;tlHMiin.i!;lii.(,!lljii!Hi:iiH-'!"iiM';i!'|-,i' })})¦" ;<¦' •
ll'll I '',UI> |l ' l>" ' I "'" IH.IUI" < K'll'l

vr ,¦¦.'.

0T

!>€>*>

Cijrtljmn

ESTABLISHED

JNrietg,

M,DCCC.XLIII.

FOE THE PUBLICATION OF
HISTORICAL AND LITERARY REMAINS
CONNECTED WITH THE PALATINE COUNTIES OF
LANCASTER AND CHESTER

patrons.
The Right Hon. and Most Rev. The ARCHBISHOP of CANTERBURY
His Grace The DUKE of DEVONSHIRE, K.G. The Rt. Rev. The Lord BISHOP of CHESTER
The Most Noble The MARQUIS of WESTMINSTER, The Rt. Hon. LORD DELAMERE

K.G.
The Rt. Hon. The EARL of DERBY, K.G.
The Rt. Hon. The EARL of CRAWFORD AND
BALCARRES.
The Rt. Hon. LORD STANLEY, M.P.
The Rt. Rev. The Lord BISHOP of CHICHESTER
The Rt. Rev. The Lord BISHOP of MANCHESTER

MISS ATHERTON, Kersall Cell.

The Rt. Hon. LORD DE TABLEY.
The Rt. Hon. LORD SKELMERSDALE.
The Rt.-Hon. LORD STANLEY of Alderley
SIR PHILIP DE MALPAS GREY EGERTON
Bart, M.P.
GEORGE CORNWALL LEGH, Esq, M,P.
JOHN WILSON PATTEN, Esq, M.P.

R.

Rev. F
William Beamont.
The Very Rev. George Hull Bowers, D.D., Dean of
Manchester.
Rev. John Booker, M.A, F.S.A.
Rev. Thomas Corser, M.A, F.S.A.
John Harland, F.S.A.
Edward Hawkins, F.R.S, F.S.A, F.L.S.
AJrthur H. Heywood, Treasurer.

erounctl.
James Crossley, Esq, F.S.A., Presi
Raines, M.A, F.S.A, Hon. Canon of Manchester, Vice-President.
Thomas Heywood, F.S.A.
W. A. Hulton.
Rev. John Howard Marsden, B.D., Canon of Man
chester, Disney Professor of Classical Antiquities,
Cambridge.
Rev. James Raine, M.A.

William Langton, Hon. Secretary.

RULES OF THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
1 . That the Society shall be Umited to three hundred and fifty members.
2. That the Society shall consist of members being subscribers of one pound annually, such subscription to
be paid in advance, on or before the day of general meeting irr each year. The first general meeting to be held
on the 23rd day of March, 1843, and the general meeting in each year afterwards on the 1st day of March, unless
it should fall on a Sunday, when some other day is to be named by the Council.
3. That the affairs of the Society be conducted by a Council, consisting of a permanent President and Vice-
President, and twelve other members, including a Treasurer and Secretary, all of whom shall be elected, the
first two at the general meeting next after a vacancy shalLticcur, and the twelve other members at the general
meeting annually.
4. That any member may compound for his future subscriptions by the payment of ten pounds.
5. That the accounts of the receipts and expenditure of the Society be audited annually, by three auditors,
to be elected at the general meeting; and that any member who shall be one year in arrear of his subscription,
shall no longer be considered as belonging to the Society.
6. That every member not in arrear of his annual subscription, be entitled to a copy of each of the works
published by the Society.
7. That twenty copies of each work shall be allowed to the editor of the same, in addition to the one to
which he may be entitled as a member. 

Applications and communications to be addressed to the
Chester, or to the Hon. Secretary, Manchester and Salford Bank,

_ 6, Booth Street, Piccadilly, Man-
Street, Manchester.

Ita&lfcatfond of tfte Cftet&aiit «#onrt8.
vol. For The Year 1843-4.
I. Travels in Holland, the United Provinces, England, Scotland, and Ireland, 1634-1635. By Sir
William Brereton, Bart. Edited by Edward Hawkins, Esq., F.R.S, F.S.A, F.L.S. pp. viii, 206.
II. Tracts relating to Military Proceedings in Lancashire during the Great Civil War. Edited and
Illustrated from Contemporary Documents by George Ormerod, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S.,
author of "The History of Cheshire." pp. xxxii, 372.
III. Chester's Triumph in Honor of her Prince, as it was performed upon St. George's Day 1610, in
the foresaid Citie. Reprinted from the original edition of 1610, with an Introduction and Notes.
Edited by the Rev. Thomas Corser, M.A. pp. xviii, 36.
1844-5.
IV. The Life of Adam Martindale, written by himself, and now first printed from the original manu
script in the British Museum. Edited by the Rev. Richard Parkinson, B.D., Canon of Manchester.
pp. xvi, 246.
V. Lancashire Memorials of the Rebellion, 1715. By Samuel Hibbert- Ware, M.D, F.R.S.E, &c.
pp. x, 56, and xxviii, 292.
VI. Potts's Discovery of Witches in the county of Lancaster. Reprinted from the original edition of
1613 ; with an Introduction and Notes by James Crossley, Esq. pp. Ixxx, 184, 52.
1845-6.
VII. Iter Lancastrense, a Poem written a.d. 1636, by the Rev. Richard James. Edited by the Rev.
Thomas Corser, M.A. pp. cxii, 86. Folding Pedigree.
VIII. Notitia Cestriensis, or Historical Notices of the Diocese of Chester, by Bishop Gastrell. Cheshire.
Edited by the Rev. F. R. Raines, M.A, F.S.A. Vol. I. pp. xvi, 396. Plate.
IX. The Norris Papers. Edited by Thomas Heywood, Esq, F.S.A. pp. xxxiv, 190.
1846-7.
X. The Coucher Book or Chartulary of Whalley Abbey. Edited by W. A. Hulton, Esq. Vol. I.
pp. xl, 338. Plate.
XI. The Coucher Book or Chartulary of Whalley Abbey. Vol. II. pp. 339-636.
XII. The Moore Rental. Edited by Thomas Heywood, Esq, F.S.A. pp. lxx, 158.
1847-8.
XIII. The Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington. Edited by Jas. Crossley, Esq. Vol.1.
pp. viii, 398.
XIV . The Journal of Nicholas Assheton. Edited by the Rev. F. R. Raines, M.A, F.S.A. pp. xxx, 164.
XV. The Holy Lyfe and History of Saynt Werburge, very frutefull for all Christen People to rede.
Edited by Edward Hawkins, Esq. pp. xxviii, 10, 242.
1848-9.
XVI. The Coucher Book or Chartulary of Whalley Abbey. Vol. III. pp. xli-liv, 637-936.
XVII. Warrington in 1465. Edited by William Beamont, Esq. pp. Ixxviii, 152.
XVIII. The Diary of the Rev. Henry Newcome, from September 30, 1661, to September 29, 1663.
Edited by Thomas Heywood, Esq., F.S.A. pp. xl, 242.
1849-50.
XIX. Notitia Cestriensis. Vol. II. Part I. Lancashire, Part I. pp. iv, 160, xxviii.
XX. The Coucher Book or Chartulary of Whalley Abbey. Vol. IV. (Conclusion). »».lv-lxiii 937-
1314.
XXI. Notitia Cestriensis. Vol. II. Part II. Lancashire, Part II. pp. lxxvii, 161-352. Plate.
1850-1.
XXII. Notitia Cestriensis. Vol. II. Part III. Lancashire, Part III. (Conclusion), pp. 353-621.
XXIII. A Golden Mirrour ; conteininge certaine pithie and figurative visions prognosticating good
fortune to England, &c. By Richard Robinson of Alton. Reprinted from the only known copy of
the original edition of 1589 in the British Museum, with an Introduction and Notes by the Rev.
Thomas Corser, M.A, F.S.A. pp. xxii, 10, 96.
XXIV. Chetham Miscellanies. Vol. I. Edited by William Langton, Esq. : containing
Papers connected with the affairs of Milton and his Family. Edited by J. F. Marsh Esq wm 46
Plate. "l ' '
Epistolary Reliques of Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquaries, 1653-73. Communicated bv Georcf
Ormerod, D.C.L, F.R.S, F.S.A, and F.G.S. pp. 16. J
Calendars of the Names of Families which entered their several Pedigrees in the successive
Heraldic Visitations of the County Palatine of Lancaster. Communicated by George OitMERon
D.C.L. F.R.S, F.S.A, and F.G.S. pp. 26.
A Fragment, illustrative of Sir Wm. Dugdale's Visitation of Lancashire. From a MS. in the posses
sion of the Rev. F. R. Raines, M.A, F.S.A. pp. 8.

