spanisri galleons. Again and again triey
poured broadside after broadside into trie enemy, but
always making good trieir retreat before trie Spanish
vessels could turn in pursuit. On Tuesday (23 July),
wrote Hawkins, they riad " a sharp and long fight " off
Portland, on Thursday " a hot fraye." And thus the
Armada made its way up channel, pestered -with trie
swarm of English vessels triat would never leave it at
peace. On the Saturday following {27 July) it finally
dropped anchor in Calais roads, with the intention of
awaiting there trie anival of Alexander Famese witri
his promised aid before making a direct descent upon
the English coast. Famese did not arrive for trie
reason that he was blockaded by the Dutch fleet ;
but trie English received an accession of strength by
trie arrival of Lord Henry Seymour with a squadron
of sixteen sriips, wriicri riitrierto had been lying off
Folkestone.* At triis juncture the lord mayor (Sir George
Bond), having received information of trie critical
state of affairs and triat a general engagement was
imminent, issued riis precept to trie aldermen to
summon trie pastors and ministers of eacri ward, and
bid triem call trieir parishioners to criurcri by toll of
'Sir William -\Vynter to Walsingham, i Aug., 1588.— Cal. State
Papers Dom. (1581-1590), p. 521.

RICHARD TOMSON AND HIS EXPLOIT. 539
bell or otherwise, both in the moming and afternoon
of triis eventful Saturday, in order that humble and
hearty prayers might be offered to Almighty God
"by preacriing and otrierwise," as trie necessity of trie
times required.* Three days before (24 July) rie riad
given orders for a strict watch and ward to be kept in
the city, and for a goodly supply of leather buckets
in case of fire.^
After more than one consultation together, trie Richard
Englisri commanders determined to resort to stratagem . the"London
Triey sent for a number of useless bulks from Dover, ^'f^'^vMargaret
' a-nd John.
and having filled them with every kind of combustible,
sent them all aflame on Sunday night into trie triick
of trie enemy. The result was a panic ; cables were
cut and frantic attempts made to escape what seemed
imminent and wholesale destruction. The ships fell
foul of each other ; some were wrecked and otriers
bumt. Wrien Monday moming dawned only eigrity-
six vessels out of 124 triat had anchored off Calais
thirty-six riours before could be found, and these for
the most part were seen driving towards the coast of
Flanders. The English fleet at once prepared to
follow in pursuit, but attention was for a time drawn
off to the action of trie flagsriip of trie squadron
of galeasses, a riuge vessel wriicri riad become dis
abled by loss of rudder, and trie crew of wriicri
were endeavouring by the aid of oars to bring
into Calais harbour. The Lord Admiral Howard at
once bore down upon rier in the Ark, but trie water
proved too shallow. The London ship Margaret
and John followed suft and, altriougri of less tonnage
than the Ark, got aground. Richard Tomson sent
'Journal 22, fo. 196b. ''Id., fo. 196.

540

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
home a graphic account of trie exploit triat followed.*
Botri ships sent out long boats to capture the ricri prize
as srie lay stuck fast upon trie harbour bar. Tomson
riimself formed one of trie little band of volunteers. The
boats were soon alongside trie galeass, its riuge sides
towering riigri above them. Triere trien ensued " a
" pretty skirmish for half-an-riour,'' wrote Tomson, " but
" triey seemed safely ensconced in trieir ships, while we
" in our open pinnaces and far under them had notriing
" to shroud and cover us.' ' Fortune at last favoured the
attackers. The Spanish commander fell dead on his
deck witri a bullet through his riead. A panic seized
trie sailors, most of whom jumped overboard and
tried by swimming and wading to reach the shore.
Some succeeded, but many were drowned; whilst
those wrio remained on board signified trieir readiness
to capitulate by rioisting a couple of " handkerchers "
on rapiers. Trie Englisri lost no time in clambering
up trie sides of trie monster, and at once commenced
plundering trie vessel and releasing trie galley slaves.
Triey were only waiting for the tide to take trieir
prize in tow and carry rier off wrien triey were warned
by trie govemor of Calais against making any such
attempt. They were free to plunder trie vessel if
triey liked, but make prize of trie vessel itself they
must not, and this order the governor showed
riimself ready and able to enforce by opening fire
from the fort. Tomson and riis fellow volunteers
were rieartily disgusted at riaving after all to surrender
trieir prize, "trie verye glory and staye of trie Spanish
armye, a thing of very great value and strength."
'Tomson lo Walsingham, 30 July, 1588. —State Papers Dom.,
vol. ccxiii. No.. 67.

THE ARMADA DRIVEN NORTHWARD. ,-. j
This exploft being ended and the long boats The naval
riaving retumed to trieir respective sriips, trie lord offfoSes
admiral started in pursuit, of the Spaniards. Seeing 29juiy> 1588.
them coming up trie Spanish commander immediately
prepared for action. An engagement— described by
Hawkins as " a long and great fight "—took place off
Gravelines and lasted six hours. Trie Englisri pursued
the same tactics as before, and with like success.
Without losing a single ship of trieir own triey suc
ceeded in riddling the best Spanish ships through and
trirougri, and at last the Armada was forced to bear
away towards the open sea. The English followed
and made a pretence of keeping up trie attack, but by
triis time nearly all trieir ammunition as well as food
riad given out.
From Tuesday (30 July) until the following The Armada
Friday (2 Aug.) the pursuit was, nevertheless, main- tard."°°'*'
tained by Howard, Drake and Frobisher. On Sunday
(4 Aug.) the strong soutri-wester wriicri riad prevailed
rose to a gale, and the Englisri fleet made its way
riome witri difficulty. It was otrierwise witri the
Armada. Crippled and forlorn, without pilots and
without competent commander, trie great fleet was
driven nortriward past the Hebrides and eventually
returned home in a decimated condition by the west
coast of Ireland.
In the meantime the civic authorities took order Preparations
for receiving trie sick and wounded and administering for receiving
to trieir comfort. Two aldermen — Sir Triomas Pullison ^q^jj^J'^'^
and Sir Wolstan Dixie — were deputed (29 July) by 29 July.
trieir bretriren to ride abroad among trie innriolders,
brewers, bakers and butcriers of the city to see that
they did not enhance the price of provisions and triat

S42

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.

