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THE LIFE

PUBLIC SERVICES

Abraham Lincoln,

CHARLES MALTBY,

LATE SUPERINTENDENT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS
FOR CALIFORNIA.
1884.

COPYRIGHT SECURED.

STOCKTON, CALIFORNIA:
DAILY INDEPENDENT STEAM POWER PRINT.
1884.

NEWSPAPER REMARKS.

Knowing the author and his familiarity with this always interesting
subject, his ability to handle it, bis conscientious painstaking and his perfect
reliability, we anticipate in his forthcoming book a valuable contribution to
the personal history of the most interesting character that ever figured on the
stage of human action in the United States, and one of the most interesting
in all history. — Los Angeles Weekly Mirror.
"We have read all that is extant relating to the life, character and public
services of the immortal Lincoln, and can say in all sincerity that, in
our judgment, the forthcoming volume from the pen of Mr. Maltby will get
nearer to the heart of the rising generation than ¦ any other history of the
martyr Lincoln. What will impress the reader of Maltby's Life of Lincoln
is that, without verbosity ' or undue embellishment, it wells up fresh and
pure from a heart earnest and honest in its devotion to the memory of a
revered friend. — Petaluma 1'Veekly Argus.
Mr. Maltby, the author, is a resident bf Stockton, and we rejoice to know
that we have in our midst a citizen who is capable of producing so excellent
a book on the grandest character of the age. — StocHon Record.
This work will contain many incidents of Mr. Lincoln's early life never
given to the public before, as well as his later acts that have so endeared his
memory to the American people. From the advance pages, we predict the
work will be a marked success. — Lodi Sentinel.
We bespeak for Mr. Maltby hearty welcome for his book, which a long
and close connection with Mr. Lincoln, previous to and during his greatness,
makes him qualified to write. — Santa Barbara Independent.
Advance sheets of the " Life and Public Services of Abraham Lincoln,"
by Charles Maltby, have been received at the Journal office. There are
certainly in the introductory pages an excellence and merit that bespeaks
success for the entire work. — Tulare County Journal.
Mr. Maltby was formerly a partner of Mr. Lincoln and is familiar with
many unpublished incidents in the life of the martyred President. The work
will meet with extensive sale. — Santa Barbara Press.

INTRODUCTION.

On our country's record are inscribed the names of many that live and
should hve, and in their memorial our Republic is honored in their remem
brance. Among' those worthies who have passed to their reward, there are none
whose life-work shines with a brighter luster than that of him who. in the
interests and services of humanity and freedom, has perfected the ideal, and
executed the grandest work for his country, and his race the world has ever
witnessed — ^whom his countrymen loved and delighted to honor — Abraham
Lincoln. I have written, and now present to the American public, a brief account
of the life and public services of that great and good man. I have been moved
to this, in part, by a personal acquaintance of thirty-five years with Mr.
Lincoln — commencing at the time of his majority, in daily business asso
ciations with him for a period which resulted in an intimacy and friend
ship which continued through bis life, and which friendship and confidence
he manifested during his administration in giving the writer appointments of
offices of trust and honor on the Pacific Coast. Incentives formed by those per
sonal relations with Mr. Lincoln have made the writing of his life a pleasure.
It is an offering to his friendship and memory, while opportunity is presented
to illustrate his personal character, to portray those interesting features of
his private and public life, and to exhibit his social, religious and political
principles. It has been my aim and purpose to present a true and faithful exhibition
of the character and eminent services of that good man, narrating in an ab
breviated form the events of his life, the inception, the growth and fruition of
those grand and humane principles whiqh have made bis n^me and fapae

iv. ' introducticVn.
immortal, and to impress upon the minds of my youthful readers that success
in our purposes and aspirations in life is attained by constant effort and'
perseverance; and to give them an example worthy of emulation in their
devotion to principle and love of country, as well as to finally strengthen their
purpose and aim in sustaining those principles and measures of National unity
and personal liberty which he left us as our heritage, and which have been
and are the policy of our Government, and which, under succeeding adminis
trations, have guided our Nation and people to a state of prosperity, to an
eminence unparalleled in the history of the world.
I have freely consulted the biographies of Lincoln by Messrs. Raymond
and Holland, to the correctness of which I can bear testimony.
I trust that this volume will give pleasure and inspiration to the reader
in the contemplation of the life and public services of the martyred President,
and incentives to a high and consecrated love of country and humanity.
With this, its objects will have been successful and its designs accomplished.
CHARLES MALTBY.

CONTENTS :
CHAPTER. PAGE.
I. Birth and Childhood - - _ _ _ _ 9
II. Boyhood -- _______ 17
HI. Early Manhood _-__ ___ 24
IV. Outline of Principles and Character- _ _ _ 3X
"V. Early Military Record— Black Hawk War _ _ _ 37
VI. Characteristics -___ ____ 42
VII. Election to the Legislature — Early Anti-Slavery Record 47
VIII. Location at the State Capitol — Admittance to the Bar - 51
IX. Marriage— Election to Congress _ _ _ _ 55
X. Congressional Record ______-• 61
XI. Kansas and Nebraska Bill — Senatorial Election - - 67
XII. Organization of the Republican Party _ - _ 72
XIII. Senatorial Contest of Lincoln and Douglass - - 78
XIV. Senatorial Contest Continued _____ 83
XV. Republican Candidate for the Presidency - - _ gg
XVI. Nomination for President - - _ _ 94
XVII. Result of the Presidential Election - - 101
XVIII. From Springfield to Was.hington — Inauguration - 106
XIX. The Great Work of Lincoln's Life— Douglass for the Union 119

VI. , CONTENTS.
(
XX. Uprising of Patriotism — Our Foreign Relations - - i--"
XXI. California's Loyalty to the Union - - - " ^^^
XXII. Battle at Bull's Run— Appointment of General McClellan 135
XXIII. General Scott Retired— The Trent Affair - - - 141
XXIV. General McClellan's Peninsula Campaign - 147
XXV. General McClellan's Failure ----- 153
XXVI. General McClellan Superceded— Union Success— Stanton,
Secretary of War - - 158
XXVII. Diffciraiioes Ralative to Slavery — Republican Principles -. 163
XXVIII. The R3al Cause of the Rabellioii— The President's Appeal 167
XXIX. Emancipation Proclamation - - - - - 172
XXX. Reasons for Emancipation — Battle of Gettysburg - 180
XXXI. Lee's Retreat — Capture of Vicksburg — Bragg's Defeat 186
XXXII. Thirty-seventh Congress — Financial Policy — Character
istic Incidents - - - - ^ - 191
XXXIII. Suspension of Writs of Habeas Corpus — Arrests for
Disloyalty - - ----- 196
XXXIV. Vallandigham Sent to his F'riends — Albany Meeting —
President's Reply - - - - 201
XXXV. TheMissourilmbroglio— Characteristic Letters — Election
Results -__--__ 206
XXXVI. The President's Daily Experience and Inner Life - - 211
XXXVII. Thirty-eighth Congress — President's Message — Gen'. , al
Grant made Lieutenant-General _ _ _ 218
XXXVIII. Reconstruction Measures - - - - 223
XXXIX. Champion of the Industrial Classes - - - _ 227
XL. Glimpses of Christian Character - 232
XLI. Discontent and Disquiet in the Republican Party - 237
XLH. President Lincoln's Second Nomination - - - _ 241

CONTKNTR. Vll.
XLIII. Presidential Canvass, 1804 ---_,-- 246
XLIV. Result of the Presidential Contest - _ - _ - 251
XI.V. .Movements of Generals Grant and Sherman - - 257
XLVI. National Affairs, Close of ].S(i4 _ _- - 262
XLVII. Sherman's March Through Georgia— Defeat of Hood - 267
XLVIII. Passage of Amendment Abolishing Slavery, - - - 273
XLIX. President's Simplicity— Charity and Equanimity - 278
L. Peace Conference at Hampton Roads - - - 284
LI. United States Sanitary and Christian Commissions - 289
LII. President Lincoln's Second Inauguration - - 294
LIII. Sherman's March Tluough the Carolinas — Fall of Richmond 299
LIV. Evacuation of Richmond — Lee's Surrender - - - 305
LV. Joy of the President and People — Raising the Old Flag on
Fort Suiiipter - - _ _ _ _ 311
LVI. Assassination of tbe President — Funeral Services at Wash
ington - - - _ _ _ _ 316
LVII. From Washington to Springfield— Funeral Obsequies-
Remarks _ _ - _ - _ 321

L I IF" E
AND
PUBLIC SERVICES
OF
ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

CHAPTER I.
ETRTH AND CHILDHOOD.
The character of the subject of these memoirs is so unique, and his life
80 illustrious, that a narrative of his parentage and early history is of
peculiar interest to the American people. It is a notable career. His
devotion to the Naticii's interest, his connection with and management of the
great and most momentous events of orr country's history give special
importance and interest to the place of his nativity, to liis early life, to his
youthful hardships, to bis limited facilities for obtaining an early education
and to his success amidst his struggles and toils for an upright manhood.
When, in 1860, he was about to be called to the highest oflBce in the gift
ot the people, he was consulted with reference to incidents of his early history.
His reply was characteristic : " You will find the whole of my life in a single
line of Gray's Elegy, ' The short and simple annals of the poor.' " At that
time he did not realize the interest and curiosity that were being manifested
by his fellow-citizens to be informed of his early life and parentage.
Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of the United States, was bom
in Hardin jounty, Kentucky, on the 12th day of February, 1809, in a rustic 9

10 - LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
log cabin, such as werelJthe tenements of most of the emigrants in that State
at that early day.
The early slumbers of the young stranger were not broken by the shrill
whistle of the locomotive, nor by the sound of the church bells calhng their!
devotees to their regular hours of worship. The woodman's ax as he felled
the forest, the crack of the huntsman's rifle, or the shrill screech of the
panther or howl of the wolf broke the stillness of his surroundings. . Here no
scholastic or collegiate edifice with its portals stood open to receive the
youthful student, but in Nature's unpolluted and stately surroundings was
planted the germ of those principles and deeds that have made his name and.
fame immortal.
The ancestors of Abraham Lincoln settled in Berks county, Pennsylvania,
at an early day ; they were of English extraction ; they were of the Quaker
order and principles. Mr. Lincoln held that they came over from England;
under the auspices of William Penn, while some of his biographers, from th&
similarity of family Christian names, class them as a branch of the Lincoln
families of New England. The more immediate ancestors of Lincoln, pre
vious to 1752, removed from Berks county, Pennsylvania, to Virginia, and
settled in Shenandoah valley. Abraham Lincoln, the grandfather of the
President, was born in that valley, Rochingham county, and removed from
there to Kentucky in 1780. The desire of change and love of adventure,
which appears peculiar to the Lincoln family, and the captivating reports
from the Western lands of promise, seem to have been the inducements for
him with his young and tender wife to leave the home of his nativity and the
land of security and plenty for the then savage wilderness of Kentucky. He
settled in Bullitt county, and in 1784 he was killed by the savages while at
work in the field, a short distance from his family and cabin. He left a
widow and five helpless and dependent children ; s?ns — Mordecai, Josiah
and Thomas (the father ot the President) ; daughters— Mary and Nancy.
The widow, soon after the murder of her husband, removed to Washington
county and there, as necessity and poverty prescribed, raised to mature years '
her dependent and helpless family. Mordecai removed late in life from Ken
tucky to Illinois. Josiah, while young, settled in Indiana. The daughter*
married and settled in Kentucky. ;¦
Thomas, the youngest son (father of the President), by the death of hie
father when he was six years of age, was left in the care of a widowed mother
in straitened circumstances, with no immediate friends or relatives to help
her bear her burdens, and only the kind offices of the neighbors many of
whom were almost as needy and helpless as herself. There were no schools '
and the mother had no time to devote to the instruction of her children
Thomas grew up to manhood with no knowledge ot his own language and no

OF ABBAII/VM LINCOLN. 11
knowledge of letters except those of his own name, and this only could he
write. As soon as he was able to provide for himself he became a day
laborer and a number of years were spent in laboring for others, and when not
thus engaged he was hunting game, of which Kentucky was noted for the
abundance and variety. Laboring under these disadvantages he grew up to
manhood ignorant, wanting in those energetic and enterprising impulses
which give success to the efforts and industries of life.
He was held by his friends and neighbors as a man of strict integrity,
notably fond of telling anecdotes and stories, loved by his family and respected
by all his associates. He was of medium stature, well-proportioned, robust
and elastic in his movements, and clothert in the rustic garb which his indi^
gence necessitated, he was a fair representative of the humble pioneers of
that day and age.
Thus, from early boyhood until he was twenty-eight years of age, was his
life spent with no plans for the future and no opportunities for acquiring a
competence for the present or future wants. He now concluded to settle in
life and to assume the duties, relations and responsibilities of a married life.
In 1806 he married Nancy Hanks. She was a native of Virginia, and
came to Kentucky, some years preTious to her marriage, with some relatives.
Coming from Virginia to Kentucky at an early age, her opportunities and
facilities for obtaining a common education had been very limited and meager.
She was of medium stature, light and fragile in form, of a grave and sensitive
nature, pure and heroic, and of a deep and abiding affection, loving all and
beloved by all her associates.
Soon after their marriage her husband took her to their humble dwell
ing, which he had prepared for their residence. It was a lowly home, still it
was a home where love, affection and virtue reigned supreme.
This was the birthplace of the President, and here, within a few years of
her married life, she had born to her husband three children ; the first, a
daughter named Sarah; second, Abraham; third, Thomas, who died in
infancy. The father and mother of Abraham were members of the Baptist
Church, and inculcated in the minds and hearts of their children the essential,
holy truths of the Bible. The mother, following at her humble distance in
the footsteps of the illustrious mothers of Adams, Washington, Madison and
Clay, began early in her humble way to instill in the minds of her children
lessons of patriotism, love, purity and fidelity from the inspiration of God's
holy word, and from the history of the revolution and the lives of Franklin
and Washington, and other books which could be obtained. Thus were their
young minds directed to lives and pursuits noble and elevating, in their
h aracter.

12 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Here, in this lowly cottage, with mother for teacher and sister for A. com-;
pa,nion, the first eight years of the President's life were passed. Those days
of his childhood were the most impressive and important in the history of his
life. Drawn by the secluded and tender relations of his humble home to
those endearing and delicate affections of son and brother, he early evinced a
wonderful love and affection for his mother and sister, which grew with his
growth and increased with his years, until it became a leading and absorbing
principle of his life, and on it was engrafted all of the humanity and kindness,
of his later years.
The associates of Abraham Lincoln who were favored with his friendship
.and confidence in his youth, and in those days when he was struggling with
poverty and adversity for place and influence with his fellow-citizens, and
Sieard from his own lips how a devoted mother labored to instill correct prin-
¦oiples into his young mind, and to guide his footsteps in the paths of virtu,e5
and Christian influence, saw early in his life omens of success and grand
ideals of human excellence. But to the American people, and to the world,
it required the labor of a life and a martyr's death to exhibit fully his man
hood, his tender, sympathetic regard for suffering humanity and his patriotic
principles which inspired the people with a devotion to country and nation-
.ality such as the world has never witnessed.
The historian, the patriot, looking back for the first cause of those grand
results, will find that in the lowly cottage, in the humble family circle, his
mother was his inspiration ; her wise counsels and her blessed words and
example planted the seeds in a heart that was filial, obedient and affectionate,,
and at the death of his rnother, when he was ten years ot age, her lessons
of divine wisdom and hallowed influences had become a part of his being, and
ixe could say as he often said in his later years : " All that I am, or hope to
fee, I owe to my angel mother — blessings on her sacred memory."
The parents of Abraham were desirous that their children should receive
at least the first rudiments of an education, but in those early days in Kenr
tucky, schools were few and irregular. Abraham, when he was seven years
old, with his sister, commenced his attendence at the nearest school which
was four miles distant Irom their home. His fiirst teacher was Zachariah Riney
and second, Caleb Hazen. He attended those two schools six months and
learned to read well and write a fair, legible hand.
At this period of his life, being eight years old, his father became dissatiS'i.
lied with his location and surroundings in Kentucky, and proposed to sell his
hum:ble home and remove to a more desirable locality. The State t th +
time was settling up rapidly, and many of the settlers, by slave labo
J)ecoming prosperous and wealthy. Abraham's father inherited the O t

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IS
principles of his Pennsylvania ancestors in regard to slavery, and realized
fully the fatct that the institution of slavery was making the situation of the
poor man hopeless and unpleasant, and that the future was not promising
and hopeful for himself and family. Defective land titles in Kentucky were
an additional cause of removal. The Northwestern Territory, which had
been set apart and dedicated to freedom by the fathers of the Republic, was
at that time attracting the attention of those who desired to remove from the
slave States to free territory.
The father finally decided to remove to Indiana, it having been admitted
the year previous as a State into the Union, and although then an unbroken
wilderness it was rapidly settling up with a vigorous and enterprising popu
lation. Mr. Lincoln soon found a purchaser for his homestead, for which he
received ten barrels of whisky and $20 in money. The homestead was on
the Rolling Fork river, and as soon as the sale was concluded he constructed
a small flat-boat, and putting aboard his heavy household goods, tools and
whisky, he bid adieu to his family and was soon sailing down the river on
his way to select a new home in Indiana. Soon after reaching the Ohio
river his frail boat upset and the cargo was thrown into the river. Some-
men on the bank, witnessing the accident, assisted in saving the boati
all the freight was lost, except three barrels of whisky, some carpenter's
tools and a few other articles. He soon proceeded down the river to a ferry,
where the road crossed the river, and procuring a guide and team made his
way, cutting a road most ot the way through the forest, eighteen miles, when
Spencer county was reached and the site of his new home selected. Mr.
Lincoln, now leaving^his goods in care of a family li-ying a few miles distant,
returned to Kentucky on foot, and made preparations at once to remove his.
family. Before leaving the old homestead, Mr. Lincoln, with Abraham and
sister, visited the grave of the little son and brother and paid their last
tribute of affection and sorrow, an incident often mentioned hy Abraham
with tender emotion and interest.
In a short time the Lincoln family bid adieu to their old home and
slavery, and on horseback, Mrs. Lincoln and her daughter riding one horse,
Abraham another and the father a third, and driving two or three pack ani
mals, after seven days' journey through the wilderness, they reached the
location selected for their future home. The next morning after their arrival
Mr. Lincoln and Abraham, with his small ax in hand, were engaged in clear
ing a site for a log cabin. This being done the assistance of a neighbor was
procured, and in a few days Mr. Lincoln had a comfortable log house,
eighteen feet square, erected; the roof was covered with shakes, the floor
-was laid with slabs hewn with a broad ax and the door was made ot the same

14 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
material. Slabs laid on poles overhead formed Abraham's chamber, an ^^e, :
who was in after years to occupy the White House, here in his hum ® ° 1
enjoved many nights ot sweet, undisturbed repose. With an '^'^' ®^"^' ™" '
mer and a few nails, a bedstead, table and a few stools were made, and the
building was ready for occupancy. The loss of the household goods by the
upsetting of the boat o;i the river while in transit could not be immediately
made good and thus the household furnishing department was very plain and
meager. Persons whose lives have been spent in the old settlements of the country, i
and the youth of the present day, cannot realize or imagine the humility
and lowliness of border life and the simplicity and plainness of the household."
appointments of that period .
The Lincoln family, settled in their new home, have hard and constant
labor to perform. The laud must be cleared and prepared for the crops nec-'^
essary for the sustenance of the family and stock, and for supplying the -
simple wants of the household. Abraham was now eight years of age. He
was furnished with a light ax and early learned to use it efficiently, and in
this new field of labor he entered with zeal and earnestness, assisting Ma
father, as far as his age and strength would permit, in clearing the land for
cultivation. This labor and exercise strengthened and made elastic his
physical sj'stem, which became fully developed in his early manhood.
Plere, on the outskirts of civilization, surrounded only by pure and gentle
influences which were forming his character and habits for industry, integrity
and usefulness, was Providence preparing him tor the leadership in a moment
ous strife for National unity and universal liberty.
Abraham had but little taste and desire for outdoor sports. He usually
spent his evenings at home, reading such books as he could obtain, after the
labors and duties of the day were performed. It was some time after their
settlement in Indiana before schools were established in the neighborhood,
and during the several years the family lived in Indiana, Abraham attended
school six months, making his attendance at the different schools about one
year during his life. In this attendance he became a good reader and writer,
and proficient in arithmetic.
Two years after the settlement of the family in Indiana, when Abraham
-was ten years ot age, his mother, frail and delicate, was taken with consump
tion and quickly and gently passed away. The daughter and son Were 'now
as orphans; the humble home was now desolate ; the loving, kind voice the
tender embraces and instructions of a fond, affectionate mother were to be
remembered as mementos of the past. But she had been spared for a time

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 15
to plant the seeds of love, virtue and affection, which had taken deep root,
and whichin after years produced the richest and most abundant fruit.
They lay the beloved wife and mother away to rest beneath the overspread
ing trees near the humble cottage, and there the son and the daughter often
repaired to weep and mourn over their sad and irreparable bereavement.
The mother was laid away to rest without a formal Christian burial. But
-with this the husband, son and daughter were not content, in this their sad
affliction. They remembered their parson, Elkin, who had ministered to
their spiritual wants in Kentucky. Some months after his mother's death
Abraham wrote a letter to Parson Elkin informing him ot his mother's death,
and requested him to come to Indiana and perform the last sad and 'sacred
funeral rites at his mother's grave.
When the kind parson received Abraham's letter it recalled vividly to
his mind the stricken Christian family, and how often their humble hospi
table door had been opened to him to receive his spiritual ministrations and
to minister to their temporal wants. These recollections induced a favorable
reply to the request, and he informed Abraham that on a Sabbath not far
distant he would be present to officiate as he desired. Notice was given to ^
the friends and neighbors, and at the time appointed the settlers and friends
gathered to the sequestered place where the remains ot the loved wife and
mother were buried.
On that solemn Sabbath morning, accompanied by the stricken family,
the good parson was received by the neighbors, seated on logs and rustic seats '
around the grave, assembled to pay the last tribute of respect to one so uni
versally beloved.
It is Spring time. The majestic trees overshadowing the consecrated
spot are putting on their livery of green — fit emblems of ,man's immortality.
Flowers, in all their variety and beauty, are springing up all around the
hallowed ground, representing the Christian's hope beyond the grave. The
parson takes a seat at the head of the grave and bows his head in meditation ;
the stillness is only broken by the sobs of the bereaved and the melody of the
feathered songsters as they flit from tree to tree.
The occasion becomes more impressive as the beloved minister rises and
invokes the mercies and blessings of the Great Author of our being on the
friends and bereaved for their reliance on"and submission to the Divine will,
and following in his discourse to his audience he illustrates the graces of
•Christian character, the ground of the Christian's hope beyond the grave,
'which were so signally manifested in the life and death of the devoted
Christian wife and mother who had departed, and with that Warm praise

" I'lFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
¦which her life had merited and deserved, he holds her up as an example
worthy to [be imitated in all the walks of true Christian experience and
womanhood. Those tender, solemn services were treasured up in the heartand memory
of Abraham, and it was many years before the desolation and sorrows of that
sad bereavement passed away, and the frequent reference of Mr. Lincoln in
his mature years to his early life and his mother's teachings prove how viv
idly were impressed on his mind and life her Christian example, her constantJ
diligent efforts to create and impress his young and tender heart with pure:
and noble motives. His after life proved that he was true to her teachings,
to her pious and exemplary life, and to the high and noble principles im
planted by her in his heait and memory in his young and tender years.

CHAPTER II.
BOYHOOD.
The period of our boyhood lives, from ten to twenty years, is regarded as
the most important and interesting. Examples and principles inculcated now
become lasting and salutary. Habits are now formed, and principles are
interwoven into our natures which, with few exceptions, shape our destiny
and circumstances through lite. The principles inculcated and implanted in
our earlier years grow with our growth, form character in our youth, and
produce their fruit later in life.
Abraham Lincoln had now passed childhood, and entered into boyhood.
We now more fully recognize the graces and principles impressed and
implanted by a devoted Christian mother, which gave basis to his character,
which led him in the paths pf honor and virtue and into lellowshiip with the
people, and joined him in heart and purpose with the laboring classes. No
elevation in society or political honors lessened his respect for the sons of toil.
His home was in the far West, and on its broad prairies he was to learn
lessons of self-reliance which would lead him to an upright manhood. Simple
in life and manners, he was now growing up with the people ; his love of
home, his devotion to and tender regard for his sister, his fidelity and respect
for the memory of his mother, and his habits of study and fondness for books
made him noted with his associates and acquaintances as a boy of unusual
and remarkable reputation, and won the esteem and interest of all his
neighbors and companions.
He was genial and sociable with hirfcomrades, and entered at times with
zest and pleasure into all the innocent pastimes and amusements of the day.
He loved labor, was actively industrious and assisted, as far as age and
strength would permit, in the improvement and cultivation of the homestead.
He had early acquired a taste and love for reading, which was remark
able for one of his age, and all the books he "Could obtain by borrowing from
bis friends and neighbors were read and re-read. His early reading was
limite(| by the scarcity of books and the want of means to purchase those that 17

18 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
could be obtained. The Bible, Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, JSsop's Fables
and Dillworth's Spelling Book constituted the family library, and they were
diligently studied, and their contents soon became as familiar to him as
household words. These books, nith his mother's teachings, laid the founda
tion for that purity and excellence of character, simplicity and earnestness of
purpose which has never been excelled.
He afterwards procured Ramsey's and Ward's life of Washington, the
life ot Franklin and subsequently the life of Henry Clay. From the lite of
Washington he had lessons of patriotism and love of country worthy of imita-.i
tion, and a history of the revolution which he loved to study. From the
lives of Franklin and Clay he had examples from those who had risen by
their own effbrts and industry to professional and political distinction, from';
conditions in lite almost as humble as his own. He studied over those books^i
until his heart glowed with "a noble emulation and true patriotism which were
the moving spirit and purpose ot his subsequent life.
As an evidence of his love of books and his integrity, the following
notable incident may be mentioned : A Mr. Crawford had loaned Abraham
a copy of Ramsey's life of Washington. After reading it one evening he laid
it by, as he thought safely, but a storm arose during the night and the rain
beat in through a crack in the house, and the book was soaked through and
its appearance much soiled. What could he do? He had no money to pay
for the book. Pie, however, took it and went to Mr. Crawford and showed-
him the injury, and offered to work for him until he was fully satisfied. Mr.
Crawford accepted the offer, and Abraham received the book as his own tor
three days' labor in pulling corn fodder. His manliness and honesty won
the respect and esteem of Mr. Crawford and all his neighbors, who were soon
informed of the incident.
By the death ot his mother, the domestic duties of the household devolved^
upon Sarah, now twelve years of age. By the teachings and instructions of
her mother, she had thus early in life become versed in those domestic duties''
which, well performed, render the home so desirable and attractive, and in
these labors and duties she received all the assistance that could be rendered'
by a kind and affectionate brother. How often in mature years, and still^
later in life, does memory recall many pleasing. incidents of our childhood—-
the hearth-stones around which was gathered the family circle  the kind'
fa-ther, the loving mother and the affectionate brothers and sisters, the kind
favors and services conferred and the grateful smiles of approbation returned.
Those blissful hours have been treasured up as precious mementos of the'
past, adding more and still more to our hallowed happiness and to the aspira
tions of our better natures. Mr. Lincoln often, in his mature years referred'
to his early home, and the household memories which he had garnered ud in

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 19
his heart as treasures which he held sacred; and as they were homely
pictures of rural life they were full of tlie filial relations which ennoble our
natures and make our humanity next to the divine.
Some eighteen months after the death of Abraham's mother, his father
married and brought to his home Mrs. Sally Johnson of Elizabethtown, Ken
tucky, an acquaintance of former years. She was ali'eady the mother of
three children by her former marriage. The union of the two families was
pleasant and harmonious, the maternal duties of stepmother were merged
into those ot mother, and the kindness and affection which she manifested
toward Abraham and his sister were gratefully remembered and appreciated
by him then and in after years. She lived to see her protege gradually rise
by his own efforts and industry to stations of honor and fame, and flnally to
become the honored ruler of the Nation, and then tall a martyr to freedom,
mourned by his people and lovers of freedom throughout the world.
The stepmother brought into the family one son a,nd two daughters by
her former marriage. The son, named John, became an intimate associate
of Abraham, and jointly, as they grew up, they became useful, helpful in
improving and carrying on the work of the farm. Abraham, when his serv
ices were not required at home, frequently went out to labor for the
neighbors when opportunity offered. He was regarded by the settlers as a
young lad remarkable for his industry and ability, and by them his services
; were frequently sought and employed. He had no superior in physical
strength, and was pre-eminent in the various athletic feats and festive amuse-
: ments of the day.
He never' made any show or display of his superiority over his associates.
. With a modest estimate of his abilities and powers he never assumed aught
save the gentleness and simplicity which made him so distinguished. Ot the
- many instances of his kindness and goodness of heart we may make one
, record here : One evening, returning home from a house-raising in the
. neighborhood, with his companions, a poor drunkard was found by the way-
; side in a helpless condition, lying on the ground. Abraham's companions
, were in favor of leaving him to his fate, but Abraham would not consent. At
I his request the helpless sot was lifted upon Abraham's shoulders, and he
carried him a quarter of a mile to the nearest house and nursed the inebriate
until the next morning. The night had been very cold and he had the
pleasure of believing that he had saved the drunkard's life.
In acts of kindness and mercy of similar character in his youth were seen
the germs of those humane principles, which in his manhood were more fully
and beautifully illustrated in his public life, and in which we can see those
real ideals of true greatness and excellence, which are valued as the most
precibus of the Nation's treasures.

20 LIPS AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Abraham, from his books, had learned more ot his country's history than
was common to the youth of his day'and age who were in like manner situr
ated, and we can imagine that with this knowledge he had desires and aspira
tions for a life more exalted, and one that would give promise of elevation
and advancement. He had now arrived at the age when the routine of daily
labor on the farm had become monotonous and irksome, and when the imag
ination is fruitful and buoyant, and desires and anticipations are reaching out
for a more diversified field of labor and attainments.
The want of a home market tor the produce raised on the' Lincoln farm
rendered their labors, in a measure, abortive. Abraham, now eighteen years
of age, resolved to provide a remedy. He was quite a mechanical genius and
had acquired, in a considerable degree, the use of carpenter's tools. H©
resolved to build a small fiat-boat and ship the produce of the farm to some
of the towns below, on the Ohio river, for a market. The boat was constructed
in due time and loaded with the produce of the farm, and Abraham and his
stepbrother made a successful voyage of some eighty miles and obtained a
good price for their commodities.
An incident occurred on this trip, while at one of the landings on the
river, which made a lasting and pleasant impression on Abraham's memory,
and which later in life he related to his Secretary, Seward. He said : "As I
stood at the landing a steamer approached, coming down the river. At the
same time two passengers came to the river landing who wished to be taken
out to the steamer with their baggage. Looking at the small boats, they
singled out my boat and asked me to take them to the steamer. This I d\d,
aud after seeing them and their trunks on board I had the pleasure of receiv
ing a silver half-dollar from each one of my passengers. I could scarcely
believe my ej'es. You may think it was- a very little thing, but it was a most
important incident in my life. I could scarcely believe that I, a poor boy,
had earned a dollar in less than a day. The world seemed wider and fairer
than ever before to me. I was a more hopeful and confident being from
that time."
This successful enterprise of Abraham in his first voyage and trading
expedition opened up an opportunity for a more important and responsi'^)!©
engagement. A trading merchant of his acquaintance applied to him to take
charge ot a flat-boat and its cargo, and in company with his son to take it
down to the sugar plantations on the Mississippi river below Natchez.
The entire management of the business was placed in Abraham's hands.
This engagement and responsibility speak well for his reputation, for ability
and integrity. The trader, knowing his taet and honesty, was willing to
intrust the cargo and his son to his care and management. It was with

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 21
delight and pleasure that Abraham entered upon this voyage of twelve hun
dred miles. He was to see much of the country of which he had read and
heard, and thought and imagination were now active. He now, at the age ot
19, had grown to be a tall and powerful young man. He was over six feet in
bight, remarkable even among the tall and athletic race ot pioneers of that
day. The cargo consisted mostly of corn and bacon, and the object was to sell
and barter at the sugar plantations on the banks of the river. To one making
his first voyage on the Mississippi, the scenery and incidents would be
naturally exciting and interesting. Many similar crafts would be passed or
sailed with in company ; villages, towns and sugar plantations, with their
numerous white tenements for the slaves, would be of interest, and occasion
ally steamers would pass and repass. All would be new to Abraham ; all
would be garnered up in memory for thought and reflection in after years.
An incident occurred on the trip which is worthy of note. At a sugar
plantation below Natchez the boat was landed and tied up at the close of the
day for the purpose of trade. Abraham and his companion had laid down to
rest. Late in the night they were awakened by hearing a noise on the shore.
Abraham asked who is there and what is wanted, but receiving no reply, he
sprang up and saw seven negroes coming on board, evidently with the inten
tion of plunder. Seizing a hand-spike, he at once rushed upon them, and
knocked the first one on board into the river; the two following were served
in the same way ; the others, seeing the fate of their companions, turned and
ran. Abraham and his companion leaped on shore, and following them they
overtook and severely punished them. As they returned to the boat the
others made their escape from the water, and all made their flight in the
darkness as fast as possible.
Abraham and his assistant returned on board somewhat bruised in the
affray. They immediately pushed out from the shore and floated down the
river some distance, made fast to the bank, and watched until morning.
The. trip and venture were both successful. The cargojwas sold; the boait
was disposed of for lumber, and the young men returned home, making the
journey partly by steam and - on foot, and Abraham received the commenda
tion and approbation of his employer tor the successful and satisfactory issue
of the enterprise committed to his charge.
Four years after the second marriage ot Abraham's father, Sarah Lincoln
was married to Aaron Grisby, she being sixteen years of age. She died
within a year of her marriage, leaving Abraham without brother or sister.
His devotion and love for her had been most deep^ tender and affectionate,
and her early death was to him a sad and grievous affliction.

22 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES-
The difficulty and labor attending the clearing of the land of the heavy
growth of timber and preparing the land for cultivation had created a spirit
of discontent and dissatisfaction in the Lincoln family with their location in
Indiana. Reports of the prairie lands of Illinois, ready cleared for the plow
and hoe to make them immediately productive, tended to increase this
discontent. In the Fall of 1829 Dennis Hanks, a cousin of Abraham's mother, was
sent to Illinois to examine the country and its advantages for settlement.
He brought a favorable report on his return of the portion of the State he
visited, and advised their removal to the prairies of Illinois, which he con
sidered a very desirable field for enterprise and successful farming operations.
This report decided the family in favor of removal.
Mr. Lincoln sold his homestead of one hundred and sixty acres, and in
March, 1830, he started with his family and two sons-in-law, married to the
two daughters of his second wife, for a new home.
Abraham had now reached his majority, but he would remain with the
family and assist them in their removal, and help his father erect and prepare
a home for the family. He could not leave the old homestead, where death
had severed the tender ties of motherhood and sisterhood, until he had
visited their graves and paid his last tribute of affection, and renew his vows
of love and devotion to her lessons of wisdom and to her hallowed memory.
Preparations tor the removal having been completed, the Lincoln family
started on their tedious and difficult journey with two ox-teams. The Spring
rains had filled the rivers and small streams, and with difficulty through the
rich, deep soil, the ox-teams drew the wagons loaded with the entire personal
effects of the emigrants. One ot the teams was driven by Abraham. After .
a journey of two hundred miles, which was made in fifteen days, the tired
emigrants entered Macon county, Illinois, and there, with the almost bound
less, fertile prairies on tbe right and magnificent forests on the left, the
weary emigrants rested.
A few days spent in examining and exploring the surrounding country, a
selection was made by the father ot three hundred and twenty acres of
prairie and timbered land, ten miles west of Decatur, the county %eat ot
Macon county.
Abraham, now twenty-one years of age, with his accustomed goodness
and liberality, would not leave the home ot his childhood and sever the near
family relations until he had assisted his father in making some improvements
on the new homestead for the comfort and necessities of the family. The
flrst work was the erection of a dwelling. A hewn log cabin of suitable
dimensions was soon erected, covered with shakes; the doors and windows

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23
were made of hewn puncheons, knd a smoke-house and stable were added.
Abraham continued his work, and assisted in splitting rails and fencing ten
acres, and then plowing the land inclosed and planting tho same with corn.
Abraham now realized that his filial duties had been performed. For
thirteen years in Indiana had he discharged his duties as became a loyal
member of the household. On his father's farm he had been an efficient and
faithful helpmate, and an affectionate and obedient son, and in the intervals
of labor and toil had pursued his studies and obtained the rudiments ot a'
common education. By his deportment and behavior he gained and secured
the good will of all with whom he had associated.
While yet in childhood, he had, by circumstances which seemed to be
guided by an overruling Providence, been borne away from a land and sur
roundings cursed by slavery. He had now become a citizen of a free State,
where free labor was honored and rewarded. Simple in lite and manners,
knowing nothing of form and ceremony, and caring less, he had grown up
in fellowship with the people and in companionship with nature in all its
grandeur and magnificence.
We have seen how his childhood and boyhood indicated the growth and
issue of a beneficent and useful manhood, and still may we continue to
delineate the directing band of an overruling Providence in his further
advancement, preparing him for duties and responsibilities grand and benefi
cent in their results, successful, noble and humane in their execution.

CHAPTER III.
EARLY MANHOOD.
In the preceding chapters we have briefly noted the childhood and boy
hood days ot Abraham Lincoln, and delineated to some extent the affectionate
teachings and wise counsels of a devoted Chriitian mother, and the events
and influences which moulded his character and the reception of those
lasting and salutary impressions which had prepared him for a noble and
useful maturity.
And now, at the age ot twenty-one, as he stands upon his father's
threshold and looks out upon the world on which he is about to enter and
take upon himself the duties and burdens ot life, are his prospects brilliant,
and is the imagination buoyant and hopeful in anticipations tor the future?
We think otherwise. No influential friends now stood by his side to give
him aid or counsel ; he was without money or income ; he was alone in pov
erty and in obscurity, and yet he was not despondent. Hope stood by his
side. He was ambitious, and felt and determined that by his own earnest :
efforts and industry he could and would succeed. •
Guided by the precepts implanted and the noble impulses which glowed
in his heart, and by the love ot that which was good and true, he was led by
a generous nature, and the lessons of self-reliance to the acqusition of a
practical education and to the unfolding of all tliose kind and beneficent
principles that were maturing within him.
During the Summer, after leaving home, he was employed by the farmers
in the neighborhood, and in the following Winter he was engaged in splitting
rails. Those rails afterward obtained a National reputation, of which men
tion will be made in a succeeding chapter. While thus engaged Abraham
was striving to obtain more lucrative and constant employment. This soon
came from a direction not anticipated. 24

OF ABR.UIA31 LINCOLN. 2o
Early in the Spring of ISol, Denton Offntt, a trader from Kentncty,
came to Sangamon county for the purpose of purchasing produce for ship
ment to New Orleans. For tbe transportation of the same he engage'd in
the boilding of two flat boats on the Sangamon river, near Springfield.
Abraham, hearing of the enterprise, thought there was an opportunif\- for
employment, and he at once resolved to embrace this timely ofiiering and
leave Macon county. He made his way iorn- miles to the place where tbe
boats were being built, and presenting himself to Mr. Offutt, he said:
"My name is Ijncoln. I am seeking employment. I have had some
experience in boating and boat building, and it you are in want of bands
I think I can give you satisfaction." The appearance of Lincoln, his
hands and face bronzed by the sun and labor on tbe &rm, and his genial
and manly address, were to, Mr. Ofiiitt sufficient recommendations, and he
was employed without delay. During the buUding of the boats, Mr. Offutt
formed so favorable an opinion of Abraham's qualifications, bis ability,
industry and integrity that be gave him cbaige of tbe two boats and tbe
supervi^on of the men employed during the Yoyage do-wn tiie Sangamon,
Illinois and Mississippi rivers to New Orleans. Mr. Offntt, while traTeling
over the country for tiie purpose of purchasing produce for the loading
of his boats, selected a location for business and trade at New Salem, on
tbe Sangamon river, eighteen miles north of Springfield, and made bis
arrangements, on tbe sale of bis produce, to return to that place with a
stock of general merchandise. In due time the boats, were finished" and
loaded, and Lincoln (as he was called) as captain in charge, cast off their
fastenings and tiiey floated away on their Toyage to New Orleans, where
in due time they arrived in safety, Mr. " OflEutt having preceded them by
steamer. This voyage of Lincoln to New Orleans, in connection with a similar
one made three years previous from Indiana, gave thought and reflection,
and laid tbe superstructure of those principles of anti-slavery and free
labor which in later years became the ruling pohcy and aim of his jiolitical
life. It was during those voyages, which gave daily opportunities for
observation and ooneideration, that Lincoln saw slavery in all it phases
and efiTects at the different plantations at which ttiey stopped to trade and
barter, at the numerous towns and ¦villages on the river, and in New
Orleans at the auction marts, where daily human beings were ofi'ered for
sale to the highest bidder, where the tender relations of husband and
wife, parents and child ¦were severed never to be reunited. He saw the
lordly planter, the pompous overseer, as well as the poor white man and
his family, ostracized by caste nnder that regime, hound in fetters by the
condition of society as strong in many phases as the enslaved around them.

26 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
This system of African slavery, so repulsive to his feelings and inconsistent
with his principles and early teachings, be considered in all its different
aspects and infiuences on the community and society, and his observations
stimulated thought and reflection which gave birth to those principles of free.
soil and free labor and dedicated a life to freedom and to the immutable
principles of justice and humanity. That Providence which seems " to shape
our ends, rough hew them as we may," thus brought Lincoln into connec
tion with slavery, and here was the inception, the initial point, in his
political lite. The culture and early teachings which he had received
produced simplicity and charity, and with him the cry of oppression and
suffering found a place in his heart and made lasting and salutary impres
sions which will be more plainly and prominently seen and noted, as his life
became more conspicuous and his labors more effectual in the conflict for
the right in later years.
Soon after the arrival of the boats at New Orleans the cargoes and boats
were sold and a stock of general merchandise was purchased, with which
Offutt and Lincoln returned to New Salem. A storehouse built of hewn logs,
16 by 36 feet, with cellar, was rented and the goods displayed for sale, and
Lincoln was retained in Offutt's employ as chief clerk, at a salary of $25 per
month and board; and the writer of these memoirs, who lived near the
village and who had not attained his majority, was employed as assistant at
a salary of $15 per month.
Here the writer flrst met Lincoln and here during a period of fifteen
m^onths daily intercourse and business relations an intimate friendship and
attachment was formed which remained constant and unbroken during Mr.
Lincoln's life.
Mr. Offutt, in connection with his store, rented a saw and flouring mill
located on the Sangamon river, in the immediate vicinity of the store. These
mills, being the only ones within an area of twenty miles, brought much
custom and trade to the store, and being under the supervision of the clerks
they added much to their labors and duties.
New Salem at this time was considered a town of considerable importance.
Two stores, a hotel, a saloon, a blacksmith shop, a saw and flouring mill, with
some fifteen residences, all log cabins, with as many families, constituted the
town then in its bight ot prosperity, in being the second town in the county in
population and importance, and the focus of a large trade. The business in
the store being mostly with country traders, was transacted between the hours
of 9 A. M. and 3 p. m., giving several hours in the day in which one of the
clerks could perform all the duties required in the store. It was on those
occasions that Lincoln frequently would, for an hour at the close of the day,
engage in athletic sports, such as wrestling, jumping, pitching quoits or

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLIN. 27
heavy weights and similar exercises, diversions peculiar to and common to
that day. and age. The store Was usually closed at 7 p. m., when occasionally
an evening would be spent with some family or young people in the village,
and those occasional ¦visits or calls were seasons of mutual pleasure and grati
fication. Lincoln's humorous fund of anecdotes and stories made him a
welcome visitor at all times. The most of the evenings, however, after
closing the store, were, from 8 to 11 o'clock, employed by Lincoln in reading
and study; a short time then was spent in reviewing the reading of the
evening, and then blankets were spread upon the counter and the inmates
retired to rest on their hard couch, which prepared them for the labors and
duties of the coming day.
Lincoln at this time and thus early had his thoughts and purposes fixed
on the study of law, and his course of reading and study tended in that direc
tion. Soon after be entered the store he procured Murray's Grammar, and
from a Justice of the place he borrowed Blackstone's Commentaries. He
devoted his leisure time to the study of those two books, occasionally reading
the histories of the United States, England, Rome and Greece. In his small
collection of books he bad secured the poetical works of Cowper, Gray and
Burns. The writer has pleasant memories of the days and nights spent with
Lincoln in the log store. Our relations at that time Were in some respects
similar. Both at that time had recently left our parental homes to enter upon
tbe duties and responsibilities of life, both had mourned the loss of mothers
in our earlier years, and both had been in a measure reared in the new and
sparsely populated Western States. Those relations, and Lincoln's stu
dious habits, which made the store his abiding place, drew closer the ties
of friendship and attachment from those considerations. Many were the
evenings in which our thoughts and conversation turned to our boyhood days,
and to a recital of tbe incidents and experience of our childhood. Those
reminiscences of Lincoln, the recital of his youthful experience, his pleasures
mingled with his hardships, the filial devotion exhibited, and his love and
tenderness for the memory of bis mother and sister, are treasured up as
pleasant memories.
•The pleasant companionship of Lincoln, his affable, genial, social bearing
towards and with all persons of whatever condition of life at this period of bis
early history, found a generous retum in confidence and respect which was
manifested towards him by bis neighborsjand fellow-citizens on every fitting
occasion. Lincoln made bis home with the family of John Cameron, the owner
of the mills rented by Offutt. He was a minister of the Cumberland Presby
terian Church. The family, father, mother, son and two daughters, who had
arrived at adult years, were exemplary Christians. Mrs.JCameron was an

28 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
excellent woman whose hallowed influences reached out beyond the family
circle, and her motherly kindness and counsels to Lincoln reminded him of
the adTice"and instructions of a dear departed mother, which were guiding
him in the battle of life and leading him on and upward to a noble, useful
life. The facilities and sources of obtaining information and mental improve
ment at that period, in the new and sparsely populated settlements of the
then far West, were few and limited. Libraries, lyceums and public reading
rooms were even in the largest towns not yet established, but few newspapers
and periodicals were then published, and book stores were rare and limited
in their quantity and variety. The St. Louis "Republican" and Louisville
"Journal," weeklies, were then the leading newspapers published in the
West, and their weekly visit to Lincoln were of special interest. The latter
was his favorite, as he was in accord with its politics and had a special relish
for its sparkling wit and humor.
During the Winter that Lincoln was employed in the store, debating
clubs were occasionally held in an unoccupied store-room in the -village, which
he frequently attended, and in which he made his flrst essay in speech making.
These discussions, primitive and simple in their character, in which Lincoln
participated, exhibited the germ of those logical and argumentative powers
¦ of reasoning tor which he was distinguished in his subsequent life. His con
versational and mental powers already indicated that peculiarity bf mind and
thought which was in after life so beautifully illustrated in bis genial good
nature and kind words, which are the precursor of good and noble deeds.
His courteous, pleasant deportment, his ready wit and humorous stories,
made him a favorite with all, and it was a pleasure which he enjoyed, to
observe the respect and esteem in which he was held by those with whom
he was daily forming acquaintance. He had already desires for public recog
nition, and aspirations for political distinction, and he also realized that he
had difficulties and obstacles to overcome in that direction. With a limited
education, without means and influential friends to assist him, he was
impressed with the reality that, in his case, the eminence of popularity and
fame must be reached by his own efforts, industry and perseverence ; and
with a laudable ambition he had the confidence in his resources and abilities
that if properly directed he would succeed. Lincoln's studious habits and
bis close attention to his books and to all the appliances ¦within bis reach,
for advancement, tended to bring him into notice and attraction, and many
were the favorable comments relative to bis present efforts and future success.
Mr. Offutt, the proprietor of the store, in the fervor of his admiration for
Lincoln's advancement and progress, said : " That for Lincoln's opportuni
ties he has no superior in the United States."' The Governor of Indiana, after

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29
meeting and conversing with Lincoln, said to a friend : "That young man
has talent enough in him to make a President." Similar enconiums were
frequently made by those who were familiar with and proper judges ot
Lincoln's habits and nobility of character. These expressions of admiration,
by friends, ot his labors and efforts for success, and in -winning and securing
the esteem and confidence of the people, which came to his knowledge and
notice, strengthened his purposes and gave him zeal and encouragement to
overcome obstacles and master emergencies. Mr. Offutt continued his
business some twelve months at New Salem, under the supervision of Lincoln.
The enterprise in connection with the mills not proving as remunerative as
be expected, he closed his business at that place and left for other fields of
speculation. About the time that Offutt closed his business in New Salem some parties
became interested in steamboating,tor the purpose of running up the Sangamon
river to a point on the river six miles west ot Springfield, the county seat,
and thirty miles above New Salem, believing that the river could be navigated
by steamer several months in the year. Lincoln and the writer now being
out of employment, and believing that New Salem offered good facilities for a
shipping point, in connection with the steamboat enterprise, purchased a large
log building at this point on the river and made preparation before the arrival
of the steamer for a storage, forwarding and commission business. As
was anticipated, in due time the steamer arrived freighted with flour,
groceries and merchandise for traders in the interior. The arrival of the
steamer was an event of great interest to the citizens of the village and adja
cent country, who had assembled in large numbers on the bank of the river
to witness the success of an enterprise which was of importance to the town
and county. The boat landed a part of her cargo at the warehouse and pro
ceeded up the river to its point of destination, where it arrived in safety. The
success of the enterprise now seemed assured. The return of the steamer,
however, was now looked for with much interest and solicitude. If the return
should be successful the enterprise would have succeeded as desired.
On the fourth day the steamer made its appearance on its return in a
ruinous condition. Difficulties in descending the river had been encountered
¦which had not been anticipated and which could not be avoided or
overcome ; the river was found to be rapid, narrow and crooked and diffi
cult of navigation down stream by steamboats. The steamer was continually
running into the banks of the river and into the tops of trees that grew on
and over the banks of the river, and the result was that the cabin and
upper parts of the boat were badly broken and injured. From New Salem
the steamer floated down the river, with long oars on stern and bow to
keep her as near as possible in the middle of the river. After several

30 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
days, with difficulty the steamer reached^Beardstown, badly injured, and the
enterprise was abandoned. The failiire of the steamboat undertaking
carried with it the warehouse enterprise of Lincoln and the writer of these
memoirs, and with this failure was closed the daily business relations for
fifteen months, of Lincoln and the writer. The very pleasant, friendly a,nd
intimate fellowship which had grown up during that period continued during
the life of Lincoln and was" most kindly and fully manifested towards
the writer during the period of President Lincoln's administration.
¦ The failure ot the warehouse enterprise left Lincoln at liberty to respond
to the call of his fellow.citizens, which soon came, calling bim to a different
vocation, which position he accepted and duly honored.
The past fifteen months ot Lincoln's history may not appear to the
casual observer as a period of remarkable or of special interest, but it was
otherwise. He had laid the foundation of his future life. He had made
the first advance, the Jfirst step on that long and toilsome road that led
him onward and upward to that summit of honor and renown which he so
honorably attained. It was at this time he took his stand for freedom, for
the oppressed of every clime and color, for our soil to be ever dedicated to
freedom and to the principles of home protection as advocated by the
great American statesman, Henry Clay. He had chosen the profession of
law. He had read and studied much and had made himself acquainted
with the history of his country and the position and standing of the statesmen
and politicians of the day, and was preparing himself for any step in advance
that might offer. His employment had given him opportunities to make
numerous, and to him, valuable acquaintances, which became warm and
useful friends, whose respect and esteem he ever afterwards enjoyed.

CHAPTER IV.
OUTLINE OF PRINCIPLES AND CHARACTER.
Mr. Lincoln, in the days of his prosperity and popularity, often referred
to his advent into New Salem and his employment as clerk in Offutt's store as
the period in which was laid the foundation of his success in after life. He
came there an entire stranger, without means or influential friends, but
he came with a disposition for usefulness and faithfulness for his employer,
with a heart noble and true and with a determination to improve all oppor
tunities for advancement and progress. The employment seemed favorable
and timely. He would necessarily form an extensive acquaintance, and his
opportunity for appication to study and acquiring knowledge and information
was favorable. While he was attentive to business and to all the interests
of bis employer, he gave his leisure hours to study and to the acquisition of
useful information. In studying Murray's Grammar he often remarked,
"that it was very dry reading, but that he would master the general prin
ciples," which he did; but his correct mastery of the language was acquired
more from reading and writing than from study. From Blackstone's
Commentaries he acquired those moral, legal and political principles
that gave bias to his character and form to his study. The selection
of books for reading and study indicated a mind and judgment rarely
found in one of his age and attainments. It was usual for him,
after reading and studying Murray or Blackstone for two or three hours, to
take up Burns' poems, which he read much and admired greatly. He read
-with that hilarity which usually was so peculiar to him, some of the most
humorous productions of that versatile poet, his favorite selections being
Tom O'Shanter, Address to the Dial, Highland Mary, Bonny Jeane and Dr.
Hornbook. Having a very retentive memory he soon became familiar with
these poems and many others; and his frequent quotations from them
indicated the humorous inclination of his mind in his early life. There were
times, however, when his countenance and actions indicated more serious
thoughts, and memory was busy with incidents of his boyhood days. He
31

32 LIFE AND PUBLIC ' SERVICES
then would read the Cotter's Saturday Night, or Grey's Elegy, or one ot
Cowper' s poems. The reading of the poets was subordinate to his general
studies. He often said that he only read them as a relish or dessert after
taking the more solid and substantial food. At a more advanced period,
when he became engaged in his law studies, those works were laid aside ;
but their contents were retained in his memory, and he often made quotations
from them when an occasion offered.
His close application to l^s books, his studious habits, his desire and
efforts to obtain information relative to the character and principles of the
statesmen and politicians of the country and age, brought him in that respect
into marked distinction and contrast with the people, and he was looked upon
at that time as one who would in the near future make himself distinguished
in the history of the State.
The question has often been asked, and perhaps to some never satisfac
torily answered, what were Lincoln's Christian principles and belief in his
early lite? We are prepared to say that at no period ot Lincoln's lite did he
ever doubt the authenticity, truth and inspiration ot the Holy Bible. Its
sacred truths, which were implanted in his heart by a fond Christian mother,
lost none of their worth or value to him in his youth or mature years. Its
moral precepts were the rule of his conduct, which his life exhibited ^ in
Christian acts and deeds.
Lincoln was naturally secretive and taciturn in all matters in which the
public were not particularly interested, and this peculiarity in regard to his
Christian experience, which was passive, tended to silence and reserve on
that subject. He said on one occasion, " When any church will inscribe over
its altar as its sole qualification for membership, the Sa'vior's condensed state
ment of the substance of both law and gospel: 'Thou shalt love the Lord
thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy strength,
and thy neighbor as thyself,' that church I will join with all my heart and all
my soul." In a preceding chapter reference was made to Lincoln's occasionally
attending a debating club in New Salem. On one occasion a subject was
brought forward for debate in which he took part, which is worthy of note
here, as the question involved unfolded the great and ruling principles of
Lincoln's political life. The question for debate was: " Are the principles
and policy of African slavery so unjust, and the evils thereof of such magni
tude as to make the colonization and emancipation of the enslaved colored
race in the United States necessary and desirable for the welfare of the
American people ? " The subject was suggested by Lincoln, and as it was
known that he would take part in the debate a large number were in attend
ance, both men and women, from the town and country. The occasion

or ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 33
called out the best talent, ministers, doctors and school teachers taking part
in the debate. Lincoln assumed the affirmative of the question. We can
only note some of the principal points in his argument. He first spoke ot
the natural rights of all men — " Lite, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
Those rights were all coequal and inalienable, and no argument or soph
istry could establish ©r prove the right or justice of African slavery. " But,"
said Lincoln, " there is a national and personal view to take of this question.
The object and aim of our Government is and should be to elevate and dignify
free labor, to make the laboring man a peer of any employed in the different
avocations and pursuits of life. We ^ee and know that the effects and results
of slavery are to degrade labor and to make it despicable and to bring it into
contempt. Those of us who came from the slave States know from obser
vation and experience that the condition ot the poor white man there is a
hopeless one, and that by the side of slavery, which brands labor with
degradation and disgrace, the condition ot the poor white laborer and his
family is ¦without hope in the present as well as for the future. Society there
takes the form of an aristocracy instead of an equality, and caste, -which is
inimical to our republican institutions, becomes a fixed and deleterious prin
ciple in our body politic. Nor is this all. Emigration from rather than to
the slave States is the consequence, an absence of enterprise and skill in
the manufacturing and mechanical arts is everywhere apparent, and the
avenues of distinction, honor and preferment are closed except to the few,
and this is the state and condition ot society in the slave States which is
thus fostered and created. Nor are these the worst and saddest features of '
the direful incubus resting upon the glory and prosperity of our country.
Already we see and hear premonitions of danger to our nation and our free
institutions. A spirit of opposition to slavery is abroad in the free States
and is growing, and it requires no prophet to tell the result. This much we
may say here, that it portends the creation of a state of feeling between the
free and the slave States which is fearful to contemplate, and which bodes no
good to our country and to our free institutions. If we remove this disturbing
element by colonization and emancipation, the evils I have stated will vanish
and pass away ; our Union will continue' firm and united and our unsettled
vast public domain will become the homes of a free, happy and prosperous
people." The writer has here briefly given an outline of Lincoln's argument on
that occasion. They are recollections of his notes written in the store even
ings previous to their delivery.
Thus early in his life, before political influences or prospect of place or
power h'ad warped his judgment or corrupted his principles, he clearly enun
ciated the great and fundamental truths which he had resolved to siipport

34 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
and maintain in his future life. This debate, and other questions in which
Lincoln occasionally took a part in the debating club, gave him notoriety
and distinction with the public and prepared the way for an early recogni
tion ot his abilities and principles.
Lincoln's mode ot address on any subject which he desired to enforce or
illustrate was usually ot a plain and unimpassioned character. He reasoned
by comparison and analogy and made his points by apt illustrations and with
that sincerity and earnestness of manner which usually carried conviction to
the minds of his hearers. A current ot humor, which was a peculiar charac
teristic of the man, was often interwoven in his conversation and illustrations
of any subject, and this became more noted in his political speeches and
addresses later in his life.
One of the most pleasant and amiable traits of Lincoln's character was
his modest estimate of his own powers and acquisitions, and this was marked
in his early life. There was an entire absence of self -importance and con
ceit, while truthfulness and the simplicity of childhood were the germs of
that ppwer which gave him success and popularity, and which has no prece
dent" or similitude in the history ot the distinguished men of our country.
Athletic and active, Lincoln occasionally, as opportunity offered and busi
ness and study would permit, joined in the field and out-door sports of
which young men are fond. He participated in these pastimes with zest
and pleasure, and on those occasions his presence was always welcomed with
pleasure by his associates, and in the adjustment of all questions or dis
putes arising in their sports or plays, Lincoln was usually selected as umpire,
and his rulings were given so humorously and kindly that thev seldom failed
to give satisfaction to all. These amusements, however, were only occa
sionally indulged in by Lincoln. They .were never allowed to interfere with
his duties or studies. He had early resolved that his leisure hours must
be chiefly devoted to the acquirement of practical knowledge and useful
information. Naturally of a jovial and merry temperament in his youth, it
"was remarkable that he only, on special occasions, spent any evenings in
social amusements or entertainments, and in this resolution he was immov
able, and no prospect or promise of pleasure could draw him from the hours
devoted to his books and the course and means he had adopted to obtain
practical and useful knowledge. With such interest and devotion did he
employ his time in study and manual labor, denying himself of those
pleasures and amusements that young men usually consider necessary and
essential, that he could truly have said with one of the ancient .sages,
"What others give to public shows and entertainments, to festivities and
amusements, nay, even to mental and bodily rest, I give to study and
.philosophy."^ His physical labors were preparing him for that mental and

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 35
corporal endurance which the severe and important toil that his subse-
qenut life demanded, and his reading and studies were preparing his mind
and forming his principles for the great work which was in the unseen
future before him.
From the life of Washington and the teachings of the Fathers of the
Republic he imbibed those immortal principles which fired his heart to an
honorable emulation and a true patriotism until he had conceived and
obtained that spirit which constituted him a true leader and wise counselor.
The life of the great commoner and statesman, Henry Clay, and his
speeches in Congress, were read and admired by Lincoln, and from the
teachings of that eminent statesman he received his flrst political lessons,
and his political principles he early espoused and flrmly adhered to during
bis life. The science of government and train of thought which he received
from that distinguished ci'vdlian closely identifled him with the interest and
heart of the common ptople, and as' one of them, he understood their
wants and feelings, and early in life he formed and cherished those resolves
and principles which had for their object and aim the enfranchisement of
the oppressed, the elevation of free labor and toil and the amelioration of
the race. i
Thus, day by day, amidst the sturdy pioneers of the great West, was
he preparing and putting on the armor, offensive and defensive, which
coming events rendered appropriate and necessary. One has said, "Lap of
luxury and hours of ease send not forth the arms that move the world ; he
who is drawn aloft by the force of circumstances becomes the .noblest soul
and the mightiest power." The teachings and surroundings of his early
life, with its varied struggles, had made him one ot the laboring classes,
and no elevation in society or office diminished his respect or severed his
connection with the men oi . labor and toil. Closely identified with the
common people, he fully realized the principle which through his lite he ever
maintained, that in our Republican Government, where the people are the
sovereigns, labor should be honored and receive its apropriate reward.
With the yeomanry of the Prairie State, already the great work of Lin
coln's life had began. The simple debate in the debating c\iib, in the log
store in New Salem, indicated the principles and sentiments which, in their
fruition, have made his name immortal, and his country, in prosperity and
grandeur, the most sublime and exalted among the nations of the earth.
In closing this chapter we may note some characteristics of Lincoln which
were apparent^only to his most intimate friends. He was ambitious in the
fullest sense of the word. He desired the respect, the confidence and appro
bation of his fellow citizens. He desired peace, power and preferment above

36 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
his fellows, and for this he had labored, struggled, and had succeeded. In
this he was ambitious, but in all this he sought to promote the interests and
welfare of the people, to secure their respect and regard, and their approval
and commendation of the principles and policy he advocated and entertained.
He was very secretive, cautious and reserved in communicating his desires,
plans and expectations to any one. He seldorq. disclosed his political schemes
or purposes to his most intimate friends — never until in his own mind he had
matured his plans and resolved on their execution. To his fellow citizens he
did not appear as a politician and schemer ; still he was wonderfully full of
politics and policy. To the close observer and student of his administration
there will be found more policy in it than in any preceding administration in
our country's history. We may give a notable incident illustrating this
secretive characteristic ot Lincoln, which occurred during his remarkable
contest with Douglas. During their celebrated debates Lincoln had prepared
some interrogatories which he proposed to present to Douglas. His friends,
on their examination of them, remonstrated. Th^y said: "If you put that
question to him he will perceive that an answer giving practical force and;
effect to the Dred Scott decision in the Territories inevitably loses him the
battle, and he will therefore reply by offering the decision as an abstract
principle, denying its practical application." Lincoln replied : " If he does
that he never can he President." His friends replied : "That is not your
lookout. You are after the Senatorship." Lincoln said: "No, gentlemen,
I am killing larger game. The battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this."
This answer startled his friends, as it was the first intimation they had
that he had thoughts and aspirations for the Presidency.
The answer ot Douglas was as he probably anticipated, and the results
that followed were equal to his most ardent and sanguine expectations.

CHAPTER V.
EARLY MILITARY RECORD — BLACK HAWK WAR.
In 1832 Black Hawk, Chief ot the Sacs and Foxes, with his warriors, in
violation of the treaty made with him at Rock Island, in 1831, returned from
the Territory of Iowa to Illinois, on Rock river, causing much alarm, and
committed many depredations on the inhabitants. The Governor of Illinois
called for volunteers to act in concert with the regular troops, to repel the
invasion. Lincoln, being now out of employment, was one of the first
toenlist in a company that was being raised at New Salem. As soon
as th^ company was filled an election for officers was ordered and held,
and Lincoln was elected Captain of the company, without opposition. '
The volunteers were mounted and were called out for sixty days, and
Lincoln, with his company, was ordered to join the battalion to which it was
attached, at Beardstown, from which point they marched to Rock river, to
join the main army, near Rock Island. On arriving at this point the volun
teers, not waiting for the regular troops, continued their march up Rock
river, forty miles, to Dixon's Ferry. They were joined here by two
battalions of mounted volunteers from Peoria, who had gone into camp the
evening previous on Sycamore creek, twe"nty miles distant, and while in camp
they were surprised and attacked by Black Hawk and his band, and driven
from their camp, with the loss of eleven men. This rout is known in history
as StiUman's defeat. The attack was made between sunset and dark, and was
a complete surprise. The volunteers, having pitched their camp for the night,
were in the act of staking out their horses, and the cooks were preparing sup
per, when the Indians came upon them with their yells and war whoops. The
volunteers took no method in the order of their going — many on horseback
¦without saddles, others on foot — all in disorder and panic stricken. Many
-continued their retreat until they reached the main camp, twenty miles
distant. A council of war was immediately held, and General Whitesides, the
chief in command of the volunteers, ordered an immediate march to the
battle ground, but the savages, anticipating the movement, had left the field, 37

38 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
laden with the spoils of victory, after having enjoyed a hearty supper.
The volunteers of the State ¦went into camp near the battlefield, where
they remained several days, awaiting the arrival of the regular troops.
In the sports and diversions of the camp, the New Salem company soon
became the most noted for its athletic amusements, and Captain Lincoln as
the best story teller and relater ot anecdotes which the corps produced, and
his headquarters soon became famous fot its jollity and genial companion
ship. In a few days the regular troops arrived and joined the volunteers, when
efforts were made to overtake the Indians, but without success. They broke
up into different bands, one of which made an attack on a settlement near
Ottowa, killing fifteen persons and taking captive two young women.
Before the Indians could be found or reached the term of service of the
volunteers expired and they were discharged, and many returned home.
Others remained under a new call. With these was Captain Lincoln, who
bad volunteered for the war, and proposed to remain in the service until the
Indians were subdued. A month of marching and pursuit followed, with no
decisive results. Some fighting occurred near Galena and at Burr Oak
Grove, but the Indians made good their retreat. The Indians at
last were overtaken on the Wisconsin river by a portion of the
lorces under General Henry, and routed, with a loss of sixty-eight killed
and a large number wounded ; and finally, as the main body of the Indians
bad reached the Mississippi river and were in the act of crossing, they were
again overtaken by the troops and the battle of Bad Axe occurred, which
resulted in the uttgr defeat of the Indians, and the capture of Black Hawk
and the most of his warriors.
While the Blackhawk war was barren of any remarkable incidents, or the
establishment of any distinguished military reputations, we may record one
fact, that two of the homeliest and truest men engaged in it became afterwards
commanders in chief of the armies of the Union, and Presidents of the United
States, viz : (Then Colonel) Zachary Taylor and Captain Abraham Lincoln.
During this campaign Lincoln made many valuable acquaintances and
friends; one among the number was John T. Stuart, Major of the Spy
Battalion, afterwards member of Congress. He bore testimony to the great
popularity of Lincoln with the soldiers, because of his care of bis men, of his
good nature and his ability to tell more stories and better ones than any man
in the battalion. One who served under him in the New Salem company
stated that he was a faithful officer, personally interested in the welfare of
his men, prompt in the discharge of his duties ; and this was the unanimous
testimony of the members of his company.

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN., 39
Lincoln returned from his military campaign to New Salem ten days
before the election of members of the Legislature of the State, and was at
once requested to allow his name to be placed on the Whig ticket as a candi
date for the Sangamon District. He was then twenty-three years of age.
The nomination was a surprise to him, and his political principles did not
promise success in the county, largely Democratic at that time. The can
vass, however, showed his popularity in his own township. He received 277
votes out of 284, polled a vote unprecedented in the history of politics, and
although he was defeated in the District it was the only occasion in which he
ever failed in a popular election.
Lincoln was now out of employment, but he could not remain idle. A
merchant of New Salem, wishing to retire from business, offered his stock of
goods to Lincoln on credit. The offer was accepted and the goods purchased,
and Lincoln taking a partner, the business was conducted under the firm of
Lincoln & Berry. The enterprise proved a failure ; the goods were old and
unsalable. Berry, Lincoln's partner, was wild and dissipated in his habits,
and at the end of twelve ftionths the partnership was dissolved, and Lincoln
retired from the business with some valuable experience and a debt which he
said afterwards was as bad as the " national debt," as it took him several
years to liquidate it, which he did to the utmost farthing. While
engaged in merchandising he was appointed by President Jackson
Postmaster at New Salem, an office of no pecuniary value. It was the first
civil office be held, and one that gave him much pleasure, from the oppoi*-
tunity it allowed him of reading the papers and periodicals taken at the office.
The appointment was too trivial to be considered of any political importance.
He received it because of his popularity and his ability to make out the
official returns.
Lincoln had now, by experience, ascertained that he could not succeed
as a merchant. His heart was too full of the milk of human kindness to
refuse credit, even to those that he had reason to believe would never be
able to pay. He had no tact for the collection of store bills, and to com
pel the payment from his friends and neighbors by law — the thought for a
moment could not be entertained. The business of merchant not proving
a success, and the Postofflce yielding no revenue, some other employment
became necessary. The daily wants, food and raiment, must be supplied
and that by his own labor and daily toil. The bread of idleness Lincoln
bad never eaten, and he fully recognized the Divine injunction, " that by
the sweat of his brow his bread must be obtained." In looking for employ
ment it came from a quarter wholly unexpected.
John Calhoun, afterwards of Lecompton notoriety, was at that time
Surveyor of Sangamon county, which embraced the territory now included

40 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
in four counties. The large immigration to the State at that time and the
daily location ot public lands increased largely the labors and duties in
the Surveyor's office, and the Surveyor, in looking for assistance, employed
Lincoln as a deputy, and gave him the territory now embraced in the
county of Mernard, for his field of operations.
This appointment found Lincoln unprepared for the work. He had no
knowledge of surveying, and was but little acquainted with the science upon
which it was based. He procured the proper books and engaged with
earnestness to prepare himself in the shortest possible time for the work on
which he was about to enter. In a short time he made himself acquainted
with the rudiments of the profession and he then purchased a compass and
chain and entered upon his work. His employment procured him food and
raiment, and what to him seemed more desirable, books ; for during the period
he was engaged in this work he was a constant student, and was preparing
himself by obtaining knowledge and information for other fields of labor.
He continued in this employment with success and with such correctness
that the accuracy of his work and surveys has never been called in question,
and he only relinquished his work for the time being, as the people were
about to call him to a more dignified and exalted station.
Three years had now passed since Lincoln had left the enjoyments and
endearments of the parental home, for life's duties and responsibilities. Dur
ing that period he had discharged the duties of flat-boat captain, merchant's
cleik. Captain of Volunteers, Postmaster and surveyor, with fidelity and
ability, with credit to himself and satisfaction to his employers, and had
gained the respect and esteem of all with whom he had become acquainted.
A writer has well said : "No man has ever lived who ^as more a self-
made man than Abraham Lincoln." The same writer says : " Not a circum
stance of his life favored the development which he reached." This latter
statement is hardly correct. Indeed, it may be stated that the circumstances
and surroundings which had attended him for the past three years were
favorable to his aspirations, his hopes and efforts, and to his success in laying
broad and solid the foundations of his future attainments and developments
as. a great and good man. His voyages on the flat-boats to New Orleans,
through tbe slave States, gave him a knowledge and insight into the effects
and influences of slavery which be could not have obtained by reading or
otherwise, and quick to see and discern the evils and results flowing from
that servile instiution, thus early in his mind' were fixed the great injustice
and wrongs of slavery, and broad and deep were laid those true principles of
right and justice which became the prominent features of his future political
life. His official connection with the Black Hawk war brought him in contact

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 41
with, and made him acquainted with many prominent citizens, associated
with the volunteers from different parts ot the State, and those ot his com
mand, gave him notoriety and prominence, which follows favorably all
popular military officers. His occupations as clerk, merchant, Postanaster
and surveyor, gave him access to the people, and a large and extensive
acquaintance in the county in which he resided. Those circumstances,
improved as they were, certainly favored his success in after life.
The immigration to Illinois during this period of Lincoln's life was
•unprecedented in the history of the country. Pioneers from the sunny South,
Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and the Middle and Eastern States, were sending
in great numbers brave men and women to settle the broad and fertile plains
of the Prairie State. Hard)'- sons of toil, with means limited, but buoyant
with hope and expectations for the future, with sterling hearts of iittegrity
filled with kindness and hospitality to all.
• It was a State wonderful in progress, a community grand in its concep
tions for the future, and successful in its labors and aspirations for pre-emi
nence ; a field of promise in which Lincoln, with his labors, desires and
hopes, might well strive for success. He was poor, and his necessities com
pelled him to labor tor his daily bread, among those who considered la^-or
not derogatory nor detrimental to moral worth and to aspirations for a higher
and more perfect character. His personal appearance, rough and homely,
brought in contact with the refined and cultivated, possibly would not have
been appreciated or commanded their respect and regard. He had no
teachers, few books and no learned and intellectual companions, and it
would not have been well had it been otherwise. From the character of his
reading and studies we can see that he was fully qualified to direct and
choose his plans and purposes for the future. His temperament was hopeful,
not buoyant. Faith in himself was sufficient to form purposes, and when
formed to carry them to their final consumation. He was firm and positive
in his convictions of right, and purposes were not made without study and
investigation ; but when matured, no dazzling prospect of place or preferment
moved him from what he believed to be the right.
That at this time he had political aspirations there can be no doubt.
That he had honorable and strong desires for popularity and place in his
growing State is true ; and knowing this we can realize to some extent how
strong were those convictions of right and principle. In a State then largely
Democratic, he took his stand ¦w'ith the minority and steadily adhered to those
principles during his entire life. He did so, belie^ving that those principles
were founded on right and justice, and that in the future they would prevail —
and the result of his political life proved the correctness and wisdom of his
choice.