3
VOL. Autobiographical Tracts of Dr. John Dee, Warden of the College of Manchester. Edited by
James Crossley, Esq. pp. iv, 84.
Visitation temp. Hen. VIII. The Abbaye of Whawley (for insertion in Whalley Coucher Book).
1851-2.
XXV. Cardinal Allen's Defence of Sir William Stanley's Surrender of Deventer. Edited by Thomas
Heywood, Esq, F.S.A. pp. c, 38.
XXVI. The Autobiography of Henry Newcome, M.A. Edited by Rd. Parkinson, D.D, F.S.A. Vol. I.
pp. xxv, 184.
XXVII. The Autobiography of Henry Newcome, M.A. Vol.11. (Conclusion), pp. 185-390.
1852-3.
XXVIII. The Jacobite Trials at Manchester in 1694. Edited by William Beamont, Esq. pp. xc, 132.
XXIX. The Stanley Papers, Part I. The Earls of Derby and the Verse Writers and Poets of the six
teenth and seventeenth centuries; By Thomas Heywood, Esq., F.S.A. pp. 64.
XXX. Documents relating to the Priory of Penwortham, and other Possessions in Lancashire of the
Abbey of Evesham. Edited by W. A Hulton, Esq. pp. lxxviii, 136.
1853-4.
XXXI. The Stanley Papers, Part II. The Derby Household Books, comprising an account of the
Household Regulations and Expenses of Edward and Henry, third and fourth Earls of Derby ;
together with a Diary, containing the names of the guests who visited the latter Earl at his houses
in Lancashire : by William Farrington, Esq., the Comptroller. Edited by the Rev. F. R. Raines,
M.A, F.S.A. pp. xcviii, 247. Five Plates.
XXXII. The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom. Edited by Richard Parkinson,
D.D, F.S.A. Vol. I. Part I. pp. x, 320. Portrait.
XXXIII. Lancashire and Cheshire Wills and Inventories from the Ecclesiastical Court, Chester.
The First Portion. Edited by the Rev. G. J. Piccope, M.A. pp. vi, 196.
1854-5.
XXXIV. The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom. Vol. I. Part II. pp. 321-639.
XXXV. The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe Hall. Edited by John
Harland, Esq, F.S.A. Part I. pp. 232. Frontispiece.
XXXVI. The Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington. Vol. II. Part I. pp. 248.
1855-6.
XXXVII. Chetham Miscellanies. Vol. II. Edited by William Langton, Esq. : containing
The Rights and Jurisdiction of the County Palatine of Chester, the Earls Palatine, the Chamber
lain, and other Officers. Edited by Joseph Brooks Yates, F.A.S, G.S, and P.S. pp. 37.
The Scottish Field. (A Poem on the Battle of Flodden.) Edited by John Robson, Esq. pp. xv, 28.
Examynat-yons towcheynge Cokeye More, Temp. Hen. VIII. in a dispute between the Lords of the
Manors of Middleton and Radclyffe. Communicated by the Rev. F. R. Raines, M.A, F.S.A. pp. 30.
A History of the Ancient Chapel of Denton, in Manchester Parish. By the Rev. John Booker,
M.A, F.S.A. pp. viii, 148. Three Plates.
A Letter from John Bradshawe of Gray's Inn to Sir Peter Legh of Lyme. Edited by William
Langton, Esq. pp. 8.
Facsimile of a Deed of Richard Basset to Church of Evesham (for insertion in vol. xxx).
XXXVIII.- Bibliographical Notices of the Church Libraries of Turton and Gorton bequeathed by
Humphrey Chetham. Edited by Gilbert J. Frknch, Esq. pp. 199. Illustrated Title.
XXXIX. The Farington Papers. Edited by Miss ffarington. pp. xvi, 179. Five plates of Signatures.
1856-7.
XL. The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom. Vol. II. Part I. pp. 326 and two

XLI. The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe Hall. Part II. pp. 233-472.
Portrait.
XLII. A History of the Ancient Chapels of Didsbury and Chorlton, in Manchester Parish, including
Sketches of the Townships of Didsbury, Withington, Burnage, Heaton Norris, Reddish, Levenshulme,
and Chorlton-cum-Hardy: together with Notices of the more Ancient Local Families, and Particulars
relating to the Descent of their Estates. By the Rev. John Booker, M.A, F.S.A. pp. viii, 337.
Seven Illustrations. 1857-8.
XLIII. The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe Hall. Part III pp. x,
XLIV. The Private Journal and Literary Remains of John Byrom. Vol. II. Part II. pp. 327-654;
Byrom Pediqrees,pp. 41 and three folding sheets; Index, pp. v.
XLV Miscellanies : being a selection from the Poems and Correspondence of the Rev. Thos. Wilson,
B.D, of Clitheroe. With Memoirs of his Life. By the Rev. Canon Raines, M.A, F.S.A. pp. xc,
230. Two Plates.