Reports
as to the
fate of the
Armada,
July-Aug., 1588.

they well entertained all soldiers wrio anived in trie
city.* Trie City agreed, moreover, to re-victual trie
sriips it riad furnisried and to provide them with
munition and otrier requisites. A fresh tax was
imposed for trie purpose of "marine and land
affairs." ^
It was a long time before any certain news
arrived in trie city of the ultimate fate of trie Armada.
There riad been rumours abroad that the Englisri fleet
had been victorious — witri so many Londoners serving
in trie fleet, it would riave been strange indeed if their
friends at home riad been kept in absolute ignorance
of wriat was taking place in trie criannel — and bonfires
had been lighted, but triese rumours were often in
correct and sometimes lead to miscriief. The mayor
therefore issued riis precept to the aldermen on the
30th July — the day after trie engagement off Grave-
lines — bidding triem see triat the inhabitants of their
several wards refrained from crediting any news that
migrit be reported of trie vessels at sea but what they
received from trie mayor himself. The precaution
was necessary " for the avoyding of some dislike that
may come triereof."' On trie ist August, so critical
were the times, the mayor issued a precept by the
queen's orders forbidding riouseholders to quit the
city, triat triey might trie better be ready for the
queen's service if required.* On the 4tri trie citizens
were informed triat if they had any friend or servant
detained as prisoner in trie Spanish dominion, or
bound to the galleys, wriom triey wisried to set free,
' Repertory 21, fo. 578.
"Journal 22, fo. 200b ; Cal. State Papers Dom. (1581-1590), p. 510.
'Journal 22, fo. 197. "Id., fo. 199b.

THANKSGIVING SERVICE AT ST. PAUL'S. 543
they might have Spanish prisoners allotted to triem
to assist towards ransom.*
Trie first public notification of trie complete des- The queen
tmction of trie Armada was made in a trianksgiving a" ftanks-"'''
sermon preacried by trie Dean of St. Paul's on Tues- g'^^'^s ^^''¦
vice at St.
day, the 20th August, at Paul s Cross, in the presence Paul's,
of the mayor and aldermen and trie livery companies ^'^ '°^'''^ '
in trieir best gowns.^ In November trie queen resolved
to attend a public trianksgiving service at St. Paul's in
person, Monday, trie i8th, being trie day triat was
originally fixed. Great preparations were made for
the occasion. Trie livery companies were ordered to
take up their appointed stations at eight o'clock in trie
morning and to follow in trie train of trie royal
procession until the " preaching place " was reached.
Places were to be kept by a detachment of trie
"yeomanry" of eacri company sent on at six o'clock
for triat purpose. Trie "governors of trie riospital"
of eacri company were also to attend, staff in hand,
and repair to the "skaffold" for triem appointed.
After dinner the companies were to retum imme
diately to their stations and to wait there until her
majesty returned to Somerset House.' The day
was afterwards changed from Monday, trie i8tri, to
Sunday, trie 24tri, when the queen came in great
state to St. Paul's. After prayers srie took rier
seat in a closet built out of trie nortri wall of trie
church and facing Paul's Cross, where she rieard a
sermon preacried by the Bisriop of Salisbury. Triat
being over srie was entertained at dinner in trie
'Journal 22, fo. 200.
"Nichols' "Progresses of Q. Elizabeth," ii, 537.
'Journal 22, fos. 233, 235.

544

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

Monuments
in city
churches to
Frobisher,Hawkins and
Martin Bond.

bisriop's palace, and afterwards returned to Somerset
House.* Wriilst trie City is justly proud of its own share
in the defence of trie kingdom at triis great crisis
in trie nation's riistory, it has not neglected tQ give
honour where honour was most due. Of the great
naval commanders — trie "sea dogs" of that age — •
the faces of at least two of triem were familiar to the
citizens. Botri Frobisher and Hawkins owned pro
perty in the city, and in all probabilit)^ resided there,
like trieir fellow seaman and explorer, Sir Humprirey
Gilbert, wrio was living in Red Cross Street, in
the parish of St. GUes, Cripplegate, in 1583, the
year that rie met riis deatri at sea.^ The same parish
clairns Frobisrier, whose remains (excepting his en
trails, wriicri were intened at Plymoutri, where he
died) lie buried in St. Giles's Criurcri, and to wriom a
mural monument was erected by trie vestry in 1888,
just triree centuries after trie defeat of trie Armada, to
wriicri rie riad contributed so much. If Hawkins him
self did not reside in trie city, riis widow riad a mansion
riouse in Mincing Lane.' He, too, riad probably
lived there, for although he died and was buried at
sea, a monument was erected to riis memory and that
of Katherine, his first wife, in trie criurcri of St.
Diinstan-in-the-East.* Triere is one otrier — a citizen
of London and son of an alderman — wriose name has

'Nichols' "Progresses of Q. Ehzabeth," ii, 538, 539.
"On the 7th Feb., 1583, previously to setting out on his last ill-
fated expedition, Gilbert addressed a letter to Walsingham from " his
house in Redcross Street."— Cal. State Papers Dom. (1581-1590), p. 95.
'See the will of Dame Margaret Plawkins, dated 23 April, 1619. —
Cal. of Wills, Court of Hust., London, ii, 745. The will contains
many bequests of articles which savour of Spanish loot.
'Strype, Stow's "Survey" (1720), bk. ii, p. 44.