CHAPTER VI.
CHARACTERISTICS.
The attainments of Lincoln at this early age, and his persistent, patient
labors tor success indicated characteristics marked and peculiar. His habits
of study, his selection of books for study, and his efforts and method to obtain
knowledge and information of the past and present history of his country and
ot the prominent men ot the age, were often subjects of remark by his intimate
friends. Gifted with' a memory remarkable, elastic and retentive, valuable
information and thoughts were treasured up to be used as opportunity and
occasion might require. His method of investigating all questions of a public
or political character, was to give both sides a thorough and critical exami
nation and then form his opinions and conclusions.
Wanting in those personal attractions which are the envy of every circle,
still his pleasant ways, his endearing good nature, his way of telling stories
and anecdotes, gave him access to all ; and whether ¦with the learned or
unlearned, the refined or unrefined, he was always welcomed as one that
made the company or circle complete, and in all places and at all times he
found men and women to love and respect him. This popularity and the
public favor he had attained, were the results of the outward manifestations
ot the purity of his life and the goodness of his heart.
Lincoln, at this period of his life, was not a religious man. He was not
a member of any church, nor did he subscribe to any religious creed, but deep
in his heart and nature was implanted a religious structure which was truly
perfect. He had read and studied the Bible much, in his childhood and
youth. He believed in God, and that His moral and natural laws directed
and contoUed the affairs of men and nations. He believed that he and all
created beings were under His guidance and control. He believed in the
success and final triumph of the right through the providence of God. He
recognized his accountability to his Creator, and sacred relations between his
God and himself in all the purposes ot his lite. The lessons of piety and
trust in the Great Author of his being, early implanted by a Christian mother,
42

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 43
ran through and softened all the experiences of his after life. The great
command, " Love thy neighbor as thyself," was to him a daily sense of duty,
and he made it a rule in his lite " to do unto others as he would have them
do unto him." It was this principle that governed his actions and produced
the grand results of his life. He held in reverence the Christian religion, and
men of earnest piety and true devotion were held hy him in much respect and
esteem. The name of his Creator was only mentioned with reverence ;
habits of dissipation he never acquired in any form ; dissimulation and false
hood to him seemed abhorrent and were never employed. He was precisely
what he appeared, awkward and original, social and genial. He had no
desire for fine dress or apparel, no taste for show or display in any way or
form ; and it was that childlike simplicity, directness and truthfulness which
he cherished in his manhood, which was the secret of his power and success
in public life.
This narrative of Lincoln's studious habits and character, representing
perfect manhood, is written by one who enjoyed his friendship throughout
life and who reveres his memory. It is a mirror in which all may look with
pleasure and profit, and one in which the young men of our country may see
lessons of encouragement, with hopes of success if the example given are
followed with industry and perseverence through life. It was said ot Lincoln
at that time, and said truly: "Lincoln has nothing except perseverence,
popularity and plenty of friends." What could be more essential to success?
A friend of Lincoln, who was a student at the -Jacksonville College, and
whose home was near New Salem, during a vacation brought home with him
Richard Yates and a number of other students, and as they all had heard of
Lincoln they all went up to New Salem to see him. They found him at his
nsual occupation, when not otherwise engaged,- reading. This time it was a
newspaper, and he was laying on his back, outside the store, on the cellar
door. Yates and Lincoln here first formed their acquaintance and were soon
engaged in conversation. The friends listened to the speakers, never giving
thought to the fact that one was to become the war Governor of Illinois and
the other President of the United States.
Two years had now passed since Lincoln was appointed Deputy Surveyor,
and since his failure at an election as a member ot the Legislature. He had
become, during this period, more extensively acquainted with the voters of
his county, and had frequently addressed his fellow-citizens on the political
topics of the day. His style of address was novel, impressive, forcible and
popular with the people, and his future was held by the voters of his county
to be one ot promise.
In 1834 he was again nominated on the Whig ticket for the Legislature.
He made an entire canvass ot the county, which at that period embraced the

44 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
present counties of Sangamon, Mernard, Logan and Christian. Two Senators
and seven members of the lower house, the entire Whig ticket, was elected,
Lincoln receiving the highest vote on the ticket. It was during this canvass
that he became more intimately acquainted -with John T. Stuart, a brother
officer in the Black Hawk war, afterwards a member of Congress. Major
Stuart had during the canvass became warmly attached to Lincoln and
formed an exalted opinion of his abilities ; and pleased with his purposes and
determination to achieve success he advised him to pursue, by every means
and effort, the study ot law. Lincoln informed him that he had made choice
of that profession, but for the want of funds and books he was not making the
progress he desired. Major Stuart was at that time engaged in the profession
of law in Springfield and had an extensive and lucrative practice. He at once
offered to loan Lincoln all the law books he required for his studies, and he
accepted the offer with pleasure.
The canvass in this election was warmly contested. The parties in the
county were closely divided, and although the field was new to Lincoln, he
entered into the canvass with ardor and zeal that promised success. It was
during this canvass that those peculiar characteristics of Lincoln, sociability,
hilarity and companionship, were the more fully exhibited in public, and
which made him so popular with the people. In those early days in Illinois
it was customary tor candidates tor public favor to travel through their
districts and address their fellow citizens in public, and also to call at the
homes and dwellings of their constituents. For this latter mode of canvass
Lincoln was peculiarly gifted. Under all circumstances he made himself
pleasant and agreeable with all persons, with the rich or poor, in the stately
mansion or log cabin. With, or in the first, he was respectful, deferential and
sociable ; in the other he was affable, agreeable and simple. It was in the
family circle, around the fireside, no matter bow humble and lowly, that
Lincoln felt at home. He entered into a conversation with the father and
mother relative to their hopes and prospects in life, the schools, farm, crops,
stock. These, and other farm and family topics, were so pleasantly canvassed
that they were made to feel that they had met a friend — one near as a brother.
Soon the children would claim his attention, and on his knee or around his
person they would be listening to his stories, while the mother would hear
with pleasure that they were fine, beautiful children; that Willie was the
image of his father, and Sarah, the most beautiful one, looked like her
mother, and that she reminded him of a dear sister, a playmate of his youth
ful days. The distribution of some candy and nuts completed the picture.
Those tender and simple interviews ot Lincoln with the families he met came
from the natural impulses of his heart, to create kind feelings and thoughts

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 45
in others, and receive corresponding pleasure in return. Lincoln's experience
in his early life had taught bim that in the family circle, around the hearth
stone, were realized and enjoyed the hopes, the aspirations and pleasures of
our better natures, and that where the triend, the neighbor, or even the
stranger, enters therein and partakes of our cheer and hospitality, and enjoys
and gives out of his own good nature, thoughts, sentiments and feelings, in
unison with our own aspirations and hopes, we feel that we have indeed met
a friend. Herein was Lincoln's forte — ^his great success in securing the respect,
confidence and support of his fellow citizens at the polls. His success in
this direction was an enigma to his fellow candidates. They could not
tmderstandhowhe, homely and unpretending, could so universally secure the
respect and esteem of the women and children. Frequently Lincoln and one
of his opponents in the canvass would meet and spend the night at the same
farm house. Both were greeted with the hospitality then so proverbial in the
Western States. While supper is preparing, instead of repairing to the
house to discuss the politics of the day,'Lincoln proposes a walk over the
farm. The stock is seen, the crops examined, and in all Lincoln takes a
pleasure, which be communicates to his host. Supper being served, the men
repair to the veranda, where the topics of the day are discussed. Soon they
are joined by the mother and children. Now is Lincoln's opportunity. He
calls one of the children to him and relates some of the incidents of his
boyhood days; if a boy, how, with his dogs, he used to hunt the raccoons
and wild cats, and set his traps for the wild turkeys ; if a girl, he relates how,
with his sister, he often went with her to gather in the woods, the wild berries
and flowers ; and then, turning to the mother, he would relate the trials and
hardships of a frontier life in Indiana, and speak of the love and affection of
a dear, departed mother, and his fond recollections of her blessed memory.
This adaptation of Lincoln's nature to obtain and secure the respect and
esteem of all classes of men and women, was the secret of his popularity
and success. It was not superficial or assumed, but it was the natural feel
ings and impulses of his heart. He loved the farm and the farmers, because
on the farm be was raised. He loved the children because he was child-like
in manner and feelings. He loved the mothers because he had in remem
brance the love and affection of a mother, and still retained the hallowed
infiuences and fondness for a mother's tender instruction and regard.
The canvass having closed, and the election having been held, Lincoln
returned to his work of surveying. When the labors of the day were ended
the study of his. books was resumed. He was able now to procure the law
books he required, and, in the interval from labor, he applied himself closely
and diligently to his law studies. When the period arrived for the meeting

46 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
of the Legislature,- Lincoln Jaid aside his compass and law books and walked
one hundred miles to Vandalia, the capital of the State.
Lincoln was now twenty-five years of age. He, and J. K. Dubois, member
from the same county, were the two youngest members of the House. He was
assigned by the Speaker to the Committee on Public Expenditures and
Accounts, and occasionally, during the session, took part in the debates. He
was noticed for bis retiring modesty and demeanor; always ready, however,
to assume responsibilities and labors when necessary ; but his services were
never offered or pressed unless he was satisfied that they were desired or
would be accepted. The State was new, and, although rapidly settling up,
was as yet imperfectly developed, and tbe duties of the members were more
of work than talk. Lincoln was always at the post of duty, prompt and faith
ful to advance the interests and wishes of his constituents and in the dis
charge ot all his duties. When the session closed he walked home and
resumed his surveying and study of law.
At this period a sorrowful and affecting incident occurred in Lincoln's
history. Some time previous to his first election to the Legislature, Lincoln
had formed an affectionate and ardent attachment for a young lady. Miss
Anna R., of New Salem, member of a family highly honored and respected.
She was pleasing in her manners, address and appearance, accomplished and
intelligent, home-like in her tastes and disposition, and would have made
Lincoln a suitable, agreeable and pleasant companion for life. Their attach
ment was mutual. Their union was deterred for a time until Lincoln could
provide a home suitable for the wife of his choice. His election to the
Legislature, and future prospects, held out the hope that soon their fondest
desires would be realized. The present, to them, was happiness — the future
full of hope and promise. Soon after Lincoln's return from the Legislature
MissR., his affianced, was taken seriously ill. Her disease soon took the
form of quick consumption, and in a few days, after all that could be done by
physicians, parents, lover, brother and friends, she quietly passed away, as a
flower smitten by the untimely frost. To one of Lincoln's temperament,
confiding, ardent and endearing, this severe and irreparable affliction came
with all the bitterness and hopelessness which follows the sudden destruction
of our most cherished hopes and anticipations. Following this sad bereave
ment came those seasons of sorrow and depression of spirits which had been
observed frequently since the death of his mother and sister, and which now
seemed to be augmented, and which followed him several years of his life.
In those sad and mournful manifestations of an overruling Providence, was
exhibited a lovely trait in Lincoln's character — his intense and devoted love.

CHAPTER VII.
ELECTION TO THE LEGISLATURE — EARLY ANTI-SLAVEKY RECORD.
In 1836 Lincoln was again nominated and elected to the Legislature.
This canvass throughout the State was warmly contested by both parties, and
resulted in the success of the Whig ticket in Lincoln's district, and in tbe
election of a Legislature whose members have never been excelled for ability,
and the prominence they afterwards attained on tbe pages of their State's
history. The members from Sangamon county, two Senators and seven
members of the Lower House, were so remarkable for their altitude, that they
were called "the long nine" — no one of the members was less than six feet
in height, and Lincoln was the tallest of the number, and before the close of
session he became the tallest in influence and popularity.
Of the members associated with Lincoln in this Legislature may be
mentioned: James Semple, James Shields, Stephen A. Douglas, W. A.
Richardson, afterwards United States Senators ; John A. McClanard, Robt.
Smith, John Hogan, J. J. Harden and John T. Stewart, since members of
Congress ; J. R. Dubois, Ninnian Edwards, Newton Cloud, John Moore, Wm.
McMurtry, W. F. Linder, and others since distinguished in the history of their
State. That Lincoln thus early in life and Legislative experience, and with
"the most talented and ablest men of his State, should have attained so prom
inent a position in the Legislature, shows a remarkable evidence of ability
and popularity.
Tbe State during the two previous years had increased rapidly in popula
tion and prosperity. Many questions of legislation were ably debated and
acted upon, one of which was the adoption of a general system of internal
improvements for the State at large, and one was the removal of the capital
of tbe State from Vandalia to Springfield. The friends of tbe fitrst measure
could not succeed without the aid and votes of the members from Sangamon
•county, and they refused to support the first measure unless the removal of
the capital was made a part of the proposed measure. The labors and in-

48 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
fluence of Lincoln in effecting the removal of the capital by connecting it
with the first measure, gave him much credit as a legislator, and for himself
as well as |or the other members from bis county, it was considered by their
constituents as a master stroke of policy, and added much to their reputation
and popularity. This session of the Legislature was also noted as being the
period when Stephen A. Douglas first made his entry into public life. He was
a Democratic member from Morgan county, the youngest member of the
House, twenty-three years ot age, and at once took his stand as a leader of
the Democratic party. Lincoln and Douglas here first met as the leading
representatives of different political parties. Here, during this session, they
commenced that political and intellectual discussion of policy and principle
which outlined the road to political preferment and renown which each pro
posed to pursue, not anticipating the struggle in which they were to engage
in after years, which was to lead one, after years of political labor and toil,
to hopes and anticipations unrealized and prostrated, and the other to the
realization of his loftiest desires and aspirations for fame and renown.
At this period and proceeding, the larger portion of tbe immigration to
Illinois, was from the border slave states. The question of the rights of the
slave-holders, as they claimed them, had never up to this time been agitated
or disputed. The prevailing sentiment of the people was in favor of slavery,
or in favor of the claims of the slave-holders, as they held their legal and
constitutional rights. The Democratic party was unanimously pro-slavery,
and the anti-slavery sentiment among the Whigs was very weak and ot no
practical political force. The Abolitionists were despised by the Democrats
and disowned by the Whigs. Both parties were strong in their professed
regard for the constitution, and claimed before the public that the constitution
protected the institution of African slavery in all its different phases as
claimed by the slave-holders.
At this period, however, the agitation ot the question of slavery in the -
Eastern States by the Abolitionists, was beginning to excite interest and
inquiry in the public mind in the Western States, and as the avowed
principles of the Abolition party were then so unpopular in the West', the
Democrats, having a large majority in the Legislature, introduced in that
body, resolutions of a strong pro-slavery character, for political effect, and for
the purpose ot affixing the stigma of Abolitionism on all who would not
endorse them. The principle embraced in the resolutions offered by the
Democrats, was that Congress had no power under or by the constitution to
regulate or interfere with the institution of slavery in the States, Territories
or District ot Columbia. No united effort was made against the adoption

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLIN. 49
of the resolutions by the Whigs-. Quite a number, however, looking to the
partisan design in their introduction, voted against their passage. Two mem
bers of the Whig party were willing to express, in a more formal manner,
their opposition to the resolutions. Abraham Lincoln and Dan Stone, mem
bers from Sangamon county offered a protest against the resolutions, and
had entered upon the journals of the House their reasons for refusing to vote
for the passage of said resolutions. The protest was: "That while the Con
gress of the United States has no power; under the constitution, to interfere
with the institution of slavery in the several States, and that while the pro
mulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate the evils
thereof, still the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad
policy, and that Congress has the power under the constitution to abolish
slavery in the District ot Columbia at any time ; but this power should be
exercised only at the request of the people of the District.'' By this moderate
protest we may have some idea of the resolutions that occasioned their utter
ance. That only two members of the Whig party signed this protest shows
the low grade of the anti-slave sentindent in the State at that period. The
protest made no reference to the power and authority of Congress to legislate
on the subject in the Territories ; it was seen, however, at once, that the same
power that could legislate on the subjeet for the District could also for the
Territories. Here Lincoln took occasion, on the first opportunity in public
life, to make his first anti-slavery record. Moderate and guarded as it was in
sentiment, his views and opinion on this great and growing question were
here fully expressed, and he never afterwards became more strong in his
sentiments than the principles ot this protest indicated and affirmed.
Lincoln had formed his principles on this subject in unison with the policy
and action of the fathers of the republic. Their resolutions declaring that
all the territory of the United States not embraced in the thirteen original
states at that time should ever be free territory, was to bim self evident that
those resolutions intended to restrain the further extension of slavery and
to confine it for all time to come within the limits it then occupied ; and these
principles being in full accord with his own sentiments, be thus early in his
political life gave utterance to those great truths which later came to be
acknowledged by the American people as true and correct — that Congress had
full power to regulate, restrain and prohibit slavery in all territory in and
nnder the jurisdiction of the United States. This humane protest for truth
and justice, presented and spread upon the journals of the House ot Repre
sentatives ot Illinois, in 1836, was the outline, the principle and the platform
upon which he stood and fought the great battle with Douglas, for freedom in
the territories, and which principles and sentiments in a later day called
Lincoln to the highest office in the gift of the American people, and gathered

50 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
at his call a million of freemen for the support and defence of tbe principles
then and there enunciated.
We may, to some extent, imagine, at this late day, the scene on that
occasion. Lincoln arising in his place, bis countenance indicating firmness
and pleasantry, asking the House the privilege of having his protest spread
upon the journal, Douglas, in his seat, with countenance indicating disdain
and contempt for the principles contained in the protest, not apprehending or
realizing that in after years the last grand struggle for place and power— the
highest in the gift of the American people— was to be fought on this issue, the
germ of which was now being planted and which was to grow, until under the
leadership of the unsophisticated youth now before bim, those eternal princi
ples of right and justice would prevail ; and thatin this, his last grand struggle,
his efforts, his hopes and aspirations for success, elevation and power would
fail, vanish and disappear as the morning dew before the rising sun.
The student ot the political history of our government for the present
century will find in Lincoln's protest a subject fruitful for thought and
reflection. The Democratic party of his State, in their eagerness to promote
.the success of their political aspirations introduced their resolutions which
were antagonistic to the ordinance of 1787, and subversive of the power and
authority ot the government of the United States. The long supremacy ot
the slave power and the Democratic party had made them arrogant and pre
sumptions in the declarations ot their principles and policy, and in the person
of their champion, the " Little Giant," was the battle against freedom to be
waged in favor of slavery. Lincoln, on this occasion, was quick to respond
for freedom, and his protest against the Democratic resolutions and in favor
of the power of Congress to legislate for freedom was a resuscitation of the
principles and policy of the fathers of the republic, as exhibited in their
ordinance of 1787, for the prohibition of slavery in the territories. This may
be said to have been the commencement of the great work of Lincoln's life;
for, from this time forth, he was recognized as the champion of free soil and
free labor, and marching onward with the people in the great national contest,
he led them on to ¦victory. The results of this have been commensurate with
the interests involved, and the consequences have been the triumph of
righteousness and justice, and the dawn, the fullness of a happy and
reunited people.

CHAPTER VIII.
LOCATION AT STATE CAPITAL — ^ADMITTANCE TO THE BAR.
Lincoln had been admitted to tbe bar in 1836, and during this session of
the Legislature, his friend, John J. Stuart, made a proposition to him to
become liis partner in the practice of law, which he accepted, and after the
session closed, in April, 1837, he left New Salem and removed to Springfield,
which ever after was his home. His law practice, to this time, had mainly
been in Justice's Courts. He bad also attended a few sessions of the higher
courts held in his ¦vicinity, and had gained a thorough knowledge of the
practical forms and legal applications of processes of law. He is now about
to enter upon a more exteiisive and laborious field of labor. The ties and
associations of the past six years are, in a measure, to be sundered. Friends,
faithful and true, who had shown and manifested a deep interest in his
welfare and success, and whose aid and influence had done much to advance
and forward him in his efforts for distinction and preferment, were to be left,
but not forgotten. Subsequent visits to his old home proved the constancy of
his friendship and affection. On his arrival at Springfield, he became a
member in the family of William Butler, who was afterwards Treasurer of
the State. The social and influential standing and surroundings of Mr.
Butler's family were such that the influences, happily for Lincoln, were of
the most lucrative and desirable character. Lincoln's labors and influence
in the Legislature, in the transfer of the State capital to Springfield, from
Vandalia, had given him a favorable introduction to the citizens, and his
arrival was greeted with a warmth and welcome that was most gratifying to
his aspirations and feelings. He was now about to enter into a professional
vocation, to encounter in the race and struggle for place and eminence in his
profession a number of master spirits, who have since made a bright record
on the pages of their State's history. There was Douglas, Baker, Shields,
Browning, Harden,- Logan, Yates, Davis, Linden, Richardson, and others,
who were now entered into the field as competitors in the race for professional
preferment and political honors. 51

52 LIFE AND PUBLIC SEBVIOGS-
Soon after his removal to Springfield he was called to a special session of
the Legislature, and his partner. Major Stuart, in ,the following September,
was elected to Congress, and took his seat at the ensuing session, which
necessarily closed their partnership. This connection had been one of
advantage to Lincoln. It was an endorsement of his abilities, and gave him
valuable assistance in his entry on his professional and political career. The
citizens of Springfield, and county, having grateful recollections of his former
services, would not allow him to pursue his professional labors without inter
ruption. In 1838 his name was placed upon the legislative Whig ticket, and
he was again elected. The membership of this Legislature was nearly
equally divided between the two parties, the Democracy having a small
majority. The sacred right'of petition had been, by a Democratic Congress,
denied and voted down. The industries and trade of the country had been
prostrated by the crash and failure of the State bank system, and the people
held, iu a measure, the Democratic party responsible. These causes, and
the rapid settlement of the northern portion of the State by emigrants from
New England and the Middle States, had wrought a great change in the
strength of the political parties in the State. Lincoln, at this time, and at
this session, was regarded and recognized as the leading member of the Whig
party, and was nominated as their candidate for Speaker of the House, and
was defeated by one vote. He took a prominent part in all the discussions
and debates of a national importance. Many of the debates were of a
political character, designed to haye their influence and effect on the next
Presidential election, and particularly on the politics of the State. Reference
has been made in the preceding chapter to Lincoln's peculiarities, relative to
his surprising faculty and original ingenuity of telling anecdotes, always
applicable and illustrating the event or subject then under consideration. It
would seem that he had a story for every subject. Some event had occurred
previously that would illustrate any matter he had under consideration, and
it was really wonderful, that for every event in his life and history some law of
association suggested some story which seemed to clothe itself in a form
applicable to the event and occasion. Those who have heard him relate
those humorous sayings have enjoyed them as being the most amusing and
wittiest ot their kind. The elements ot wit and humor always pleased him,
and whenever he found anything ludicrous, humorous or witty, he could not
resist the inclination to use it, whatever the incident might be with which it
was associated. Anything that was morally beautiful touched him deeply,
and he was as equally sensitive to all that was grand, heroic and ludicrous in
life. His stories and anecdotes were varied by the associations that called
them forth ; sometimes with a moral point, or elucidating some great truth or

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53
proposition, and at other times with a point, humorous and ludicrous. An
incident of the latter cla^s [occurred during the session of this Legislature.
A member from Wabash county found something unconstitutional in almost
every measare proposed and brought forward for discussion and adoption.
He was a member of the Judiciary Committee, and after giving his objections
to the measure, would generally move its reference to said committee. He
finally became such a nuisance in that way that the members resolved that
some method must be devised to silence him and abate the evil, and Lincoln
was resorted to in order to effect this desirable object. An opportunity soon
offered. A measure was introduced in which Lincoln's constituents were
directly interested, when the member from Wabash arose and urged all his
eloquence against its unconstitutional points, as he held them. Lincoln then
arose, his grey eyes sparkling Jwith mirth, and his features indicating some
thing racy and humorous. He|said: "Mr. Speaker — The attack of the
member from Wabash on the constitutionality of the measure before the
House reminds me of an incident that occurred with an old triend ot mine
down in Coles county. He was a peculiar old fellow, with heavy eyebrows,
and a pair of spectacles always under them." A personal description was
here at once recognized. " One morning, just after the old man got up, he
imagined, on opening the door, that he saw a rather lively squirrel on a tree
near his house, so he took down his rifle and fired at the squirrel, but the
squirrel paid no attention to the shot. He loaded and fired again and again,
until the thirteenth shot. He sat down his rifle impatiently and said to his
boy, who was looking on, ' Dick, there is something wrong with this rifle.'
' The rifle is all right, I know it is; but where is your squirrel?' said Dick.
'Don't you see him humped up about half way up that tree ?' asked the old
man, peering over his spectacles, getting quite mystified. ' No, I don't see
bim,' said Dick, and then turning and looking in his father's face he ex
claimed, 'Oh, pshaw ! I see your squirrel now ; you have been firing all this
time at a louse on your eyebrow.' "
Lincoln resumed his seat without further remarks. The member from
Wabash had been watching Lincoln with eager interest as his story pro
ceeded, and at the close his eyes fell and his countenance indicated a fatal
shot. The members were convulsed with merriment and laughter and the
House was not further troubled with constitutional objections by the member
from Wabash. Lincoln probably wrote this anecdote from an incident which
the readers of Burns will recollect.
After tbe adjournment of the legislature, Lincoln returned to Springfield,
intending to devote his time exclusively to the duties of his profession. The
State was di-vided into judicial districts, comprising several- counties in each,
and holding court in the different counties, was called by the judge and

54 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
lawyers "riding the circuit." Some twelve weeks would be required to
complete a circuit, which was repeated twice a year. It was at the capital of
the State and on the circuits that Lincoln soon made a reputation that placed
bim among the most eminent lawyers of the State. His success may be
mainly attributed to the following principles and method of business which
he invariably pursued and practiced. If he was consulted in a case he carefully
examined the main grounds for action ; if he considered they were sufficient
be at once took tbe case and prosecuted it with diligence to tbe end ; if he
thought his client had not a good case he always advised the applicant not to
prosecute, telling him frankly that his case was not a good one, and that he
was not willing to take the case, as he did not think be could succeed. When
ever he was employed, he made himself acquainted with all the points both
for and against his client. Especially would he fully examine every point
that could be made against his case by his opponent. He so fully made him
self master of his case that his reputation for success soon became so general
that the people soon regarded him as having no superior. In the first years
of his professional life he was not regarded as deeply versed in the funda
mental principles of law by his professional friends, still by them he was
regarded as a remarkable advocate. All admitted that before a jury he had
no superior. In presenting a case to a jury he always fairly presented both
sides. The great struggle of his powers as an advocate was perfect clearness
of statement, a fair open exhibition of both sides ot the case and the power
and skill to fasten on the common mind his chain of argument and logic, and
conduct the same to the result ot his own conclusions. He had the faculty of
bringing every juror to feel that his statement of the case was an absolute aid
to him in forming a correct and impartial verdict.
The fundamental principles of Lincoln's profession had required years of
study and deep thought before he became well versed in the intricacies ot the i
law ; but the success he early attained was by his thorough knowledge and
familiarity with his fellows — grown up with the people, and being one of the
people in the common walks ot life, he was qualified and could generally form
a correct analysis of the capacity and thoughts of the men who composed the
jury before whom his case was to be tried, and his arguments were addressed
to them more in the cause of right and justice than ot law, and his efforts
were not so much to impress on the jury his own convictions as to lead them
by his illustrations and deductions to the same conclusions that his argument
indicated. This " riding of the circuit," broiight Lincoln in contact with the
people that assembled at the county seats on these occasions, and his good
nature, his pleasant, odd ways, and his amusing anecdotes and stories always

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55
gathered around him a crowd of admirers. Those pleasant exhibitions of
Lincoln's good feelings and familiarity with the people made him dis
tinguished, popular and loved by all. A pleasing trait in his character was
his regard and kind recollections of the old friends and companions of his
earlier days. Frequently he would leave the village hotel after the day's
labor in the courtroom and spend the evenings with them, and where it was
possible, would stop with them during the court term. Nor did he in pros
perity forget his relations who were poor and in humble circumstances in
life. Whenever he could, he visited them, and when in their presence or at
their homes no evidence of his elevation and his superiority in his condition
of life was ever assumed or made perceptible.
A pleasing incident, in harmony with Lincoln's character, occurred on one
of those trips on his circuit from Bloomington to Springfield, giving a pleasing
and delightful insight into bis kindness of heart. He called to stay over
night with the writer, as was usual on this route. It was observed as he
alighted from his buggy on his arrival, that his pantaloons were much soiled,
and the remark was made: "Lincoln," (the usual address in those days)
"you have found some mud on your travels to-day? " His reply was, " I
will tell you about that after supper." Seated on the porch after supper,
Lincoln says : " Charles, you recollect the slough this side of Funck's Grove,
with the deep holes ? In passing there this afternoon 1 saw in the distance a
flock of sheep, and on the banks of one of the water-holes was a sheep, a
mother, in deep distress. On riding up and looking down in the hole I saw
a little lamb in the mire. As there was more mud than water, I saw at once
that it could not get out itself. I felt a strong desire to liberate the little
fellow, but I was in a quandary. I had bought this new suit of clothes at Bloom
ington, and I looked at the lamb and then at my new suit ot clothes. I saw
-with pain the fruitless attempts of the lamb to get out, and the frantic appeals
of the mother for the relief of her offspring. I thought I could not spoil my
clothes in going down in the hole, and finally I concluded to go on and leave
the little fellow to his fate. After going on some distance I felt so bad that I
turned about and resolved to go back and get the sufferer out ; so I went back
and hitched my horse to the fence and took some rails off the fence and fixed
them so I got down in the bottom of the hole and got the little fellow out safely.
The mother seemed as well pleased as the lamb, and they ran off together,
and looking back seeming to say, we are much obliged to you. After riding
some time, with feelings much relieved, the thought occurred to me, what was
the motive that induced me to return — was it to relieve the sufferer or to
relieve my own feelings? What do you think of it, Charles?" I replied,
"The question will admit of thought, but in this case, as I presume in all
similar cases, whatever the motive, the object was and will be obtained — the
relief of the mind as well as the sufferer."

CHAPTER IX.
MARRIAGE, AND ELECTION TO CONGRESS.
Soon after the election of John T. Stuart to Congress, in 1840, Lincoln's
partnership with him in their law business was dissolved, and he entered into
business associations with Stephen J. Logan, one of the most eminent and
learned lawyers in the State. He entered into this new relation intending to
devote his time exclusively to the duties ot his profession, but the citizens of
his county again demanded his services in the councils of the State.
He was again nominated for the Legislature in 1840, and elected by a
large majority.
His name had been placed on the Whig ticket as one of the Presidential
electors in 1836, and again he was called to head the electorial ticket in 1840.
He took an active part in that exciting canvass, and his addresses for the
hero ot Tippecanoe at the great Log Cabin and Hard Cider Convention at
Springfield, and others held in the State, are still remembered by those who
heard them. As the Democratic majority was so large in the State that it
could not entirely be overcome, he bad the pleasure of rejoicing in the success
of his candidate and the party to which he was warmly devoted.
At the meeting of the Legislature he was again nominated by the Whig
members for Speaker of the House, and received more than the strength of
his party, but the Democratic party being still largely in the majority, he was
defeated. This session closed Lincoln's connection with the Legislature, as a
member. He was afterwards frequently solicited by the people to represent
them again, but he could not, as his professional business required his whole
time and attention.
During this year, 1841, an incident occurred in Lincoln's history, one which
was at variance with his life, and certainly not in unison with his principles
and feelings. A sarcastic poetical phillipic appeared in the Sangamore Journal,
published in Springfield, edited by Simon Francis, under the signature of
"Aunt Becky." The poem was intended as a caricature, and made such
allusions to James Shields, a young lawyer of Springfield, and since United
56

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67
States Senator, that there could be no mistake in its ajiplication. Nature had
been favorable to Shields in granting to him, at his youthful age, self-esteem,
ostentation and a self-estimation of power and influence over the fair sex,
which said in deeds as well as in words, that he could lead the hearts of the
ladies captive at his will. This arrogant presumption, "Aunt Becky," treated
not lightly. The poem in Springfield, where Shields was so well known, was
a subject of much mirth and comment, and certainly held the person alluded
to, in much ridicule and unpleasant gossip. There was not anything in the
publication reflecting upon or derogatory to Shields' character, still, to one of
high chivalric pretentions and self-importance and pride of self and person, it
deeply wounded sensitive feelings.
Shields was haughty and impulsive, and, instead ot treating the affair with
Bilence and contempt, he at once proceeded t6 the office of the editor and
demanded the author's name. Francis, who in proportions reminded on'e of
" Falstaff," and he possessed in an eminent degree the combative principles
of that noted personage, requested time to consult with the writer, and one
day was given. Francis was now in a dilemma ; the matter seemed to him to
be assuming a serious phase ; he could not tor a moment think ot assuming
the responsibility, and to give the lady's name would be unpleasant. He
thought of Lincoln and called on him for counsel.
" Oh," said Lincoln, " if Shields calls again for the writer's name tell him
that I assume the responsibility." The writer of the poem was one ot his
intimate friends, and probably at this time a more tender relation existed,
and without doubt Lincoln had seen the offensive article before it was pub
lished. He hardly expected that Shields, on so frivolous a matter, would press
it to a duel. He had reason to believe that he would possibly receive a chal
lenge, and he also intended to accept the same, if presented.
On the following day Shields called on Francis and was informed that A.
Lincoln held himself responsible for the publication of the poem. The result
was that Lincoln at once received a challenge from Shields, through his friend
Col. R., and was at once referred to Lincoln'sfriend, Col. B. It may be stated
that there were outside influences that had a bearing in this matter. Shields
was a prominent member of the Democratic party. Lincoln was a rapidly
rising leader in the Whig party. An exciting canvass had just closed in which
Lincoln was successful, and the article being published in a Whig paper, and
Shields believing that Lincoln waa acquainted with the contents of the article
before its publication, his sensitive feeling could only be healed by resort to
the code of honor, as held by men of like character. The rules of the code
gave Lincoln choice of weapons, and he selected broadswords for the encounter,
and he proceeded to take lessons in the art of self-defence, under the instruc
tions of E. H. M., a teacher in that branch of the military art.

58 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
The place of meeting selected was on an island in the Mississippi river
opposite Alton, neutral ground between Illinois and Missouri. The meeting
took place according to arrangement, the principals being accompanied by
their seconds — Lincoln by Col. B. and Shields by Col. R. and Surgeon, Dr. E.
H. M. Other parties, friends of the principals, made their appearance on the
ground, determined that on no suchfrivolous grounds should a duel take place ;.
the challenge had been sent without any conditions — no opportunity given
whereby Lincoln could explain or give satisfaction to Shields' wounded honor.
Lincoln now stated that if the challenge was withdrawn for the time being he
would make his statement or explanations to their mutual friends, but that he
could not and would not until the challenge was.withdrawn. To this Shields'
friends could not well object, and the challenge was withdrawn, and then
Lincoln made his explanations as to the objects designed in the offensive
publication, to the friends of both parties, which were considered satisfactory
and honorable to both, and thus the difficulty was amicably adjusted. An
incident occurred at tbe place of meeting which showed Lincoln's peculiarity
and how little of dignity and decorum he exhibited on the occasion. While
the friends of the parties were visibly engaged in arranging the preliminaries
of the duel and endeavoring to bring if to a peaceful solution. Shields was
standing with arms folded, a countenance stern, firm and majestic, awaiting
the result of the deliberations, while Lincoln, with his broadsword, was
engaged in cutting down the weeds and grass that obstructed a free move
ment of person about the ground selected for the encounter. The contrast
in the bearing and demeanor of the principals caused a smile on the coun
tenances of the friends of the parties which, taken with the surroundings,
indicated a scene of the ludicrous and comical. The affair being amicably
arranged the parties with their friends returned to Springfield. This incident,
which bas been frequently mentioned and alluded to by the press in all
sections of the Union, was regarded in tbe cominunity in which Lincoln lived
as a silly, foolish affair, excusable on his part as he had championed the cause
of a lady, and therefore, in the excitements of Lincoln's political life it was so
regarded. That Lincoln held in his heart no antipathy against Shields was
in later years made evident when Shields was appointed by Lincoln to a high
command in the armies of the Republic.
At this period, 1842, Lincoln and E. D. Baker, of Springfield, and J. J.
Hardin, of Jacksonville, were candidates before the Whig Convention for
nomination for Congress. Referring to this Convention, Lincoln wrote to a
friend : " We had a meeting of the Whigs of the county here on Monday last
to appoint delegates to a District Convention, and Baker beat me and got
the delegation instructed to go for him. The meeting, in spite of my attempt?

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN.. ' 59
to decline it, appointed me one of the delegates, so that in getting Baker the
nomination I shall be fixed a good deal like a fellow who is made groomsman
to the man who has 'cut him out' and is marrying his own dear gal."
Hardin was nominated by the convention, and elected.
On the second day of November, 1842, Lincoln married Miss Mary Todd,
daughter of Hon. Robert S. Todd ot Lexington, Kentucky. Miss Todd had
visited several years in Springfield, Illinois, previous to her marriage, with
ner married sisters, Mrs. N. W. Edwards and Mrs. Dr. Wallace. She was a
lady of a pleasant and affectionate disposition, fond of gaiety and the social
amusements of the day — tastes and temperments in many respects different
from Lincoln. The union, however, proved to be a pleasant and happy one .
Home to Lincoln had many pleasant and sacred memories. It was to him a
home of rest and domestic happiness where he laid aside the labors and duties
¦ of his profession, and in the bosom of bis family, and with his children, spent
his happiest hours. Lincoln, now for two years, was actively engaged in his
professional duties and in the enjoyment of his new domestic life, the time
thus passed away until the great political contest of 1844.
Lincoln, early in life, read the biography and speeches of Henry Clay,
and espoused with all the ardor of his youthful enthusiasm the principles
advocated by that eminent statesman in the councils of the nation ; and he
labored with his accustomed energy and zeal for the success of Mr. Clay's
political aspirations. His name was placed at the bead of the Presidential
ticket as an elector. He entered into the canvass with his accustomed energy
and canvassed the entire state, and visited Indiana and delivered there
several addresses in favor of his chieftain. The result of this strongly con
tested canvass was a sad disappointment to Lincoln. While it had rendered
his great hero a hopeless man politically, the canvass had given Lincoln a
prominence much higher than he had heretofore attained. His canvass had
given credit and strength to the Whig party and made him a reputation as one
of the most effective and powerful political speakers in the country. His
speeches on and in favor of the protective system, of duties which was a promi
nent issue in the campaign, were clear and powerful, and their subsequent
adoption as the national policy proved the correctness of his views in those
addresses, which are still remembered for the clearness of their arguments
tand soundness of their logic. In the result of this election Lincoln was not
only disappointed but disgusted. In contrasting the political principles and
great superior abilities of Clay over his successful competitor, he had his
misgivings as to the capacity of the people for self governmeiit. The result
seemed to bim, reasoning from bis political standpoint, that the people had
made a serious mistake in the choice of their rulers, and their decision was

60 • LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
antagonistic to true political principles, and to the correct and true policy -
which should direct and control the national government ; and, in the heat of
his disappointment, he declared to his friends that he would, for the future,
discard politics and attend to his own business, and devote his time to the
duties ot his profession. But his ambition and friends did not allow him long
to be influenced by this formal declaration. In 1846 the friends of Mr. Clay
requested him to deliver an address at Lexington, Kentucky, in favor of
gradual emancipation. The sentiment and views of Lincoln were in unison
with those of Mr. Clay in reference to slavery in the several states. Both
held that it was a question of local legislation, and that the evil should he
abated by gradual emancipation and. colonization. Lincoln had never seen
the eminent statesman, and was desirous to hear his address on that occasion.
He accordingly arranged his business and left Springfleld and arrived at Lexing
ton in time to attend the meeting. After the address was delivered, Lincoln .
was introduced to Mr. Clay, who invited bim to visit Ashland. This gave
much pleasure to Lincoln ; he had heard him on the rostrum, and from the
private visit and interview he anticipated much gratification. He found Mr,
Clay at home very hospitable, polished in his manners and bearing, but
evincing a superiority and pre-eminence that could not be misunderstood..!
He was evidently kind and affable, but it was in that patronizing, liberal
way which creates unpleasant feelings in a sensitive mind. On his returning
home it was at once apparent to Lincoln's friends that he had been somewhat|
disappointed in his expectations of Mr. Clay. Tbe address delivered was
written, and was wanting the pathos and eloquence that Lincoln expected.
It was soon observed that his visit to Ashland had modified in a degree his
enthusiastic admiration of the "mill boy of the slashes," and that Mr. Clay;
as a man, possessed tbe fallibility and weakness common to all men.
In 1846 Lincoln was nominated by the Whig party for Congress, in the
Sangamon district. Having received the nomination he laid aside his law
(books and devoted the intervening period before the election to a complete
and exhaustive canvass of bis district. His opponent, on the Democratic ^
ticket, was the Rev. Peter Cartwright, an old pioneer and leading Minister
and Elder in the Methodist Church. The popularity of Lincoln was unbounded ;
bis majority was fifteen hundred and eleven, the largest ever received before
by any Whig candidate in that district. This remarkable majority was larger
than that of General Taylor in 1848, when a much larger vote was polled, and>
was another evidence of Lincoln's popularity, and of the trust and confidence
reposed in bim by the people.

CHAPTER X.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
On the 6th of December, 1847, Lincoln took his seat in the Thirtieth
Congress. His experience derived from four sessions in the Legislature of his
state prepared bim well for his congressional duties. He had made himself
fully acquainted with national policy and legislation. To the former, in his
enthusiastic canvass for Mr. Clay, he had devoted his most laborious efforts,
and understood well the great questions which at that period divided the
parties and people. He being the only Whig member from Illinois gave him
influence and prominence in the House of Representatives. It was at this
session that Stephen A. Douglas first took his seat in the United States
Senate. Lincoln and Douglas had first met as representatives of their respec
tive parties in the Illinois Legislature. Douglas, having with him the support
of the large Democratic majority, had the more rapidly advanced in the political
race ; it seemed somewhat remarkable that the two leading men of their
respective parties in their state should be brought together and kept so closely
in contact until events still in embroyo should bring them out before their own
state and country as champions of antagonistic principles and politics which
were momentous in their issues and grand in their results, and which, even at
that time, had began to agitate and divide the American people.
On the meeting of Congress, the President of the United States, James K.
Polk, was anxious to justify tbe war which he had declared against Mexico,
and place in a favorable light his action before the American people. In
his message to Congress of December 7, 1847, he said that, " The Mexican
Government had, under wholly unjustifiable pretexts to, involved the two
countries in war by invading the territory of Texas, and shedding the blood
of our citizens on our soil." Lincoln took issue with this statement of the
President, by a set of resolutions he introduced in the House, which were
called "the spot resolutions," taking the ground, that the first blood that
was shed was on tbe Rio Grande ; if not on Mexican territory, at least it was
on disputed territory — territory over which the Texan Government had never,
61

62 LIFE AND PUBLIC SER-VICES
previous to annexation, exercised any jurisdiction. The resolutions were
introduced on the 22d of December. They found no favor or advocates with
the Democratic party, and being laid over under the rules, they were not
afterwards called up ; but they formed the basis of a speech delivered by
Lincoln on the 12th of January in which all the points in the resolution were
fully discussed and treated. The resolutions called upon the President, by a
series of satirical, and yet serious questions, to indicate or fix the spot where
the first blood was spilled. The speech was fully characteristic of the speaker,
simple, direct and clear as tp the question at issue, and was considered the
most effective against the administration on the subject delivered during the
session. Texas having been annexed to the United States, and in tbe interest
ot the slave states, and the war undertaken in the same interest, and for the
acquisition of territory for the extension ot slavery, it is worthy of remark
here, that on all questions arising out of this war the Southern members of
the Whig party acted and voted with the Whigs of the free States. Rober^
Toombs, A. H. Stephens, Thomas B. King, and others, made their record as
against the war.
On the flrst of June the National Whig Convention met at Philadelphia
to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. Lincoln was one of the members
ot that Convention, representing Illinois. The Convention being governed in
the selection of a candidate, not so much for ability as availability, selected
General Taylor. The war had made General Taylor a hero ; his victories,
and the simplicity and modesty of his dispatches had created an enthusiasm
for him in the rank and file of both parties. Taylor and Cass having been.
nominated tor the Presidency, the session of Congress was continued until
August. After the nominations were made, much of the time of tbe members
was occupied in making campaign speeches. On the 20th of July Lincoln ,
obtained the floor and delivered a speech reviewing the points at issue between
the two parties. This speech, viewed in the light of a campaign address, was
sharp, telling and unsparing, and in revealing the weak points in one candi
date and marking the strong points in the other, it could not be excelled'
The friends of General Cass were endeavoring to give bim a military reputa
tion, as he had been near Hull's surrender in 1812. On this occasion,
Lincoln's remarks relative to General Cass' claims for military honors were
intended to be humorous and sarcastic. " By the way, Mr. Speaker," said
Lincoln, " do you know that I am a military hero ? Yes, sir ; in the days of
the Black Hawk war I fought, bled and come away. Speaking of General
Cass's career reminds me of my own. I was not at StiUman's defeat, but I
was about as near it as Cass was to Hull's surrender, and, like him, I saw the
place afterwards. It is quite certain I did not break my sword, for I had none
to break, but I bent my musket pretty badly on one occasion. If General

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63
Cass went in advance of me in picking whortleberries, I guess I surpassed bim
in charges on wild onions. If he saw any live, fighting Indians it was more
than I did, but I had a good many bloody struggles with mosquitoes ; and,
although I never fainted from the loss of blood, I can say truly*that I was
often hungry, and I hope, if I ever should turn Democrat and be taken up by
that party as a candidate for the Presidency, they will not make fun of me by
trying to make me a military hero."
The first session of the Thirtieth Congress came to a close in August,
and the members returned to their homes to prosecute and complete the cam.
paign which had been commenced at Washington. Lincoln had discharged
bis duties conscientiously and faithfully. He found, however, on his return
home, that bis action on the questions connected with the Mexican war had
not generally pleased his constituents. The anti-war sentiment was not as
strong in tbe West as in the East, and the people had, in a measure, endorsed
the sentiment uttered before his regiment by Colonel Baker, previous to taking
up their march for Mexico, "My country, right or wrong." The war was
popular in tbe West, as the enthusiasm for General Taylor fully demonstrated.
Lincoln, although opposed to the war, believing it to be unnecessary and
unconstitutional, voted for all the men and supplies that were required.
After the close of the session of Congress he visited New England and
delivered a number of campaign speeches, and then returned home and
entered with ardor into the canvass for General Taylor, and continued until
the day of tbe election, and then rejoiced for the success of his candidate and
the national triumph of the party for whose prosperity and success he had so
long and faithfully labored.
In this political canvass the Whigs were charged by their opponents with
inconsistency. They had selected as their standard bearer a man whose
reputation had been made by the successful prosecution of a war which they
had opposed. General Taylor had been nominated because he was a military
hero, not for any natural or acquired fitness for the Presidency. The war had
pro^vided an instrument whereby tbe Whigs might acquire power and success,
and they were not slow to seize it.
Lincoln, writing from Washington to a friend, a prominent political
member of tbe Whig party, said in his letter: "In law, it is good policy
never to plead what you need not, lest you oblige yourself to prove what you
cannot. The application I mean to make of this rule is, that you should go
for General Taylor, because you can take some Democrats and lose no Whigs ;
but if you go for some other one because he was in favor of the war and the
mode of prosecuting it, you will still take some Democrats, but you lose more
TVhigs, so that, in the sum of the operation, you will be the loser. This is

64 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
my opinion, and, if you look around, I doubt if you do not discover such to
be the fact among your own neighbors."
Soon after the close of the canvass Lincoln left bis home to take his seat
in the second session of this Congress, which was comparatively a quiet one-
The war with Mexico had been brought to a close by the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo. The Whigs had elected General Taylor, and the national pulse
had resumed its wonted tenor. Lincoln, during this session, left on record
more fully his anti-slavery sentiments. He voted, as be often said, forty
times for the Wilmot proviso. He stood flrmly on the right of petition to
Congress, and did as much in opposition to the extension of slavery as oppor
tunity offered, and as his conceived notions of constitutional obligations would
allow him to do. Early in the session, Gott, a member from New York, intrc
duced a resolution instructing the Committee on the District of Columbia to.
report a bill prohibiting the slave trade in the District. This resolution
appearing to take measures impolitic and that could not succeed in the House,
Lincoln voted against its adoption. He, however, on the sixteenth day of
January, introduced a substitute for this resolution. It provided that no
person not within the district, and no person thereafter born within the dis
trict, should be held to slavery within the district at the will of their master
who could claim their full value at the hands of the government, and that the
act itself should be subject to approval of the voters of the district. The
above are the prominent features of the bill. It failed to pass, owing to oppo
sition from members of the slave states. There have been those who have
believed and held that Lincoln did not regard slaves as property under the
constitution, and have quoted his statements made during his contest with
Douglas, in which he denied the statement made by the Supreme Court in
the Dred Scott decision, that " the right of property in slaves is distinctly and
expressly in the constitution." He held that there was a great difference
between a distinct and express affirmation and a tacit recognition ot property of
slaves as the constitution implied. His anti-slavery sentiments, as expressed,
and record as implied in the bill he introduced in Congress, with his treatment
of the slave question during the rebellion, establishes the fact beyond contro
versy that he regarded slaves as property under the constitution. His
sentiments and feelings were that slavery was morally and unjustly wrong,
and his humanity and regard for that which was morally right and just in
that direction, was held and moved by his obligations to the constitution and
laws as he understood them.
The fourth of March closed Lincoln's congressional term and labors. His
victories hereafter were to be achieved in a different and larger field. After
the close of his congressional term, his friends endeavored to secure his

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 65
appointment as Commissioner of the General Land Office, but the effort
failed. On returning to bis home in Springfield, he found that his professional
business bad suffered materially during bis congressional term. He at once
entered with energy upon the duties of his profession, and prosecuted them
successfully until 1854, giving less attention to state and national politics
than he had during any period of bis previous political life. He was called
to stand in 1852 as an elector on the Scott electorial ticket. He made but
few speeches during this canvass. He thought the selection of the Whig
standard bearer not a fortunate one, and not having confidence in its success,
he did not allow the contest to draw him away from his professional duties.
He had made his record in Congress on the slavery question, voting for the
Wilmot proviso on every occasion, and had introduced a bill tor the payment
to those owners of slaves liberated in the District ot Columbia. The sentiment
of the people of the West at that time was not fully up to the standard indi
cated by Lincoln's record on the slavery question, but each succeeding wave
of public opinion indicated an increasing sentiment in that direction. Lincoln,
during those years of which he was engaged in his professional business,
was a close observer of and not indifferent to the national events then in
progress. On the 9th of September, 1850, California was admitted into the Union.
The State was formed from territory wrested from Mexico, by which the
South expected to extend the area of their peculiar institution, the leaders in
the South realizing the fact that their political power was surely departing
from them, and they were earger and zealous in their efforts and expedients
to retain it. To satisfy the South, concessions were exacted from the free
states called the compromise measures of 1850. This concession to the
slave powers was not even satisfactory to the South. The political leaders
of that section were not content with the mutual agreement, and could not see"
in them the security they desired, and the free states saw that the intention
and results of the compromise measures would be to force slavery into the free
territories, and they could only see in them abasement and humiliation. The
people, however, desired quiet and peace. They had become weary of the
endless agitation, and accepted the action of the two national conventions,
which, in 1852, adopted these measures, as they trusted they would be a
final settlement of the differences between the two sections of the Union.
These concessions to the slave power and interest, were not satisfactory to
Lincoln, and he bad no confidence that they would secure the desired
results. His study of national politics and his knowledge of the leading men
and measures, had satisfied bim that the last slave state had been admitted
into the Union, and that the time was not remote when the principles of free

66 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
soil and free labor were to become the great leading political issues and
questions that would divide the national parties, and that in this contest of
the people for principle, right, justice and freedom, would prevail.
The period intervening between 1850 and 1854, was a season of professional
prosperity and of domestic happiness to Lincoln. With an affectionate and
agreeable companion, their home had been blessed with children, and they
were to him a source of pleasure and enjoyment rarely if ever excelled, and
when from the labors and anxieties of his professional and political duties he
returned to the family circle he found rest and happiness which was pure and
unalloyed. Lincoln bad four children, all sons, Robert, Edward, (who died in
infancy), William, who died in Washington during the President's adminis
tration, and Thomas, since deceased. Robert, the eldest, now the only
survivor, is a prominent lawyer of Chicago, and is at present a member of
President Arthur's Cabinet, holding the honorable position of Secretary of War.
The home endearments and enjoyments of Lincoln's boyhood days were
renewed in his own family circle, and the honored and filial relations of
husband and wife, parents and children, were happily blended in love and
affection. Lincoln's home feelings were notably expressed by him on his
receipt of a telegram announcing his nomination for President by the Chicago
convention. He looked at it silently, while his friends around him shouted
in triumph. He said in his own peculiar way, " There is a little woman
down at our house who would like to hear this ; I'll go down and tell her."
He was anxious to be the first to communicate the happy tidings.

CHAPTER XI.
KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL — SENATORIAL ELECTION.
The historical events of 1854, were remarkable in their inception and in
their extraordinary results upon the final settlement of the slavery question.
Not'withstanding the passage of the compromise measures, the discussion of
the slavery question in Congress was began and continued. This inflamed
and excited the public mind, and which was destined to continue, until the
institution was destroyed. The pledges of peace and harmony which bad
been given, seem to have been disregarded and unheeded. The abrogation
of the Missouri compromise of 1820 was affected, and a bill organizing the
territories of Kansas and Nebraska was enacted, which left them free to
choose whether they would have slavery as an institution or not. The
admission of California had given preponderance to the free states. To regain
that power, and force slavery upon those territories was evidently the design
and object of the slave interest in the enactment of the bill.
Judge Douglas was the author of what was termed the Kansas-Nebraska
Bill — a bill which he based upon what he was pleased to call popular
sovereignty. This, opening up to the admission of slavery, territory which
by the compromise of 1820 was set apart for free territory, aroused the
popular feeling to a degree which had never before been exhibited. Men
who in good faith had acquiesced in the compromise measures, felt that they
had been overreached and foully wronged. This movement in the slave
interest aroused Lincoln to the reality, as he then believed, that there was to
be no final settlement until either freedom or slavery should triumph. He
regarded the institution as the fathers of the republic regarded it. As
Washington did, wben, as President of tbe United States, he approved and
signed an Act of Congress, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the
Northwestern territory, and a year later when he wrote to Lafayette, saying
" That he considered the prohibition a wise measure, and expressing the hope
that we should some time have a union of free states." This new doctrine
that slavery was right and was entitled to the same consideration as freedom,
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68 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
and that it was claiming national recognition and protection everywhere,
awakened and aroused Lincoln's indignation and resistence, and this soon
became the popular sentiment and feeling in all the free states. Senator
Douglas had seen the approach of the political commotion in the distance,
and in his desire to satisfy his friends in the North and propitiate the South,
he brought forward his Kansas-Nebraska Bill, hoping to outride the storm
under the delusion, as it proved to be, of popular sovereignty. Senator
Douglas was fairly entitled to the credit of being an acute politician, but here
he soon found that he had made a great mistake, even with the members of
his own party. It was to be the conflict of the age, and on its issue between
Lincoln and Douglas, was to be fought the battle of giants, not fqr popular
sovereignty, but tor and against freedom. We do Senator Douglas no
injustice to say that at this time he saw the White House in the distance, and
that he was trimming his sails for a voyage in that direction, and that
Lincoln had in his vision a seat in the United States Senate. Both were to
be disappointed in their expectations. Senator Douglas, before he left'
AVashington, bad heard the mutterings of the storm in the distance, but he
was illy prepared for his reception in his own state. He arrived in Chicago
the first of September, and in bis first attempt after the passage of his bill to
address his constituents, he was refused a hearing. We can imagine how
great and universal was the opposition to the principles of his bill, when the
Democracy of Chicago refused to hear their great champion and leader in
defence of it. However, the first demonstration ot political displeasure soon
passed away, and the city which refused to hear the exposition and defence
of his policy, now honors his dust and points with pride to his monument as
that of a great leader of a party long in the ascendency in the state. After
leaving Chicago he addressed the people in several of the principal towns,
but the feeling of the people was such that his speeches affected the public
mind but little. In October he arrived in Springfield, on the occasion of the
State Fair. A large number of representative men from all parts of the
State had come together for consultation on the impending political crisis.
The chief interest of the occasion was in a discussion between Lincoln and
Douglas. Judge Douglas had long been in public life. His speeches in
the Senate on the repeal of the Missouri compromise and the Kansas-
Nebraska Bill had given him a national reputation. He was the recognized
leader of his party in his own state. His experience in debate, his great
ability, his ambition and strong will, and his untiring industry, made him a
most formidable antagonist. He entered into a defence of his policy with the
bearing of a man who was determined not to be defeated. That he made an
able defence on this occasion was acknowledged by all. On the succeeduig

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 69
day Lincoln replied. The Sangamon Journal and the Chicago Press and
Tribune said it was a masterly effort. The Kansas-Nebraska bill was the
subject, and his exposition of its fallacies was declared to be unanswerable
and overwhelmning. The following passage is given as being worthy of note
for its effect on his audience : " My distinguished triend says it is an insult
to the emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to suppose they are not able to
govern themselves. We must not slur over an argument of this kind
because it happened to tickle the ear. It must be met and answered. I
admit that the emigrant to Kansas and Nebraska is competent to govern
himself, but," the speaker said, rising to his full bight, "I deny his right to
govern any other person without that person's consent." This was the
whole difference and matter between him and Douglas, and the people so
understood it.
The next meeting between the champions took place at Peoria shortly
afterwards. The speeches made here were reported. In this instance Lin
coln's triumph was more complete than' at Springfield. It was evident that
Judge Douglas had become conscious that he was not invulnerable. He
had e^vidence of Lincoln's power over the people, and did not manifest his
usual confidence in the principle he had espoused. It may be here remarked
that Lincoln in his political speeches never resorted to the tricks of stump
speakers. The real questions at issue occupied his entire attention. He
never endeavored to raise a false issue or evade a real one. If he told a
¦ story it was not to amuse his audience, but to illustrate his argument. He
was always in earnest and closely argumentative. Here, as at Springfield,
Lincoln occupied more than three hours in the delivery of his speech. One
passage will suffice to illustrate both. Judge Douglas argued that the people
of Illinois had no interest in the question of slavery in the 'Territories, that it
only concerned the people of the Territories. This was in accordance with
his own feelings when be declared that he did not care whether slavery was
" voted up or voted down " in Kansas. Lincoln opposed this on the broad
ground of humanity and the terms of the Declaration of Independence, but to
bring the argument more directly home, and to show his audience and the
people of Illinois that they had a practical interest in the question of slavery
in the Territories, be said: "By the Constitution each State has two Sen
ators ; each has a number of Representatives in proportion to the number of
its people ; but in ascertaining the number of the people for this purpose five
slaves are counted as equal to three whites. The slaves do not vote ; they
are only counted and so used as to swell the influence of the white man's
vote. To show the comparison we will take the States of Maine and South
Carolina. Both States are equally represented in the Congress of the United
States. Now bow.are they in tbe number of their white people ? Maine has

70 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
581,813, while South Carolina has 274,567. Maine has twice tbe number
that South Carolina has and 32,679 over. Then the influence ot each white
man in South Carolina is more than double that of any man in Maine. This
is all because South Carolina has, besides her white people, 387,984 slaves.
The South Carolinan has precisely the same advantage over us, as well as
over every white man in every free State. This principle in the aggregate
gives the slave States in the present Congress twenty additional Representa
tives, being seven more than the majority by which they passed the Nebraska
bill. I do not mention it to complain of it in so far as it is already settled.
It is in the Constitution, and I do not, for that cause or any other cause, pro
pose to alter or destroy or disregard the Constitution. I stand by it fairly,
fully and flrmly. But when I am told that I must leave it altogether to others
to say whether new partners are to be bred up and brought into the firm on
the same degrading terms against me, I must respectfully demur. I insist
that whether I shall be a whole man or the half of one, or less, in comparison
with others, is a question in which I am somewhat concerned, and one which
no other man can have a sacred right of deciding for me."
Lincoln would have been gratified to have continued those discussions
with Douglas in other parts of the State. There was a revolution in public
opinion evidently in progress. An election for the members of the State
Legislature was near at hand. The friends of Douglas had called him from
Washington to defend his course in the National Legislature and his Nebraskj,,
bill, before tbe people. He had come and endeavored to turn and stay the
current of revolution, but had signally failed. He now saw that it would not
be prudent to continue the contest. He had been engaged in a heavy skirm
ish and had bee* worsted. He felt like retiring and preparing for the decisive
battle which was yet to come. It is certain after the close of the debates a
conference between Lincoln and Douglas was held and of the result there
have been various reports. Whatever it was, Douglas returned to Washington '
and Lincoln continued to address the people in different parts of the State.
The excitement attending the election of members of the Legislature at
this time was without a parallel in tbe State. Owing very materially to
Lincoln's efforts, for the flrst time since the Democratic party was first organ
ized, the Legislature of Illinois was in tbe hands of the opposition. Three
tickets were in the fleld— Democratic, Anti-Nebraska and Whig. The interest
attending this election continued until the meeting of the Legislature.
There were two antagonistic elements or interests to be harmonized in order
to succeed or beat the nominee of the Democrats, who still held to Judge
Douglas as their leader. The Anti-Nebraska Democrats would not unite in
caucus with the Whigs, and three candidates for United States Senator were

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 71
nominated by the respective parties. Lincoln was the nominee of the Whigs,
Lyman Trumbull of the Anti- Nebraska Democrats and General James Shields,
the then incumbent, of the Douglas Democrats. On joint ballot the Demo
crats had forty-four votes, the Whigs, forty-five votes and the Anti-Nebraska
men, ten votes. In^the Senatorial Convention on the first ballot General
Shields received forty-one votes, Lincoln, forty-five votes, scattering
thirteen votes. The balloting was continued until the sixth ballot was taken,
without materially changing the votes. On the seventh ballot the Democrats
dropped Shields and placed in nomination Governor Mattison, who received
forty-four votes, Lincoln, thirty-eight votes, Trumbull, nine votes, scattering
thirteen votes. On the tenth ballot, Lincoln having withdrawn his name,
Trumbull received fifty-one votes and Mattison forty-seven votes. Here was
seen the magnanimity and devotion of Lincoln to principle. That he was desir
ous and ambitious for the honors of this high office there can be no question.
He saw, however, on the selection by the Democrats of Governor Mattison
as their candidate, who bad not committed himself on the great question, that
there was a possibility of his election. He urged his friends to leave him
and go for Trumbull. With reluctance they yielded to his entreaties, and the
result was the astonishment of the Democrats, who did not believe that the
opposition could unite. To a friend of bis in the Legislature, who was
strongly opposed to voting for Trumbull, Lincoln said: "I think the indi
cations now are that unless the Whigs unite on Trumbull, Mattison will be
elected, and this, if possible, we should prevent. In voting for Trumbull the
Whigs sacrifice no principle. Trumbull is with us on the great principle
we have been contending for, and if the Whigs unite on him, we shall secure
the Anti-Nebraska vote, which is more important to us than the election of a
Whig Senator which now is, I think, not possible. The non-extension of
slavery is to be the great party question in our next State and national elec
tion, and we should take every legitimate measure to secure friends and
strength for our party and principles, and it seems to me that we can do
much in that direction by the election of Trumbull." Lincoln had no reason
to regret his personal sacrifice, for, as he predicted, the opposition soon
united, and he was selected as their standard bearer.

CHAPTER XII.
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
At this period, 1854, politics in Illinois, as well as in all the free States,
was in a chaotic state. Whigs, native American and Anti-Nebraska Demor .
crats composed the opposition to the Democracy. Lincoln waa still a Whig,
but he had become convinced from passing events that the organization
was in a state of disruption ; the interest of slavery had severed it forever
from the southern portion that had made it a powerful national party.
On the vote to repeal the Missouri compromise, the Southern Whigs had
united and voted with the Democrats, and this union created two sectional
parties  tbe opposition to the extension of slavery was sectional and the party
that formed this opposition, however broad its views might be, was neces
sarily sectional. Lincoln was not slow to perceive that this unity of the South
in favor of the extension of slavery with and in tbe name of the Democratic
party, would unite all opposed to those measures in one great party, and that
the time for its organization was at hand. A convention, had been called to
meet at Bloomingtan, May 29, 1856. Here, with Lincoln's assistance, the
Republican party of Illinois was organized, a State ticket nominated and a
delegation appointed to the National Republican Convention to assemble at
Philadelphia on tbe 17th of June. Lincoln was now an active member of a
party whose avowed purpose'it was to resist the extension of slavery in the
Territories, and confine it to the States where it only held its rights under the
Constitution. He made a speech on this occasion which was of marked
power and eloquence. A writer says: "Never was an audience more
electrified by human eloquence. Again and again during the progress of its
delivery the audience sprang to their feet and upon benches and testified by .
long continued shouts and the waving of hats how feelingly the speaker had
wrought upon their minds and hearts." Lincoln was now regarded, not only
by tbe Republicans of Illinois, but by all tbe Western States, as the first man
in tbe party. His name was presented to the National Convention as their
candidate for Vice-President. On tbe informal ballot he received 110 votes
72

OF .^.BRAHAM LINCOLN. 10
to 259 for Dayton. The vote was a complimentary one, and was Lincoln's first
formal introduction to the nation.
Lincoln engaged with his usual earnestness and energy in public addresses
during the campaign for Fremont and Dayton, the Republican nominees, and
had the satisfaction, after a heated and spirited contest, to find a notable
change in the politics of his State. Col. W. H. Bissell, nominated in oppo
sition to the Democratic candidate, was elected Governor by a large majority.
Lincoln's readiness in turning a political point was fully illustrated by him
during this campaign while making a speech in Coles county. A voice in the
crowd called out : " Mr. Lincoln, is it true that you entered this State driving
an ox team barefooted ? " Lincolnpaused a moment as if considering whether
he should notice such cool impertinence, and then said: " I think I could
prove that fact bv at least a dozen men in this crowd, any one of whom is far
more respectable than my questioner." The question seemed to inspire him,
and he proceeded to state what free institutions had done for himself, and to
show the evils of slavery to the poor struggling white man wherever it existed,
and then asked if it was not natural that he should hate slavery and speak
against it. " Yes," said he, " We will speak for freedom and against slavery as
long as the constitution of our country guarantees free speech — until every
where on this wide land, the sun shall shine and the rain shall fall, and the
wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil." From this
time, it may be said, that Lincoln was, to the close of his lite, engaged in
political affairs. He now only occasionally, in the line of his profession, took
charge of important cases in the higher courts.
Soon after the inauguration of President Buchanan, Senator Douglas was
invited to deliver a speech at Springfleld, Illinois. In that speech the Senator
exhibited the progress be had made in his principles and his departure from
the fundamental tenets of the fathers of the republic, by announcing that the
signers of the Declaration of Independence, when they asserted " that all
men are created equal," only meant to say, "that British subjects on this
continent were equal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain."
Lincoln was invited by many of the citizens to reply and he did so. After
giving in his ingenious manner the absurdity and the ridiculous interpretation
of that sacred instrument, he then said he would give his opinion as to what
the framers of the declaration meant. It was statedjin such a liberal and
' catholic spirit that the following extract will be admired and appreciated.
He said : "I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include
all men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal in all respects.
They did not mean to say all men were equal in color, size, intellect, moral
development or social capacity. They deflned with tolerable distinctness

74 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
in what respect they did consider all men equal — equal in certain 'inalienable
rights,' among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. They
said this and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious
untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they
were about to conter such a boon. In fact, they bad no power to confer that
equality. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enjoyment of
it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. They meant to set
up a standard maxim for free society which should be familiar to all and be.
revered by all, constantly looking to, constantly laboring for and even
though never perfectly attained, constantly approximating and thereby con
stantly spreading, deepening in its influence and augmenting the happiness
and value of life to all people of all colors everywhere."
The purposes and intention of making Kansas a slave State, which Lin
coln had foreseen and foretold, was now in full progress. Under the Kansas-
Nebraska bill a pro-slavery Legislature was elected, mostly by non-residents.
The free-soil men, who numbered three-fourths of the population, refused tb
participate on account of the illegality of the election. This Legislature met
at Lecompton and passed an Act providing for the election of delegates to a
convention to form a State Constitution. In the election of the members to
this convention the free-soil men took no part, on the ground that the Legis
lature which ordered it had no legal authority. Only 2,000 votes were polled,
whereas the legal voters in the Territory were not less than 10,000. The
convention met and a pro-slavery constitution was formed. The history of
its fate will be incidentally mentioned in a succeeding chapter. The great
struggle for freedom and the non-extension of slavery was now approaching
and near at hand, and here may properly be stated the political standing and
connections which Lincoln and Douglas sustained and supported in this great
national contest.
The Senatorial term of Douglas was now about to terminate, and he
desired that his senatorial afttion should be indorsed and approved by the
people of his State, and he be returned again to the Senate. But events in
Kansas had taken a course he had not anticipated or desired. The burden of
the pro-slavery constitution was pressing heavily on his shoulders, and he at
flrst endeavored to shift the load on the Republican party. In this attempt,
in a speech delivered at Springfield, speaking of Kansas, he said: "The
law under which the delegates to the convention are now about to be elected^"
is fair and just in its provisions, and if any portion of tbe inhabitants acting
under the ad^vice of political leaders shall absent themselves from the polls,
on that party must rest the responsibility." By these words, Douglas was
fully committed to whatever might be the action and conclusions of the con-

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 75
vention. He had freely and voluntarily ^iven the slave power what it had
not asked for in the Kansas-Nebraska bill ; he had offered and given the
slave power the privilege and opportunity of making slave States out of terri
tory set apart for freedom, if it could ; and now the people were about to
hold him responsible for the offspring of his own creation. In his desire to
conciliate and please the slave power, he had divided his own party in his
own State, and he was not slow to observe that his own political success in
the future was in danger. He was soon assured that he could not place the
burden of the Kansas obloquy upon the Republicans, and that his only pros
pect of re-election to the Senate required him to take issue with the Demo
cratic administration in this case and assume the championship of the anti-
Lecompton party.
As the most notable and important period in Lincoln's history was his
contest with Douglas for a seat in the United States Senate in 1858, and for
the Presidency in 1860, it may be proper here to say something further
in reference to Douglas himself :
His career in his adopted State as a political aspirant had been one of
remarkable success. He had from his first entry into public life acquired the
confidence and support of his party, and long had he been honored and recog
nized as its leader, and had secured the power and influence second to none
in his State. In the Senate and national councils he had achieved a national
reputation of which he might well be proud. On all important questions of
national significance he wielded a force and influence excelled by none ; he
had labored for and done much in promoting and advancing the interests and
prosperity of his adopted State ; to the material interests of and to the success,
advancement and preservation of tbe power of his party he was fully com
mitted and devoted, and his party had always given him its entire confidence
and support. The national reputation that Douglas had secured and achieved
encouraged his friends to present bis name as a candidate for the Presidency
in the Democratic Convention in 1852; in that convention he received ninety-
two votes. In the Democratic Convention of 1856 he was again a candidate,
receiving 122 votes out of 296, and the nomination of Buchanan was only
effected by Douglas requesting his friends to withdraw his name from the
contest. These popular manifestations of favor had inspired Douglas with
the hope that in 1860 he would be the nominee of the Democratic party for
President. His Kansas-Nebraska bill was intended by him as a popular
measure for effect in that direction ; it was a bid for the votes of the South,
and the doctrine of popular sovereignty was intended to make the pro^visions
of the bill acceptable to the Democracy of the free States. The success

76 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Douglas had not been unnoticed by Lincoln ; he had admiration for his tact,
and respect for his power with the people.
In one of Lincoln's original manuscripts, speaking of Douglas as Senator,
be said: " I effect no contempt for the high eminence he has reached— so
reached that the oppressed of my species might have shared with the
elevation. I would rather stand on that eminence than wear the richest
crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." Noble words, worthy of him
who exemplified and uttered them.
The adoption of the Lecompton constitution by the pro-slavery vote in
Kansas had dispelled the illusion of popular sovereignty in the free States, as it
was fully demonstrated that it was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas.
At this time the administration at Washington had committed itself in favor
of the Lecompton constitution, and no apparent opposition was manifested
against it by the leaders of the Democratic party. Before Douglas left Illinois
for Washington it was said that he would not support the administration in its
approval of the Lecompton constitution, nor are we prepared to say that
Douglas was not actuated by the best ot motives in this resolution. To
oppose that constitution was not inconsistent with bis doctrine of popular
sovereignty when taken by itself, for it was clear and certain that this consti
tution was not the act and deed of the citizens of Kansas. It is proper here to
remark that Douglas saw now clearly that he could not carry the Lecompton
constitution through the senatorial contest in his State, then impending, and
he saw also that his opposition to the Lecompton fraud would take from the
- Republican party some of its best capital and lessen the efforts of the oppo
sition to defeat him. On taking his seat in the Senate on his arrival at the
national capital, Douglas startled many of his Democratic friends by taking
bis stand against the administration on the Lecompton question. In oppo
sition to that slavery constitution he labored and voted with the Republicans.
It was a stand — a step not often taken by politicians ; it lost him the sup
port of tbe South in his Presidential aspirations, and it was his only salvation
in his senatorial aspiration in his own State. It was a bold step, and we may
not say that it was not a patriotic one, but taken in all its connections, it waa
a remarkable one. He it was who, by his Kansas-Nebraska bill, had opened
this free territory to this outrage, and he was now about to, by his own
action and efforts, strangle his own legitimate offspring at its christening.
In the final vote in the Senate, Douglas, with three other Democrats, voted
against the Lecompton constitution, and in the House twenty Democrats
voted the same way ; the votes defeated the measure. Douglas, in his action
on this measure and against the administration was endorsed by most all the
Democrats of his own State, and the administration, in its efforts to defeat

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77
him in his senatorial canvass was only able to carry a small faction against
him. This stand taken by Douglas, while he lost the support of a few adminis
tration adherents in his own State, rendered him so popular with the Repub
licans in the eastern States that many of them not knowing the causes and
motives by which he was actuated, desired and recommended that the Repub
lican party of Illinois should aid in returning him to the United States
Senate. While this act of Douglas led the Republicans of Illinois to feel grate
ful for his aid in defeating this iniquitous measure, they well knew that his
course was moved in that direction not by any love he had for the Republican
party. Douglas was only at variance with the administration on a point of
difference as to what was the act and deed of the citizens of Kansas, and the
Republicans of his State, knowing well the cause and motives of his disagree
ment with the administration, saw in the future no probability of any further
agreement or aid in the support of the measures and principles of their party,
and events in the near future proved the correctness of their conclusions.

CHAPTER XIII.
SENATORIAL CONTEST OF LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS.
Before the close of the session of Congress in 1857-8, Douglas returned
home to look after his senatorial interests and prepare for the most important
and closely contested canvass of his political life. He was a candidate for
re-election to the United States Senate, and the Democratic State Conven
tion of Illinois of April 21, 1858, indorsed his course and votes against the
Lecompton constitution. His popularity and power over bis party in his own
State was fully manifested during this campaign, when all the efforts of the
administration, combined with the Republicans, failed to defeat him.
The Republican State Convention met at Springfield on the 16th of June,
two months after the meeting ot the Democratic Convention. The conven
tion had hardly assembled before it was evident that there was an entire
unanimity for Lincoln as its nominee for the Senate in opposition to Douglas.
After some preliminary business, the following resolution was introduced and
unanimously adopted :
" That Hon. Abraham Lincoln is our first and only choice for United
States Senator to fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Mr.
Douglas' term of office."
Lincoln was prepared for this action of the convention, and posters soon
announced that he would address his fellow citizens in the State House in
tbe evening. The ball of the House of Representatives, at 8 o'clock p. m.,
was filled to its utmost capacity, and Lincoln was received with unbounded
applause. The desire to hear Lincoln on this occasion was very great, and
his speech, which was listened to with intense interest, occupied three hours
in its delivery. It made no appeal to partisan prejudices, contained no
tricks to win political applause. He stated the real issue of the political con
test, and laid out the ground work upon which he proposed to stand and fight
the battle for freedom. The first point he presented was, that in his opinion
our government could not endure permanently half slave and half free. He
controverted the position of the friends of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill as being
78

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 79
founded on popular sovereignty, and fully exposed the Nebraska doctrine
which was intended to mould or educate public opinion, particularly in the
North, nbt to care whether slavery was voted up or down in the territories,
and showed fully that while the inhabitants of a Territory could, under the
provisions of that bill, establish slavery, they were debarred by the Dred
Scott decision of the United States Supreme Court from excluding slavery
from any Territory. One point in that notable decision was, " That subject
to the Constitution of the United States, neither Congress or a Territorial
Legislature can exclude slavery from any United States Territory." And as
this Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court enters largely into the discus
sions of the policy of the two parties, the following is a further extract from
that notable decision : " That no negro slave imported as such from Africa,
and no descendant of such slave can ever be a citizen of any State in the sense
of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States."
The members of the convention and the numerous audience were pro
foundly impressed by the address of Mr. Lincoln. His manner and his earnest
appeals to their patriotic sensibilities and sense of duty carried conviction to
the minds of all that he was discussing the gravest and most momentous
political questions and issues of the day and age.
Senator Douglas, on the 9th of July, made his flrst appearance in the
senatorial campaign before a Chicago audience, and his reception on that
occasion was an imposing one — one that gave him pleasure which he .did not
strive to conceal. A few months previous he was denied a hearing, and now
in the same place be was received with applause. He had voted against the
Lecompton constitution, and his former sins were forgotten or not mentioned.
The Senator, in his speech, reviewed the action of the late Republican Con
vention and Lincoln's speech on that occasion, commenting on his opinion
that this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. He
unfairly proceeded to say that Lincoln by this advocated broadly and clearly
a war of sections — a war ot the North against the South — to be continued
relentlessly until one or the other shall be subdued — ^until all the States shall
become either slave or free. Following in this train of argument, which was
as unfair as illegitimate, he next charged Lincoln with a desire and policy to
reduce the States to a perfect uniformity of interests and institutions, contrary
to policy and usages of the republic. Lincoln's criticisms of the Dred Scott
decision were next treated in a manner by the Senator which was not in
unison with the sentiments and feelings of the larger portion ot his audience.
In his remarks, he said : " I respect the august decisions of that tribunal. I
shall always bow in deference to them. I am equally free to say that the
reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the decisions of the Supreme

80 OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Court in the Dred Scott decision does not in itself meet my approbation."
The whole tenor of the .Senator's speech was intended to misrepresent Mr.
Lincoln and place him in a false light before the public. Lincoln was present,
heard the whole speech, and it was announced that on the following evening
he would reply to it.
The welcome Lincoln received when he took the stand the following
evening was quite as enthusiastic as Douglas had received the previous even
ing. He was introduced by Hon. C. L. Wilson of Chicago, and when he
came forward there was such a storm of loud and continued applause that he
was obliged to extend his hand before he could secure silence necessary for
proceeding. After treating of some minor subjects he proceeded to the points
of Douglas' speech, and treated them fully and fairly. Referring to the
remarks of Douglas, that he advocated a war of sections of the North against
South, he said :
"The adoption of the constitution, and its attendant Tiistory, led the
people to believe that slavery was in the course of ultimate extinction, and
such was the belief of the framers of the constitution itself ; if not so, why
did the fathers declare that slavery should not go into the Territories ; why
declare that within twenty years the African slave trade might be abolished ;
why these acts and more that might be enumerated — but a clear indication
that the framers of the constitution intended and expected the ultimate ex
tinction ot slavery? I have said a hundred times, and I have no desire or
inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no
inclination in the people of the free States to enter into the slave States and
interfere with the question of slavery at all."
The charge made by Douglas that Lincoln was in favor of reducing the
institutions of all the States to uniformity was by Lincoln so clearly handled
and utterly demolished that the charge was not again reiterated during the
campaign. The reasons here given by Lincoln for his opposition to the Dred Scott
decision were so full and conclusive that his audience manifested in the
strongest manner their unison and concord with the speaker on this subject.
Lincoln had reason to be gratified with his spee<^h and his reception by
the citizens of Chicago on this occasion. His enthusiastic reception, the close
attention, the favor with which his arguments were received, indicated that
already a change was taking place against the further extension of slavery, in
the sentiments and minds of his auditors.
This local contest for a State election was now inaugur.ated and opened,
but at the very outset it was assuming questions of national importance.
With the Republicans it was no further extension of slavery, and here Lin-

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 81
coin took his stand, while Douglas, with the Democrats, held to the Nebraska
bill, leaving the question of slavery to be settied by the inhabitants of the
State or Territory proposed to be admitted into the Union. How far Lincoln
was moved in this contest by Presidential aspirations we are not prepared to
say. That he desired and intended that his speeches should have a national
reputation and effect is apparent, and that he considered the senatorial contest
of secondary importance his speeches clearly indicated, as well as his replies
to his friends who insisted that his intention to draw Douglas out fully on the
Dred Scott decision was not politic. His friends said : " It you put that ques
tion to him he will perceive that an answer giving practical force and effect to
the Dred Scott decision in the Territories will lose him the battle, and he will
reply by offering the decision as an abstract principle, but at the same time
denying its practical application." But, said Lincoln, "If he does that he
never can be President." His friends replied, " That is not your lookout;
you are after the Senatorship." Lincoln replied, '•' No, gentlemen ; I am
killing larger game. The battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this."
This contest ot Douglas with Lincoln was a mazy and difficult one. He
had inaugurated his plausible theory ot popular sovereignty, and introduced
and passed his Kansas-Nebraska bill — the flrst to please the North, the last
to satisfy the South ; but the untimely introduction of the Lecompton pro-
slavery constitution compelled him to change his tactics in order to save his
place in the Senate ; and now to regain, if possible, his lost popularity in the
South, he was giving in his adhesion to the Dred Scott decision — a decision
utterly at variance with popular sovereignty. Douglas had, by his opposition
to the pro-slavery constitution, regained, in alarge measure, his popularity with
his party lost by the enactment of his Nebraska bill and the opposition against
him in this contest by the administration gave him sympathy even with the
Republicans. Douglas, a week after his Chicago speech, addressed the Democracy
at Bloomington, and the following day at Springfield. The special points
which he elaborated were his popular sovereignty notions, and his disagree
ment with and opposition to the administration on the Lecompton question.
Mr. Lincoln was present at Bloomington during the delivery of the Senator's
speech, taking notes and preparing himself for the struggle on which he had
entered, and on the day following he addressed the people at Springfield
at a subsequent meeting to that addressed by Douglas.
Mr. Lincoln opened his address by speaking of the disadvantages which
the Republicans were subjected to by the unfair and unjust apportionment of
the legislative districts, and he also referred to the disparity that existed
between the reputation and prospects ot the two candidates for senatorial
honors. He then proceeded to say :

82 OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"The anxious friends of Douglas have been hoping, and now expect, that
at no distant day he will be President of the United States. They see not far
in the future postoffices, land offices, foreign missions, marshalships, and as
they gaze on this beautiful picture, they are redoubling their efforts and
labors to make his election sure, and in this respect Judge Douglas has
me at an advantage. Nobody ever expected me to be President, and in my
poor, lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen any cabbage sprouting out."
In closing his address on this occasion, Lincoln held up to his audience
in a vivid exposition the course Douglas was pursuing in being a party to con
spiracy, intending to deceive the people with the plausible idea that the
settlers of the Territories could exclude slavery from their borders if they
chose to do so, while at the same time Douglas well knew that the decision of
the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, rendered it impossible for them to
do so. Referring to this, Lincoln said: "This charge, which is a serious
and important one, was made in my speech of June the 17th, and Judge
Douglas has, up to the present, ignored it. Since it was made he has not
alluded to it at all. On his own tacit admission, I now renew the charge."