4
VOL. 1858-9.
XLVI. The House and Farm Accounts of the Shuttleworths of Gawthorpe Hall. Part IV. (Con
clusion), pp. 777-1171.
XLVII. A History of the Ancient Chapel of Birch, in Manchester Parish, including a Sketch of the
Township of Rusholme : together with Notices of the more Ancient Local Families, and Particulars
relating to the Descent of their Estates. By the Rev. John Booker, M.A, F.S.A. pp. viii, 255.
Four Plates.
XLVIII. A Catalogue of the Collection of Tracts for and against Popery (published in or about the
reign of James II.) in the Manchester Library founded by Humphrey Chetham ; in which is
incorporated, with large Additions and Bibliographical Notes, the whole of Peck's List of the
Tracts in that Controversy, with his References. Edited by Thomas Jones, Esq. B.A. Part I.
pp. xii, 256. 1859-60.
XLIX. The Lancashire Lieutenancy under the Tudors and Stuarts. The Civil and Military Govern
ment of the County, as illustrated by a series of Royal and other Letters; Orders of the Privy Council,
the Lord Lieutenant, and other Authorities, &c, &c. Chiefly derived from the Shuttleworth MSS.
at Gawthorpe Hall, Lancashire. Edited by John Harland, Esq., F.S.A. Part I. pp. cxx, 96.
Seven Plates.
L. The Lancashire Lieutenancy under the Tudors and Stuarts. Part II. (Conclusion), pp. 97-333.
LI. Lancashire and Cheshire WiUs and Inventories from the Ecclesiastical Court, Chester. The Second
Portion, pp. vi, 283. 1860-1.
LII. Collectanea Anglo-Poetica: or, A Bibliographical and Descriptive Catalogue of a portion of a Col
lection of Early English Poetry, with occasional Extracts and Remarks Biographical and Critical.
By the Rev. Thomas Corser, M.A, F.S.A, Rural Dean; Rector of Stand, Lancashire; and Vicar
of Norton, Northamptonshire. Part I. pp. xi, 208.
LIII. Mamecestre: being Chapters from the early recorded History of the Barony, the Lordship or
Manor, the Vill Borough or Town, of Manchester. Edited by John Harland, Esq., F.S.A. Vol. I.
pp. 207. Frontispiece.
LIV. Lancashire and Cheshire Wills and Inventories from the Ecclesiastical Court, Chester, The Third
Portion. (Conclusion), pp. v, 272. 1861-2.
LV. Collectanea Anglo-Poetica. Part II. pp. vi, 209-456. •
LVI. Mamecestre. Vol. II. pp. 209-431.
LVII. Chetham Miscellanies, vol. III. Edited by William Langton, Esq. : containing
On the South Lancashire Dialect, with Biographical Notices of John Collier, the author of Tim
Bobbin. By Thos. Heywood, Esq. pp. 84.
Rentale de Cokersand : being the Bursar's Rent Roll of the Abbey of Cokersand, in the County
Palatine of Lancaster, for the year 1501. Printed from the Original. Edited by the Rev. F. R.
Raines, M.A, F.S.A. pp. xviii, 46.
The Names of all the Gentlemen of the best callinge wthin the countye of Lancastre, whereof choyse
ys to be made of a c'ten number to lend vnto her Ma'?6 moneye vpon privie seals in Janvarye 1588.
From a manuscript in the possession of the Rev. F. R. Raines, M.A., F.S.A. pp. 9.
Some Instruction given by William Booth Esquire to his stewards John Carington and William
Rowcrofte, upon the purchase of Warrington by Sir George Booth Baronet and William Booth his
son, a.d. mdcxviii. Communicated by William Beamont, Esq. pp. 8.
Letter from Sir John Seton, Manchester ye 25 M'cb, 1 643. Edited by Thomas Heywood Esa
F.S.A. pp. 15. ' H''
The Names of eight hundred inhabitants of Manchester who took the oath of allegiance to Charles
II. in April, 1679. Communicated by John Harland, F.S.A. pp.8.
The Pole Booke of Manchester, May ye 22d 1690. Edited by William Langton Esq «» 43
Map and folding Table. ' H" ^P'
1862-3.
LVIII. Mamecestre. Vol. III. (Conclusion.) pp. xl, 433-627.
LIX. A History of the Chantries within the County Palatine of Lancaster : being the Reports of the
Royal Commissioners of Henry VIII., Edward VI, and Queen Mary. Edited hv the, n»» i? u
Raines, M.A, F.S.A. Vol.1, pp. xxxix, 168. "J me itev. i. n.
LX. A History of the Chantries within the County Palatine of Lancaster, &c. Vol II /TV>.»/.7». «,•«.>, i
pp. 169-323. ' conclusion).
1863-4.
General Index to the Remains Historical and Literary published by the Chetham Societv vols T_"5rVY
pp. viii, 168. J' -a-a-A.
LXI. I. Abbott's Journal. II. An Account of the Tryalls &c. in Manchester in 1694 Editofl v,*, *i.
Rt. Rev. Alexander Goss, D.D. pp. xix, 32; xxi, 42; 5. ' Dy the
LXII. Discourse of the Warr in Lancashire. Edited by William Beamont, Esq. pp. xxxiv 164
Two Plates. ' '

REMAINS
HISTORICAL & LITERARY
CONNECTED WITH THE PALATINE COUNTIES OF

CHETHAM SOCIETY.
THE HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT CHAPEL OF
BLACKLEY IN MANCHESTER PARISH, including
Sketches of the Townships of Blackley, Harpurhey, Moston and
Crumpsall. By the Rev. John Booker, M.A, F.S.A." Of this
work, which is similar in character and uniform in size and printing
with the volumes edited by Mr. Booker for the Chetham Society,
but which was published by a distinct subscription of 215, only
250 copies were printed. The few remaining copies of the volume
are now offered to the Members of the Chetham Society at the
same price as the Society volumes, viz. 6s. 8d., or free by post 7s. 4J.
Application to be made to John Gray Bell, Bookseller, &c, 11,
Oxford-street, Manchester.

PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXIV.

REMAINS
HISTORICAL & LITERARY
CONNECTED WITH THE PALATINE COUNTIES OF
LANCASTER AND CHESTER.
PUBLISHED BY
THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.

VOL. LXII.

PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXIV.