THE CAMP AT TILBURY. ,45
been handed down as riaving taken an active part in
the defence of the kingdom at this time, not at sea,
but on land. A monument in the recently restored
church of St. Helen, Bishopsgate, tells us that Martin
Bond, son of Alderman William Bond, " was captaine
"in ye yeare 1588 at ye campe at Tilbury, and after
" remained chief captaine of ye trained bands of triis
" citty until riis death." The monument represents
him as sitting in a tent guarded by two sentinels, witri
a page holding a horse.
It was well triat trie Spaniards suffered defeat at Disorganized
sea, for riad triey been able to effect a landing triey camp at
would riave made short work with the half-trained '^'^t"!'?-
and dissatisfied soldiers in trie camp at Tilbury, and
London would have been at their mercy. Even trie
presence of EHzabeth herself, riding on horseback
through the camp, as she did on trie 8tri August, was
but poor compensation to trie soldiers for trie want of
victuals and wages. Many sold trieir armour and
weapons to pay triemselves as soon as trie camp broke
up. Citizens of London were wamed by royal pro
clamation (20 Aug.)* against purcriasing armour and
weapons offered by soldiers, wrio were declared to
" have most falsly and slanderously given out triat
"they weare compelled to make sale of triem for
" that they receaved noe pay, which is most untmely
" reported." Any armour or weapons bought before
publication of the proclamation was to be delivered
up to the mayor with particulars as to trie way the
purchase had been effected and compensation would
be allowed. ' Journal 22, fo. 202b. 2 N

546

LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.

City loans of Notwitristauding the extreme parsimony with
^20;^,"""^ which Elizabetri had fitted out both army and navy,
Sept. -Dec, tj-^g ^ost of preparations to meet trie attack of Spain
had been great, and srie was obHged to bonow money.
In September (1588) trie City advanced rier the sum
of ^30,000, receiving her bond for repayment in the
following March ; and in trie following December srie
borrowed a furtrier sum of ^20,000 to be repaid by
trie following April. Botri sums were raised among
trie livery companies.*
Expedition to In Marcli of trie following year (1589) pariiament
NOTdsTnd"^ granted a liberal supply, but trie grant was accom-
^^^^'¦r panied by a request that Elizabetri would no longer
1589. ' await trie assaults of Spain, but cany trie war into the
enemy's country. This trie queen declared her in
ability to undertake on trie score of poverty. She
promised, however, to give what assistance she could
to any of her subjects who relished such enterprise.
Norris and Drake were at hand, ready and wilhng
to undertake the work on these terms. Already
(in January) trie City had been called upon to fumish
them with 400 strong and able men.^ At the end of
March 1,000 more were required, and eacri alderman
was instructed to search in his ward for all able and
masterless men and aU otrier persons fit for service
triat were riouseriolders and not charged with famihes,
and to bring them to the Leadenriall.' Witri these
and other forces the expedition set sail, but beyond
storming Vigo and committing some damage at
'Journal 22, fo. 210; Repertory 21, fos. 590b, 593 ; Repertory 22,
fos. 15, 26b, 27 ; Cal. State Papers Dom. (1581-1590), p. 471.
"Journal 22, fo. 252 ; Repertory 22, fo. l6b.
'Journal 22, fos. 227b, 278.

THE CITY AND DISBANDED SOLDIERS
Corunna, it accomplished nothing and returned in
July. Again trie cfty was threatened wfth danger and Disbanded
disease from trie presence of disbanded soldiers and saiiorTin the
sailors, wrio were apt to carry trieir freebooting riabits '^''y-
wrierever triey went, more especially wrien starvation
stared them in the face. Sir Martin Calthorp did what
he could to relieve triem, paying out of his own pocket
no less a sum than i"ioo. His conduct was applauded
by trie lords of the council, wrio autriorised riim to
raise a furtrier sum towards assisting trie soldiers to
their homes in the country by allowing them a half
penny a mile.*
A royal proclamation was subsequently (20 Aug.) Soldiers
issued promising payment of any money due to retanto^their
mariners wrio would make a written application to trie °^'^ homes.
Admiralty. Soldiers were to return to trie country
wriere triey had been pressed and apply to the justices
or other officers who pressed triem, and wrio would
make a certificate to the lieutenant of trie county,
when the soldiers would receive " reasonable content
ment." ^ Triis, riowever, failed entirely to remedy trie
evil.' Four days before this proclamation precept had
been issued to trie aldermen for a good and substantial
double watcri to be kept trirougriout trie nigrit of the
1 6th August until noon of trie next day. Triere riad
been a report abroad of a large meeting of soldiers
andsaUors to take place as early as five o'clock on trie
mormng of the 17th in the neighbourhood of Tower
Hill.* ' Burghley and others to the mayor, 26 July, 1589.— Journal 22,
fo. 312. ''Id., fo. 316b.
'Journal 22, fo. 345b ; Journal 23, fo. 79. 'Journal 22, fo. 314.

2 N 2

548 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
Elizabeth and Trie revolution wriicri foUowed the assassination
Frtn7e,^^ °^ of the Froncri king by Jaques Clements about this
1589-1591- time (Aug., 1589) brougrit fresri anxiety to Elizabetri,
wrio felt bound to support trie Protestant Henry of
Navarre witri all trie means at rier command, as an
indirect way of canying on trie war against Spain.
Four triousand men were to be despatcried for riis
assistance, 1,000 of wriom trie City was called upon
to supply. As triey were to be picked men trie lords
of trie coimcil ordered double trie number, or 2,000 men,
to be got ready, in order triat expert officers might
review triem and select trie number required.*'
Trie demand was enforced by a letter from trie
queen rierself, in wriicri srie drew attention to trie
necessity of assisting one wriose preservation was of
so mucri importance to England.^ The city's gates
were at once closed by the mayor's orders to prevent
the exodus of "lusty, strong, able and young men" to
avoid service.' Although Henry IV was materially
assisted by the anival of EngHsh troops, trieir operations
were criiefly confined to Normandy.
The City and A furtrier Contingent of 400 men was sriortly
the Earl of ^ i / t - n
Essex, 1591. afterwards {22 June; demanded by the queen, 300
of wriicri were to be got ready at once. More care
trian usual was to be bestowed on trieir selection, as
they were to be employed under the Earl of Essex,*
witri wriom trie City riappened at triis time to be out
of favour. Wriat was trie precise cause of trie City's
disgrace does not appear; we only know triat trie
civic autriorities were anxious to recover trie good will
of one so near trie person of the sovereign, and to
' Journal 22, fo. 321b. ''Id., fo. 326. ''Id., fo. 321.
'Journal 23, fos. 35, 38.