CHAPTER XIV.
THE SENATORIAL CONTEST CONTINUED.
The senatorial contest between Lincoln and Douglas had taken national
issues, and, in a remarkable degree, was exciting the interest of both parties
throughout the Union.
The Republicans of the Eastern States who had at flrst favored Douglas
in his ardent desire to be returned to the. Senate, in return tor his opposition
to the administration on the question of the passage of the Lecompton consti
tution, were now satisfied, from the published reports of the speeches of
Douglas, that be would give no support to the party opposed to the extension
of slavery. Lincoln bad observed with pleasure and interest the attention that was
being given by the public men and press throughout the Union to the contest,
and in order to bring himself more fully in contact with the Democratic voters,
and to press on the auditory whom Douglas addressed, the deception and
sophistry of Douglas' arguments and reasoning as to the effects of the Dred
Scott decision, he was anxious to address the same audiences at the
same meeting with his antagonist. To effect this desired object, on the
twenty-fourth of July he forwarded the Senator the folio-wing note :
"Hon. S.A.Douglas — My Dear Sir: Will it be agreeable to you to make
an arrangement for you and myself to divide time and address the same
audiences the present canvass ? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is author
ized to receive your answer, and, if agreeable to yon, to enter into the terms
of such arrangement. Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln."
In reply Douglas said, " That. recent events had placed difficulties in
the way of such an arrangement ; that he had made a series of appointments
extending over nearly the whole period that remained before the election,
and that candidates for Congress, the Legislature and other offices would 83

84 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
desire to speak at those meetings. While, therefore, he declined the general
invitation, he would make an arrangement for seven joint debates in the
congressional districts respectively, where they had not already spoken."
The agreement was consumated between the two champions, and the
following places and times designated: Ottowa, August 21, 1858; Freeport,
27 ; Jonesboro, September 15 ; Charleston, September 18 ; Galesburg,
October 7 ; Quincy, October 13, and Alton, October 15. During the period
before the first appointment both parties were engaged in their independent
work. The first meeting of the series agreed upon was held at Ottowa. A large
concourse of people, estimated at twelve thousand, were present. Douglas
had the opening speech of one hour, followed by Lincoln of one hour and a
half, and concluded by Douglas in a half hour. And this was the arrange
ment to be followed alternately through tbe series of debates. The limits of
this work will not permit even in an abreviated form a report of the speeches
delivered at this series of debates. They were all printed soon after the cam
paign closed, without note or comment, and were read and re-read by the
millions of American voters before the great political contest of 1860 closed.,
This great contest between Lincoln and Douglas, aside from its local issues,
assumed this order : Has Congress the power under the constitution to pro
hibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States ; and if so, is it the duty
of Congress to carry this power into effect? Lincoln assumed the affirmation
of these propositions. He placed himself on the broad platform ot the
Declaration of Independence, that all men are created equal, and are endowed
with rights which are inalienable, such as life, liberty and the pursuits of
happiness. He held that all men, without distinction of race or color, are
included in this declaration. He believed that slavery lived by the side of
freedom, and in a state of sufferance with it, simply because freedom regarded
itself as eternal, while it regarded slavery as ephemeral. He understood,
from the history of the Republic, that it was so held and regarded by the
illustrious patriots that gave us our constitution and organized our government,
and in their prohibiting slavery in all the territory of the United States at
that time, they anticipated and expected the end of slavery at no distant day.
And now, when it was the design and policy of the government under the
present administration and its supporters to nationalize slavery and make it
perpetual, to give it by judicial authority more rights than freedom, and even
to make it impossible for freedom or tfie people to abolish or overthrow it,
he believed a conflict would arise which would continue until the question
was settled by its extinction or its universal predominance. In this issue
Lincoln was disposed to take the side of freedom, because he believed that

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 85
slavery should be restricted to the States in which it was constitutionally
tolerated, and that Congress, having the power, should by appropriate legis
lation prohibit slavery in all tbe Territories of tbe United States.
Douglas assumed that the people of every Territory had the right to
decide for themselves as to whether they would have slavery or freedom;
that neither Hlinois nor any other State had any right or interest in the
decision of that question; that what those rights should be was only
legitimately to be determined by the States or Territories themselves.
On these points, with the side issues — the Nebraska bill, popular sover
eignty, the Dred Scott decision, the abrogation of the Missouri compro
mise, a fugitive slave law — were the seven debates maintained and contested
by the speakers. There was in those debates one particular point in which'
Lincoln had forced Douglas into a declaration and position unfavorable for
his Presidential aspirations. In the early stage of the canvass, before the
arrangements for, the joint debates were made, Douglass, in a speech at
Springfield, had indorsed the Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court and
severely criticised Lincoln's opposition to that decision. During the joint
debates Lincoln so clearly showed the fallacy of Douglas' theory of popular
sovereignty in connection with that decision that Douglas, in order to
save himself from defeat for the Senatorship; was compelled to change
bis position, in answer to Lincoln's inquiry, " Can the people of a
United States Territory in any lawful way, against the wish of any
citizen of tbe United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to
the formation of a State constitution?" The Dred Scott decision he had
indorsed, and which be said be would sustain, said " no." But the
pohtical barometer had fallen, and now Douglas, in answer to Lin
coln's question, says : "It matters not what way tbe Supreme Court may
hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or not go
into a Territory under the constitution, the people have the lawful means to
introduce it, or exclude it as they may please, for tbe reason that slavery
cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police
regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local
legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect representa
tives to that body who will, by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent the
introduction of it into their midst."
It was the intention and. aim of Lincoln in requesting and arranging the
joint debates with Douglas, to force him into such an open declaration of
slavery as to secure his defeat for the office of Senator, or, failing in this, to
compel him into such declarations on behalf of freedom as would ruin him as a
Southfern candidate for tbe Presidency. This concession of Douglas to free-

86 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
dom, ¦5\-ithout doubt saved him the Senatorship, while it is equally certain
that with it went the last hope for Southern support in his Presidential
aspirations. Pollard, the Southern historian, in his history ot the " Lost Cause," says :
" It is thus seen that Mr. Douglas has tortured the language of the Kansas-
Nebraska bill into the sense that the unorganized population of a Territory
might decide the question ot slavery as against the States' interest ot the
South, thus indicating to the North that this measure might quite as easily
and readily exclude slavery as the intervention of Congress, the right of which
the black Republican party claimed."
The absurdity of adhering to the Dred Scott decision and advocating
popular sovereignty at the same time, Lincoln showed in a single sentence,
giving the whole argument. He said: " It was declaring no less than that
a thing may be lawfully driven away from a place where it has a lawful right
tobe." Those who have read those debates have not failed to notice that Douglas,
by his artful appeals to a principle, which was only a shadow without the
substance, was creating false issues, leading his audiences by appeals to their
prejudices, from the real principles involved in the contest. Lincoln made
no efforts to gain applause, but with zealous tenacity he mastered the great
questions he had in hand, and refused in every instance to be drawn or led
away from the real issues of the campaign. Thus briefly have been stated
the principles of the two champions and that of the parties they represented,
the merits of the controversy at issue and their methods of conducting the
canvass. They attracted to their debates immense concourses of people, and
the entire nation watched the contest with a solicitude and interest which
indicated the national character of the issues involved. While the canvass
was local, the questions and issues were national and they indicated the plat- '
forms and policies of the parties of the next Presidential contest. Politicians
of the East as well as those of the South were now looking to the West with
eager interest as Lincoln marshaled the young Republicans and the little
giant the old Democracy, for the great contest of principles which was near
at hand. It may be said that the text-book of the principles of the Republican
party on the question ot slavery may be found in the speeches ot Lincoln
delivered during this contest. They are so clear in the exposition ot the
principles of the Republican party, and so plain in their statement of the
issues which divided it from the Democratic party at that time, that they
came to be regarded as a complete and correct statement of the spirit of
freedom and the purposes and power of slavery. Those speeches which
Lincoln delivered in this memorable contest, with others delivered in Kansas,
Ohio, New York and New England, covered the whole questions at issue

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87
between the two parties, and form the chief superstructure on which his
reputation and fame as an orator and debater stands. Viewed in the light
of a contest between the power ot slavery and the spirit ot freedom, the judg
ment of mankind has long since recorded its verdict and decision that Lincoln
was ¦victorious and successful ; before the people ot his'own State, the record
shows that he received a majority in the popular vote over Douglas of four
thousand one hundred and forty votes. This vote, had the people been per
mitted to decide the question directly, would have returned Lincoln to the
Senate, but the State Legislature was the tribunal that was to pass finally
upon the senatorial election, and fortunately for the country, as the future
showed, but unfortunately as it appeared at that time for Lincoln, the Demo
crats had by an unfair districting of tbe State secured an advantage which
could not be overcome.
In the Senate tbe parties stood fourteen Democrats and eleven Repub
licans ; in the Lower House, forty Democrats and thirty-five Republicans.
This secured the re-election of Douglas, but the majority against him in the
popular vote took from his triumph the exultation of success. By the unfair
apportionment Lincoln was defeated in the Legislature, after a contest in
which the principles of the Republican party were urged with surprising
power and persistence, with fairness and skill rarely, if ever, surpassed. He
was conscious that he had the advantage and had worsted his opponent before
the people in the moral and intellectual struggle, and when defeat came in
the manner in which it did, he was disappointed. Wben asked by a friend
how he felt after the result was known, he replied, "That he felt, he pre
sumed, very much like tbe boy that stubbed his toe— too bad to ^laugh, and
too big to cry." Much was said in those debates between Lincoln and
Douglas as to what the signers of the Declaration of Independence intended
when they said, " All men are created equal, and are endowed with certain
inalienable rights," Lincoln holding that all men without distinction or color,
Douglas, that only white men were intended to be included in that declara
tion. The following extract from a speech delivered by Hon. A. H. Stephens
(Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy) at Savannah, Georgia, in 1860,
will give an honest Southern opinion and be pertinent to that disputed
question :
Mr. Stephens said : ' ' But whether Jefferson fully comprehended the
great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The
prevailing idea entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the
time of the formation of the old constitution were that the enslavement of the
African race was in violation of the laws of nature ; that it was wrong in

00 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
principle, socially, morally and politically. It was an evil they knew not
well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was
that somehow or other in the order of Providence, the institution would be
evanescent and soon pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the
constitution, was the prevailing idea at that time. The constitution, it is true,
secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and
hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantee
thus secured, because of the common sentiment of that day. Those ideas,
however, were fundamentally wrong ; they rested upon the presumption of the
equality of the races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the
idea of a government built upon it was wrong. When the storm came and
the wind blew, it tell."
Mr. Stephens lived to see that the prevailing ideas of Jefferson and the
leading statesmen that formed the constitution, relative to African slavery,
were received and adopted by the American people as correct, and that when
the storms came and the winds blew it fell not, because it was founded on a
rock.

CHAPTER XV.
REPUBLIC.A.N CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY.
At the close ot the Senatorial contest Lincoln returned to the nractice of
his profession. His political pursuits for the last few years had interfered
materially with his professional business. He, however, retained in the
higher Courts all that he desired to attend to. During the Winter of 1858-9 he
received invitations from a number of lyceums to deliver lectures. For the
purpose of meeting this demand, or to change the range of thought
from subjects in which he had so long been interested, he wrote out in a
form of a lecture, a history of inventions, beginning with those described in
the book of Genesis and running through all the different ages, ending with
the latest inventions. He delivered this lecture in Springfield and one other
city. The effort was not a satisfactory one to himself, and probably was not
attractive to the lecture going public. Delivering lectures and making stump
speeches require different styles of efforts, and orators are as often as much sur
prised themselves as are their audiences at their failures. This failiire of
Lincoln in bis lecture on inventions calls to mind his steamboat invention.
Visitors at Washington will find, on examination in the patent office, in one of '
the show-cases, a little model. It is a plain, simple model of a steamboat,
roughly fashioned in wood by the hands of Abrahani Lincoln. It bears date
1846, wben the inventor was known simply as a successful lawyer and rising
politician of Springfield, Illinois. The design of the ijivention is suggestive
of one phase of Lincoln's early life, when he went up and down the Missis
sippi river as a flat-boat captain, and became familiar with the difflculties
and dangers attending the navigation of tbe Western rivers. The main idea
represented by the model is that of an apparatus resembling a noiseless
bellows placed on each side of the hull of tbe craft, just below the water-line,
and worked by an odd, but not complicated system of ropes, valves and pulleys.
When tbe keel of the boat grated against the sand-bars or other obstructions,
those bellows were to be filled with air, and the vessel thus buoyed up was
expected to float lightly over the shoals, which would otherwise "have proved a

90 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
serious interruption to the voyage. The model, which is about twenty inches
long, bas the appearance of having been whittled with a knife out of a cigar
box and a shingle, and is built without any elaboration of adornment, or any
extra apparatus beyond that necessary to show the operation of buoying the
boat over the obstructions. It is a model carved as one might expect a rail-
splitter would whittle, strongly and not smoothly, and evidently made with a.
view solely to convey, by the simplest possible means, to tbe minds of the
patent authorities an idea of the purposes and plans of the simple inventor.
The label on the steamer's deck informs us that- the patent was obtained.
That little model has reposed there over thirty years, its merits not utilized.
Soon after this model was deposited in its resting place, the inventor -was
called upon to prepare a model for the transportion of the ship of State over
the shoals of secession and sand-bars of slavery, obstructions far more peril
ous and difficult than any dreamer had imagined or thought of when Lincoln
wrote bis autograph on the prow of his miniature steamer.
The private letters of Lincoln are so characteristic of his goodness of heart,
and are so charmingly sincere and natural that one is gi-ven for an illustra
tion. No one can read them without feeling that bis personal friendships
were tbe sweetest sources of bis happiness. To a friend he wrote :
"Yours of the 16tb announcing that Miss  and you are no longer
twain, but one fiesb, reached me this morning. I have no way of telling you
how much happiness I wish you both, though I believe you both can conceive
it. I feel somewhat jealous of you both now, for you will be so exclusively
concerned for one another that I shall be forgotten entirely. My acquaint
ance with Miss  (I call ber thus lest you should think I am speaking of
ber mother) was too short for me to reasonably hope to long be remembered
.by her ; and still I am sure I shall not forget her soon. Try if you cannot
remind her of that debt she owes, and be sure you do not interfere to prevent
her paying it. I regret to learn that you have resolved not to return to
Illinois. I shall be lonesome without you. How miserably things seem to
be arranged in this world ; if we have no friends, we have no pleasures ; and
if we have them, we are sure to lose them and be doubly pained by the loss.
I did hope that she and you would make ybur home here, yet I own I have
no right to insist. You owe obligations to her ten thousand times more
sacred than any you can owe to others, and in that light let them be
respected and observed. It is natural that she should desire to remain with her
relations and friends. As to friends, she could not need them anywhere ;
she would have them in abundance here. Give my kind regards to Mr. 
and his family, particularly Miss E.  ; also your mother, brothers and
sisters. Ask little E. D  if she will ride to town with me if I come there

ot' ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 91
again. And finally, give a double reciprocation of all the love she sent me.
Write me often, and believe me, yours forever, Lincoln."
It was tbe 10th of May, 1859, that the first movement took form for making
Lincoln the Republican candidate for President. It was at the Illinois State
Republican Convention held at Decatur. Lincoln was present as a spectator.
When he entered the hall be was received with enthusiasm such as is rarely
accorded on any occasion. This reception left no doubt that the audience
regarded his late defeat as a great triumph, whose fruits would not long be
delayed. Lincoln bad hardly taken bis seat when Lieutenant Oglesby (since
Governor and United States Senator) of Decatur announced that an old
Democrat of Macon county desired to make a contribution to the convention.
The offer being at once accepted, two old fence-rails, with suitable emblazonry,
were borne -into the convention, and bearing the inscription, "Abraham
Lincoln, tbe rail candidate for tbe Presidency in 1860. Two rails from a lot of
three thousand made in 1830 by Thomas Hanks and Abe Lincoln, whose
father was tbe first pioneer of Macon county." Pen would faU to describe
the effect on an audience already excited. After the strength of tbe assembly
was completely exhausted in cheers, Lincoln was called upon to explain the
matter of the rails, which he did by gi-ving a history of his first work in
Illinois, helping his father to build a log cabin and split rails to fence in a
field of corn. It is said of Jackson that be was re-elected because be said,
" By tbe eternal, the Union must and shall be preserved." That Harrison
was elected because of log cabins and bard cider. Taylor, because he said,
"A little more grape. Captain Bragg." Lincoln, because be was a rail
splitter, and that Grant was elected and re-elected, because he said, " I pro
pose to fight it out on this line if it takes all Summer." These symbols or
sayings, it is true, bad but little to do with the duties or qualifications of those
who were called to the Presidency. They prove, however, that when the
people, the masses, take up a point or principle and make it a national watch
word, they seldom fail to succeed.
Soon after Lincoln's nomination these rails were in demand in every
State in tbe Union in which free labor was honored, where they were borne
in processions of the people, and hailed by hundreds of thousands of freemen
as a symbol of triumph and as a grand vindication of freedom and of the
rights and dignity of free labor. Some time pre-vious to this the State of
Massachusetts had amended ber constitution, making the naturalization of
foreigners more difficult, and extended the period of time required. With
many letters received by Lincoln after his nomination by the Illinois conven
tion was one from Theodore Cauisins, a German citizen of Illinois, of date
May 17 1859 inquiring what were his (Lincoln's) -views relative to the consti
tutional provisions recently adopted in Massachusetts in relation to natural-

92 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
ized citizens, and whether he favored or opposed a fusion of Republicans
and other opposition elements in the approaching campaign of 1860.
In reply to this letter Lincoln said: "Ihave no right to advise the sover
eign and independent State of Massachusetts concerning her policy, but so
far as I understand the provision she has made, I am against its adoption in
Illinois, and in every other place where I have a right to oppose it. As I
understand the spirit of our institutions, it is the design to promote the
elevation of men. I am, therefore, hostile to anything that tends to their
debasement. It is well known that I deplore the depressed condition of the
blacks, and it would be very inconsistent for me to look with favor or
approval upon any measure that infringes upon the inalienable rights of white
men, whether or not they are born in another land or speak a different
language from our own." To the inquiry touching the fusion of all opposition
elements, he said : "I am in favor of it if it can be done on Republican
principles, and upon no other consideration. A fusion on any other platform
would be insane and unprincipled. There are good and patriotic statesmen
in the South, whom I would willingly support if they were placed on Repub
lican ground, but I shall oppose the lowering of the Republican standard even
by a hair's breadth."
With what broad and catholic sentiments towards adopted citizens does
Lincoln reply to this letter, characteristic of his principles and his entire lite.
How strong his appreciation of his Republican principles and platform. He
felt that it was liberal and broad, on which all could unite and stand who
desired the elevation of the human race, and the unity and prosperity of their
common country. Lincoln had now become a representative man, and was
regarded by the Republican party of the West as their candidate for the
Presidency. His senatorial contest with Douglas had proven him the people's
friend, the man of the people, from the people, and the champion of freedom,
free soil and free labor. His statement that the battle of 1860 was worth a
hundred of the senatorial contest was now understood and appreciated. The
result of that contest was now bearing its legitimate fruit. It was marshjd-
ing and uniting the sons of freedom for the great battle for free soil and
free labor, while tbe stand taken by Douglas was creating dissension in,
and threatening the disruption of the Democratic party.
The movements of the Western Republicans indicated that Lincoln
would be a prominent candidate for President before the Republican conven
tion, and he, during the last of 1859 and first months of 1860, visited several
portions of the Union and delivered a number of the most remarkable
speeches of bis life. In the last of 1859 Lincoln visited Kansas. He had a
desire to see the people and State in whose behalf he had labored so efflciently

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93
in his great contest with Douglas. He was received with unbounded
enthusiasm by the people. He addressed the people at Leavenworth and at
several other towns. His reception at Leavenworth was grand and magnifi
cent. The Leavenworth Register said : " Never did man receive such honors
at the hands of our people, and never did our people pay honors to a better
man, or to one who has been a truer friend to Kansas." The following is a
paragraph of his speech on that occasion :
" But you Democrats are for the Union, and you greatly fear that the suc
cess of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the Repub
licans declare against the Union ? Nothing like it. Your own statement of
it is, that if the black Republicans elect a President you won't stand it;
you will break up tbe Union. That will be your act, not ours. To justify it
you must show that our policy gives you just cause for such desperate action.
Can you do that ? When you attempt it you will find that our policy is exactly
the policy of the men who made our Union — nothing more, nothing less.
Do you really think you are justified in breaking up the government rather
than in having it administered as it was by Washington? If you do, you are
very unreasonable, and more reasonable men cannot and will not submit to
you. While you elect Presidents we submit, and do not attempt to break up
the Union. If we constitutionally elect a President it will be our duty to see
that you also submit. Old John Brown has been executed for treason against
a State. We cannot object even though he agreed with us in thinking
slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. . It
could avail him nothing that he might think himself right. So, if we
constitutionally elect a President and' therefore you undertake to destroy the
Union, it will be our duty to deal wit^ you as old John Brown has been dealt
with. We shall try to do our duty. We ho^e that no section will, as a
majority, so act as to render such extreme measures necessary."

CHAPTER XVI.
NOMINATION FOB PRESIDENT, 1860.
In September, Lincoln was invited to visit the State of Ohio, which he
did, having been preceded by Douglas; he addressed large audiences at
Columbus and Cincinnati. At Columbus his speech was mainly in reply to
an elaborate article that had appeared in Harper's Magazine, written by
Douglas. At Cincinnati Douglas delivered a speech in which he discussed
popular sovereignty and its kindred subjects, Lincoln receiving a share ot his
attention. It was in the main a renewal of the principles involved in the
senatorial contest in Illinois, and the citizens of Ohio gave them large and
considerate attention. These speeches were published in full in the leading
papers ot the day. Young Democracy here, as in Illinois, was ranging itself
on the side of freedom, while tbe old Democrats still held to the traditions
and principles ot the slave oligarchy.
In February, 1860, the Young Men's Republican Club of New York city
invited Lincoln to deliver an address in -that city on the important questions
of the day. The invitation gave Lincoln much satisfaction, as it afforded him
an opportunity to make the acquaintance of the statesmen and politicians ot
tbe Eastern States, and to give them and the people a personal exhibition ot
those principles and their illustrations by the young Republican of the West,
whose recent debates with the little giant of Democracy had created such a
furor in the Western States. Lincoln accepted the invitation and arrived in
the city on the 25th of February — Saturday. Arrangements were made, and
Monday following it was arranged that be should speak that evening in the
Cooper Institute. The announcement that Lincoln, the antagonist ot
Douglas, and the champion of free soil and free labor of Illinois, was to be the
speaker of the evening filled the institute ; and when he entered, he found
the platform filled with the Republican leaders of the city and of Brooklyn.
Lincoln was introduced to the large audience by the venerable Wm. C.
Bryant, who said: "It is a grateful office I perform in introducing to you
an eminent citizen of the West, hitherto known to you only by reputation."
94

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 95
Standing now in the greatest city of the nation, before and in presence ot an
audience composed of tbe learned and prominent citizens and politicians of
the great metropolis, Lincoln felt doubtful of his success. If wanting in
confidence at first, be soon felt that he bad a most attentive and appreciative
audience. His style of speech was so fresh and unique, and bis manner of
statement so simple, and bis illustrations so proper, so appropriate and
peculiar, that his audience listened with respectful and marked attention and
¦with an interest which the intense stillness indicated. Lincoln had found an
audience which gave evidence that they were listening to a speaker who was
master of bis subject. The speech delivered by Lincoln on this occasion
required much labor in preparation. The historical events mentioned in con
nection with tbe formation of our government, and its records on the ques
tion of slavery involved much labor and research, but it was intricate and
complete. Lincoln was much pleased with Mr. Bryant's statement in the
day's Evening Post (of which be was editor) : " That for the publication of
such words of weight and wisdom as those of Lincoln's, the pages of that
journal were indefinitely elastic." The papers of the city were full of his
address, and with cornments upon it the next day. The Western orator was
a lion. Critics read the speech and were astonished at its pure and compact
English and its faultless logic. The speech was, without doubt, the greatest
speech of Lincoln's lite — followed by the audience through all its close and
pointed reasoning with an interest that the profoundest stillness indicated,
which was only broken, at every successful jwint established, by vociferous
and hearty applause. Numbers who entered the hall in doubt went away
with their path of duty bright before them.
Lincoln remained several days in New York, making many friends, who
were as much pleased with the man as they had been instructed by his
speech, and amused and entertained by his peculiar sayings and conver
sation. During bis stay in the city he received numerous in-vitations to speak
in New England, and in response to those invitations he addressed large
audiences at Hartford, New Haven, Meriden, Norwich and Bridgeport, in
Connecticut, and at Woonsacke.t, Rhode Island. Connecticut that year went
R,epublican against the most powerful efforts of the Democrats— a result
which was due more to the speeches of Lincoln than to any other cause.
After visiting his son Robert, at Harvard College, and many of the principal
towns of New England, and making tbe acquaintance of many of ber promi
nent citizens, he returned to Illinois. The result of this visit to tbe Eastern
States was a marvel to Lincoln. He had become familiar with his success in
his public speaking in the West, but he could not understand the marked
appreciation with which bis addresses were received in the East, particularly
among the learned and literary men. He had learned one thing at least by

96 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
this visit, that people of the older States estimate a man by the same rule
that prevaUs in the new States— by what he is, and what he does, and not by
the knowledge he has acquired, the clothes he wears, or tbe blood that
courses through his veins.
Soon after Lincoln returned home from the East, the Democratic conven
tion met at Charleston, April 23. Here the Southern members met the
Northern members of the Democratic party, probably not with the expecta
tion of being able to agree on a platform and the selection of a candidate.
Douglas, with his popular sovereignty, Dred Scott decision and " don't care '*
policy offered them the only ground of union. The Northern men said,
Douglas is our man. It he has fought the Lecompton fraud and the adminis
tration, and njade some concessions to freedom in order to save his place in
the Senate, he will do for us. The South said, " No unfriendly legislation "
should exclude slavery from the Territories. We must have a man who is
fairly and squarely a pro-slavery man, with a clean record, and can subscribe
to no platform that does not accord to us the full rights we claim. We must
have our property protected everywhere.
Yancey was the leader of the Southern wing. He anticipated a disruption
of the convention, and there is no doubt but that he intended there should be,
and the old Democratic party that had been victorious on many a battle fleld
was rent in twain.^The Southern members withdrew and formed a " Consti
tutional Convention." This convention transacted no important business,
but adjourned to meet in Richmond in June. The regular convention
remained in session, and after fifty-seven ballotings, in which Douglas came
near a nomination, they adjourned, to meet in Baltimore on the 18th of June.
The Charleston people were highly delighted with the results of the quarrel.
The smiles of all the beauty of Charleston were bestowed upon Mr. Yancey
and his party. They regarded this disruption of the party as insuring a pre
text for disunion, which they ardently desired. The regular Democratic
convention at Baltimore nominated Douglas, he insisting that they should
sacrifice him rather than the party. The antagonism in the Democratic party
could not be reconciled. The two sections could not agree upon a man or
platform that would be acceptable to all. The friends of Douglas thought
that he had deserved better treatment at the hands ot the South, and saw in
the division of their party the ultimate defeat of all their hopes. The Repub
lican convention met in Chicago, June 16. The assemby was immense ; the
large wigwam erected would contain only a fraction ot the people. Hon.
George Asbmun of Massachusetts was chosen to preside over the deliber
ations of the convention. The platform 6f the party was adopted on the
second day of the convention. It recognized the rights of slavery in the
States under the constitution. It denounced the maxim that the constitu-

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 97
tion carried slavery into the Territories and protected it there, and declared
that the condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom,
and that a sound policy requires a protective tariff, etc. The platform was
adopted without a dissenting voice, amidst demonstrations of enthusiasm
which pen would fail to describe. On the meeting of the convention on the
third day, the different candidates were nominated by their friends. Evarts
of New York nominated Seward, and Judd of Illinois nominated Lincoln.
Afterwards, Dayton of New Jersey, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Chase of Ohio,
Bates of Missouri and McLain of Ohio were formally nominated. The voting
then commenced. Maine gave nearly half her vote for Lincoln; New
Hampshire, seven of her ten for Lincoln ; Massachusetts was divided ;
Virginia gave fourteen of her twenty-two votes for Lincoln ; Indiana gave her
twenty-six votes for Lincoln ; New York gave her seventy votes for Seward ;
thus the voting continued amidst intense interest and until the whole vote was
cast — 465, necessary to a choice, 233. Seward had 1733^ ; Lincoln, 102 ; Bates,
48 ; Cameron, 50}4 ; Chase, 49 ; 42 votes scattering. On the second ballot the
first gain for Lincoln was from New Hampshire; Vermont followed with her
entire vote ; Pennsylvania followed with her vote of 50J^, which she had given
to Cameron. On this ballot Lincoln gained 79 votes, receiving 181 ; Seward
gained 11, receiving 184}^. Then came the third ballot. This was expected
to be the decisive one, and the friends of Seward were fearful of the result.
Pencils were in requisition and operation, and before the result was announced
it was known that Lincoln had received 231^^ votes, wanting one and a half
votes of an election. Carter of Ohio was up in an instant and announced four
votes of Ohio from Chase to Lincoln ; that decided the contest. The excite
ment was now at its extreme tension. Quiet and stillness for a moment
seemed to prevade tbe immense assembly, and then, like the gathering
storm which seemed to have augmented its force by its stillness, broke out in
wild uncontrollable shouts of applause and enthusiasm, which can only be
described by those present on the occasion. When after a time the conven
tion became quiet, the business proceeded. Delegates from Missouri, Iowa,
Kentucky, Minnesota, Virginia, California, Texas, Kansas, Nebraska and
Oregon insisted on casting unanimous votes for Lincoln before the vote was
declared. When tbe vote was declared, Mr. Evarts, on behalf of the New
York delegation, expressed his regret that Mr. Seward had not been nomi
nated, then moved that the nomination of Lincoln be made unanimous, which
was seconded by Andrews of Massachusetts and Carl Schurz of Wisconsin,
and it was carried. The convention then adjourned and met in the afternoon
and finished its labors by the nomination of Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for
Vice-President. The delegation from the State of New York had presented to
the convention one of the most prominent statesman of the nation.

98 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Mr. Seward had been in public lite thirty years ; his name and fame were as
well established in the regard of the Republic as the most eminent statesmen
of the age. He was known as a man of wide experience, of extended influence
and of great marked ability — known and recognized as such abroad as well as
at home. That his friends were sadly disappointed at the result can well be
imagined. During this time, while Chicago was wild with excitement, Lin
coln was at home in Springfield in constant telegraphic communications
with his friends in Chicago. He was apprised of tbe result of every ballot.
The moments passing were momentous — big with events. At last, in the
midst of excitement, intense and painful, a messenger enters the offlce with
the decisive dispatch in his band. It said: " Mr. Lincoln, you are nomi
nated on third ballot." He took tbe telegram and looked at it in silence
amid the shouts and rejoicing of those around him ; and rising, he said,
" There is a little woman down at our house who would like to bear this.
I'll go down and tell her." As soon the news reached Springfield the citizens
(all of whom had a warm personal regard for Lincoln) responded to the
nomination with a hundred guns, and during the afternoon thronged his
house to tender their congratulations and express their joy.
On the following day, the committee appointed by the convention arrived
at Springfield to inform Lincoln offlcially of his nomination. In the evening
Mr. Ashmun, with the committee and many others, repaired to Lincoln's
residence. Mr. Ashmum, on being presented, said: "I have the honor, on
behalf of the gentlemen who are here present — a committee appointed by the
Republican convention recently assembled at Chicago — to discharge a most
pleasant duty. We have come, sir, under a vote of instructions to that com
mittee, to notify you that you have been selected by the convention of the
Republicans at Chicago as their candidate for President of the United States.
I desire to present to you the letter which has been prepared, and which
informs you of your nomination, and with it the platform, resolutions and
sentiments which the convention adopted. Sir, at your convenience we shall
be glad to receive from you such a response as it may be your pleasure to
give us."
Lincoln listened to the address with a seriousness that indicated deep
thought and the pressure of momentous responsibility, and after a brief pause
he replied: "Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, I tender to
you, and through you to the Republican Convention, and all the people rep
resented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me which you
now formally announce. Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great
responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor — a responsibility
which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 99
and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before the con
vention— I shall by ypur leave consider more fully the resolutions of the con
vention denominated the platform, and without unnecessary delay report to
you in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory and
the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will no longer defer the
pleasure of taking you and each of you by the hand."
Mr. Ashmun met Lincoln as an old friend, they having acted together in
Congress while both were members of the Whig party, and the interview
between them was of special interest. It may be stated as a coincidence
that Mr. Asbmun, who received Lincoln's first oral and written address as a
candidate for the Presidency, received the last word he ever wrote as Presi
dent of the United States. The evening with the committee and citizens
passed pleasantly away, and the committee retired with the impression that
the standard ot the party was intrusted in the hands of a great and good man.
On the foUo^wing week Lincoln responded to the letter which Mr. Ashmun
presented him, as follows : ' ' Sir, I accept the nomination tendered me by
the convention over which you presided, of which 1 am formally apprised in
a letter of yourself and others acting as a committee of the convention for
that purpose. The declaration of principles and sentiment, which accom
panies your letter, meets my approval, and it shall be my care not to violate
it or disregard it in any part. Imploring the aid of Di-vine Providence, and
-with due regard to the views and feehngs of all who were represented in the
convention, to the rights of all tbe States and Territories and people of the
nation, to the inviolability of the constitution and perpetual union, harmony
and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co.-operate for the practical success
of the principles declared by the convention. Abraham Lincoln."
"Hon. George Ashmun."
Lincoln's nomination proved universally acceptable to the Republican
party. Its members recognized in bim a man of finn principles, of ardent
love for freedom, of strict integrity and truth, and they went into the political
contest with a zeal and enthusiasm which was the guarantee of victory and
success. We have in the preceding chapters given briefly an outline of
Abraham Lincoln's life from his birth up to the position of a candidate for
the highest office and honors in the gift of the American people. Born of
humble parentage, in poverty and obscurity, early in life gathering his educa
tion and knowledge by the hardest labor and toil from the most limited
sources, with none of the advantages and assistance afforded by affluence
and social support, he bad achieved the development ot bis moral and intel
lectual powers by tbe means of his own industry and integrity. With
principles, early imbibed, of the most correct and humane character, and with

100 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
a noble goodness never excelled, be had outstripped his compeers in the race
for honor and fame, and raised himself — one of the people — from the people, by
the aid of the people, to become the champion and leader of the great national
party of progress and liberal principles. His mission now was to pilot and
guide the ship of State through the approaching storm ot secession and
disunion into the haven of perfect unity and universal political liberty and
equality.

CHAPTER XVII.
RESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 1860.
The Republican party, of which Lincoln was the exponent, declared in
its platform its purposes to protect the Southern States in all their consti
tutional rights, and also asserted the right and duty ot Congress to exclude
slavery from Territories by positive legislation. Mr. Breckenridge, represent
ing the pro-slavery element of the Democratic party, asserted the duty of the
national government by a positive exercise of its legislative and executive
power to protect slavery in the Territories. Douglas, for the regular Demo
crats, supported the principle that the people of the Territories, acting through
their Territorial Legislatures, or constitutional convention, had the same
right to decide this question as any other. And Bell, for the fourth party,
went into the canvass with, " The Constitution, the Union and the enforce
ment of the laws," as their platform. This platform was one on which all
could have united, but for the reason that the widest difference ot opinion
possible prevailed among the people as to its meaning. All the issues involved
in these sevjjral platforms were discussed with energy and vigor, and every
thing on the surface indicated the usual termination of the contest — the
peaceable acquiescence of all parties in the result. The election took place
November 6th. In the large wigwam erected by the Republicans of Spring
field for campaign purposes, the citizens assembled en masse after the closing
of the polls, to hear the result. The telegraph was brought into requisition.
The ladies of the city were present in large numbers, having prepared a
sumptuous repast for all those who would be present. Soon after 9 o'clock
the telegraph first from Pennsylvania announced to the expectant and waiting
multitude: " Simon Cameron to A. Lincoln; thirty thousand for Lincoln."
Next came Indiana, fifteen thousand Republican ; next, Ohio, forty thousand
for the rail-splitter ; New York next, fifty thousand for Lincoln. Then came
the announcement. New England solid for Lincoln ; and later, Illinois, fifty
thousand for her favorite son. The excitement and enthusiasm manifested
on the receipt of these several dispatches baffles description. These tele-
101

102

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

grams having sufficiently indicated the result, the citizens, at a late hour,
repaired to their homes for rest, after hours of intense excitement and rejoic
ing. The result of the election was, that in the electoral college Lincoln
received 180 (all of tbe free States except New Jesey, of which be received
four votes, and Douglas three) ; Breckenridge, 72 (all the slave States except
Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia, which voted tor Bell, and Missouri, which
voted for Douglas). Bell received 39 and Douglas 12 electoral votes.
As soon as the result of the election was known, various movements in
the South indicated purposes of resistance. Among the Republicans there
was this feeling, that they had fairly, on an open declaration of principles and
policy, and according to the provisions of the constitution,'' elected a
President, and it for this the South was going to make war, the con
test might come as well first as last. The incipient steps towards
secession were taken, however, before the election, by the officers of
the government under President Buchanan. During 1860, 115,000 muskets
were removed from Northern armories to Southern arsenals by one order.
Tbe Southern forts were left without efficient garrisons unless com
manded by officers who could be relied upon for the South. In the navy
tbe efficient vessels were sent into distant waters, and President Buchanan
had said that the government was powerless to prevent secession. South
Carolina led off in the secession movement. A convention was called to
meet December 17. It met at Charleston, and on the twentieth an ordinance
was passed dissol-ving the Union then existing ' between South Carolina and
the other States under the name of the United States of Ameirica. In the
debates in the convention, Mr. Parker said the movement was " no spas
modic effort; it had been gradually culminating for a long series of years."
Mr. Rbett declared that " tbe secession of South Carolina was not the event
of a day; it is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years."
Disclosures which have appeared since the rebellion prove clearly that the
entire secession movement was concocted by conspirators who had their
headquarters in Washington, and that most of them were holding offices
under the government of the United States.
On the night of January 5, 1861, a secret meeting was held, at which the
Senators from Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi
and Florida were present. Men bound by all the solemn obligations of honor,
and their oaths registered to protect, defend and preserve the constitution
and government of the United States, under which they were holding office
and receiving their salaries, here met in conclave to destroy what they had
sworn to protect and defend. They there, by resolution, decided that their
several States should secede as soon as possible ; that a convention of seced-

OF .ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 103
mg States should be held at Montgomery, Alabama, not later than the 15th
of February ; and that the Senators and Members ot Congress should and
ought to remain in their seats as long as possible in order to defeat measures
that might be proposed at Washington hostile to the secession movemept.
Davis of Mississippi, Slidell of Louisiana and Mallory were appointed a com
mittee to carry these resolutions into effect ; and in pursuance of these, Mis
sissippi passed her ordinance of secession January 9 ; Alabama and Florida,
January 11 ; Louisiana, January 26 ; and Texas, February 5.
This was a new era in the history of America. Thus were taken the first
steps to overthrow the government and the constitution of the United States —
taken from motives of personal and sectional ambition, and for the purpose
of establishing a government which should be permanently and completely
in tbe interest of slavery. The remarks of A. H. Stephens before tbe Georgia
Legislature on the 14tb of November, 1860, after the result of tbe Presi
dential election was known, are worthy of note here :
" I look upon this country -with our institutions," said Mr. Stephens, " as
the Eden of the world — ^the paradise of the universe. It maybe that out of
it we may become greater or more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in
telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and ¦without sufficient cause
shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater or more peaceful, pros
perous and happy, instead of becoming gods we will become demons, and at
no distant day will commence cutting each others throats. The flrst question
that presents itself is, shall the people of the South secede from the Union in
consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United
States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly and earnestly, that I
do not think they ought. In my opinion and judgment, the election of no
man constitutionally chosen to that high office is a sufficient cause for any
State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in main
taining the constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the
government, to withdraw from it because a man bas been constitutionally
elected puts us in the wrong. We went into this election with this people.
The result was different from what we -wished ; but the election bas been
constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Govern
ment and go out of the Union on this account, tbe record would be made up
hereafter against us . " ,
Here we have tbe clear and explicit testimony of A. H. Stephens, one of the
noblest and most patriotic sons of the South, nobly combating for the unity
of the republic ; standing with and by the constitution of his country, -with
the waves of secession, disunion and rebellion ready to overwhelm him,
declaring to his countrymen that the grandest and noblest institutions which

104 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
had been attained in the practical working ot our Union should not be madly
sacrificed and destroyed, when there was no cause or provocation. These
words of counsel and advice were disregarded by his countrymen, and he
was borne away by the overwhelming tides of secession which culminated
February 18, 1861, in the inauguration of Jefferson Davis as President and
A. H. Stephens, Vice-President, ot the Southern Confederacy.
Having briefly referred to events occuring in the Southern States during
the three months that succeeded the election of President Lincoln, we
note events that transpired at Washington during the same period.
Congress met December 3, on the same day the President's message was
sent in, and the debates and action ot Congress during the entire session
related mainly to the questions at issue between the two sections. The
Southern Senators generally treated the election of November as having
been a virtual decision against the rights and equality of the slave
holding States. The Republican members disavowed this construction, and
proclaimed their willingless to adopt any just and proper measures which
would quiet the apprehensions of the South, while they insisted that the
authority ot the constitution should be maintained, and the constitutional
election ot a President should be respected. On the 8th of January the Presi
dent sent a message to Congress calling their attention to the condition ot
public affairs, declaring that while he had no right to make aggressive war
against any State, it was his right and duty to "use military force defensively,
against those who resist the Federal officers in their legal functions, and
against those who assail the property of the Federal government."
On the same day, Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, resigned his office as
Secretary ot the Interior, because supplies were sent to Fort Sumpter. Pre
viously, December 10, Howell Cobb resigned his offlce as Secretary of the
Treasury, and on the fourteenth. General Cass resigned as Secretary of State,
because the President refused to reinforce the forts in Charleston harbor,'
On the twentieth, the state of South Carolina passed her ordinance ot
secession. On the twenty-sixth. Major Anderson transferred his garrison from
Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumpter. On the twenty-ninth, ¦ John B. Floyd
resigned as Secretarv ot War, because the President would not order the return
of Major Anderson, from Fort Sumpter to Fort Moultrie. During the month
of January, the Senators from Florida, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi'
resigned their seats in the Senate, and on the fourth ot February the Senators
from Louisiana followed their example. It was during this period, at one of
the Cabinet meetings, that the Southern members of the Cabinet were boldly
demanding that the forts at Charleston be evacuated, and the President was
too weak to take a position against them. It was well that the country at that
time had one man in the Cabinet who was not afraid to declare his senti-

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 105
ments. Edwin M. Stanton, Attorney-General, arose and said: "Mr. Presi
dent, it is my duty as your legal adviser to say that you have no right to give
up the property of the Govenment, or abandon the soldiers of the United
States to its enemies ; and the course proposed by the Secretary of the
Interior, if followed, is treason, and will involve you and all concerned in
treason "
For the flrst time in this Cabinet, treason had been called by its true
name, and the men who were engaged in it were told to their faces the nature
of their foul business. Floyd and Thompson, who bad previously everything
their own way, sprang to their feet. Holt, the Postmaster-General, took
bis stand by the side of Stanton ; and thus strengthened by Stanton, the
President determined not to withdraw Major Anderson. This act of Mr.
Stanton was a noble introduction to the great work he was destined to
accomplish in suppressing the rebellion. Silently and effectually had treason
worked itself into all the departments of the government. Democracy, as
illustrated by President Jackson, who said, " By the eternal, the Union must
and shall be preserved," found no response in the heart and official meas
ures of President Buchanan. The clarion notes of the great expounder
of the constitution, who in his place in the Senate gave to the nation
those words, "The Union, now and forever, one and unseparable," which
thrilled the heart of the nation, had now lost signiflcance and mean
ing, and disunion and treason were the prevailing spirits of the last days of a
Democration administration. Traitors meeting with no opposition from the
administration, secession had become a reality. Not satisfied with securing
the forts, arsenals and government buildings in the South, sending our ships
of war to distant ports, securing the arms and munitions of war belonging
to the Union, they had so managed the finances of the nation that the United
States treasury was bankrupt, and the credit of the government in a measure
destroyed. These events, crowding each other in rapid succession, created a
state of uncertainty and apprehension in the public mind which unsettled
business, paralyzed all industries, and to every lover of tbe Union the future
prospect for the country was dark and gloomy in the extreme. The nation's
capital was seething with treason, secession was rampart, loyalty was at a
discount, the Union was dishonored and disloyalty was triumphant— and this
was the state of affairs when Lincoln left Springfield for Washington to enter
upon the duties of the office to which he had been elected.

CHAPTER XVIII.
PROM SPRINGFIELD TO WASHINGTON — THE. INAUGURATION.
The session of Congress closed March 4th. It was strongly Republican
in both branches, and had labored in every way consistent with its sense of
justice and fidelity to the constitution, to disarm the apprehension ot the
Southern States, and to remove all provocation for their resistance to the
incoming administration. It had passed resolutions proposing to amend the
constitution so as to prevent any interference with slavery in any of the States.
It had formed Governments for three Territories and passed no law excluding
slavery from any one of them. It had done all that could be done to make
tbe fugitive slave law effective. Those measures had no effect in restraining
the secession movement in the Southern States.
On the 18th of February the act of secession had been accomplished ; the
Confederate Government was organized ; the forts and arsenals of the United
States in the South were in the hands of the traitors. The arms of the Gov
ernment were sent from the North to the South, and the military forces ot the-
rebellious States was being organized to enforce the act of secession. From
the time of his election Lincoln had been silent as to the affairs of the country ;
to all he carried a calm exterior, but events were transpiring in the nation
that gave him the most intense anxiety, and filled every leisure moment with
painful thoughts. With deep interest he had witnessed the development of
the secession scheme, and, knowing the character of the Southern leaders,
he appreciated the desperate nature of the struggle upon which he was about
to enter. On the 11th of February he left his home in Springfield and at the
railroad depot, surrounded by a large assembly of his friends and neighbors,
be bade them farewell, as follows :
"My friends, no one, not in my position, can appreciate the sadness I
feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived
more than a quarter of a century ; here my children were born, and here one
of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty
devolves upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has devolved
106

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 107
upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have
succeeded except for the aid of Di-vine Providence-, upon which he at all times
relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid which sus
tained bim, and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support;
and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine
assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain.
Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell."
This parting address of Lincoln to his friends was telegraphed to every
part of the Union. So little was his character understood, that his noble and
earnest request that his neighbors should pray and ask for Divine assistance
in the discharge of the responsible duties which he was about to assume, was
by his enemies treated as an evidence of his weakness aud imbecility. It
sounded like cant to ears unaccustomed to the language of piety from the lips
' of politicians, but it came from a heart burdened with a sense of need, and
strong in its belief that the Ruler of the Universe listens to the prayers of men.
It has been heretofore stated that Lincoln, since his election, had been
silent as to his policy, and he now found that he had a difficult task before
him. He was now to meet daily large assemblages of the people, eager,
anxious, and expecting to hear from the President-elect as to what would be
his policy towards the seceded States. This information be did not intend to
give them until he could do it officially. It may be affirmed that at this time
he had no policy, except so far as he intended to obey the Constitution and
save the Union. The first he could do ; the last he could not do without the
aid and assistance of tbe people. His course must be shaped and controlled
by events in the future, and a policy adopted to-day might be changed on the
morrow. His task was now to talk to the people, and still not to talk to them about
what they most desired to know. His task now, of talking without saying
anything, was a new one and one for which he had no ability or faculty. He
had never J)een able to make a speech without saying something directly to
the questions in which the people were interested and desired information,
and now to evade and ignore the expectations and desires of the people was
the most difficult and perplexing task of his life. To talk when policy and
duty offered and required was gratifying and easy, but to talk when "silence
is golden" was inexpedient and to be avoided. Hence the disadvantages
under which his speeches were delivered during this journey to Washington.
They were mainly in the character of interrogations or suggestions delivered
to the people for their thought and reflections rather than the outlining of a
policy to be adopted or pursued. The addresses were usually short and
similar in character, and must be passed -vrith few allusions and extracts.

108 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
The flrst point of destination was Indianapolis. The party found the
city entirely devoted to the pleasant task ot giving their President-elect a
fitting, reception. The next was Cincinnati, where he received a noble greet
ing. While here he was called upon by a procession of 2,000 Germans, who
in their address indicated a desire of some utterance of his policy. In his
response, Lincoln desired to be excused, saying: " I deem it due to myself
and the whole country, in the present extraordinary condition of the country
and public opinion, that I should wait and see the last development of public
opinion before I give my views or express myself before the time of the inaug
uration. I hope at that time to be false to nothing you have been taught to
expect of me." From Cincinnati the President proceeded to Columbus,
thence to Cleveland, Pittsburg and Buffalo, thence to Albany, where he was
welcomed by Governor Morgan of New York, to whom he made a brief
response, and then he was conducted into tbe presence of the Legislature,
where be bad a formal reception. At all the cities mentioned the receptions.
were grand and imposing.
From Albany the President and party proceeded to New York, where the
reception was such as New York City could give. Philadelphia was next
reached, where the President was to raise the American flag on the anni
versary of Washington's birthday. This day and this duty was alike impressive
to the President-elect and the citizens assembled. Standing in the hall where
the Declaration of Independence was signed and declared, where were
collected the patriotism, the wisdom and the devotion to that principle from
which sprang our glorious institutions, he resolved anew that its truths and
principles should be perpetuated and that the labors and resolves of the
fathers of the Republic should not have been in vain. And as he stepped to
tbe platform and raised the star spangled banner, the emblem of our country's
greatness and our nation's pride, and it floated gracefully in the breeze, he
recognized the event as auspicious of the future, an omen of hope and trust of
what was to come. At the conclusion of the ceremonies Lincoln and his party
left the city for Harrisburg, the capital of the State, and visited botb branches
of the Legislature.
Before Lincoln left Springfleld for Washington, he had intimations that
plans were devised so that he should not reach the national capital alive ;
that a conspiracy was in existence, or being formed, to assassinate him as he
passed through Baltimore. A detective had been sent from Washington, by
Lincoln's friends, to Baltimore. He soon found that the plot was maturedand
tbe arrangement was that on Lincoln's arrival in Baltimore, in passing from
the cars, in his carriage, to the place of reception, on a given slgnaPhe should
be shot by those who should gather around bis carriage in the guise of friends,

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 109
and in the confusion the guilty parties were to escape to a vessel in waiting
which should convey them to Mobile. These discoveries were communicated
to Lincoln by the detective at Philadelphia. In the meantime General Scott
and Senator Seward, having learned that Lincoln's life would be in danger,
concurred in sending F. W. Seward forward to Philadelphia, and advised
Lincoln to proceed to Washington in a quiet way. This was February 21st.
On the 22nd, Lincoln raised the flag on Independence Hall, visited the Legis
lature at Harrisburg in the afternoon and in the evening repaired to his hotel,
it being understood that next morning he would leave with his family and
party for Washington. He remained in his rooms until 6 o'clock and then
entered a carriage, with Col. Lemon, and was driven to the railroad where a
train had been provided. At 10 o'clock they arrived at Philadelphia, were
met by the detectives, driven in a carriage to the Wilmington and Baltimore
depot, took a sleeping car and arrived in Washington at 6 o'clock in the mor
ning, were met at the depot by Mr. Washburn, taken in a carriage, and in a
few moments he was talking over his adventures with Senator Seward at
Willard's hotel. The report that Lincoln passed through Baltimore in dis
guise was a pure fabrication. No disguise was necessary. He retired to his
sleeping berth soon after leaving PhUadelpbia and occupied it until he ar
rived in Washington. The only precaution taken was to cut the telegraph
wires at Harrisburg at the moment of his departure. Friends and foes were
thrown into a flurry of excitement by this unexpected arrival of Lincoln — ^the
former, those who were not in the secret, felt humiliated that their chieftan
should thus consent to enter the capital ; but soon they learned that he had
taken the wiser course, and his foes ridiculed his fears. Lincoln now held
consultation with the Republican leaders, visited the Senate and House of
Representatives, and upon the following day he was waited upon by the Mayor
and city officers, who gave him a formal welconie to the city. In his brief
reply, Lincoln assured the Mayor that he still and always had entertained
and cherished the most friendly feelings towards the South and her institu
tions ; that he had no desire or intention to treat the people of the slave States
otherwise than as his neighbors, and that he had no intention or desire to
withhold from them any of the benefits and rights of the Constitution.
On the second evening after bis arrival in the city the Republican Asso
ciation gave him the compliment of a serenade. Many friends and spectators
were present. When called upon to respond to the courtesy, he said, " That
the occasion was fitting for him to say that he came to Washington to assume
the duties of the office to which be had been called by the people, with no
feelings but those of kindness and good will to. all parts of the Union, and
that he had no disposition or desire to withhold from any State or its people

110 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
any of the rights and benefits ot the Constitution," and closed with the
remark, that he thought when better acquainted they would be better friends.
As the inauguration drew near, many loyal citizens and friends of the
President elect repaired to Washington. General Scott was active and busy
in his military preparations for the interesting occasion. Many were the
forebodings and predictions that scenes of violence and bloodshed would
occur. It was a state of unrest and of fearful uncertainty. Washington was
full ot traitors, and the leading element was hostile to Lincoln and the princi_
pies he represented. Loyal citizens all over the Union looked forward to the
fourth of March with anxiety. On the day ot inauguration the sun rose and
shone beautifully on the city of Washington. General Scott and the city
police were prepared for the occasion. The public buildings, the schools and
many places of business were closed during the day, and the national flag
floated in the breeze from every flag staff. Soon after sunrise, Pennsylvania
avenue was flUed with people, crowding their way to the capitol. At 12
o'clock Mr. Breckenridge announced the Senate adjourned without day, and
then conducted Mr. Hamlin to the seat he vacated. At this time the foreign
diplomats entered the Senate chamber, and took the seats assigned them.
At 1 o'clock the Judges of the Supreme Court entered, with Chief Justice
Taney at their head, each saluting the new Vice-President as they took their
seats. At a quarter past 1 o'clock unusual excitement announced the coming
of the most important personage of the occasion, the entry of President
Buchanan and the President elect. A procession was immediately formed
which proceeded to the platform erected at the east end of the capital for the
ceremonies, in the following order: Marshal of the District of Columbia;
Judges of the Supreme Court and Sergeant-at-arms ; Senate Committee ot
Arrangements ; President of the United States and President elect, Vice-
President, Clerk of the Senate, Senators, Diplomatic corps, heads ot depart
ments. Governors ot States, etc.
On arriving at the platform, when all had been seated. Senator Baker of
Oregon arose and introduced Mr. Lincoln to the eager and expectant multi
tude. Mr. Lincoln then stepped to the front of the platform, and in a clear
and firm voice delivered his inaugural, which was listened to with silent and
profound interest and attention, while every passage alluding to the Union
was vociferously and enthusiastically cheered. The Union sentiments so
strongly expressed in the inaugural, and so warmly applauded and indorsed
by the audience, were the first premonition of an uprising of an Union senti
ment which admonished the assembly that the days ot secession in Washington
were numbered. At the close of the delivery of the address, the oath ot ofiice

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Ill
was administered by Chief Justice Taney, and then Abraham Lincoln had
become President of the United States.
Following is the inaugural address :
" Fellow Citizens of the United Slates : In compliance with a custom as
old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and
to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of
his offlce. I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those
matters ot administration about which there is no special anxiety or excite
ment. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States
that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their
peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any
reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to
the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is
found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I
do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that ' I have no pur
pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I
have no inclination to do so.' Those that nominated and elected me did
so with the full knowledge that I made this and many similar declarations,
and had never recanted them ; and more than this, they placed in the plat
form, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and '
emphatic resolution which I now read :
" Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States,
and especially the rights of each State, to order and control its own domestic
institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that
balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric
depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed forces of the soil
of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretense, as among the greatest
ot crimes. "I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so, I only press upon the
public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible —
that the property, peace and security ot no section are to be in any way
endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, that all the
protection which, consistently with the Constitution and laws, can be given,
will be cheerfully given to all the States wheri lawfully demanded for what
ever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another.
"There is much eontroversy about the delivering up ot fugitives from
service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Consti
tution as any other of its provisions :

112 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
¦' No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof,
escaping into another, shall, in consequence ot any law or regulation therein,
be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claina
of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."
" It is scarcely questioned that this provision, by those that made it, is for
the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the law
giver is tbe law.
" All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitu
tion — to this provision as well as any other. To the proposition then, that
slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause shall be delivered up,
their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good
temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law
by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ?
"There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be
enforced by national or State authority ; but surely that difference is not a
very material one. It the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little
consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any
one in any cause be content that this oath shall go unkept on merely unsub
stantial controversy as to how it should be kept ?
" Again, in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of
liberty (known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be so that a free man
be not, in any case surrendered as a slave ; and might it not be as well at the
same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Consti
tution which guarantees that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States ?
" I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no.
purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules.
While I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to.
be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and
private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unre
pealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them.
held to be unconstitutional.
" It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under
under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and
very distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the executive
branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils,
and, generally, with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I
now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years,
under great and peculiar difficulties. A. disruption of the Federal Union,
heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in the
contemplation of universal law and ot the Constitution, the Union ot these

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 113
States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the funda
mental law of all mitional gpvernments. It is safe to assert that no govern
ment proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution,
and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it, except
by some action not provided tor in the instrument itself.
"Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an asso
ciation of States in the nature of a contract only, can it as a contract be
peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a
contract may violate it--— break it, so to speak ; but does it not require all to
lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the
proposition, that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed
by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Consti-
tutition. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It
was matured and continued in the Declaration ot Independence in 1776. It was
further matured and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted
and engaged that it shouldbe perpetual, by the Articles of the Confederation
in 1778; and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for establishing the
Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. But if the destruction of the
Union by one or by a party only of the States be lawfully possible, the
Union is less than before, the Constitution having lost the vital element of
perpetuity. It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere
motion can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances
to that effect are legally void ; and that acts ot violence within any State
or States against the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary,
according to circ\imstances.
"I therefore consider that, in' view of the Constitution and the laws, the
Union is unbroken ; and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the
Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the United
States shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing, which I deem
to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is
practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold
the requisition, or in some authorative measure direct the contrary. I trust
this will not be considered as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of
the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing
this, there need be no bloodshed or violence ; and there shall be none, unless
it is forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me wUl be
used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places belonging to the
Government, and collect the duties and imports ; but, beyond what may be
necessary for those objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against
or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States shall

114 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
be so great and so universal as to prevent competent Federal citizens from
holding office, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers upon the
people who object.
"While the strict legal right may exist of the government to enforce the
exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so
nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it best to forego, for the time, the
uses of such offices. The mails unless repelled will continue to be furnished
in all parts ot the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall
have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought
and reflection.
"The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and
experience shall show a modification or change to be proper. And in every
case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to the cir
cumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope ot a peaceful solu
tion ot the national troubles and restoration ot fraternal sympathies and
affections. " That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy
the Union^at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither
affirm or denj'. But if there be such I "need address no word to them. To
those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak before entering
upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its
benefits, its memories and its hopes ? Would it not be well to ascertain why
we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while any portion of the ills
you fiy from have no real existence'? Will you, while the certain ills you fly
to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — will you risk the commis-
ion of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union it all
constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right
plainly written in the constitution has been denied? I think not. Happily
the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of
dping this.
"Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written pro
vision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by mere force of numbers
a majority should deprive a minority ot any clearly written constitutional
right, it might in a moral point of view, justify revolution ; it certainly would
if such right were a vital one. But such is not the case. All the vital rights
of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations
and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that contro
versies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed
with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in
practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ' 115
reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions.
Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or State authorities ?
The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in
the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions
of this nature spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon
them into majorities and minorities.
" If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must or the Government
must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the Government but
acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such case will
secede rather than acquiesce, they in turn make a precedent which in turn
will ruin and divide them ; for a minority of their own will secede from them
whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For
instance, why not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence
arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now
claim to secede from it. All who cherish disunion sentiment are now being
educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity
of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony
only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession
is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional
check and limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of
popular opinions and sentiments is the only true sovereign of a free people.
Whoever rejects it, does, ot necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unan
imity is impossible ; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement is
wholly inadmissible ; so that rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or
despotism in some form is all that is left.
" I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional ques
tions are to be decided by the Supreme Court ; nor do I deny that such
decisiobs must be binding in any case upon the parties to a smt, as to the
object ot that suit ; while they are also entitled to a very high respect and
consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments ot the Govern
ment, and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous
in any given case, still the evil effect following it being limited to that partic
ular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a
precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a differ
ent practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that, if the
policy ot the Government upon the vital question affecting the whole people
is to be irrevocably flxed by the decisions of the Supreme Court the instant
they are made, as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions,
the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that
extent practically resigned their government into the hands ot that eminent
tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges.

116 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought
before them ; and it is no fault ot theirs if others seek to turn their decisions
to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right
and ought to be extended ; the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be
extended ; and this is the only substantial dispute ; and the fugitive slave clause
of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression ot the foreign slave trade are
each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where
the moral sense of the people imperfectly support the law itself. -The great
body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few
break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured ; and it would
be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The
foreign slave trade, now^imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived,
without restriction, in one section ; while fugitive slaves, now only partially
surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
"Physically speaking, we cannot separate; we cannot remove our
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between
them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and
beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot
do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either
amicable or hostile must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to
make that intercourse more advantageous or satisfactory after separation ^han
before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can
treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among
friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot flght always ; and when after
much loss on both sides, and np gain on either, you cease fighting, the inden-
tical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.
" This country, with its institutions, belong to the people who inhabit
it. Whenever they shall grow weary ot the existing Government, they can
exercise their constitutional right ot amending, or their revolutionary right to
dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many
worthy patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution
amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully recog
nize the full authority ot the people over the whole subject, to be exercised
in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should,
under the existing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair oppor
tunity being afforded the people to act upon it.
" I will venture to add, that to me, the convention mode seems preferable,
in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves,
instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by
others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely
such as they would wish either to accept or-refuse. I understand that a pro-

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 117
posed amendment to the constitution (which amendment, however, I have not
seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall
¦never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including that of
persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction ot what I have said, I
depart from my pnrpose, not to speak ot particular amendments, so far to say
that, holding such a provision now to be an implied constitutional law, I have
no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and
they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of
the States., The people can do this if they choose ; but the executive, as such,
has nothing to do with it._ His duty is to administer the present Government
as it comes to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his suc
cessor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice
ot the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our
present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the
Almighty Ruler of the nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your
side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will
surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal — the American people.
" By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people
have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have,
-with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at
very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no
administration, by extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the
Government in the short space of four years.
" My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole
subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.
" If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which
you would never take dehberately, that object wUl be frustrated by taking
time ; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now
dissatisfled still have tbe old Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive
point, the laws of your own framing under it ; while the new administration
¦mil have no immediate power, if it would, to change either.
" If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfled hold the right side
in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intelli
gence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet
forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way our
present difflculties.
" In your hands, my dissatisfied countrymen, and not in mine, is tbe
momentous issue of civil war ; the Government will not assaU you. You can

118 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You had no oath
registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most
solemn one to ' preserve, protect and defend it.'
" I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds
of affection. "The mystic cords ot memory, stretching from every battle fleld and
patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land,
will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they
will be; by the better angels of our hature."

CHAPTER XIX.
THE GREAT WORK OF LINCOLN'S LIFE — DOUGLAS FOR THE UNION.
After the ceremony of the inauguration had been concluded, the address
delivered and the oath of office administered, the President and ex-President
were escorted to tbe White House. Mr. Buchanan now retired, the doors of
the executive mansion were opened and thousands of the loyal citizens of
the Union called to tender their congratulations.
In this hour of joy and exultation was the great burden of Lincoln's life
assumed. Responsibilities grave and momentous now rested on the Presi
dent, for the very life and duration of the nation was in peril ; the ordinary
civil duties of the President dwindled into insigniflcance in contrast with the
important labors and duties of saving the nation's life; the dismembered
and disjointed members of our grand and renowned republic must be reunited ;
it may be after years of toil, anguish and suffering such as no ruler had ever
endured, and the labors and work must commence on the morrow; the
exigences would admit of no delay. The flrst duty of the President was the
selection of the members for bis Cabinet. Wm. H. Seward was tendered and
accepted the place of Secretary of State ; S. P. Chase of Ohio was called as
Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania was honored as
Secretary of War, and Edward Bates of Missouri as Attorney-General. These
men, able and national in their influence and standing, were all prominent
candidates for the Presidency at Chicago, and thus the nation and the
Republican party was honored by the President in a remarkable degree.
The Cabinet was completed by tbe appointment of Wells of Connecticut as
Secretary of the Navy ; Smith of Indiana as Secretary of the Interior, and
Blair of Maryland, Postmaster-General.
The President having selected his Cabinet, was now ready to enter upon
an important and laborious work— no less than clearing all the departments
of the Government of the men in sympathy with the rebellion. Secession
and disunion were rampant in every branch — all offlces had been fllled with
men in entire sympathy with treason and were so infused with its malignant

120 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
spirit that no measure could be discussed or adopted by the new administra.
tion that was not reported to the rebels bysome of tbe clerks or subordinates.
The places thus held and disgraced were to be fllled with loyal men who would
secure respect tor the Government, and who would be faithful to the oaths
and obligations they had taken. To fill these places was not an easy task,
but it was done promptly, wisely and effectually. This important duty having
been performed, the President now took time to look into and fully compre
hend the situation. His inaugural address gave satisfaction to the loyal
people in the free States. Some of the more radical thought there was not
sufficient positive policy in it, while in the border States its reception was
considered conciliating and paciflc by tbe Union citizens ; but in those States,
as elsewhere in the South, the secession leaders and the disloyal press gave
it the most virulent and hostile denunciation and misrepresentation. But its
Union sentiments, the conciliatory pacific spirit which it foreshadowed, its
appeal to the patriotism of the people, its entire absence of aggressive policy
fell like a withering incubus upon the policy and leaders of the rebellion. It
was so much at variance with what they had been telling and teaching their
'people, that some new policy must be adopted. How this new policy was
inaugurated and its principles promulgated and the returning Union senti
ment smothered and destroyed, will be understood by giving the statements
made by Jeremiah Clemens, formerly United States Senator from Alabama,
at a Union meeting held at Huntville, Alabama, March 13, 1861. He said:
"I was in Montgomery and called upon President Davis. Mumminger,
Leroy Pone, Walker, Gilchrist and others were present. As I entered, the
conversation ceased. The conversation was evidently about taking Fort
Sumpter. Two or three of the parties withdrew to a corner of the room. I
heard Gilchrist say to the Secretary of War : ' It must be done ; delay two
months and Alabama stays in the Union. You must sprinkle blood in the
face of the people.'" The sprinkle was made at Fort Sumpter, then came
showers, then torrents of blood, deluging our peaceful land.
During the lull in the national affairs after the inauguration the President
was not idle ; he was engaged in the most exhaustive labors ; he found
the treasury bankrupt ; money must be provided for the support of the Govern
ment, and the credit of the nation must be restore;!. The arsenals of the
loyal States. were rifled; arms and munitions of war must be manufactured
and provided for defense, our vessels of war must be called home, our Govern
ment must be represented abroad by men of loyal sentiment and feeling, and
influences must be brought to bear which would secure respect for the
Government and a true and correct understanding of the controversy between
the loyal and disloyal States.

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 121
The rebel confederacy now found that it must make progress or fail,
and on the 12th of March two commissioners — Forsyth ot Alabama and
Crawford of Georgia — were sent and presented themselves at the State
department at Washington, stating that they were duly authorized to conclude
a treaty with the United States. They knew, ot course, that they wpuld not
be received as such, and they knew also that they ought to be arrested for
treason; but they had ascertained that the President was a merciful man,
and there was great forbearance in his nature. The President sent them a copy
of. his inaugural for them to study, and they lingered about Washington
unmolested, learning what they could and in daily communication with the
secessionists, until the 8th of April, when they returned to the rebel con
federacy and reported that they had exhausted all peaceful measures tor the
adjustment of the difflculties.
On the Sth of April an authorized messenger from President Lincoln
informed General Beauregard and Governor Pickens of South Carolina that
pro-risions would be sent to Fort Sumpter peaceably or otherwise. General
Beauregard immediately telegraphed to L. T. Walker, rebel Secretary of
War at Montgomery. The reply was: "Demand the immediate surrender
ot Fort Sumpter," which demand was made by General Beauregard, who
was at once informed by Major Anderson that his sense of honor and his
obligation to his Government forbid his compliance. On the night of the same
day General Beauregard wrote to Major Anderson that if he would state the
time at which he would evacuate Fort Sumpter, " We will abstain from
opening flre upon you." At half-past 2 o'clock in the morning Major Ander
son replied that, " He would evacuate the fort at noon on the 15th, unless he
should receive supplies or controlling instructions from his government." In
reply to this note he was notifled at half-past 3 o'clock that flre would be
opened by the rebel batteries in one hour from that time. Beauregard, true
to his notice, at halt-past 4 o'clock, a. m., opened with his batteries on the
fort. After sustaining a long and terrific bombardment of thirty-three hours
and a gallant but feeble defense by a small and famished garrison. Major
Anderson was compelled to lower his country's flag and surrender the fort
into rebel hands.
Thus, April 12, 1861, was the commencement of the civil war, and this
act was consumated April 14 by an insult to the national flag, such as the
country had never witnessed. The star spangled banner, the glorious
emblem of our country's unity and greatness, honored at home and respected
abroad, was lowered to traitors and disgraced by rebel hands. It was a
national humiliation, but it was the birth of loyalty, the resurrection of
patriotism ; it lighted the fires of liberty, unity and love of country at every
hearthstone and in every hamlet ; it was a sudden, a universal uprising of

122 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
the people ; patriotic impulses and feelings united all in thought, purpose and
determination that the national insult must be avenged.
Fort Sumpter was surrendered and evacuated by Major Anderson on the
14tb ot April, 1861. The time for action the President felt and realised had
arrived. On the 15th of April he issued a pro'clamation calling upon the
loyal States tor seventy-five thousand men to protect the national capital and
suppress such combinations as had been made to resist the enforcement of
the laws of the United States ; also for both Houses of Congress to assemble
at Washington on the 4th of July. The men of the nation were taking sides
for or against the Union. Bell and Breckenridge went with the Southern
confederacy, while Douglas gave his influence and voice for the Union. On
Sunday, the 14th of April, the people were wild with excitement under the
effect ot the news ot the fall of Fort Sumpter. The secessionists were
jubilant, loyal men sad and indignant, churches were forsaken, and the
opening of the war was the only topic of thought and conversation.
The President's proclamation calling tor volunteers was written on Satur
day, the 13th ot April. On Sunday a number of the prominent Union men
called at the Executive Mansion to confer with the President relative tp the
important crisis. The President was uneasy and solicitous. Would he have
an earnest and patriotic response to his call ? Would the citizens of the free
States rise up en masse to maintain the integrity and perpetuity of our republic,
and would the President have the support and co-operation of the Democratic
party in the North in his policy for the unity and perpetuity of the national
Government? These were important questions and were freely canvassed.
The President was anxious to secure the support and co-operation of Senator
Douglas in his measures for the suppression ot the rebellion. This he desired;
and this only he expected. The President felt that could the Senator be induced '
to give some public declaration to accompany his proclamation, in which the
Senator would sustain the President in his efforts to preserve the Union, it
would be a tower of strength for the cause of the Union. It was understood'
that Hon. George Ashmun of Massachusetts, late President of the Chicago
Convention, and a personal friend of Senator Douglas, would call on him that
evening and obtain from the Senator a public dtclaration that he would sup
port the Government in its efforts to preserve the Union. Mr. Ashmun found
the Senator engaged -with a number of friends discussing the situation of the
national affairs. They soon retired, and then for a time Mr. Ashmun dis
cussed with the Senator the emergency of the nation's affairs, and urged that
a public declaration of the Senator's views and sentiments as to the stand and
position the administration should take, would give much strength and
encouragement to the friends of the Union . The replies of the Senator were no^
favorable to the arguments of Mr. Ashmun, who urged him to go to the President

OF ABRAHAM LrNOOLN. 123
and assure him that he would support and sust.ii n him in all necessary measures
which the immediate wants of the country and the pressing necessities of the
situation demanded. The Senator said : " Mr. Lincoln has dealt hardly with
me in removing some of my friends from office, .ind I don't know that he
wants my advice or assistance." Mr. Ashmun replied that the present
question. and the situation of the country was above :;11 party consideration,
and that the Senator had now the power and opportunity to render such a
service to his country as would not only give him a claim and title to its lasting
gratitude, but would show that in the hour of his country's extremity and
need he could trample all party considerations and resentments under foot ;
and, said he, "I may say that thousands of your friends are now awaiting
your public action in accord with the administration on this question, to take
sides for the Union." Mrs. Douglas, who was present during this interview,
arose at this juncture and walked across the room, and laying her hand
tenderly on the shoulder of the Senator, in her kind and affectionate way,
said: "I am sure, Stephen, in this matter you can and will lay aside all
party and personal feelings, and that you will go with Mr. Ashmun to the
President and tell him frankly that in his efforts to save our Union he shall
have your earnest support." These words of an earnest and tender wife were
not spoken in vain ; he could not withstand that better nature to which they
had appealed. He arose and said to Mr. Ashmun that he would accompany
him to see the President. They found Mr. Lincoln alone, and he gave them
a most cordial welcome. Now for the flrst time in life were the two great
champions of the two great parties united in purpose and heart. After some
Conversation relative to the present condition of the country, the President
took up bis proclamation calling for seventy-flve thousand men, which he
would issue the next day, and read it. When he bad flnished, Mr. Douglas
arose from his seat and said, " Mr. President, I cordially concur in every word
ot that document, except that instead of seventy-flve thousand, I would make it
two hundred thousand ; you do not know the dishonest purposes of these men
as well as I do." He then pointed out to the President, on a map hanging in
the room, the principal points that should at once be occupied. Among the
most prominent were Fortress Monroe, Washington, Harper's Ferry and
Cairo. He then insisted that a firm, energetic course should be pursued
until the stability of the Union should be secured and the national honor
vindicated. " Let there be," he said, " no concession to treason — no compro
mise with traitors." The President, with a burden lifted from his shoulders,
listened with interest and pleasure to the Senator's counsel and suggestions,
and the interview closed with a perfect unity in a patriotic purpose. Mr.
Douglas said, before leaving the President, that he would write an account of
the interview to accompany the President's proclamation. It was as follows :

124 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
" Mr. Douglas called on the President this evening and bad an interesting
conversation on the present condition of tbe country. The substance ot the
conversation was that while Mr. Douglas unalterably opposed the admin
istration in all its political issues, he was prepared to sustain the President in
the exercise of his constitutional functions to preserve the Union, maintain
the Government and defend the Federal capital. A firm policy and prompt
action were necessary. The capital of our nation was in danger and must be
defended at all hazards, at any expense of men and money. He spoke ot the
present and future without reference to the past."
These patriotic utterances of Senator Douglas were exemplified in his
devotion to the cause of his country during the brief remainder of his life.
In a few days after bis interview with the President he was on his way home
to Illinois. His address to his countrymen on the route, before the Legis
lature of Illinois and before his fellow citizens at Chicago, were listened to
with great attention. As the enthusiastic patriot speaks, party fealty and
party policy were ignored, while unity and the Union were the watchwords.
In May he was taken sick, and died June 3. His last words were a wish for
the honor and prosperity of his country through the defeat and dispersion of
its enemies. The death ot Senator Douglas was a national calamity, and the
President regarded and fully realized it as such.
The patriotic stand taken by Senator Douglas for the Union carried with
it the loyal Democratic element, the influences of which may be estimated
when we recollect that in the popular vote Douglas received 1,365,976 votes,
and Breckenridge and Bell received 1,488,584 votes. He uttered many
patriotic sentiments after his interview with the President, among which was
this one, in one of the last letters he ever wrote : " We should never forget
that a man cannot be a true Democrat unless be is a true and loyal patriot."
These and similar sentiments uttered by the great champion of Democracy
-were received and treasured up as precious legacies by his followers, and on
the call of the President for men to defend the national capital and assert the
supremacy of the laws ot the nation, they rushed to the rescue, vieing with
their Republican opponents in their devotion to the Union and the perpetuity
of tbe republic.
It is a pleasure to say that during the dark and bloody days of the
rebellion, in the hospitals, fllled with our wounded and dying soldiers, was
seen Mrs. Douglas, in her weeds ot mourning, in acts of love and merCy
ministering to the wants and sufferings of the Union soldiers — nor were the
boys in gray passed by or forgotten in her labors ot mercy and patriotism.