COUNCIL foe 1863-4.
JAMES CROSSLEY, ESQ,, F.S.A., PRESIDENT.
REV. F. R. RAINES, M.A, F.S.A., Hon. Canon of Manchester,
Vice-President.
WILLIAM BEAMONT.
THE VERY REV. GEORGE HULL BOWERS, D.D, Dean of Manchester.
REV. JOHN BOOKER, M.A, F.S.A.
REV. THOMAS CORSER, M.A, F.S.A.
JOHN HARLAND, F.S.A.
EDWARD HAWKINS, F.R.S, F.S.A, F.L.S.
THOMAS HEYWOOD, F.S.A.
W. A. HULTON.
REV. JOHN HOWARD MARSDEN, B.D., Canon of Manchester,
Disney Professor of Classical Antiquities, Cambridge.
REV. JAMES RAINE, M.A.
ARTHUR H. HEYWOOD, Treasurer.
WILLIAM LANGTON, Hon. Secretary.

JJAMIES, f™ IMVHRIL (ID IF 1JDMIBZ
MiNSHULL & HUGHES, PHOTO'. CHESTER

A DISCOURSE

WARR IN LANCASHIRE.
Edwavd Robinson

EDITED BY
WILLIAM BEAMONT, Esq.

M-awcUesI-ev
PRINTED FOR THE CHETHAM SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.LXIV.

PREFACE.

' History, in some of its most essential members, dies even as generations op
men pass off the stage, and the men who were occupied in the busy scene
BECOME THE VICTIMS OF MORTALITY. If WE COULD CALL UP CROMWELL FROM
THE DEAD, — NAY, IF WE COULD CALL UP SOME ONE OF THE COMPARATIVELY INSIG
NIFICANT ACTORS IN THE TIMES OF WHICH WE ARE TREATING, AND WERE ALLOWED
THE OPPORTUNITY OF PROPOSING TO HIM THE PROPER QUESTIONS — HOW MANY
DOUBTS WOULD BE CLEARED UP, HOW MANY PERPLEXING MATTERS WOULD BE
UNRAVELLED, AND WHAT A MULTITUDE OF INTERESTING ANECDOTES WOULD BE
REVEALED TO THE EYES OF POSTERITY ! BUT HISTORY COMES LIKE A BEGGARLY
GLEANER IN THE FIELD AFTER DEATH THE GREAT LORD OF THE DOMAIN HAS
GATHERED THE CROP INTO HIS MIGHTY HAND, AND LODGED IT IN HIS GARNER
which NO man can open." (Godwin's Commonwealth.)

AS Sir Thomas Trenchard was seated at dinner with his
family at Wullich, his mansion in Dorsetshire, on the
2nd November 1 640, they were startled by seeing the sceptre
drop from the hand of King Charles's statue in the hall, and
fall with a loud noise on the floor. Times of public commo
tion often cast dark shadows before them. There is a vague
idea of some impending calamity, from which men create
the portents they expect, and in this way the future pre
cedes the present. " In the most high and palmy state of
Rome," a little before the fall of the great Julius, strange
sights were seen on earth and in heaven ; and that much
later age, which received Lily's horoscopes, and thought that

iv PREFACE.
comets shook pestilence from their horrent hair, was natu
rally troubled at the fall of the king's sceptre at Wullich,
and thought it not to be without meaning. Though the
king had been brought up in a most vicious and corrupt
court, he had escaped its contaminations, which made his
virtues brighter. He was religious and free from personal
vices, but he dealt with other men's hands and saw with other
men's eyes ; and to this we may perhaps attribute his being
misled by those about him, who had imbibed their con
tracted views of civil and religious government at the court
of his high-prerogative father. On the other hand the age
was stern and austere. Questions of civil and religious
liberty were stirring and exciting men's minds as they had
hardly ever done before ; there was a nervous fear of some
undefined danger to Protestantism. It was feared that it
might lose its newly-acquired supremacy, and succumb once
more to its ancient pre-reformation rival.
On the 3rd November 1640, the day after the falling
sceptre had startled the house at Wullich, the Long Par
liament was opened at Westminster, when that eventful
chapter of our history commenced, from which, as a living
female historian observes, "the great lessons of constitu
tional government are to be learned, where the prince was
taught how fatal it was to exceed the limits of prerogative,
and the people how dangerous it is to usurp the privileges
of sovereign power."1 In the spring of 1641 the Parliament,
having resolved to take the militia into their own hands, of
1 Lady Teresa Lewis's Clarendon Gallery.

PREFACE. v
their own authority displaced Lord Strange from being lord
lieutenant of Lancashire, and appointed Lord Wharton to that
office in his place. On the other hand, the king very shortly
afterwards entered the House of Commons with the avowed
intention of seizing and forcibly removing from it five of its
offending members. After these mutual violations of pre
rogative and privilege hardly any measures were kept by
the rival parties, and there grew up between them a mutual
estrangement, from which the worst consequences were to
be expected. Out of that time of anarchy and trouble, how
ever, by a divine alchemy which out of evil is ever educing
good, the English constitution at length arose with renewed
vitality, and fresh safeguards for liberty and freedom. But
the interval was dark, long and threatening. Two reigns
had passed before the star of the constitution even dawned
again, and four more were numbered before it regained the
ascendant and again shone with its proper lustre and vigour.
Whether, had there been more moderation on both sides,
the same results might not have been attained without the
same excesses, this is not the place to enquire. Our pur
pose here is rather to bring under notice some of the pecu
liarities, local or otherwise, of our great Civil war, and to
acquaint the reader with some of the smaller and more do
mestic and noticeable incidents occurring in it. Like the
hills in a country landscape the great events of any period
more attract the senses, and are sooner seen and heard of,
and history has long since brought us face to face with those
of the busy period which is our subject ; but a large harvest

vi PREFACE.
of domestic incidents still remains to be reaped by the
domestic microscope, after the telescope of history has swept
the field of its greater events. Every time that an old
chronicle such as that with which we have now to do is
discovered, new features of the time are revealed, and we
see the retired valleys which history has neglected while
she gave us only the greater objects.
But in small things as well as in great history has its
parallels. In removing the lintel of an old doorway at the
mansion of Rushton Hall, in the year 1828, a missal and
some other religious books, with a quantity of papers con
taining historical notices, were found concealed in the wall.
Francis Tresham, one of the family to whom the hall be
longed, was implicated in the gunpowder plot, and knowing
that to possess such a book as that was at least suspicious,
and that out of even the most innocent historic notices
treason might be drawn, he had probably thus hid his books
and papers to prevent their being used to his prejudice.2
What took place at Rushton had its parallel at Houghton,
near Warrington, in Lancashire, on 26th May 1851, when
in taking down an old house there were found concealed
between the plaster and the thatch two pacquets of
original documents relating to the Civil war. These
documents, nearly fifty in number, consist of precepts,
warrants, and papers from the commanders on both sides,
showing in much detail the machinery by which the war
had been carried on in this part of Lancashire. Two
2 Jardine's Q-tmpowder Plot, pref. xv.