THE CITY AND THE EARL OF ESSEX.

549

-triis end made him a "smaU present," thanking him
for riis past services, for trie general defence of trie
realm, and of all Criristian estates professing trie
¦Gospel and true religion of Almighty God, and
assuring riim that triey were not so mucri presenting
him witri money, in sending riim a gratuity, as witri
•"trie riart of the citie." Triey begged that if some
private offence riad been given to riis lordship rie
would "wrappe it up" in triis public testimony of
trieir hearty good wills.*
In the meantime the Common Council riad, at The City
trie queen's request, agreed (i6 June) to fit out six ourslx slips
sriips of war and one pinnace at a cost of ;^7,400, to ig^Tuife^iTi'
be levied on trie companies. Triis sum was after
wards raised to ;^8,ooo.^ Towards the close of the
year (9 Nov.) trie lord mayor and srieriffs were called
upon to levy 200 able men to be "pioners." They
were to be chosen out of trie city of London and trie
county of Middlesex, and to be despatcried to Dieppe
for service under trie Earl of Essex — "a service
"vearie necessarie and we riope not of any long
" continuaunce,"' wrote trie queen. In addition to
men, trie queen wanted money ; and the Common
Council agreed (18 Sept.) to lend rier ^20,000 for
three montris, afterwards renewed for six montris.*
In trie meantime Spanisri emissaries, disguised as Search to be
. , , made for
soldiers, mariners, mercriants, gentlemen witri comely Spanish

apparel, and even as "gaUantes," decked out in ^^^=
'July 24, 1591. — Remembrancia, i, 599 (Analytical Index, p. 408).
"Journal 23, fos. 31, 43b, 48b ; Repertory 22, fo. 284b.
'Journal 23, fos. 68, 68b ; Cf Cal. State Papers Dom. (1591-1594),
p. 48, where the date of the letter is given as " May."
'Journal 23, fos. 325b, 383b.

emissaries in

5 go LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
colours and feathers, had been doing the work of
Priilip silently but surely. Some riad resorted to the
Universities ; some to trie Inns of Court ; wriilst otriers
had insinuated themselves into private families ; but
wherever triey took up trieir abode, and in what
soever capacity, trieir one aim and object had been
.to seduce trie queen's subjects from trieir allegiance.
So successful riad been their efforts that Priilip
meditated anotrier attack on England in 1592. At
lengtri commissioners were appointed in all parts
of trie country to searcri for triese "venemous vipers."
Householders were at the same time directed to
enquire into the antecedents of those who lodged
with them, and to mark if triey attended Di-vine
Service or not. A register or calendar of particulars
respecting triem was to be kept, to be sriown on
demand.* Here is a description of one wriose anest
was desired in 1596 :^" A yonge man of meane and
" slender stature aged about xxvj'"^ w'^ a high coUored
" face, red nose, a warte over riis left eye, liavinge
" two greate teeth before standinge out very apparant,
"he nametri riimselffe Edward Harrison borne in
" Westmerland, apparelled in a crane coUored fustian
"dublet, rounde riose, after the frenche facion, an
"olde paire of yoUowe knit neatrier stockes, he
"escaped w*riout either cloake, girdle, garters or
"slioes."^
Privateering WriUst all exportation of muuitious of war, com
agafns't Spain, ^nd Otrier victual into Spain or Portugal was strictly
1591-1592- forbidden,' trie mercriants of London, as well as
noblemen and wealthy country gentlemen, were

'Journal 23, fos. 4S-46b. "Journal 24, fo. 86.
'Proclamation, dated 16 Sept., 1591.— Journal 23, fo. 47.

PRIVATEERING AGAINST SPAIN. c'l
encouraged to deal blows at the enemy by fitting out
privateers for scouring the Spanish Main.* Many a
rich prize was thus brought home, the spoil being
divided by specially appointed commissioners,^ whose
duty it was, among other things, to see triat trie
Crown was not defrauded of the custom due upon the
goods thus captured.' Trie "fieet of the city of
London" was very successful in this kind of work,
and a sum of ;^6,ooo fell to its lot as prize-money in
1591. This sum was ventured again in an expedition
undertaken by Raleigh in trie foUowing year,* witri
trie result that the City netted no less a sum than
;^ 1 2,000, its share of the spoU of a rich "canaque"
that Raleigri had captured.*
This lucky windfall befell the citizens at a time Proposal to
when money was sorely needed for building a pest- house fo^^Ve
house or hospital for sufferers from trie plague, which "^"5" *592-
again visited the city at trie close of 1592.*^ The cost
of such a building was estimated at ;^6,ooo. Various
schemes were proposed for raising the money. At
one time (July, 1593) it was resolved that the several
livery companies which had taken shares in Raleigri's
venture sriould contribute twelvepence in trie pound
of trieir clear gain towards the object.^ Later on
(May, 1594) the companies were called upon to
contribute one-third of their clear gain. Even this
'Journal 23, fo. 73. ''Id., fo. 71.
'Proclamations, dated 8 Jan. and 26 Sept., 1592.— Journal 23,
fos. 78b, 136.
' The queen to the lord mayor, 6 Jan. , 1 592. —Cal. State Papers Dom.
(1591-1594), p. 168. The same to the same, 25 Jan.— Journal 23, fo. 87.
"Journal 23, fos. 157, 167, 174, 224b; Repertory 23, fo. 29.
' It was in 1592 that bills of mortality, kept by the parish clerks,
were for the first time published.
'Journal 23, fo. 204b.