CHAPTER XX.
UPRISING OF PATRIOTISM — OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The issue of the President's proclamation created the utmost enthusiasm
throughout the country. It was a sublime spectacle to. see a people thus
united in thought and purpose, and to realize that underneath all divisions of
party and sect there was a love of country which made us united, and that
would hold us united as a nation and a republic. The President's action was
timely, as it was necessary. The loyal citizens everywhere realized and fully
comprehended that the great struggle of slavery for supremacy was now at
hand. " Better it should be settled by us, and now, than by our children,"
was the loyal cry and feeling everywhere.
In the midst of the loyal enthusiam there was not an entire unanimity of
opinion as to the measures and methods that should be pursued to suppress
the rebellion. There were many who said the President should have called for
two or three hundred thousand men and crushed out the rebellion at once.
Those men seemed to have forgotten that a Democratic administration had
left the Government in a helpless condition — loyal hands and hearts were
willing, but the rebels had secured most of the arms of the Government, and
that in the loyal States there was only sufficient to arm those called for in the
proclamation. The outgoing administration had left the Treasury bankrupt,
which made it necessary that credit should be established and funds provided
before large bodies of troops could be organized and provided for. There
were questions of public policy which must be considered. The President's
policy was defensive, not aggressive. Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina
and Arkansas were still in the Union, and the President's call was for men
" to protect the capital, and suppress such combinations as bad been made to
resist the enforcements of the laws of the United States." Massachusetts
was the flrst to respond to the President's call. Within twenty-four hours
after the issue of his proclamation her sixth regiment, fully equipped, started
for the national capital; two more regiments took their departure within
forty-eight hours. The sixth, on its way to Washington, on the 19th of April
was attacked in Baltimore by a mob bearing a secession flag, and a number of
125

126 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
its members were killed and wounded. This insane and unnatural act of the
the secessionists of Baltimore added still more to the wrath and indignation
ot the Union citizens. The loyal citizens of the Union felt outraged that the
national troops should be assailed and mu: dered on their way to defend and
protect the capital of the nation. General Hicks of Maryland occupied a very
difficult position — he was a Bell and Everett man, "and for the Union." His
people threatened him, and he was vacillating. They would have no more
troops pass through Baltimore. He applied to the President for relief in his
emergency. The President assured him that the Government must have
troops for the protection of the capital, but that for the present the troops
would avoid Baltimore and come by the way of Annapolis.
The rebels had anticipated the secession of Maryland, and at the outbreak
ot the rebellion a majority of its citizens were disloyal, but they were held
by a Controlling Union sentiment which became predominant, until before
the close of the war her citizens declared for emancipation and abolished
slavery. Four days after the President's call for troops, he issued a procla
mation declaring a blockade of the ports of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas. This call for troops and the
establishment of a blockade were the preliminaries of the most remarkable
and closely contested war that is recorded in the history of the human race—
a contest which, tor the number ot men engaged, the extent of country
traversed, of coast line blockaded, amount of war material consumed and
results achieved, has no parallel in the history of the world. The attitude of
tbe North and South at this period presented a strong contrast. On one side
was rampant treason and a policy of aggressive war already inaugurated ; on the
other, patient forbearance and the most considerate care not to take any step
not absolutely necessary to the security of the indispensable rights of the
Government. Loyal men could find no fault with the President for claiming
too much, or being harsh with those " erring sisters " who it was thought by
some might yet be led back to their allegiance. The call by the President
for troops to defend the capital of the nation was a little too much for the
" mother ot Presidents," so on the 17th of April Virginia went out from the
Union, as far as she could, by a convention vote of eighty-eight to fifty-five;
and on the 21st ot May the Confederate Government was transferred to
Richmond, and the sacred soil of Virginia from that time was to be devoted
to battleflelds, fortiflcations, military camps and untimely graves. North
Carolina and Arkansas soon followed. Tennessee made the attempt with
partial success. Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri remained
faithful to the Union. With the disloyalty of Virginia and the removal of
the rebel capital to Richmond, went the last lingering hope of the President

OF ABRAHAk LINCOLN. 127
that intestine war could be averted, and that coercive measures would not be
necessary to preserve the integrity ot the Union.
On the 29th of April the Confederate Congress met at Montgomery, when
President Davis sent that body a message which was intended tobe a justi
fication of himself and the rebel cause before the country and the world. It
was a document plausible in his theory of State rights, and presented the
Southern doctrine of secession in its most favorable light. Mr. Davis held
that the States were sovereign, and the United States essentially subject,
therefore when any State had a plausible pretext for dissolving its union with
the other States, it had a right to do so. Mr. Lincoln maintained and upheld
the principle that the Union was sovereign and indivisible, and the States
subject, and that any attempt of individuals to dissolve and destroy the
Union by or through a combination of a State or States, was treason.
The approach of the rebel forces towards Washington rendered it neces
sary that President Lincoln should take offensive operations. On the 3d
of May he issued a call for forty-two thousand volunteers to serve for three
years; twenty-two thousand for the regular army, and eighteen thousand tor
the navy. A quick response was made, and the demand for volunteers was
soon answered in excess. On the 27th of April the blockade was extended to
include the States of Virginia and North Carolina. One of the first and most
important duties of the President after the selection of his cabinet, was to
define the position that would be assumed by our Government towards
foreign nations on questions that might arise relative to the rebellion.
, Secretary Seward, in his letter of instructions to our minister at the court of
St. James (Mr. Adams), under date of April 10, very distinctly defined the
attitude the President intended to pursue. [The limit of these pages precludes
an entry of any considerable length on this subject; a brief extract from Mr.
Seward's letter must suffice, and will show the position of qur Government.]
Mr. Seward said : " If, as the President does not at all apprehend, you shall
unhappily flnd Her Majesty's Government tolerating the application of the
so-called seceding States for recognition, or wavering about it, you will not
leave them for a moment in doubt or to suppose that^they can grant that
application and remain friends ot the United States. You may assure them
promptly in that case that if they determine to recognize they may at the
same time prepare to enter into an alliance with the enemies ot this republic.
You alone will represent your country at London, and you will represent the
whole of it there. When you are asked to divide that duty with others,
diplomatic relations between the Government of Great Britain and this
Government will be suspended, and will remain so until it shall be seen which
ot the two is most strongly intrenched in the confidence of their respective
nations or of mankind."

128 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
The firm and decided stand taken by the President in the instructions of
Secretary Seward to Minister Adams, prevented the rebel Government from
receiving a full recognition from the British Government, which President
Davis expected and desired. Our Ministers at the Court ot France and at all
the Foreign courts received similar instructions. The Court party and
aristocracy of Great Britain were, and long had been, jealous of the growth
and rising power and prosperity of the United States. This disruption ot the
republic was looked upon by them with favor, and the cry of the South that
" cotton is king," and the promises and inducement held out to them by the
Southern confederacy was that on their recognition their factories and looms
would be supplied with that article on much better terms than from the
United States. These representations and promises created a strong party
in Great Britain, whose sympathies in the first years of the war were with
the South. The firm, positive stand taken by our Government, and the
strong anti-slavery sentiment of a large portion of the English people held
their Government ostensibly on the side of freedom. And still, notwithstand
ing their professions ot neutrality, they indirectly gave aid and comfort to the
rebels, for which in after years they were called to an account by our Govern
ment, and tor their actions and conduct they paid justly and dearly. France,
by her recognition of the belligerent rights of the Confederate States, evinced
her sympathy for the rebels, but her embroglio with Mexico and the firm
position of our Government restrained her Government from giving aid directly
to the enemy. Spain continued friendly. Her possessions near the South
and the fillibustering experience she formerly had with her neighbors
rendered her indifferent to the appeals of the rebels for aid. Russia and
Germany, old friends, remained true and faithful to the Union.
Called by the President, Congress met July 4, 1861. The Republicans had!
fourteen majority in the Senate, and seventy-two majority in the House, and ,
of the opposition, five Senators and twenty-eight members supported the Presi
dent to preserve the Union. The President in his first message to Congress
flrst made a statement of the rebellion and its progress from its commencement
up to the period of his communication to that body. The doctrine of State-
rights, State sovereignty, the right of secession, was reviewed and dwelt upon
at length, and was intended as a reply to the message of Mr. Davis, and to
place before the people of the United States, and before the world whose
Governments and people were sitting in judgment on the case, the reasons
for and the grounds of the national struggle for the' suppression of the
rebellion. The President recommended that Cong e.ss make the contest a.
short and decisive one, by placing at the control ot the Government 400,000
men and ,$400,000,000, stating that a right result at the right time would be
worth more to the world and nation than ten times that number of men and

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 129
amount of money. Congress was willing to do more than the President asked
for or even desired. They voted five hundred millions ot money and author
ized him to call out half a million of men. The financial recommendations
of Secretary Chase were adopted and a moderate confiscation act was passed.
Congress also legalized all measures taken by the President for the suppres
sion of the rebellion, and labored in all ways to strengthen his hands and
encourage his heart. A resolution offered by Senator Crittenden of Kentucky,
which was adopted, asserting that the war was forced upon the country by
the disunionists of the South ; that Congress, with no feeling of resentment,
would only recollect its duty to the whole country ; that the war is not waged
in the spirt of oppression or subjugation or of interfering with the established
institutions, but to defend and maintain the Constitution and preserve the
Union with all Uie equality and rights of all the States unimpaired, and that
as soon as these objects were accomplished the war would cease. This reso
lution was adopted with only two dissenting votes. It was received with
favor by the loyal citizens of the border States, but with the rebels it was
like pouring water on a red-hot iron — a hiss only was returned.
To tbe disinterested observer it would seem that the apothegm, " Whom
the Gods will to destroy, they first make mad," would apply with peculiar
force and significance to the leaders of the rebel conspiracy. They were now
standing before the world and in the light of history without a reasonable
excuse or apology that would be received as a justification or a vindication
before an impartial tribunal. The President, by his christian forbearance, by
his acts as well as bis words, had said to the rebels : " The Government will
not assail you." From tbe time he uttered those words and took his solemn
oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and Government, his
words and actions had been pacific. He claimed only that the Union of the
States must be preserved and that the laws must be respected and observed,
and if a war came to secure this, upon the conspirators and leaders of the
rebellion must rest the responsibility for a civil war, with all the terrible
train of violence, sorrow and suffering, and the devastation ot country and
homes which would follow in a war thus inaugurated.

CHAPTER XXI.
CALIFORNIA LOYALTY TO THE UNION.
The position that California would take in the great national struggle for
the perpetuity of the Union was to the President, at the outbreak of the
rebellion, a matter of much anxiety and solicitude. How far the insidious
and seductive proposals ot a Pacific republic, or the niore unnatural project
of a Southern confederation tor the propogation of slavery would lead her
citizens had yet to be demonstrated. The vote at the Presidential election
being nearly equally divided between the three great parties rendered the
question a matter of some uncertainty. That there was a strong party
in the State hostile to the administration and in sympathy with the South
and the rebellion, was as well known at Washington as in the Golden State.
And it was also well known that the leaders of that party were in favor ot
disunion, and were taking measures to carry into effect their nefarious designs
in that direction. The loyal citizens fully realized the condition of affairs.
They were also apprized that the chief officer of the Federal troops in com
mand on the Pacific Coast was jnfuU sympathy with the seditious sentiments.
The President was early apprized of the disloyal sentiments of the command
ing officer, and measures were at once taken to relieve him, and place the
department in charge of one whose loyalty to the Union was known and
undoubted. Early in March, General Sumner, under instructions from the war depart
ment, was ordered to proceed at once by steamer to San Francisco, and imme
diately on his arrival there, to relieve A. S. Johnson of his command of the
department ot the Pacific. The sudden arrival of the old general and the
prompt and abrupt discharge of his orders was at the time a subject of much
comment. The loyal citizens were elated and jubilant, while the disloyal
were equally silent and despondent. General Johnson was ordered to report
at the headquarters of the military department at Washington, but he chose
rather to resign his commission in the army, which he did in May, and made
his way through the wilderness of Arizona and New Mexico to join the
130

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 131
Southern confederacy ; and in April, 1862, he fell mortally wounded in the
battie of Shiloh. The flres ot patriotism which had been fanned to a flame in
the Atlantic States by the bombardment and surrender ot Fort Sumpter,
were burning brilliantly and lighting up the valleys and plains ot the
Golden State. The Union party in Cahfornia was gathering strength every
day. The Douglas Democrats, following the example of their illustrious and
patriotic leader, were taking sides for the Union, the Constitution and tiie
enforcement of the laws, and all were anxiously awaiting the State election
which was to take place in September. The State was fully canvassed, and
the result was that Leland Stanford, Republican candidate for Governor,
received 55,935 votes ; John Conness, Union Democrat, received 30,954 votes,
and J. R. McConnell, secessionist, 32,782 votes. A Legislature was elected
nearly Union, as will be seen by the vote for Speaker of the House and for
President of the Senate pro tern. A short extract from Governor Stanford's
inaugural will indicate tbe Union sentiment in the State at that period. He
said : " Every citizen of California must remember his duty, and in remem
bering discbarge it faithfully. Our fellow citizens are now in the fleld armed
against traitors and treason, and for the preservation of the Union and
the national Government. The whole power of the State should, if necessary,
be wielded to encourage, support and sustain their patriotic citizens and their
compatriots. Let treason meet a just and speedy punishment, and may we
soon, as I doubt not we shall, see peace restored to our beloved Union, our
institutions more flrmly implanted than ever, and sustained by a national
sentiment that shall pervade every section of our country." The members of
the legislature elected at the election before mentioned, and the succeeding
one, fully represented the Union sentiment in California. The Union
Democracy represented by Conness of El Dorado, Higby of Calaveras,
Shannon of Plumas, McNabb of Sonoma, Hill of Santa Barbara and others
equally loyal to the Union, with the Republicans, February 10, 1863, elected
Hon. John Conness United States Senator, he receiving ninety-eight vote^;
opposition sixteen votes.
This wonderful uprising of the people of California in favor of the Union
and the enforcement of the laws of the nation was a subject of exultation and
gladness in the loyal States. At the outbreak of the rebellion loyalty was a
latent, not an active sentiment in California. Separated from the Atlantic
States by magnificent distances and by barriers almost insurmountable, the
people on the Pacific shore were in a measure isolated from .their Eastern
friends, unacquainted with the immediate causes, and had comparatively a
limited knowledge of the questions which in the Eastern States so stirred the
public mind. The admission of California into the Union as a free State had
settled at once and for all time the question of slavery on the shores of tbe

132 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Pacific ; and consequently, tbe people felt less interest in the extension of
slavery than was manifested by the people of the Western and Atlantic
States. In this apparent want of interest and concern in that question, para
mount to all others, the people were not wanting in their devotion to the
Union, their reverence for the laws and their veneration for the old flag, the
national emblem ot our country's grandeur and greatness. When the Union
was menaced, the flag dishonored and the laws of the nation violated and
disregarded, there came a burst of patriotic resentment and love of country
which made us an undivided nation. The people were being moved and their
patriotism stirred by the loyal eloquence of freedom's champion. Colonel
E. D. Baker. From one of his many speeches delivered to interested multi
tudes in California, we give an extract, a tribute to freedom. He said:
" Here, then, long years ago I took my stand for freedom, and where in my
youth my feet were planted, there my manhood and my age shall march ; and
for one, I am not ashamed of freedom, I know her power. I rejoice in her
majesty. I walk beneath her banner. I glory in her strength. I have seen
her again and again struck down on a hundred chosen battlefields. I have
seen her friends fiy from her. I have seen her foes gather around her. I
have seen them bind her to the stake. I have seen them give her ashes to
the winds, regathering them again that they might scatter them more widely.
But when they turned to exult, I have seen her meet them face to face, clad
in complete armor of steel and brandishing in her strong right hand a flaming
sword, red with unsufferable light; and therefore, I take courage in the
thought that the people have gathered around her once more. The genuis of
America will at last lead her sons to freedom." This extract is from his last
speech in California, delivered while on his way from Oregon to Washington
to battle in the Senate, and to lead the brave sons of New York on the battle-
fleld in defense of freedom which he had so beautifully eulogized.
• Again, at a Union mass meeting held in New York, he said: " And if,
from tbe far Paciflc, a voice feebler than the feeblest murmur upon its shores
may be heard to give you encouragement and hope in tbe contest, that voice
is yours to-day. And if a man, whose hair is gray, who is well worn out in
the battle ot life, may pledge himself on such an occasion as this and before
such an audience, let me say as my last word, that when amid sheeted flre
and flame I saw and led the hosts of New York (at the battle of Cerro Gordo)
as they charged in contest upon a foreign soil for the honor of your flag, so
again, if Providence shall will it, these feeble hands shall draw a sword never
yet dishonored — not to flght for distant honor in a foreign land — but to flght for
country, home, for law, for Government, for Constitution, for right, for freedom,
for humanity, and in hope that the banner of my country may advance, and

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 133
wheresoever that banner waves there glory may pursue and freedom be
established." These thrilling words of patriotic eloquence of the "Gray Eagle
of Republicanism " (a title earned and given in California) will long be
remembered by those that heard them.
Three months from that time, at the head of his regiment raised in New
York city, he fell in the battle of Ball's Bluff- in the defense ot freedom, and
that fiag and country which had honored him so highly and which he loved
so well. On the death of Senator Baker, President Lincoln suffered keenly
and deeply, as he was an intinaate and valued triend. The President said:
" The keenest blow of all the war was at an early stage, when the disaster of
Ball's Bluff and the death ot his beloved Baker smote him like a whirlwind
from the desert." He who had so eloquently and loyally represented the
Union party and sentiment on the Paciflc Coast was borne back on "his
shield " to the Paciflc shore, his home and the land of his adoption, and the
people he loved so well. And as the impressive furneral cortege of the
gallant soldier and statesman passed through the silent and solemn streets
ot San Francisco to Lone Mountain cemetery, the mournful stillness, the
solemn sternness which rested on the people indicated the causes which had
produced this sorrowful occasion, and told how deeply his memory and the
principles for which he gave his lite were enshrined in their hearts.
The fires of patriotism and freedom were burning brightly on California's
golden shores, when the apostle and advocate of liberty and humanity, Starr
King, whose eloquence fanned into a flame more bright and effulgent the
loyal patriotic sentiments of the people as they had never been stirred
before. He visited different parts of the State, and before large, attentive
and interested audiences he kindled anew the flres of patriotism in all places
he visited by his patriotic eloquence and unanswerable arguments. He
labored with all the energy and powers of his great humane and comprehen
sive mind for the unity of the republic and the maintenance of its laws.
His labors in the cause of the United States sanitary commission were equally
earnest and effective. He considered it the most humane and most magnifi-
cant scheme of charity the world had ever known, and efflciently labored to
advance and promote its success and interests. Here was the opportunity by
which the loyal citizens manifested their devotion and love for their country.
Long will be remembered his patriotic and eloquent speeches in Piatt's Hall,
San Francisco, and in other places in the State in behalf of this noble charity,
and the loyal liberality of the people in pouring into the, lap ot this grand
commission their hundreds of thousands of golden eagles. The munificent
liberalitv of the citizens of California won the admiration of the loyal States,
and the wonder of the civilized world. This noble generosity of the golden
States and the firm union stand taken by the California representatives.

¦ 134 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES «
Sargent, Phelps and Low, in the Thirty-seventh Congress, and Cole, Higby
and Shannon in the House, and Conness in the Senate, in the Thirty-eighth
Congress, were often mentioned by the President in conversation with his
friends as one of the most pleasing and gratifying manifestations of devotion
to the Union and promising indication of the success of the right, which he
received during his first administration.
The isolation of California and the great distance from the Atlantic States
deprived the people of that State of the opportunity of assisting by her citizen
soldiers in a great measure in the struggle for the suppression of the rebellion.
But her citizens were not wanting in zeal and enthusiasm in the loyal cause,
and in whatever way they could prove their loyalty they did it heartily. As
required by the national Government, two regiments of cavalry and five of
infantry were organized. In 1661, a regiment of infantry and a battalion of
cavalry marched across the plains into New Mexico and held that Territory
for the Union ; a portion were sent East by steamer, and did good service,
and the residue served on the Pacific Coast. California expressed ber desire,
through the loyal press and her representatives, to furnish her full quota for
active service ; but for reasons stated, the administration declined the proffered
aid to any considerable extent; but many ot her citizens, anxious to serve in
the Union army, left their business and went East and entered the service in
the Eastern States.
At a parting interview with the President on the 21st of March, 1865, a
few days before his assassination, I remarked, "I leave this evening for
California, and it would give me pleasure to bear the intelligence to her citi
zens that at no distant day you would visit our golden State, and I can assure
you that you will find warm and loyal hearts who will give you a generous
welcome." The President said, as he took me by the band, " I have long
desired to see California ; the production ot her gold mines has been a marvel
to me, and her noble stand for the Union, her generous liberal offerings to
the sanitary commission, and her loyal representatives she has sent to labor
for the preservation our nation have endeared your people to me, and not
anything would give me more pleasure than a visit to tbe Pacific shore, and to
say in person to your citizens, 'God bleES you for your devotion to the Union,'
but the unknown is before us. I may saj^, however, that I have it now in pur
pose, when the railroad is finished, to visit your wonderful State."

CHAPTER XXII.
BATTLE AT BULL RUN — APPOINTMENT OF GENERAL m'CLELLAN.
The rebellion found the Government no less prepared to meet it than it
found the people wanting in military knowledge and experience. None
seemed to doubt but that the rebellion might be put down in a tew months.
While the loyal citizens were read}^ and desirous to aid the Government by
furnishing men and money required tor tbe security ot the Union and sub
duing the rebellion, they became impatient at the apparent tediousness ot the
military movement. This impatience ot the people as well as that ot the
loyal press for a time, was one of the difficulties the administration had to
endure and contend with during the first years of the war. The President
had a proper respect for the wishes and opinions of the people, and the design
and efforts of his administration were so to direct and lead the people that
they would be prepared and ready to act when he acted and to give support
and aid to tbe measures of his administration when they were ripe for execu
tion. On the first of May the safety of the national capital was assured.
Fortress Monroe was reinforced, Cairo was occupied by the Government
forces, and tbe military and naval operations were being enlarged. The first
by the organization of the different military departments, and the second by
measures taken to more effectually close the Southern ports.
At this time secessionists were plotting in St. Louis to seize the Govern
ment arsenal and arms in that city. General Lyon promptly thwarted the
scheme and secured the arms for the Union forces. The rebel forces were
concentrating at Manassas, and rebel troops held Harper's Ferry. General
Butler was in command at Fortress Monroe with a force of twelve thousand
men. On the 10th of June occurred the first considerable battle ot the war
at Big Bethel, the result of which was not favorable to the Union forces. On
the 24th of May General Mansfield, with the Union troops, crossed the
Potomac from Washington thirteen thousand strong, and were set to work in
the erection of forts for tbe defense of Washington. On the 17th of June
Western Virginia repudiated the ordinance ot secession of Virginia and in
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136 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
convention formed a new State Government and appointed F. H. Pierpon
Governor. This was the first step towards " reconstruction," and the move
ment was with the direct approval and sanction of the President. Secession
ists were there, and rebel troops had been sent from old Virginia to Western
Virginia to hold that part ot the State and the people to the Southern con
federacy. Early in June a campaign was arranged for the expulsion of the rebel
forces, and Generals Morris and Rosecrans were placed in command. On the
23d of June General McClellan arrived and assumed command of the Union
forces. On the 10th ot July the battle of Rich Mountain was fought, which
resulted in a Union victory and the surrender of Colonel Pegram with one
thousand prisoners. On the same day General Garnett, who was advancing
with rebel forces to the support of Colonel Pegram, was attacked by the
Union troops ; his forces were routed and he was killed. These victories for
that time cleared out the rebels in Western Virginia. These successes,
together with General McClellan's manner of their announcement, won that
wonderful confidence which was afterwards accorded to that General. Those
that were present in that campaign are well aware how little he had to do
with its planning or with the battles by which victory was secured. After
the completion ot the defenses of Washington on the Virginia side ot the
Potomac, the Union forces were organized under the command ot General
McDowell, and under the pressure of popular impatience it -was determined
to give battle to the rebel army which had concentrated at Manassas. The
popular cry, "onto Richmond," and the short term of service of many ot
the volunteers called out for ninety days, forced General Scott to order a
general forward movement on the 15th of July.
The rebel General had called in his forces from Harper's Ferry and other
points and awaited the attack ot the Union army. On the 16th of July the
Union army, commanded bj^ General McDowell, moved from their camps
near Washington on the enemy. The attack was made on the 21st, which at
first was successful, but the rebel army, during the battle, was reinforced by
Johnson's forces from Winchester, which caused a panic among some ot the
Union regiments, and the result was the defeat and retreat ot the Union
forces towards Washington, sadly . demoralized. General Sheridan said:
" The Union troops fought bravely and well, both armies were fairly defeated,
and it either had stood fast the other would have run." As it was, the Union
forces retreated and the rebel forces were too badly beaten to pursue. The
loyal citizens were overwhelmed with mortification and disappointment at the
result of the battle. A brilliant -rictory had been anticipated, but they were
not disappointed nor discouraged. They said : " It is bad luck, but we must
try it again." The soldiers went into the action with the idea that all they

OP -ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 137
had to do was to make a bold appearance and the rebels would run. This
impression was now dispelled, as they had found a toeman worthy of their
steel. The President felt deeply and keeply the result of this battle. As he
walked back and forth between the White House and the War Department,
all could see that he suffered now from the great burden resting upon him.
Peace had been put far away by the result — Providence seemed to have
ordered it. A thousand battles were yet to be fought. A thousand plagues
were yet to be endured before the public mind would let the bondman go.
After the battle of Bull Run General Sherman's brigade occupied Fort
Corcoran. The Sixty-ninth New York regiment, three months men, were
quartered there. One morning after the review, one of tbe Captains stepped
up to General Sherman and said : " Colonel, I am going to New York to-day ;
what can I do for you ?" The Colonel answered : " How can you go to New
York? I have signed no leave for you." The captain replied, saying, " No ;
that be did not want a leave. He bad engaged to serve three months, and
had already served more than that time, and was going home." General
Sherman turned to him and said: " Captain, this question of your term of
service bas been submitted to the rightful authorities. You are a soldier and
must submit to orders until you are properly discharged. If you attempt to
leave without orders it will be mutiny, and I will shoot you like a dog. Go
back to the fort and don't leave it without my orders." The same day the
President came over from Washington to visit the soldiers. He said to
General Sherman that be would like to speak to the soldiers. The General
replied that he would be pleased to have bim do so, but that he would ask
the President to discourage all cheering. The President stood up in bis
carriage and made a feeling address, referring to the disaster at Bull's Run, to
the high duties that still devolved on them, and the brighter days yet to come.
At one or two points in his address the soldiers began to cheer, but be
promptly checked them, saying, " Boys, don't cheer. I confess I rather like
it myself, but General Sherman here says it is not military, and I guess we
had better defer to his opinion." Soon after the address was delivered tbe
captain before mentioned was seen making his way through the crowd to the
carriage, and on his approach, be said; " Mr. President, I have a cause of
grievance. This morning I went to speak to General Sherman and he
threatened to shoot me." The President, who was still standing, said :
" Threatened to shoot you ? " ' • Yes, sir ; he threatened to shoot me." The
President looked at the captain and then at General Sherman, and then
stooping his tall, spare form towards tbe captain, said in a loud whisper that
could be beard at some distance, " Well, if I were you and he threatened to
shoot I would not trust him, for I believe he would do it." The captain
turned and walked away, amidst the laughter of the soldiers.

138 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
The victory ot the Confederates at Bull's Run, so far as the material
results which followed, was a barren one. The rebels were so nearly defeated
that they could not follow up their success, and the encouragement the dis
loyal element received was more than equalled by the increased and renewed
resolution of the loyal citizens to renew the conflict at the earliest practicable
period. The defeat of the Union forces rendered it necessary that there
should be a change in the army officers, and accordingly General McDowell
was relieved of his command in August and General McClellan was called
to take command of the army of the Potomac. General Scott had recom
mended his appointment, and his Napoleonic dispatches from Western
Virginia had pleased the people and attracted their attention. His appoint
ment gave faith and promise of success to the people, and a rallying point tor
their patriotic zeal and enthusiasm. The administration had high hopes and
expectations from him as a leader of the Union armies. For three months
after his appointment, under his faithful supervision the organization ot the
troops went on, until he had at his command an army splendid in drill and
equipments, imposing in members and confldent of victory — and then should
it have been led to the achievements ot those victories and to that successful
issue which the army anticipated and expected, and which the administra- .
tion and the people felt was assured.
July 25, 1861, General Fremont received the appointment of Major
General, and was assigned to the military department of the West with his
headquarters at St. Louis. Previous to his arrival at St. Louis had occurred
the battle of Wilson's Creek. The Union troops were led by Generals Lyon
and Sigel against the rebel forces under Ben McGulloch. It was the second
important battle of the rebellion, and resulted in the death of General Lyon
and the orderly retreat of the Union forces under General Sigel. The
' battle could not be considered a defeat of the Union troops as General
Lyon with his force of six thousand men had inflicted so much injury on
McCuUoch's army of twenty- two thousand that General Sigel was not
molested on his retreat. General Fremont, on his arrival at St. Louis, found
the affairs ot the State in a most unhappy condition. It contained many dis
unionists, and there were many secession emissaries from the rebel States
who were determined, if possible, to carry the State over to the Confederacy;
and to make matters more complicated, the Union sentiment was divided.
There were the Union slavery party and the anti-slavery Union party.
General Fremont's movements and sentiments were in unison with the
principles of the anti-slavery party. On the 31st day of August, General
Fremont issued a proclamation declaring martial law, also that the real and
personal property of all persons in the State who should take up arms against
the United States was declared confiscated to the public use, and their slaves

, OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 139
were declared free men; and further declaring that all rebels should be shot
if found within the Union lines with arms in their hands. This proclamation
ot General Fremont was in advance of the policy of the administration and
assumed prerogatives which only belonged to the President. The wisdom of
this measure at the time was considered by many ot the loyal citizens of the
loyal States of doubtful utility in Missouri, while it affected the. success and
progress of the loyalty of all the border States. The President felt that
General Fremont had assumed grave and improper responsibilities in taking
so important a step and measure without notice or consultation with the
administration. The President, as soon as he received and read the
proclamation, wrote tb the General, September 2, 'saying, that there were
two points in it which gave him anxiety, and which did not meet with his
approval. The first was, that no man must be shot under the proclamation
without first having the President's consent. The second was the paragraph
liberating slaves. The President ordered that this should be so modified as
to conform with the provisions contained in an Act of Congress entitled " An
Act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes, approved August
6, 1861," and that said Act should be published with his order. The appoint
ment of General Fremont and his management of military affairs in Missouri
did not prove a popular or a successful one. While there was a large field
open for military operations against the rebels and the enemies of the Union,
he had quarrels and dissensions with the friends of the administration. His
quarrel and difficulty with Colonel F. T. Blair, and the charges and counter
charges between the principals and their friends was the subject of much
newspaper comment, as it alienated friends and tended to prevent harmony
in the Union party. The President refused to espouse the cause of either
party in the general quarrel, and he became satisfied that the interests ot the
Union cause in Missouri, as well as those of the country at large would be
subserved by the removal of the General, which took place in October, 1861,
when he was superceded by General Hunter, whose term of service was brief,
and who in turn was relieved by General Halleck. The removal of General
Fremont from his command of the Western department was at the time the
cause of much discontent and complaint by the anti-slavery men in Missouri,
and much unfriendly criticism by the radical anti-slaverj' citizens in the free
States. The -conservative policy of the President relative to slavery in the border
slave States during the flrst two years of the rebellion was not popular with
the ultra Republicans in the loyal States. But as the war went on and the
rebellion progressed, the wisdom of his policy became more apparent and
the results following therefrom were disastrous to the rebel confederacy.

140 ' LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
In the border States of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri were many citizens
who were loyal to the Union and friendly to the administration, a still
larger number whose sympathies were with the South, but their political
and pecuniary interests still held them to the Union, and a third party who,
in principle and action, favored the rebellion. Those States were still repre
sented in tbe National Legislature, and it was the policy of tbe President to
pursue that course towards those States which should not abate their loyalty
to tbe Union, and which would destroy all hope and expectation of the rebels
that those States would ever join their confederacy. This prudential policy
of the President and the good results that followed became more apparent as
tbe war progressed, and its effects were felt and seen in the more decided
utterances of fidelity and loyalty to the Union, and in their sending many
regiments ot loyal soldiers to the front to battle for the Union. There was a
gradual growth of that tone of public sentiment and feeling which was more
in concert and harmony with the measures of the administration in relation
to slavery, and the results ot this policy finally terminated in the abolition
of slavery in the States of Maryland and Missouri by their own citizens before
the close of the war.

CHAPTER XXIII.
GENERAL SCOTT RETIRES FROM ACTIVE SERVICE — THE TRENT AFFAIR.
The appointment of General McClellan to the command of the army oj
the Potomac left General Rosecrans to complete the Union work in Western
Virginia (which General McClellan iu his report said was accomplished),
which was effected during the months of August and September. The army
ot the Potomac was rapidly increasing in numbers, and was being made effi
cient in organization and discipline. At this time General McClellan's
popularity with the army was unbounded, and the country had the utmost
confidence in his ultimate success. On the 29th of August, General Butler,
from Fortress Monroe, acting with a naval force, took possession of Ha,tteras
Inlet with the rebel forts therein. On the 21st of October occurred the dis-
asterous battle of Ball's Bluff. It was a sad failure; the killed, wounded,
captured and drowned were eleven hundred. Here Senator Baker, the Presi
dent's friend and freedom's champion, fell. The country mourned in sorrow
and anger. General McClellan, in his report of the disaster, said "that
situated as tbe troops were — cut off alike from retreat and reinforcements,
one thousand seven hundred men against flve thousand, the issue could not
have been otherwise." The country wanted to know, and the people inquired
why, with an immense army within a few miles, were the Union troops left or
placed where reinforcements and retreats were alike impossible for their
relief. This sad affair at Ball's Bluff and the inactivity manifested in the
army of the Potomac did not appear well to General Scott, and he had daily
experience that his position was becoming unpleasant under the existing
management of military affairs. He therefore on the 1st of November, in a
letter to the President, desired on account of physical infirmaties, to be
relieved from all active duties. In an answer by the President to the General,
granting his request, Mr. Lincoln added : " The American people will hear
with sadness and deep emotion that General Scott has withdrawn from the
active control of the army. The President and the unanimous Cabinet
express their own and the nation's sympathy in his personal affliction, and
141

142 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
their profound sense of the important public services rendered by him to hie
country during his long and brilliant career, among which ever will be grate
fully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union and
the flag when assailed by parricidal rebellion." The President and his entire
Cabinet -waited upon him at his residence, and then with his Secretaries
around him, the President read his letter. It stirred the old General's heart
as it never had been moved before. It seemed to him to be the flnishing
up in brightness and grandeur a life — a long life spent in faithful service and
devotion to his country, its Constitution and its laws. The old General
replied : "This honor overwhelms me. It over pays all tiie services I have
attempted to render my country. It I had any claim before they are all
obliterated iby this expression of approval by the President, with the
unanimous support of the Cabinet. I know the President, and this Cabinet
well. I know that the country has placed its interests in this trying crisis in
safekeeping. Their councils are wise. Their labors are untiring as they are
loyal, and theirs is the right one."
Thus the hero of Lundy's Lane and Chapultepec, after half a century
spent in the service of his country, leading its armies to victory, went into
retirement and rest with the approbation of his Government and the gratitude
ot the people for his eminent services rendered, the more meritorious
for his loyalty and devotion to the Union in her hour of peril and need.
Born in the Soiith, a son of the Old Dominion, he had chivalric notions of
Virginia's institution and greatness; but when he came to choose between
union and disunion, loyalty or disloyalty, he laid all State, friends, and
sectional feelings at the shrine of liberty, on the altar ot freedom, and he
lived to see treason punished, loyalty rewarded and the success aud safety of
that Government he so loyally supported.
During the month of November South Carolina was invaded and a
brilliant naval victory was achieved in Port Royal harbor. Generals Grant
and McClernard attacked a rebel camp in Missouri, capturing twelve guns,
baggage, horses and many prisoners. General W. T. Sherman was sent to
Kentucky and held that State against the rebels under General Williams.
He was afterwards transferred to the army ot Tennessee, and General Buell
took Sherman's command in Kentucky.
On the 12th ot October, 1861, the steamer Theodora steamed out of
Charleston harbor with two notorious rebels on board, James M. Mason and
John Slidell, embassadors to England and France. Their object was to obtain
from those Governments the recognition of the Southern Confederacy. They
proceeded to Cuba to take passage on the British mail steamer Trent.
Captain Wilkes, ot the United States frigate San Jacinto, had been advised of
the proceedings of the commissioners, and on the second day out from

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 143
Havana the Trent was hailed from the San Jacinto by a shot across her bow.
Two officers and marines from the San Jacinto boarded the Trent, and soon
found Messrs. Mason and Slidell and their secretaries, and by force, against
tlie protest of the officers of the Trent, took them to the San Jacinto, when
they were brought to the United States and incarcerated in Fort Warren in
Boston harbor. This event produced in both countries at the time intense
excitement. The Englishmen, always sensitive to any interference with their
coveted claims as " mistress of the seas," were roused to indignation at this
insult, as they claimed it was, to their Government and flag. The rebels
looked upon the event as a special manifestation of Providence in their favor.
To the loyal citizens of the Union the news was most cheering. They greeted
the event with joy and exultation, and lauded and commended the action of
Captain Wilkes. It was well .that we had a Government at Washington
calm, dignified and intelligent, and in the cool, deliberate conduct of its
actions, entirely free from being affected by any sudden or misdirected
passions of the people. The President, as well as Secretary Seward, were
well aware that the seizure was a grave matter ; that it would be considered
by the British Government as an affront to the national honor, and that
reparation would be demanded. Secretary Seward immediately communi
cated to Mr. Adams, our Minister at the Court of St. James, a statement of
the case, with the assurance that Captain Wilkes had acted without instruc
tions and that our Government was prepared to discuss the matter ina friendly
spirit as soon as the position of the British Government should be made
known. On the 13th of November Earl Russell wrote to the British Minister
at Washington, Lord Lyons, giving his understanding of the case, and saying
" that his Government was willing to believe that the naval officer was not
acting in compliance with any instructions from his Government, and that
the United States would of its own motion release the commissioners and
make an apology." The Earl, very soon after dispatching bis note of Novem- '
ber 30, seemed to have somewhat changed his policy, for in a subsequent
note he instructed Lord Lyons to wait seven days after having made his
demand for reparation, and in case no answer should be given, or any other
answer than a full compliance with the terms of the demand, at the end of
that time he should leave Washington with the archives of the legation and
repair to London.
On the 26th of December, Secretary Seward, by direction of the Presi
dent, sent a reply to this dispatch to Lord Lyons, in which the entire question
and subject was reviewed at length, and with consummate skill and ability.
The Government decided and declared that the detention of tbe -vessel and
the removal from her of the emissaries of the rebel confederacy was justifiable
by the laws of war and the practice and precedents of the British Government ;

144 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
but that in assuming to decide upon the liability of these persons to capture
for himself, instead of sending them before a proper legal tribunal where a
regular trial could be had, Captain Wilkes had departed from the rule of inter
national law uniformly asserted by the American Government, which forms
a part of its most cherished policy. Mr. Seward said : " If I decide in favor
of my own Government, I must disavow its most cherished principles, and
reverse and forever abandon its essential policy. If I maintain these
principles and adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case itself. There
fore, the persons held' in military custody in Fort Warren will be cheerfully
liberated." This decision, sustained by the able and lucid reasoning advanced in its
support, received the immediate and universal acquiescence of the loyal citi
zens ; and in England and by all the Eurorpean nations, and by the friends
of the Union everywhere, it was received and commended as a State paper
ot consummate ability. The effect of this incident, under the just and judicious
course adopted by the administration, was eminently favorable to the United
States. One of the immediate fruits of the amicable settlement of the contro
versy was the prompt rejection oi all applications and demands by the rebel
commissioners for the recognition of the independence of tbe confederate
States. The British Government was satisfied with the liberation of the rebel
commissioners. They sailed for London in an English vessel, but singularly
failed in the objects of their mission. The friends of the rebellion in France
and England were disappointed and disgusted with the results following
Secretary Seward's able management of the affair. The hopes of tbe Southern
Confederacy, by the arrest ot their commissioners, were raised to their highest
state by the abrupt ultimatum of Earl Russell to our Government. But the
adroit and successful management of the controversy by Secretary Seward,
and rejection of the application ot the rebel commissioners tor the
recognition ot their confederacy, destroyed their hopes and brought dis
appointment and grief to the rebels and their friends throughout the Union.
With the President's good humor, was his self-possession, resulting from his
patience and calmness which was most fully exemplified in the settlement of
the Trent affair.
Hon. Chancellor Hartson says : " But with Lincoln all deficiences in
prompt action met a full compensation in his calmness, and his wonderful
practical nature. Nothing ruffled his calmness ; nothing exhausted his ¦
patience — patience, that divine quality; that heroic element; all the more
heroic because we pay it no respect. How rich Lincoln's nature was in this.
The calm self-possession resulting from Jthese two elements was never
brought out more fully than when the seceding States were seeking recog
nition as an independent Government from the Europeon powers. When I was

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 145
in Washington, a gentleman connected with the Department of State showed
me the original draft of the dispatch to our Minister in England on this sub
ject. The flrst draft was in Mr. Seward's handwriting, couched in vigorous
English; it was bold and defiant, almost threatening in its tone, putting in
strong language the insults and injury to our Government. But all through
the document were erasures and interlinations in Lincoln's hand, softening
this word and toning down that arrogant claim, substituting gentler and more
cautious expressions for Seward's blunt language, till when all was done without
altering the meaning of the document the whole tone was changed. Seward's
letter would have offended the dignity of England and would have dared her
to recognize the rebel confederacy. Lincoln's letter enlisted the sympathy
ot the English liberals and prevented ihe impending catastrophe. It was
probably the most critical point of the war."
Soon after the settlement of the Trent affair, a clergyman from Spring
field, Illinois, an old friend of the President, visited Washington and called
at the "White House to pay bis respects to the President. In the course of
the conversation, he remarked: "Mr. Lincoln, I think you have made a
nice point in this Trent affair. I think the rebels will be sadly disappointed ;
and, if it is not asking too much, I would like to knowjwhat will be your
policy on the slavery question." " Well," said the President, " it seems to
me that I find too many that are more concerned about the slavery question
than they are about the Union. But I will answer your question by telling
you a story. ' You know B., the old Methodist preacher, and you know
Fox river and its freshets. Well, once Father B., in company with a young
Methodist minister, in the Spring of the year when the waters were high and
roads deep and muddy, was traveling towards Fox river. The young
minister was continually expressing his fears that the river would be so high
¦ that he would be prevented from crossing and could not fill his appointments.
Father B. checked him in his gravest manner. Said he, young man, I have
always made it a rule of my life never to cross Fox river until I get to it.'
And," added Mr. Lincoln, " I am not going to worry myself over the slavery
question until I get to it."
About this time an Austrian Count applied to President Lincoln for an
appointment in the army. Being introduced by the Austrian Council he
needed no further recommendation ; but, as if tearing that his importance
might not be duly appreciated, he proceeded to explain that he was a Count ;
that his family were ancient and highly respectable; Lincoln, with a
merry twinkle in his eye, tapped the aristocratic lover of titles on the shoulder
in a fatherly way, as if the man was confessing to some wrong, and interrupting
him, said in a soothing tone, "Never mind, you shall be treated with just
as much consideration for all that." The Austrian nobleman looked for a

146 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
few moments as though he fully recognized the fact that he was in a country
where Counts were at a discount.
A friend of the President called upon him when he was apparently
pressed with important matters, and read a long manuscript to him, and then
asked: "What do you think of it; how will it take?" The President
reflected for a moment and then said : " Well, for people that like that kind
of reading, I think it is just about the kind of reading they would like."
These pleasantries of the President at this time indicate that the settlement
of the Trent affair had given him cheerfulness and good humor which found
vent in those jocose replies and that elasticity of spirit which he at times
enjoyed.

CHAPTER XXIV.
GENERAL m'cLELLAN'S PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN.
When General McClellan was called to the command of the Army of the
Potomac in July, there were at or near Washington 50,000 men, and within
the succeeding three months the number was increased by the Government to
more than one hundred and flfty thousand, with five hundred pieces of
artillery. Tbe President gave him more men than was ever effectually
handled by any one man in the field, and the War Department lavishly
granted bis army all the war material required. He succeeded General Scott
on his retirement from the service November 1st, in command ot all the
armies of the Union, having personal command ot the Army ot the Potomac,
He had the finest and best organized army of its numbers ever placed under
the command of one man in modern times, and the people became more and
more clamorous for action and a forward movement against the enemy.
The President was urging him to do something in response to the demands
of the country. The rebels were massing in his front within striking distance.
There was an unaccountable over^cautious delay. Hesitating, wavering, he
always found excuses in the shape of fresh obstacles to a forward movement.
He allowed the golden days of Autumn to pass away, and not a movement
was made or a blow struck. The season had been very favorable for military
movements. The troops were well organized and. in the highest state of
efficiency, and eager and earnest desires were expressed by the officers and
privates to be led against the enemies of their country. All recollect how
monotonous the news became as month after month it was said ' ' all quiet on
the Potomac." As Winter approached without any indications ot an intended
movement against the enemy, the public discontent rose to the highest point.
The President, unable and unwilling to bear the procrastination, on the 27th
of January issued an order for a general movement of all the Union armies,
land and naval forces, against the insurgents on the 22d of February. Instead
of obeying this order General McClellan objected, stating that the roads would
be bad, and that he had a better plan on a better route. These objections of
147

148 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
General McClellan to the orders of the Commander-in-Chief were a subject of
much correspondence by General McClellan, which delayed any movement
until March Sth, when the rebels retired from their defenses at Manassas
towards Richmond. On the 10th of March General McClellan moved forward
his grand army to the rebel defenses and found no enemy, and on the 18th of
March marched back to Alexandria.
Six months had now intervened since General McClellan's army of one
hundred and fifty thousand men was organized and fully equipped for aggres
sive movements, and during that period had only occurred the battle ot Ball's
Bluff, before mentioned. It may be here stated that the President, in com
mon with the whole country, was deeply pained by the long delay of the Army
of the Potomac to move against the rebels while in force at Manassas, and
this feeling was changed into mortification and chagrin when it was known
that the enemy were allowed to withdraw from that position unmolested, and
even without their designs being known or suspected. The President had
now become anxious and impatient. The people, instead of laying the blame
on the General in command for these delays, were blaming the administra
tion, 'and had manifested their dissatisfaction in the late elections, and the
President, as well as the loyal citizens, felt that the crisis demanded a for-ward
movement and a vigorous prosecution of hostilities. The President said he
would have no further delay. General McClellan must now move. He could
select his own route to find the enemy, but they must be found. Only one
thing was required, a sufficient force must be left to protect the National
capital. The route selected for an offensive movement was the peninsula,
by way of Fortress Monroe. Four corps accompanied him, numbering 146,255
men. The troops arrived and were landed on the peninsula the flrst of April.
General McClellan immediately pushed' forward a portion of his force
towards Yorktown, where the enemy had thrown up a line of intrenchments
across the peninsula. Here, with a rebel force of 11,000 men, according to the
official report of the rebel commander. General Magruder in front, General
McClellan, with over one hundred thousand men, with pick and shovel
went to work to entrench, and began aregular siege, and here he was held at
bay one month, when the rebels quietly evacuated their position and retired
up the peninsula.
This recalls an incident that occurred at the White House after General
McClellan was nominated for the Presidency at the Chicago Convention. A.
gentleman from New York, in company with Assistant Secretary Dana, called
upon the President. In the course ot the conversation the gentleman said :
" What do you think, Mr. President, is the reason General McClellan does
not reply to the letter ot nomination from the Chicago Convention ? " " Oh,"
replied Lincoln, with a characteristic twinkle of his eye, " he is entrenching."

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 149
While the army was intrenching before Yorktown General McClellan was
engaged in sending dispatches to the President for more men and making
complaints that he was not properly supported by the Government. This
continual complaint and demand worried the President, as he knew there
was no real cause, and on the 8th of April he wrote to the General, reviewing
all his complaints, and closing by saying : "I beg to assure you that I never
have written to you, nor spoken to you in greater kindness of feeling than
now, nor with a fuller purpose to sustain you, but you must act." On the
30th of April General McClellan called upon the War Department for Parrott
guns, and on the 1st of May the President wrote to him: "Your call for
Parrott guns from Washington alarms me, chiefly because it argues indefinite
procrastination. Is anything to be done?" The rebels opened the way for
the General's advance by quietly retiring from their fortiflcations at York-
town, May 4th, and on the 5th occupied their second line of defenses at
Williamsburg. On the 5th of May a portion of the army was ordered forward under
Generals Hooker, Heintzleman, Sumner and Hancock, and found the enemy
near Williamsburg and engaged them early in the day. General McClellan
was at his headquarters near Yorktown and was informed by a messenger
that a bloody battle was in progress and that his presence was needed on the
field. He arrived on tbe battlefleld late in the afternoon. His presence
aided materially in producing a favorable result of the battle and the retreat
of the enemy. Next morning no portion of the rebel army was found in the
vicinity. We leave the army for a time, making its way towards Richmond,
to narrate some events taking place at Fortress Monroe and in the vicinity.
The President and a member of his Cabinet had arrived at the fort for consul
tation and an examination of the state of affairs. Nothing could be effected
on James river on account of the presence of tbe formidable Merimac, and
because Norfolk was held by the rebels. An expedition was fitted out at
Fortress Monroe, under General Wool, to take Norfolk. To show how this
was done and to illustrate how the President dealt with his offlcers, we shall
let Mr. Lincoln tell his own story. In conversation with General Garfield,
he said: " We went down to Fortress Monroe in Chase's revenue cutter,
and consulted -with Admiral Goldsborough on the feasibility of taking Norfolk
by landing on the north side and making a march of eight miles. The
Admiral said there was no landing on that shore, and that we should have to
double the cape and approach the place from the North side, which would be
a long march and a difflcult one. I asked him if he ever tried to find a landing
and he replied he had not. ' Now, Admiral,' said I, ' if you don't know there
is a landing on the North side I want you to find out.' The Admiral took the

150 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
hint. He fitted out an expedition, and taking Chase and Wool along with
some marines, he went on a voyage of discovery, and Stanton and I remained
at Fortress Monroe. That night we went to bed, but not to sleep, for we
were very anxious for the fate of the expedition. Next morning, about 2
o'clock, I heard the heavy tread ot Wool ascending the stairs. I went into
the parlor and found Stanton hugging Wool in the most enthusiastic manner
as he announced that he had found a landing and had taken Norfolk."
Thus, by a hint 'from the President, the capture of Norkfolk was accomplished
on the 9th of May, and on the 11th the Merrimac was blown up by her ovm
offlcers and the passage ot James river was opened to Drury's Bluff.
Returning to the army ot the Potomac, which lay at Williamsburg, five
days after the battle. During this time General McClellan was busy with his
dispatches to the President. The replies of the President indicate their pur
port. Under date of May 15, he writes : " I have done all I could or can do to
support you. I had hoped that the opening of the J ames river and putting
Wool and Burnsides in communication with an open road to Richmond or to
you had effected something in that direction.''
On the 7th of May, General Franklin landed at West Point with his
division, supported by the divisions of Sedgwick, Porter and Richardson.
The rebels were obliged to attack this force in order that their retreating
troops from the battle of Williamsburg could make their way back towards
Richmond. The enemy, after a contest of six hours, were repulsed, but the
object of the attack was effected. On the 16th of May General McClellan's
headquarters had reached the White House, and on the 25th a movement was
made to cross the Chicahominj', which was partially affected, and on the 30th
and 31st of May a severe and well contested battle vraB fought, which resulted
in the repulse ot the rebels and such a severe loss to them as to greatly alarm
Richmond ; and the expectations and impressions ot the enemy was that an
immediate pursuit would be made by the Union forces. On the succeeding
day General Heintzelman sent out a reconnoitering party which advanced ¦
within four miles of Richmond, and no enemy was found. Ot this reconnoite'r
General McClellan was informed, and now it would seem that the favorable
opportunity was at hand to advance and capture Richmond; but General
McClellan thought otherwise. He ordered tlie troops to fall back and occupy
their old positions. On the 7th of June General McClellan wrote to the
Secretary of War that he should be ready to move as soon as General McCall
should reach him with his division, which he did on the 10th ot June. The
Army of the Potomac landed on the peninsula the flrst day of April; two
months and ten days had now elapsed and no decisive results had been accom
plished. The long delay and procrastination had given time for the rebels to
call in and concentrate their forces for the defense of Richmond, and each

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 151
succeeding day made the success of the Union army more difficult and the
capture of Richmond more improbable. Among the many complaints and
demands ot General McClellan during those seventy days of progress from
Fortress Monroe to the Chicahominy was his request for the reorganization
of his army. He was not satisfied with the appointment ot the corps com
manders, which were made by the President, and such officers as Sumner,
Heintzelman and Keyes were not ot his choosing ; and on the 9th of May he
wrote to the Secretary of War, asking permission to reorganize the army
corps. The Secretary informed him that the President would write to him
relative to that subject. The letter of the President is here subjoined ; it is
frank, friendly and characteristic, and is as follows : " I have just assisted
the Secretary of War in forming the part ot a dispatch to you relative to army
corps, which dispatch, of course, will have reached you long before this will.
I wish to say a few words privately on this subject. I ordered the army corps
organization not only on the unanimous opinion of the twelve generals of the
divisions, but also on the unanimous opinion of every military man I could
get an opinion from, and every modern military book, yourself only excepted.
Of course I did not on my own judgment pretend to understand the subject.
I now think it is indispensable for you to know how your struggles against it
is received in quarters which we cannot disregard. It is looked upon as
merely an effort to pamper one or two pets, and persecute and degrade their
supposed rivals. I have no word from Sumner, Heintzleman and Keyes.
The commanders of these corps are, of course, the three highest officers with
you ; but I am constantly told that you have no consultation or communi
cation ¦with them ; that you consult and communicate with nobody but
General Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints
are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should know of their exist
ence. Do the corps commanders disobey your orders in anything? Are you
strong enough even with my help to put your foot upon the neck of Sumner,
Heintzelman and Keyes all at once ? This is a practical and very serious ques
tion to you." General McClellan thought it advisable, after the receipt of the
President's letter, not to press the change in the corps commanders which he
had thought so essential and necessary. But he created two additional corps
which he placed under the command of Generals Porter and Franklin, the
men mentioned by the President as his favorites. The tenor of the Presi
dent's letter plainly indicated that he was aware of the trouble and dissen
sions that were injuring the efficacy and imperiling the success of the Army of
the Potomac, and that veteran offlcers, high in command and in the confidence
of the Government and people, as were Sumner, Heintzelman and Keyes,
could not be deprived of their commands at the caprice and wish of the com
manding General. General McClellan had now nearly for a month been

152 LIFE AND PUBLIC- SERVICES
delaying daily his intention to march upon Richmond. Several specific days
had been named, although in every instance something occurred to prevent a
movement and cause a further postponement. He bad been idle so long that
the rebels had fully prepared for his reception, and they were now disposed
that be should move one way or the other.

CHAPTER XXV.
GENERAL m'oLELLAN'S FAILURE.
The battle of Fair Oaks was fought on the 31st ot May, and for almost a
month General McClellan's army lay inactive astride the Chicahominy, and
now it was the 25th of June and the rebels were now prepared for action. On
the 26th of June his right was attacked, but the enemy was repulsed. This
engagement disclosed the purpose of the enemy, which was to crush his right
-wing and cut off his communications. Here was opened for his adoption
two plans. He could have crossed the river with his left wing and so have
reinforced his right as to have given it a victory ; or, he could have with
drawn his right across the river, which was in itself a strong defensive line,
reunited his army, and marched into Richmond on the fiank and rear of the
attacking enemy. Concentration and a vigorous effort would have given
victory. Division invited and insured defeat.
General McClellan left tbe right wing of his army of thirty thousand men
the next day, without any support from the left wing, to contend against the
main body of the rebel army. Porter was so severely pressed that the
dirision of Slocum and tbe brigades of French and Meagher were sent to his
aid, and by their assistance he was enabled to hold his position until dark,
when he withdrew across the Chicahominy. On the evening of the battle,
June 27th, General McClellan informed his corps commanders that his right
wing would be withdrawn across the Chickahominy and the army would fall
back to James river. During the month that General McClellan had laid
inactive on tbe Chicahominy his pen bad been active in calling on tbe Presi
dent for more troops, while his inactivity prevented the President from, com
plying with his requests and demands. Had he pressed the enemy within
the environs of Richmond, Jackson would have been recalled from the valley
of the Shenandoah and the President would have been relieved of the
pressure on Washington and have|been able and willing to send more troops
to his assistance. .
It may be said that at this time tbe large and magnificent peninsula
expedition, so far as offensive operations were concerned, had come to a close. 153

154 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Organized under auspices the most promising, and with expectations thft
most sanguine and confident of success, it moved forward to its destination
with the prayers, hopes and anticipations of millions of freemen, but its oper
ations were retarded and impeded by timidity and procrastination. The
trenches of Yorktown bore its bitter fruit, and the pestilental banks ot the
Chicahominy had its thousands, a sacrifice to inaction and delay. On the
night of the 27th of June, after General Porter had recrossed the Chicahominy,
the bridges were destroyed, and early the next morning the whole army was
put in motion on the retreat to James river, and at the same time all army
supplies that could not be removed were destroyed. General McClellan
and his staff proceeded in advance, leaving orders where the corps com
manders were to make successive stands to resist pursuit, be taking no part
personally in any of the succeeding engagements. On the 28th, the army
continued its march unmolested towards James river. On tbe 29th the rear
guard under General Sumner was attacked by tbe rebels, and in a severe and
hotly contested battle they were repulsed at Savage Station. On the next
day, at Frazier's Farm, the rebels made a desper'ate attempt to pierce the
Union army but were repulsed. The Union army, during the night of the
30th, fell back and occupied Malvern Hill, and here prepared to contest the
further pursuit of the rebels. Here the reunited Union forces made a stand
and were attacked in force by the rebel army, July 1st. Tbe rebels were
signally defeated and repulsed with fearful slaughter, suffering a more
severe and serious loss than in any battle fought since the outbreak. On the
following day the retreat of the Union armv was continued unmolested te
Harrison's Landing, which had been selected by General McClellan, and
which was occupied by the Union army July 2d. On the 8th of July following,
the President visited the army at Harrison's Landing. At this time it was
ascertained that the enemy was organizing their forces for an advance on
Washington, the rebel general being satisfied that Richmond was no longer
in danger. It was the opinion of the President and the corps commanders
that the army should repair to Aquia creek in order to support General Pope,
on whom General Lee, with the rebel forces, was advancing, and to cover
Washington. General McClellan was opposed to this movement ; he still
wanted more men. He wanted General Burnside's command from North
Carolina to help him, and he still wanted to try and take Richmond. But
the President thought differently. He reasoned and believed that if General']
McClellan, with an army ot 160,000 men, big with high hopes and expectations
when they landed on tbe peninsula, could not defeat the rebels and take
Richmond, that with the same army now decimated by disease contracted in
the marshes and swamps of the Chickahominy, and in the seven day battles,
and sadly demoralized by the retreat to James river, a successful advance on

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 155
Richmond would be impolitic, if not impracticable. And further, the Presi
dent found on his visit to the army, that of the 160,000 men that had gone with
General McClellan to the peninsula only 80,000 remained, leaving 75,000 men
to be accounted for, and, making a fair estimate for the losses by death,
wounded and disease, 50,000 men were still absent; and to the inquiry of the
President how these 50,000 raen were to be accounted for, General McClellan
replied that 38,250 men were absent on furloughs granted by tho permission
ot the commanding oflicer.
History has written up a painful record of the movements and results of
this remarkable campaign under General McClellan, and this acknowledg
ment is the most unaccountable and remarkable. For two months General Mc
Clellan had been almost daily calling upon the President for more troops, more
reinforcement, and here he tells the President that from his army are 38,250
men absent from duty on furlough. Well might the President bow his head
in sorrow and anguish as he did at the sad failure of his expectations and
the demolition of his hopes and anticipation, which had centered on the Army
of the Potomac, knowing full well that on him and his administration were the
expectations and hopes of the people centered, and that he and he alone must
bear the obloquy, censorious comments, blame and disappointments that
would follow so signal a failure. The people could not — must not now know
where the blame should rest, and the reasons for the sad ending of tbe
peninsula campaign. Here, on the 7th of July, while calling on the President
for more men, and reorganizing his shattered battalions after the seven days
battles. General McClellan found time to write the President a long letter of
advice as to what should be the future policy and proper conduct of his
administration. It was a surprising letter, remarkable -tor a subordinate
officer to write to the President of his Government ; it was a rare epistle, such
a one as history fails to record, except in this one instance, in which an
officer, although high in command, presumes to advise and dictate to his
Government what ought to be and should be its future policy. The particular
points, among others, which he wished to impress upon the President were
that in no event should the people ot any State be subjugated, no political
execution of persons, no confiscation and no forcible abolition of slavery.
" A radical declaration of views, especially on slavery," he said, " would
rapidly disintegrate our present armies." The President, instead of taking
any notice of this letter, continued to urge the Generays attention to the con
dition of his own army, saying to him, " Save the army where you are, and
by removal if you must, but save the army at all events."
On the 25th of July, General Halleck visited the army at Harrison's
Landing, and after a careful inspection of its condition, called an informal
council of the offlcers, a majority of whom recommended a withdrawal from

156 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
the peninsula ; and on the 4th ot August he informed General McClellan that
bis army was to be withdrawn from the peninsula to Aquia creek. General
McClellan remonstrated against this movement, and declared "that the
army ought not to be withdrawn ; it ought to be reinforced and marched
against Richmond." He seemed not to understand that his presence or move
ments on the peninsula gave General Lee but little fears for the safety of
Richmond, as he was, with the main strength of his army, forcing General
Pope back upon Washington. On the 4th of August General McClellan was
ordered to remove his sick, and forward bis troops as fast as possible to
Aquia creek, as General Lee was pressing General Pope, who was contesting
every inch of ground with his inferior numbers. It would seem that there
should have been celerity of action now, but it was not until the 23d of
August that General Franklin's corps started from Fortress Monroe, and on
the 26th that General McClellan reached Alexandria.
It is impossible to understand or comprehend the delay and dilatory
movements of General McClellan at this critical juncture. He was earnestly
urged to forward his troops as fast as possible to the assistance of General
Pope. Orders were given him the 4th of August, and nineteen days inter
vened before the first arrival of troops at Aquia creek, which should have
been accomplished in four days ; and this.was permitted when he was informed
that the celerity of his movements was necessary to save the Union army
under General Pope, and secure the safety of the National capital. On the
9th of August, General Halleck says: "The enemy is massing his
forces to crush Generals Pope and Burnside, and considering the amount
of transportation at your disposal, your delay is not satisfactory. You must
move with celerity." Again, on the 11th of August, General Halleck says:
" The enemy is crossing the Rapidan in large forces ; to-day they are fighting
General Pope ; there must be no further delay in your'movements. The delay
which has already occurred was entirely unexpected and must be satisfactorily
explained. Let not a moment be lost." Thus, with all the ordering, urging
and scolding by bis superior officer. General Halleck, twenty days intervened
after the first order was given before the first corps. General Franklin's,
reached Aquia creek. This could have been accomplished in forty-eight
bours. By the delay ot General McClellan in sending forward his troops as
directed, the Army of the Potomac under General Pope was driven back upon
Washington. It had contested every inch ot ground, and fought every battle
with a gallant and tenacious courage that would have insured a decisive
victory had it been promptly and properly supported. The question, why
this fatal delay in the movements of General McClellan's troops, has never
been satisfactorily answered. The most charitable inference is that he was
jealous of General Pope and wished to deprive him of success ; at any rate, his

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 157
conduct, his failure to act promptly and readily in this great necessity
renders the conclusion unavoidable that he was inefficient, incompetent to
grasp the situation, or wanting in true devotion to his country, and to the
interests and responsibilities committed to his hands. The rebel army,
elated with their victory over Pope, were moving up the Potomac tor the pur
pose ot crossing over and invading Maryland. The time tor action had come.
General Pope was relieved from his command and General McClellan was
now placed in command of all the troops, and on the 4th of September the
Union army crossed the Potomac into Maryland, and on the 12th reached
Frederick, which had just been evacuated by the rebels.
There was great excitement in Washington, the country was fearfully
alarmed, and the people were losing confidence in the administration. The
sad reverses and delays of General McClellan, and the causes thereof, could
not be made public without detriment to the military service ; and conse
quently the President must bear the reproach and censure of the public until
the proper time should arrive when the real causes of those failures could be
given to tbe country. On the 14th of September, the advance of the Union
army came up with the rebel forces eight miles from Frederick, and the
battle of South Mountain was fought and the enemy was forced back towards
the Potomac. General McClellan pushed forward bis right wing and center
in pursuit of the Confederates, and came up with them and found them posted
on the bank of Antietam creek. On the 16th the Union army had arrived in
front of the enemy, and preparations were made for an attaok the following
day. Early on the morning of the 17th, Hooker commenced the battle on the
enemy's left, and was supported by Mansfield and Sumner's corps. On the
enemy's right, Burnside's was engaged. The battle raged back and forth
over the contested field with alternate success. The rebels were driven from
most of their positions, and at the close of the day victory had been wrested
at a fearful cost from the Confederate army. The Union loss was 2010 killed,
9416 wounded and 1043 missing. The enemy's total loss was 13,500. The
trophies of the Union army were thirteen guns, thirty-nine colors, 15,000
small arms and 6000 prisoners. Early the next morning the Union troops
rose from their rest on the bare ground, partook of their simple breakfast
and were prepared to renew the contest. They believed that Lee could not
escape. The river was in his rear and Porter's fresh corps of 15,000 men was
at hand. Will the auspicious opportunity be improved? Will' General
McClellan grasp and improve the timely moment for success ?

CHAPTER XXVI.
GENERAL M'cLELLAN SUPERCEDED — UNION SUCCESSES — STANTON, SECRETARY
OP WAR.
As was narrated in the preceding chapter, the battle of Antietam was
fought on the 17th of September, resulting in the defeat of the rebels ; and
they were allowed, during the night and the next day, to lead their shattered
forces across the Potomac. It became necessary again to force a movement,
for orders to issue from Washington to General McClellan to renew the battie
on the 19th, when he suddenly discoyercd that the enemy was on the other
side of the river. General McClellan, with Porter's corps of 15,000 fresh
troops who had taken no part in the late action, and his entire army not as
badly disorganized by the battle as the army of the enemy, thought it not
prudent to make a pursuit of the retreating foe, nor did he think it advisable
to cross the Poltomac ; but on the 23d he wrote to the President for reinforce
ments, and on the 28th he renewed his application, stating his purpose to
hold the enemy where it was and to attack the rebels should they attempt
to recross into Maryland.
On the 1st of October the President -visited the army and made a careful
inquiry into its strength and condition ; on the 6th of October he issued an
order for immediate advance. General Halleck telegraphed as follows:
"The President directs that you cross the Potomac and give battle to the
enemy, or drive him South. Your army must move now while the roads are
good. If you cross the river between the enemy and Washington and cover
the latter by your operations, you can have 30,000 men. The President is
very desirous that your army should move as soon as possible."
On the 11th of October the rebel general of cavalry, Stuart, with a force
of 2500 men made a raid into Pennsylvania, going completely around General
McClellan and his army and returned unharmed, although General McClellan
had reported his capture sure. For over two weeks General McClellan
delayed to move his army in obedience to the President's orders. He spent
this interval in incessant demands tor reinforcements, and on the 21st of
158

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 159
October inquired if it still was the President's wish that he should march on
the enemy at once, or await the arrival of fresh horses. He was informed that
the order of the 6th was unchanged and that all this good weather should not
be wasted in inactivity. On the 25th of October he wrote to the War Depart
ment, saying, " That his horses were fatigued and greatly troubled with sore
tongue." This complaint elicted the following inquiry from the President:
"I have just read your dispatch about sore tongue and fatigued horses.
Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done since
the battle of Antietam that would fatigue anything? " On the 1st of Novem
ber the army commenced crossing the Potomac and on the 5tb General
McClellan announced to the President that it was all on the Virginia side.
This was just one month after the order was given to cross. The rebels had,
in the meantime, fallen back and taken possession of all their strongholds
and strongly reinforced their army.
President Lincoln had experienced, to its fullest extent, the signification
of that expression, " Times that tried men's souls." The patience and for
bearance of the administration had long ere this ceased to be a virtue, but
witha disposition to bear and forbear with the General's inactivity, delays and
failures, the President bad deferred a change until the prospect tor the
future was cheerless and hopeless indeed and on the 5th of November an
order was issued frora the War Department relieving General McClellan of his
command and directing General Burnside to take his place as Commander of
the Army of the Potomac.
The reader of history will find much food for thought and refiection in
comparing the campaigns and military movements of General McClellan and
their results with Sherman's march to the sea, of Sheridan in the Shenandoah
valley, of Thomas in Tennessee and Grant in the wilderness and before
Richmond. Compared with the operations of those generals and the results,
the campaign of General McClellan was barren of advantageous effects.
The period of fifteen months that General McClellan had command was the
most remarkable of the war. Remarkable at flrst for high hopes and expec
tations of grand and brilliant results, and still more remarkable for inactivity,
hesitancy, delays for want of action and discernment, and for blasted antici
pations and bitter disappointments. With due liberality the want of success
¦with General McClellan must be regarded as mainly due to the natural consti
tution of his mind, unable to meet the great responsibilities of his position,
and to grasp at the opportune moment — the favorable time tor achieving great
amd decisive results. To bim was intrusted the destinies and hopes of the
Nation at a most critical period of its history. He assumed the responsi
bilities under the most flattering and auspicious circumstances, called by bis
Government with the entire approbation of the loyal people to the high com-

160 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
mand of the largest and most powerful army ever marshaled till then upon
this continent, furnished with every material of war necessary for effective
ser^vice. The future seemed then, to the loyal citizens of the Nation, full of
hope and promise, and the administration was equally hopeful of success and
confldent that the best results would follow from calling General McClellan
to command the Army of the Potomac. How sadly and bitterly the loyal
citizens were disappointed is a matter of history, while upon the shoulders of
the President were resting the responsibilities and burdens of the failure,
rendered only tolerable by the consciousness that all the power, aid and
advice and urging of the administration was given, and that every opportunity
was used by the President to urge and impress the general with the necessity
of prompt and decisive action, offensive and aggressive.
The military operations in the year 1862, with the exception of General
McClellan in Eastern Virginia, were marked by energy and success. Much
had been accomplished by our navy. The Southern ports were efficiently
blockaded and material had been procured and vessels built and secured
for several important expeditions. Admiral Farragut, in April, 1862, with a
naval force attacked Fprts Jackson and St. Phillips on the Mississippi river,
below New Orleans, and after six days' bombardment, the whole fleet passed
the forts and on the 25th Commodore Farragut took possession of New
Orleans, and the 1st of May General Butler arrived and assumed his duties
as commander of that department. On the 19th of January the Union forces
at Mill Springs released Western Kentucky from rebel occupation and opened
a way for the Union armies into East Tennessee. Soon after the President's
order of January 27 ordering an advance of all the Union armies. Forts Henry
and Donelson, on the Cumberland and Tennessee, were captured. This led to
the evacuation by the enem)' ot Bowling Green, the surrender of Nashville
and the capture of Columbus, the rebels' stronghold on the Mississippi.
Fort Pulaski, at the entrance to Savannah was taken, and the entire west
coast of Florida was occupied by our forces. General Price was driven out of
Missouri, Island Number Ten, Forts Pillow and Randolph were taken, and
the Union forces occupied Memphis. The rebel forces had concentrated at
Corinth, and on the morning ot April 6th, with overwhelming numbers, sur
prised the Union forces at Pittsburg Landing and forced them back on the
river. The fight lasted all day, the rebels having at the close of the day
decidedly the advantage. General Grant, who was in command ot the army,
opportunely returned in the afternoon from a visit to ports below on the
river. He rallied and reorganized our surprised troops, and being reinforced
during the night by the timely arrival of General BueU with his forces, the
next morning the battle was renewed and the rebels were pushed back in
retreat with severe losses and the sudden attack of the enemv ended in a

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 161
signal and most complete victory for the Union army. The victory was so
decided that the President issued a proclamation of thanksgiving for this
and other victories which had been achieved. From the battle of Pittsburg
Landing the rebels fell back to Corinth, which they evacuated May 28, and
were pursued by the Union forces for thirty miles. General Mitchell, by a
most daring enterprise, in April, took possession of Huntsville in Alabama.
On the Sth of February General Burnside, with the Union forces under his
command, captured Roanoke island with three thousand prisoners, and made
further successful movements on the coast and rivers of North Carolina.
The rebels under General Bragg invaded Kentucky for the purpose of
strengthening the secession sentiment in that State and to collect supplies, but
the attempt was a failure, and in an engagement at Perryville, which resulted
in a success to the Union army, the rebels reteated. The rebels concentrated in
large force and attacked General Rosecrans at Corinth, but were defeated with
severe losses. Near the close of the year there was a severe engagement at
Murt'reesboro in which the Union forces were successful. The year 1862
closed with results, with the exception of Eastern Virginia, favorable to the
Union cause. Tbe border States, Marjdand, Kentucky, Tennessee and
Missouri, had been secured to the Union. The rebels had been forced from
those States and the Union citizens had been encouraged ; and with the
loyal citizens of the Nation there was but little doubt of the final triumph of
the Union cause.
On the 14th of January Simon Cameron resigned his position as Secretary
of War and Edwin M. Stanton was called to the War Department. A number
of busy bodies desired further changes in the Cabinet, and several called
upon the President to urge upon him that other changes were absolutely
necessary. The President listened to their arguments, and then said with
his quizzical smile : " Gentlemen, the case you are urging reminds me of a
story of an old friend of mine out in Illinois. His homestead was very much
infested with those little black and white anirnals that we needn't call by
name, and after losing his patience with them he determined to sally out
and inflict upon them a general slaughter. He took guns, clubs and dogs,
and at it he went, but stopped after killing one and returned home. When
his neighbors asked him why he had not fulfllled his threats of killing all
that were on bis place he replied that his experience with the one he
killed was such that he thought he, had better stop where he was." His
advisers were not slow to understand their dismissal and went away laughing
at the method in which it was effected.
The appointment of Mr. Stanton from the Democratic party was one of
the most fortunate of Mr. Lincoln's appointments. His loyalty was unim
peachable, and his integrity and honesty has never been questioned. His

162 LIFE AND PUBLIC , SERVICES
management of the War Department gave evidence of his energy and ability,
and his record is one of which his country is proud to hold up as worthy of
imitation. The President had the utmost confidence in his ability and integ
rity and had an attachment and affection tor him that was not misplaced, but
was reciprocal. There were those that said to the President that they thought
Stanton was very impulsive, that he was easily excited, and might act with
out due caution and deliberation. " In that case," said the President, " we
may have to treat him as they are sometimes obliged to treat a Methodist
preacher out in Illinois. He gets wrought up to so high a pitch of excitement
in his exhortations and prayers that they are obliged to put bricks in bis
pockets to keep him down. We may be obliged to serve Stanton the same
way, but I guess we'll let him jump awhile first." It Stanton jumped high
at any time the leaders ot the rebellion had the greatest cause ot complaint.
Stanton's record as a Cabinet officer is eminently an exalted one — one to
which his countrymen point with pride and elation. A few days before the
President's assassination Secretary Stanton tendered his resignation of the
War Department. He accompanied the act with the most heartfelt tribute
to the President's constant friendship and faithful devotion to the country,
saying also that he as Secretary had accepted the position to hold it only
until the war should end, and now he felt his workwas done, and his duty was
to resign. The President was greatly moved by the Secretary's words, and
tearing to pieces the paper containing the resignation and throwing his arms
around the Secretary, he said: " Stanton, you have been a good friend and
a faithful public servant, and it is not for you to say when you will be no
longer needed here." Several friends were present on the occasion and
tears were in the eyes ot all.