PREFACE. vii
villages in Berkshire, called Shefford and Brighwalton, are
said to have been so out of the way and so hidden by
woods during the Civil war, that neither cavalier nor
roundhead ever found them out or molested them during its
whole continuance. Such was not the case, however, with
the village of Houghton. Upon it the calls on both sides
had fallen heavily and been so incessant that Thomas Sar
geant, its then constable and the supposed hider of the
papers, might have added his testimony to the painful ex
perience of a brother constable of that day, who said " there
never were before such distracted times, especially for con
stables.''' Thomas Sargeant, the supposed owner of the
house where the papers were found, having been constable
and compelled to serve both parties, to avoid being ques
tioned by either, thought it best to hide his papers in the
roof of his house. From these Houghton papers the editor
has selected and used in his notes to the present work such
as bear upon the transactions of the war in this neighbour
hood, and show what orders were issued by the" commanders
on both sides and how they were carried out.
Our great English civil strife, although a great war, com
prised within it many of those little wars which our great
English captain, whose memory ought not to be forgotten,
said were his abhorrence. Within its own borders Lan
cashire carried on the war by its own captains and its
own soldiers, a sort of local militia who served almost
exclusively at home, and called, going beyond their own
neighbourhood, marching "on foreign service." May, the

Vlll PREFACE.
Parliamentary historian, in saying that there were in the
Civil war more wars than counties, very much under
stated the fact. There were not only as many wars as
counties, but numbers of towns and villages, and even very
many private houses, either carried on war or sustained
sieges on their private account, and aspired to have their
achievements chronicled that they might have their proper
share of the glory. It may be worth while just to glance at
some few accounts of these sieges of private houses, which
are a kind of domestic episode of the time and a feature of
the war not to be overlooked, and some of which have
hitherto not found their proper record elsewhere.
In February 1643, a Partv under the command of Colonel
Robert Dukenfield, an officer of the Parliament (of whom
some account will be found in the Notes to this volume), sat
down before the hall of Withenshaw and commenced regularly
to besiege it. In the house at that time were Mr. Tatton the
owner, and a few gentlemen and soldiers under him, but
their supply of ammunition was limited. They were
stouthearted, however, and set the besiegers at defiance
until their commander brought up two heavy pieces of
ordnance from Manchester, when the garrison came to a
parley, and ultimately surrendered the place upon being
allowed quarter for life. On the 25 th February, during the
continuance of the siege, Captain Adams, one of the besiegers,
was killed by a shot said to have been aimed at him by one
of the maid servants, and his burial is recorded in the
Stockport register. But some others must have been killed

PREFACE. ix
and interred where they fell, for lying side by side in the
garden at Withenshaw3 no fewer than six skeletons were
found at one time. Noisy trophies seem to have been in
request at that time. A drum was carried off from Mr.
Davenport's, (note 24, post.), and among the trophies which
the enemy carried off from Withenshaw was the hall bell,
which bore this inscription, "Gloria iu excelsis Deo, 1641."
This bell their commander carried to Dukenfield, where it
remained until the 20th October 1807, when it was grace
fully restored by the then owner of Dukenfield to the then
owner of Withenshaw, where it now hangs again in its
accustomed place, a trophy snatched in a time of civil dis
cord and restored in a time of domestic peace !
Much about the same time, and by the same commander,
the reverend Thomas Wright, the rector of Wilmslow, was
besieged in the rectory house. After one, or, according to
some accounts, two servants had been killed, the house
surrendered and its owner went into exile, but although
then an old man he lived to return with the king, and
resuming possession of his living under an act of the Con
vention parliament, he at length died there in a good old
age. In February 1643 (there seems to have been a siege
epidemic in that month) a party of royalists sat down
before Norton Priory and besieged it. Henry Brooke esq.,
the owner, and about eighty men, who had a good supply
of ammunition, were in the house. The besieging force,
3 Barlow's Memorials of Cheshire, p. 121.

x PREFACE.
which consisted of both horse and foot, opened fire upon
the house and began to batter it with their cannon on
Sunday. Nothing daunted by so rough a salute, and seeing
that the marksmen were very unskilled, Mr. Brooke made
one of his men mount upon a tower with a flag, who jeered
at them whenever they fired wide of the mark and advised
them to take surer aim. Owing to the enemy's want of
skill the house, says the chronicler, took no harm, and the
enemy retired, having lost forty six men, while the besieged
only lost one.
Crewe Hall, another Cheshire mansion, was garrisoned
for the Parliament, and after a severe struggle was surren
dered to Lord Byron on the 27th of December 1643.
When the parliamentary army broke up from before
Nantwich and marched towards Stafford in January 1644,
the royalist colonel Lord Brereton, being apprehensive that
they might visit his house at Brereton, retired to Biddulph
Hall, a strong place, which he fortified as well as he was
able. Thither he was soon followed by his uncle, Sir Wil
liam Brereton, a commander on the other side. Having
summoned the house, the enemy stationed their troops and
threw up batteries on Congleton Edge, on the west side of
the house, but owing either to their distance from the house
or a want of skill in their engineers, they failed for a time
to make any impression upon the house, notwithstanding
that they had fetched thither from Stafford a great gun
called Roaring Meg, with which they played upon it inces
santly; meanwhile the neighbourhood was suffering under

PREFACE. xi
the demands made on it by their commissariat, and at
length, according to Ricraft, Sir Thomas Fairfax was called
in, who having changed the batteries to a rising ground on
the east of the house, a shot from the great gun struck one
of the main timbers, and so shook the whole house that it
was deemed no longer tenable, and being given up, Lord and
Lady Brereton and the garrison, consisting, says Ricraft, of
twenty-six commanders and three hundred men, were carried
prisoners to Stafford Castle, and the house which it had
taken so much time and trouble to win, after being plundered
of every article of value, was ruthlessly sacked. The gar
rison during the siege obtained information and supplies
from a neighbouring valley by means of a domestic named
Trusty, who passed to and fro' through a concealed subter
ranean passage or postern.4
But by far the most memorable of these domestic sieges
was that of Basing House, which attracted great attention,
and of which the particulars were published at the time.5
This siege, after having continued at intervals for nearly
two years, was at last thought to be of sufficient importance
to call for the presence of Cromwell himself. Approaching
the place with a great force, and having ordered an attack
4 Town Records of Congleton.
5 The Civil War Tracts not [our Lancashire collection], a descrip
tion of the siege of Basing Castle kept ly the Lord Marquesse of Win
chester for the service of his majesty against the forces of the rebels
wider command of Colonel Norton 1 644. The Journal of the siege of
Rasing Souse, ly the Marquisse of Winchester 1644, and Hugh Peters'
Full and last relation concerning Basing Blouse 1645.