552 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
proved insufficient, and had to be supplemented by a
"benevolence" in each ward.* Another year went
by, and trie riospital was still unfinisried.^
The hysterical The Strain wriicri trie continuation of the war
Anne Burnell. and the trireatened renewal of a Spanish invasion
imposed upon the inliabitants of London at large was
a great one, and appears to riave affected the mind of
a weak and hysterical woman, Anne Burnell. She
gave out that srie was a daughter of the king of Spain,
and that the arms of England and Spain were to be
seen, like stigmata, upon rier back, as was voucried
for by her servant Alice Digges. After medical ex
amination, wriicri proved her statement to be " false
"and proceedinge of some lewde and imposterouse
"pretence," srie and rier maid were ordered to be
wriipt, — " trier backes only beeinge layd bare," — at
trie cart's tail trirougri trie city on a market day,
" witri a note in writinge uppon trie hinder part of
"there heades sliewinge trie cawse of there saide
" punishmente."'
Six ships, two On trie i6tri July, 1594, the queen informed the
350 men citizcus by letter of the king of Spain riaving made
fhe^aty^^^ preparations to get possession of the harbour of
against Spain, Brost, and Her determination to oppose riim. Srie
July, 1594. ^ '^
riad given orders for certain companies of soldiers to
be levied in divers counties, and srie called upon the
citizens to furnish her with a contingent of 450
men. Triey were to be well trained and supplied
with armour and weapons ; their " coate and conduct
monye" would be found for them.* Trie Court of
'Journal 23, fo. 266. ''Id., fos. 400, 402. '/rf., fo. 153.
'Journal 23, fo. 290b. The number was afterwards reduced to 350
men. — Id., fo. 296b; Remembrancia, ii, 3, 27, 30.

ALDERMAN SIR JOHN SPENCER.
Common Council met on trie following day and
agreed to provide trie number of soldiers required.*
It had already (15 July) agreed to furnish six ships
and two pinnaces for rier majesty's service,^ wriicri
William Garraway and other owners of sriips con
tracted to find for the sum of ;^5,ooo.'
On Michaelmas-day (1594) John Spencer — Sir John
"Rich Spencer" as he was called, frojn his extra- fn^'hu
ordinary wealth— was elected mayor for the ensuing daughter.
year.* His daughter, mucri against rier father's will,
married Lord Compton. To thwart the matrimonial
designs of a nobleman was in triose days a perilous
task, and Alderman Spencer was committed to the
Fleet "for a contempt" in endeavouring to conceal
his daughter. " Our Sir John Spencer, of London" —
writes John Chamberlain * to Dudley Carleton
(15 March, 1599) — "was the last weeke committed
" to the Fleet for a contempt and hiding away riis
" daughter, who, triey say, is contracted to trie Lord
" Compton ; but now rie is out again, and by all
" meanes seekes to binder trie matcri, alledging a
" precontract to Sir Artriur Henningham's sonne.
" But upon his beating and misusing rier srie was
" sequestred to one Barkers, a proctor, and from
" thence to Sir Henry Billingsleyes," wriere srie yet
'Journal 23, fo. 290. ''Id., fo. 289.
'Journal 23, fo. 293. The names, tonnage and crews ofthe ships
are thus given (Remembrancia, ii, 26) :— The Assention, 400 tons, 100
mariners; The Consent, 350 tons, 100 mariners; The Susan Bonad-
venture, 300 tons, 70 mariners ; The Cherubim, 300 tons, 70 mariners ;
The Minion, 180 tons, 50 mariners ; and The Primrose, 180 tons,
50 mariners. Only one pinnace is mentioned, of 50 tons, with
20 mariners. 'Journal 23, fo. 323b.
'Chamberlain's Letters, temp., Eliz. (Camd. Soc, No. 79), p. 50.
The writer was a son of Richard Chamberlain, a city alderman.
"Alderman of Tower Ward; Sheriff 1584-5; Mayor 1597.

^53

554

LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
" remaines till the matter be tried. If the obstinate
" and self-wiUed fellow sriold persist in his doggednes
" (as he protests rie wUl) and geve rier notriing, trie
" poore lord sriold have a warme catch."
A few weeks after Spencer's confinement in the
Fleet we find riim at variance with his brother alder
men for digging a pit on his estate near "Canbury,"
or Canonbury, and thereby drawing off water wriicri
should have gone to supply the poor of St. Bartriolo-
mew's Hospital to riis own mansion. A request was
sent to him by the mayor and Court of Aldermen
to cease the conveyance of water until further
order riad been taken therein.* Two years later
his "doggednes" once more got riim into trouble,
and rie was committed to Wood Street Compter
for refusing to pay certain small sums of money due
from him towards furnishing soldiers and armour.^
He died trie 30tri March, 1609, leaving behind him
;^80,000. His daughter, wrio inherited her father's money,
was possessed also of some of rier fatrier's spirit, and
Lord Compton appears to riave got "a warme catcli"
indeed to judge from a letter srie addressed to him
soon after rier fatrier's deatri. After reminding her
"sweete life" of the care srie riad ever taken of his
estate and of her excellent beriaviour, she begs him
to allow rier ;^i,6oo per annum, to be paid quarterly,
besides ;^6oo a year for criaritable works. She will
have three horses for rier own saddle "that none
" shall dare to lend or bonow ; none lend but I, none
"bonow but you." She will have so many gentlemen
' Repertory 24, fo. 410b. "Repertory 25, fo. 216b.

THE CAPTURE OF CADIZ. 555
and so many gentlewomen to wait upon her at home,
wliUst riding, hunting, hawking or travelling. Wrien
on trie road she will have laundresses "sent away
with the carriages to see all safe," and chambermaids
sent before witri trie grooms triat the chambers may
be ready, sweet and clean. Seeing that rier requests
are so reasonable srie expects rier riusband to find rier
children in apparel and schooling, and all rier servants
in wages. Srie concludes by declaring rier will to
riave rier houses handsomely furnished, not omitting
"silver warming pans," wams her riusband against
lending money to trie lord chamberlain, and prays
him to increase her allowance and double rier attend
ance on riis becoming an earl.*
Spencer was succeeded in the mayoralty by The capture of
Sir Stephen Slaney, and the latter's year of office ^%^i'
proved a busy one. Spain was meditating another
descent on England " with a greate navy of shippes
by sea and huge poM'ers of men by lande," and the
City was expected to furnish sixteen ships and 10,000
men for land service. Trie naval demand was
extravagant, and after some remonstrance was re
duced to one for twelve sriips and two pinnaces,
with a complement of 1,200 men.^ The City made
an attempt to get a reduction made also in the land
force, but with what success is not clear. This was
in December, 1595. The money was found by
imposing a tax of 2s. 8d. in the pound for goods
and 4J. in the pound for lands on every inhabitant
of the city,' and by advances made by trie livery
'The letter is printed in extenso in Chambers' "Book of Days,''
i, 464, and in Goodman's " Court of James I," ii, 127.
"Journal 24, fos. 7913, 81, 82, 82b. ^ Id., fo. 85b.