CHAPTER XXVII.
DIFFERENCES RELATIVE TO SLAVERY — REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES.
The most difficult and embarrassing question with which Mr. Lincoln
had to contend during his administration, and in the prosecution of the war
for the unity and perpetuity of the Union, was that of slavery.
There were two parties that could not, or would not, see that there was
anything embarrassing or perplexing about it, or that he should have any
hesitancy in treating it. One party was composed of those who regard the
claims of slavery as superior to the constitution and the rights of slavery as
the most sacred of all the rights which are guaranteed by that instrument.
The other party was made up of those who regarded the abolition of slavery
as the one thing to be secured, whatever else might be lost. The first
denounced the President for having interfered with slavery at any time, in
any way and for any purpose. The latter denounced him with equal bitter
ness for not having swept it out of existence the moment of the attack on
Fort Sumter. These parties were numerous in the free States, and each was
clamorous that its respective views and principles should be adopted by the
administration. There was still a third party conservative on this question,
opposed to slavery, and desirous of seeing it removed and abolished by con
stitutional and legal measures.
On this question of slavery, as in all others, the President acted on firm
principles of his own, which he applied to tbe practical conduct of affairs as
fast as the expediencies and necessities of the case required, and as fast as
the public sentiment would sustain him in his action. The President's treat
ment of the slavery question was marked by characteristic features, and
, those were controlled and governed by his own -views of slavery and by his
determination to save and preserve the Union with or without slavery. No
man held stronger convictions than Mr. Lincoln that slavery was morally,
personally and politically wrong. He said : "If slavery is not wrong, then
not anything is wrpng." That it was morally and personally wrong was
self-evident ; that it was politically wrong he had been taught, and so he
163

164 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
understood the fathers of the republic. Their treatment of that question was
fully conclusive to him that they so regarded it. Their prohibition of slavery
in the Northwestern territory, and the published letters and opinions of
Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton, Jay and many others
who took a conspicuous part in laying the foundation of the Government,
showed! that they regarded slavery as a great evil, inconsistent with the
principles of the Declaration of Independence and the teachings and spirit ot
Christianity. Their letters and published opinions clearly satisfied Lincoln
and indicated that they confidently expected that it would gradually pass
away before the power of civilization and freedom, as it had already done in
many of the States, and that thus shrunk from what they considered insur
mountable obstacles at that time to immediate emancipation, they consented
to give the system certain advantages which they expected would be
temporary and not dangerous to the stability of the Government. The
framers of the Constitution were tender and sensitive on that point. They
were careful that the word slave or slavery should not appear in that instru
ment ; they were not willing that in future ages that notable text book should
convey, even by implication, that they considered slavery one of the sheet
anchors of the republic. They had, however, to deal with the institution as
it then existed, and they did so gingerly and warily. They mentioned it as
persons held to labor, and gave it such safe-guards as were absolutely neces
sary in the States where it then existed. The opinions and sentiments held
by the framers of the Constitution were received and held as politic by the
larger body of the Southern people at that day. The relation of master and
slave was at that time considered more in the light of domestic and family
relations than the servile and chattel relations which it afterwards assumed.
In that day the family and parental relations were seldom severed by the
sale of a portion of the family for transmission to labor for life in a distant
State. The invention of the cotton-gin by Eli Whitney in 1793, and the opening
up of the sugar plantati6ns, about 1800, in Louisiana, gave a new phase to the
condition of the slave, creating a great demand tor slave labor which could
only be supplied by the purchase of slaves in the non-producing cotton and
sugar States and their removal to the cotton and sugar plantations, since the
supply from Africa was closed — the slave trade and supply from that source
being prohibited. Slaves now rose in value, and this turned the attention of
many of the citizens of tbe non-producing cotton and sugar States to the
raising of slaves to supply the demand, and the income of many citizens was
counted and predicated on the number and value of the slaves they could
raise to supply the increasing demand. This new condition of the slave

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 165
interest, tho groat inorease in the value of slaves, and the increasing demand
for slave labor had a material and national effect in the slave and free States
in opposite directions. The principles and views held by many ot the
Southern people iu reference to slavery in an early day had passed away, and
slavery was now considered and upheld in the South as an excellent and
profitable institution, and one to be fostered and extended in every way ;
¦fthile in tiie free States the opposition to its principles and to its extension was
gathering strength and creating public sentiment which was in keeping with
imiversal fi-eedom, which seemed to be advancing throughout the civilized
world. Mr. Lincoln, from early teachings of a christian mother, from personal
observations and reading the writings of the faUiers of the republic, had early
in life imbibed those principles of anti-slavery which became the ruling feat
ure of his political life. Those sentiments grew and strengthened with his
observations of the effects of slavery in his own country, as well as in those
countries -where it was still tolerated.
Ill 1808, by the United States, the slave trade was abolished, in 1820, it
was made an act of piracy ; in 1818, Netherlands abolished the slave trade ;
Spain, in 1820 ; in 1834, the British Emancipation Act was passed ; in 1846,
Sweden abolished slavery; in 1848, France and Denmark passed similar
enactments. In 1861, Nathaniel Gordon, master of the ship Erie, was arrested,
tried, con\'icted and executed in New York under the laws making persons
engaged in the slave trade guilty of piracy.
The writer bas often heard Mr. Lincoln observe, that in a moral and
personal -view he saw but little difference in the magnitude of the crime
between the captain of the vessel who purchased slaves and carried them
away from home and friends in Africa to distant countries to spend a lite of
se^^'itude, and the slave trader who purchased the husband or child in
Virginia and conveyed tiiem, manacled it might be, to work a life of servitude
on the distant sugar plantations of Louisiana. Thus, from ideas garnered
from the history of the republic, the increase of the anti-slavery feeling in tbe
free States and the march of universal emancipation throughout the civilized
world, Mr. Lincoln became satisfied that slavery was undergoing a process
of ultimate extinction, and that would be the result finally in the United
States ; and feeling and acting under that view of the situation, he said, in
his first speech after his nomination for Senator, in Springfield: " A bouse
divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure
permanently half slave and half free . I do not expect the Union to be dissolved.
I do not expect tbe bouse to fall, but 1 do expect it will cease to be divided."
The metiiod and mtans by which this result would be accomplished he
believed would be by tbe prohibition of the further extension of slavery and
the moral and christianizing iniuence, which would eventually lead the citi-

166 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
zens of the slave holding States to inaugurate and carry out a system of
emancipation which would result in its entire extinction. Mr. Lincoln was
fully in accord with Henry Clay in his -views of gradual emancipation, and
was present at Lexington, in 1846, when he delivered his great speech on that
subject. Subsequently, Mr. Lincoln, closing one of his speeches, said;
" Henry Clay, my beau ideal ot a statesman, the man for whom I fought all
my humble life — he, Henry Clay — once said of a class of men who would
repress all tendencies of liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must,
if they do this, go back to the era of our independence and muzzle the cannon
that thunders the joyous annual return ; they must blow out the moral lights
around us ; they must penetrate the human soul and eradicate there the love
of liberty; and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery."
A short time previous to Mr. Lincoln's first election to the Presidency, in
an address to Kentuckians, he said, announcing his own principles and those
of the Republican party in reference to slavery : "I say we must not inter
fere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists, because the
Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not require us to do so.
We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because the Constitu
tion requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law. But we
must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither the Consti
tution nor the general welfare requires us to extend it. We must prevent the
revival of the African slave trade and the Territorial slave code. We must
prevent each of these things being done by either Congress or Courts."
These principles enunciated by Lincoln on this occssion were the
fundamental tenets and dogmas of the Republican party on slavery when they
came into power, and how they were observed will be noted in the succeeding
chapter.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE REAL CAUSE OF THE REBELLION — THE PRESIDENT'S APPEAL.
At the National Republican Convention that nominated Mr. Lincoln for
President, the following resolution in the platform was adopted :
" Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States,
and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic
institutions according to its own judgment, exclusively, is essential to the
balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political
fabric depends, and -we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any
State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as amongst the gravest of
crimes." In the session of Congress in the Winter of 1860-61, which was largely
Republican, the follo^wing resolution was passed :
" Resolved, That neither the Federal Government, nor the people, or the
government of the non slave-holding States, have the right to legislate upon
Or interfere with slavery in any of the slave States holding slaves in the
Union." And still further to place the Republican party on positive ground, the
same Congress passed a resolution recommending such an amendment to the
Constitution as would forever put it out of the power of tbe Government or
the people of the United States. It was in the following words : "Article 13.
No amendment shall be made to the constitution which will authorize or give
to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the
domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service
by the laws of said State."
President Lincoln, in his inaugural on the 4th of March, said, referring to
this amendment to tbe constitution : '"I have no objection to its being made
express and irrevocable." The Republican party and the President having
by their public acts'on record given evidence to the world and to the people
of the slave States that they were fully committed against all and every inter
ference with slavery^in the slave-holding States, it would seem that tbe South 167

168 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
in its unnatural rebellion against the Government was left without any
excuse. The real cause of the rebellion is to be found not so much in the
fears of the leaders and public men of the South for the safety of their peculiar
institution as in the loss of the control and patronage ot the general Govern
ment. ?
Previous to .1860 and the admission of California into the Union, for halt
a century, with short, rare intervals, the South or slave States, had almost
unlimited control of the Executive Department and patronage of the Govern
ment. They fed largely at the public crib, and they had so long enjoyed this
highly esteemed favoritism that they had become to look upon it as a right
established by long use and possession. It is true that the Democracy of the
free States had shared in a measure in the distribution ot public favors, and
for these their subserviency to the Southern oligarchy was strikingly illus
trated during President Buchanan's administration. The admission of Cali
fornia left the slave States in a minority, and the subsequent admission of
Kansas and the prospective admission of other free States, destroyed the last
lingering hope of slave supremacy in the councils of the Nation. This, and
the growing public sentiment of the people of the free States, that free terri- '
tory should remain free, were the chief moving causes of the rebellion
against the Union.
It may be properly stated here that the South, in its treasonable move
ments, had material aid and sympathy from a portion of the press and leaders
of the Democratic party, or copperheads, as they were styled. For years
leaders, like President Buchanan, bad been its submissive instruments,
and the influence and numbers of those who secretly aided the South and
openly espoused its cause did much to inaugurate and encourage the unnatural
conflict. While this Northern sympathy gave aid and comfort to the secession
movement, the Southern leaders had no cause to apprehend or fear any inter
ference with slavery in the slave States. But in their zeal to flre the hearts ,
of the Southern people they ignored the real causes and goaded the people to
the adoption of desperate measures by the representation of their leaders in
public addresses, and by the public press, that their dear ^nd peculiar insti
tution was really in danger of annihilation. In some of the slave States,
meetings were held before the Presidential election, in which secession was
advocated, and the leaders and public men in their public speeches strove
earnestly to impress the minds of the pepple that their liberties and their
peculiar institution were really in danger of being destroyed by the Yankee
abolitionists, and urged them to arms and resistance against the authority and
laws of the Union. In this act of resistance to the laws of the National
Government, the. leaders knew full well that their action at home must be
called secession ; rebellion would not do. They Jmew that the people

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 169
possessed too much moral sense, too much devotion to law and order, too
much reverence and pride for the history and Government of their common
country to engage in rebellion against it. The sophism that any State may
consistently with the National Constitution lawfully and peacably withdraw
from the Union, without the consent of other sister States, they had been for
thirty years impressing upon the mind of the Southern people, until they had
brought, by their fallacious reasoning, a large number of citizens to embrace
it, and to feel a willingness to take up arms against the Government to sup
port it. The withdrawal of the States from the Union was secession — State
rights intensified. The seizure by the State authorities of the property of the
national Government, forts, mints, custom-bouses and the attack on Fort
Sumpter was rank treason and rebellion against the Government and laws,
inaugurated and carried into execution before the powers of the Government
had taken action or measures to prevent those insane and unlawful aggres
sions on the Constitution and laws of the United States.
To state the enormity of the rebellion would be very difficult, as it has
no parallel in history. It was wanting in honor, justice or justification. The
pretext in part was the election pf a Republican to the Presidency. This
excuse loses all its force because the entire South, becoming a party and
taking a part in the election, bound itself to abide the result. The rebel
States, by their attack on Fort Sumpter, the seizure ot all the property of the
Government within their borders, the issuing of letters of marque by their
President to rebel cruisers, authorizing the seizure and confiscation of the
vessels and property of loyal citizens of the United States on the high seas,
had thereby severed their relations and obligations to the Federal Govern
ment as far as it was possible for them to do, thereby relieving President
Lincoln of all moral, legal and constitutional obligations to preserve intact
their peculiar institution. Still, the President and Congress, in tbe special
session in Julv following, by enactments and resolutions declared that the
war for the suppression of tbe rebellion was waged only to defend and main
tain the supremacy of the Constitution and preserve the Union with all the
dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that as
soon as these objects were accomplished and secured the war would and
ought to cease. In the meantime, the war went on and Congress met in its
regular session, December, 1861. It was now evident that Congress was dis
posed to change its policy relative to the slavery question. The forbearance
of the Government in regard to slavery had entirely failed to soften the
hostility of the rebels, and it was now well known that within the rebel lines
slaves were freely employed in the construction of fortifications, and in
contributing in this and other ways very largely to the strength of the
rebellion. The whole country, under tbe influence of these facts, began to

170 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
regard slavery as not only the cause of the rebellion, but as the main strength
for the support of its armies, and the bond of union for the rebel forces.
Congress, representing and sharing in this feeling, entered promptly and
zealously upon such measures as this state of affairs would suggest. During ,
this session a bill was passed abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia,
also a bill prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in any of the Territories
of the United States. The President, believing that the time was steadily
approaching when in consequence of this obstinate persistence in rebellion
the fate of slavery in all the States would necessarily be involved, he wisely
sought to reconcile the shock which the contest would involve with the order
of the country, and the permanent prosperity of all classes ot the people.
The people were still disposed to exhaust every means which justice
would allow in order to withdraw the people of the Southern States from the
diastrous war in which they were involved by their leaders, and they
welcomed the following suggestion of the President, which was introduced in
Congress by Hon. R. Conkling of New York in the shape of the following
resolution :
" Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States in Congress assembled. That the United States ought to co-operate with
any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State
pecuniary aid to be used by such State in its discretion to cornpensate for the
inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system."
This resolution was passed and approved by the President on the 10th
of April, 1862. It fully recognized the full and complete control of the
Southern States over slavery within their own limits, and tendered to them
the aid of the general Government in any steps they might be inclined to
take to rid themselves of it. It was an offering that might be accepted by
one State or by all the States. The President, fully believing that the war if
long continued would result in the entire extinction ot slavery, on the 12th
day of July called the members of Congress from the loyal border States to a
conference at the Executive Mansion and urged them to take steps for emanci
pation in their respective States under the resolution before mentioned.
Among other arguments which be used, he said: "You are patriots and
statesmen, and as such I pray you consider this proposition, and at least
commend it to the consideration of your States and people. As you would
perpetuate popular Government tor the best people in the world, I beseech
you that you do in no wise omit this. Our common country is in great peril,
demanding the loftiest views and boldest action, to bring speedy rehef.
Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved
history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future assured

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 171
and rendered inconceivably grand. To you more than to any others the
pri-rilege is given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur."
Events were now rapidly bringing the people to the inevitable conclusion
that if the war was long continued slavery would give way to freedom. The
President endeavored, as well by his official acts as by his earnest appeal to
the patriotism of the loyal slave States, to induce and persuade them to
embrace the offer of the Government tor compensation for their slaves in the
event of their taking measures for their emancipation. But they rejected the
generous offer — turned away from the entreaties of the President until freedom
came, with the loss which be saw would ultimately and necessarily follow.
As I write those words of entreaty and patriotism to the represen
tatives of tbe loyal slave States by the President, I look out and see the grand
old flag of our country at half mast in every part of the city. It is Decoration
Day. This day, the resting place of the good President and thousands of
brave men who gave their lives for the preservation of our beloved Union
and for tbe security and happiness of future ages will be decorated and
consecrated by loyal hands and hearts, and the decorations of the graves of
the heroic dead by those emblems of beauty, love, peace and affection which
soften and sanctify our memories for the departed, reach put in trust and
assure us of hope and confidence for the future. We are reminded of our
duty and the occasion by the martyrd President, who said, "It is right for
us to be here dedicated to the great task before us, that from these honored
dead we take increased devotion to the cause for which they gave tbe last
full measure of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall
not have died in vain ; that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of
freedom, and that the Government of the people, by the people and for the
people, shall not perish from the earth."

CHAPTER XXIX.
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
The acts of Congress and those of the President, together with the Presi
dent's revocation of the proclamations of General Fremont ot August 31, 1861,
and that of General Hunter of May 9, 1862, issued in their respective depart
ments, freeing the slaves therein, is conclusive evidence that up to this time,
July, 1862, the prosecution of tbe war against the rebels was waged only for the
restoration of the National authority, and for the security and perpetuity of
the Union. The Act of Congress offering compensation to any State that
would favor emancipation was intended more particularly for the loyal slave
States, although any rebel State could partake of its benefits by return to
the Union. In the revocation of General Hunter's order by the President, is
one of the most touching and beautiful appeals ever written. In that paper,
the President, referring to tbe Act of Congress pledging tbe Nation to com
pensation, said: " To the people of those States I now earnestly appeal. I
do not argue, I beseech you to make the argument yourselves ; you cannot,.if
you would, be blind to tbe signs of tbe times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged
consideration of them, ranging, it may be, far above personal or partisan
politics. This proposal makes common cause 'for a common object, casting no
reproaches on any. It acts not the Pharisee. The changes it contemplates
would come gently as the dews of Heaven — not rending or breaking anything.
Will you not embrace it ? So much good has not been done by one effort in
all past time as in the providence of God it is now your high privilege to do.
May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it."
The loyal people were becoming restive and tired of tbe Government's
protection of slavery in the rebel States, and they had just reasons to be so.
The President knew and felt this, but he could not forsake the friends of the
Union in the border States until he had saved them, and saved them for the
Union. And it is worthy of remark here, that while the rebel leaders were
teaching and telling their people that the war was being waged against them
for the destruction of slavery, at the same time the rebel emisaries in
172

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ' 173
England were striving to effect the public sentiment there against the Union
by representing that President Lincoln was, by his revocation of the orders
of Generals Fremont and Hunter, endeavoring to save slavery with the
Union. The subject of emancipation which President Lincoln pressed upon the
members of Congress from the loyal slave States at the Executive Mansion
elicited a reply from a number of them. The following is an extract from
their response : " But, on the other hand, we meet your address in tbe spirit
in which it was made, and as loyal Americans declare to you and to the
world that there is no sacrifice that we are not willing to make to save the
Government and institutions of our fathers ; that we, few of us it may be,
will not permit any man from the North or South to go further than we in the
accomplishment of the great work before us. That in order to carry out our
views, we ¦will, so far as it may be in our power, ask tbe people of tbe border
States to calmly, deliberately and fairly consider your recommendations.
We are tbe more emboldened to assume this position from the fact now
become history, that the leaders of the Southern rebellion have offered to
abolish slavery amongst them as a condition of foreign intervention in favor
of their independence as a nation. If they can give up slavery to destroy the
Union, we can surely ask our people to consider the question to save the
Union." The President, with thousands of citizens of the free States, realized fully
the fact that the attack of the rebels on Fort Sumpter at that time decided at
once and forever the fate of slavery in the United States. The constitutional
obligations bf the Government in reference to that institution had by the act
of the rebels been dissolved, and its extinction or gradual emancipation
was now demanded by tbe people ; and the President, having now done all he
could accomplish by personal appeals and official action for the loyal citizens
in the border States, was now prepared to take measures and act as the
mdications of the public mind demanded. Two other important measures
received tbe attention of Congress during this session. One was a bUl author
izing the issue of treasury notes to the amount of one hundred and fifty
millions of dollars, and the other was the enactment of a law confiscating the
property of the rebels. One of tbe distinctive features of this bill was section
6 which prescribed, " That any person being engaged in the rebellion who
should not, within sixty days after public proclamation duly made by tbe
President, cease to aid the rebellion, should have bis property confiscated in
the manner provided." The passage of this bill was a very important step
m the prosecution of the war for the suppression of the rebellion. It gave
the rebels to understand distinctly that one of the penalties, if they persisted

174 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
in their resistance to the authority of the United States, would be the emanci
pation of their slaves.
Congress adjourned on the 17th of July, having passed many measures
of marked, though of minor importance, besides those mentioned to aid in
the prosecution of the war. Public sentiment sustained the action of Congress
and the President as adapted to the emergency. After the adjournment ot
Congress the demands of the people for immediate and unconditional emanci
pation became clamorous and importune. The President was called upon to
avail himself of the opportunity offered by the passage of the Confiscation
Bill to declare the instant liberation of every slave belonging to a rebel
master. Those demands were embodied with force and effect in a letter to the
President from Horace Greeley, published in the New York Tribune on the
19th of August, 1862. A portion of the President's reply is here subjoined :
" My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy
slavery. If 1 could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it.
If I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it ; and if I could do it
by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do
about slavery and the colored race I do because I believe it helps to save this
Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help
to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing
hurts the cause, and I shall do more when I believe doing more will help the
cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall
adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I have here
stated my purpose according to my views of official duty, and I intend no
modification of my oft-expressed personal wish, that all men everywhere
could be free."
Previous to this answer of the President to the Greeley letter, the draft of
the emancipation proclamation had been written, but the time for its sub
mission to the Cabinet for its approval, in the opinion of the President, had
not yet arrived. There can be no doubt as to tbe President's policy by which
he expected to re-establish the authority of the Constitution over the whole
of tbe United States. His " paramount object " in every thing he did was to
" save the Union." The question of slavery was a secondary consideration.
He delayed, therefore, for a long time the issue ot such a proclamation as he
was authorized to make by the sixth section of the Confiscation Act of
Congress — awaiting the development of public sentiment on the subject-
waiting for the assurance that it would receive the support of the great body
of the people of the country without regard to party. In the month of August
the President called a Cabinet meeting. None ot the members knew the
object of the meeting, but all were present. After some delay the President

OF -ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 175
arose and announced the object ot the meeting. He had written a proclama
tion of emancipation, and had determined to issue it. He had not called
them to ask their advice on the general question, because he had determined
that for himself. He wished to inform them of his purpose, and to receive
sijch suggestions on minor points as they might be moved to make. All
approved the measure except Postmaster Blair, who thought there should be
deterred action, at least until after the Fall elections. Secretary Chase
thought the language could be made stronger, particularly in reference to
arming and employing the blacks in the armies of the Union. No particular
suggestions were made by other members of the Cabinet, except by Secretary
Seward. He said : " Mr. President, I approve the proclamation, but I ques
tion the expediency of its issue at this juncture. I think the measure should
be delayed until it can be given to the countrj', upheld by military success.''
Secretary Seward further remarked, that the issue at this time, while the
country was in a state of excitement from the disastrous failure of the Army
ot the Potomac, would be claimed by the friends of disunion that the admin
istration were driven to the pressing need of turning to the colored element
for help and assistance. The President felt tbe force and point of the argu
ment of the Secretary, and it was understood, on the adjournment of the
¦ Cabinet, that the time of its issue would remain in abeyance for a short
period. This meeting of tbe Cabinet was held at the time General McClellan
and the army bad reached Harrison's landing on James river after the seven
days' fighting and retreat from the Chicahominy. The proclamation was
held in suspense from that time until after the battle ot jAntietam, which was
fought on the 17th of September. On the 22d of September, 1862, tbe
preparatory proclamation was issued. It was a notice to the country
and to tbe rebels showing what it was bis purpose to do in reference
to slavery if the rebellion against the Government was continued. The rebels
were clearly informed and notified that unless they laid down their arms and
returned to the Union before the 1st day of January, 1863, their slaves should
be then and forever free. This proclamation caused a lull in the intense
controversy in reference to the President's duty in regard to slavery. All
parties were now looking for and anxiously awaiting to see what its effects
would be on the States in rebellion and on the Fall elections. This procla
mation was received with intense interest by all parties. Tbe Republicans
were well pleased. The Union Democrats admitted the necessity of the
measure, while the opponents of tbe administration in the loyal States as well
as those in sympathy with treason everywhere, insisted that the object of the
war was not so much for the restoration of the Union as the abolition of
slavery. Tbe fruits of the proclamation became an anchor to the administra
tion, and the results were glorious and satisfactory to the country, to every

176 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
lover of the Union, and to the lovers ot freedom throughout the world. The
first proclamation is as follows :
"I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and
Commander-in-Chief ot the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and
declare that hereafter as heretofore the war will be prosecuted for the object
of practically restoring the constitutional relations between the United States
and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation
is or may be suspended or disturbed.
" That it is 'my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
recommend the adoption of a practical measure tending pecuniary aid to the-
free acceptance or rejection of all the slave States so-called, the people
whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which
States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily
adopt, the immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective
limits ; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their
consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained
consent of the governments existing there, will be continued.
" That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand.
eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or
any designated part of a State, the people whereof shall there be in rebellion
against the United States, shall be then thenceforward and forever free ; and
the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and
naval authority thereof will recognize and maintain the freedom of such
persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them,,
in any effort they may make for their actual freedom.
" That tbe execution will, on the 1st day of January aforesaid, by procla
mation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people^
thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and.
the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith
represented in the Congress of the Unitfed States.
" That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled ' An Act
to make an additional article of war,' approved March 13, 1862, and which
Act is in the words and figures following :
' Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives ot the United
States of America in Congress assembled, that hereafter the following shall
be promulgated as an additional article of war for the Government of the.
United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such :
' Article  . All officers or persons in the military or naval service ot
tbe United States are prohibited from using any of tbe forces under their respec
tive commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor who-
may have escaped from any persons to whom 'such service or labor is claimed

LIFE AND PUBLIC SE^RVICES 177
to be due ; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court martial of
¦violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.
' Section 2. And be it further enacted, that this Act shall take effect from
and after its passage.'
" Also to the ninth and ten sections of an Act entitled An Act to suppress
insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property
of rebels, and for other purposes, approved July 16, 1862, and which sections
are in the words and figures as following, to wit :
' Sec. 9. And be it further enacted. That all slaves of persons who shall
hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government ot the United
States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereunto, escaping from
such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves
captured from such persons, or deserted by them, and coming under the
control of the Government of the United States ; and all slaves found or being
within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by forces
of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war and shall be forever
free of their servitudes, and not again held as slaves.
' Sec. 10. And be it further enacted. That no slave escaping into any
State, Territory or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be
dehvered up or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for
crime or some offense against the laws, unless the person claiming said
fugitive shall flrst make oath that tbe person to whom the labor or service oi
such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne
arms against the United States in tbe present rebellion, nor in any way given
aid and comfort thereunto ; and no person engaged in the military or naval
service of the United States shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to
decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the e(ervice or labor of
any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain
of being dismissed from the service.'
"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the
military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey and enforce,
within their respective sphere of service, the Act and sections above recited .
" And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the
United States who shall have remained loyal thereunto throughout the
rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between
the United States and their respective States and people, if that relation shall
have been suspended or destroyed) be compensated for all losses by acts of
the United States, including the loss of slaves.
"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed. Done at tbe city of Washington this 22d

178 OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
day of September, in the the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-
seventh. Abraham Lincoln.
" Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
In the meantime the one hundred days passed away, and on the 1st day
of January, 1863, the final proclamation of emancipation was issued, and the
great act was complete. It is as follows :
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
by virtue ot the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the army and
navy of the United States, in time of actual rebellion against the authority of
the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing
said rebellion, do, on this 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose
so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the
day of the flrst above mentioned, order designated as the States and parts of
States wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against
the United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except
the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, -
St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Renne, Lafouche, St. Mary, St.
Martin and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama,
Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia (except the
forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of
Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann and
Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted
parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the purposes aforesaid, I do order and
declare that all persons -held as slaves within said designated States and parts
of States are and henceforth shall be free ; and that tbe Executive Govern
ment of the United States, including the military and naval authorities
thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom ot such persons.
" And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain
from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense ; and I recommend to
them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable
wages. " And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to
garrison forts, stations and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in
said service.
' ' And upon this act, sincerely believing it to be an act of justice, warranted
by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke tbe considerate judg
ment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

LIFE' AND PUBLIC SERVICES 179
" In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington this 1st day
of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-
three, and of the independence ot the United States of America the eighty-
seventh. Abraham Lincoln."
"Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
F. B. Carpenter, who painted the memorable scene of the first reading in
Cabinet council of the Emancipation Proclamation, says :
" First, is the ' Magna Charter ' wrested by the Barons of England from
King John ; second, the Declaration ot Independence ; and third, worthy to
he placed upon the tablets of history, side by side with the two first is
Abraham Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation."
Bishop Simpson said, as he was about to commit the remains of its author-
to the tomb:
" May we not assert that Abraham Lincoln, by his proclamation, liberated
more enslaved people than Moses set free, and those not of his kindred or
race. Such a power or such an opportunity, God has seldom given to man.
When other events shall have been forgotten, when this world shall become
a net work of republics, when every throne shall be swept from the face of the
earth, when literature shall enlighten all minds, when the claims of humanity
shall be recognized everywhere, this act shall still be conspicuous in the ages
of history. We are thankful that God gave Abraham Lincoln the decision,
wisdom and grace to issue that proclamation, which stands'high above all
other papers which have been penned by uninspired men."
On one of the public squares in the Nation's capital stands a bronze
,. group entitled " Emancipation." President Lincoln, holding in bis hand the
Emancipation Proclamation, looks tenderly down on a poor kneeling slave to
whom he reaches a helping hand. The whips and the broken manacles of
slavery lie scattered around. It is the finest piece of statuary that adorns
the capital grounds, and was erected from funds given by the liberated slaves.
The first contribution was from Charlotte Scott, a freed woman, who gave
five dollars, being her first earnings in freedom and consecrated by her on
the day she heard of Lincoln's death, to build a monument to his memory.
The pen of the historian is here powerless to express the blissful gratitude
and the exultant joy of the long oppressed race as they gaze on this symbol
of their freedom, and raise their tearful eyes to bim who lifted them from the
degradation of slavery to upright manhood.

CHAPTER XXX.
REASONS FOR EMANCIPATION — BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG.
The position and action of President Lincoln in regard to his policy and
treatment of slavery was peculiar. Had he taken council of his own abstract
opinions and sympathies ^nd proclaimed emancipation at the beginning of the
rebellion, and ratified the action of those department officers who assumed
to do it themselves, the flrst effect would, without doubt, have been to have
driven all the border States into union with the rebellious States, and have
added their large forces to the armies of the Confederacy. Further results
would have been to arouse the political opposition in the loyal States to
renewed activity by giving it a fresh pretext for its secession, utterances and
sentiments, and would have divided the great body of those who agreed in
defending the Union, but who did not agree in regard to the abolition ot
slavery. Candid men who pay more regard to facts than to theory, and who
can estimate with fairness the results of public action, will see that the
probable results of these several influences would have given great strength
to the Confederacy, and so have weakened the Union cause as to have
overpowered the administration and have given to the rebellion success
and victory. Time, the development of events, the ripening conviction
of the necessity of such a measure were indispensable as preliminary
conditions of its success, and by the awaiting of and the development
of public opinion President Lincoln secured a support absolutely essen
tial to success ; and there are but few persons to be found, whatever may be
their private opinion as to slavery, who will not concede that his measures in
reference to that subject were adopted with sagacity, and prosecuted to
completion with a patient wisdom which crowned them with flnal success.
In the treatment of this subject, as upon every other, he aimed at practical
results instead of indulgence in theory. He used no power over slavery until
the necessity had arisen by which alone its exercise under the Constitution
could be vindicated, and he went no further g.nd no faster in the steps he
took for its abolishment than public sentiment would warrant and sustain
180

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 181
him in domg. His policy secured the final abolition of slavery. It not only
decreed the result but it secured it in such a way and by such successive
steps each demanded by tbe special exigency of its own occasion as to com
mand the acquiescence of most of the slave States.
The President, in his letter of April 4, 1864, to Mr. Hodges of Kentucky,
states with characteristic force the motives by which his action had been
governed. He said: "I did understand, however, that the very oath to
preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me the
duty of preserving by every indispensable means that Government— that
Nation of which the Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to
lose the Nation and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and
hmb must be protected ; yet often a limb must be amputated to save life, but
a hfe is not wisely given to save a limb. I feel that measures otherwise
unconstitutional might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the
preservation of the Constitution through the preservation ot the Nation.
" Right or wrong I assumed this ground, and now I avow it. I could not
feel to the best of my ability I had ever tried to preserve the Constitution if
to preserve slavery or any minor matter I should permit the wreck of Govern
ment, country and Constitution altogether.
" When early in the war General Fremont attempted military emanci
pation I forbade it because I did not think it an indispensable necessity.
When still later General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again
forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had
come. " When in March, May and July, 1862, 1 made earnest and successive
appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed
the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks
would come unless averted by that measure.
" They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven
to the alternative of either surrendering tbe Union and with it the Consti
tution, or laying strong bands on the colored element. I chose the latter."
After the battle of Fredericksburg in December, 1862, in which the Union
army under General Burnside suffered a severe repulse, the Army of tbe
Potomac remained inactive for several months. The military movements
and events of 1863 were of signal importance, and the result gave hope and
confidence to the loyal people of tbe Union; On the 24th of January General
Burnside was relievtd by the appointment of General Hooker to tbe command
ot the Army of the Potomac ; but the inclemency of the season prevented any
movement of the army until the 17tb of April, when General Hooker, with
three divisions of his army, crossed tbe Rappahanock and reached Cbancellor-
ville. General Stoneman had been sent with a strong cavalry to break the

182 OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
railroads in the rear of the rebel army. In the meantime, a fourth division
of t'.ie army had crossed the river and joined the army at Chancellorville,
leaving one division under General Sedgwick opposite Fredericksburg. On the
2d day of May the left of the rebel army under General Jackson attacked the
right of the Union army and gained a decided advantage of position, which
was recovered before the day closed. In this day's battle General Stonewall
Jackson was mortally wounded. The battle was renewed the next day ; the
advantage remained with the enemy. In the meantime. General Sedgwick
crossed the river with his division and occupied Fredericksburg, and attacked
and carried the rebel fortifications on the heights in rear of the city. In
consequence ot the Union reverses at Chancellorville, on the night of the 5th
General Hooker withdrew his army to the north bank of the river, having
sustained a severe loss of men, killed and prisoners.
Both armies remained inactive until June 9, when it was ascertained that
General Lee, with the rebel army, was mo^ving up through the Shenandoah
valley. - They pressed General Milroy back on Harper's Ferry, and on the
14tb of June the rebel army began to cross the Potomac and advanced to
Hagerstown, Maryland, with the evident intention of invading Pennsylvania.
This movement of the rebel army created the most intense excitement
throughout the country. President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for
one hundred thousand men from the States most directly menaced. New
York being called upon for twenty thousand. As soon as the movement of
tbe rebel forces from Fredericksburg was discovered, the Union army marched '
northward on a line parallel with the enemy, and on the 27tb of June the
Union army reached Frederick City, Maryland, being interposed between the
rebel army and Baltimore and Washington, and were prepared to follow them
into Pennsylvania. .^On the 27th General Hooker was relieved from the com
mand ot the army at his own request and the appointment was conferred on
General Meade, who at once ordered an advance into Pennsylvania in the
direction of Harrisburg, which place the rebels were rapidly approaching.
On the 1st day of July, the Union army advance, consisting of the flrst and
eleventh army corps under command of Generals Reynolds and Howard,
came in contact with the enemy's advance in force near the town ot Gettys
burg, and attacked them with success. The rebels being reinforced later in
the day, the Union forces were compelled to fall back to Cemetery hill, under
General Howard, and await reinforcements. In this engagement General
Reynolds was killed, and the advantage remained with the enemy. During
the night, the second, third, flfth and twelfth corps arrived and were posted
around and on Cemetery ridge to support the flrst and eleventh corps.
At 2 o'clock p. M. on the second day the sixth corps arrived after a march of
thirty-two miles, and were placed in reserve. At 3 o'clock p. m. the battle

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 183
was opened by a furious and determined onset by Lee, whose forces were
massed in great strength on Seminary ridge about one mile in front of the
Union troops. The attack was made upon the third corps, which was the left
ot the Union line, by the rebels, with all their enthusiastic bravado. The
third corps met the shock with heroic firmness. General Sickels was severely
wounded early in the action, and General Birney, who succeeded in com
mand of the third corps, was finally pressed back in line with the Union
forces, which position General Meade intended General Sickels with the-
third corps should have occupied early in the day. Here, aided by the first
and sixth corps, the position was held until sunset, when the enemy was
repelled with loss, lea'ving our troops iii the position that General Meade
intended they should hold. A desperate attempt was made by the enemy to
take and hold Round Top, tbe left of the Union position, but General Sykes,
with the fifth corps, was enabled, after a severe and bloody contest, to repulse
the enemy and hold the hill against the repeated attempts to take it. On the
Union's right the withdrawal of a di-vision from Slocum's corps enabled
Ewell with a superior force to crowd back Slocum considerably and seize
some of-the rifle pits ; but this attack of the enemy on the Union forces gave
them no advantage. The battle of. the second day closed at dark ; the results
of the day gave the rebels encouragement and hopes that favorable results
would follow, but subsequent events proved that', their anticipations were
illusive. Lee, in his official report says: "After a severe struggle, Longstreet
succeeded in getting possession of and holding the desired ground. Ewell
also carried some of the strong positions which he assailed, and the result
was such as to lead to the belief that he would be able to dislodge the enemy.
The battle ceased at dark. These partial successes determined me to continue
the assault the next day."
The battle opened the next morning, July 3, on the right of the Union
line, where Slocum — ^his division having returned from the left of the Union
line — ^pressed his corps forward to retake the rifle pits. He was successful,
and after a severe contest, be re-established his line and held it during the
day. Not here, but on the Union center, was the last, flnal effort to be made
by the rebels to secure and maintain a foothold on free soil. They seemed to
apprehend that their failure this day would decide the fate of their Con
federacy. In the meantime Lee had reinforced Longstreet with three fresh
brigades under Pickett, a division from Ewell, and two divisions from Hill's
corps. The rebel left was flrmly established, and its batteries planted on the
ridge whence tbe Union forces had been forced back the previous day. The
Union line was prepared for the coming contest. The Union soldiers were
silent but anxious spectators, while the rebels were making their preparations

184 OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
and planting their batteries for the supreme effort which was to decide the
momentus issue — the unity of the Nation and fate of the Southern Confederacy.
The forenoon was one of anxious expectation in the Union lines, occasionally
broken by futile flring here and there along the line. The rebels having
finished their preparations, at 1 p. m. the signal was given and one hundred
and twenty-five guns from Longstreet and Hill's front opened their fire on
the Union center and left, which was continued without intermission over
two hours. The Union artillery replied, while the infantry, availing them
selves of every means of shelter from the iron bail, awaited patiently the
expeeted charge, and at 3 p. m., from behind the rebel batteries came their
infantry in line of battle, 18,000 strong, preceded by skirmishers, and sup
ported by a line of reserves, mo-ving rapidly to the charge upon Cemetery
hill, especially upon the front extending on the left to Round Top. The
result is graphically described by Agate: "The flnal struggle, the last
great, desperate charge, came at 4 p. m. The rebels had gathered up all their
strength for one fierce convulsive effort that should creep over and crush out
the very existence of the Union army. They swept up to the contest, the
flower of their army to the front, victory staked on the issue. In some places
they lifted up and pushed back the Union line, but that secure position of
our troops was firmly held. Wherever the enemy entered it infilading flres
from half a score of crests swept away their columns like chaff. Broken and
hurled back, they easily fell into the hands of the Union boys, and on the
center and left the last half hour brought more prisoners than all the rest.
So it was along the whole line ; but it was on the second corps that the flower
of the rebel army was concentrated. It was there that the heaviest shock beat
upon and sometimes crumbled the Union line. Here came Pickett's
splendid division of Longstreet's corps in front, and the best of Hill's veterans
in support. They came steadily and, as it seemed, resistlessly sweeping up.
From a hundred guns their artillery had covered their approach. Hancock
was wounded. Gibbons, an approved soldier, and ready for the crisis, suc
ceeded to the command. As the tempest of fire approached its height, he
walked along the line, renewing bis orders to the men to reserve their fire.
The rebels — then three lines deep — came steadily up. They were in point blank
range. At last the order came. From thrice six thousand guns there came
a sheet of flame, a crash, a rush of leaden death. The line melted away, but
there came the second line, resistless still. 'The first had been our supreme
effort ; at the Instant, the Union boys were not equal to another. Over the
barricades, the momentum of their charge swept them on. Our thin lines
could fight, but it had not the strength to oppose this momentum — it was
pushed behind the guns. Right on came the rebels, but they bad come too
far ; a storm of grape and cannister tore its way from man to man, and marked

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 185
its track with the fallen straight down their line. This exposure of their line
to the Union artiler-y had sealed their fate. The line fell back, disjointed
already. The Union boys were just behind the guns. They spang forward
upon the broken column, but there was little need of fighting now. A
regiment threw down their arms and colors ; all along the line smaller detach
ments did the same. Webb's brigade brought in eight hundred prisoners.
Gibbons took fifteen stand of colors. Over the fleld the escaped fragments of
the charging line fell back — the battle was over."
The rebels found that it was a fatal, fruitless sacrifice. It was not a rout,
it was a bitter, crushing defeat. For once and the flrst time the Army of the
Potomac had won an acknowledged, honest and dearly bought victory.
This battle was the most severe and hotly contested of the war, and the
losses on both sides for the number engaged has no parallel in any engage
ment. The Union loss was 23,286 killed and wounded — one-fourth ot the
number engaged. Tbe rebel loss was much larger in killed and wounded,
and 13,621 prisoners ; one-third of their effective force was killed, wounded
and prisoners.
On the morning of the 4th of July the President issued the following :
" Washington, July 4, 11 :30 a. m. The President announces to the country
that news from the Army of the Potomac up to 10 o'clock, p. m. is such as to
cover the army with the highest honor, to promise a great success to the
cause of the Union, and to claim condolence for the many gallant fallen ; and
that for this he especially desires on this day, He whose will, not ours, should
ever be done, be everywhere remembered and reverenced with profoundest
gratitude."

CHAPTER XXXI.
lee's retreat — CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG — BRAGG's DEFEAT.
As the smoke of the battle drifts away over the town of Gettysburg,
fancy pictures standing on the crest of Cemetery ridge, the genius of Columbia,
as she looks with sadness over the field of battle, and views the dead and
wounded numbered by thousands, and in her imagination is vividly painted
the tens of thousands of widows and orphans made in the terrible conflict.
She turns to the soldier in gray and asks, " Why this unnatural and deadly
strife between brothers and countrymen ? Why is our heretofore peaceful '
and happy country drenched in fratricidal blood? " The soldier turns away
as he answers : " It is for the security, perpetuity and extention of slavery."
To the soldier in blue she turns and the same questions are propounded.
The soldier in blue answers : " For Nationality, Government and law, for
the Constitution, for freedom and for humanity." And as hope now irradi-
cates the countenance in place of sadness, the gentle twilight steals on apace,
and the illusion vanishes, and darkness comes on over the fleld of battle, and
the stillness is broken only by the measured tread of the sentinel, and the
click of the ambulance wheels as they slowly roll to the hospitals with their
mangled burdens. Midnight has come, and all is still save the sound of the
wind passing over the battlefleld with its weird, sibilant voice singing a
requiem to the unburied dead who await the rites of sepulture on the
morrow. On the morning of the 4th of July the Union army were in position'
ready for the enemy, should they be disposed to renew the conflict. But
General Lee found that his troops had been so badly punished that a renewal
of the battle would result more disastrously than on the preceding day. The
roll call on the morning of the 4th showed that his veterans, the flower of
his army, were missing, killed, wounded or prisoners, and in a council of his
offlcers, called on the morning of the 4th, it was advised to retreat, and, if
possible, save the remnant ot the army by reaching and crossing the Potomac
On the night of the 4th the retreat commenced, and pursuit was made bv the
186

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ' 187
Union army on the 5th and was continued without bringing on an engagement
until the rebels reached their former position on the Rappahannock.
In December, 1862, General N. T. Banks, appointed to succeed General
Butler in the military department of Louisiana, arrived at New Orleans with
a large force, and at once took possession of Baton Rouge. On the 21st of
December General Sherman started for Memphis with his command, and
passed down the Mississippi to the mouth of the Yazoo, above Vicksburg,
ascended that river, landed, and mj^de an attack on Vicksburg from the rear.
The fighting continued for three days, and the army advanced to within two
miles of the city, but on the 30th they were repulsed with severe loss. On
the 2d of January General McClernard arrived and assumed command, and
the taking of Vicksburg for the time seemed hopeless. The capture of
Arkansas Post redeemed the failure in some degree. In February, General
Grant having been placed in command, the attack on Vicksburg was to be
renewed. Various plans and measures were undertaken to get in the rear of
the place so as to command the river above and below, but they were all
abandoned, and General Grant determined with his vessels to boldly run down
the river, by the city and the rebel batteries, which he did successfully, and
marched his army down on the opposite side to Brueassburg, sixty-
five miles below Vicksburg, where he crossed on the 30tb of April, and
advanced upon Fort Gibson, where he was opposed by General Bowen,
who was defeated with a loss of killed, wounded and prisoners of fifteen
hundred men. General Grant then marched with his army upward
towards Vicksburg, and again met tbe enemy at Raymond, May 12th, and
the defeated them, with a loss of eight hundred men. On May 14th
Union forces near Jackson met the rebels under J. E. Johnson. The
enemy was defeated, and the capital of the State of Mississippi, with
seventeen pieces of artillery and large stores of supplies, was captured.
General Grant then turned his course west for Vicksburg. General Pemberton,
the commander ot that city, advanced with his forces with the hope of checking
his advance, but he was defeated on the 16th at Baker's creek, losing four
thousand men and twenty-nine pieces ot artillery. On the next day the same
forces were overtaken at Big Black Bridge, ten miles from 'Vicksburg, and
defeated with a loss of 2600 men and seventeen pieces of artillery. On the
18th Vicksburg was closely invested, and the rebels were completely shut up
within the city. An attempt was made to carry the enemy's work by storpi,
but the assault failed, and a regular siege was at once adopted by the land
forces, in which the armed vessels in the river joined. Tbe investment was
pressed -with much ¦vigor, and the Union works were drawing closer every
day. The enemy was known to be short of supplies, and their only hope was
that General Johnson would be able to collect an army sufficient to raise the

188 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
siege by attacking Grant in his rear. General Grant had provided for this
emergency by ordering General Sherman to pay bis respects to General
Johnson and counteract any movement on the part ot that General to relieve
Vicksburg. General Sherman performed that duty so effectually that no
serious attempt was made to relieve the enemy. With no prospect of succor,
General Pemberton therefore proposed to surrender Vicksburg on the morning
of the 4th of July, on condition that his troops should be permitted to march
out. General Grant refused, and demanded an absolute surrender of the
garrison as prisoners of war. General Pemberton called a council of his
officers, and acceded to the terms demanded by General Grant.
The historian states that the Union loss from the time General Grant ran
by Vicksburg up to the time of its capture was, killed, 1343 ; wounded, 7095 ;
missing, 535 ; total, 8773. The rebel loss was, killed and wounded, 10,000 ;
prisoners, 43,000 ; missing, 3000 ; total, 56,000 ; 220 cannons and 70,000 stands
of small arms. The Union was now receiving back a portion of the guns and
small arms sent South during President Buchanan's administration. The
surrender of Vicksburg was immediately followed by that of Port Hudson,
which surrendered to Banks July Sth, with 7000 prisoners and fifty cannons
and a large quantity of small arms. The value of these captures was not
estimated by tbe list of prisoners.and the number of small arms, but by the
fact tha the Confederacy was cut in twain. And as President Lincoln said,
'" The father of waters goes un vexed to the sea." General Sherman said:
'" The two victories occurring at the same time, the one at Gettysburg
defensive and the other at Vicksburg offensive, should have ended the
war; but the rebel leaders were mad, and seemed determined that their
people should drink the very lowest dregs of the cup of war, which they
themselves had prepared." Writing in reference to the capture of Vicks
burg, he said : " The campaign of Vicksburg, in its conception and exe
cution, belongs exclusively to General Grant, not only in the great whole,
but in the thousands of its details. I still retain many of his letters and notes
all in his own handwriting, prescribing the routes for march for divisions
and detachments, specifying even the amount of food and tools to be carried
along. Many persons gave his Adjutant-General, Rawlins, credit for these
things, but they were in error, for no Commanding General of an army gave
more of bis personal attention to detail, or wrote so many of his own orders
as General Grant. His success at Vicksburg justly gave bim great fame at
home and abroad. The President conferred on bim the rank of Major-
General in the regular army, then existing by law, and General McPherson
and I shared in his success by receiving similar commissions as Brigadier-
Oenerals in the regular army."

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 189
These victories gave great satisfaction and encouragement to the Presi
dent and to the loyal citizens of the Union, and left no doubt now of the final
success and triumph of the National cause. A very characteristic utterance of
the President in connection with these events was a letter written to General
Granton the 13th of July, in which the President took occasion to acknowledge
that results had confh-med the General's judgment rather than his own : "My
Dear General — ^I do not remember that you and I ever met personally. I write
this now as a grateful acknowledgement for the almost inestimable ser^rice
you have done the country. I write to say a word further. When you first
reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do what you finally
did — march the troops across the neck, run the batteries ¦with the transports
and thus go below — and I never bad any faith, except a general hope that
you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition and the like could
succeed. When you got below and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf and
vicinity, I thought you should go below and down the river and join General
Banks ; and wben you turned northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it
was a mistake. I wish now to make the personal acknowledgement that you
were right and I was wrong." This commendation of General Grant was but
the echo of the voice ot the whole country and people. The President, as
well as the whole country, felt that one man at least had been found who
was thoroughly in earnest, and who was master of his profession. The
capture of Vicksburg, with its preliminary battles, was the work of a great
general, and one of the most important, as well as the most brilliant and sue -
cessful, teats of the war.
While General Grant was engaged at Vicksburg, General Rosecrans was
paying his respects to the rebel General, Bragg, in Tennessee. On the 25th of
June, General Rosecrans advanced on the enemy at TuUahoma, made an
attack, driving Bragg and his army back in confusion, and he kept his retreat
until he reached Chattanooga. Rosecrans came up ynth him August 21st, and
then Bragg retreated again, but on the 19th of September, having received
reinforcements from Lee's army, he turned and made an attack on the Union
army. The engagement was a severe one ; a portion of the Union army was
compelled to fall back in confusion, but General Thomas, with his division,
held the enemy at bay until night, when he fell back, and the Union army
was for some time shut up in Chattanooga. The loss in this engagement was
very heavy on both sides. But the rebels gained no decisive advantage. In
October, General Rosecrans ¦was superceded by General Grant, who assumed
the offensive. The army of Tennessee was reinforced by General Hooker's
command from the Army of the Potomac, and General Sherman arrived with
his command on the 25th of November. General Grant, immediately on tbe
arrival of these reinforcements, made preparations to attack the rebel

190 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
positions, and on the 15tb of November the different divisions of the Union
army moved to the assault of the enemy's lines. The range of heights known
as Missionary Ridge, which was strongly fortified and held by General Bragg
in force, was assaulted by the Union veterans, led by General Hooker, and
supported by General Thomas, with his command. After a desperate and
prolonged struggle, the heights were carried in gallant style by the Union
troops, and the rebels were driven pell-mell from the ridge in confusion, com
pletely routed. General Sherman was equally successful in his attack on the
enemy's position, and the rebels at all points fell back, and were by Generals
Thomas and Hooker pursued and forced back into Georgia. General Sherman,
with his corps, was sent into East Tennessee to relieve General Burnside.
His wonderful march of forty miles a day for several successive days has
hardly been equaled in modern times. General Longstreet, who had been
pressing General Burnside and his small support at Knoxville, being apprised
of General Sherman's rapid approach, determined to carry General Burnside's
defenses by assault, but the attempt was a signal and disastrous failure and
defeat, and before General Sherman arrived he raised the siege and retreated
across the mountains into Virginia. The defeat of General Bragg and his
expulsion from Tennessee, and the failure of General Longstreet in his siege
of Knoxville, were the source and cause of much chagrin and disappointment
to the rebels, and a corresponding cause of encouragement and congratula
tion to the loyal citizens, and filled all hearts with joy and exultation.

CHAPTER XXXII.
THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS — FINANCIAL POLICY — CHARACTERISTIC INCIDENTS.
The third session of the Thirty-seventh Congress met on the 1st day of
December, 1862, the administration having a large majority in both Houses.
The general condition of the country, and the progress made towards the
restoration of the Union, and the quelling of the rebellion were set forth at
great length in the message of President Lincoln, which was sent in to
Congress at the opening of the session. The following is an extract from the
closing part of his message :
" Fellow-citizens — We cannot escape history. We of this Congress and
this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance or insignificance can spare one or the other of us. The fiery trial
through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest
generations. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that
we say this.
" We know how to save the Union. The world knows we know how to
save it. We — even we here — bold the power and bear the responsibility.
" In gi^ving freedom to the slave we assume freedom to the free — honorable
alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly
lose the best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not,
cannot fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous and just. A way which,
if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless."
At the very commencement of the session resolutions were introduced by
the opponents of the administration, censuring in strong terms its arrest of
those in the loyal States who gave aid and comfort to the rebellion. It is a
matter of history that at the outset of the war, every department of the
Government, and every part of the country was fllled with spies and informers,
gi^ving information to the rebel authorities; and that in repeated
and numerous instances the plans and purposes of the Government
had been betrayed and defeated by these abettors and aiders of treason. In
this state of affairs it became absolutely necessary, not so much for punish- 191

192 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
ment as ior prevention, to arrest these men in the injurious and perhaps fatal
actions in which they were engaged, and in this action tbe administration
was vindicated and fully justifled by Congress.
A bill was introduced on the 8th of December, and passed, declaring the
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus to have been required by the public
safety, making all acts by the President, and all acts of his offlcers by his
orders valid, and all prosecutions against them void. It also authorized the
President, during the war, to declare the suspension ot the writ of habeas
corpus at such time and in such places and with regard to such persons as in
his judgment the public safety should require. One of the most important
acts ot the session was that which provided for the creation of a National force
by enrolling and drafting the militia of the whole country — each State being
required to contribute its quota in the ratio ot its population, and the whole
force, wben raised, to be under the control of the President. This measure
seemed necessary by the revival of the party spirit throughout the loyal States,
and by tbe active and effective efforts made by the Democratic party to dis
courage and prevent volunteering. So successful had they been in this work,
that the Government seemed likely to fail in its efforts to raise men for another
campaign, and it was to avert this threatening evil that the bill was brought
forward in Congress. It encountered violent opposition and resistance from
the Democratic party, and particularly from those members whose sympathies
with the secessionists were the most distinctly marked. The bill passed the
House ^Y a vote of one hundred and flfteen to forty-nine, aud being concurred
in by the Senate, became a law. The Financial bill, as passed at this session,
authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow and issue bonds tor nine
hundred millions of dollars at not more than 6 per cent, interest, and payable
at a time not less than ten nor more than forty years. It also authorized the
Secretary to issue treasury notes to the amount of four hundred millions
of dollars, bearing interest, and also notes not bearing interest to the
amount ot one hundred and flfty millions of dollars. A joint resolution was
also passed authorizing the issue ot treasury notes to the amount of one
hundred millions of dollars to meet the immediate wants of the soldiers and
sailors in the service. The President announced bis approval of this reso
lution by a message to Congress, from which we make the following extract,
giving his flnancial views: "That Congress has power to regulate the
currency of the country can hardly admit of doubt, and that a judicious
measure to prevent the deterioration of this currency, by a reasonable tax
ation of bank circulation or otherwise, is needed seems equally clear.
Independently of this general consideration, it would be unjust to the people
at large to exempt banks enjoying the special privileges of circulation, from
their just proportion of the public burdens. In order to raise money by way

, OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 193
of loans most easily and cheaply, it is clearly necessary to give every possible
support to the public credit. This and a uniform currency, in which taxes,
subscriptions, loans and all other ordinary public dues may be paid, are almost,
if not quite indispensable. Such a currency can be furnished by banking
associations authorized under a general Act of Congress, as suggested in my
message at the beginning of the present session. The securing of this
circulation by the pledge of United States bonds, as herein suggested, would
still further facilitate loans by increasing the present, and causing a future
demand for such bonds." A second bill in relation to finance, to provide a
National currency, secured by a pledge of United States stocks, and to pro
vide for the circulation and redemption thereof, was passed under the convic
tion that so long as the war continued the country would require a large
amount of paper money, and that this money should be National in its
character, and rest on the faith of the Government for its security and
redemption. An act of importance was also passed this session, admitting
West Virginia into the Union. A bill was also introduced in the Senate
proposing a grant of money to aid in the abolition of slavery in the State
of Missouri. It gave rise to lengthy debates. Senators Sumner and Wilson
and others in the Senate insisted that the aid should be granted on condi
tion of immediate emancipation ; while the Senators of Missouri and
others favored gradual emancipation. Others opposed the measure on the
ground that Congress had no authority to appropriate the public money
tor that purpose. The bill flnally passed the Senate, but failed in the
House. Two members from Louisiana were admitted to seats in the House
of Representatives under circumstances which rendered the event of much
importance. On the capture of New Orleans, the rebel forces were driven
out ot that city, and some of the adjoining parishes ; and during the ensuing
Summer the citizens were invited to resume their allegience to the Union ;
over sixty thousand came forward and took the oath of allegience, and were
admitted to their rights as citi:?ens. On the 3d of December General Sheply,
acting as Military Governor, ordered an election for members ot Congress in
the city of New Orleans and adjoining parishes, embracing two districts. In
one of these districts B. F. Flanders was elected, and in the other Michael
Hahn was elected. A committee of the House to which the application of
these members for admission was referred on the 9th of February reported in
favor of their claim, and they were admitted to their seats by a vote of ninety-
two to forty-four.
Before the adjournment of Congress an Act was passed on the 3d of
March authorizing the President, "in all domestic and foreign wars," to
issue to private armed vessels of the United States letters of marque and
reprisal— Said act to terminate at tbe end of three years from the date of the

194 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Act. Resolutions were also adopted in both Houses protesting against every
proposition of foreign interference, by proffers ot mediation or otherwise, as
" unreasonable and inadmissable," and declaring the " unalterable purpose
ot the United States to prosecute the war until the rebellion be overcome,"
passed the Senate thirtj'-one to five; in the House, one hundred and three to
twenty-eight. This session closed March 4, 1863. It was characterized by the same
fixed and marked determination to prosecute the war by the use of the most
effective and vigorous measures for the suppression of the rebellion and the
perpetuity of the Union, and by the same full and prompt support of the
President, which had been so signally manifested by the preceding session of
Congress. Perhaps the most important measure passed at this session of
Congress, on the recommendation of the President, was its financial policy,
establishing National banks, a National currency secured by United States
stock, or bonds, for the redemption thereof. The growth and prosperity of
the country, unequaled in its former history, attests the wisdom and utility
of those measures. Some adherents ot the administration party becoming
impatient of the delays and the slow progress which seemed to mark the con
duct ot the war and the suppression of the rebellion, were disposed to flnd
fault and censure the President for his caution, and to insist upon bolder and
more sweeping assaults upon the persons and property of the people ot the
rebel States, and especially upon the institution ot slavery. On the other
hand, the opponents of the administration denounced everything like coercion
or severity as calculated to exasperate the South and prolong the war. The
great body of the people, however, manifested a steady and firm reliance on
the patriotic purpose and the calm sagacity evinced by the President in his
management and conduct of public affairs. About this time two ladies, wives
of rebel offlcers imprisoned on Johnson's island, called at the Executive
Mansion and obtained an audience with the President, and applied for the
release ot their husbands with great opportunity, one of them urging that her
husband was a very religious man. As the President granted their requests,
he said to the lady who had testified to her husband's religion : " You say
that your husband is a religious man ; tell him when you meet him, that I
am not much of a judge of religion, but that in my opinion the religion that
sets men to rebel against their Government, because, as they think, that
Government does not sufficiently help some men to eat their bread in the
sweat of other men's faces, is not that sort of religion upon which men can
get to Heaven." This, at least, was not Mr. Lincoln's religion. His was
that which sympathized with all human sorrow, which lifted, so far as it had
the power, the burden from the oppressed in every age and condition of life,
without regard to age, sex or color. It may be expressed in the case of a

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 195
poor woman who sought at the hands of the President, with the persistent
affection of a mother, for the pardon of her son, condemned to death. She
was successful in her petition. When she left the room the President turned
and said : " Perhaps I have done wrong, but at all events I have made that
poor woman happy." A friend called upon Mr. Lincoln, and found him
busily engaged in counting greenbacks. " This, sir," said he, " is something
out of my usual line, but a President ot the United States bas a multiplicity
of duties not specified in the Constitution or Acts ot Congress ; this is one ot
them. Tills money belongs to a poor negro, who is a porter in one of the
departments, and who is very sick at present with the small-pox. He is now
in one of the hospitals, and could not draw his pay because he could not sign
his name. I have been to considerable trouble to overcome the difficulty and
get it for him, and have succeeded in c'utting red tape, as you newspaper men
say. I am now dividing the money, and putting by a portion labeled in an
envelop with my own hands, according to his wish."

CHAPTER XXXIII.
SUSPENSION OF WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS — ^ARRESTS FOR DISLOYALTY.
One of the most formidable difficulties among the many which President
Lincoln was compelled to face in the loyal States from the very outbreak of
the rebellion, was that political, sympathetic, disloyal feeling, which was in
harmony with the principles and actions of the conspirators against the
Government. The toleration of President Buchanan's administration, while
active preparations were being made for armed resisfance to the Government,
encouraged the secessionists in their nefarious designs, and evidences are
not wanting that the rebels expected active co-operation of men and parties
in their rebellious movements. When, in January, 1861, the rebels were pre
paring to ship large quantities of arms and munitions of war from New York
^or the contest, on which they had resolved, to the State of Georgia, and the
same were seized by the police of New York, Fernando Wood, the Mayor of New
York, apologized to Senator Toombs of Georgia, and assured bim that, "if he
had the power he should summarilv punish the authors of this illegal and
unjustifiable seizure of private property."
Upon the advent ot President Lincoln's administration, prominent presses
and politicians throughout the country began, by active hostility, to indicate
their sympathy with those who sought to overthrow the Government, and it
became manifest that there was sufficient treasonable sentiment in the loyal
States to paralyze the authorities in their efforts, aided only by the ordinary
machinery ot the law to crush the secession movement. In this condition of
affairs it was deemed necessary by the President that the "writ of habeas
corpus " should be suspended, and that it was his duty to exercise the extra
ordinary powers with which the Constitution had clothed the Government.
It was there provided that " the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus should
not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public
safety might require it." When the necessity arose, of course, the Govern
ment charged with the public safety must be judge of the necessity. And
that branch of the Government, legislative or executive, when and where the
196

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 197
emergency arose might or should perform the act. The first act of President
Lincoln in that direction was his proclamation of May 3, 1861, directed to the
commander of the United States troops on the Florida coast, "if he should
find it necessary, to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and remove from the
vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons."
It was very soon found necessary to resort to the exercise ot the same power
in other sections of tbe country. One particular case was that ot John
Merryman of Baltimore, known by the Government to be in communication
with the rebels, and to be giving them aid and comfort. He was arrested
and imprisoned in Fort McHenry. He applied to Chief Justice Roger B.
Taney for the issue of the writ of habeas corpus, which was granted, i^ith an
order to General Cadwaller to bring the body of Merryman before the Chief
Justice. The General said, in reply, that be was " authorized by the Presi
dent ot the United States to suspend the writ of habeas corpus tor the public
safety," and that, while he fully appreciated the delicacy of the trust, he was
also instructed, "that in times of civil strife, errors, if any, should be
on the side of safety to the country." He therefore declined to obey the
¦writ, whereupon the Judge issued an attachment against him for contempt
of Court, and the Marshal charged with serving the writ made returns that
he was not admitted within the fort, and therefore he could not serve the
writ. Similar cases arose and were summarily disposed of in a similar manner
in other sections of the country.
This course of the administration was bitterly assailed by the party
opposed to the Government and in sympathy with the rebellion, and violent
and bitter assaults were made on the President by the public press holding dis
loyal sentiments. On the 5th of July, 1862, Attorney-General Bates trans
mitted to the President an elaborate opinion, prepared at his request, upon
his power to make arrests of persons known to have criminal complicity with
the rebels or those against whom there is probable cause for suspicion of
such criminal complicity, and also on bis right to refuse to obey a writ of
habeas corpus in case of such arrests. The Attorney-General discussed the
subject at great length, and bis arguments were conclusive and favorable to
the action of the Government. From that time the administration, with
vigor and energy, exerted its power to prevent tbe rebellion from receiving
aid from those in sympathy with its action in the loyal States. A large num
ber of persons in .various sections of the country, known to be in complicity
with the rebels, were arrested, but were released upon taking an oath of
allegiance to the United States.
Baltimore still continued for some time to be the headquarters of the
conspirators and of movements of various kinds in aid of the rebellion, and

198 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
on the meeting of the House of Delegates on the 16th of September, nine
secession members, with the officers of both Houses, were arrested by General
McClellan, then in command of tbe army, with bis full approbation, and the
session was not held. The President at that time gave the following state
ment relative to those arrests : " The public safety renders it necessary that
the grounds of these arrests should at the present be withheld, but at the
proper time they will be made public. Of one thing the people of Maryland
may rest assured, that no arrests have been made, or will be made, not based
upon substantial and unmistakable complicity with those in armed rebellion
against the United States. In no case has an arrest been made on mere
suspicibn or through personal or partisan animosities; but in all cases the
Government is in possession ot tangible and unmistakable evidence which will,
when made public, be satisfactory to every loyal citizen."
Arrests continued to be made by the State Department, not without com
plaint from large numbers of people, but with the general approbation ot the
whole country, and, beyond all question, to the advantage of the administra
tion and the country. On the 14th of February, 1862, the whole matter of
arrests was transferred to the War Department. In the Executive order by
the President, the whole circumstances which made those arrests necessary
are stated with so much clearness and force that it would be interesting to
insert here the whole order, but a short extract must suffice. He says:
" Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line
between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly deflned ; the whole structure of the
Government is firm and stable, apprehensions of public danger, and facilities
for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions which prompted
heedless persons to adopt them.
" The rebellion is believed to have culminated and to be declining. The
President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to the course
of the administration, as far as regard for the public welfare will permit,
directs that all political or State prisoners now held in military custody he
released on their subscribing to a parol engaging them to render no aid or.
comfort to the enemies in hostility to the United States. To all persons who
shall keep their parol when so released, the President grants an amnesty for
all past offenses of treason or disloyalty which they may have committed."
On the 27th of February a commission was appointed by the War Depart
ment, consisting of Major-General Dix and Hon. Edward Pierrepont ot New
York, to examine info the cases ot State prisoners, and to determine whether,
in view ot the public safety and the existing rebellion, they should be dis
charged, or remain in arrest, or be remitted to the civil tribunals for trial.
These commissioners entered at once upon the discharge of their duties and

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 199
a large number were released from custody on taking the oath of allegiance.
During the succeeding Winter, while Congress was in session, public senti
ment was comparatively quiet on the subject. Congress, during the session,
legalized all acts of the President, and gave him full authority to check and
punish attempts to defeat the efi'orls of the adminstration in the prosecution
of the war.
After the adjournment of Congress the party agitation was revived, and
public meetings were again held to denounce the Government and to protest
against the further prosecution of the war. One of the most active and
pestilent of these sympathizers with treason was C. C. Valandigham of Ohio,
who as a member of Congress, stump politician and private citizen, had
opposed the Government in its efforts to subdue the rebellion from its very
inception. He had the effrontery to offer in the House resolutions of censure
for those early acts of the President in calling out troops by which the
National capital alone was saved from capture.
His language in Congress had been so bitter and disloyal that the
patriotic feelings of every Union citizen were outraged and insulted. Going
home from Congress, he entered upon a canvass of his district, denouncing
the Government and villifying its motive. The object and tendency of his
malicious utterances were to discourage enlisting or volunteering for the
military army in the field, to embarrass and weaken the efforts of the President
in his great work of subduing the rebellion, and to give aid and succor to the
enemies of the Union.
General Burnside, a Union Democrat, then in command of the depart-
of Ohio, issued an order (No. 38) announcing that thereafter all persons found
within the Federal lines, who should commit acts for the benefit of the enemy,
would be tried as spies or traitors, and if convicted would suffer death. This
order Vallandigham publicly denounced, and called upon the people to resist
its execution. General Burnside arrested him at once, and ordered him to
be tried by a court martial at Cincinnati. On the 5th day of May, the day
following his arrest, he applied to the United States Circuit Court for a writ
ot habeas corpus, and after an elaborate argument from his counsel, Senator
Pugh, and the reading of a letter from General Burnside giving his reasons
tor his arrest, Judge Leavitt, a lite-time Democrat, decided against his appli
cation, giving his opinion that " The legality of the arrest depends on tbe
necessity for making it, and that was to be determined by the military com
mander." And he further said, " Men should know and learn, and lay the
truth to heart, that there is a course of conduct not involving overt treason,
and not, therefore, subject to punishment as such, which, nevertheless,
implies moral gmlt and > gross offense against the country. Those who

200 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
live under the protection and enjoy the blessings of our benignant Govern
ment must learn that they cannot stab its vitals with impunity. If they
cherish hatred and hostility to it and desire its subversion, let them with
draw from its jurisdiction and seek the fellowship and protection of those
with whom they are in sympathy. It they remain with us, while they are not
ot us, they must be subject to such a course of dealing as the great law of
self-preservation prescribes and will enforce. And let them not complain if
the stringent law of military necessity should find them to be the legitimate
subjects ot its action. I have no fear that the recognition of this doctrine
will lead to an arbitrary invasion of the personal security or personal liberty
ot the citizen. It is rare, indeed, that a charge ot disloyalty will be made on
insufficient grounds. But if there should be an occasional mistake, such an
occurrrence is not to be put in competition with the preservation of the Nation ;
and I confess I am but little moved by the eloquent appeals of those who,
while they indignantly denounce violations of personal liberty, look with no
horror upon a despotism as unmitigated as the world has ever witnessed."

CHAPTER XXXIV.
VALL.4.NDIGHAM SENT TO HIS FRIENDS — ALBANY MEETING — PRESIDENT'S REPLY.
Immediately after the decision of Judge Leavitt, refusing Vallandigham
his application, he was tried and convicted, and was sentenced to confinement
in some fortress of the United States, to be designated by General Burnside,
who designated Fort Warren as his place ot confinement. The President
modified the sentence and directed that the convict should be sent within the
rebel lines, among the people whom he held in such cordial sympathy, and
that he should not return until after the termination of the war. The man
sent to his own did not seem to meet with a very cordial reception. The
Southern people seemed to manifest that sentiment so notably marked in the
case of a notorious personage in the early history of our country, in which it
was said of his friends when they received him : " They loved the treason,
but despised the traitor." So Vallandigham passed on through the rebellious
States, and made bis way to Canada. He subsequently returned to Ohio
without asking permission of the President.
Our limits will not permit an extended exposition ot the numerous and
most noted cases of arrest by the civil and military authorities for treason
and disloyalty. The public were but little acquainted and informed, at the
time, of the magnitude and effect of the disloyal influences that were at work
in the loyal States. This seditious and secession sentiment paralyzed and
; weakened the efforts and exertions of the Government tor the suppression of
the rebellion, and the baneful infiuences became so potent that stern neces
sity required the President to interpose his constitutional authority and stay
the nefarious influences that were at work for the subversion of the national
authority. In the discharge of this duty, forbearance and clemency were the
distinguished characteristics of his action, and at this day, when the extent
and effects of this disloyal and secession sentiment and action of the guilty
(parties on the public mind, and on the policy of the Government, appear
more clear, we can see that mercy and forbearance, rather than justice and
merited punishment, were tbe rule and not the exception, and can hardly 201

202 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
realize how the President under cases so unnatural and malignant, and which
called for severe and exemplary punishment, could be so lenient and merciful.
The case of Vallandigham called for severe and condign punishment, and yet
the President treated his case with the utmost lenity. His disloyalty was the
most effective and offensive because of his eminence as a member of Congress,
notorious because of his pestilential and malicious utterances against the
Government and its policy for sustaining the unity of the Nation, but in this
case, as in many others, the President had views of bis own, and it is most
likely that of his own volition he would have left from the flrst the arch con
spirator alone, believing that his fulminations, as events afterwards proved,
rather strengthened the Union cause than otherwise. The arrest, the remarks
of Judge Leavitt and the excitement growing out of the case had their salu
tary effects. In the loyal States a spirit of inquiry was awakened which
resulted in drawing the line of distinction between the loyal and disloyal,
and showing forth tbe enormity and audacity of those that were engaged in
giving aid and encouragement to the rebellion. Prominent secessionists in
the loyal States became alarmed. If military officers could arrest offenders
and be sustained by the United States courts, and the criminals sent within
the rebel lines, the inquiry naturally arose, who is safe, or who will be the
next victim, and to meet the difficulties that surrounded them and shift the
responsibilities from themselves, they began to call public meetings and to
pass resolutions denouncing the Government, and requesting the President to
reconsider his action in Vallandigham's case. A meeting of this kind, where
tbe notables opposed to the administration and the prosecution of the war
for the preservation of the Union assembled in large numbers, met at Albany,
May 16th. Governor Seymour sent a letter fully in spirit and harmony with
the sentiments of the meeting. It would be difflcult to point out or to distiii- ,
guish any difference in the principle or spirit of the treasonable language used
by the arch agitator of Ohio or the peace Governor of New York.
Governor Seymour said in his letter to the Albany meeting: "The
sanction of the act by which Vallandigham was sent South by the President '\
and the people was not only despotism, but revolution." Vallandigham had '
said that the administration was aiming not to restore the Union, but to
crush out liberty. Governor Seymour said : " The action ot the administra
tion will determine in the minds of more than half of the people of the loyal 'i
States whether this war is waged to put down rebellion in the Souther ,
destroy free institutions at the North."
The Albany meeting was in perfect harmony and concord with Govern!^
Seymour's letter, and'its spirit was embodied in the resolutions which were
adopted pledging the Democratic party of the State to the preservation of the
Union, but condemning in strong terms the whole system of military arrests, .

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 203
and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. The leaders ot this meeting
had placed themselves in an attitude by their resolutions which the President
coveted. They gave him the desired opportunity to give to the people of the
Union an exhaustive and full statement of his policy on the subjects which
were so stronglj' condemned by the meeting. It was a vindication worthy of
the President of a people striving to save the Union, and sustain their nation
ality, and it was so regarded by the American people. It was so full, so con
clusive, that it was unanswerable, that no earnest or candid attempt was
made to answer it.
Our limits preclude even a review of the argument, but some extracts
and illustrations may be given of its force and argument. In alleging the
necessity and propriety of arresting those known to be traitors, but who were.
not guilty of an overt act of treason, the President said: "Many of the
prominent leaders of the rebellion, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnson, J. C.
Breckenridge and many others, now occupying prominent official positions
under the rebel Government, were well known to be traitors, and were all
within the power of the Government since the war began. Without doubt, if
we had seized and held them, the insurgent cause would have been much
weaker ; but no one of them had committed any crime deflned by law. Every
one of them, if arrested, would have been discharged on habeas corpus were
the writ allowed to operate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the
time will come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests
rather than too many. Mr. Vallandigham was not arrested because he was
damaging tbe political prospects of the administration or the personal in
terests of the commanding officer ; but because he was damaging the army,
upon the existence and vigor of which the life of the Nation depends. Must
I shoot a simple-minded boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of
the wily agitator who induces bim to desert? I think that in such a case to
silence the agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional but, withal, a
great mercy."
This Albany meeting, in their resolutions and proceedings, had styled
themselves Democrats. The President said: "I would have preferred to
have met y.ou on the higher platform of American citizens. Nor can I, with
full respect for your known intelligence and the fairly presumed deliberations
with which you prepared your resolutions, be permitted to suppose that this
occurred by accident, or in any other way than that they preferred to desig
nate themselves Democrats rather than American citizens. In this time of
National peril, I would have preferred to have met you on a level— one step
higher than any party platform — because I am sure that from such a more
elevated position we could do better battle for the country we all love, than
we can possibly from these lower ones, where, from the force of habit — the

204 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERnCES
prejudices ot tlie past and selflsh hopes of the future — we are sure to expend
much of our ingenuity and strength in flnding fault with and driving blows
at each other. But since you have denied me this, I will yet be thankful, for
the country's sake, that not all Democrats have done so. He who arrested
Mr. Vallandigham is a Democrat, having no old party affinity with me ; and
the Judge who rejected the constitutional view expressed in these resolutions
by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandigham on habeas corpus, is a Democrat
of better days than these, having received his judicial mantle at the hands of
President Jackson. And still more, of all those Democrats who are nobly
exposing their lives and shedding their blood on the battlefleld, I have learned ;
that many approve the course taken with Mr. Vallandigham. While I have
not heard of a single one condemning it, I do not assert thatthere are none such.
And .still further, speaking ot Jackson reminds me of another incident in
point. At New Orleans, General Jackson declared martial law, which he
still maintained after it was known that peace had been concluded, but before
official knowledge had arrived. Now that it could be said that the war was
over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from the flrst,
became more furious. A Mr. Louiallia published a denunciatory article.
General Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name ot Morel procured the
United States Judge, Hall, to issue a writ of habeas corpus to relieve Mr.
Louiallia. General Jackson arrested both lawyer and Judge. A Mr. HoUinder
ventured to say of some part of the matter that it was a "dirty trick."
General Jackson arrested him. When the officer undertook to serve the
writ of habeas corpus, General Jackson took it from him and sent him away
with a copy. Holding the Judge in custody a few days, the General sent him
beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty with an order to
remain until the ratification of peace should be regularly announced. A day
or two elapsed ; the ratification ot a treaty of peace was announced, and the
Judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more, and the Judge
called General Jackson into Court and fined him one thousand dollars tor .
having arrested him and the others named. The General paid the fine, and
there the matter rested for nearly thirty years. When a Democratic' Congress
refunded the flue, principal and interest. And I may here remark that i
Senator Douglas, then a member ot the House, was a prominent advocate of
this Democratic measure. Then we had the same Constitution as now; then 'I
we had an invasion, and now we have a case of rebellion ; and third, that the j
permanent right of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and ]
of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence and the habeas corpus
suffered no detriment whatever by the conduct of GenerS,! Jackson or its
subsequent approval by the American Congress."
A State Convention of the Democratic party was held at the State capital,
Ohio, June 11th, for the pnrpose of nominating Statelofflcers. Mr. Vallandig-

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. , 205
ham, who had been sent away by the President, was nominated for Governor,
and Senator Pugh, who argued his case before Judge Leavitt, as their candi
date for Lieutenant-Governor. This Convention adopted resolutions pro
testing against the President's emancipation proclamation ; condemning
martial law in the loyal States ; denouncing the suspension of the writ of
habeas corpus; protesting strongly against the banishment of Vallandigham,
and calling on the President to restore him to his rights ; and a committee
was appointed to wait on the President with the resolutions of the Convention,
and to urge the immediate recall and restoration of Vallindigham, their
candidate for Governor. To their request and resolutions, the President
gave them a lengthy, plain, written reply, from which only a short extract
can be given. The President said: "We all know that combinations,
armed in some instances, to resist the arrest ot deserters began several
months ago. That more recently, the like has appeared in resistance to the
enrollment, preparatoi-y to a draft, and that quite a number of assassinations
have occurred from the same animus. These had to be met by military force ,
and this has led to bloodshed and death. And now, under a sense of responsi.
bility, more weighty and enduring than any which is merely offlcial, I solemnly
declare my belief that this hiiiderance of the military, including maiming and
Bnirder, is due to the cause in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged, in
a greater degree than to any other cause, and it is due to him personally in a
greater degree than to any other nian. These things have been notorious —
kiiown to all — and, of course, known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps I would
not be wrong to say they originated with his special friends and adherents.
With all this before their eyes, tbe Convention you represent has nominated
him for Governor of Ohio. At the same time your nominee for Governor, in
whose behalf you appeal, is known to you and the world, to declare against
the use of the army to suppress the rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore,
encourages desertion, resistance to the draft and the like, because it teaches
those inclined to desert and to escape the draft to believe it is your purpose
to protect them, and to hope you will become strong enough to do so. The
original sentence of imprisonment in Mr. Vallandigham's case was to prevent
injury to the military service only, and the modiflcation of it was made as a
less disagreeable mode to him of securing the same prevention."
The recall from banishment desired was not made, and in the meantime
the canvass for State offlcers went on, and at the election the people of
Ohio decided against Mr. Vallandigham by a majority of over one hundred
thousand votes.. When be afterward clandestinely returned without leave,
he was permitted to say and do as he pleased, as he had lost all power of
doing harm, except where be might choose to bestow his friendship, which
wasexemplifled afterward in a notable degree at the Chicago Convention
which nominated General McClellan.