xii PREFACE,
to be made upon it, the attack was made with such vigour
that the house was taken by storm on the 8th of October
1 645, and one half of the garrison of six hundred men were
put to the sword. There were found in the house ten pieces
of ordnance, a great store of ammunition, four hundred
quarters of wheat, three hundred sides of bacon, two hun
dred barrels of beef, and forty thousand pounds weight of
cheese, so that the garrison could not have been soon starved
out. In the house there was a great quantity of money and
of gold and silver plate, and many articles of furniture, of
which one bed alone was said to be worth 1300J., all which
were given up to plunder, and the house was sacked.6 Ralph
Peters, Cromwell's chaplain, accompanied the forces, and
was in the house after it was stormed, but while he only
took part in the triumph, Dr. Thomas Fuller, the well known
author of the Church History of Britain, who was for some
time shut up in the house during the siege, it is said so
animated the garrison to a vigorous defence that Sir William
Waller, though he had sacked the strong house of Sudely,
retired from before Basing with very severe loss.7 The din
of war did not wholly divert Fuller from his literary pur
suits, and during the siege he composed a part of his
Worthies of England, though he complained that the thun
der of the enemies' cannon sometimes interrupted him in
his quiet work.
A stranger who lately visited Basing House saw lying
amongst the relics of the siege a number of cannon balls
6 Cromwelliana, 26, 27. 7 Burke's Patrician, v. 473, 479.

PREFACE. Xlll
of lead and iron, the fragments of an exploded shell, and
some broken weapons. The noble owner of the mansion,
the Marquis of Winchester, who was taken in it and sent
prisoner to London, declared to Hugh Peters, after the sack,
that he called his house Loyalty, and that he would adven
ture, it again as he had done though the king had no other
ground in England to call his own.
Amongst these home sieges, which shew very strongly the
unquiet state of the time, may be ranked the Lancashire
sieges of Thurland, Hornby, Clitheroe and Greenough, all
of which are mentioned in the following pages, and some of
which occur there for the first time.
But of all the Lancashire sieges all mention of the great
est of them, that of Lathom House, should not be omitted :
Where they raised midst sap and siege
The banners of their rightful liege
At their she-captain's call,
Who, miracle of womankind,
Lent mettle to the meanest hind
That mann'd her castle wall !
Of this siege, however, the history has been written at
length by one of its gallant defenders, and we need not
further allude to it here.
This habit of carrying on the war in separate, neighbour
hoods, and on a separate account, as if it were an affair of
posts, early made some parts of the country seek and ear
nestly desire peace. In the county of Chester, where this
desire was soon felt, the two contending parties met at

xiv PREFACE.
Bunbury on the 30th December 1642, and agreed upon a
convention, which, if the powers at Westminster had not
disallowed it, had put an end to the local war so far as
Cheshire was concerned, and had left that county to await
the termination of the national struggle in peace.
In Lancashire nothing was more remarkable than the
way in which the county was geographically mapped out be
tween the two great political parties. It seemed as if it had
been agreed to divide it into three great zones or belts, run
ning from north to south. Two of these, that on the east, —
containing Blackburn which was under the sway of the
neighbouring house of Gawthorpe, Bolton the Geneva of
the county, and Manchester its London, " whose courageous
inhabitants fought most prosperously for God and true re
ligion"; and that on the west which contained the im
portant seaport of Liverpool, — were wholly roundhead; while
the third or centre belt, — containing Lancaster the metro
polis of the county, Preston its acknowledged centre and
the seat of its law courts, Wigan which was strongly forti
fied, and Warrington which though less fortified was the key
of the county on the south, — yielded a willing obedience to
the cavaliers. The fate of the war in Lancashire was watched
with great interest on all sides, and its success had its
effect upon the rest of the kingdom. When Manchester,
unprepared and suddenly summoned to defend herself, not
only held her own but compelled Lord Strange and his
forces to withdraw from before her, many other places took
courage and imitated her example.

PREFACE. XV
A war of this kind in general not only divides friends and
neighbours but very often even creates divisions in families,
setting the son against the father and the father against the
son, and the brother against the brother, which where it
occurs is generally marked by a bitterness proportioned to
the strength of the ties thus severed. In the wars of the
Roses, as we read, almost every family was thus divided :
The son (as some report) the father slew,
In opposition as they stoutly stood ;
The nephew's seen the uncle to pursue,
Bathing his sword in his own natural blood ;
The brother in his brother's gore t' embrue
His guilty hands : and in this deadly feud
Kinsman kills kinsman, who together fall
As hellish fury had possessed them all.
(Drayton, Miseries of Queen Margaret.)
But our Lancashire civil war was happily in a great
measure exempt from this bitterness of family feeling. In
it, on the contrary, a result of the care and earnestness with
which the principles of the one party or the other had been
inculcated, the members of the same family were generally
found on the same side. With some rare exceptions —
amongst which must be counted Sir Gilbert Hoghton, one of
the earliest of the Lancashire baronets, who was a cavalier,
while Richard his eldest son was a roundhead — this rule was
almost universal. Our Lancashire families having chosen their
sides, the members of the same family marched all one way ;
and the Asshetons, the Rigbys, the Gerards and others form-

xvi PREFACE.
ing family cohorts, roundhead or cavalier, followed the same
standards and fought in the same ranks. Where deep-seated
religious or political principle did not sway them, the old
men and the men of middle age espoused the cavalier side,
while the younger and more fiery spirits took the movement
party and were roundheads. Many of the leaders on each
side regimented their tenants and their tenants' sons, who
followed their leaders as loyalty or the oppbsite attach
ment swayed them in the quarrel. There were some, too,
who were indifferent to either party, and armed themselves
in mere self-defence. Our author mentions several regi
ments which marched with black colours ; and there was at
least one regiment, though not in Lancashire, which bore
on its banners this general defiance :
If you offer to plunder us or take our cattle,
Be well assured we will bid you battle.
The dresses and arms of the soldiery of this period are
well represented in a painted window in Farndon church,
of which there is a copy, coloured like the original, in the
History of Cheshire, (vol. ii. 208.) The king and the parlia
ment had respectively a regiment of red coats, and there
were also the purple, grey, blue and white regiments. Sir
Arthur Haselrigge's regiment, who because they were clothed
in red were called "lobsters," afterwards, when they ran away
in the battle of Roundawaydown, got the name of " crabs "
because they then went backwards. The parliamentarians
taunted the royalists with bringing in an army of foreigners ;
and the latter retorted on them by asking, " How they could