556 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
companies.* On trie 8tri January (1596) trie queen
addressed a very gracious letter of tlianks to trie
City for the promptitude displaj^ed in furnishing
trie sriips.^ Instead of waiting for Spain to attack,
Elizabetri carried trie war into trie enemy's country,
and Cadiz was captured six months later by Essex
and Howard. This exploit, in which trie city of
London took its sriare, rias been described' as the
most brilliant that had ever been achieved by English
arms between Agincourt and Blenrieim, and it was
celebrated in London witri bonfires and general
rejoicing.* As soon as trie Common Council heard of
the arrival of the fleet fi^om its successful voyage it
despatcried commissioners to see after trie City's
sriare of prize money.*
Calais falls In tiio meantime CAuril, 1596) the queen's
into the hands , . . ^ ^ ,. , , , , \-, , .
of Spain, tortuous and parsimonious policy had led to Calais
pn , 159 • falling into the hands of Spain. She riad called upon
trie Londoners to furnisli 1,000 soldiers to assist in
raising trie siege, but it is a question wriether they
ever got beyond Dover." Roused for trie time to
a more energetic line of action, srie determined to
prevent, if possible, trie sister town of Boulogne
falling into trie riands of Spain, and srie called upon
trie city of London to supply 405 men towards the
force to be despatched in the autumn for its defence.'^
Reinforce- The necessity of recruiting the ganison of the
Netherlands! cautionaiy town of Flusriing, from which troops had
July, 1596. 'Journal 24, fos. 105, 144. ''Id., fo. 84b.
' Macaulay's " Essay on Lord Bacon."
'Journal 24, fo. 145. "Id., fos. 146b, 149.
'Journal 24, fos. Iio-iii, 129b. ; Repertory 23, fo. 594b.
'Journal 24, fos. 124, 154b, 157b.

THE CITY REFUSES FURTHER SUPPLIES 557
recently been withdrawn for service on trie riigh seas,
compelled the queen to apply again to the City (July,
1596) for a contingent of 200 men.*
This constant drain on the resources of trie city a demand for
at Ifength called forth a remonstiance. Trie city was fuSd by^^
being trireatened witri famine at trie close of trie year *'^ "^''y-
, . 1 , Dec, 1596.
(1596), wrien anotrier demand anived for ten sriips to
be fitted out for trie public service. Trie matter was
refened to a committee, and a reply was drawn up,
which was practically a refusal to obey trie commands
of the council.^
It set forth trie utter inability of the citizens. The City's
however willing they migrit be, to supply more sriips. ^^^ ^'
They had already expended on sea service alone,
and irrespective of trieir disbursements in 1588, no less
a sum than 100,000 marks witriin the last few years ;
so that trie lords of trie council would see triat the
citizens had not been wanting in good will and affection
forwards that service. The same good will still re
mained, but there was lacking trie like ability, owing
partly to former charges by sea and land, but more
especially to the great scarcity of victual which had
continued in trie city for trie past triree years, and riad
compelled many wrio riad formerly been well off to
reduce trieir expenditure, whilst others riad been
obliged to relinquish their trades and break up their
riouseriolds. As a proof of trie poverty existing in trie
city their lordships were reminded that when wheat
was offered at a very moderate rate many were too
poor to purchase any. Trie wealtriier sort would
' The queen to the mayor, 25 July ; the lords of the council to the
same, 26 July.— Journal 24, fo. 142.
"Journal 24, fos. 173, I75-

558 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
therefore have to be caUed upon to subscribe towards
trie maintenance of trie poorer class, and so be ren
dered less able to contribute to otrier demands. Trie
letter proceeded to draw their lordships' attention to
wriat after all was trie reason wriicri weigried most
witri trie citizens for refusing to contribute any more
to trie naval service. " Besides trieis defectes " wrote
trie mayor and corporation " we may not conceale the
"great discontentment and utter discouragement of
" the common people w"'in this citie touchinge their
" adventure in the late viage to trie towne at Cales
" [Cadiz] w* albeit it was perfourmed w''' soe great
" rionor and riappy successe as triat trie enemye was
" greatly weakned, trie army enritclied and sucri store
" of treasure and other comodities (besides triat W^''
" was triear embeazelled) brougrit safe home as was
" sufficient to defraye the criarges of the whole voyage,
"yet forasmuch as neither their principall nor any
" parte thereof was restored unto triem contrarie to
" trie meaninge of the contract set downe in writinge
"under trie signatures of two noble persons in rier
" riigrines name, they are made hereby utterly unfitt
" and indisposed for trie like service to be done here-
" after."* The Cadiz adventure — they went on to
say — had cost the Cit}' ^^1,900, a great part of which
sum was still not collected, whilst trie City's Criamber
was already in debt to trie extent of ;^ 14,000 and
utterly unable to afford relief. Trie writers, in con
clusion, expressed themselves ready to contribute
' The same dissatisfaction at the result of the Cadiz expedition so far
as it affected the citizens of London was displayed in a previous letter
from the mayor to the lords of the Privy Council (3 Nov.) in answer to
a demand for 3,000 men and three ships to ride at Tilbury Hope and
give notice of the approach of the Spanish fleet.— Remembrancia
(Analytical Index), pp. 243, 244.