CHAPTER XXXV.
THE MISSOURI IMBROGLIO — CHARACTERISTIC LETTERS — ELECTION RESULTS.
One of the most unpleasant and vexatious difficulties among the many
which the President had to meet, was that division of sentiment and policy
which divided the friends of the Union in Missouri, dating back as far as the
removal of General Fremont. An order issued by General Halleck, exclud
ing fugitive slaves from his lines, though issued only for military purposes, ,
aided the discord. The sharp, bitter, personal discussions to which this
incident gave rise, were followed by action and discussions relative to
emancipation, the parties dividing on the issue of gradual or immediate
emancipation ; and this was followed by a disagreement between General
Curtis, who was in command ot the department, and Governor Gamble, who
controlled the State troops. General Curtis was removed, and General
Schofield was appointed in his place. This offended Governor Gamble's
enemies, and they remonstrated with the President.
Mr. Lincoln, in a letter written at this time, said : " It is very painful to
.me that you in Missouri cannot or will not settle your factional quarrel among
yourselves. I have been tormented with it beyond endurance for a month
by both sides. Neither side pays the least respect to my appeals to your
reason." The friends of General Fremont were anxious that he should be
recalled and appointed Military Governor, setting _aside Governor Gamble.
Partisans, committees and deputations visited Washington to harass and
torment the President, still more, each returned, carrying back a report, and
made the most of it to keep up the quarrel. In the Summer of 1863 the
public feeling became intense. Gradual emancipationists were denounced
as traitors by the radical emancipation party, which claimed to represent
the only loyal element of the State, and, of course, gradual emancipationist?
retorted the charge, and asserted their claims to loyalty. Soon after General
Schofield's appointment, the President addressed him a letter referring to
the troubles in Missouri, in which he said : " Now that you are in the
position, I wish you to undo nothing merely because General Curtis or
206

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

207

Governor Gamble did it, but to exercise your own judgment, and to do right
for the public interest. Let your military measures be strong enough to repel
the invaders and keep the peace, and not so strong as to unnecessarily harass
and persecute the people. It is a difficult role, and sn much greater will be
the honor if you perform it .well. If both factions, or neither, shall abuse
you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by one and
praised by the other."
On the 1st of July a State Convention in session passed an amendment
, to the Constitution, declaring that slavery should cease to exist in Missouri
from the 4th of July, 1870. This, however, was by no means accepted as a
flnal disposition o-f the matter. The demand was made ton immediate eman
cipation, and Governor Gamble, and the members of the provisional
Government who favored the policy adopted by the State Convention, were
denounced as advocates of slavery and allies of the rebellion. A mass meet
ing was held at Jefferson City on the 2d of September, at which resolutions
were adopted denouncing the military policy pursued by the State. A com
mittee of one from each county was appointed to visit Washington and lay
their grievances before the President. The last of September the committee
arrived at Washington and had an interview with the President, in which
' they represented Governor Gamble and General Schofield as being in virtual
alliance with the rebels, and demanded the removal of the latter as an act of
justice to the loyal anti-slavery men of the State. This committee demanded,
first, the removal of General Schofield, and in his place the appointment of
General Butler ; second, that the system of enrolled militia in Missouri may
be broken up, and that National forces be substituted for it, and, third, that
at all elections persons may be allowed to vote who are by law entitled to do so.
On the 5tb of October the President made to the representations and
requests of the committee a lengthy and elaborate reply. To the first
request, after giving his reasons, he said: " I must decline to remove
General Schofield. In this I decide nothing against General Butler. I
sincerely wish it were convenient to assign bim a suitable command. And
as at present advised, I cannot attempt the destruction of the enrolled militia
of Missouri. I may add that the force being under the National military
control, it is also within the proclamation in regard to the habeas corpus. I
concur in the propriety of your request in regard to elections, and have, as
yon see, directed General Schofield accordingly. I do not feel justified in
entering upon the broad field you present in regard to the political differences
between Radicals and Conservatives. From time to time I have done and
said what it' seemed to be proper to do and say. The public knows it full
well. It obliges nobody to follow me, and I trust it obliges me to follow
nobody. The Radicals and Conservatives each agree with me in some things

208 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
and disagree in others. I could wish that they could agree with me in all
things, for then they would agree with each other, and would be too strong
for any foe from any quarter. They chose to do otherwise, and I do not
question their right. I, too, shall do what seems to be my duty. I hold,
however, commanders in Missouri or elsewhere responsible to me, and not
to either Radicals or Conservatives. It is my duty to hear all,; but at least I
must, within my sphere, judge what to do and what to forbear."
Accompanying this letter to the committee, was also a letter of instructions
to General Schofield, in which he directed him so to use his authority as " to
compel the excited people to let one another alone." But all had no effect
in quieting the political agitation or to ameliorate the personal feelings engen
dered by it. Subsequently General Rosecrans was placed in command, and
the quarrel died out, or ceased to attract public attention. An anecdote o^
the President here may be in point, beiug applicable to the state of affairs in
Missouri :
The President was once speaking about an attack made on him by the
committee on the conduct ot the war, for a blunder, or something worse, in
the Southwest — the matter involved being one which had fallen directly
under the observance of the officer to whom he was talking, he possessing: .
official evidence entirely different from the conclusions of the committee, '
The officer said to the President :
" Might it not be well for me to set this matter right in a letter to some
paper, stating the facts as they actually transpired ? "
" Oh, no; " replied the President; " at least not now. If I were to try
to read, much less to answer, all the attacks made on me, this shop might as
well be closed to any other business. I do the very best I know how— the
very best I can, and I mean to keep doing so until the end. It the end brings
me out all right, what is said against me will not amount to anything. If the
end brings me out wrong, ten angels swearing I was right would make no
difference." The President had been invited by the Republican State Committee of
Illinois to attend the State Convention to be held in Springfield, September .
3d. Being unable to attend, he wrote, in reply, a letter to the Convention,
defining his policy, from which we give an extract, which is characteristic :
" The signs look better. The father of waters again goes unvexed to the'
sea.. Thanks to the great Northwest, nor yet wholly to them. For three
hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone and Jersey
hewing their way, right and left. The sunny South, too, in, more colors than
one, also lent a helping hand ; on the spot, their part ot the history was
jotted down in black and white. The job was a great National one, and let

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 209
none be slighted who bore an honorable part. And those who have cleared
the great river may well be proud, but even that is not all. It is hard to say
that anything has been more bravely and well dane than at Antietum,
Murfresboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields ot less note.
" Nor must Uncle Sam's webfeet be forgotten. At all the watery margins
they have been present, not only on the deep sea, and broad bay and rapid
river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a
little damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all for the
great Republic — for the principle it lives by and keeps alive — for man's vast
fjature — thanks to all.
" Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will soon come,
and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth keeping in all future ages. It
will then have been proven that among freemen there can be no successful
appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are
sure to lose their case and pay the costs. And there will be some black men
who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady
eye and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great
consummation. I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that,
with malignant heart and deceitful speech, they have striven to hinder it.
Still, let us not be over sanguine of a speedy and final triumph ; let us be
quite sober ; let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just
God, in his own good time, will give us the rightful result."
In this letter the President was talking to his Western friends, and yet,
not alone to them, but to the loyal citizens of the Union, and to the lovers of
freedom and humanity for all coming ages, with no utterances ot reproach or
bitterness to those who were striving to destroy the Union, save a reminder
that the ballot is preferable to the bullet, and in a vein of pleasure for results
accomplished, and thanks to all who had achieved the success, and with an
equanimity ot mind for the future, rarely, if ever excelled, he looks to the
great disposer of events for the final results. While there was much favorable
for the Union, there was, to a considerable extent, partisan opposition to
specific measures of the administration, and in some places this took form
of open hostility to the further prosecution of the war. But the spirit and
open determination of the people were for rebel submission, and the Union
party entered upon the political contests in the several States in the Autumn
of 1868, with confidence of success, and tbe results of the election fully justi
fled the confidence of the people in the policy of the administration. All of
the States in which elections were held, with the exception of New Jersey,
voted to sustain the administration, and in all the largest States the majorities
were so large as to show that the crisis which threatened to divide the Union,
had passed. In Ohio, Vallandigham was defeated by a majority of nearly

210 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
one hundred thousand votes against him. Governor Seymour, in New York,
was defeated by thirty thousand for the administration, and Pennsylvania,
with General McClellaft in the canvass, gave Curtin, the war candidate for
Governor, thirty thousand majority. The results ot these elections vindi
cated the action of the Government in the matter of military arrests, and
sustained in every State the policy of the President in regard to slavery and
in issuing the proclamation of emancipation as a military measure. The
result was considered as a decided verdict of the people in support of the
administration. It was so regarded by all parties throughout tbe country.
It is well to note the progress, not only of events, but that of principles
and ideas. Three years before, Missouri had refused to raise and send troops'
to defend the National capital. Maryland, three years before, made it neces
sary for the President to pass through Baltimore in the night to avoid
assassination. Three years before, troops hastening to the protection of
Washington, had left some of their comrades dead in the streets, and the
whole city was seething with treason ; and those States, neither of which
would, three years ago, tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery
in the Territories, were now disputing as to the best mode of removing it
within and from their own limits.
At this time a grand fair, for the benefit of the United States Sanitary
Commission, was held in Baltimore, and Mr. Lincoln was present. He said:
" Calling t6 mind' that we are in Baltimore, we cannot fail to note that the
world moves. Looking upon the many people I see assembled here to serve,
as best "they may, the soldiers ot the Union, it occurs to me that three years
ago those soldiers could not pass through Baltimore. I would say blessings
on those men who have wrought these changes, and the women who have
assisted them. The generous outpouring of means for sustaining these
charities are voluntary contributions, giving proof that the National resources
are not exhausted, and that the National patriotism will sustain us
through all."

CHAPTER XXXVI.
HIS DAILY EXPERIENCE AND INNER LIFE.
In the preceding chapter we have recorded some of the difficulties and
embarrassnients that attended the President's daily public duties and experi
ence ; we may now enter the White House and record some of the incidents
and trials of his daily and inner life.
He had a method in all his official relations, and regular hours for the
transaction of public business. His office hours were from 9 a. m., with an
hour's intermission at 1 p. m., and continued frequently until 10 or 11 p. m.
The mornings of Tuesday in each week were allotted to regular Cabinet meet
ings — the other days ot the week were devoted to the reception ot visitors on
business. First in the morning. Senators ; next. Representatives ot the
House ; third. Governors of the several States ; and following, any or all that
desired to .see the President. The foregoing were admitted in their regular
order on the presentation of their cards. The evenings were usually devoted
by the President to the reception of all callers on business in his office, the
doors being open to all, without the presentation of cards for admission.
The President had carried with him into his public life those principles
ot humane excellence, kindness, gentleness, truthfulness and charity which
have been so beautifully exemplified in his public addresses and public
papers. But it was in the more intimate and personal relations and contact
with the people that those traits of character which have made his name im
mortal, have shone with their greatest luster and loveliness. Those princi
ples of the President became so apparent in the early days of his administra
tion that he soon became recognized as the father of his people. In his youth
he had been regarded as a conciliator of difflculties and troubles between his
fellows, and now every man seemed to think that the President could and
would settle his little trouble, or grant his request. To all he was so access
ible that all came to him with their wants and difflculties. One illustration
here : An old lady called on the President, and requested that he would
have a certain sum ot money reserved from the salary of a clerk in one of the
211

212 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
departments so that she might receive her bill for board. The President
beard the old lady, and with a smile of humor, told her that ber request
was rather out of the line of his official duties, but that he thought it could
be arranged so that she could get her money. The President, meeting soon the
Secretary of the department in which the clerk was employed, said to him,
laughing: "It seems that I am to be regarded as Police Judge. An old
lady called on me to-day and requested me to collect a board bill from one of
/the clerks in your department." Of course the incident soon became' public,
and without doubt the old lady and other landladies rejoiced thereat.
Mr. Lincoln entere'd the White House in robust health and with a vigor
and vitality unusual to a man of his age. The three years of the war, with
its responsibilities, anxieties and labors, had wrought a powerful depressing
effect on his physical constitution, and he had become at this period, in a
measure, a feeble man, wearied and worn by the great responsibilities which
rested upon him as a leader and conductor in the greatest civil war of any
age. There was a period in the President's life when love of country, demands
of patriotism, and the obligations ot his official oath required a stern compli
ance with official duty.
It was a sad and solemn hour, not from any hesitancy as to the course
he should pursue, nor from the weight of responsibility to be incurred, but it
was grave and solemn, because the President loved peace. Benevolence and
fraternity were his peculiar characteristics. The blood of a pious and peace
ful ancestry coursed through his veins. The culture of his mind in his early
years by a Christian mother had created within his heart tender emotions of
love and mercy. His professional experience and life had trained him to
habits of loyalty and moderation, which invoked no remedies but the legal
and peaceful ones of the laws and the constitution, and his principles were to
convince and combat error with argument and reason alone. But with those
humane and Christain characteristics were those more pre-eminent, love of
country and suffering humanity. When all peaceful measures and overtures
of peace for the perpetuity of the Union had been exhausted, when the desire
of peace expressed and declared in his inaugural was unavailing, and its
fraternal utterances were drowned in the boisterous clamors of war, when the
Government forts, custom-houses and other property had been seized by the.
Southern Confederacy, when rebel armies were being organized for the
avowed purpose of seizing the National capital, when the Southern oligarchy
bad arrayed itself against free soil and free labor, when the patricidal hands
ot Southern traitors were raised against the Union, and our star spangled
banner went down in shame and dishonor from the battlements of Fort
Sumpter, dishonored by rebel hands, then the hopes of conciliation and the
dreams of peace had expired.

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 213
Now the hour of hesitancy and doubt had passed. Now the course of
duty and action was plain, and when on Monday morning, April 15, 1861, the
President issued his flrst proclamation for the country's defenders, the call
was answered with an united aye and amen. The President suffered during
the struggle which preceded his decision that war must be prosecuted to save
the Union, and he suffered during its continuance by the constant anxiety
and efforts to make it successful and keep it in motion. His motives and
, extreme caution in the numerous difficulties that frequently arose in the
constant civil and military emergencies were often misunderstood, his
character was often assailed and his plans fnullified hy those whose best
interest he was continually striving for, struggling with an anxious spirit and
overtaxed brain for the good of the commonwealth, in common with the loyal
citizens he deeply suffered when defeat lowered our National flag, and he felt
it with a more vivid and painful force because he was the leader. In those
days of despondency and gloom, when the hearts ot the bravest failed, he
never yielded to despondency or anger. His evenness ot temper is attested
by Napoleon III, who said : " Mr. Lincoln's highest claim on my admiration
is a Roman equanimity which has been tried by both extremes of fortune and
not disturbed by either." When once asked if he ever despaired of the
Eepublic, he answered: "Only once, and that^was when the peninsular
campaign terminated at Harrison's landing."
With the soldiers who were fighting the battles of the Union he had the
deepest sympathy. Whenever he was congratulated upon a success in the
field, he never failed to allude to the noble men who won it. The trials of the
soldiers, their sacrifices ot comfort and health, of limb and life touched bim
with a sympathy and commiseration that really wore away his physical frame
and constitution. His sympathy was marked in his treatment of their
offences against military law. A personal friend of the President called upon
him one day in the early part of the war. He had just signed a pardon for a
young man who had been sentenced to be shot for sleeping on his post as a
sentinel. The President remarked, as he read the pardon to the friend : "I
could not think of going to eternity with the blood of that young man on my
skirts." And then he added; "It is not to be wondered at, that a boy
raised upon a farm, probably in the habit of going to bed at dark, should,
when required to watch, fall asleep, and I cannot consent to shoot him for
such an act." And history records the fact that tbe dead body of this youth
was found among the slain on the battlefield ot Fredericksburg wearing next
to his heart a photograph of his preserver, beneath, on which, the grateful
fellow had written, " God bless President Lincoln." One evening, Schuyler
Colfax left all other business to call on the President to ask him to respite

214 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
the son of a constituant who was sentenced to be shot for desertion. .He
heard the story with his usual patience (although he was worried and
worn out with incessant toil and calls, and anxious for rest), and then he
replied : " Some ot the Generals complain that I impair discipline and subordi
nation in the army by my pardons and respites, but it makes me feel rested
after a hard day's work if I can find some good excuse for saving a man's
lite, and I can go to bed happy, as I think how joyous the signing my name
will make him and his family and his friends." And then with a smile
beaming over the careworn face he signed the name that saved that young
man's life. An officer in command of a division of the Army of the Potomac,
said : " The first week of my command there were twenty-four deserters
sentenced by court martial to be shot, and the warrants for their execution
were sent to the President to be signed. He refused. I went to Washington
and had an interview with the President. I said, Mr. President, unless these
men are made an example of the army is in danger ; mercy to the few is
cruelty to the many. He replied, ' General, there are already too many
weeping widows in the United States. For God's sake, don't ask me to add
to the number, for I won't do it. Put them in the ranks and try them again.' "
A touching incident is related by one ot the door-keepers. A poor woman
from Philadelphia had called at the Executive Mansion for three days to see
the President, with her baby in her arms. Her husband had deserted. He
was arrested, tried and condemned to be shot. The sentence was to be
executed on Saturday. On Monday previous she left home to see the Presi
dent. Said Daniel, the door-keeper, " She had been waiting in the ante
room three days ; there was such a crowd there had been no chance for her
to get in. Late in the afternoon of the third day the President was going
through the passage to his private rooms to get some rest. On his way
through he heard the baby cry. He instantly went back to his office and
rang the bell. Daniel, said he, is there a woman with a baby in the ante
room ? I said there was. He said, send her to me at once. She went in
and told her story, and the President pardoned her husband. As the woman
came out from his presence weeping and her lips moving in prayer and thank-
fullness, said Daniel, I went up to her, and pulling her shawl, I said, madam,
it was the baby that done it." After that day the door-keeper had standing
orders from the President, that no matter how great the throng, if Senators
or Representatives had to wait or be turned away without an audience, he
must see before the day is closed every one that came to him with a petition
for the saving of life.
This tender sensibility of the President came gradually under the control
of his judgment, and the counsels of others sometimes constrained him to a

OF ABRAH.-VM LINCOLN. 215
severity which he hated, so at length the order for the merited restraint or
punishment of public offenders, was usually, though always reluctantly,
ratified by him. But his sympathy with men in whatever condition, of what
ever opinion, in whatever wrongs involved, was so natural, constant and
controlling that he was always inclined, as well as predetermined, to the
widest and most generous theory possible. A volume might be written of
similar incidents to these, the sufferings and miseries that the war had
brought upon the Nation and people bore continually with sorrow and
anguish on bis sympathetic heart. We have no example of any man more
. considerate of human infirmity and weakness. He could always find so
many excuses and apologies for the faults and sins ot others, and he would
always treat them with mercy and tenderness, unless he had evidence that
the transgressions were purposely and maliciously committed.
These virtues — mercy, sympathy and charity— which so ennoble and
make God like our common humanity, were the governing principles of Mr.
Lincoln's administration, and has given to the world an example which
stands out in history as the grandest exhibition of devotion tp the Constitu
tion and laws, and to freedom and humanity. In a case calling for exemplary
justice, the President could be severe. Soon after his first inauguration a
case occurred which illustrates this characteristic. Hon. J. B. Alley of
Lynn, Massachusetts, was the bearer to the President of a petition for the
pardon of a person confined in the Newburyport jail for being engaged in the
slave trade. He bad been sentenced to five years' imprisonment and to pay
a fine of one thousand dollars. The petition was accompanied by a letter, in
which the prisoner acknowledged his guilt and justice of his sentence ; he
had served his term of imprisonment, but was still held for the payment of
his fine. Mr. Alley read the letter to the President, who was much moved
by its appeals, and when he himself had read the petition, he looked up and
said : " My friend, that is a very touching appeal to my feelings. You
know my weakness is to be, if possible, too easily moved by appeals for
mercy, and if this man 'were guilty of the foulest murder that the arm of
man could perpetrate, I might forgive him on such an appeal, but the man
who could go to Africa, and rob her of her children and sell them into
interminable' bondage, with no other motive than that is furnished by dollars
and cents, is so much worse than the most depraved murderer, that he can
never receive pardon at my hands. No ; he may rot in jail before he shall
have liberty by any act of mine." To the soldier who had deserted, or the
hoy found sleeping on his post, the President could extend mercy and pardon,
but to the man guilty of tbe crime of kidnaping and man-stealing and man-

216 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERyiCES
selling, with all the cruelties attending that nefarious business, from him,
the executive officer of the people, no pardon could be obtained.
.4
Mrs. M., a Calitornian ot '49, and an old and early friend of Mr. Lincoln,
visited Washington in the Winter ot '63 and '64, and was a frequent visitor
at the White House. She thus relates her last interview with the President:'
" The morning before I left Washington for California I called on the Presi
dent. After some conversation relative, to my return, I said, ' Mr. Lincoln, I
have with me three beautiful copies of your emancipation proclamation.
They are lithographed, the original was executed with a pen by a young
artist ot San Francisco. I would esteem it as a great and highly appreciated'
favor to have your autograph to each one of them.' He replied: 'You
shall have my name to them, and with pleasure.' After he had signed them
I then said : ' Mr. Lincoln, allow me to kiss the hand that gave freedom,
happiness and manhood to so many millions ot human hearts.' As he
reached out, with a smile, his lean, bony hand, he said : ' I suppose this act
ot mine, giving freedom to the colored race in the Confederate States, -will
be considered by the world as the prominent act and feature of my adminis
tration, but I do not so regard it. With me the consideration that has been
paramount to all others, is the restoration of the Union, and the unity and
security of the Republic, and when I have, through the support of the loyal
citizens, accomplished this, the issue of which, I think, is now no longer in
doubt, all others will be of comparative secondary importance.' "
Mrs. M. continued: "Those beautiful souvenirs which I received from
the President, one was presented to Senator C. Cole, one to D. W. Chusman,
ex-United States Assistant Treasurer, San Francisco, and the third was
retained by the recipient, and they are prized as mementos consecrated to
friendship and memory, valued above all price."
Ex-Governor Rice relates the following pleasing incident: "While
officially resident in Washington, during the late war, I once had occasion to
call upon President Lincoln with the late Senator Henry Wilson, upon an
errand of a public, nature, in which we were mutually interested. In the
recognized order of precedent a member ot the House of Representatives, as
I then was, could not, in times of pressure for audience with the President;!]
gain admittance so long as there were Cabinet Ministers, members of the
Diplomatic Corps, Senators, or Justices of the Supreme Court, desiring
audience with him, and all civilians must wait their opportunity until aftet'
members of Congress and officers of the army and navy and of the civil
service, and others had their turns respectively. Having a joint errand with',
Senator Wilson, I could avail myself of earlier admission ; but we were
obliged to wait some time in the ante-room before we could be received and

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 217
when at length the door was opened to us, a small lad, about ten or twelve
years old,' who had been waiting for admission several days without success,
slipped in between, and approached the President in advance. The latter
gave the Senator and myself a cordial but brief salutation, and turning
¦Immediately to the lad, said : ' Who is the little boy ? ' During their confer
ence the Senator and myself were apparently forgotten. The boy soon told
his story, which was, in substance, that he had come to Washington seeking
.{Employment as a page in the House of Representatives, and he wished
the President to give him such an appointment. To this the President
replied that such appointments were not at his disposal, and that
application must be made to the door-keeper of tbe House at the capitol.
.'But, sir,' said "the lad, still undaunted, 'I am a good boy, and have a
letter from my mother and one of the Supervisors ot our town, and one from
my Sunday-school teacher, and they all told me that I could earn enough one
session of Congress to keep my mother and the rest of us comfortable all the
remainder of the year.' The President took the lad's papers and ran his eye
over them with that penetrating and absorbent look so familiar to all who
knew him, and then took bis pen and wrote on the back of one of them : ' If
Captain Goodnqw can give a place to this good little boy I shall be gratified,'
and signed it, ' A. Lincoln.' The boy's face became radiant with hope and
he walked out of the room with a step as light as though all the angels were
iifhispering their congratulations. Only after the lad had gone did the Presi
dent seem to realize that a Senator and another had been -waiting some time
to see him."
Think for a moment of a President of a great Nation and that Nation
jengaged in one of the most terrible wars waged against men, himself worn
down with anxiety and labor, subjected to the alterations of success and
(defeat, racked by tbe complaints of the envious, the disloyal and the unreason
able, pressed to tbe decision of grave questions of public policy, and incum
bered by the numberless incidents of civil and military responsibility, yet
able so far to forget them all as to give himself up for the time being to the
|rrand of a little boy who bad braved an interview uninvited, and of whom
|ie knew nothing. But he had a story to tell of bis widowed mother and of
(us ambition to serve her. The word mother was a talisman that opened the
president's heart on all occasions.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS — PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE — GENERAL GRANT MADE
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.
The Thirty-eighth Congress met December 7, 1863, and the House of
Representatives was- promptly organized, by the election "¦ of Hon. Schuyler
Colfax, Republican, Speaker, he receiving 101 votes out of 181. In the
Senate, the Senators from West Virginia were admitted to their seats by a
vote of 36 to 5. California was represented in the Senate by Hons. John
Conness and James A. McDougall, and in the House by Hons. Cornelius Cole,
Wm. Higby and Thomas Shannon. The President sent in his annual message
on the 9th. It informed Congress and the country that our foreign relations
were in the main highly satisfactory. An important point had been gained
in the course of our correspondence with Great Britain — the issuing of an
order by that Government forbidding the departure of formidable rams that
were building in English ports for the rebel service.
The proceedings of the French in Mexico gave rise to questions -which
were likely to be of permanent importance to the welfare of both countries. '
The French Minister expressed a desire that the United States would express
its ' acquiescence in the establishment of the Archduke Maximilian on the
throne of Mexico, and its willingness to enter into peaceful relations with
that Government when established. In reply to this request, Mr. Seward, on
tbe 23d of October, stated, " that our Government would maintain a position
of complete neutrality in the war between France and Mexico, and that it
had not the least intention or desire to interfere with the action of the peo^lle
of Mexico in their choice of whatever institutions of Government they may,
in the exercise of an absolute freedom, establish." While the position ot the
administration at that time in regard to the war in Mexico was neutrality, neither
the President nor^the people indicated any purpose to acquiesce in the imposi
tion ot a foreign Prince upon the Mexican people by foreign armies ; and on
the 4th of April, 1864, the House of Representatives adopted the following
resolution : " Resolved, That the Congress of the United States are unwillin"
218

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 219
oy silence to leave the nations of the world under the impression that they
are indifferent spectators of the deplorable events now transpiring in the
Bepublic of Mexico. Therefore they think it fit to declare that it does not
accord with the sentiment of the people of the United States to acknowledge
a monarchical Government, erected on the ruins of any republican Govern
ment in America, under the auspices of any European power."
Reference was made in the message favorable to the establishment of an
international telegraph across the Atlantic ; to the movement abroad for
immigration to the United States ; to the successful operations of the Treasury
Department during tbe year. It also contained a general and full statement
of the operations of the army and navy. It was further stated that the policy
and results of the emancipation proclamation were held as being satisfactory,
as the rebel borders had been pressed back, and the rebel territory had been
divided by the opening of the Mississippi. Tennessee and Arkansas had
been cleared of insurgent control, and .Maryland and Missouri were disputing
as to the best means to remove slavery from their limits. The public feeling
' abroad favorable to tbe Union had wonderfully improved under the influence
of this policy, and the Government at home had been encouraged and sup
ported by the recent elections. The message treated with considerable detail
the question of reconstruction, which was to assume importance with the
progress of events. The message also called attention to the President's
proclamation of amnesty to all those engaged in the rebellion who should take
an oath to support, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States,
the union of the States under it, and the proclamation of the President con
cerning slaves. In tbe conclusion of bis message the President said: "In
the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the
fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power alone can
we look for a time to give confldence to the people in the contested regions,
that the insurgent power will not again overrule them. Until that confidence
shall be established little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruc
tion. Hence our chief care must still be directed to the army and navy, which
have thus far borne their hardier part so nobly and so well. And it may be
esteemed fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable
arms, we do also honorably recognize the gallant men, from commander to
sentinel, who compose them, and to whom, more than to others, the world
must stand indebted for the home of freedom — disenthralled, regenerated,'
enlarged and perpetuated. "
The action of Congress, during the first of the session, was not of special
importance. The preceding Congress had so fully provided for all emer
gencies, both present and prospective, of the war, that but little in this
direction was required. Public attention was fully absorbed by the military

220 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
operations, and the general character of the debates in Congress indicated
the conviction on the part of the people of the whole country without regard'
to party distinctions, that the destruction of slavery was inseparable from a
victorious prosecution of the war.
All parties now acquiesced in the reality that the days of slavery were
numbered, that the rebellion, organized for the purpose of extending and
strengthening it, had placed it at the mercy of the National forces and com
pelled tbe executive power of the Government to assail its existence as the
only means of subduing the rebellion and preserving and restoring the Union.
The certainty that the prosecution of the war would result in the emancipa
tion of the slaves led to the introduction of measures in Congress preparatory
for this emergency. February 6th a bill was reported in the House tor the
establishment of a Bureau of Freedmen's Affairs. The bill passed the House,
and after being discussed in the Senate, was passed over until the next session.
The fugitive slave law — one of those compromise measures which was
intended to silence the anti-slavery agitator, and be a final settlement of that
question forever — was repealed with wonderful ease and unanimity. The
most notable feature of this session of Congress was the resolution intro
duced to submit to the action of the several States an amendment to the Con
stitution of the United States, prohibiting the existence of slavery within the
States and Territories of the Union forever. The introduction of this measure
and the radical change proposed, and the comparatively small opposition it
received showed the progress of events, and the experience of the last three
years bad left but little inclination in any quarter to prolong the existence of
slavery, and the political necessities which formerly gave it protection and
strength had ceased to be felt. Two Southern Senators — Saulsbury of Dela
ware, and Powell of Kentucky — urged that it was a palpable violation of
States rights for the people thus to interfere with anything which State laws
declared to be property ; but they were answered by Reverdy Johnson of
Maryland, who urged that when the constitution was formed this prohibition
of slavery might unquestionably haye been embodied in it, and that it wa's
competent for the people to do now whatever they might have done then. A
striking feature of the debate on the resolution in the Senate was a strong
speech in its favor by Senator Henderson of Missouri, whose arguments in
favor of the measure surprised the country, and even its friends, and was a
forcible proof of the progress of the anti-slavery sentiment in the bordier
States. The resolution passed tbe Senate April 8, 1864, by the strong vote of
thirty-eight to six. It then went to the House, and was taken up May 31st.
It was debated at length with but little comparative excitement. The vote
was taken on its passage June 15th, and resulted in its rejection by a vote of

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 221
ninety-four to sixty-five — two-thirds being necessary. Mr. Ashly of Ohio
changed his vote to the negative for the purpose ot moving a reconsideration,
and the motion to reconsider having been made, the resolution went over in
tliis position to the next session.
A bill was introduced and passed March 2d restoring the grade of Lieu
tenant-General, and General Grant was appointed by the President, with the
assent of the Senate, to that office and vested with the command ot the armies
of the United States. On the 9th of March the President, at the White
House, handed to General Grant his commission, and thus addressed him:
"General Grant; the expression of the Nation's approbation ot what you
have already done and its reliance on you tor what remains to be done in the
existing great struggle, are now presented with this commission, constituting
you Lieutenant-General of the Army of the United States. With this high
honor devolves on you an additional re'sponsibility. As the country herein
trusts you, so, under God, it will sustain you. I need scarcely to add that,
with what I here speak tor the country, goes my o-wn hearty personal
Concurrence." General Grant responded as follows : " Mr. President, I accept this
commission with gratitude for the high honor conferred. With the aid of the
noble armies that have fought on so many fields for our common country, it
will be my earnest endeavor not to disappoint your expectations. I feel the
full weight ot the responsibilities now devolving on me, and I know if they
are met it will be due to those armies, and above all, to the favor of that Prov
idence that leads both nations and men."
The history t>f our country give, us no examples of men more true and
• devoted in their efforts for the perpetuity and unity of the Republic than
those of President Lincoln and General Grant, and in their hands and by
their labors, with no desire except the public weal, the hopes of humanity and
the cause of freedom and nationality were destined to have a successful issue.
and illustrious triumph. Simplicity, charity and love of country and its con
stitution had led the President's kind and generous heart to deeds ot great
ness and excellence, and made bim the object ot esteem, devotion and tender
regard of a generous, loyal people.
Not the courage of the hour, nor the brilliant onset ot a Murat, gave Gen
eral Grant the prestige of a great soldier, but his indomitable will, and a
purpose, firm, devoted and constant as was his love ot country, gave him the
honor of being the greatest military chieftain of the age. General Grant
aiiiiounced his assumption of command under this apppointment by a general
order issued at Nashville, March 17th. Here, in connection with General
Sherman, were taken the incipient steps, which were consummated on his
return to Washington, of that remarkable campaign, which, for the tenacity

222 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
of its leaders in its execution, and in its complete and successful accomplish
ment, has no parallel in ancient or modern history. Grand in conception and
brilliant in execution, the results that have followed its success have been
beyond the hopes and anticipations of the people, in that the supremacy of
the constitution and Union has been restored. The principles of national
unity and sovereignty have been fully established, the dark and unsightly
incubus on our National prosperity has been obliterated and removed, and the
nefarious and disorganizing doctrines of secession and nullification have been
made so odious that they are only remembered with aversion, and our
Republic is now standing forth in tbe light ot universal liberty and brother
hood, the wonder, admiration and desire of the oppressed and down-trodden
in every clime and nation in the civilized world.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES.
The first movement of the administration on the important subject ot
reconstructing the Government of the rebellious States, was embodied in a
proclamation of the President which accompanied his annual message to the
Thirty-eighth Congress. This matter had been, to a considerable extent,
canvassed by the public press, and by prominent politicians, and the conclu
sions arrived at bad been determined, to a great extent, by the sentiments
and opinions of the different parties as to the objects and purposes ot the
war. The friends of the administration were divided to some extent on this
subject. By referring to the debates of Congress ot 1862-3 it will be seen
that quite a number of the friends of the administration in both Houses
maintained that, by the act of secession, the rebellious States had placed
themselves outside the Constitution, and were hereafter to be regarded and
treated, not as members ot the Union, but as alien enemies ; that their State
J organizations and State boundaries had been expunged by their own act, and
that they were to be readmitted to the jurisdiction ot the constitution, and
to the pri-vileges of the Union, only on such terms and conditions as the
National Govemment ot the loyal States might prescribe. By the President
and others friendly to the administration, it was held that the Acts of
secession passed by the several States were absolutely null and void, and
that, while the. persons who passed them, and those who aided in giving them
effect by taking up arms against the United States, had rendered themselves
individually liable to the penalty of treason, they had not, in any respect,
.changed the relations of their States as such to the National Government.
The theory was, that the Government of those States had been, for a
time, subverted ; but they might at any time be re-established upon a repub
lican basis under the authority of the United States. The proclamation
before reverted to indicated, in the main, this theory. The President had
the power, under the constitution and by the' specific Acts of Congress, to
grant pardons upon such conditions as he might think expedient. In the
, 223

224 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
exercise of this power the President released from legal penalties, and
restored to citizenship, all in each State, with special exceptions, who should
take and abide by a prescribed oath ; and then he proclaimed his purpose to
recognize them as citizens of such State, as alone competent to organize and
carry on their local Government, and he pledged the power of the general
Government to protect such Republican State Governments as they might
establish, " against invasion and against domestic violence." By way of
precaution against an usurpation of power by strangers, he insisted on the
sa-me qualification for voting as had been required by the constitution and
laws of the State previous to secession, and to provide against usurpation ot
power by an insignificant minority, he also required that the new Govern
ment should be elected by at least one-tenth as many voters as had voted in
the State at the Presidential election in 1860. In the oath which he imposed
as essential to citizenship, the President required a pledge to sustain the
constitution, the laws ot Congress, and the Executive proclamations, and.
Acts on the subject of slavery, so long and so far as the same should not be
declared invalid, and of no binding obligation by the Supreme Court of the
United States. These were the foundations of the broad and substantial
basis laid by the President tor the restoration of the Union, and the re-estab
lishment ot loyal republican Governments in the several seceded States.
After the issuing of the President's proclamation, parties we-re organized in
Louisiana for tne election of State offlcers, and at the election held, Michael
Hahn was elected Governor, and was inaugurated March 4, 1864. An elec
tion was called tor the election of delegates to a Constitutional Convention,
and these delegates met in New Orleans on the 6th of April, and on the 10th
of May they adopted, by a vote of 70 to 16, a clause in the new constitution
by which slavery was forever abolished in that State. The constitution -was
adopted the 5th of September bj- a large majority. The State of Arkansas
had followed the example, and had organized and re-established a loyal State
Government and elected State officers.
"The following clause in the President's proclamation is his justification
for prescribing the pequliai' oath which he made as a condition of pardon:
"An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State Government, con
structed in whole or prepondering part, from the very element against -whose
hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must be
a test by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to build only from
the sound ; and that test is a sufficiently liberal one, which accepts as sound
whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness. But if it
be proper to require, as a test of admission to the political body, an oath of
allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and to the Union under
it, then also to the laws and proclamations in regard to slavery. Those laws

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 225
and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in
the suppression ot the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect there had
to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment they have aided and
will further aid the cause for wliich they were intended. To now abandon
them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a
cruel and an astonishing breach of faith. I may add, at this point, that
while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt tp retract er
modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any Acts of
Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of
these measures shall be included in the oath ; and it is believed that the
Executive may lawfully claim it, in return for pardon and restoration of for
feited rights, which he hasa clear constitutional power to withhold altogether,
or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest.
It should be observed, also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modi
fying and abrogating power of legislative and supreme judicial decision."
The President had always manifested great interest in all measures
introduced to alleviate and relieve the hardships and sufferings of the soldiers
in the field and in the hospitals. At a fair for the tienefit of the soldiers,
under the auspices of the Sanitary Commission, held at the Patent Office in
Washington, the President was an interested visitor. Being called upon to
say a word in encouragement to those who were laboring for the suffering
soldiers, and to those who were in attendance, he said : " In'this extraordi
nary war there have been developments extraordinary, such as have never
been seen in former wars ; and among these manifestations nothing has been
more remarkable than these fairs for the relief ot the suffering soldiers and
their families. I am not accustomed to the use of language ot eulogy; I
have never studied the art of paying compliments to women, but I must say
that it all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of the
world in praise of women, were applied to the women of America, it would
not do them justice for their conduct during this war. I will close by saying,
God bless the women of America."
It was about a year before the fall of Richmond that a young lady, who
had known Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln for years, visited Washington. She was a
sensible, warm-hearted, refined woman, gifted with a marvelous voice and a
graceful figure, but she was very homely. She called at the White Hou.se,
and when she had gone with Mrs. Lincoln into a private room, Mr. Lincoln
expressed his surprise to a friend,- that " some good man had not been lucky
enough to marry her," adding: "L  herself would be much happier if
she were a wife and mother." A few moments later Major C  , a volunteer

226 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
officer, thoroughly respected by the President, and a bachelor, came into the
study. The President looked at him thoughtfully. " What are you going to
do when the war is over, C-- — ? " he asked, suddenly. " Seek my fortune,
I suppose," was the startled reply. "There itis in that room," said Mr.
Lincoln. A frank, girlish laugh was heard at that moment. "No; you
can't go to seek it now; business first — but there it is.'-' That evening there
was a reception at the White House. The President beckoned to Major
C  : " Listen," he said. A lady, whom they could not see because of the
crowd, was singing, in a voice of great beauty and sweetness, some joyous.
song. The Major would have moved forward, but Mr. Lincoln detained
him, his eyes twinkling with shrewd mirth and fun. " Wait a bit," he said;
" don't look at her face yet." Presently she sang a ballad with such sweet
ness and pathos that the Major's eyes grew dim. " Now, go ; she is as good
and true as her song." The good words of the President probably influenced
both parties. In a few months they were married, and tbe union proved a
happy one. " I did one wise thing in 1864," said the President, rubbing his
chin, as was usual with him when well pleased; " I made that match."
A few months before the close of the war. Judge B  of California,
being in Washington, ene day called on General Hallack, and presuming
upon a familiar acquaintance in California a few years before, solicited a pass
through our lines to see his father in Virginia, not expecting a refusal, as he
and his father were known as Union men. " We have been deceived so
often," said General Hallack, " and I regret I can't grant it." Judge B — -
then went to Stanton, and was very briefly disposed of, with the same result.
Finally he obtained an interview With the President, and stated bis case.
"Have you applied to General Hallack," inquired the President. "'Y'es;
and met with a flat refusal," said Judge B  . " Then you must see
Stanton," continued the President. " I have, and with the same result,"
was the reply. "Well, then," said Mr. Lincoln, with a smile, "I can do
nothing tor you, for, you must know, I have very little influence with this
administration."

CHAPTER XXXIX.
CHAMPION OF THE INDUSTRIAL CLASSES.
The popularity and success of Mr. Lincoln, both in private and public
life, came from his sympathy and identiflcation with the heart of the working
people, and being one of them, his feelings, aims and efforts were enlisted in
their interests and welfare, and his labors were directed to their amelioration
and improvement. To elevate and dignify free industry had early in his life
became a flxed principle, and from time to time had enlisted his attention
and elicited -from him expression strongly favorable on this subject. Mr.
' Lincoln, on his first advent in public life, placed himself on record as being
the advocate of free labor and its elevation by his resolutions for the removal
of slavery from the District ot Columbia, and his memorable contest with
Douglas against the extension of slavery and for the retention ot the public '
lands for homesteads, for freedom and free labor. His advocacy of those
principles was so utterly in opposition to the principles of the Democratic
party under the administration of President Buchanan for, the extension of
slavery in free territory, that President Lincoln came to be regarded by the
. industrial classes and working men of our own country, as well as the work
ing men of Europe, as the champion and advocate of free lands and free
labor, and for the elevation and education ot the laboring classes.
On the 31st of December, 1863, large and'enthusiastic meetings were held
at Manchester and at London, in England, by the working men to express
their opinions in regard to the civil war in the United States, and what its
effects and bearing would be on the industrial classes. At these meetings,
addresses to President Lincoln were adopted, expressing the kindest senti
ments toward the United States, and declaring that since it had become
evident that tbe destruction of slavery was involved in the overthrow of the
rebellion, their sympathies had been and were heartily with the Governiiient
of the United States in the prosecution ot the war. 227

228 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
These addresses were forwarded to the President threugh the American
Minister at London, to which the President replied. From this reply we
make the following extract :
" I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the working men
in Manchester and London, and in all Europe are called to endure in this
crisis. It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to
overthrow this Government which was built on the foundation ot human
rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis
of human slavery, was likely to obtain favor in Europe. Through the action
of our disloyal citizens the working men of Europe have been subjected to
severe trials for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under
the circumstances, I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the ques
tions as an instance ot sublime Christian heroism which has not been surpassed
in any age or in any country. Indeed, it is an energetic and reinspiring assur
ance of the inherent power of truth, and of the ultimate and universal
ti'iumph of justice, humanity and freedom. I have no doubt that the senti
ments you have expressed will be sustained by your great Nation ; and, on
the other hand, I have no hesitation in assuring you that they will excite
admiration, esteem and the most 'reciprocal feelings of friendship among the
American people. I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an
augury that whatsoever else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall
your country or ray own, the peace and friendship which now exists between
the two Nations will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, perpetual."
On the 21st of March, 1864, a committee from the Workingmen's Asso
ciation of the city of New York waited upon the President and delivered an
address, stating the general objects and purposes of the association, and
requesting that he would allow his name to be enrolled among its honorary
.members. We subjoin in part the President's reply to this committee :
" Gentlemen of the Committee — The honorary membership in your asso
ciation as generously tendered is gratefully received. You comprehend, as
your address shows, that the existing rebellion means more and tends to do
more than the perpetuation of African slavery ; that it is, in fact, a war upon
the rights of working people. Labor is prior to and independent ot capital.
Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed it labor had
not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the
highest consideration. Capital has its rights which are as worthy of protec-
tection as any other rights. Nor is it denied, that there is and probably
always will be a relation between capital and labor, producing mutual
benefits. . The error is in assuming that the whole labor of a community
exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 229
themselves, and with their capital hire or buy other few to labor for them.
A large majority belong to neither class — neither work tor others, nor have
others work for them. In most of the Southern States a majority ot the
whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the
Northern States a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with
their families, wives, sons and daughters, work for themselves on their farms,
in their houses and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves
and asking no favors of the capital on the other hand, nor of hired laborers
or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of
persons mingled their own labors with capital ; that is, they labor with their
own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them, but this is a mixed,
not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence ot this
mixed class. Again, as has been said, there is not of necessity any such
thing as the freed hired laborer being fixed in that condition for life. Many
independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their
lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world
labors for a while for wages, saves a surplus with which to buy land and
tools for himself, then labors on his own account for a while, and at length
hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just, generous and
prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all and conse
quently energy, progress and improvement of condition to all. No men
li-ving are more worthy to be trusted that those who toil up from poverty —
none less inclined to touch or take ought which they have not honestly
earned. The strongest bond of human sympathy outside the family relation
should be one uniting all working men of all nations, tongues and kindred.
Nor should this lead to a war upon property or the owners of property.
Property is the fruit of labor ; property is desireable ; it is a positive good to
the world. That some are rich, shows that others may become rich, and
hence is just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is
houseless pull down the house of another, but let bim labor diligently and
¦build himself one, thus by example assuring that his own should be safe
from -violence when built."
Giving further evidence of the President's principles in favor of the
working men and free lands, we add an extract of bis message to Congress of
December 9, 1863 :
" It bas long been a- cherished opinion of some of our wisest statesmen,
that the people of tbe United States had a higher and more enduring interest
in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the public lands than in
the amount of revenue to be derived from the sale of them. This opinion
has had a controlling influence in shaping legislation upon tbe subject of our

230 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
National domain. This policy has received its most signal and benificent
illustrations in the recent enactment granting homesteads to actual settlers.
Since the 1st day of January last 1,556,515 acres have been taken under its
provisions. This fact furnishes gratifying evidences of the increasing settle
ment upon the public lands, notwithstanding the great struggle in which the
energies of the Nation have been engaged, and which has required so large a
withdrawal ot our citizens from their accustomed pursuits. I doubt not that
Congress will cheerfully adopt such measures as will, without essentially
changing the general features of the system, secure, to the greatest practical
extent, its benefit to those who have left their homes in defense of their
country in this arduous conflict."
In the principles enunciated in his reply to the working men of England
to the address of the Workingmen's Association of the city of New York,
and in his measures and recommendations to Congress for the enactment of
laws granting homesteads to actual settlers on the public lands the President
placed himself and the Republican party he represented firmly on record as
the representatives of the industrial classes, and as the party whose meas
ures ihave been and are still for the promotion of the interest and the
elevation and liberal compensation of free labor through the entire Union.
In a larger and more general sense Mr. Lincoln early in life became a repre
sentative man for the American system of protection, for the principle that,
in the imposition of tariff duties, the protection of our home industries should
be the object, and revenue the result.
Iri the great political contest of 1844 Mr. Lincoln, as a candidate forPresi- ^
dential elector on the Clay ticket, fully established his reputation as a strong 'i
reasoner and powerful advocate in favor of protective duties in the numerous
addresses he delivered in Illinois and Indiana during that canvass. His
exposition ot the principles of that system and the fallacies of free trade were
elaborate. The results have followed the protective policy and have been
wonderfully realized in the establishment of industries in all sections of the
Union, and remunerative employment and wages to our laborers and artisans,
and a home market for our agricultural productions. The beneflcial results
to our country from this policy can only be estimated by its wonderful growth
and prosperity, and its advancement in all the essentials of power and great
ness, until it has become the first amongst the nations of the earth. No
President since the inception of our Government has left so deep and lasting
an impression of his policy on our republican institutions. No administration '¦
has been so beneficial in its adaption to the wants and elevation of all classes
ot our citizens, as the administration of President Lincoln. These principles
and his policy, which has been the rule, and under which our Government has

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

231

been administered for the past twenty years, have carried our country and
people forward in steady progress and prosperity, until now we have the
exhibition of a great nation, perfectly free, remarkable in its progress, united
in national interests, and with character and standing among the nations of
the world, in prosperity and true greatness unequaled in the history of
ancient or modern times.
This unexampled development and expansion ot our country, and the
, unfolding of its future greatness and possibilities, and the success of its
people is attested by the thousands of happy and prosperous homes spread
out over the great West from the " Father of Waters " to the placid Pacific,
with public schools, churches and all the appliances of a high and free
civilization, and the establishment of mechanical and manufacturing indus
tries from the White Mountains to the Rio Grande, are enduring testimonials
of the benificent results of the principles and home policy of Abraham
Lincoln.

CHAPTER- XL.
GLIMPSES OF CHRISTIAN CHARACTER.
Much has been written and said relative to President Lincoln's religion
and his Christian experience and life. No President of our Republic has
lived whose Christian utterances and gentle piety have been so marked as in
-many of his State papers. His religion was that which had sympathy for
human sorrow and suffering of every class and kind ; that charity and love
which would lift the burden from the oppressed and give joy and relief
whenever possible, He was always very reserved in respect to his Christian
experience and belief, seemingly wanting faith and confidence to make a
personal application of the provisions and promises of the Gospel to himself,
but in his utterances, writings and examples, there shine brightly ideals ot
true Christian character. His invocation for the prayers of his friends and
neighbors when he left his home in Springfield to assume the duties of chief
magistrate, tor divine aid and guidance, was beautiful and touching in the
extreme. His letter to his step-brother, written a short time previous to hia
father's death, leaves np question as to his piety and Christianity. It is as
follows : " Springfield, January 12, 1851.
" Dear Brother : On the day before yesterday I received a letter from
Harriet, written at Greenup. She says she has just returned from your
house, and that father is very low and will hardly recover. She also says
that you have written me two letters, and that, although you do not expect
me to come, you wonder that I don't write. I received both of your letters,
and although I have not answered them, it is not because I have forgotten
them or been interested about them, but because it appeared to me that I
could not write anything that would do any good. You already know that
I desire that neither father nor mother shall be in want of any comfort,
either in health or sickness, while they live, and I feel sure you have not
failed to use my name, if necessary, to procure a doctor or anything else for
father in his present sickness. My business is such that I could hardly leave
home now, if it was not as it is, that my own wife is sick a-bed. I sincerely
hope that father may yet recover his heath, but ^at all events tell him to
232

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 233
remember to call upon and confide in our great, good and merciful
Maker, who will not turn away from Him any in any extremity. He notes the
fall of a sparrow, and numbers the hairs of our heads, and He will not forget
the dying man who puts his trust in Him. Say lo him that it we could meet
now it IS doubtful whether it would not be more painful than pleasant, but
that if it be his lot to go now, he will soon have a joyous meeting with many
loved ones who have gone before, and where the rest of us, through the help
of God, hope, ere long, to join them. Write to me again when you receive
this. Affectionately, A. Lincoln."
His reliance, in his later years, upon divine guidance and assistance, was
often expressed with much tenderness and feeling. He once remarked : "I
have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction
that I had nowhere else to go. My own wisdom and that of all about me
seemed insufficient for that day and occasion." On another occasion he
said: "I should consider myself the most presumptuous blockhead upon
this footstool if I, for one day, thought that I could discharge the duties
which have come upon me since I came into this place, without the aid and
enUghtenment ot One who is wiser and stronger than all others."
In addition to his official duties, anxieties and troubles, in February, 1862,
came the severe affliction in the death of his lovely and cherished son,
WilUe, and the severe illness of his youngest son, Thomas. This was a
painful stroke and a visitation which, in his firm reliance and faith in an
overruling Pro-vidence, he could not understand. That this severe affliction
should be added to the burdens he was already bearing, when it would seem
necessary that comfort and relief should come to him from the endearing
affections that cluster around the home and household, was a mysterious
dispensation of Di-vine Providence to him, and a trial of his faith severe
indeed. These tender relations of home and the family influences, which
had done so much to mould and form Lincoln's character in early life, he
carried with him in his own domestic and family relations, and home, to him,
was a place of rest, of social enjoyment and of domestic tranquility. His
tenderness for his children wks profound, and with them he enjoyed a never-
ceasing source of happiness and delight. In this sad affliction ot the Presi
dent he had the consolation derived from the experience of a pious Christian,
whose testimony enabled bim to bear with some resignation his heavy burden.
A Christian lady, who was a nurse in one of the hospitals, was called to
attend the sick children. She says : The President watched with her at
the bedside of the dying child, and that, walking back and forth across the
room, he would exclaim : " This is the hardest trial of my life. Why is it?
Why is it?" He inquired of her concerning her experience and situation.

234 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
She told him she was a widow, and that her husband and two chUdren were
in heaven, and added that she saw the hand of God in it all, and that she
had never loved Him so much before as she had since her affliction. " How
could that be? How could that be brought about?" inquired the
President. She replied, " Simply by trusting God and feeling that he does
all things well." Did you submit fully under the first loss?" he asked.
" No," she answered; " not wholly; but as blow came upon blow, and all
were taken, I could and did submit, and was resigned and happy, as I could
look forward soon to a reunion in a kingdom where afflictions and separations
are unknown." He said, " I am glad to hear you say that; your experience
will help me bear my afflictions."
On the morning of Master Willie's funeral this Christian lady assured
the President that he was having the prayers of many Christians for his sup
port and submission to the Divine will in his great affliction. As he wiped
the tears from his eyes, he said: "lam glad to know that. I want them
to pray for me. I need their prayers." And as the good lady expressed her
deep sympathy with him, he thanked her kindly, and said : "I will try and
and go to God with my sorrows." Some days afterward she asked him it he
now could trust God. He replied : "I think I can, and I will try. I wish I
had that childlike faith you speak of, and I trust He will give it to me."
He then referred to the death of his loving, affectionate mother whose loss
he was called to mourn when he was quite a youth, and the sad impressions
which were then made never to be effaced in this lite. He said, " I remem
ber her prayers ; they have always followed me ; they have clung to me all
my life." On a subsequent occasion, this Christian woman was at the White House.
It was after the second defeat at Bull Run. The President was much
distressed at the number of killed and wounded, and he said : " I have done
the best I could. I have asked God to guide me, and now I must leave the
result with Him." On an other occasion, having learned by telegraph that a
great battle was in progress at a very, important point, he came into the room
where the lady was nursing a member ot the' family, looking weary and
haggard, and saying that he felt so anxious that he could not eat anything.
The possibility of defeat oppressed h^m deeply. The lady told him that he
must trust God, and that he could at least pray. " Yes," said he, and, taking
up a Bible, he started for his room. Could his fellow-citizens have heard the
earnest prayer that was uttered in that sacred chamber as it reached the ears
ot the nurse, they would have raised their aspirations to the great Giver of all
good in tearful and reverential sympathy.
In the afternoon a telegram came announcing a Union victory. He came

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 235
directly into the room, his face radiant with pleasure and joy, saying:
" Good news, good news; the victory is ours and God is good." The pious
lady suggested, " Nothing like prayer." "Yes there is," he said; "prayer
and praise." This Christian woman, who related these incidents, says : " I
do believe he is a true Christian, although he has very little confidence in
himself." We may note one incident here, showing the interest taken by the Presi
dent in the labors and influence of religious men. Colonel Loomis, com
mandant at Fort Columbus, was to be removed because he had passed the
legal limit of age for active service. His religous influences were so salutary
and, powerful that the Chaplain of the post appealed to Rev. J. T. Duryea of
New York to use his influence with the President for the good officer's reten
tion at the post. Accordingly, as requested, Mr. Duryea wrote a request and
forwarded it to the President, making the request sorely on religious grounds.
"What does Mr. Duryea know of military matters?" inquired the President,
with a smile, ot the bearer ot his petition. " Nothing," replied the gentle
man, " and he makes no request on military considerations. The record of
Colonel Loomis tor fifty years in the War Department will furnish these.
He simply asks to retain the influences and services of a man whose Christian
character and example are pure and constant ; who holds religous exercises at
the post, leads a weekly prayer-meeting and 'teaches a Bible class in the
Sunday-school." The President replied: "That is Iiis highest possible
recommendation. Take this petition to the Secretary of War with my
approval." The Colonel was retained at his post until his services were
required at more important points ot service.
In the labors and peculiar work of the Sanitary and Christian Commis
sions in the army, the President always took a deep and personal interest,
and attended all the important meetings ot those charitable bodies held, in
AVashington, and on all occasions gave them his official and personal approval.
In 1864 a meeting ot the Christian Commission was held in the National
Capitol, which the President attended. The reports of the successful meas
ures and results of that noble, charitable organization gave him much
pleasure. He was specially interested and gratifled by the remarks of Chap
lain McCabe, who bad been recently released from Libby prison at
Richmond, and who gave an interesting statement of the joyous scene among
the prisoners on the reception of the glorious news ot the Union victory at
Gettysburg, as they took up and sang Mrs. Howe's spirited poem, beginning
with the line, " Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming ot the Lord,"
and made the prison walls resound with the soul-inspiring melody. The
Chaplain on this occasion sang it with his rich and powerful voice, and the
audience joined in the chorus, and as the patriotic melody reverberated

236 life and PUBLIC SERVICES
through the corridors ot the capitol the hearts of the audience were stirred as
never before. The President was so well pleased that he called for its repeti
tion. It was a carol that he could enjoy and appreciate, and it moved him
with a sensibility that was acute and overwhelming.
In his circular issued to the army November 16th, relative to the observ
ance of the Christian Sabbath, he said : " The importance of man and beast
for the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and
sailors, a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a Christian people and
a due regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and
navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity. The discipline and char
acter of the National forces should not suffer, nor the cause they defend be
imperiled by the profanation of the day or name of the Most High." Lan
guage could not express more deflnitely and forcibly how highly he had
associated the will of the Most High with the National cause, and how deep
was his reverence for the claims and institutions of Christianity.
While the President was struggling with the weight ot personal trials and
National responsibilities he was receiving the support and commendation
of all the various organizations which constitute the Christian church of the
loyal portion of the United States. Representatives of religious and philan
thropic organizations throughout the Christian world united their commenda
tions with those of our own cotintry in expressions of personal sympathy of
loyalty and of devotion to the Union, intermingled with counsels, prayers,
incitements and hopes, came to him from every hand, and his responses to
those manifestations of loyalty and sympathy, whether oral or written, man
ifested the spirit and feelings ot a true Christian man in unison with the
prayers and sympathies of a Christian people.
Mrs. Lincoln, soon after their marriage, became a member of the Presby
terian Church in Springfleld, Illinois, and with her husband and children
were regular attendants of that church under the ministrations of Rev.
Albert Hale. We can appropriately close this chapter with an anecdote
quite characteristic. Soon after the President's flrst inauguration he attended
the Foundry Church, occupying a seat within the altar, while Bishop Simpson
preached a missionary sermon. After the collection was taken up at the close
of the service and the congregation was about to be dismissed, an irrepress
ible brother arose and proposed to be one of a given number to raise $100 to
make President Lincoln a life Director ot the missionary society. The propo
sition was put and Brothers A., B. and C. responded glibly, but the inevitable
pause finally came ; part of tbe money was wanting. When the Bishop
announced, " who will take the balance," the pause became slightly impress
ive. Then the long form of the President was seen to rise, a long, bony arm
was extended imploringly, and he said: "Bishop, this is the first time I
have ever been placed upon the auction block. Please let me pay the balance
myself and take me down."

CHAPTER XLI.
DISCONTENT AND DISQUIET IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The quadrennial period had returned for the election of the Chief Magis
trate of the Union. The poor, humble boy, reared in the Western wilds, who
had been called by the people, step by step, from his lowly condition to the
highest and most exalted in the gift of the American people, was now about
to submit his stewardship for approval to his fellow-countryman. The past
four years had been to him years of intense interest and solicitude ; at times
of hope and confidence, at others of darkness and fears. How faithfully the
President had discharged the high and important interests committed to his
keeping for the past four years was now a subject of National consideration.
This National event, coming in the midst of the bitter contest of the civil war, in
which were involved questions which divided even the loyal citizens ot the
Union, was considered by friends and foes, both at home and abroad, as one
of the most severe ordeals to which our republican institutions could be
called to undergo. The Union was suffering in all its diversified interests
from the distresses of the war. The country, cities and towns had often
willingly and nobly responded to the calls for financial aid, and the numerous
calls for volunteers from time to time had been promptly filled, and still the
result could not be seen.
It can well be imagined that disinterested observers questioned a favor
able result as to the power of the Government in a crisis like this to change its
rulers, maintain its republican principles inviolate, and continue to bold
those principles among the Governments of the world.
During the four years of Mr. Lincoln's administration many of his friends,
who originally supported him, became dissatisfied with his conduct of public
affairs. Some thought that their friends had been slighted in the appoint
ments made, and others that their advice had not been accepted and adopted.
The anti-slavery men thought that the President was too slow and lenient,
and the pro-slavery men thought he was too severe. In the great questions
at issue it could not well be otherwise that there should be differences of
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238 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
opinion as to the true policy to be pursued by the administration, and when
the time drew near for the Republican nominations to be made those differ
ences and the elements ot dissatisfaction and discord became painfully
apparent. Mr. Chase, the popular Secretary of the Treasury, who had long
desired and coveted the highest office in the gift of the people, early in the
canvass had been mentioned as one who would enter the field as a candidate.
The management of the National finances had given the Secretary a reputa
tion ot distinguished ability and success. Mr. Chase, by virtue ot his office
and the patronage connected with it, gained power and infiuence which,
under ordinary circumstances, it would have been difficult to overcome.
General Fremont, ambitious and desirous ot pre-eminence, had his friends,
but they were ot that anti-slavery element of the Republican party who were
not satisfied with the President's policy and his treatment of the slavery
question. They were willing and anxious to make capital on that question
in the General's favor.
It soon became evident, however, that the pretentions or claims of those
aspirants created but a ripple on the great sea of public opinion, and that the
great body of the Union citizens would favor the President's re-election. The
people, although burdened and suffering from the war, the end of which
could not be seen, were conscious that the ultimate success ot the Union
cause was assured, and having confidence in the experience, integrity and
honesty of the President, they were satisfied that the policj' of the admin
istration should be continued. Secretary Chase early became satisfied that
the Union sentiment was opposed to a change in the administration, and
withdrew from the contest. While there could be no particular objection to
an honest and generous rivalry for the Presidency within the Republican
party, the call for an organization and convention to meet at Cleveland on
the 31st of May was an anti-administration movement in opposition to the
regular Republican Convention that was to meet in Baltimore on the 8th of
June. The Convention at Cleveland met at the appointed time, and was
composed of a small number of self-appointed politicians. It was not the
creation of a public sentiment, and its action failed to divide Ihe adherents of
the administration. General Fremont's name served to give vitality and
influence to the movement. He received the nomination for President, and
John Cochrane for Vice-President. This movement of General Fremont
and the sentiments and utterances in his letter of acceptance constituted the
most ungrateful and lamentable feature in the whole proceedings, when he
well knew that the whole movement would tend to divide and destroy the
Union party. General Fremont could not have forgotten that eight years
before he had been selected as the standard bearer of the Republican party,
and that now he did not exhibit a generous spirit in his attempt to divide it.

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 'I'.id
He had received from the President the appointment of Major-General and
command of the department of the West; and after his failure there, the
President gave him another department. The President, from the com
mencement of the war, gave repeated evidences of his good will and kind
regards ; but it is equally true that after the General's failures, he had lost
confldence in his administrative and military abilities. The Republican
party had been true and faithful to General Fremont, and when in his letter
ot acceptance he endeavored to destroy the official reputation of the President,
he was ungenerously engaged in an effort to ruin the party that had given
him prominence and distinction. The fulminations and charges made by
General Fremont against the administration found no favor with the Repub
lican party, and no attention was given to its implications by the President,
save that of silent and merited contempt. In September the General with
drew from the canvass, when it became evident to all that his demonstration
was an entire failure ; and in his letter of withdrawal he again reiterated the
sentiments uttered in his letter of acceptance. These fulminations of General
Fremont against the President tailed signally of their design and were
regarded as the manifestoes of one who, without reason or cause, imagined
that he had not been well treated by the administration. Those futile
attempts to create parties opposed to the policy of the President and the con
duct ot the war gave him but little disquietude and concern. To one who
accused the Secretary to him of using the patronage of his department to forward
his own Presidential prospects, the President replied : " Well, Chase would
make a good President ; and, so far as I am concerned, I wish some one would
take it off my hands. ' ' We may not infer from this or from the seeming indiffer
ence to the manifestations ot opposition to his policy, that he did not feel a
deep solicitude and a strong desire for the approbation and commendation of
the Union party, and for its support ot his measures for the suppression of
the rebellion and the restoration ot the National unit)'. But in the great
struggle for the lite of the Republic, these ebullitions ot disappointed or
aspiring politicians gave the President but little unrest or anxiety. At this
time the burden of bis country was upon him ; matters far more important
than who should be candidates for the Presidency were uppermost in his
thoughts-and mind. Weary and worn he was working early and late in the
interests of humanitj' and freedom for the future of his country and for the
amelioration of a race ; and, for the accomplishments of these great purposes,
he was directing the operations of a great Government, and an army grand
in its achievements and numrf)ers, and composed of the youth and patriots of
the Nation. These weighty responsibilities of the President wore severely on
his physical and nervous system, and at times when the burdens were the
most heavy upon him from failures or disasters by his chief offlcers in their

240 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
military operations, he manifested depression of spirits and melancholy, and
this was more particularly observed at the time and during General
McClellan's failure in the peninsula campaign. Speaking ot the war, he said
to Mrs. Stowe, the authoress : " Whichever way it ends I have the impres
sion that I shall not last long after it is over." The Hon. Schuyler Colfax
met him one morning after having received bad news which had not been
made public. He had not slept during the night nor breakfasted, and he
exclaimed, " Ho-w willingly would I exchange places to-day with the soldiers
who sleep on the ground in the Army of the Potomac." It was during the
failure and disasters of 1862, a member of Congress called upon him for
consultation on some matter, when the President began to tell a story.
" Mr. President," said the member, " I did not come here to hear stories; it
is too serious a time." The smile left the President's face as he replied:
" Howley, I respect you as an earnest and sincere man. You cannot be
more anxieus than I am cPnstantly, and I say tp you now, that if it was not
for this occasional vent I should die. I feel a presentment that I shall not
outlast the rebellion. When it is over my work will be done." That most
solemn and binding oath taken by the President when inaugurated, " To pre
serve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States," was to him the
paramount object and desire of his daily lite and existence. He realized and
felt that the people were with him in his efforts, and he also understood fully
that their hopes centered upon him, and that he alone would be held respon
sible for the fulfillment of the high trust placed in his hands. With this
grave responsibility resting upon him, the most difflcult and momentous of
modern times, his own party divided in their views of his policy, and a large
number of citizens of the loyal States opposed to his administration and in
sympathy with the rebellion. His calm, dispassionate, patient and conserv
ative management of National affairs fully won the confidence and love of
bis people, and the admiration and praise of the civilized world. It was not
for his party, 'if ~was not for himself, but it was for bis country that he toiled
and labored. His thoughts were for his country and his country's good.
He said, on one occasion: " Let the Nation take hold of the larger works
and the States the smaller ones ; and thus working in a meeting direction,
discretely, but steadily and firmly, what is made unequal in one place may
be equalized in another, extravagance may be avoided, and the whole
country be put on that career of prosperity which shall correspond with its
extent of territory, its National resources and the intelligence and enterprise
of its people."

CHAPTER XLII.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S SECOND NOMINATION.
On the 4th ot June, four days before the time appointed for the meeting
ot the Baltimore Convention, a meeting was held in the city ot New York,
called, it was understood, to express the gratitude of tbe Nation to General
Grant and the soldiers under his command for their labors and success in
the Union cause, but the object was really to bring forward General Grant as
a rival candidate for the Presidency. To cover the real purposes of the meet
ing the managers sent President Lincoln an invitation to attend it. In
reply, the President sent them the following letter :
" Gentlemen : Your letter inviting me to be present at a mass meeting
ot the loyal citizens, to be held in New York on the 4th instant, tor the
purpose of expressing gratitude to Lieutenant-General Grant for his signal
services, was received yesterday. It is impossible for me to attend. I
approve, nevertheless, whatever may tend to strengthen and sustain General
Grant and the noble armies now under his direction. My previous high
estimate of General Grant has been maintained and hightened by what has
occurred in the remarkable campaign he is now conducting, while the magni
tude and difflculty of the task before him does not prove less than I expected.
He and his brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great trial, and I
trust that at your meeting you will so shape your good words that they may
turn to men and guns moving to his and their support."
The political purposes prompting the call for this meeting were entirely
neutralized by this simple and touching appeal made by the President in this
letter to the loyalty and patriotism of the country. Its effect was to stimu
late promptly and extensively the efforts that were being made to fill up the
ranks of the army, and thus effectually aid General Grant in the great
campaign by which he intended to end the war. General Grant, in a private
letter to a friend, however, put a decided stop to all the attempts of politicians
to make his name the occasion of a division among Union men, by decidedly
refusing to allow himself to be made a candidate, and reiterated in still
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242 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
more emphatic and hopeful words, the President's appeal to the people tor
aid and support. There was an entire failure in all th-Qse schemes of the
several ambitious aspirants for political leadership, and they all failed to
have any effect upon the firm sentiment and purposes ot the great body ot
the loyal people. The loyal citizens of the Union appreciated the necessity
and fully realized the importance of continuing the administration ot the
Government in the same hands. They saw clearly that nothing would
more effectually paralyze the efforts ot the rebels and impress the world -nith
the stability ot the Union cause than the resolute determination of the people
to preserve the Union at all events, and at whatsoever cost, and the indorse
ment, by a popular vote, of the policy ot the President, by whom the war
bad thus far been conducted. By this the Nation would prove its entire faith
in his integrity and sagacity, and its confidence in his devotion to the public
interest. The Republican Convention met at Baltimore on the day appointed,
June 7th. It numbered nearly five hundred delegates, chosen by the voters
of the Congressional Districts of the loyal States, and the loyal citizens of
the States ot Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas, in which the rebel authority
had been overthrown, sent delegates. Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge ot
Kentucky, a stern and uncompromising Unionist, was chosen temporary
Chairman, and Hon. William Dennison, ex-Governor of Ohio, was elected
permanent President of the Convention. Henry J. Raymond, Chairman of
the Committee on Resolutions, presented the platform, which was adopted,
with warm approval, and with entire unanimity. It was as follows :
" Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to
maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union and the para
mount authority of the constitution and the laws of the United States ; and
that, laying aside all differences and political opinions, we pledge ourselves,
as Union men, animated by a common sentiment, and aiming at a common
object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government in quelling, by
force of arms, the rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing
to the punishment due to their crimes, the rebels and traitors in arms against it.
"Resolved, That we approve the determination ot the Government ot
the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer them any terms
ot peace, except such as may be based upon an unconditional surrender of
their hostility, and a return to their just allegiance to the constitution and
the laws of the United States ; and that we call upon the Government to
maintain this position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible
vigor to the complete suppression of the rebellion, in the full reliance upon
the self-sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor and the undying devotion ot
the American people to their country and its free institutions.

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 243
"Resolved, Thatasslavery was the cause, and now constitutes the strength
of this rebellion, and as it must be alwa\s and everywhere hostile to the
principles of republican government, justice and the National safety demand
its utter extirpation from the soil of the Republic ; and that we uphold and
maintain the Acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its own
defense, has aimed a death blow at this gigantic evil. We are in favor,
furthermore, of suoh an amendment to the constitution, to be made by the
people, in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever
prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits and jurisdiction of the
United States.
" Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism and unswerving fidelity to the constitution and the prin
ciples of American liberty with which Abraham Lincoln has discharged,
under circumstances of unparalleled difflculty, the great duties and responsi
bilities of the Presidential office ; that we approve and indorse,, as demanded
by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the Nation, within the
constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the
Nation against its open and secret foes ; that we approve especially the
Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of
men heretofore held in slavery ; and that we have full confidence in his
determination to carry out these and all other constitutional measures
essential to the salvation of the country into full and complete effect.
" Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws
of war, and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages ot civilized
nations, in the time of war, by the rebels now in arms, should be made the
subject of full and prompt redress.
"Resolved, That the foreign immigration which in the past has added
so much to the wealth and development of resources, and increase ot power
to this Nation, the asylum of tbe oppressed of all nations, should be fostered
and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
" Resolved, That we are in favor of a speedy construction of the railroad
to the Paciflc Coast.
"Resolved, That the National faith, pledged for the redemption ot the
public debt, must be kept inviolate ; and that for this purpose we recommend
economy and rigid responsibility in the public expenditures, and a vigorous
and just taxation ; that it is the duty ot every loyal State to sustain the credit
and promote the use of the National currency.
"Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Government;
that the people of the United States can never regard with indifference the

244 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
attempt of any European power to overthrow by force, or to supplant by
fraud, the institutions of any republican Government on the Western Conti
nent, and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to the
peace and independence of this, our country, the efforts of any such power
to obtain new footholds for monarchical Governments, sustained by a foreign
military force in near proximity to the United States."
After the adoption of the resolutions, which was done unanimously
and with great enthusiasm, came the balloting for a Presidential candidate.
At the first ballot, Mr. Lincoln received every vote, except twenty -two from
Missouri, which, under instructions, were given for General Grant. Mr.
Lincoln received four hundred and ninety-seven votes, and on motion of Mr.
Hume, one ot the Missouri delegates, his nominatiori was made unanimous,
amidst intense excitement. In the contest for Vice-President, Andrew
Johnson of Tennessee received on the final vote, 492 ; Hon. D. L. Dickerson
of New York; 17 ; Vice-President Hamlin, 9. The National Executive Com
mittee was then appointed, and the Convention adjourned.
On the 9th ot June the committee appointed (one from each State, in
which Hon. John Bidwell represented California), to inform Mr. Lincoln of
his nomination, waited upon him at the White House. Governor Dennison,
President ot the Convention, and Chairman of the committee, made the
address and handed him a copy of the platform. 'The President said in reply :
" Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Committee — I will neither conceal
my gratification nor restrain the expression of my gratitude that the Union
people, through their Convention, in the continued effort to save and advance
the Nation, have deemed me not unworthy to remain in my present position.
I know no reason to doubt that I shall accept the nomination tendered, and
yet perhaps 1 should not declare definitely before reading and considering
what is called the platform. I will say now, however, that I approve the
declaration in favor of so amending the constitution as to prohibit slavery
throughout the Nation. When the people in revolt with the hundred days
explicit notice, that they could, within those days, resume their allegiance
without the overthrow ot their institutions, and that they could not resume
it afterward, elected to stand out, such an amendment of the constitution as
is now proposed becomes a fitting and necessary conclusion to the final suc
cess of the Union cause. I now perceive its importance and embrace it.
Such alone can meet and cover all cavils in the joint names of liberty and
union. Let us labor to give it legal form and practical effect. Having served
four years in the depths ot a great and unended National peril, I can view
this call to a second term in nowise more fiattering to myself than as an
expression ot the public judgment that I may better finish a difflcult work,

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES 245
in which I have labored from the first, tiian could anyone else less severely
schooled to the task. In this view„ and with assured reliance on the
Almighty Ruler, who has so graciously sustained us so tar, and with increased
gratitude to the generous people for their continhed confidence, I accept the
renewed trust, with its onerous and perplexing duties and responsibilities."
On the same day, a deputation from the National Union League waited
upon the President, and the Chairman addressed him as follows: "Mr.
President — I have the honor ot introducing to you the representatives of the
Union League ot the loyal States, to congratulate you on your nomination,
and to assure you that we will not fail at the polls to give you the support
that your services in the past so highly deserve. We feel honored in doing
this, for we are assured that we are aiding in re-electing to the proud position
of President ot the United States one So highly worthy of it, one among not
the least of whose claims is that he was the emancipator of four millions of
bondmen." The President replied as follows: "Gentlemen — I can only say in
response to the remarks of your Chairman that I am very grateful for the
renewed confldence which has been accorded to me, both by the Convention
and by the National League. I am not insensible at all to the personal com
pliment there is in this, yet I do not allow myself to believe that any but a
small portion of it is to be appropriated as a personal compliment. The
Convention and the Nation, I am assured, are alike animated by a higher
view ot the interests of the country for the present and the great future, and
the part I am entitled to appropriate as a compliment is only that part
which I may lay hold of as being tbe opinion of the Convention and the
league, that I am not entirely unworthy to be interested with the place I
have occupied for the last three years. I have not permitted myself, gentle
men, to conclude that I am the best man in the country, but I am reminded
in this connection of a story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a com
panion once : 'That it was not best to swap horses when crossing a stream.' "
On the evening of the same day tbe President was serenaded by the dele
gation from Ohio, and with them a large crowd had assembled in front of
the Executive Mansion, and at the close of a brief speech, the President
said: "What we want more than Baltimore Conventions or Presidential
elections, jis success under General Grant. I propose that you constantly
bear in mind that the support you owe to the brave offlcers and soldiers in
the field is of the very flrst importance, and we should therefore bend all our
energies to that point. Now, without detaining you any longer, I propose
that you help me to close up what I am now saying, with three rousing cheers
for General Grant and the offlcers and soldiers under his command." The
three rousing cheers were given with a will, the President himself leading off
and waving his bat as earnestly as anyone present.