PREFACE. xvii
object to the king's employing foreigners, who themselves
entertained such an army of Hebrews that the muster-master
had no need to use any other roll-call than the first chapter
of St. Matthew?"
There were some curious weapons in use in the armies of
that time. At the siege of Newcastle in 1 644 the mace or
morning star was amongst the arms employed ; and on the
ist October 1643 a corps of one thousand two hundred men
was raised at Oxford, and armed with bows and arrows, for the
king's defence : while the succeeding pages show that large
numbers of the soldiers on both sides were rudely armed
with clubs and bills, and that it was a force so armed which
contributed to the success of several of the battles of the
time. The regiment with the defiant banner was probably
thus armed.
Opinions may be said to have almost equally divided some
of the educated classes of that time between the two great
parties of the day. Amongst the lawyers, the lord keeper
Herbert, though he contented himself with using the pen,
and never put on harness, decided for the king. Lord keeper
Littleton, on the same side, raised a volunteer regiment from
amongst the members of the inns of court and other gentle
men.8 Sir Edward Hyde, afterwards earl of Clarendon and
lord chancellor, was at Edgehill on the king's side as a non-
combatant, but ready to help if needed. Sir Orlando
Bridgeman, chief justice of the common pleas, and after
wards lord keeper, who also espoused the king's side, repaired
8 Campbell's Chancellors, ii. 614, note.

xviii PREFACE.
to Chester, where, though he did not actually buckle on his
armour, he yet gave the citizens such substantial advice in
the siege, that the House on that account deprived him of
his seat for Wigan.
Chief justice Sir William Scroggs commanded a troop of
horse and did the king good service on many occasions.9
Judge Sanderson and Sir Roger Palmer, the member for
Newton, and a well known lawyer, were silent supporters of
the king ; and stout old Judge Jenkins, when brought before
it, bearded the Parliament to its face.
The lawyers arrayed on the other side were the president
Bradshaw, who, though he never acted the soldier, did his
party great service ; Alexander Rigby, Sir Orlando Bridge-
man's colleague at Wigan but not his colleague in politics,
served actively in the field, and afterwards rose to be a
baron of the exchequer ; and the lord keeper, Sir Bulstrode
Whitelock, who (except with his pen) only served his party
as a deputy-lieutenant.
The poets, like the lawyers, were divided in their alle
giance. Sir John Denham, who became a K.B. ; Sir Wil
liam Davenant, who won his spurs and was knighted at
Gloucester in 1643 ; Sir Edward Sherburne, a poet of Lan
cashire descent; the gay Sir John Suckling; Cartwright,
Ben Johnson's adopted son; and the attorney Alexander
Brome, the Aristophanes of his party ; with Cowley, Love
lace, Butler, and many others, enlisted the Muses on the
king's side. Edmund Waller owned a divided allegiance,
and wrote and spoke on both sides.
9 Campbell's Chief Justices, iii. 516.

PREFACE. xix
There were no warrior poets to ride " a colonelling " on
the Parliament side; but Milton, the greatest of all our
poets except Shakspere, threw over it in prose and verse a
shield, like the shield of Ajax ; and Withers the emblema-
tist, a poet not unworthy of the name, employed his pen
in the same cause. When the former in his "Lycidas"
so plainly alluded to archbishop Laud, and men saw the
prelate so soon afterwards brought to the scaffold, they
deemed the man who had before said,
 that huge two handed engine at the door
Stands ready to smite once and smite no more,
was both a prophet and a poet, and he acquired by it a
wonderful prestige.
But if the lawyers were not all of one mind, but arrayed
themselves on different sides ; and if the votaries of the Muses
also showed a divided allegiance ; all the artists, on the con
trary, were on one side, and that the side of their great patron
the king. Upon the breaking out of the Civil war, when all
attention seemed for a time diverted from* the arts, Sir
Robert Peake the painter left his easel and followed the
royal standard. He rose to the rank of lieutenant-colonel,
and was in Basing House when it was stormed ; but escaping
the bloody fate which overtook so many others of the gar
rison, he was made prisoner and sent to London. William
Faithorne the elder, the prince of engravers and Peake's
former pupil, took service with him in the royal army. He
was with him also in Basing House at the storming, and was
made prisoner at the same time and sent to London, where he

XX

PREFACE.

remained confined for some time in Aldersgate prison. Like
his brother artists Peake and Faithorne, that rare engraver,
Wenceslaus Hollar, entered the royal army, and was made
prisoner with them at Basing House, but unlike them he
soon afterwards made his escape, and succeeded in joining
his patron and the patron of art, the Earl of Arundel,
then resident at Antwerp. Basing House seems to have
been a sort of living tomb of the artists, for in it, also sup
porting the royal cause, was taken Inigo Jones, the great
restorer of architecture and the builder of Whitehall, the
sad scene of the king's last moments.10 Another lover of
the arts, Prince Rupert, who has been thought by some to
be the inventor of mezzotinto, though attracted to the
king's side by family ties, would have preferred it also as
the artist's side.
Though vanquished, the cavaliers were not subdued when
the war was over ; and as
E'en in our ashes live their wonted fires,
so they have left scattered memorials of their cause in our
churches and on their tombstones. One of their epitaphs
on an officer named Kny vett runs in this strain :
HERE LIES LOYALL KNYVETT WHO HATED ANARCHY,
LIVED A TRUE PROTESTANT AND DIED WITH MONARCHY.
But others were not so short lived. Another royalist after
the Restoration retired to Winwick, which in Herle's days
had been no safe place for a cavalier, but which, now that
Sherlock (who had been a chaplain in the royal army) had
10 Cromwelliana, 26, 27 ; Faithorne's Art of Engr. 1662.

PREFACE. xxi
become its rector, was a congenial retreat, and there in a
green old age he was interred, with this epitaph which still
remains fresh upon his grave :
HERE LYETH THE BODY OF JOHN PITT,
LATE OF HOLME, WHO DEPARTED THIS
LIFE AP. 19, 1694 ANNO, /ETATIS 76.
HE WAS A NATIVE OF KIDDERMINSTER,
A LOYAL SUBJECT AND A SOULDIER TO
KING CHARLES THE MARTYR. A FRE
QUENTER OF THE COMMON PRAYER AND
OF THE HOLY SACRAMENT, A CORDIALL
LOVER OF HIS FRIENDS, TO WHOM HIS
USUAL FAREWELL WAS GOD'S HOLY
ANGELL GOE ALONG WITH YOU !
But compared with Lawrence Hardman of Buckfold in
Pennington, who was another of them, and the Nestor of
the party, the Winwick cavalier was a young man. This
man who had been struck down and would have been slain at
the storming of Bolton in 1644 but for the timely inter
ference of a friend named Scholefield, was buried at Leigh
on the 30th April 17 15 ; and the vicar has added this note
to the register of his burial : " Lawrence Hardman, the last
of the cavaliers that I knew in Leigh parish." He had
attained, it is said, the great age of 105 years. One so old
had learned, we hope, the lesson conveyed in the following
epitaph upon another soldier of his party :
WHEN I WAS YOUNG I VENTURED LIFE AND BLOOD
BOTH FOR MY KING AND FOR MY COUNTRY'S GOOD ;
IN ELDER YEARS 'T WAS ALL MY CARE TO BE
SOLDIER FOR HIM WHO SHED HIS BLOOD FOR ME !
But the reader, who is now introduced for the first time