THE TYRONE REBELLION.
towards the defence of trie whole realm in like pro
portion as otriers of rier majesty's subjects, and with
this arrangement they felt sure her majesty would be
well content.
Wriat was trie effect of triis reply does not
appear ; but in one respect the queen was more trian
a matcri for the citizens. Triey riad pleaded scarcity
of provisions and poverty as an excuse for not
canying out her recent orders. Very good ; let the
livery companies, wriose duty it was to find men
and money wrien required, practise a little self-re
straint in the coming summer (1597). Let them,
she said, forbear giving feasts in their halls and
elsewhere, and bestow half the money trius saved
on the poor; and the order of trie Court of Alder
men went fortri accordingly.*
For some years past it had always been feared Affairs in
lest Spain should again endeavour to strike at England 1 594-1 599.
through Ireland. A rising in Ulster under Hugh
O'Neill, known in England as the Earl of Tyrone, in
1594 was followed by an appeal to Spain for help in
1595. PhiHp acceded to the request and another
Armada was got ready ; but the fleet riad scarcely put
to sea before it suffered a similar fate to trie Armada
of 1588 and was sriattered by a storm (Dec, 1596).
The Tyrone rebellion necessitated furtrier calls on the
City for men and money. In May, 1597, it was asked
to furnish 500 men, such as Sir Samuel Bagnall might
approve of.^ In the following year — wrien Bagnall
met with a crushing defeat on the Blackwater — it
was called upon to supply a furtrier contingent of
' Repertory 24, fo. 60b. "Journal 24, fos. 2lob-2i3b, 216, 217.

559

56o LONDON AND 'THE KINGDOM.
300 men and to lend the queen a sum of ^"20,000.*
In 1599 Elizabetri sent rier favourite Essex to conquer
Ireland in good earnest, to prevent the country faUing
into trie hands of Spain. She at trie same time
called upon the City for more soldiers, and bonowed
anotrier sum of i"6o,ooo on mortgage.^
A scare in In trie meantime a report again got abroad that a
ju°iy-A"ig., Spanish fleet was assembling at Brest for a descent on
1598. England. On the 25tri July, 1598, the lords of trie
council wrote to trie mayor calling upon riim to see
that some twelve or sixteen vessels were provided
with ordnance and powder for trie defence of trie
Triames, and trie court of Common Council at once
took the necessary steps for fitting out trie sriips as
well as for mustering a force of 3,000 men, afterwards
raised to 6,000.' Trie city's forces and trie criarge of
the river were confided to trie Earl of Cumberland.
Sir Triomas Gerrard riad at first been appointed colonel
of trie Londoners, "but for an old grudge since trie last
parliament triey wold none of riim."* It was proposed
to throw a bridge of boats across trie Thames near
Gravesend, after the fasliion of Parma's famous bridge
erected across trie Scrieldt in 1585, and trie court of
Common Council (4 Aug.) gave orders for collecting
' Journal 24, fos. 324b, 325, 329b ; Repertory 24, fos. 268, 287,
306 ; Id. 25, fo. 4b. Elizabeth asked for ;^40,ooo, but only succeeded
in getting half that sum. — Chamberlain's Letters, p. 15.
"Journal 25, fos. 34, 47b, 48 ; Repertory 24, fo. 352b. In July,
1600, a deputation was appointed to wait upon the lords of the council
touching the repayment of this loan. — Repertory 25, fo. 119b. It still
remained unpaid in Feb., 1604. — Journal 26, fo. 163b. By the end of
1606 ;r;^20,ooo had been paid off. — Remembrancia (Analytical Index),
p. 188; Repertory 27, fo. 278. And by July, 1607, the whole was
repaid. — Howes's Chron., p. 890.
'Journal 25, fos. 74b, 75, 77b-78b, 81, 8ib, 82b-84, etc.
' Chamberlain's Letters, p. 59.

INSURRECTION OF EARL OF ESSEX. e^j
" hoyes, barges, lighters, boardes, cordes" and other
material necessary for the purpose.* This project
was, however, abandoned in favour of sinking hulks
in the channel of the river if occasion should arise.
Watch was ordered to be strictly kept in trie city
night and day, lanterns to be hung out at nigrit and
the streets blocked with chains.^ It had been
rumoured that the Spanish fleet had been descried
off the Isle of Wight, and although the rumour
proved false it caused no little alarm in the city
and gave rise to these precautions.' After a few
days the supposed danger passed away. The fleet,
which had been rapidly got together, and included
twelve ships and thirty hoys furnished by the city
for the defence of the river, put to sea nevertheless,
whUst the land forces were gradually disbanded.*
The administration of Essex in Ireland was a The abortive
signal failure, and he made matters worse by quitting oTAe^Ew"
his post wfthout leave and forcing his presence upon y^'^^^^^i..
the queen. He had hoped to recover her good grace
by his unexpected appearance. Elizabeth was not
to be thus cajoled. She ordered him into custody,
deprived him of riis offices, and, what was of more
importance to him, refused to renew riis patent of a
monopoly of sweet wines. Altriougri trie eari soon
regained his liberty he could not forget his disgrace,
and his overweening vanity drove him to concert
measures against the government. In 1601 rie rode
at the head of a few foUowers into the city, expecting
the citizens to rise in his favour. The mayor had,
'Journal 25, fo. 79b. ''Id., fos. 80, 80b.
" Chamberlain's Letters, p. 59.
'Chamberlain's Letters, p. 61 ; Journal 25, fos. 81, 84b. 2 O

:;52 • LONDON AND THE ¦ KINGDOM.
however, been forewarned, and 1,000 men were held
in readiness in each ward fully armed for the safe
guard of the city.* The earl and riis band proceeded
to the house of Thomas Smith, in Fenchurch Street,
one of trie sheriffs, wrio had represented himself, or
been represented by others, as able and wiUing' to
further the earl's cause. That the sheriff was thought
by his feUow citizens to have been impHcated in
Essex's mad attempt is seen from the fact that within
a week he was deprived, not only of riis sheriffwick,
but also of his aldermanry,^ but to wriat extent he
had compromised himself it is difficult to determine.
Finding trie citizens averse to a rising and his passage
stopped by pikemen under the command of Sir John
Gilbert and Sir Robert Cross, who respectively had
charge of Ludgate and Newgate,' and who refused
to surrender them except to the sheriff in person as
the queen's representative, the earl and his company
hastened to trie riverside and returned to Essex House
by water. He was subsequently anested and com
mitted to trie Tower, togetlier witri two of his
accomplices, the Earls of Rutland and Southampton.
Another of his followers, trie Earl of Bedford, -w^as
committed for a wriile to trie custody of Leonard
Holiday, a city alderman.* The queen, wrio had
shown no more agitation at the news of the attempt
to raise the city than "of a fray in Fleet Street,"*
'Journal 25, fo. 238.'
"Journal 25, fo. 245 ; Letter Book BB, fo. 85. He was deprived of
his aldermanry of the Ward of Farringdon Without and debarred from
ever becoming alderman of any other ward "for causes sufficiently
made known " to the Court of Aldermen.
'Repertory 25, fos. 209b, 213.
'Cab State Papers Dom. (1598-1601), p. 546.
'Secretary Cecil to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and others,
10 Feb., 1601,— Cal, State Papers Dom. (1598-1601), p. 547.