CHAPTER XLIII.
PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS, 1864.
Two months after the nomination ot President Lincoln for the second
term by the Baltimore Convention, the Democratic Convention was to
convene in Chicago. The object in deferring said Convention to so late a
date was evidenth' with the hope and possibility that the events of the war
and disasters in the military operations, then in progress, would give that
Convention the policy of taking issues with the administration as to the
further prosecution ot the war for the suppression of the rebellion. During
the period that intervened between the time of holding the two Conventions
there was for a short time after the nomination ot Mr. Lincoln a firm belief
in the favorable results ot the campaign. But later in the canvass, before
the meeting of the Democratic Convention, the friends of the administration
became despondent and a spirit of anxiety and unrest seemed to pervade the
friends ot the President, and there was evidently for a time a distrust of the
future and a question of the propriety of the choice that had been made.
Politicians could not give any reason or cause for this state of public feeling,
but it was evidently in part from a feeling of consciousness that the people
were becoming tired and restive under the constant calls for men and material
for the prosecution ot the war, the end of which could not be seen or anticipated.
There were still divisions in the Republican party on questions of pubhc
interest, but they gave the President but little trouble or concern. The
friends of the administration, however, feared that those dissensions would
have an unfavorable result on the pending canvass. The most serious
division in the Republican ranks was on the plan of reconstruction of the
rebel States. Early in July, Congress passed a plan of reconstruction which
was embodied in a bill passed after much debate and heated discussion. In
the advocacy and preparation of this bill, Henry W. Davis of Maryland, and
Benjamin F. Wade ot Ohio, prominent Republicans, were eminently and
prominently active in procuring its passage. The President's views on that
subject were not fully in accord with some of its provisions, and it did not
246

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ¦ 247
meet with his approval. Immediately after the adjournment ot Congress the
President issued a proclamation on the subject, in which he stated that he
was unprepared by his approval of the bill to commit the administration to
any single act or method ot reconstruction or to set aside the Union State
Governments then in force in Arkansas and Louisiana. He was, however,
willing that the plan embodied in the bill should be recognized as one with
others, and so made tbe bill a part of his proclamation. This action of the
President offended Messrs. Davis and Wade, who joined in a bitter, offensive
article against the President, and published the same in the New York
Tnbune. In its strictures on the President's motives, it was a paper unworthy
ot its authors, and gave much pain and anxiety to the friends ot the
administration. The growing solicitude of the people for peace and the suppression of the
rebellion gave much anxiety and serious thought to the President. One ot
the many efforts that was made by the rebels and their friends in the loyal
States was to create a sentiment and conviction with the people that tbe
Government and its supporters were not anxious for peace, and that it did
not accept and improve the opportunities that were offered to promote this
result. The President had no evidence that the Rebel Confederacy desired
peace on any conditions or terms that would be satisfactory or acceptable to
the loyal citizens ot the Union. To secure a peace the President could enter
tain no proposition that did not fully provide for the restoration of the Union
under the constitution, and the abolition of slavery. These were essential
conditions which the President could not ignore without being recreant to the
great trust reposed in him, and to the solemn oath he had taken, and to the
loyal citizens and soldiers who had given their treasure and lives to save the
Union. Efforts in this direction were made from Niagara Falls in July by
two noted rebels, C. C. Clay of Alabama, and Jacob Thompson ot Mississippi.
They claimed that they were duly authorized by the rebel Confederacy to
negotiate a peace. They, through Horace Greeley, endeavored to obtain a
safe conduct to Washington from the President for that purpose. In answer
to the letter of Mr. Greeley, the President replied: " If you can flnd any
person anywhere professing to have any proposition of Jefferson Davis in
writing embracing the restoration of the Union and abandonment of slavery,
whatever else it embraces, say to him that he may come to me with you."
In a letter of a later date by the President to Mr. Greeley, the President
said : "I am disappointed that you have not already reached here with those
commissioners. If they would consent to come on being shown my letter to
you ot the 9th instant, show that and this to them, and if they will consent
to come on the terms stated in the former, bring them. I not only intend a
sincere effort for peace, but I intend that you shall be a personal witness that

248 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
itis made." With this letter from the President, Mr. Greeley repaired to
Niagara Falls, and informed the said commissioners in a note that if they
were duly commissioned from Richmond as bearers of propositions for peace
he was ready and authorized to give them permission to visit Washington and
to accompany them. In reply to this note ot Mr. Greeley's, the self-styled
commissioners stated that the safe conduct by the President had been given
under a misapprehension of the case, and further, they now stated that they
had no authority from the Confederate Government for negotiating a peace.
They stated, however, that they were in the service ot that Government, and
were familiar with its wishes, and that they could be invested with power to
act as commissioners. It appears that Mr. Greeley had not informed the
commissioners of the terms of Mr. Lincoln's letter ot the 9th, in which a safe
conduct was for those who had propositions for peace conditioned upon the
restoration of the Union and the abolition of slavery. In order that the
President should not be misunderstood, on the 18t'h he sent Major Hay to
Niagara with the following letter :
" Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18, 1864.
" To 'Whom It May Concern: Any proposition which embraces the restora
tion ot the whole Union, and the abolishment ot slavery, and which comes
by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the
United States, will be received and considered by the executive Government
of the United States, and will be met on liberal terms, on substantial and
collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct
both ways."
This letter of the President gave the would-be commissioners plain and
undisguised terms in which propositions for peace would be received from the
rebel Government, and they having no authority to negotiate, proceeded to
impugn the conduct of the President, and charged him with being adverse to
negotiations for peace, and that in the actions of the President with them
there was evidently no desire to open negotiations for that object. This
letter was addressed to Mr. Greeley and published in the New York Tribune
and all the papers in sympathy with the rebellion. The President was not
willing at that time to have all the correspondence in relation to the subject
published, as a portion he thought would have an unfavorable effect on the
result of the war. Efforts were made to create the impression that the
President had not pursued an honorable course with the irresponsible embas
sadors, and that instead of inviting proposals for peace, his conduct had
repelled the same. As Mr. Greeley declined to have the correspondence
published unless that portion which the President thought would be improper

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 249
at that time should be retained, the President sent a line to H. J. Raymond,
editor of tbe New York Times, under date of August 15, 1864 :
"My Dear Sir: Ihave proposed to Mr. Greeley that the Niagara cor
respondence be published, suppressing only the parts of his letter, over
which red pencil is drawn in the copy which I herewith send. He declines
gi-ving his consent to the publication of his letters unless these parts be pub
lished with the rest. I have concluded that it is better for me to submit for
the time to the consequences of publishing these discouraging and injurious
parts. I send you this and the accompanying copy not for publication, but
merely to explain to you, and that you preserve them until the proper time
shall come. Yours truly, Abraham Lincoln."
In the correspondence, since published, there is no evidence that Mr.
Greeley ever informed the rebel emmissaries of the President's original con
ditions for a safe conduct and interview. For the good of the country the
President was -willing to bear the charge of having pursued an inconsistent
course with them, and ot having repelled offers of peace, until such time as
the facts in the case could be published without detriment to the Union cause.
Every effort possible was now being made by those opposed to the war and
in sympathy with the rebellion to create a peace party in the loyal States, to
paralyze the efforts of the administration for the restoration of the Union, and
to widen the dissensions in the Republican party. These futile efforts of the
enemies of the Union gave the President but little concern. They were but
the ebullitions and throes of the rebellion in its last stage of dissolution, with
indications that it had passed tbe limit of resuscitation. A more signiflcant
and positive enunciation of the purposes of the rebellion than was shadowed
by the Niagara imbroglio came directly from the President of the Confederacy
at Richmond. The Rev. Colonel James F. Jaques of the 73d regiment, Illinois,
with J. R. Gilmore, Esq., of New York, had, with President Lincoln's knowl
edge, but without his formal permission, made a visit to the rebel capital.
Their object was to obtain direct from President Davis the terms or conditions
on which peace could be obtained, and reunion assured. They were allowed
to pass through tbe lines of both armies for that purpose. On their arrival in
Richmond, they addressed a letter to J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State,
stating their object and requesting an interview with President Davis, which
was given ; and a long, earnest conversation ensued, and at the close. Presi
dent Davis presented his terms in the following words :
" I desire peace as much as you do. I feel that not one drop of the b
shed in this war is on my hands. I can look up to my God and say this. I
tried all in my power to avert this war. I saw it coming, and for twelve
years I worked night and day to prevent it, but I could not. The North was

250 OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
mad and blind. It would not let us govern ourselves, and so tbe war came,
and it must go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and
bis children seize his musket and flght our battles, unless you acknowledge
our right to self-government. We are not flghting for slavery, we are fighting
for independence, and thait or extermination we will have. Say to Mr.
Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to receive proposals for
peace on the basis of our independence. It will be useless to approach me
with any other."
The illusive theory and statements of the leaders ot the opposition to the
administration in the loyal States, that the Confederates jvere not fighting
against the Union, but against abolition, were disproved and denied by the
arch traitor himself, and the publication of President Davis' ultimatum gave
power and strength to the Union cause. It was now understood and settled
that the war must go on until the independence of the Southern Confederacy
should be acknowledged or the Union restored.

CHAPTER XLIV.
RESULT OP THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST, 1864.
The anxiety and uncertainty in the public mind as to the action of the
Democratic Convention were now to be relieved, for the time of its meeting
was now at hand. It met at Chicago on the 29th of August. General Grant,
with his army, was before Petersburg, holding General Lee in Richmond,
and General Sherman, with his army, was in the heart of the Confederacy
before Atlanta. The results of the military movements, although favorable,
were still undecided. Gigantic efforts were being made to furnish men for
the reinforcements of tbe Union forces. The loyal element of the Democratic
party was still in favor of the suppression of the rebellion and restoration of
the Union by the military power. The disloyal portion of the Democratic
party in sympathy with the Confederacy was now congregated at Chicago.
Evidences were not wanting that this meeting would give relief to the admin
istration and confldence to the friends of the Union,, and that the labors and
results of that Convention would strengthen the Union cause, and prove an
ally, instead of an enemy, to the restoration of tbe National authority. In
reviewing, at this time, the incidents and events that transpired during the
first four years of President Lincoln's administration, we see the direction of
that overruling Providence, in the spirit and acts of that Convention, which
was so conducted and directed that its action strengthened the Union cause,
which it intended to subvert and destroy. Mr. Vallandigham, who had been
sent to his friends in the South by the President, and who had returned
-without leave, was the leading spirit and figurehead of the Convention. Mr.
Long, member of Congress from Ohio, who had declared himself in favor of
recognizing the rebel Confederacy, and who had been declared by the House
of Representatives as an unworthy member of that body, was conspicuous on
that occasion, as were a full representation of those who had opposed coercion
and who still sympathized and gave aid and comfort to the rebellion. Mr.
Vallandigham was appointed Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions.
He was treated by tbe Convention as one who had suffered martyrdom for

252 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
the Democratic party. He who had been defeated for Governor ot his State
by over one hundred thousand votes, was the most active and influential
member of the Convention, and his sympathizing friend. Governor Seymour
of New York, was made President of the Convention. The platform adopted
was made up largely of denunciations of the policy and course of the admin
istration for the suppression of the rebellion. It gave no plan or policy for
tbe restoration of the Union, but demanded that there should be a cessation
of hostilities. General George B. McClellan was nominated for President,
and George H. Pendleton for Vice-President. The Convention, after finish
ing up its business, adjourned, subject to be called together again at any
time or place that its Executive Committee might designate. This action of
the Convention, so unusual and peculiar, seemed to indicate purposes and
possibilities that might arise, which was considered as not in keeping with
the patriotism it had assumed. From the time the Convention adjourned,
the feelings of uncertainty and doubt that seemed to have prevailed with the
friends of the adminstration, were entirely dispelled, and confldence was
fully restored, and all, even many of the Democratic leaders, anticipated the
triumph of the Republican party.
In October, the question of the adoption of a new constitution for the
State of Maryland was to be submitted to the people, in which was a pro
vision for the abolishment of slavery in that State. In this connection, it is
proper to state that there was a disagreement between Walter H. Davis,
Senator, a prominent anti-slavery and Republican leader of that State,
and Montgomery Blair, a member of the Cabinet, which, in the President's
judgment, endangered the adoption of the free State Constitution. A resolu
tion adopted by the Baltimore Convention was : " We deem it essential to
tbe general welfare that harmony should prevail in our National councils,
and we regard as worthy of confidence and offlcial trust only those who
cordially indorse tbe principles proclaimed in these resolutions." It was
understood that the foregoing resolution referred to Postmaster-General
Blair, who, on the passage of the resolution, placed his resignation in the
hands of the President, to be used if the President considered that circum
stances rendered action in that direction desirable. The President became
satisfied that the cause of the Union party in Maryland would be promoted
by the retirement of Mr. Blair from the Cabinet, and his resignation, which
had been in the hands of the President for sometime, was formally accepted,
and he was succeeded by ex-Governor William Dennison of Ohio. A short
time before this change in the Cabinet, the President wrote to a convention
of the friends of the new constitution in Maryland, in which he expressed
his great desire for its adoption. He said: "It needs not to be a secret,
and I presume it is no secret, that I vrish the success of the provision for the

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 253
abolishment of slavery in your State. I desire it on every consideration. I
wish to see all men free. I wish the National prosperity of the already free,
which I feel the extinction of slavery would bring." The result of the
election in Maryland indicated the progress and march of public opinion in
the direction so much desired by the President and the friends of the Union,
and this was consummated by the popular vote in the abolishment of slavery
in that State, on the 8th and 9th of October, 1864. On the result being
known, the President was serenaded by the Union citizens of that State
then in Washington, as an expression of their satisfaction at the result. The
response of the President will give, to some extent, the subject of public
discussion at that time, and the President's views :
" It is regarded by some that the Chicago Convention adjourned, not sine
die, but to meet again if called to do so by a particular individual, as the
intention of a purpose that if its nominee shall be elected he will at once
seize control of the Government. I hope the good people will not permit
themselves to suffer any uneasiness on that account. I am struggling to
maintain the Government, not to overthrow it. I am struggling specially to
prevent others from overthrowing it. I therefore say that, if I live, I shall
remain as President until the 4th of next March, and that whosoever shall be
constitutionally elected in November shall be duly installed on the 4th of
March, and in the interval I shall do my utmost that whoever is to hold the
helm of State for the next voyage shall start with the best possible chance
of saving the ship,"
. A Convention had been called in Tennessee by Andrew Johnson, who
was at that time Governor, to reorganize the State in order to take part in
the approaching Presidential election. The form ot an oath was adopted for
those who desired to vote. The oath was one that no loyal citizen would
refuse to take. There was this clause in it: " I will cordially oppose all
armistices and negotiations for peace with the rebels in arms until the Con
stitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in
pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State
and Territory embraced within tbe National Union." It will, of course, be
seen at once that there were many voters in Tennessee who would be unwill
ing to take that oath, especially those who subscribed to the Chicago platform
and favored the election of McClellan. The friends of McClellan protested
against this oath, and a committee was appointed to bear their protest to the
President. The President did not receive the committee very graciously.
He had no faith in tbe loyalty of any citizen who could not subscribe to tbe
oath required. He also felt that it was a matter in which he, as President,
had no right to interfere. The action of the Convention and of Governor
Johnson had not been instigated or recommended by him, and he would not

254 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
interfere' with any Presidential election, except to give protection against
violence and intimidation.
The McClellan ticket in Tennessee was withdrawn, and still the peace
party continued to charge the President with interfering in the elections,
notwithstanding he had publicly refused to do so.
The IPresident's call for five hundred thousand men in July, which, if
not raised by the 5th of September, would be dratted, was made a subject of
public clamor and vituperation by the disloyal element, and even the friends
of the President urged bim to delay the call till after the election, as it
might defeat and jeopardize the success of the Union elections. His reply
was that the soldiers were needed to reinforce the armies then in the field,
and that it was his duty to call for them, regardless of the consequences to
himself — anothei instance in which the President sacrificed all personal and
political considerations for the public good.
The result of the State elections gave hope and promise of success to the
Union party in the approaching Presidential election. The signal failure ot
the Chicago Peace Convention to rally to the support of its nominees, the
loyal Democrats, gave assurance of Mr. Lincoln's triumph, and the success
of the Union party, and the success of our armies in the field indicated that
the days of the rebel Confederacy were nearly numbered. The Presidential
canvass had been conducted by the disloyal element with a bitterness and
malignity against the President rarely, if ever, equaled ; but the President
was too deeply enthroned in the hearts of the people for their calumny to be
effective. The country was so thoroughly committed to the prosecution of
the war and the policy ot the President for the restoration of the Union,
that all attempts to destroy the faith of the people in the President, were
abortive. The day of election finally came, and the results were as had been
anticipated. Every State but three gave majorities for the Union candidate.
Two slave States — Delaware and Kentucky — and the State of New Jersey
gave their votes for McClellan. Mr. Lincoln's majority on the popular vote
was 411,428, and 212 of the 233 in the Electoral College. The election was
conducted with a solemnity and dignity unusual and unprecedented in the
history of the country. Loyal citizens felt that the questions |involved were
above all party considerations, and that upon the issue was tbe weal or woe,
the restoration or final dissolution of our National unity. The heavy burden
that had been carried by the President for the past four years had been lifted
from his shoulders by the people. With that solemn oath always in mind,
to preserve, protect and defend the constitution, with the interests of human
ity, tbe future of his country, and the destiny of a race, he had, weary and
worn, labored in and out of season for the consummation of these great

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 255
objects, and, with a heart full of sympathy.and charity toward his enemies,
and with devotion to humanity, he had striven |to do his duty. And now
well might the President feel that relief from the responsibility that had
nearly worn away his life. His policy for the National authority, and for the
unity of the Republic, his Emancipation Proclamation, his plan tor the recon
struction of the rebel States, bad now been indorsed, and received the
approval of the American people by a majority unparalleled in the history of
the Nation. To a large number of bis fellow-citizens who called upon him to
offer their congratulations, he said : "I am thankful^to God for this approval
of the people, but, while deeply gratified for this mark^of their confidence in
me, if I know my own heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal
triumph, I do not impugn the motives of anyone opposed to me. It is no
pleasure for me to triumph over anyone. But I give thanks to the Almighty
for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and
the rights of humanity. This election has demonstrated that a people's
Government can sustain a National election in the midst of a great civil war.
UntU now, it has not been known to the world that this was a possibility. It
shows, also, how strong and sound we are. It also shows to the extent
yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war began.
Gold is good in its place, but living, brave and patriotic men are better than
gold." To a friend be said : " Being only mortal after all, I should have
been a little mortified if I had been beaten in this canvass before the people,
but that sting would have been compensated by the thought that the people
had notified me that all my offlcial responsibilities were soon to be lifted
from my shoulders." The result of the election, giving joy, hope and assur
ance ot ultimate success to the Union cause, demolished the last expectation
and hope of the rebel Confederacy. The result showed conclusively that
there would be no change in the course and policy of the Government for
the suppression of the rebellion. Events were now rapidly culminating,
giving the rebel leaders no hope that their final defeat and overthrow could
long be averted, and still, with that indomitable persistence peculiar to all
Americans, in what they believe is right, there was no giving way until the
last struggle was made and the unavoidable overthrow should come. Amidst
the cares of offlce and the excitements incident to the satisfactory results
and congratulations following the election, the President found time to write
and forward tbe following touching, sympathetic letter to a widow lady :
" Executive Mansion, Washington, November 21, 1864.
" Dear Madam : I have been shown in the files of the War Department
a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, that you are the
mother of five sons, who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I feel
how -weak and fruitless must be any words of mine, which should attempt

256 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
to be given you from a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from
tendering to you the consolations that may be found in the thanks ot the
Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage
the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory
of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid
BO costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom. Yours very sincerely and
respectfully, Abraham Lincoln."
"To Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Mass."

CHAPTER XLV.
MOVEMENTS OF GENERALS GRANT AND SHERMAN.
Experience had taught the administration and the American people some
useful lessons relative to the rebellion, and the means and forces necessary to
subdue it, in the military operations during the past three years. The idea of
the Southern people that they were superior in bravery and valor to the
Yankees, and that notion ot the Northern citizens that two or three Union
victories would bring the rebels into submission and terms, had long since
been discarded. That principle of military tactics fully established that
armies operating on an interior line in their own country, with their base ot
supplies in their rear and always at command, are equal to double their num
bers of equal valor operating on an exterior line of operations, had been fully
demonstrated by experience. The action of the Union armies after having
given battle successfully, and then failing to follow up their successes with
immediate and repeated attacks, in many instances, had often proven but
little less than a defeat.
With the experience of three years of the Government to subdue and put
down the rebellion, at this period these tacts became ¦vividly apparent to the
administration : That if the rebellion was put down it must be done speedily ;
that it must be done by military force, by rapid and repeated attacks, until
the rebel armies were entirely defeated. And to effect this, the Union
armies must be largely in excess of numbers to the rebel forces. The military
operations of 1864 were organized with these objects in view. It was a time
in which all the energies and resources ot the Government were brought into
requisition. It was intended that such results and success should follow,
that the people would be satisfied that the end of the rebellion was at hand,
and that peace would follow, and the National authority would soon be estab-
blished over all the rebellious States. To the grand armies organizing under
Generals Grant and Sherman was the principal interest manifested by the
people, and their movements became the focus of absorbing interest. StiU,
257

258

LIFE AUD PUBLIC SERVICES

there were operations of troops under other officers which should be noted.
An attempt was made early in February, by a portion of the Union troops
under General Gillmore in Florida, to assist the Union element in that State
to reorganize under the National Government, but the attempt proved a fail
ure at that time. General Sherman, from Vicksburg, and General Smith,
from Memphis, with a heavy force of cavalry were successful in destroying
railroads and supplies, and cutting off communications in the enemy's interior.
General Kilpatrick made his famous raid and dash on Richmond, blowing up
the locks of the Kanawha canal, destroying railroads and telegraph communi
cations, and dashing within the defenses of the rebel capital. In March,
General Bank's expedition up Red river proved a failure. In the capture of
Fort PUlow in April by the rebel forces, occurred an outrage unparalleled in
the history of the war. The garrison, after the surrender, composed of some
three hundred colored soldiers, women and children, were butchered, and their
white officers met the same fate; and this butchery was approved by the
Southern papers. No historic event of modern times has a parallel of like
atrocity and barbarity.
In April, General Sherman had collected his forces at Chattanooga, while
directly in his front was General Johnson, with the rebel army, awaiting the
movement ot the Union forces. General Meade, with the Army of the
Potomac, was on the banks of the Rapidan, with General Lee immediately in
front. It was now apparent that the last great struggle was near at hand.
The Confederacy ;^d, by conscription and all the -appliances of their absolute
Government, collected in every available man for the great, and as they had
reason to believe, their final effort for success. General Grant's appointment
as Commander-in-Chief of the Union armies met the approval of the loyal
citizens. He had visited the Army of the West, and in consultation with
General Sherman, all the plans of the campaign had been perfected, when he
returned to Washington and assumed the general direction and movement of
all the armies in the field. The administration had made every exertion to
place all the men and material desired at bis disposal. The confidence ot the
President in General Grant was fully expressed in a letter to him, in which
the President said : " The particulars of your plans I neither know or seek to
know. You are vigilant and self-reliant, and, pleased with this, I wish not
to obtrude any restraints nor constraints upon you." General Grant said, in
response to Mr. Lincoln''s letter: "From my first entrance into the volun
teer service of my country to the present day, I never have had cause of com
plaint. Indeed, since the promotion which placed me in command of ail the
armies, and in view of the great responsibility and importance of success, I
have been astonished at the readiness with which everything asked for
bas been yielded, without even an explanation being asked." With the

7"

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 259
general plan of the movements of the troops and outiine ot the campaign the
President was in full accord with General Grant, whUe the minor details and
movements of the troops were left entirely under his direction.
The military successes of Generals Grant and Sherman in the West had
given them popularity which was the outgrowth of confidence, nobly and
briUiantly won, and they entered upon the great work before them, conscious
of this confidence reposed in them by the armies under their commands, and
by Union citizens and the administration. Encouraged and jstrengthened by
this trust and confidence, they were determined that those expectations
should not be disappointed. Every preparation having been made, the
Army of the Potomac, under the immediate command of General Meade, but
directed by General Grant, on the 3d day ot May broke up camp, crossed the
Eapidan and commenced its march toward Richmond on the right of General
Lee's positions. The crossing of the river was effected without opposition,
and on Wednesday following commenced the battles of the Wilderness. The
flghting of this first day was prolonged until late in the evening with no
material or decisive results, except that the Union army had successfully
established itself firmly on the right of General Lee's position and was in
position to assume the offensive on the morrow. A general advance was
ordered by General Grant at daylight, in which both armies were actively
engaged. The battle raged during the day along Jthe whole line, with varied
success on both sides, and only closed on the approach of darkness. The
loss on the Union side during the two days' fighting, killed and wounded,
was near 15,000 men, while that of the rebels was not less. General Grant
was able to hold his position at the close ot the day. On Saturday, there
was some fighting in the morning in front, but it was soon apparent that
General Lee was falling back to Spottsylvania Court-house, for which place
General Grant at once pushed his whole army. On Sunday, General Grant *
had massed the Union army in the vicinity of Spottsylvania Court-house, and
found that the enemy was there in position. Considerable fighting had taken
place, and Fredericksburg, a new base for supplies, had been taken and
occupied by the Union army on Sunday night. On Monday, the 9th, the
armies were confronting each other, and on that day and Tuesday the fighting
was renewed, and was continued on Thursday. The result of that day was a
brilliant success for the Union armies. A dispatch to Secretary Stanton from
General Grant, says: "The eighth day of battles closes, leaving between
three thousand and four thousand prisoners in our hands, two Generals and
over thirty pieces of artillery." The enemy tell back and fortified. After
the successes of the 13th the armies remained inactive several days. The
Union army receiving reinforcements and supplies, sending the sick and

"260 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
wounded to tbe hospitals at Washington and the rebel prisoners to the
prison depots. On the 20th General Grant ordered a new flank movement to
the right of the enemy's position, and this flank movement was continued
with success until the Union army reached and crossed the Pamunky, with
tbe White House as a base of supplies. General Lee, with the rebel
army, followed on an interior line, and again confronted General Grant in
his position. Here a series of battles occurred. General Grant endeavoring
to force Lee back from his positions, but after several attempts he found the
enemy too strongly posted and too well supported for his positions to be taken
by assault. Previous to this time. General Butler, from Fortress Monroe,
with a large force, had ascended James river, taken City Point and tortifled
and held Burmuda Hundred. This was a very important and strategic move
ment in the plan of General Grant's campaign. In the meantime, General
Sheridan's cavalry raid, in rear of the ememy's forces from Spottsylvania,
was an expedition bold in its conception, successful in its results, while our
army was receiving all needful supplies. The supplies of the enemy were
destroyed by General Sheridan, and their railroad communication were cut
and so impeded that their position became daily more precarious and supplies
were more difficult to obtain. General Grant, flnding the enemy too strong
in front, conceived and carried out his favorite strategic movement, which
was so successful at Vicksburg, and that was to plant his army on the enemy's
communications by railroads in the rear of Richmond, and hold the rebel
army there until their supplies were exhausted, or compel them to come out of
their intrenchments and give the Union army battle on equal terms, which
be so much desired. On the night of tbe 12th of June, after every prepa
ration had been made, the army commenced its flank movement for James
river. The movement was entirely successful and a surprise to the enemy,
who were unable to offer any resistance ; and on Tuesday night the Union
army bad crossed the James river and taken position south of Richmond. It
was General Grant's aim, after crossing tbe Rapidan, if possible, to bring on
a decisive action and crush General Lee's army before reaching Richmond ;
but, from the character of the country, its unusual facilities for defense, and
the skill ot the rebel General, this desirable object could not be effected.
A series of victories and advantages bad been gained, and in a campaign
ot forty days the enemy had been forced back from the Rapidan to Richmond,
but no decisive results had been obtained. Heavy losses had been sustained
by the Union army, while the rebels had suffered severely. General Grant
bad now placed his army under his immediate command, in a position where
he could hold the rebel army under Lee in Richmond, while he would strike
at the life of the rebellion in other parts of the rebel Confederacy. While
Grant was holding Lee in Richmond, it was evident that the rebel General

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 261
had but few men to spare to assist his subordinates in other parts of the
Confederacy. On the 2d day of May, simultaneous with General Grant's movement for
Bichmond, General Sherman sent his army in advance from Chattanooga,
the objective point being Atlanta. His army consisted of three corps com
manded by Generals Thomas, McPherson and Schofleld, numbering 98,797
men and 254 guns. In this march of General Sherman's similar obstacles
were to be overcome, as in the advance on Richmond, with this additional
difficulty, that each day's advance carried the army still further from its base
ot supplies to which the avenues must be kept open, while the enemy had the
advantage of positions, and a thorough knowledge of the field of operations,
and an interior line of communications for supplies and reinforcements. The
object of this campaign was brilliant in conception, hazardous in its execution
and grand and successful in its results. General Sherman, in his advance,
adopted the tactics of feeling bis enemy in front, and if too strongly posted
to move on bis flank ; and, thus flghting and flanking from day to day, he
drove Johnson from Ringold, Buzzards Roost, Resaca, Kensaw Mountain,
Dalton to Atlanta. A series of battles had been fought during this advance,
and, in all, the advantage remained with the Union forces. On the approach
of the Union army to Atlanta, Johnson was superceded in command of the
rebel army by General Hood, who at once assumed the offensive. Hood's
flrst attack on the Union lines was on the 22d day of July. He was repulsed
with a loss of eight thousand men. On the 28th and 31st, General Hood
renewed his attacks and was repulsed and defeated, in the three engage
ments having lost halt his army. He then retreated behind the defenses of
Atlanta. Here, within the defenses, the rebel army remained a month
besieged, whUe General Sherman was destroying the railroads in different
directions leading from Atlanta. General Hood, finding he could not escape
from the net that was being woven, evacuated the town, and Atlanta was
occupied by General Sherman and his victorious army September 2d. General
Hood then set out to destroy Sherman's communications, but being defeated
at every point, be started on a grand march for Nashville, hoping to retrieve
his losses and disgrace. General Sherman sent back to General Thomas,
who was in command there, a portion of his army and material of war, and
then made preparation for finishing up his march through Georgia.

CHAPTER XLVI.
NATIONAL AFFAIRS — CLOSE OF 1864.
During the year 1864, several changes occurred in the Cabinet. At the
close of the flscal year, June 30th, Mr. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, ten
dered the resignation of his office to the President, which was accepted. The
office had been administered with distinguished ability and success by Mr.
Chase, and the resignation was unexpected. The immediate cause was said
to have been a conflict of opinion between the Secretary and the President
relative to appointments in Mr. Chase's department, but without doubt there
were personal causes growing out ot Mr. Chase's aspirations tor the Presi
dency. The President tendered the appointment, to flll the vacancy, to Ex-
Governor Todd of Ohio, who declined the honor, when the President named
W. P. Fessenden of Maine, a member of the United States Senate, and Chair
man of its Finance Committee, who reluctantly consented to accept, after
much personal solicitation by the President.
Mr. Fessenden, who bad given a cordial support to the flnancial measures
ot Secretary Chaste", upon entering on his new office pursued the policy ot his
predecessor with much judgment and discretion. In giving notice to the
public of the readiness of the Treasury Department to receive subscriptions
to a new issue of 300,000,000 ot seven-thirties convertible into bonds, he
said to the people of the United States: " The circumstances under which
this loan is asked for and your aid invoked, though differing widely from the
existing state of affairs three years ago, are such as afford equal encourage
ment and security. Time, while proving that the struggle for National unity
was to exceed in duration and severity our worst anticipations, has tested the
National strength and National resources an extent alike unexpected and
remarkable, exciting equal astonishment at home and abroad. Three years
of war have burdened you with a debt which but three years since would
have seemed beyond your ability to meet. Yet the accumulated wealth and
productive energies ot the Nation have proved to be so vast that it was borne
with comparative ease, and a peaceful future would hardly feel its weight.
262

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 263
As a price paid for National existence and the preservation ot free institutions,
it does not deserve a moment's consideration. Thus far the war has been
supported and carried on as it only could have been — by a people resolved, at
whatever cost of blood and treasure, to transmit unimpaired to posterity the
system of free Government bequeathed to them by the great men who framed
it. This deliberate and patriotic resolve has developed a power surprising
even to themselves. It has shown that iri less than a century a nation has
arisen unsurpassed in vigor and exhaustless in resources, able to conduct
through a series ot years a war on its most gigantic scale, and flnding itself,
when near its close, almost unimpaired in all the material elements ot power.
It has at tbe present moment great armies in the fleld facing an enemy appar
ently approaching a period of utter exhaustion, but still struggling with a
force, the greater and more desperate as it seems, and because it sees the
near approach of a final and fatal consummation."
In December, Attorney-General Edward Bates of Missouri resigned his
offlce in the Cabinet, and was succeeded by James Speed of Kentucky.
An important vacancy occurred in the United States Supreme Court by
the death, on the 12th day of October, of Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice. The
friends of Mr. Chase, ex-Secretary of the Treasury, at once urged that the
appointment of Mr. Chase would be eminently proper, and that he possessed
in a high degree qualifications for that important office. There was much
antagonism to the appointment, and the President in this case, as was his
usual custom, was ready and willing to hear all the arguments for and against
the appointment, which he had from the first decided to make. Those who
tried to influence and arouse the prejudices of the President against the
appointment, by urging that Mr. Chase had used the patronage of his depart
ment to advance his own aspirations for the Presidency, vexed him, because
it intimated that he could be influenced by personal and selfish motives. To
a friend he said that there were two considerations that would control him in
the appointment — first, the man appointed must be an anti-slayery man from
principle ; and second, he must thoroughly understand the financial policy of
the Government. Those principles being possessed by Mr. Chase in an
eminent degree, his appointment was sent into the Senate on the second day
of the session, and was unanimously confirmed by that body.
The President's message at the meeting of Congress, in December, 1864,
was an able, interesting, business. State paper. The condition of our foreign
relations was stated as being reasonably satisfactory. After briefly review
ing the flnancial and other department reports, the President passed to the
presentation of his -views on the leading question of the domestic interests, in
relation to the war and the continuance of slavery in the country. Said he :
"Important movements have occurred during the year to the effect of

264 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
moulding society for the durability of the Union, and although short of com
plete success, are much in the right direction. That twelve thousand citizens
in each of the States ot Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State
Governments with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain
and administer them. The movement in the same direction, more extensive
though less deflnite, in Missouri, Kentucky and Tennessee, should not be
overlooked. But Maryland presents the example ot complete success. Mary
land is secure to liberty and Union for all the future. The genius of
rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit driven out
it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her no more.
" At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the constitu
tion, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, passed the Senate, but
failed for the lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of Represent
atives. The present is the same Congress, and the members are nearly the
same, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism ot those who stood
in the opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage
of the measure at the present session." The President then noted the fact
that, notwithstanding the drain and losses by the war on the voting popula
tion, that in twenty-four loyal and border States the increase in the vote,
during the three and a half years of the war, was 145,751, demonstrating the
fact that we have more men now than when the war began.
Of the position of the Government toward the rebellion, the President
said : ' ' Material resources are now more complete and abundant than ever.
The National resources then are unexhausted and, as we believe, inexhaust
ible. The public purpose to re-establish and maintain the National authority
is unchanged and, as we believe, unchangeable. The manner of continuing
the effort remains as chosen. After a careful consideration of all the evidence
accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at negotiation with the insurgent
leader would result in any good. He would not accept of anything short of
the severance of the Union. His declarations to this effect are explicit and
often repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse
to deceive ourselves. We cannot voluntarily yield it. Between him and us
the issue is distinct, simple and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be
tried by war and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten. If the
Southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way it will be the -victory and
defeat following war. What is true, however, of him who leads the insurgent.
cause is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although be cannot so
accept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire peace-
and reunion. The number of such may increase. They can at any moment
have peace ; simply by laying down their arms and submitting to the

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 265
National authority under the constitution. After so much, the Government
could not, if it would, maintain war against them. The loyal people would
not sustain or allow it. If questions should remain we would adjust them by
the peaceful means of legislation, conference, courts and votes. The way is
still open to all, but the time may come, probably will come, when public
duty shall demand that it be closed, and that in lieu, more vigorous measures
than heretofore shall be adopted. In presenting the abandonment of armed
resistance to the National authority on the pa,rt of the insurgents, as the only
indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I
retract nothing as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, and
that while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or
modify the Emancipation Proclamation. Nor shall I return to slavery any
person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any acts ot Con
gress. If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an
executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another — not 1 — must be their
instrument to perform it. In stating a single condition of peace, I mean
simply to say that the war will cease on the part ot the Government when
ever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it."
We can appropriately close this chapter with the following proclamation
issued by President Lincoln for a day of National thanksgiving, to be observed
November 24, 1864 : "It has pleased Almighty God to prolong our National
life another year, defending us with His guardian care against unfriendly
designs from abroad, and vouchsafed to us in His mercy, many and signal
victories over the enemy, who is of our own household. It has pleased our
Heavenly Father to favor as well our citizens in their homes as our soldiers
in their camps and our sailors on the rivers and seas, with unusual health.
He has largely augmented our free population by emancipation and by emi
gration, while He has opened to us new sources of wealth, and has crowned
the labor of our working men iri every department of industry with abundant
reward. Moreover, He has been pleased to animate and inspire our minds
and hearts with fortitude, courage and resolution sufficient for the great trial
of civil war, into which we have been brought by our adherence, as a Nation,
to the cause of freedom and humanity, and to afford to us reasonable hopes
of an ultimate and happy deliverance from all our dangers and afflictions.
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby appoint and set apart tbe last Thursday in November next as a day
which I desire to be observed by all my fellow-citizens, wherever they may
be, as a day of thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God, the beniflcent
Creator and Ruler of the Universe ; and I do further recommend to my fel
low-citizens aforesaid, that on that occasion they do reverently humble them
selves in the dust, and from thence offer up penitent and fervent prayers and

266

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

supplications to the Great Disposer of events tor a return of the inestimable
blessings of peace, union and harmony throughout the land which it has
pleased Him to assign as a dwelling place for ourselves and our posterity
throughout all generations."
While our good President was using all the means and appliances that a
loyal people were placing in his hands tor the restoration of the Union, and
the subjugation to the National authority of those who were in arms against
it, how fervently does he call upon his fellow-citizens for their prayers and
supplications to the Great Giver of all our blessings for a return of "peace,
union and harmony," in our land, carrying with these invocations a spirit ot
Christian love and brotherhood, which would gladly receive the return of the
misled, misguided and erring members of the Union, in that spirit of for
giveness and charity, which would make the reunion again a blessing to all
and reunite in bonds of fraternal unity and affection never again to be sev
ered, a brotherhood of States, which would make our Nation wonderful in its
resources and advancements to a higher civilization, and tbe admiration of
the world — a refuge for the down-trodden and oppressed of every land — a
people honored and respected at home and abroad, and a dwelling place to
be desired " for ourselves and our posterity throughout all generations."

CHAPTER XLVII.
SHERIDAN'S VICTORIES — SHERMAJl'S MARCH THROUGH GEORGIA — DEFEAT OP HOOD.
Simultaneously with the news of the evacuation of Atlanta by the rebel
forces, came the pleasing intelligence of the brilliant operations of Commodore
Farragut' s fleet in the capture of the important fortresses at the entrance to
Mobile bay.
In August, 1864, General Sheridan was appointed to the command of the
middle division of the department, including the protection ot Washington
and Northern Virginia. His operations up to the 15th of September were
conflned to strengthen and protect the line of the Potomac. On the 18th the
offensive was taken, which resulted on the 19th in an attack of the Union
forces on General Early's army at Opequan Creek, which terminated, after a
stubborn resistance by the rebels, in their complete defeat, and in their retreat
to Winchester, from which place they were forced back to Fisher's Hill.
Here the rebel forces were again assailed by the Union troops, and after a
sharp engagement the rebels were routed with great loss, and darkness alone
saved Early's army from total defeat and destruction. In those engagements
Sheridan captured, on the fleld, twenty-flve hundred prisoners, and in the
hospitals at Winchester he found two thousand wounded. The loss of the
enemy in killed, wounded and prisoners exceeded six thousand. The Union
loss was forty-flve hundred.
Sheridan followed up bis successes until he entered Staunton, on the 26th,
where a large amount of stores and supplies for the rebel army had been
collected ; these were taken and destroyed. From this point, General Sher
idan fell back to Strasburg, covering the approaches to Winchester and the
Manassas railroad to Port Royal. On the 15th of October, General Sheridan
was called to Washington on important business, leaving General Wright in
command. General Early, having received re-enforcements, first made his
appearance in the vicinity of the Union army on the 17th, and a body of his
infantry and cavalry made . some demonstration on the right of the Union
forces. On the morning of the 19th the rebels renewed the attack, under 267

. 268 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
cover of a heavy fog, and advanced in force on the center and right of the
Union army. The attack was a surprise ; the center was forced back with
the left; apart of the artillery of the 19th corps was captured, which was
turned upon the Union forces. The 6th corps was changed from its position
to cover the retreat of the other corps. Meanwhile the enemy were steadily
following up their successes. They had gained and taken possession of the
camps and position, which were occupied in the morning by the Union forces.
Affairs were in this condition when General Sheridan arrived at Winchester
from Washington. Fugitives from the Union army first gave him notice of
the Union disaster, at 10 a. m. At 11 a. m. he arrived on the battlefield,
having rode sixteen miles in forty minutes. As he met the Union forces on
retreat, he waved his bat and said : " Turn about, boys, we are going to our
camps; if I had been here this would not have happened." He at once
applied his whole energies to change the results of the morning. He quietly
united the different corps and formed a strong line of, battle, just in time to
repulse an attack of the enemy, which was followed up with an advance of
the whole line, routing and driving the rebels, and capturing forty-three
pieces of artillery and many prisoners. The victory was complete — night
intervened, which prevented greater results.
The successes of the Union army were followed up, and on the 21st,
General Sheridan, in his third report, completes the narrative ot Early's
signal and finished defeat. This ended the last rebel attempt to invade the
free States by the Shenandoah valley. Sheridan ended his campaign in forty
days. His loss was sixteen thousand. During the campaign, Early's loss
was, killed and wounded, ten thousand ; prisoners, thirteen thousand. It
may be stated that his army was, in efflciency and effect, entirely destroyed.
For energy and rapidity this campaign of Sheridan's was the most brilliant
and efflcacious of the war.
On the 22d of October, President Lincoln addressed a letter of congratula
tion to General Sheridan, and said : "With great pleasure I tender to you
and your brave army the thanks of tbe Nation, and my own personal admi
ration and gratitude, for the month's operations in the Shenandoah .vaUey,
and especially for the splendid work of October 19th." These successful and
brilliant victories in tbe Shenandoah valley were but a part of the plan which
General Grant was directing from bis tent, on the bank of James river. It
was the policy of the Commander-in-Chief, while holding the main array of
the rebellion flrmly in Richmond, to take advantage of this restraint by
operating vigorously by bis Lieutenants in other portions of the Rebel Cpn-
federacy. It was desirable to capture Richmond, but the delay only aug
mented tbe certainty of flnal success, and insured tbe successful movements

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 269
in distant quarters, which were gradually undermining the life ot the rebellion
and destroying its military and commercial resources. During this period
General Grant had, step by step, pushed his lines of circumvallation steadily
westward, closing the rebels' communications by the Weldon railroad, and
gaining a position by which he could seriously threaten the Southside railroad.
On the 9th of November, General Sherman issued his orders for a new
military campaign through Georgia, the objective point being Savannah, as a
new base on the seaboard. Having given instructions relative to the march.
General Sherman assembled his forces at Atlanta. He sent the sick, wounded
and surplus stores to Chattanooga, and then dismantled the railroad to that
point. He then destroyed all the storehouses, depot buildings and machine
shops, and all public property which might be made available by the rebels
for the purposes of war. He put his army in motion in two divisions, the
right wing, under General Howard, left Atlanta on the 12th of November,
followed on the 14th by the left, under General Slocum. The divisions
marched on parallel lines following the two railroads that traversed the State.
The most strenuous efforts were made by the rebels to check the march of the
Union army, but the efforts were fruitless and of no avail.
On the 22d of November, General Slocum's division reached Milledgeville
in seven days from Atlanta — ninety-five miles. Here the army remained three
days. Large numbers of horses and mules, and large quantities of provisions
ot various kinds were obtained on the march, and the army fared sumptuously
every day. During the march the cavalry roamed throughout the adjacent
counties, destroying the railroads in every direction, meeting with no serious
resistance. From Milledgeville, the armies moved to Millen, a distance of
seventy-five miles, in eight days. The object in the moderate movements of
the army was to give time to destroy the railroads in every direction. From
Millen to Savannah, seventy-nine miles, General Sherman made rapid
marches, reaching, on the 9th of December, tbe canal which connects the
Ogeechee with Savannah river at a point ten miles west of the city. Com
munications were immediately opened with Admiral Dahlgren's fleet in Port
Royal harbor, in which General Howard said :
" Sir — We have met with perfect success thus far. The troops are in fine
spirits and near by. Respectfully, A. 0. Howard,
Major-General, commanding right wing of the Army."
This was the first intelligence direct from Sherman's army, and it com
pletely dispelled all fears and doubts as to the complete success of the cam
paign. On tbe 10th, General Sherman advanced to within flve miles of
Savannah, and immediately made preparations for the capture of Fort Mc
Allister, which was the key to the city from the interior. Accordingly a

270 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
division of the 15th corps, under General Hazen, was sent forward on the
13th, and the fort was taken by an assault and surrendered, with its entire
garrison and stores. The Union loss was ninety, killed and wounded.
General Sherman, with his army, was twenty-seven days marching
from Atlanta to Savannah. The distance was over three hundred miles.
His loss during the famous march in the entire command was sixty-three
offlcers and men killed, three hundred and forty-five offlcers and men
wounded and two hundred and flfty-nine men missing. On the 14th of
December, the city was closely invested, and General Sherman was in full
communication with the fleet under Admiral Dahlgren, who was prepared to
bring all his available force to operate in connection with the army. General
Hardee, the rebel commander in the city, anticipating an assault, and feeling
confldent that it could not be successfully resisted, after burning the navy-
yard, and blowing up the rebel ironclad vessels on the morning of the 20th,
with the main body of his forces, escaped from the city by crossing the river
to the causeway and marched towards Charleston on the causeway road. On
the morning ot the 21st, the city was occupied by a division of the Union
army, and the captures included eight hundred prisoners, one hundred and
flfty pieces of artillery, thirteen locomotives, one hundred and ninety -cars,
three steamers, thirty thousand bales ot cotton and a large quantity ot
ammunition and other material of war. On the 22d, General Sherman sent
the following message to the President :
"Savannah, Ga., December 22, 1864.
"To Eis Excellency, President Lincoln — I beg leave to present to
you as a Christmas gift, the city of Savannah, with one hundred and fifty
heavy guns and plenty of ammunition, and also about twenty-five thousand
bales of cotton. W. T. Sherman, Major-General."
The President returned thanks tor the gift, but more particularly to the
General and his brave soldiers and officers for their operations in obtaining
and securing the gift.
At a meeting of the citizens of Savannah, called by the Mayor, the 27th of
December, to take into consideration matters pertaining to the present and
future welfare of the city, it was largely attended, and the following resolu
tion, with others, was adopted: "That we accept the situation, and in the
language of the President of the United States, seek to have peace by laying
down our arms and submitting to the National authority under the constitu
tion." , , ,
General Grant wrote to Sherman December 18th: "I congratulate you
and the brave offlcers and men under your command on the successful ter
mination of your most brilliant campaign. I never had a doubt ot the result.
When apprehensions for your safety were expressed by the President, I

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 271
assured him that with the army you had, and with you in command of it,
there was no danger that you would reach salt water in some place. But
I should not have felt the same security — in fact I would not have intrusted
the expedition to any other living commander."
We now turn to the rebel operations in Tennessee. General Hood, after
being forced by General Sherman back from the Union army's line of com
munications from Chattanooga to Atlanta, prepared for his advance into
Tennessee in accordance with instructions, and with the intention, as
announced by Jefferson Davis, of inflicting a serious blow, which would aid
the rebel cause. It was several weeks before Hood began his advance, when
General Thomas withdrew his forces to Franklin, eighteen miles south ot
Nashville. General Schofield was in command at Franklin, his forces don-
sisting of General Stanley's 4th and General Cases 23d corps, and a few regi
ments recently mustered into the service. On the 30th of November, General
Schofield occupied Franklin and formed his line of battle, both fianks resting
on the Harpeth river. The rebels moved to the attack at 4 p. m. The first
assault was made on Wagner's brigades, who maintained the contest until
they were overpowered and fell back in confusion, losing eight guns. The
center line was broken, and ruin seemed certain, when General Opdyke, com
manding the first brigade of Wagner's division within the works, seeing what
was taking place, without orders frorn his superior, gave the order to his
command, "First brigade, forward to the works," he leading his brigade.
He forced the rebels back and restored the Union line. On the day after the
battle. General Stanley wrote to General Thomas, stating that the charge of
Opdyke with his brigade saved the army from a serious defeat. The rebels
made tour distinct attacks to regain their advantage, but Opdyke held his
position, and they were repulsed w\th fearful slaughter. They continued
their attempts until midnight, when Schofield withdrew the Union forces.
The Confederate loss was estimated at six thousand, among them Generals
Cleburn, Gist, Adams, Stahl and Granbury were killed ; Brown, Carter,
Maingault, Quarles, Cockeral and Scott were wounded and Gordon captured.
The Union loss was twenty-three hundred. The battle at Franklin was a
most important one in securing victory to the Union forces in Tennessee.
On the night after the battle. General Schofleld withdrew his forces within
the defenses of Nashville. The enemy followed and planted their troops within
sight of the city, throwing up a line of intrenchments, extending on each
flank to the Cumberland river. For two weeks both armies stood confronting
each other. The weather soon became intensely cold, and Hood's army
suffered much in consequence. At length, on the 15th ot December, General
Thomas assumed the offensive and commenced a series ot attacks on the

272 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
enemy, which were followed up for two successive days without cessation,
and resulted in the disastrous defeat of the Confederate army. Their line of
defense hopelessly broken, they fled in contusion through Brentwood Pass,
pursued by the 4th corps. This was continued until darkness prevented fur
ther pursuit. The retreat of the rebels continued beyond the Tennessee
river. The pursuit was followed up by the Union forces until the 25th of
December, when General Thomas ordered the pursuit to cease. The results
of the Tennessee campaign were summed up and reported. The Union loss
in killed and wounded, sixty-one hundred, and eight hundred missing. The
rebel loss, twenty thousand killed, wounded and prisoners, and sixty-eight.'
pieces of artillery captured. This statement would imply a loss of one-half
ot Hood's army, mustered for the invasion ot Tennessee. The close of the
year found Tennessee freed from the presence of a rebel army, and' the
invasion from which so much had been expected by the enemy turned into a.
disastrous flight. The retreat of Hood into Mississippi was followed by his
removal from his command at his own request. For the first time in the war
a great rebei army had been annihilated. General Grant might well say,
" Thomas has done magnificently." This was his habit. He never lost a
battle. He saved the Union army at Chickamauga. He was said to be
slow. The rebels thought he was very sure.
During the first six months preceding January 1, 1865, the success of the
Union arms in all directions had inspired hope and confldence, amounting to
almost a certainty, that the days of the rebellion were nearly numbered.
Grant had planted his army in the rear of Richmond, and held Lee and
his army with a grip that could not be broken. Sheridan had destroyed
Early's army in the valley ot the Shenandoah. Sherman had made bis
victorious march from Chattanooga to, Atlanta, and from there to Savannah.
Thomas had defeated Hood and sent, him back to Mississippi, with the loss
ot half of his army, and the remainder of his forces utterly demoralized.
Price had been routed, defeated and driven out of Missouri. General Canby
was operating for the capture of Mobile, and the ports of Charleston,
Savannah and Mobile were efficiently closed against the introduction of
supplies for the Confederacy.
In the Confederacy, were discontent, discord, and a despairing call for
help which could not be misunderstood. In their despair they were ready to
call upon the negroes tor help. The commanding General demanded this
measure as seemingly the only recourse tor the salvation of the Confederacy.
It was a mourful call, a call to the slaves to rivet again the chains which had
been broken. But the call for help was like the call of one in despair with
no help at hand.

CHAPTER XLVIII.
PASSAGE OP THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT — ABOLISHING SLAVERY.
The most important measure passed by Congress at its thirty-eighth
session, or at any previous session, was the passage of the amendment to the
constitution abolishing slavery in all the States, by the decisive vote of one
hundred and nineteen to fifty-six. This bill, it will be remembered, passed
the Senate at the previous session, but failed to receive the requisite two-
thirds vote in the House. At the meeting ot Congress in December, the
President, in his message to that body, had recommended and urged its
passage during the session. The bill was as follows :
" Be it resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress
assembled, two-thirds ot both Houses concurring, That the following articles
be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States ; when ratified by three-fourths of said
Legislatures, shall be valid to all intent and purposes as a part of said consti
tution, namely :
" Article XIII, Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly
convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their
jurisdiction. " Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro
priate legislation."
In the House, January 6, 1865, Mr. Ashley of Ohio called up for debate
and legislative action the foregoing constitutional amendment, the motion
being on its reconsideration. The debate was opened by Mr. Ashley of Ohio,
and was continued through the sessions of the House on January 6th, 9th,
loth, 11th, 12th, 13th and 26th, by the following memliers : Hons. Orth of
Indiana, Schofield, Thayer and Stevens of Pennsylvania, Cole and Higby of
California, Yeaman, Cravens and Smith of Kentucky, Morrell and Wood-
bridge of Vermont, Odell, Morris and Herrick of New York, Kasson and
Grinnell of Iowa, Farnsworth of Illinois, Smithers of Delaware, Jenckes of
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274 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
Rhode Island, RoUins of Missouri, Garfield of Ohio, Baldwin of Massachusetts,
Star of New Jersey and Patterson of New Hampshire, in favor of the amend
ment, and by Hons. Brooks, Chanier, Ward, Clay and Wood of New York,
Bliss, Cox, Pendleton and Fink of Ohio, Mallory ot Kentucky, Voorhees
and Cravens of Indiana, Eldridge of Wisconsin, King of Missouri, White ot
Ohio and Holman of Indiana, against the amendment. The debates elicited
much public interest; the galleries of the House were crowded daily, and
much solicitude was manifested as to the flnal result. At the close of the
debate on the 28th, Mr. Ashley gave notice that the previous question on the
amendment would be called and pressed to a vote at 3 o'clock p. m., the 31st.
The House met at 12 m. on that day, and after disposing of the regular busi
ness, the Speaker stated the question in order was the consideration ot the
motion to reconsider the vote by which the House, on the 14th of last June,
rejected Senate joint resolution No. 16, submitting to the Legislatures of the
several States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States.
Mr. Ashley, who was entitled to the floor, gave way to Messrs. McAllister
and Coffroth of Pennsylvania, and Herrick of New York, tor them to give
their reasons for changing their votes. The debate was further continued by
Messrs. Brown of Wisconsin and Kalbflesch ot New York in opposition to
the amendment. Mr. Ashley says: "Mr. Speaker, I call the previous
question on the motion to reconsider." Mr. Stiles said: "Mr. Speaker, I
move to lay the motion on the table." The ayes and noes were ordered. The
question was put, and was decided in the negative; ayes, 57; noes. 111. So
the motion to reconsider was not laid on the table. The previous question ,
was seconded and the main question ordered. The question being on the
motion of Mr. Ashley to reconsider, the ayes and noes were ordered. The
question was put and it was decided in the affirmative ; ayes, 112 ; noes, 57.
So the motion to reconsider was agreed to. The question now was on the
passage of the joint resolution. Mr. Ashley said: "I now demand the
previous question."
Mr. Mallory of Kentucky — Mr. Speaker, I rise to a question of order.
My point of order is, that a motion to reconsider the vote by which the sub
ject now before the House which was disposed of in June last requires a vote
of two-thirds of this body. The two-thirds vote has not been obtained.
The Speaker — The Chair overrules the point of order. The rules of the
House authorize every bill and joint resolution to pass by a majority vote.
The Constitution of the United States, however, declares that no consti
tutional amendment shall pass except by a two-thirds vote ; on the question
ot the passage of the joint resolution the constitutional provision will operate,
and not till then. All other questions are governed by the rules of the House.

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 275
Mr. Brown of Wisconsin — I ask the gentleman from Ohio to yield to me
to offer a substitute for the joint resolution.
Mr. Ashley — I cannot yield for that purpose. I have a substitute
myself which I should much prefer to the original resolution, but I do not
offer it.
Mr. Speaker— No motion to amend would be in order at this stage.
The joint resolution has passed its third reading and is now on its passage,
the previous question was seconded and the main question ordered, which
was on the passage of the joint resolution.
Mr. Dawson called for the ayes and noes, and they were ordered. The
question was taken and it was decided in the affirmative; ayes, 119;
noes, 56. So two-thirds ot the members of the House, required by the Consti
tution of the United States, having voted in favor thereof, the joint resolution
was passed.
It was the privUege ot the writer to be present "at the Capitol during the
debates on the joint resolutions, and an interested spectator on the day of
their passage. It was a day, the most eventfuil and remarkable in Congres
sional legislation that has occurred in the history of our Republic, and the
interest and enthusiasm of the members of the House and [the spectators on
that day were in unison and harmony with the important and interesting issues
involved. During the roll-call, when Messrs. Coffroth, English, Ganson, Herrick,
McAllister and Odell, Union Democrats, who had previously voted against
the joint resolutions, voted " aye," the applause in the galleries and on the
Republican side of the House was vociferous and could not be restrained.
The Speaker used his gavel and repeatedly called to order, and asked
that members should set a better example to the spectators in the
galleries. Mr. Kalbflesch and other Democratic members remarked that the
applause came not so much from the spectators in the galleries, but from
members on the floor. The Speaker said : " Members will take their seats
and observe order." The Speaker directed the clerk] to call his name as a
member of the House. The clerk called the name of Schuyler Colfax, and
Mr. Colfax voted " aye." This incident was greeted with renewed applause.
The Speaker then said : "The constitutional majority of two-thirds having
voted in the affirmative, the joint resolution is passed." This announcement
was received by the House and by the spectators with an outburst ot excite
ment and enthusiasm such as never before had been exhibited in the halls of
Congress. The members on the Republican side of the House instantiy
sprang to their feet, and, regardless of parliamentary rules and decorum,
applauded with cheering and clapping ot hands. Members embraced.

276 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
hugged and kissed geach other, others -^'ept for joy ; hand-shaking and
congratulations were^ general. Nor were the galleries, which were crowded
to their utmost capacity, slow to follow the example. The male spectators
seemed to vie withj members in their demonstrations. They waved their
hats, and cheered loud and long ; while the ladies, hundreds of whom were
present, waved their handkerchiefs, participating in and adding to the general
excitement and intense interest of the extraordinary scene. A feeble attempt
was made by the Speaker to restore order, but the attempt was like stemming
the resistless torrent or the sweeping tornado. Finding the attempt to restore
order fruitless, be seated himself in his chair, and with a look of complacency
and serenity, folded his arms and surveyed the scene, realizing the fact that
his authority for the present was at an end. Many of the Democratic
members sat in their seats and looked on with a gravity and solemnity which
plainly indicated that they had no pleasure in this joyous and festive scene.
Twenty minutes intervened before order was fully restored. Then Mr.
IngersoU ot Illinois said: ",Mr. Speaker, in honor of this immortal and
sublime event, I move thatthe House do now adjourn." The Speaker declared
the motion carried, and again the cheering and demonstration of applause
were renewed. The excitement of the occasion had hardly subsided in the
House before it was taken up in the streets and public buildings in Washing
ton. Men shouted, cheered and sang, and did many silly things in their
exuberance of joy. From the fortiflcations around Washington the monster
guns pealed forth their loud and joyous sounds, reverberating down the
Potomac, and taken up from post to post, until the glad echoes thrilled the
hearts of the brave defenders of the Union before Richmond and sent conster
nation into the heart of the rebel Confederacy.
The thirteenth amendment to the constitution ot the United States passed
the House of Representatives January 31, 1865, was enrolled and signed by
the Speaker of the House. It was transmitted to the Senate February 1st,
signed by the Vice-President, and then sent to the President by whom it was
approved and signed the same day. It was ratifled by the States of Illinois
and Maryland the same day, and subsequently by all the States, except
Delaware and Kentucky, and was declared to be in force December 18, 1865.
No citizen of tbe Union had more reason to rejoice on the passage of the said
joint resolutions than President Lincoln. The event gave him great satisfac
tion and pleasure, and he embraced the opportunity to express his gratifloa-
tion to his friends and the public who had gathered, around the Executive
Mansion immediately after its adoption. To the large audience who had
assembled, he said :
" This settlement of the slavery question by the representatives of the

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 277
people, appears to me, to be the adjustment, the flnal disposition ot the
controversy which has been the cause of all our troubles and difficulties. It
has finished up, completed and verified the work and purposes ot the emanci
pation proclamation. It will remove the principal difficulty in the reunion
of our Republic, and the re-establishment of fraternal relations with all of
our citizens, which, I trust, will become firm and unrevocable. The amend
ment now requires to be adopted by the votes ot the Legislatures of tbe
several States, and I trust that many ot my auditors will, on their return
home, see that this work is speedily and faithfully accomplished. '

CHAPTER XLIX.
SIMPLICITY, CHARITY AND EQUANIMITY.
The citizens of the Republic had not far to look for those elements of
character which awakened instinctively in the minds of the people their
love, veneration and sympathy for President Lincoln. One ot those natural
and peculiar traits of character which was the most observed and noted at
the White House, was the President's plainness and simplicity, and absence
of all ostentation and display of any kind. A [New York correspondent
writes: "We remember rather the ineffable tenderness which shone
through his tender eyes, his childlike ingeniousness, his utter integrity and
his love of country. Ignorant of etiquette and conventionalities, without
the graces of form or manner, his great reluctance to give pain, his beautiful
regard for the failings of others, made him worthy to bear, without reproach,
the grand old name of gentleman; strong -without symmetry, humorous
without levity, religious without cant; tender, merciful, forgiving, a profound
believer in di-vine love, an earnest worker for human brotherhood."
Western friends, who called at the White House, expected to see plain
Abraham Lincoln, but they were surprised to find the same, unassuming,
modest man that he was in private life, when in their midst he was striving
tor success and distinction in his profession. On all occasions it gave him
much pleasure to meet the friends of his youthful days, and they always
received a pleasant and cordial welcome. It was a pleasure and a privilege
which the writer enjoyed to visit Washington in December, 1864, and spend
three months at the National capital, and to renew with Mr. Lincoln the
acquaintance and friendship of former years. A narrative of the first inter
view ot the writer with the President illustrates the preceding characteristics
of the President: On the [second day after my arrival in Washington, in
company -with Representative C. Cole, we called at the Executive Mansion
and sent in our cards to the President. The messenger soon returned with
a card to me from the President, saying: "The Cabinet have a meeting
to-day. I shall be pleased to see you to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock." The
278

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 279
next morning, at the time appointed, I repaired to the ante-room adjoining
the President's office, where I observed several Senators and others in wait
ing. As the clock indicated the appointed hour, I handed the door-keeper
the President's card, and was immediately ushered into the reception-room.
As I entered, the President was seated at his table. He immediately arose
and met me near the middle of the room. Extending his hand, he said : " I
am very glad to see you, Charles," using the familiar name by which he
always called me in former days ; " you have changed but little since last we
met. A few gray hairs I see." I replied: "It certainly gives me great
pleasure, Mr. President, to meet and take you by the hand after an absence
of so many years, and I regret to observe that the labors and responsibilities
of your high office have worn much on your physical appearance and consti
tution." He replied, after asking me to be seated: "Since the people
called me to the position I now occupy, four years ago, I cannot recall a day
devoid of care and anxiety. While the physical labors during that period
have been beyond description, the mental excitements, responsibilities and
hopes, followed by disappointments, have worn me away as you see me
to-day. But," said he, with a smile of pleasure as it lightened up the care
worn face, " I see now much to hope tor the future ; the people have, by
their votes, approved, thus tar, my administration and policy, and the posi
tions of Generals Grant and Sherman with their armies, give assurance that
the days of the rebellion are drawing to a close." I replied: "Mr. Presi
dent, it is a gratification and pleasure to your friends that your policy has
been approved ; and they and the people hope and rejoice with you
in the bright prospects of the near future." Our conversation then drifted
back to the days of our intimate and early associations in the log store and
log cabins of the then far West, when youth was buoyant and the burdens of
hfe were light and expectations reached out but a short distance in the future.
After half an hour's conversation I arose and said : " Mr. President, I must
bring this pleasant interview to a close, as I observed, as I came in, a num
ber of dignitaries in the ante-room awaiting an audience.'' He arose and
took me by the hand, and said : " This half-hour's interview and conversa
tion has been very pleasant to me. I shall feel better all day for it. You
will come again. I shall be glad to see you at any time when not engaged,
andin our interviews you will please call me Lincoln as in former days."
As I left the President his words, "Please call me Lincoln," carried me
back in my thoughts to that period thirty years previous, when the President,
then an humble, obscure youth, was struggling in a new country, with pov
erty and difficulties apparently almost insurmountable, for place and position
in his adopted State. He was then and there called Lincoln, by his friends
and neighbors, and there, in the Prairie State, where he had risen to emi-

280 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
nence and public favor, he was still called by that familiar name. But his
life had been changed, he had been called by the people to an office, the
highest in the gift of the people for the government of the people, and the
proprieties ot his position were new and novel to him. In this new relation
with and toward the people, his elevation disclosed no evidence that be was
elated by his high position, and we can reasonably infer that the great and
momentous responsibilities which he bad assumed and under which he
labored, tended rather to lessen than increase his sense of his own import
ance. It was clearly manifest to all his old friends that his sincerity,
simplicity and tenderness still remained. Persons who entered the Executive
Mansion, impressed with a sense of the high honors and dignifled station
appropriately belonging to the President, found no barriers interposed between
himself and those who thus honored him, and who came to him with their
wants and applications for favors or redress. Those who had enjoyed his
friendship and acquaintance in former years, found him the same kind,
generous, true-hearted friend that he was in private life. Those rare and
unusual traits of character, which were so noted in the lite of the President
while in the White House, were so pure, so unselfish, and so rich in loveliness
of spirit, soon became to be honored and appreciated by all, knowing that
they came from a heart overflowing with love and kindness to all, irrespective
of wealth or position. In a subsequent interview with the President by the
writer, a tew days after the occupation of Charleston by the Union forces,
the subject of Sherman's march through South Carolina, and the apparent
near success of General Grant before Richmond had been the subject of our
conversation. I said : " Mr. Lincoln, I infer from the tone and expressions
of the loyal press, and that is, I think, an indication of public sentiment,
that the , indignation and call for retribution and exemplary punishment on
all the rebels in arms against the Government, which were so apparent and
strongly manifested at the outbreak of the rebellion, have, in a great measure,
given way to sentiments of a more Christian spirit, and as an incident in
that direction, I recollect that at the ti'me of the capture of Fort Sumpter,
the united voice ot the loyal press and people was that Charleston, the hot
bed ot treason and the birthplace of the rebellion, when taken, should be
leveled to the ground, and that not one stone or brick should be, left on
another; but at present that feeling of revenge and resentment seems tohave
passed away." The President remarked in reply : " My own feelings have
also changed much in that direction, and I am much gratified to see that is
the growing sentiment of the people. In the final success of the Union
cause, our people can afford to be magnanimous and still just. I can see and
feel that there are many reasons why this should be so. We have not been
fighting aliens, but misled, misguided friends and brothers, members of our

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 281
own household, and we may grant and forgive much when we take into
consideration what have been the teachings and influences which have
formed and moulded the public sentiments and private feelings of that
people. And now, when flnal success is obtained, which appears assured, I
think'the great object then to be flrst accomplished and to have in view,
, should be to bring back and restore the relation ot the several rebel States
to the Union and to their original and former standing. This may be done
in a spirit of conciliation, friendship and forbearance which should character
ize a generous and forgiving people. To effect this desirable object, I think
that we should deal with them as generously as the interests ot the Govern
ment and the public safety will permit." The pages of history fail to give
us a similar exempliflcation of those sublime principles and virtues pf moral
and Christian excellence, of charity, generosity and fidelity to the Govern
ment and to the people at large, as were here exhibited in those few, simple,
tender and benevolent words of the good President. Those cherished virtues
of a common brotherhood, planted early in life in his heart by a devoted.
Christian mother, bore their blossoms early in lite, and luscious fruit in his
mature years.
Time has not diminished their fragrance nor lessened the value to us
of those virtues so rich in their beneficence which he left as a National inher
itance, and which have become a Nation's treasure and the legacy of a loving,
loyal people., The anxieties, burdens and labors which he had borne for the
past four years were-, in a measure, to be laid down, and in his kind, liberal
heart, plans were already being formed for the welfare of the people, whose
submission to the National authority was now about to be effected by the
force of arms and fortune of war.
The New York World said of the President when his work was done :
, " If we look for the elements of character which contributed to the extraor-
uVidinary and constantly growing popularity ot Mr. Lincoln, we have not far to
seek. The kindly, companionable, jovial turn of his disposition, free from
every taint of affectation, puerile vanity, parvenu insolence, conveyed a
strong jhipression of worth, sense and solidity, as well as goodness of heart.
He never disclosed the slightest symptom that he was dazzled or elated by
his great position, or that it was incumbent upon him to be anybody but
plain Abraham Lincoln. This was in infinitely better taste than would have
been any attempt to put on manners that did not set easily upon his training
and habits, under the false notion that he would be supporting the dignity of
I his office. No offense in manners is so intolerable as affectation, nor anything
so vulgar as a soul haunted by an uneasy consciousness of vulgarity. Mr.
r Lincoln's freedom from any such up-start affectation was one ot the good
points of his character, as it betokened his genuineness and sincerity."

282 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
How wonderfully the President sustained himself during those months
of gloom and uncertainty which shrouded -our country during the flrst two
years of the war! Friends and foes were surprised, and found much to-
admire in the equanimity and uniformity of mind and temper of the President
during this eventful period. This notable trait in his character, never yield
ing to despondency or anger, but, what is remarkable, continued to grow in
self-possession and magnanimity until gentleness and firmness became the
ruling principles of bis administration. He had no word of censure, no
denunciation for the failure ot his officers on the Peninsula at Fredericksburg
or at Chancellorville. To the factional Union parties in Missouri who were
quarreling among themselves and with the policy of the President, he said:
" It is very painful to me that you in Missouri cannot or will not settle your
factional quarrels among yourselves. I have been tormented with them
beyond endurance for a month by both sides. Neither side pays the least
respect to my appeals to reason. I am now compelled to take hold of the
case." To the Albany Democratic meeting, held to denounce the President
for the arrest of Vallandigham, for military arrests and the suspension of the
writ of habeas corpus, he said: " I would have preferred to have met you
on the higher platform of American citizens at such a time as this, but since
I am denied this, I am comforted with the reflection that all Democrats do
not believe with you." To the Southern people who were trying to destroy
the Union, in his flrst inaugural address, he said: "We must not be
enemies ; though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of
affection." In his last message to Congress he said : " The enemies of the
Government can at any moment have peace by laying down their arms and
submitting to the National authority under the constitution."
In those kind and gentle traits of Lincoln's character we may measure
the depth of agony and suffering through which he had to pass during those
months and years of gloom and reverses, when the friends of the Union
said : " When will the end of these calamities be ?"
The President and the loyal people were now passing through "times
that tried men's souls." It was during those days of National gloom and
anguish that the President could be seen mornings, before offlce hours, walk
ing back and forth on the corridors of the Executive Mansion with counte
nance indicating grief and sadness. To the lady who applied to him for the
establishment ot a hospital in a Northern State for wounded soldiers, who
said to him : "If you will grant my petition you will be glad as long as you
live," he said, as he bowed his head with a look of sorrow : " I never shall
be glad anymore." The lady beard his mournful words and said: "Oh,
do not say so, Mr. Lincoln ; for who will have so much reason to rejoice as

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 283
yourself wben the Governm'ent shall be restored, as it will be?" "I know —
I know," he said, pressing a hand on either side ; " but the springs of life are
wearing away and I shall not last."
" I never shall be glad any more ! " The brave soldiers were slain, the
enemies of his country were seeking his life. With a heart that beat kindly
toward all, his motives were maligned, his good name condemned, greedy
politicians and ambitious offlcers were about him pushing their selflsh
schemes, and he had daily experience ot the faithlessness of men. "This
great trouble," as he was accustomed to call the war, was always bn his
mind and heart. He was always weary ; he could not sleep, and such was
the character of the impressions he received from all his cares and toils that
he felt that he could " never be glad anymore." But tbe Winter of gloom
and discontent was to disappear; his Emancipation Proclamation and the
victories of Gettysburg, and Vicksburg brought the sunshinei of confldence
and hope, and with this came joy and gladness to the President and to the
people. Tho policy and labors of the President were now to be established
in the faith and affections of his people, his enemies were to be silenced, bis
friends to be reassured, and his person was to be regarded with love and vep-
eration by millions of freemen.