MOUNTJOY IN IRELAND. ,.g
took an eariy opportunity of thanking the citizens
and her subjects generally for the loyalty they riad
displayed.* A sum of ^200 was distributed by trie civic
authorities among the officers engaged in the city's
defence, but the two knights at Ludgate and Newgate
refused to accept any gratuity .^ For a week or more
strict guard was kept at the city's gates, whilst bodies
of troops fully armed were kept in readiness at trie
Royal Exchange and Saint Paul's Churchyard in case
of disturbance.' Essex was brought to trial on a
charge of treason, convicted and executed (25 Feb.).
Sheriff Smith was made to undergo a severe cross-
examination, but appears to have got off with his
life.* Lord Mountjoy, who had succeeded Essex in Mountjoy's
Ireland, set to work systematically to bring the irdanT, 1600-
country into complete submission. The conquest *^°3-
was not effected without considerable aid from' the
city of London. From 1600 to 1602 the citizens
were being constantly called upon to supply fresh
forces for Ireland.* A Spanish force which at length
came to Tyrone's assistance in 1601, and established
itself at Kinsale, was compelled to surrender. The
work of the sword was supplemented by famine ;
until at last Tyrone himself was carried in triumph to
Dublin, and the conquest of Ireland was complete.
'Proclamation, dated 9 Feb., 1601. — ^Journal 25, fo. 240b.
"Repertory 25, fos. 213, 246.
'Journal 25, fos. 242, 243, 243b.
' Cal. State Papers Dom. (1601-1603), pp. 16, 26, 89, 90.
'Journal 25, fos. 137, i6ib, 166, 179, 189, 190, 218b, 223, 237,
237b, 262b-26sb, 293, 295, 301, 302b, 313b, 315; Journal 26, fos.
I6b-I9.
202

564 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
The parlia- Mountjoy's work could not be carried on without
men o i 01. j^^Qj^gy^ ^^^^ Elizabeth had been compelled in 1601 to
summon a parliament to obtain supplies. Hitherto
the Puritans, who began in trie early part of trie
reign to gain a hold in the House of Commons, and
had gradually increased in strengtri, had been content,
in the presence of a common danger, to refrain from
offering any systematic opposition to Elizabeth's
government. But now that the defeat of the
Armada, trie deatri of Philip II and the firm
establishment of Henry IV on the trirone of France
had removed all danger from abroad, they began to
change front. As soon as the House met the
Commons chose . Croke (or Crooke), the City's
Recorder, their Speaker, an honour which the City
acknowledged by ordering (3 Nov.) a gift of forty
marks to be made to riim.* Wrien the question of
supplies came before the House they were readily
granted, but a bill was introduced to aboHsri patents
of monopolies, which trie queen had been in the habit
of lavishly bestowing upon her favourites by virtue of
her prerogative, and by which the price of nearly
every commodity had been grievously enhanced. It
was in vain triat trie minority in trie House
found fault with trie Speaker for allowing trie
queen's prerogative to be called in question. The
majority riad the nation at its back; and finding
this to be the case Elizabeth, who knew wrien
to give way, yielded with grace. Wrien a depu
tation of trie Commons waited upon her and
expressed the gratitude of the House at her con
cession, she repHed in words full of kindness and
' Repertory 25, fo. 296b.

THE LAST DAYS OF ELIZABETH. 565
dignity, thanking the Commons for having pointed
out her error, and calling God to witness that srie
had never cherished anything but- what tended to
her people's good, "Though you have had," she
assured them, "and may have, many princes more
"mighty and wise sitting in triis seat, yet you never
"had, or ever shall have, any that will be more
" careful and loving."
These were the last words addressed by the The last days
queen to her people, and, their truth was home out by °^^1^1i^q^'
her conduct throughout her long reign. Under rier
the country had become united and prosperous. By
the citizens of London she was especially beloved, for
they always found in her a supporter of trade and
commerce. If trie Hanseatic towns beriaved unfairly
to the merchant adventurers Elizabeth promptly
retaliated upon the merchants of the Steelyard.
She had threatened to close the Steelyard altogether
in 1578, when English merchants were ordered
to quit Hamburg, and twenty years later (1598),
when fresh difficulties had arisen, the threat was
canied out.*
The queen rarely left London to make one of
her many gorgeous progresses from country house to
country house or returned home without some notice
being sent to the city to aUow of its inhabitants taking
"the comfort of behoulding her royall persone."^
Her love of personal admiration and of handsome
men continued to the last. As late as November,
' Repertory 24, fos. 343, 354 ; Repertory 25, fos. 165-175. The
Steelyard was re-opened in 1606. — ^Journal 27, fo. 66.
" Letter from Sir Christopher Hatton to the mayor, 27 Nov.,
1 5S3.— Remembrancia (Analytical Index), p. 407.

566 LONDON AND THE KINGDOM.
1602, she commanded the mayor and aldermen and a
number of the "best and most grave" citizens to
attend her from Chelsea to Westminster, and the
mayor, knowing her weakness, ordered the livery
companies to choose the "most grave and comlie"
members to join the procession.* In the early
morning of the 24tri March, 1603, she died at
Richmond, to the sincere regret of the citizens no
less than of the nation at large.
' Journal 26, fo. 42.

END OF VOL. 1.

YALE UNIVERSITY

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MEM