CHAPTER L.
PEACE CONFERENCE AT HAMPTON ROADS.
Military events now rapidly transpiring indicated the early suppression
of the rebellion. The leaders of the Confederacy were despondent and with
out hope, and there was discord and a want of harmony in their counsels and
opinions. A number of the rebel leaders, among whom was A. H. Stephens,
Vice-President of the Confederacy, were sincerely desirous for peace, and would
have been willing to have returned to the Union under conditions which they
would have accepted. President Davis and other leaders were still opposed to
any negotiations for peace or treaty, only on the basis of the recognition of'the
Southern Confederacy. President Lincoln was well aware and well acquainted
with the resolves and views of the rebel leaders, and had no confldence or
belief thp,t ariy peace coriference that might be held would produce the desired
results. No man in the Union was more desirous of peace than the President,
but with peace must come full recognition of the National authority over the
rebel Confederacy. On the 3d day of February, 1865, through the voluntary
agency of Francis P. Blair, a conference, having for its object the prelimi
naries of peace, was held on the steamer River Queen, in Hampton Roads,
between President Lincoln and Secretary Seward, representing the National
authority, and Messrs. A. H. Stephens, J. A. Campbell and R. M. Hunter,
representing the rebel Confederacy. The interview was informal in its
character, verbal in its transactions and barren in its results. The President,
desirous for peace on conditions that would satisfy the loyal people of the
country, consented to become a party to the interview, as two of the commis-
aioners were known to be sincere in their desires for peace. In the verbal
conference that foUowed, the rebel commissioners suggested and favored a
postponement of the question of separation, and such mutual efforts of the
two Governments so as to give opportunity for the passions of the people to
€ool. The armies were to be reduced, arid the intercourse between the people
of tbe two sections was to be renewed. To this the President replied that he
considered these suggestions as equivalent to an armistice, and that he could
284

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 285
_ not agree to a suspension of military movements except on the basis of a dis
bandment of the rebel army, and the recognition of the National supremacy
through all the States of the Union. He further stated that the Emancipa
tion Proclamation was irrevocable, and that Congress had passed ithe consti
tutional ariiendment prohibiting slavery. That there was an earnest desire
for peace on the part ot all, does not admit of any doubt, but the President
was committed, with truth to himself and honor to the people, to niake peace
only on the basis of National unity and the abolishment ot slavery. The fol
lowing communication of President Lincoln to the House of Representatives,
and the offlcial report of the rebel commissioners to President Davis elucidates
the principal questions verbally treated in the peace commission :
" Executive Mansion, February 10, -1865.
" On the morning of the 3d, the gentlemen, Messrs. Stephens, Hunter
and Campbell, came aboard our steamer and had an interview of several
hours' duration with the Secretary of State and myself. No question of pre
liminaries to the meeting was then or there mentioned. No other persons
were present. No papers were exchanged or produced, and it was agreed in
advance that the conversation was to be informal and verbal, merely. On
my part the whole substance of the instructions to the Secretary of State
hereinbefore recited — flrst, the restoration of the National authority throughout
all the States ; second, no receding by the Executive of the United States on
the slavery question from the position assumed thereon in the late annual
message to Congress, and in the preceding documents.; third, no cessation of
hostilities short of an end of the war, and the disbandment of all the forcei^
hostile to the Government — was stated and insisted upon, and nothing was
said inconsistent therewith. While by the other party it was not said that in
any event or any condition they ever would consent to reunion, and yet they,
equally omitted to declare that they would never so consent. They seemed
to desire a postponement of that question and the adoption of some other
course flrst, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not lead
to reunion, but which course we thought would amount to an indeflnite post
ponement.. The conference ended without result. ' Abraham Lincoln."
The following is the report of the rebel commissioners :
" Richmond, Va., February 5, 1865-
"To THE President of the Confederate States. — Sir: Under your
letter of appointment ot the 28th ult. we proceeded to seek an ' informal con
ference 'with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the
subject mentioned in the letter. The conference was granted, and took place
on the 3d inst. on board of a steamer in Hampton Roads, where we iiet
President Lincoln and the Honorable Seward, Secretary of State of the

'286 life and public services
United States. It continued for several-hours and was both full and explicit.
We learned from them that the message ot President Lincoln to the Congress
of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and distinctly his
sentiments as to the terms, conditions and methods of proceeding by which
peace can be secured to the people, and we were not informed that they
would be modifled or altered to obtain that end. We understood from him
that no terms or proposals of any treaty or agreement looking to an ultimate
settlement would be entertained or made by him with the Confederate States
because that would be a recognition of their existence as a separate power,
which, under no circumstances would be done, and for like reasons no such
terms would be entertained by him from the States separately. That no
extended truce or armistice (as at present ad'vised) would be granted, without
a satisfactory assurance in advance of a complete restoration of the authority
of the United States over all peaces within the States of the Confederacy.
That whatever consequences may follow from the re-establishment of that
authority, they must be accepted, but that individuals, subject to pains and
penalties under the laws of the United. States, might rely upon a very liberal
use of the power conflded to him to remit those pains and penalties if peace
be restored. During the conference, the proposed amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States, adopted by Congress on the 31st ult., was brought
to our notice. This amendment declares that neither slavery or involuntary
servitude, except for crimes, should exist within their jurisdiction, and that
Congress should have power to enforce this amendment by appropriate legis
lation. Of all the correspondence that preceded the conference herein men
tioned, and leading to the same, you have heretofore been informed. Very
respectfully, your obedient servants, Alex. H. Stephens,
R. M. T. Hunter,
John A. Campbell."
The absence of reporters, and all persons except the members of the
conference, has necessarily made the relation of the conversation on that
occasion very meager. An account prepared by Mr. Stephens and published
in the Augusta, Georgia, Chronicle gives some of the incidents which are very
interesting and illustrative". It is here stated that President Lincoln declared
that, in his negotiations for peace, he could not recognize another Government
inside of the one of which he alone was President. " That," said he, " would
be doing what you so long asked Europe to do in vain, and be resigning the
only thing the Union armies are flghting for." To this Mr. Hunter replied
that the recognition of Davis' power to make a treaty was the flrst and indis
pensable step to peace ; and to illustrate his point, he referred to the corre
spondence between King Charles I and his Parliament, as a reliable
precedent of a constitutional ruler treating with rebels. Mr. Stephens says :

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 287
" Here Mr. Lincoln's face assumed that indescribable expression which
Tiniformly preceded his severest hits, and remarked: 'Upon questions of
history, I must refer you to Mr. Seward, for he is posted in such things, and I
don't profess to be ; but my only distinct recollection of the matter is that
Charles lost his head.' " Mr. Carpenter, in his reminiscences, gives a version
of a characteristic story told by the President on this occasion. They were
discussing the slavery question, when Mr. Hunter remarked that the slaves,
always accustomed to work upon compulsion, under an overseer, would, if
suddenly freed, precipitate not only themselves, but the entire society of the
South in irremediable ruin. No work would be done, but tbe blacks and whites
would starve together. The President waited for Mr. Seward to answer the
argument; but as that gentleman hesitated, he said: " Mr. Hunter, you
ought to know a great deal better about this matter than I, for you have
always lived under the slave system. I can only say in reply to your state
ment of the case, that it reminds me of a man out in Illinois by the name of
Case, who undertook, a few years ago, to raise a very large herd of hogs. It
was a great trouble to feed them, and how to get around this was a puzzle to
him. At length he hit upon the plan of planting an immense fleld of potatoes,
and when they were sufficiently grown, he turned the whole herd into the
field and let them have full swing, thus saving not only the labor of feeding
the herd, but also ot digging the potatoes. Charmed with his sagacity, he
stood one day leaning against the fence, counting his hogs, when a neighbor
came along. ' Well, well,' said be ; ' Mr. Case, this is all very fine. Your
hogs are doing very well just now, but you know out here in Illinois the frost
comes early, and the ground freezes a foot deep, then what are they going to
do ? ' This was a view of the matter which Mr. Case had not taken into account.
Butchering time for hogs was away in December or January. He scratched
his head and at length stammered, ' Well, it inay come pretty hard on their
snouts, but I don't see but it must be root hog, or die.' "
The terms on which peace could be obtained and assured were so clearly
set forth by the President on this occasion, as well as at the attempt from the
Niagara Falls negotiation, that it appeared evident that he was wiUing and
anxious for peace on,' and only on, the conditions that would restore the
National authority in all the States, and satisfy the loyal Union people of the
country! We may not assume that the President expected any favorable results in
the direction of peace from this conference. He was fully acquainted with
,the sentiments of tbe rebel leaders, that only on the recognition of their Gov
ernment and separation, would they lay down their arms, and that only on
this acquiescence by the National authority could peace be obtained. To the

288 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
people of the South, the question of peace was the controlling thought and
feeling of every mind. But one view, however, was entertained by the Gov
ernment, and a majority of the people, and that was when, the National
authority is prepared to acknowledge the independence of the Confederate
States the war will close and peace be assured. That Mr. Davis should desire
peace on those conditions is apparent to all. That he, knowing the sentiments-
of the loyal people, and the official declarations of the National administra
tion, could expect peace only on the restoration of the Union, is to be
presumed. The Confederate Government in those futile attempts at negotia
tion was striving to impress the idea on the Southern people, now fast
becoming^ restless and weary under the daily increasing 'burdens of the war,
that all possible efforts had been made to obtain peace, and that President. '¦
Lincoln had, with indignity and insolence, refused and repelled all attempts
and advances tending to that end. The object of the peace conference on the
part of the rebel authorities was apparent on the return of the rebel commis
sioners to Richmond. A public meeting was called, at which President Davis
took occasion to deliver a vindicative tirade against the National administra
tion, and at which meeting resolutions were passed, declaring that the terms
offered by President Lincoln were an insult to the Southern people, and that
the. Confederates would never lay down their arms until they had achieved
their independence.

CHAPTER LI.
UNITED STATES SAJ^ITARY AND CHRISTAIN COMMISSIONS.
. Soon after the call tor seventy-five' thousand soldiers by President
Lincoln on the capture of Sumpter, many charitable men and women insti
tuted in the several States what they called Soldiers' Aid Societies. It was
soon perceived that much more good could be accomplished by a more general
and thorough organization. A number of leading clergymen and physicians,
realizing the advantages of a unity of action, and seeking no remuner
ation, applied to the Government for recognition and moral support. This
being obtained, they were properly organized as "The United States Sanitary
' Commission." The Rev. Henry W. Bellows, D.D., was chosen as its Presi
dent. Their intentions and designs at flrst were to give their professional
advice and aid to the medical department of the field service ; but it was soon
seen that there was a large opening before them, and that their operations
could be very efficiently enlarged. They published and circulated among the
surgeons of the army many valuable tracts on Hygiene, such as " Rules for
Preserving the Health of a Soldier," "Advice as to Camping," and soon
were added medical reports, " Reports on Amputations," " Reports on
^Dysentery," " Directions as to Army Surgeons on the Battlefield." Soon
•the opportunities and necessities of active service demanded in the field an
active executive body. With this demand, they prepared and organized their
flnal grand organization of benevolence and charity on a basis as universal as
it was noble. Three committees were appointed; one to communicate with
the Government, one to act and communicate with the army officers, and a
third to act and communicate with the public. Commensurate with the
gigantic fleld open for its operations, the Sanitary Commission now entered
upon its remarkable and successful career of mercy and usefulness. It now
had the support of the Government, and affiliated with the medical bureau.
The loyal people ot every class and condition gathered to its support, and all
seemed to strive for superiority in their offerings. The abundant and liberal

290

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

contributions soon gave the commission means for Its own independent trans
portation. It had hospital transports, wagons, ambulances, railroad cars,
and means secured for the safe and comfortable transportatioit of the wounded
soldier from the battlefield to tbe hospital. As the war went on and increased
in magnitude, so did its work increase, and also its energies and the wonderful
efficacy and efficiency of its organization. Its departments of relief were
divided into twelve branches, having depots in the large cities, each branch
having a large number of auxiliaries employed in obtaining supplies. From
these many sources, the provisions and offerings were sent to the main
depots, there to be assorted, repacked and forwarded. At one of these ,i
branches, the " Woman's Central Association," there were collected stores
of the value of over one million of dollars. At another, at Chicago, was
furnished over a quarter of a million. Care was taken to have no waste.
The soldiers from the different States were equally supplied, and the wounded
rebel soldiers left on the battlefield, and the sick abandoned in tbe hospitals
were to receive relief and to be tenderly cared for. Many of the boys in gray
had reason to be thankful for the kind and merciful ministrations and relief
afforded by the Sanitary Commissions. Its office of special relief was varied
and general. Soldiers on their way to their regiments, or on their way home
by discharge or furlough, or on sick leave were furnished meals and lodgings.
Seventy-five hundred soldiers were on an average thus daily o* nightly
accommodated. It had special lodges where a sick soldier, while awaiting for
his pay or unable to reach a hospital, might stop tor a time. It had stations
where a hungry soldier, passing, could have a free meal. On the military
lines of travel these feeding stations were permanently established. On the
large rivers — the Mississippi, Cumberland, Potomac — it had sanitary steamers
for transmitting supplies and transporting the sick and wounded. Whenever
opportunity appeared, it sent supplies to the Union prisoners of war conflned -
at Andersonville, Salisbury and Richmond. On every flag-of-truce boat it
placed clothing, medicines and cordials to meet prisoners who had been
exchanged. It examined with care the Government prison camps, extending
its merciful supervision to the Confederate prisoners of war. With charity .
and mercy it comforted and cared for all. It had its agencies to see that no
injustice was done to any soldier, bis widow or orphan, that their claims were
allowed and paid and that no sharper took advantage ot them. Its duty in
its department of field relief was to minister to the wounded on the battlefield,
to furnish bandages, cordials, nourishments, to give assistance to the
surgeons and to supply any deficiencies it could detect in the field. From
the time it was first organized. May, 1864, to January, 1865, it gave its services
to more than seventy-five -thousand patients. It waited on the sick and
wounded, wrote letters for them, gave them stationery, postage stamps, news-

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 291
papers, and lightened the wearisome hours of suffering by reading magazines
and books to them, and by friendly and pleasant conversation. The Govern
ment gave the Sanitary Commission a cordial and earnest support. Grand
fairs for the benefit of the Sanitary Commission were held in Philadelphia
and Baltimore, attended by President Lincoln, in which he manifested his
earnest sympathy and support of the commission by brief speeches on the
occasions. At Baltimore, he said: "Calling it to mind that we are in
Baltimore, we cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking upon the
many people I see assembled here to serve as best they may the soldiers of
the Union, it occurs to me that three years ago those soldiers could not pass
through Baltimore. I would say, blessings upon the men who wrought these
changes, and the women who have assisted them."
But from tbe people at large came that liberal and generous beneficence
which has no parallel in the history of the past. They gave it their earnest
and hearty approval. They gave it more ; they gave it money and means
; unstinted, free and ample, as was the charity dispensed. They gave three
miUions of dollars in money, of which the Pacific States gave one million.
They sent in also nine millions worth of supplies.
The operations and services of the Sanitary Commission were worthy of
the magnitude of the great civil war, the asperities, horrors and sufferings of
which it did so much to alleviate. Philanthropists of the old world looked
on with astonishment and admiration on the magnificent organization of
charity and mercy to friend and foe. And they failed to flnd in the ages of
the past a similar example.
While the physical wants and sufferings of the soldiers and sailors were
being supplied and attended to by the Sanitary Commission, the Christain
Commission was organized and strove to emulate in works of love and mercy
the United States Sanitary Commission. It also received the aid and recog
nition of the Government. Its design was to alleviate the physical sufferings
f'and promote the spiritual welfare of the soldiers and sailors. Its principal
•offlce was in Philadelphia, ¦with agencies in the several States. It, too,
'received the aid of the Government in free transportation and the use of the
telegraph lines. Steamboat and railroad companies furnished it with trans
portation. It followed the armies, went into the trenches and was on hand
at every battle. Wherever there was a wounded, sick or dying soldier an
f'Sgent of the Christain Commission was there to give hope and consolation in
"the dying hour. It gave Christian burial, whenever possible, and marked
'the-resting place of the sleeping dead. It. had its religieus services in camp,
¦aad held its prayer meetings. It gave the soldier and sailor Bibles and
Testaments, and various religious and moral publications. It distributed

292 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
nearly flve mUlions of dollars in money and supplies. Untiring in their
work of charity, those illustrious Commissions cared for the soldiers and
sailors when they had flnished their work and saved the Union. They
organized agencies for employment and information, to flnd and to give to
each one wishing a situation which he was capable of flUing, and protected
him from imposition, and assisted him in procuring his arrearages of pay and
pensions if he was entitled to the same.
Near the close of the war, in February, 1865, the annual meeting of the
Christian Commission was held in Washington. As events then in progress';
gave assurance that it would probably be the last annual meeting of that
benevolent body, much interest was manifested, and the attendance was large
from all parts of the loyal States. The meeting was held in the evening at
the National capitol in the hall of the House of Representatives. The hall,
galleries and corridors were filled to-their utmost capacity. It was estimated
that three thousand persons were present. Hon. George H. Stuart, Chairman
of the Commission, called the meeting to order, and Cliiet Justice Chase of
the United States Supreme Court was called to preside over the large assembly.
Mr. Lincoln was present, and manifested a deep interest in the proceedings
of the commission. Reports ot its operations, receipts and expenditures for
the last year were read. Addresses were delivered by a number of notables
present, among whom was Richardson, correspondent for the New York
Tribune, who gave a graphic detail of his escape from Andersonville prison,
and the assistance and information he received from the colored people while
making his way through the mountains of North Carolina to the Federal
lines. Chaplain McCabe sang his favorite, "The Battle Hymn Of the
Bepublic," the large audience joining in the chorus. As the melody of the
thousands ot voices echoed and re-echoed through the vast corridors ot the
capitol, the uplifted countenances of the vast multitude beamed with joy and
pleasure in full accord with the harmonious strains. As the echoes died
away, the meeting adjourned.
The next day, some two hundred members of the commission called at
the Executive Mansion to pay their respects to the President. The writer
was present. The Chairman of the commission, Hon. George H. Stuart,
made a short address to the President, in which he spoke of the great debt of
gratitude which the country owed Mr. Lincoln. " My friends," said the
President in reply, "neither you nor the country owe me any gratitude tor
what I have done. I trust all that has been done by us bas been done as a
work of duty. Our gratitude, all gratitude, is due to the great Giver of all
good. To Him our thanks are due for His manifestations in the Nation's
behalf, and for that spirit of love and charity which He has given to the

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 293
Ifiembers of the Christian Commission to faithfully discharge their duty."
At the close of his remarks, he cordially and gratefully assented to a sugges
tion for prayer, and Bishop Janes offered, in the East-room, a brief and
ilervent petition to the Throne of Grace. The occasion was a memorable
¦ one, and will long be remembered by those present.

CHAPTER LII.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.
The Thirty-eighth Congress by constitutional limitation adjourned March
3d, and the Senate, by proclamation of the President, was convened in extra
session. On the 3d day of March, 1865, President Lincoln's flrst term of
office expired. In reviewing *this period of the Nation's history it appears
hPw eminently fortunate the Nation was in tbe administration of President
Lincoln, whose measures secured the respect and confldence, as well as the
unbounded affections, of the people. And equally fortunate was the President
in the selection of his constitutional advisers. Remarks made in 1878 by our
lamented President, Garfield, referring to President Lincoln and his Cabinet,
will be appropriate here. Speaking of our civil war, he said:
' ' Let us pause to consider the actors in that scene. Iri force of character,
in thoroughness and breadth of culture, in experience of public affairs, and
in National reputation the Cabinet that sat around that council-board has had
no superior, perhaps no equal in our history. Seward, the flnished scholar,
the consummate orator, the great leader of the Senate, had come to crown
his career with those achievements which placed him in the flrst rank of
modern diplomatists. Chase, with a culture and a fame of massive grandeur,
stood as the rock and pillar of the public credit, the noble embodiment of
the public faith. Stanton was there, a very Titan of strength, the great
organizer of victory. Eminent lawyers, men of business, leaders of States
and leaders of men completed the group. But the man who presided over
that council, inspired and guided its deliberations, was a character so unique
that he stood alone, without a model in history or a parallel among men.
Born on this day, sixty-nine years ago, to an inheritance of extreme poverty,
surrounded by the rude forces of the wilderness, wholly unaided by parents,
only one year in any school, never for a day master of his own time,
until he reached his majority, making his way to the profession of the law by
the hardest and roughest road, yet by force of unconquerable will and per
sistent, patient^work, he attained a foremost place in his profession Gifted
294

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 295
with an insight and a foresight which the ancients would have called divina
tion, he saw, in the midst of darkness and obscurity, the logic of events, and
forecast the result. From the first, in his own quaint, original way, without
ostentation or offense to his associates, he was commander of his adminis
tration. He was one of the few great rulers whose wisdom increased with
his power, and whose spirit grew gentler and tenderer as his triumphs
were multiplied."
On the 4th of March, 1865, Mr. Lincoln was re-inaugurated into the Pres
idential offlce. This event called many friends of the President to the
National capital. A large and loyal crowd was present, friends not doubtful
of the future, nor fearful ot the President, as on a former occasion. Chief
Justice Chase administered the oath of office, and then the President read
his inaugural address. It was a State paper which has no parrallel in senti
ments of Christian excellence and charity. Its words were true and noble,
void of resentment, and spoken in a reverent and Catholic spirit. They
have elicited the commendation and cordial approval of just men throughout
the civilized world. The address was as follows :
" Fellow-Countrymen — At this, my second, appearing to take the oath
ot the Presidential office, there is less occasion that I should give an extended
•address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail,
ot the course I proposed to pursue seemed proper. Now, at the expiration
of four years, during which public declarations have been repeatedly called
forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the
attention and engrosses the energies of the Nation, little that is new could be
presented. The progress of our arms — upon which all else chiefly depends —
is as well known to you as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory
and encouraging to us all. While I have the highest hopes for the future, I
shall here venture on no predictions. On the]]occasion corresponding to this
four years ago, the thoughts of all of us were anxiously directed to the
; unpending civil war. All dreaded it ; all sought to avoid it. While the
inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted to saving the
Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it
without war^seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotia
tion. Botb parties depreciated war ; but one of them would make war rather
than let the Nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let
it perish; and the war came. One-eighth of the whole were colored slaves,
'not distributed generally over the Union, but located in the southern part of
"it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that
this interest was somehow the cause ot the war. To strengthen, perpetuate
and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend
! 'the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more

, 296 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for
the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither ,
anticipated '.that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before,
the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a
result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray
to the same God, and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem
strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing
their bread from the sweat of other men's faces ; but let us judge not, that
we be not judged. The prayer of both could not be answered. That of
neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. Woe
unto the wbrld because of offenses, for it must needs be that offenses come;
but woe unto that man by whom the offense cometh. If we shall suppose
that American slavery is one of these offenses, which in the providence of
God must needs come, but having continued through his appointed time, he
now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this terrible
war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern
therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a
living God always ascribe to him. Fondly do we hope, fervently do we
pray, that this mighty scourge of war may soon pass away. Yet, if God
wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsmen's two hun
dred and flfty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of
blood drawn by the lash shall be paid with another drawn with the sword,
as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, ' The judg
ments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. ' With malice toward
none, with charity for all, with flrmness in- the right, as God gives us to see
the right, let us strive on to flnish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's
wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his ¦widow
and orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
place among ourselves and with all nations."
Truthful, frank, forgiving, gentle, just— this last State paper of President
Lincoln to his fellow-countrymen stands pre-eminent on the pages of history-
eminent for its serenity of temper, for a logical perception of the character
of the National conflict, and for its undisputed charity and sincerity.
On the 6th of March, Mr. Fessenden resigned the office of Secretary of
the Treasury, and Hugh McCulloch of Indiana was appointed in his place.
In an exhaustive report on the flnancial condition of the Nation, Mr. McCul
loch says that " since the commencement of the special session of 1861, the
most important subject which has demanded and received the attention of
Congress has been that of providing the means for the prosecution of the
war. The success of the Government in raising money is evidence of the

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 297
wisdom of the measures devised for this purpose, as well as of the loyalty
of the people and the resources of the country. No Nation within the same
period ever borrowed so largely or with so much facility. It is now demon
strated that a republican Government can not only carry on a war on the
most gigantic scale, and create a debt of immense magnitude, but can place
this debt on a satisfactory basis, and meet every engagement with fidelity."
The Secretary remarks that " the establishment ot the National banking
system is one ot the great compensations ot this war — one of the great
achievements ot this remarkable period. In about two years and a halt
from the organization of the flrst National Bank, the whole system of banking
under State laws has been superceded, and the people ot the United States
have been furnished with a circulation, bearing upon it the seal ot the Treas
ury Department as a guaranty of its solvency. It only remains that this
circulation shall be a redeemable circulation — redeemable not only at the
counters of the banks, but at the commercial cities, to make the National
bankirig system of almost inconceivable benefit to the country."
In pursuance ot an Act of Congress, on the 11th of March tbe President
issued a proclamation, calling upon deserters to return to their regiments
with the promise of pardon. This proclamation had its desired effect, as most
ot the absentees returned to their duty. The days of the Confederacy were
now nearly numbered, and the lite of the rebellion was now in the last throes
ofdissolution. We may here notice the objects which those who originated the
[civil war had in view, and see how far their designs and purposes had been
attained, and how far the anticipation of those who inaugurated this unnat
ural war had been realized, and their efforts successful.
The loss of political power and patronage, as has been before stated, was
the primary cause of secession. Tbe preponderance of numbers and power
in the free States made it politically impossible for the slave States to retain
their supremacy in the Union, and hence they resolved on disunion. The
leaders attempted to justify their action on the doctrine of State rights, and
the causes they taught the people were the security and safety of slavery and
the right of its extension. Those principles on which the South justified
its rebellion against the National Government brought out the inevitable
eipsequences in antagonistic principles. Thus emancipation became the
natural and necessary antagonist of slavery, and nationality that of State
rights or secession.
When the Union was flrst assaUed and its laws and authority were first
resisted, the Government had no object, other than the perpetuity of the
iinion and the enforcement of the laws. As the war progressed, the idea of
^iftieipation grew into importance, and forced itself upon the Nation and

298 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
administration. Thus emancipation became the war power of the loyal
States, as slavery was the war offense and defense of the Southern Confed
eracy. Wben we compare them in their true relations, their intrinsic values
at once appear. Tbe former has tbe sympathy of the race, is the embodiment
of civilization and is the word of hope and desire of the oppressed of every
land. The power and strength of the latter were fallacies. It was circum
scribed and local in its influences and operation, it had no friends abroad and
its power was decaying at home. For a time the Southern Confederacy con
sidered it a tower of strength and believed that it strengthened their cause,
but before the war|was over the progress of emancipation in the border States
dispelled this illusion.
Secession, or State rights, contrasted with nationality, is equally weak
and illusive. Previous to the war, the idea of nationality was in a quiescent
State, but the sentiment was generally accepted. With secession or State
rights came in contra-distinction, nationality. These distinctions were so
marked during the war, that in the Confederacy few could be found who
recollected that they were Americans and in the loyal States men had for
gotten to what State they belonged. Secession clamored for State rights.
Union men were accepting the nobler idea of a great and undivided nation
ality. Thus slavery and secession were confronted with emancipation and
nationality, the former perished in the conflict, and the latter remains, with
its principles and ideas cherished. The first, emancipation accomplished ;
the second, nationality established and held sacred and in-violate by a
reunited and prosperous people.

CHAPTER LIII.
SHERMAN'S MARCH THROUGH THE CAROLINAS, AND FALL OF RICHMOND.
Military events were now rapidly closing up the last days of the rebell
ion. General Sherman, at Savannah, was preparing and recruiting his
victorious army for bis march through South and North Carolina. General
Grant was still holding General Lee and the rebel army in Richmond, only
awaiting the proper moment for aggressive action, while offensive and
successful movements were being prosecuted in almost every other quarter
of the Confederacy by the Union forces.
The 15th of January, General Sherman resumed his march from
Savannah, bis objective point being Goldsboro, North Carolina. On the
30th the borders of South Carolina were reached. The army on the march
subsisted upon the country ; every effort possible was made by the enemy to
impede his onward career, but all obstacles were brushed aside as it by a
• resistless tornado ; railroads were torn up and destroyed in every direction,
and the destruction of public property was full and complete in every quarter.
Columbia was reached the 17th of February, and there being no adequate
force of the enemy at hand to defend it, the Mayor came out and surrendered
the city to Colonel Stone ot General Logan's corps. With the occupation of
Columbia came the evacuation of Charleston, Fort Sumpter and all other
defenses of the harbor. Fayetteville, North Carolina, was reached on the
12th of March, and now communication was opened and established with
General Schofield at Wilmington, from which point supplies were furnished
the army. Wilmington had been captured and occupied by General Scho
fleld on the 14th of January, and Mobile had been taken by General Canby
on the 11th of January. And so the Union successes and victories rolled
j resistlessly onward on every band. Attempts were made by General John
son with the rebel forces, at BentonvUle and Averysborough, to stay General
Sherman's onward march, but without avail, and on the 22d of March Golds
boro was occupied, and here the victorious army rested for sometime, and
General Sherman visited City Point for consultation with General Grant 299

300

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES

relative to further operations. The grand campaign, conceived and inaugu
rated by General Grant in conjunction with General Sherman, was now about
to be consummated. The long-delayed, but now appropriate, time to move
on the rebel army under General Lee, and on Richmond was at hand. On
the 23d of March President Lincoln visited City Point to relieve himself for a
time from the cares of office and to be near the military operations, which
were now big with important issues for the Union. On the 25th General Lee
with the rebel forces assaulted and captured Fort Steadman, but it was
immediately retaken, with great loss to the enemy. The President visited
the scene the same day, and was vociferously cheered by the soldiers. The
day had been set apart for a grand review ot the soldiers in honor of the
President. But the President said : " It is better than a review."
On the 28th of March, at City Point, a council of war was held, in
attendance at which were the President and Generals Grant, Sherman,
Sheridan, Meade and Ord. The next day General Sherman left to rejoin his .
army. For several days preceding the council, General Grant had been
making new dispositions of his troops, preparatory to the grand movement
near at hand. On Wednesday, March 29th, the next day after the council
was held, the grand advance of the army began. Before noon a new line of
battle was formed, the right of which occupied the, extreme left of its former
position, and preparations were at once made to hold this position. The day
passed; only Warren's corps encountered a sharp resistance, holding its
ground. Heavy rains during the night and next day prevented any move
ments by either army, the Union army perfecting their formations and their
connections. On Friday, General Grant, on account of the preceding heavy '
rain^, proposed to hold his position during the day without offensive move-
ments. But General Lee was alive to his peril. If General Grant held his
position the rebel army could not bold Richmond. He concentrated a large ,¦
force on the right of the Union army, and made repeated efforts on Friday ^
and. Saturday mornings to force back and retake the Union positions. In
these repeated attempts he was partially successful, but later in the day, on
Saturday, the ground was all retaken, and the Union troops occupied the •
positions which the rebels held in the morning, Sheridan and Warren having -
achieved decided success, taking five thousand prisoners. The next morning .
at daybreak the Union forces were directed to assault and force the rebel
lines, which was gallantly done, and at 10 a. m. success was complete, and :
the triumphs ot the three days of hard fighting were twelve thousand pris
oners and fifty pieces of artillery.
While the three days' battles were in progress. President Lincoln
xeriiained at City Point receiving dispatches from the field, and forwarding

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 301
the material portions of the same to the War Department. On Sunday the
President announced to Secretary Stanton the signal and triumphant success
of our armies, and that the Union success was full and complete. At 10 :30
A. M., Sunday, General Lee telegraphed to Davis, in Richmond, the following
dispatch: "My lines are broken in three places. Richmond must be
evacuated this evening." That message found Mr. Davis at 11 a. m., in
church, where it was handed him, and he immediately went. quietly and
soberly out — never to return as President ot the Confederacy.
Eleven months previous General Grant crossed the Rapidan with his;
army, the ostensible object being the capture or destruction ot Lee's army,
and tiie fall and occupation of Richmond. General Grant entered on this
movement and campaign, ha-ving the full confldence of the administration
and the hopeful expectation of the loyal citizens. He had from an early
period of the rebellion conceived, and was fully impressed, with the belief
and idea that the rebel chiefs would never return to their loyalty to the
Government until their military power was fully and essential subdued and
broken, and he knew of no mode or power save by the strongest armies in
bloody battles. In his final |report General Grant says: "I therefore
determined — ^first, to use the greatest number ot troops practicable against
the armed force of the enemy, preventing it from using the same force at
different seasons against first one and then another of our armies, and the
possibility of repose for refitting and producing necessary supplies for carry
ing on resistance ; second, to hammer continuously against the armed force
of the enemy and its resources, until, by mere attrition, if in no other way,
there should be nothing left ot it but an equal submission with the loyal sec
tion of our common country to the constitution and laws of the land. These
views have been kept constantly in rinind, and orders have been given and
campaigns have been made to carry them out. Whether they might have
been better in conception and execution is for the people, who mourn the
loss of friends fallen, and who have to pay the pecuniary cost, to say. All I
can say is that what I have done has been done conscientiously, to the best
of my ability, and in what I conceived to be for the best interests of the
whole country."
It was doubtless the expectation of General Grant, when he crossed the
Rapidan, to have defeated General Lee decisively before reaching Chicka
hominy, but in this he was disappointed. The rebels were, however,
lejirning very fast that the conduct of General Grant in this campaign waa
more offensive, and not, as satisfactory to them as the strategy of General
McClellan. General Grant is fairly entitied to the honor of undertaking,
,with a purpose, a very difficult and formidable enterprise, and performing it
to the best of his ability and successfully, and when he, with his army, sat

302 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
down before Richmond south of James river, he had placed his army just
where the rebels desired it should not be, as they showed by their desperate
efforts and attempts to entice and draw him from bis position, and this is
evidenced in the final overthrow and collapse of the rebellion. The campaigns
of Sherman and Thomas may have been considered more briUiant, but none
were more conducive in breaking and crushing tbe strength and power of the
rebellion than that campaign which began on the Rapidan and ended in the
capture of General Lee and his army.
President Davis left Richmond at 10 p. m. Sunday. The rebel officials
and their members of Congress, with the rebel Governor, William Smith,
also hurried away. At 6 p. m. Monday the rebel capital was occupied by the
Union forces, and the star, spangled banner of our Union that was raised
and floated over the St. Charles, at New Orleans, when it was taken by
General Butler, was raised over the rebel capitol in Richmond, and was
saluted with huzzahs from the excited thousands below. Many probably
cheered who would have done it more heartUy had the fortunes of the day
been reversed. Before leaving the city the rebel authorities issued orders
for the destruction of the rams and shipping in James river, the warehouses
and mills in the city, and all the bridges on the railroads leading out of the
city. This order was executed, and iri the general conflagration which
followed one-third of the city was destroyed. The city was placed under
military government by the appointment of General G. F. Shepley Governor,
and Colonel Manning Provost, Marshal. The flre was extinguished as soon
as possible, but not until it had burned the extensive warehouses, the Post
offlce, the Treasury building, the principal banks, newspaper offlces and an
immense amount of private property, amounting to many millions of dollars.
Before noon on Monday the joyful news of the occupation of Richmond
by the Union forces had been flashed to all parts of the Union, and the glad
tidings were soon conflrmed by telegrams from President Lincoln, then at
City Point, and from the Secretary of War at Washington. This day will
long be remembered by the American people. At once all 'public offlces were
closed and all business suspended by the great majority, who profoundly
rejoiced in the great National triumph so long, so anxiously desired. Every
church bell, and bells on the public buildings, from tbe Atlantic to the
Paciflc, rang with joyous notes. Cannon answered cannon from mountain to
valley, and re-echoed the Nation's joy. Men embraced each other in the
.streets, wept and clasped hands for joy, and the words, peace and victofy,
were on every tongue. Public meetings were called in every town and city,
and millions listened to the deeds ot the gallant heroes who had won the
day; and, with cheers and thanksgiving, the people gave utterance to their
joy and enthusiasm. In all this manifestation of joy and expression of

OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 303
popular feeling of relief and gratitude, there was no unmanly exultation over
the vanquished, no bitterness of feeling demanding condign punishment on
those whose unnatural and wicked ambition and rebellion had so long defied
the National authority, and so fully devastated, and so eagerly endeavored
to destroy the Union. Nothing like this demonstration was ever before seen,
or will ever be seen again on this continent. The rebel capital, which had so
long resisted the National arms, and for whose fall the Nation's blood had
been poured out as water, was ours. President Davis and his Cabinet were
now fugitives. The tension, the strain of an unnatural and fratricidal war,
that had been borne by the Nation for four protracted and tedious years had
been,loosened, and the people sprang up in joyous demonstration and exulta
tion. On that joyful day the annual election was held in Connecticut. That
State, flve months before, was closely contested; now, every county went
Republican by an aggregate majority of over ten thousand — a full victory for
the first time in many years, choosing a full representation in Congress from
the four districts, and making a full success, locally and generally. An
opposition Democratic journal accounted tor this great Republican victory
'by the fact " that, while the votes were being cast, cannons were thundering,
bands playing, and the excited people were shouting over the fall of
Hichmond." President Lincoln, who had gone to the front on the 24th of March, in
anticipation of General Grant's final movements against Lee, had been in
constant communication with the Lieutenant-General, and during the
successful movements of the Union army was in constant communication >
with General Grant and the War Department, until the day after the evacua
tion of Richmond, wben he, on April 4th, accompanied Admiral Porter in a
gunboat up to Rocketts, a mile below the city, and thence was rowed to the
wharf and walked thence, attended by Admiral Porter and a few marines
armed with carbines, to General Weitzel's headquarters in the Executive
Mansion so recently abandoned by the President of the rebel Confederacy.
The President entered the rebel capital as a citizen of the Union be had
labored so successfully to save. No thundering cannon announced his
approach ; no triumphal car conveyed the savior of his country to the con-
¦quered city ; no guard of -honor, no grand display ot troops were there to
welcome bim, but on foot, with no guard except the sailors who had rowed
him up James river, he entered and passed through [the city restored to the
Union. How wonderful and strange the event! But yesterday the city
brfsUed with hostile bayonets- ahd all the paraphernalia of civil war, and
now the President of the United States— he who had been despised, hated
and maligned above all other men living, and to whom the vUest epithets
had been applied by the people of Richmond, was walking their streets.

304 ' LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
receiving blessings and prayers from thousands, who hailed him as their
deliverer. Soon the information was spread that the man, who was a head
taller than all others arouAd him, with a mild eye and pleasant countenance,
was President Lincoln. The air soon rang with a chorus of glad and happy
voices. Thousands crowded to welcome and bless their emancipator. The
streets soon became impassable on account of the increasing multitude, and
soldiers were called to clear the way. The walk was long, and the President
halted a short time to rest. " May de good Lord bless you. President
Linkum," said an old negro, removing his hat, bowing, while tears ran down
, his cheeks. The President removed his hat and bowed in Silence.
While reminded that Washington returned the salutation of a negro
because he would not be outdone in politeness, we can see even more than
politeness in Lincoln's courtesy. It was an act of recognition for the services
of the colored soldiers who had laid down their lives for the Union and
impartial justice, that lowered the dignity ot the conqueror to the salutation
of the delivered. It was a bow, a condescension which overturned the
customs, forms and usages of ages. After holding a short levee at General
Weitzel's headquarters, the President took a drive through the principal
streets, and at 6 p. m. he returned to City Point. Two days later the Presi
dent repeated his visit to the eity, accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln, the Vice-
President and several United States Senators. He was now waited upon by
several leading Confederates, who, feeling that their cause was hopeless,
were desirous to make the best terms possible with the Government, and the
President, in that spirit of kindness and magnanimity which had so distin
guished his administration, gave them a gracious audience, and a reception
favorable to their early return to their allegiance and former relations with
the National Government, creating thus, by his kindness and absence of
resentment, a feeling of confldence and trust for the future in the .iiinds and
hearts of the citizens of Richmond. The President returned, April 8th, to
Washington.

CHAPTER LIV.
EVACUATION OF RICHMOND, AND LEE's SURRENDER.
.The Army of Virginia, now, April 2d, reduced by. its recent heavy losses
and by desertions to thirty-five thousand men, was now concentrated as
quiekly as possible from Richmpnd on the north and Petersburgh on the south,
at Chesterfield Court-house, and was thence moved as rapidly as possible to
jAn^elia Court-house. Here they were halted for supplies. Lee was detained
there the 4th and 5th before food could be obtained for. his famished men.
Meanwhile, Sheridan moved rapidly westward by roads south of Lee's
position, reaching the DanviUe railroad at JettersviUe. Here he planted his
force across the railroad, fortifying his position, prepared to stop Lee's entire
.force until Grant and Meade should be able to overtake, and crush him.
jl^eade, with the 2d and 6th corps, came up late on the 5th, while Lee was
^ptUl at Amelia Court-house. Lee left Amelia Court-house, with his army,
-atnight, the, 5th, moving around the left of Meade and Sheridan's position,
^aimingforl'armersvUle, in order to cross the Appomattox, and thus escape
his pursuers. But this was not to be. General Davis had already made a
reconnoissance to our left, and had met, at Paine's cross-roads, Lee's train in
advance Of his infantry, and destroyed one hundred and eighty wagons,
capturing five guns and many prisoners. Crook, ot Sheridan's left, advaijced
to DentonsvUle, where Lee's whole army was moving rapidly westward.
Crook immediately charged, as directed by Sheridan, being inferior in force,
but determined to detain the enemy until supports could arrive. The result
justified the daring. Cook was repulsed,. but meanwhile Custer, with his
division of horse, attacked further on, gaining the road at Sailors' creek,
where Crook and Devon cpming to bis support, they broke the rebel line,
capturing four hundred wagons, sixteen guns and many prisoners. EweU's
corps, following the train, was thus cut off from Lee's army. His advance
was charged by Colonel Stagg's brigade, and Seymore's division coming up,
the odds were too great, and EweU's veterans, inclosed between our cavalry
,and.the 6tb corps, after a gallant defense, threw down their arms and sur-

306 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
rendered. General EweU and six thousand prisoners were taken this day.
Lee, with his vanguard, crossed the Appomattox at FarmersviUe, the night
of the 6th, but his men were fainting and falling by the way. During :
the night of the 6th many of tbe chief offlcers of the retreating army
met around a camp fire to discuss their desperate condition. Uppn a fuU
exchange ot opinions, it was unanimously conceded that a surrender was
inevitable. Lee was not present, but the result of the council was conveyed to
bim by General Pendleton.
Meade and Sheridan having taken possession ot the Danville raUrOad at
JettersviUe, Lee's supplies for his army, which had been collected at Lynch-
burgh and Danville, were interceptecL, So, while the retreating, famished
rebel soldiers were endeavoring to evade tbe persistant pursuit of Sheridan's
cavalry, they were compeUed to procure their subsistence from tbe already
exhausted country. Hunger and fatigue were rapidly decimating the ranks of
the fugitives. Already weariness, fatigue and despair bad compelled half of
the soldiers to throw away their arms, which they were no longer able to
carry. The soldiers were completely disheartened and disorganized.
General Grant, while directing the pursuit from Farmville, dispatched
to General Lee the following letter : "April 7, 1865.
" General — The results of last week must convince you of the hopeless
ness of further resistance on tbe part ot the Army ot Northern Virginia in this
struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself
the responsibility of any further effusion of blood by asking ot you the surren
der of that portion ot the Confederate army known as the Army of Northern
Virginia. " Gen. R. E. Lee. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General."
In the meanwhile, the retreat and pursuit went on. General Lee sending
this reply to General Grant, which reached him at Farmville next morning :
" AprU 7, 1865.
" General — I have received your note of this date. Though not enter
taining the opinion you express on the hopelessness of further resistance on
the part of the Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avpid
useless effusipn of blood, and therefore, before considering your proposition,
ask the terms you will offer on condition of its surrender.
" Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant. R. E. Lee, General."
To this note General Grant imraediately replied : " AprU 8, 1865.
" General^— Your note of last evening in reply to mine of same date,
asking the conditions on which I will accept the surrender of the Army of

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 307
Northern Virginia, is just received. In reply, I would say, that, peace being
my great desire, there is but one condition I would insist upon, namely:
That the men and officers surrendered shall be disqualified for taking up arms
again against the United States until properly exchanged. I will meet you,
or will designate officers to meet any officers you may name for the same
purpose, at any point agreeable to you for the purpose of arranging definitely
the terms upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern Viginia will be
received." " General R. E. Lee. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General."
On the morning of tbe 7th, Sheridan, with his cavalry, moved to Prince
Edward's Court-house to head off LeeSs retreat on Danville. On the morning
of the 8th the 2d and 6th corps under Meade moved directly on the rear
of Lee's retreat. Crook and Merritt's divisions of cavalry, by a forced
march of twenty-eight mUes, intercepted four trains of supplies for Lee's
army from Lynchburg, which they surrounded and captured. This was aided
by our advance under General' Custe?. Without any hesitation, General
Custer, supported by General Devin, pushed on toward Appomattox Court
house, and here, finding his force confronted by the van of Lee's army, he
drove it back on the main body, capturing twenty-five guns, a hospital
train, a large part of-the wagons and many prisoners. Sheridan brought up
the balance of his cavalry as fast as possible, placing it directly in front of
the enemy, and sending word to Grant that the capture of Lee's army was
now inevitable. In consequerice of these advices, Generals Griffin and Ord
reached Appomattox station at daylight next morning. General Lee had
sent, the e-vening before, the following reply to General Grant's last note :
" April 8, 1865.
" General — I received, at a late hour, your note of to-day. In mine of
yesterday, I did not intend to propose the surrender of the Army of Northern
Virginia, but to ask the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not
think the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender ot this army, but as
the restoration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desired to know
whether your proposals would lead to that end. I cannot, therefore, meet
you with a view tp surrender the Army of Northern Virginia, but as far as
your proposal may effect the Confederate States forces under my command
and tend to the restoration, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 a. m.
to-morrow, on the old stageroad to Richmond, between the picket lines of the
two armies.
" Lieutenant-General Grant. R. E. Lee, General."
General Grant was with Meade's column pursuing Lee, and received the
above note about midnight. Before leaving the next morning for the front to.

308 LIFE and public SERVICES
join Sheridan and Griffin he dispatched the following reply to General Lee's
note: "April 9, 1865.
" General — Your note ot yesterday is repeived. I have no authority
to treat on the subject ot peace. The meeting proposed for 10 a. m.
to-day will lead to no good. I will state, however. General, that I am equally
anxious for peace with yourself, and the whole North entertains the same
feeling. The terms on which peace can be had are well understood. If the,
South lay down their arms, they will hasten that most desirable event, and
save thousands of human lives and hundreds of millions of property not yet
destroyed. Seriously hoping that all our difficulties may be settled without
the loss of another life, I subscribe myself, etc.
" General R. E. Lee. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General."
General Sheridan was with his cavalry near the Appomattox Court-house
When the army of General Lee made their last charge. Sheridan had coyered
our infantry with his cavalry dismounted, and as the enemy approached, our
front gave way gradually, giving time for our infantry to form and ,take
position. When this was effected, the cavalry moved swiftly to the right
and mounted, disclosing lines ot solid infantry to the enemy, who recoiled in
blank dismay. A white flag was now displayed by the enemy, and Sheridan,
riding over to the Court-house, was met by General Gordon, who requested- a
suspension ot hostilities, as negotiations for a capitulation were then pending
between Generals Grant and Lee. General Grant, before reaching Sheridan's
head(iuarters, received the following note : " AprU 9, 1865.
" General — ^I received your note of this morning on the picket line,
whither I had come to meet you, and ascertain definitely what terms were
embraced in your proposal of yesterday with reference to the surrender of
this army. I now ask an interview in accordance with the offer contained in
your letter of yesterday for that purpose.
" Lieutenant-General Grant. B. E. Lee, General."
The two Generals met at once at the house of W. McLean where the
preliminaries of the surrender were arranged, and the result of the conference.
are indicated and comprised in the following letters :
"Appomattox Court-house, April 9, 1865.
" General — In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the
Sth inst. , I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia
on tbe following terms, to wit : Rolls of all tbe offlcers and men to be made
in duplicate ; one copy to be given to an pfflcer tp be designated by me, the
other to be retained by such officer or officers as youmay designate. The

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

309

(offlcers to give their individual parole notto take up arms against the Govern
ment of the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or
regimental commander to sign a like parole for the men. of their com
mands. The arms, artillery and public property to be packed and stacked
and turned over to the offlcers appointed by me to receive them. This will
not embrace the side arms of the offlcers, nor their private horses or baggage.
This done, each offlcer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to
be disturbed by United States authority so long as he observes his parole and
the laws in force where he may reside.
" General R. E. Lee. U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General.''
'•' Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, April 9, 1865.
" General — I received your letter of this date containing the terms of
the surrender ot the Army of Northern Virginia as proposed by you. As they
are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8tb inst.,
they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper offlcers to carry the
stipulations into effect.
" Lieutenant-General Grant. R. E. Lee, General."
After tbe signatures were written, General Lee said "he had forgotten
one thing. Many cavalry and artillery horses in his army belong to men in
charge of them, but, of course, it was too late to speak of it now." General
Grant replied: "I will instruct my paroling offlcers that all the enlisted
men of your cavalry and artillery who own horses are to retain them, just as
the officers do theirs. They will need them for their Spring plowing and
other farm work." " General," replied Lee with much feeling and earnest
ness, " there is nothing that you could have done to accomplish more good
reither for them or the Government."
Viewed in connection with General Grant's persistent and successful
Igampaign, his letters to General Lee in relation to the surrender of his army
show victory of character as well as of arms. For the tender and humane
spirit in them expressed they wiU be read everywhere, and for succeeding
ages with admiration. They exhibit no indication of triumph ; no exultation
over a fallen foe. The successful General whose duty had been plain, who
was inexorable in bis persistence for victory, and whose unparalleled energy
was marked with crimson tide, asks the vanquished, in the name ot their
Ipommon country, and of their common humanity, to end the strife without the
loss of another life.
^ On the 26tb of April, J. E. Johnson commanding the Confederate States
army in North Carolina, surrendered his army to W. T. Sherman, Major-

310 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
General. The surrender of Johnson to Sherman was followed on the 15th of
May by that of General Taylor, with all the Confederate soldiers then remaining
east of the Mississippi river, to General Canby. And on the 26th of the -same
month General Kerby Smith surrendered bis entire command west of the
Mississippi to General Canby. This ended all military opposition to the
United States Government.

CHAPTER LV.
JOY OF THE PRESIDENT AND PEOPLE — ^RAISING THE OLD FLAG ON PORT SUMPTER.
On Saturday, April 8th, President Lincoln and family returned to Wash
ington from Richmond, and Sunday, General Grant telegraphed to the
President that on that day he received the surrender of General Lee and his
army. The joyful excitement over the fall of Richmond had only in a measure
subsided when came the welcome news ot Lee's surrender, and the return of
the President from Richmond to Washington, and now again the Nation was
intensified with universal joy and gladness.
This joyous sacred day, the most happy and gladsome one ever enjoyed
by the President; was spent by him in the Executive Mansion in seclusion
with his fariiily and near friends; he now laid bis burden down, which he
had borne for the past four years, and in cheerful and animated conversation
with his friends and family, he expressed himself with confidence and trust
in the future, and with thankfulness and gratitude for the present and past.
This day of praise and thanksgiving was universal throughout the loyal States,
and as the anthems of thankfulness and gratitude ascended from every church
and hamlet to the Great Author of our National blessings for the return of
peace and unity to the land and Nation, the honored instrument who had
secured these great blessings was recognized and hailed as the saviour of the
Union and the distinguished benefactor of the race.
On the evening of the 11th of AprU, 1865, the Executive Mansion was
briUiantly and beautifully illuminated and tbe people assembled in immense
numbers to express their joy and give utterances of exultation and gladness
for ¦victory and peace, and to give expressions of their love and admiration of
the patient, suffering man whose administration stands pre-eminent in history
as the grand consummation of renowned events the world has ever witnessed.
On this occasion the President delivered his last pubhc address. As he
stepped on the portico before the vast audience, shouts of joy arose and gladness
beamed on the uplifted human faces. The President's heart was fuU, the
careworn face was wreathed in smiles. This was all appropriate, because the

312 LIFE AND TUBLIC SERVICES
Nation was redeemed. The President flrst referred briefly to the joyou s
occasion. Victory and peace were assured. To the brave soldiers whose >
victories have been so remarkable and effective, is due a Nation's gratitude,
and to the Almighty Father were due the homage of our hearts and our
sincere thanks for what He has done in the Nation's behalf, and for the signal
manifestation of His providence in the success ot our arms. Then, turning
from the past and present, he spoke of the future and ot the new responsir ;
bilities and duties which still devolved upon the Government and the people
through their representatives. This address was mainly devoted to a consid
eration of the best means of reconstruction and how to bring back the seceded
States again into the Union as speedily and with as little friction as possible.
He said : " The quickest way back to old relations with the Government is
the best way, without regard to any flnely-spun theories."
The President's plan of reconstruction was embodied in a proclamation
which accompanied his annual message to the Thirty-eighth Congress; but
he said, " he was not committed to that plan alone; we all agree that the
seceded States, so-called, are out of their practical relations with the Union, '
and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in regard to
those States is to get them into their proper, practical relations." He was not
committed to any particular plan, but with a characteristic absence of all *
resentment and anger toward the late insurgents, he evinced an anxioUs
, solicitude that Congress should take immediate measures to restore the rebel
States to all the functions of self-government and equal rights and power in '
the Union as soon as circumstances, consistent with the National tranquility
and safety, would permit. He further expressed his convictions and desire '
that in case 4 generaPamnesty should be granted to the rebels that at least a
qualified right of suffrage should be accorded to the colored people of the
slave States.
On the 12th, 13th and 14th days of April, the President was engaged, with
Secretary Stanton, in the War Department in issuing proclamations and pre
paring measures, to be speedily issued, to stop all drafting and recruiting, to
curtail purchases of supplies for the army, to remove all restrictions on trade
and commerce, for opening all of the blockaded ports and measures, prepara
tory tor disbanding the army, and the return ot its members to home, to
friends and to the pursuits of peaceful industry, which they bad left at the
call of their country in her hour of trial and need.
The President bad now reached the summit ot fame and renown. None '
whether of ancient or modern times, stood higher. Commencing at the very-',*
foot of the ascent, by the intuition of his natural abilities, he resolved, by his
own efforts, perserverance and industry, on success. He persevered aided

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 313
only by the people. As he was known by the people, his career was upward
and onward, until he became the Chief Magistrate of a great and imperiled
Nation, and here, laboring in the interest of unity, liberty and humanity, he
secured the confldence, love and affections of his countrymen, and the respect
and admiration of the Governments of the civiUzed world. The great trust
and work committed to his care had been well and faithfully performed. He
anderstood from the flrst the dangers and peril to which secession and treason
had exposed our Union, and as the vast interests of country, liberty and unity
were to be saved or lost in the momentous conflict impending, he rose to the
dignity and importance of the occasion, and with a will of flrmness and tenac
ity, and a heart humane and tender, he used the power given him by the
people, both civil and military, until success crowned his labors. The results
of his policy and administration are, that our Nation stands to-day united —
disenthralled in the glorious light of universal liberty and humanity. And
now, when the hour of triumph and joy had come to the people, peace, hope
and happiness in all their fruition filled the heart of the President,
his loving, liberal nature was already devising plans and measures for the
welfare of a conquered people. His thoughts and labors were now for
harmony and for the reunion and concord ot the late rebellious States. He
looked forward with anticipation and pleasure to the time, he then thought
not far distant, when his measures tor the welfare and good of all would
demonstrate to the people of the seceded States that he had none but the
kindest feelings toward them, and that he would treat them as graciously and
gentle as the interests of all, and the public safety and good would permit.
On the 14th day of April, 1865, the sun rose in all its resplendent beauty.
The day was remembered as the fourth anniversary ot the -surrender of Fort
Sumpter, and the lowering of our National fiag to traitors and to treason ; that
was a day of indignation, anguish and humiliation. On this day, by the civil
and military representatives of the Nation, the same old flag that went down
tour years previous in dishonor and shame was raised on the same battle
ments of the old tort in honor and glory, amidst the rejoicing and applause
of the thousands present.
At the tall and desecration ot the old flag were Ughted aglow the fires of
patriotism. A million of freemen sprang to the rescue to avenge the National
insult, and restore to its wonted honor and glory that National emblem which
long had been our country's pride and renown. The old, honored banner
was restored to its proper place, every star, bright and effulgent, sparkling,
luminous with the fires ot liberty, renovated and renewed by the march of
freedom. It now waves again, undimmed and untarnished, as a beacon tp
the oppressed of every land and people, with its glorious reminiscences of

314 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
former years when all, united, marched under it proudly in unity and to
Adctory. It was now tendered as a peace offering, the olive branch to our
subdued and misled brethren and countrymen. It was the initial step taken
to inaugurate and foster a fraternal spirit and a unity of feeling which has
continued to grow and increase until the bonds of concord and harmony have
become more perfect and united than at any former period of our country's
history. It was on this glad day when the hearts ot all good men rejoiced to
see that the expiring demon of treason in its throes of dissolution' was pre
paring to strike its most atrocious and deadly blow. Failing to destroy the
Union and dismember the best Government on the earth, it turned in all the
bitterness and malignity of its insatiate passion to strike down the honored
ruler of a people and Government it could not subdue or destroy. How far
and how wide this nefarious conspiracy extended remains sealed and unknown
to tbe American people. We have the charity to believe and the humanity
to trust that the leaders of the rebellion in this foul assassin's plot arid
assassination were not directly concerned or implicated. We do know
that there were men engaged in the rebellion that reprobated the accursed
deed with horror and with honest indignation. But however much the
leaders of the rebellion may have denounced and disowned the deed, the tact
still remains that their insatiate and diabolical attempts to destroy the Gov
ernment and Union and inaugurate and continue an intestine war for that
object, were rio less criminal in the eyes of tbe world and judgment of
humanity than be whose principles were conceived in treason, and whose
motives and action were in revenge for what treason bad suffered.
Secretary Seward, in a reply to Hon. John Biglow, the American Consul
at Paris, relative to conspiracies for the purpose of assassination, said:
"Assassination is not an American practice or habit, and one so vicious and
desperate cannot be engrafted into our political system. This conviction of
mine bas steadily gained strength since the civil war began. Every day's
experience confirms it." Subsequent events and personal experience pro
duced in the mind of the Secretary a very different opinion.
It is now well known that conspiracies were formed against the prominent
offlcers of the Government, in the States, also in Canada and Europe, and
Generals Grant and Sherman were not exempt from those plots. Evidence
is wanting to establish the fact that these conspiracies were disowned or dis
couraged by the Confederate Government.
That the possibility of assassination frequently occurred to the mind of
the President is evident from the numerous letters he received with threats
of assassination. Scarcely had the rejoicings of the Republican party, on his
election, subsided, before the mails brought bim weekly, at Springfleld,;i

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 315-
letters and threats of that character. He regarded them, however, as malig
nant menaces of cowards and bullies. He often remarked, " a barking dog
seldom bites." A friend expressed the idea that the rebels might attempt
his lite. Stepping to a desk and drawing from a pigeon-hole a package of
letters, be said : " There, every one of these contains a threat to assassinate
me. I, no doubt, would be nervous if I were to think and dwell upon the
subject, but I have come to the conclusion that there are opportunities to kill
me every day of my life it there are persons disposed to do it. It is not
^^possible to avoid exposure to such a fate, and I do not trouble myself about
it." On this subject he reasoned from his own feelings and sentiments, and
could not comprehend tbe malice and revenge that would instigate such a
crime. He bad no resentments to gratify, no vindictive emotions to restrain
and no measure of revenge to inflict. With those sentiments and feelings,
.the thoughts of personal assassination gave him but Utile unrest or trouble.

CHAPTER LVI.
ASSASSINATION — FUNERAL SERVICES AT WASHINGTON.
The -morning of April 14, 1865, was spent by President Lincoln in inter-
Tviews with friends and members of Congress. Among them was Speaker
Colfax, who was about leaving Washington for the Paciflc Coast, and to him
the President gave a verbal message to the miners, assuring them of his
desire to protect their interests, inasmuch as their prosperity wa? identifled
with the interests and prosperity of the entire country. Later in the day a
Cabinet meeting was held, at which General Grant was invited to be present.
Later in the afternoon other friends came, and so in public and social duties
the day was passed. Hon. George Ashmun of Massachusetts, who was
President of the Chicago Convention, which nominated Mr. Lincoln for
President, and who accompanied Senator Douglas on his memorable interview
with the President at the outbreak ot the rebellion, came in with others, and
to him the President gave a note in pencil, the last words he ever wrote :
" AUow Mr. Ashmun and friend to come in at 9 a. m. to-morrow.' A. Lincoln."
The President and General Grant had been invited by the manager of
i"ord's Theater to attend and witness that night the representation of " Our
American Cousin," and had announced them both as positively to be present
by a personal notice in the' Washington papers : " Lieutenant-General Grant,
President and Mrs. Lincoln and ladies will occupy the State, box at Ford's
Theater to-night to witness Miss Laura Keene's Company in -Tom Taylor's
' American Cousin.' "
General Grant's duties would not allow him to attend, and he had left
the city in the evening. The President was not inclined to go, but having
been announced publicly that he would be present, he did not wish to dis
appoint the people, and as his presence had been pledged he concluded to go.
He invited both Mr. Ashmun and Mr. Colfax to accompany him, but they
both having prior engagements declined. The President, with Mrs. Lincoln
Tthen drove to the residence of Senator Harris, where they took in
316

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 317
Miss Harris and Major Rathborn, and then drove directly to
the theater, .which they reached at 9 o'clock, and found the theater
fllled in every part, and as they passed to the private box reserved
tor them, the whole assembly arose and cheered them with a most cordial
welcome. The warm demonstration was an expression of congratulation tor
the Union victories that had been recentiy achieved, and the high esteem .
and regard they had for the President. Mr. Lincoln bowed in acknpwledg-
ment tp the audience, tppk his seat and was soon absorbed in the representa
tions of the play.
^ ¦ Shortiy after 10 o'clock, John Wilkes Booth entered the theater and
^gradually made his way through the crowd to the box occupied by the Presi
dent and party. He had worked his way to the passage leading to the box,
and showing a card to the President's servant, saying that Mr. Lincoln had
sent for him, he entered the passage, closing and fastening the door behind
him. He approached the door ot the box, where he found everything favor
able for his diabolical purpose. While all were intentiy observing the play'
he took a derringer pistol in one hand and a dagger in the other. He quieUy,
and in an instant, presented his pistol near the President's head, as he was
sitting in an arm-chair looking intently on the play. A sharp report was
heard and the, infernal deed was done. The unerring bullet had sped its way
through the President's brain. The President was rendered instantly insen
sible and never knew friends or pain again. All was at once in commotion
and consternation. Major Rathborn, the instant he comprehended what was
i done, sprang upon Booth, who, throwing him off, dropped his pistol and
aimed a thrust at the offlcer's breast. He warded off the blow and received a
wound in the arm.
The murderer rushed to the frent pf the box and leaped some twelve feet
down on the open stage, his spur catching in the drapery, he fell, fracturing
his leg. He arose immediately and flourishing his dagger exclaimed, " Sic
semper tyrannis," and "the South is avenged;" then retreating quickly
Ithrough the theater to his horse, which was being held by an accomplice, he
iinounted and was away before the audience fully comprehended what had
been done. The scene among the audience at that hour baffles description.
Laura Keene, the actress, requested the audience to be quiet, and entered
the box from the stage, bearing water and cordials, but it was of no avail.
The President was unconscious, and as soon as the surgeons, whohad gathered
quickly to him, ascertained the nature and position of the wound, the helpless
President was carried across Tenth street to the house of Mr. Patterson.
Surgeon-General Barnes, after an examination, pronounced the wound a
mortal one. Those sad and sorrowful words fell upon the ears of the friends

318 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
and members of the Cabinet with all theii: mournful signiflcance. Secretary
Stanton, bursting uito tears, exclaimed: "Ob, no. General; no, no." Sec
retary WeUs, McCuUough, and Attorney-General Speed, Postmaster-General
Dennison, General Meigs and Senator Sumner were bowed around the bed in
silent grief, the latter holding one of the hands of the President, and, weeping
in bitter anguish, in silent sorrow, the great men of the Nation watched and
wept at the bedside of the President until twenty-two minutes past 7 a. m.,
April 14, 1865, when he breathed his last. Then the stern and sorrowful
Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, arose and closed the eyes of the President
and leaning over him, mournfully said : "No one will ever know the anxious
hours that you and I have spent together. You were my only witness ; now
you are gone and I am left alone." Then rousing himself from the intensity
of his grief, he repaired to his office and gave the necessary orders to secure
the Government to the Vice-President, Johnson, and- to surround Washington
-with troops.
In an adjoining room to that in which the President lay was Mrs. Lincoln
in all the abandonment of her great grief and sorrow, supported by her son
Robert, and Mrs. Senator Dihon. How meager and unavailing were all
attempts at solace and comfort in this sad and mournful hour !
While the assassination ot the President was being consummated at the
theater, in another part of tbe city an attempt was made to assassinate Mr.
Seward, the Secretary of State. The assassin forced his way to the bedside
of the Secretary and stabbed him three times, and then made his escape,
wounding no less than five persons in his diabolical attempt. The arch fiend
was Lewis Payne Powell.
The feelings of the citizens of Washington at this hour cannot be imagined ,
much less described. A solemn silence overspread that night the National
capital. The avenues of the city were guarded, and every precaution was
taken for the safety and protection of the other members of the Government.
We may here lay aside the pen, for who can describe a Nation's griet?
How portray in language the change in a day of a people from rejoicing,
gladness and triumph, to the lowest depths of sorrow, bumiliatiori and
anguish ? How give the sounds of the mournful tolling bells ? How describe
that profound and tender grief that brought every family and household in
mourning and tender sorrow and sympathy for the Nation's Ipss? How
represerit the insignia ot mourning and sorrow that was displayed throughout
the land ? And how record the utterances ot every pulpit in the land, from
which came the voices of lamentation for the loss, and laudation and praise
commemorating the goodness and virtues of the Nation's ruler, who had been
so barbarously murdered ?

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 319
Soon after the death of the President, his body was removed to the Exec
utive Mansion, and there it was placed in a coffin, which rested upon a grand
catafalque. The respect, affection and griet ot the people were manifested by
offerings of flowers, and the falling tears indicated the depths ot sorrow.
On Monday, the 17th ot April, a committee, of which Senator Sumner was
Chairman, was appointed to make arrangements for the funeral. The com
mittee selected as pallbearers Messrs. Foster, Morgan, Johnson, Yates, Wade
and Conness on part of the Senate, and Messrs. Dawes, Coffroth, Smith,
Colfax, Worthington and Washburn on part of the House. They also pre
sented the names of members, one from each State and Territory of the
Union, to act as a Congressional Committee to accompany the honored
remains to their flnal resting place in Illinois, with the people he loved, and
by them was loved so well. The Acting Secretary ot State, Mr. Hunter,
issued the following offlcial notice :
" Department of State, Washington, April 17, 1865.
" To THE People of the United States : The undersigned is directed
to announce that the funeral ceremonies of the lamented Chief Magistrate
wUl take place at the Executive Mansion in this city at 12 o'clock, noon, on
Wednesday, the 19th instant. The various religious denominations through
out the country are invited to meet in their respective places of worship at
that hour for. the purpose ot solemnizing the occasion with appropriate
ceremonies. W. Hunter,
Acting Secretary ot State."
At 10 o'clock on the morning of the 18th, the doors of the Executive
Mansion were opened to the public, and thousands availed themselves of the
opportunity to pay the last tribute of respect, to look, for a moment, on'that
kind, familiar face so dear to aU. The high and lowly, the white and black,
here mingled their tears and offered their tokens of affections side by side.
It was a scene over which angels might weep, and yet rejoice, for humanity
was communing with the invisible and immortal.
On the morning of tbe 19th, all the departments of the Government were
closed, all public buUdings, as well as many private dweUings, were draped
in the insignia of mourning. The funeral services were conducted in the
-East-room, in which were assembled the relatives of the deceased, except
Mrs. Lincoln, who was so deeply prostrated by her great affliction tha£ she
was unable to leave her room.' The services were eminentiy fltting the
solemn and interesting occasion. Cabinet members, members of Congress,
Governors of States, as well as high judicial offlcers, were present to pay their
affectionate tribute of love and respect, and to unite in expressions of affection
and esteem for the Nation's dead. Rev. Dr. Hall of the Episcopal Church in
Washington, opened the services by reading the appropriate service of his

320 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
church for the burial of the dead. Bishop Simpson ot the Methodist Church
then offered prayer. Rev. P. D. Gurley, Presbyterian pastor of Washington,
in whose church the President and family were accustomed to worship, deliv
ered the funeral address, and the service closed with prayer by Dr. Gray,
Chaplain of the United States Senate.
Dr. Guriey's text was (Mark 11, 22): "Have faith in God." His
address was eloquent, affectionate and eminently worthy of the solemn -
occasion. At the conclusion of the sad services in the Executive Mansion
the honored remains of the President were borne to the capitol, followed by
the members of Congress, and the Cabinet, and other notable personages
present in Washington, and the numerous public and civic bodies of the city..
The procession started at 10 a. m. The grand avenue leading from the
White House to the capitol was cleared its entire length. As the hearse,
drawn by six gray horses, emerged from the grounds of the Executive
Mansion, the solemn, mournful sounds of the muffled drums were heard, and
the military escort began its imposing march, with arms reversed. The
sidewalks on either side, the house-tops, balconies and windows were fllled
and crowded with eager, sorrowful faces. As the funeral cortege reached the.
capitol, the military bands played a solemn requiem and from the numerous
forts around Washington pealed forth from their minute-guns their loud and
mournful sounds. The remains of the President were borne into the rotunda
of the capitol, where Dr. Gurley completed the religious exercises of the sad
and mournful occasion.
Pennsylvania avenue, leading from the White House to the capitol, pre
sented a scene more imposing, impressive and solemn this day than had ever
been witnessed, under circumstances so sad, so mournful and so lamentable,
in the history of our beloved country. Never in the records ot past ages did
a loyal, free and generous people e.xhibit such demonstrations of universal
grief. Never were shed such tears of anguish and sorrow as was paid at the
shrine of the people's ruler. Never were the principles of the rebellion and
treason against the Union, and the best and most liberal Government in the
world, and the dark and sanguinary deeds of crime, set in prominence so bold.
and plain, and hated with an abhorence and detestation so universal as were
manifested this day in the sincere, mournful and imposing honors and testi
monials tendered to the lifeless remains of President Lincoln. History has
recorded it, and memory has inscribed it indelibly, and it will ever be remem
bered, written and uttered as the sincere and sublime homage of a deeply
afflicted and sorrowing people at the shrine of the Nation's friend. And still
more will it be regarded as the Nation's expression ot its approval of his.
administrative principles of unity, freedom, justice and humanity, which have
made his lite noble and his name immortal.

CHAPTER LVII.
FROM WASHINGTON TO SPRINGFIELD— FUNERAL OBSEQUIES- REMARKS.
Thursday, April 20, 1865.— A solemn, impressive sUence rests within the
Nation's capitol. Senators and Representatives of the people walk the
corridors with bated breath and measured tread, for within its portals repose
the Nation's dead. The historical paintings representing remarkable periods
or events in our country's progress and growth, clothed in weeds of mourn
ing, seemed to look down upon the sad scene as one more historic and
remarkable than any which they represented. With drawn swords. Officers
in sUence watch by the side of him who lies in calm repose. The mournful
stillness is only broken by the measured tread ot feet, of the thousands who
came tgjtake their last farewell, to drop the tears ot anguish and sorrow,
and to mingle their tokens of love and affectionate regard for the illustrious
dead. On Friday morning the funeral train which was to bear the martyred
President back to his old home, to his old friends and to the people he loved
so well, left Washington surrounded by thousands who had assembled to
witness the departure of the Nation's friend. With the casket containing the-
remains of the President, was borne the dust of his beloved son, Willie,
whose death occurred in the White House, and as they came from Spring
field together in life, so they retarii together in death. At 10 a. m. the funeral
train reached Baltimore. Many thousands had here assembled to give a
fltting reception and pay their last tribute of respect to the honored dead.
The military display was grand and imposing, and all the ceremonies of the
occasion did honor to the city and people, and to the memory of the eminent
man they mourned. This wonderful, imposing manifestation of universal
affection and grief by the citizens of Baltimore for the martyred President,
gave testimony that cannot be controverted, of their high appreciation of the
President's rule and policy which had given them a new National life.
Here, four years before, the President passed through the city in the
night, for fear of assassination, and now all that testimonials of grief and
321

322 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
respect could contrive and devise was done to make tbe occasion and his
return through the city an impressive and imposing vindication of his official
policy and a lasting public testimonial to his memory. Late in the afternoon
the mournful cortege left Baltimore amidst the countless multitude who, with
beads uncovered, gave a fitting tribute of respect to the sleeping patriot. On
to Harrisburg, along tbe route and at every station were thousands gathered,
standing with heads uncovered and mute with grief. At every town and
hamlet bells were tolled and mournful music fllled the air. At Harrisburg,
from early in the evening until 9 o'clock next morning, anxious crowds from
tbe country, as well as of the city, pressed their way into the State House to
gain a view of the features of the Nation's honored dead. From Harrisburg
to Philadelphia, at every point and vUlage, thousands of people had
assembled and stood uncovered while the train passed, to express their grief
and add their testimony to the universal sorrow.
Philadelphia had prepared to give an appropriate and suitable reception
to the remains of the friend of liberty and the savior of the Union. From
the cars the catafalque containing the remains was escorted to Independence
Hall by a procession, the longest and the most remarkable in every respect
that was ever witnessed in the city. How appropriate that the President's
remains should rest for the time in this honored hall. Four years before, on
the birthday of the father of his country, the President said in this hall,
speaking of the distracted condition of the country and the serdiments
embodied in the Declaration of Independence : "Now, my friends, can this
country be saved upon this basis ? If it can I will consider myself one of the
happiest men in the world — if I can help save it." The President had saved
the country, the Union, on the basis and principles he had describfed, and
tens ot thousands of mourning and grief-stricken citizens were here to honor
him for it. On that same occasion, in that consecrated room, hallowed by
the memories ot the past, the President, after pledging himself anew to the
principles of the Fathers of the Republic (having been publicly invited)
walked to the platform and ran up to the top of the flagstaff the star, spangled
banner, the beautiful National emblem prepared for the occasion. It then
waved gloriously in the breeze amid the cheers and huzza's of the multi
tude assembled on that occasion. It might have been an omen then of our
country's promise and success. It was, however, intimately connected and
unite^ with the principles and struggles which the honored dead had faith
fully secured and defended, and as the same historic flag waved in still
brighter effulgence and beauty over the honored remains, lowered, as it was,
in respect of the departed, its appearance gave evidence that he had returned
it to his people, every star sparkling and resplendent with liberty and imity,
and the dark stain of oppression obliterated from its folds.

OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 323
From 10 p. m. Saturday until Monday morning, during which time the
honored remains laid in state, a constant throng filed through the hall, pressing
their way to obtain a glimpse ot the features of the good man who belonged
to all. At 4 o'clock Monday morning the train left Philadelphia for New
York, and through the entire State of New Jersey it seemed that the entire
population had gathered at the different stations to witness the mournful
cortege and pay their sad homage to the passing lamented dead.
At New York the public demonstration baffles description. Here the
tongue is silent and the pen fails to recount the ceremonies and testimonials
to the honored dead. Such exhibitions of popular feeling and tributes of
affection have no parallel in the history of the world. The New York Herald
said: " The people, with tearful.eyes, under the shadow ot the great afflic
tion, watched patiently and unmurmuringly the moving ot the honored dead
and the mournful procession, and silently breathed over them the most
heartfelt and fervent prayers. Such an occasion, and such a crowd, and such
a day New York will never see again."
Onward to Albany, Buffalo, Cleveland, Columbus, Indianapolis, to
Chicago, and intermediate towns and villages, a circuit of eighteen hundred
mUes, the mournful cortege passed. At every city, town and hamlet the
demonstrations of personal grief and sorrow were repeated. The people
gathered with every testimonial ot respect and evidences ot affection and
love that could be devised and exhibited for the illustrious dead. It was a
Nation in mourning. All parties joined in their demonstrations ot personal
respect and grief with testimonials and funeral honors to the kind and
Ulustrious patriot, such as had never been paid to any ruler or mortal before.
It was an exhibition of popularity and veneration such as the world had
never witnessed. When the funeral cortege reached Chicago, the State of
Illinois had received its honored dead. He was now in his adopted State,
with the people he loved and by whom he was loved so well, and with whom
he had spent most of his lite. Here he had enunciated with stirring
eloquence those immutable principles of justice which stirred the State and
Nation to their center, which created a revolution in party and policy, and a
new National Ufe. He had left his State and people four years previous,
asking that their prayers might be offered up to the Great Ruler and Disposer
of events, that he might have wisdom and help to guide the ship of State
aright, and that he might have ability and discernment to so discharge the
momentous duties devolving upon him in the great National crisis then
impending, that he could return to his friends and people, hearing the plaudits
of " WeU done, good and faithful servant." He had now accomplished his
work He had come back, his voice still in death, but clothed in immortality

324 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
and renown. But his lips had uttered, his acts had inscribed on tiie arch of
the Republic those memorable words, "This Nation, under God, shall have
a new birth of freedom, and the Government of the people, by the people
and for the people shall not perish from the earth."
From Cliicago the remains reached Springfield the morning of May 3d.
Passing the long distance between the two places, at every toAvn and station
were renewed in the most affecting manner those demonstrations of sorrow
and pubUc grief, such only as could be exhibited by personal acquaintances
and lo'^ing friends. But at his old home, in the midst pf dear and intimate
friends, endeared tP him by a thpusand blessed memories, was the companion,
neighbor, friend, the beloved dead, received with such sorrow and tenderness,
with such emotions ot griet as only friends and neighbors could feel and
tender. For twenty-four hours the constant, uniform tread of thousands
was heard and seen night and day passing into the State House to take the
last look and pay the last tribute of love and affection with a tenderness and
emotion which none but lifelong fi-iends can feel. The city, dressed in the
extreme paraphernalia of mourning, -ft'ith flags and every insignia ot sorrow,
and the State House, fllled with neighbors and friends who clasped hands in
mute anguish, with eyes filled with tears, bore witness to the great and
universal sorrow.
At 10 o'clock, Jlay 4th, the minute-guns, the solemn tolling of the church
bells, and the military escort, with martial music, indicated the moving of
the imposing and impressive procession which conveyed the distin uished
and honored Nation's martyr to his resting place in Oak Ridge Cemetery, a
lovely and beautiful city of the dead two miles from Springfield. The grounds
were filled and occupied by a countless multitude, who looked on, sorrowful
and silent, while the casket, with its honored dust, was consigned to the
silent tomb. The Rev. Albert Hale, pastor of the church where, in former
days, Mr. Lincoln and family were accustomed to worship, opened the
religious exercises with prayer, the invocation of the good man to the Giver
of all good, for His mercies and blessings to rest on the bereaved and stricken
members ot the family ot the deceased, and on the families who had given
loved ones to save their country, and for a reunited and an harmonious peo
ple, found a fitting response in every heart, and tbe stillness and solemnity ot
the occasion were only broken by the sighs and sobs of the sorrowing
audience. A hymn written for the occasion was sung by a choir of two
hundred voices. Selections of Scripture and the President's last inaugural
were read, and Bishop Simpson, a tried and valued friend of the President,
delivered an eloquent, able and affectionate address. Solemn requiems and
dirges completed the exercises, which were closed with a benediction by

OF ABB.AHAX LmCOL!?. 325
Kev. Dr. Gurley of Washington. There, in keeping with, and encompassed
by, the lovely scenes of his early manhood, resting xJeacefnlly because his
work is done, and well done — the honored, weary patriot rests. Here, in
these consecrated grounds, rests tiie savior of his country, the emancipator
of a race , and here the dedication of the magnificent and elaborate monument,
erected by his people over his honored remains, brings vividly to the minds
of all the occasion and ntterances of those memorable words, spoken at the
dedication of the Nation's cemetery at Gettysburg, November 19, 1863. They
so tenderly and plainly indicate his deep appreciation and sensibility of that
patriotism which was willing to suffer and die for country and humanity, that
they may be appropriately given here :
"Four-score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new Nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition
that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war,
testing whether that Nation, or any Nation so conceived and so dedicated,
can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war, we have
met to dedicate a portion of it as a final resting place of those who here gave
tiieir lives that a Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that
we should do this. Bnt in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot
consecrate, we caimot hallow this ground. The brave men, hving and dead,
who sbnggled here, have consecrated it far above any power to add or
defzact. The world wOl httle note, nor long remember, what we say here ;
but it can never forget what tiiey did here. It is for ns, ihe living, rather to
be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have
thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the
great task remaining before us, that froni these honored dead we take
increased devotion to that cause for which theyjgave the last full measure of
devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead .shaU not have died in
vain ; that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that
tiie Govemment of tiie people, by the people and for the people shaU not
perish from the earth."
For brevity of expression, depth of tiiought, beanty of dictation, and
eabllme utterances of patriotism, of love and devotion to his country, these
brief and tender remarks on that mourufnl occasion will stand on record as
way marks to all comii^ generations. The last sentence is an imperish
able example and record of the principles, purposes and labors of the
President's public life. Those words— "That we here highly resolve that
-Qieee dead shall not have died in vain ; that this Nation under God shall have
a new birth of freedom, and that the Govemment of^e people, by the
people and for tiie people shaU not perish from tbe earth"— are written
-words of brilliant, living light on the pages of onr Nation's history, and

326 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
they are now and will be regarded by coming ages, the fruition ot govern
ment, liberty and law in all their purity.
With the example of bis illustrious life he has left them as a legacy to
us, and they have become the heritage of the American people, and since
their utterance they have been tbe ruling principle that has guided and
governed our rulers of our reunited Union in the administration of its affairs
until they have become the rule and policy ot a new National life. And
onward and upward our country, in the fulfillruent of its great destiny,
grows more effulgent in brightness and grandeur in its example of represent
ative progress and principles, and in its mission of fraternity and benevolence
to the estranged and oppressed of every land and people, then will be seen
and realized the embodiment and enjoyment of liberty and equality in its
manhood, the emblem, the type of universal emancipation and freedom,
which is the glory of its age. And when, in the near future, our country bas
reached this high eminence to which it is inevitably ordained by that law
which governs its own unfolding, then, as now, will the people, with reverent
and grateful hearts, delight to honor and revere the savior of the Bepublic,
tbe martyr to the ^constitution, to enfranchisement, to liberty and law —
Abraham Lincoln.

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