xxii PREFACE.
to the Discourse on the Lancashire Warr, will expect to
have some account of the manuscript and its contents, and
to learn, if possible, who was its anonymous author.
The work, a small thin quarto, four inches by six in size,
and containing eighty seven pages, is still in its Original
stitched parchment cover, and either by the author or some
scribe has been most carefully transcribed for publication.
There are in it few alterations of any kind, and each page
has been neatly ruled both in the margin and at the top
and bottom. When the work was written English spelling
was very unsettled, but the author spells even worse than
the ordinary orthography of the time. Like Claudio, he
might be charged with " being turned orthographer, whose
words are a very fantastical banquet, just so many strange
dishes." In spelling Myerscough [Mierskoe] and other simi
lar names, however, he was guided by phonography, and we
may thence infer that the modern pronunciation of these
names, although peculiar, is ancient and not incorrect.
Throughout the book, perhaps from its having been at
some time exposed to damp, the ink has sunk through the
paper, and somewhat clouded the writing. After being
buried in manuscript two centuries this book, which has
been placed by its noble owner, the Earl op Derby, at the
disposal of the Chetham Society, appears now for the first
time in print. It probably found its way to the shelves at
Knowsley by descent from the noble owner's direct ancestor,
Sir Thomas Stanley, who was of the same politics as its
author. It is replete with local and personal notices, which

PREFACE. xxiii
the family historian and biographer will be glad to see, and
while it contains some notices of historic events which are
new, it gives others which, though already known, were
never given with such fulness and particularity before. No
previous writer has mentioned the sieges of Greenough or
Clitheroe castles, and none has recorded the following cha
racteristic sayings of three of the commanders who appear
in its pages. At Preston we find Prince Rupert declining
the town's hospitality with the characteristic observation
"that banquets were not for soldiers" (p. 54). When the
treaty for a surrender of Lathom failed, and the delegates
had retired with a vaunt that they would hold out to the
last, Colonel Rigby, the besiegers' commander, quietly told
his officers, "he was sure they would not hold out long,
[for] the smell and taste of their garments bewraied it"
(p. 62). And when word was brought to the Duke of
Hamilton that Cromwell was in the rear attacking Sir Mar-
maduke Langdale's forces, he coolly answered : " Let them
alone, the English dogs are but killing one another" (p. 65),
a speech quite in accordance with the jealousy existing be
tween the English and Scotch troops, which is said to have
been one main cause of Hamilton's failure.
In the county of Lancaster, although we are fortunate in
having as many Civil-war tracts as any other county, and
although we are still more fortunate in having had to collect
and edit them so eminent a native antiquary as Mr. Orme
rod, yet these tracts relate only to detached portions of the
war, occurring in separate places, and none of them gives

xxiv PREFACE.
any account of the war as a whole. Such a tract was alone
wanting to complete the series, and by the appearance of
the Discourse on the Lancashire Warr, in which there is a
succint account of the whole war, with a full and varied
relation of its events, incidents and occurrences, this want
is now for the first time supplied.
Although the author has not thought proper to reveal
himself, and perhaps designed his name to remain a secret,
yet either from the internal evidence contained in his book,
or by the help of other circumstances, we shall perhaps be
able to look behind his veil and identify him.
(i.) He seems to 'have been not wholly unaccustomed to
writing, and the concluding sentence of his preface shews
that he must have been a person of some rank in the
county. (2.) He certainly served during the war, and from the
manner in which he describes how Hornby Castle was
entered at the siege he probably held a command in the
neighbourhood, (p. 40.)
(3.) His intimate acquaintance with Kirkham parish, and
with all that happened there, shews that he was particu
larly acquainted with that neighbourhood, and that he was
probably resident in the parish. Of other events, hap
pening even to his own party, either more to the south
or more to the north, he was not so well informed ; thus,
when Colonel George Dodding of Conishead-in-Furness was
made prisoner, he says " how long he was detained, and how
delivered to me is uncertain." (p. 49.)

PREFACE. xxv
(4.) Whether a resident or not, he was clearly a land
owner in Kirkham parish, for upon Colonel Clifton's inroad
into that place he says, "he robbed my pore tenants his
neighbours of their bedding." (p. 53 in the margin.)
(5.) By a deed of 20th January 1648 relating to the
Kirkham charities, Richard Badger and others granted
lands in Freckleton to Edward Robinson, George Pigot,
James Ryley, William Robinson and William Davie. In
trust to pay 50*. a year out of the rents to the preacher
at Lund Chapel in Clifton- cum-Sal wick, and to apply the
remainder of the rents for the benefit of the poor of Kirk
ham.11 One of these trustees, George Pigot, occurs in the
author's book as a commissioner of the militia for the Parlia
ment (p. 72), and another of them, Edward Robinson,
occurs frequently, and once in connexion with Thomas
Ryley, probably some relation of James Ryley, another of
the trustees (p. 39.) These circumstances, and the mention
of Lund chapel where it hardly seemed necessary (p. 67),
incline us to look for the author's name amongst the above
trustees, and it will also account for his seeming personal
interest in Lund chapel.
(6.) If the author was a trustee of Lund chapel, and if as
the Notitia states12 Colonel Clifton set up a rival claim to it,
his bitterness against the colonel, for which their political
difference will scarcely account, is sufficiently intelligible.
(7.) Within the original parchment cover of the work
11 Report of Charity Commissioners, Lancashire, p. 258.
12 Grastrel's Notitia Cest., C.S., p. 544- d

xxvi PREFACE.
there is pasted the following fragment of a bond dated in
1647, by which James Rylev of clifton (asain one of the
chapel trustees) became bound to Thomas Robinson and
William Robinsonn of Kirkham, the latter also one of the
chapel trustees.
 me Jacobu Ryley de Clifton in 
 teneri'et firmiter obligari Thomse 
 Wiftm Robinsonn de Kirkham in 
 sbandmen in octo centum libris bonse ....
 Angliae solvendu eidem Thomse Robinson . .
 binsonn aut suo certo in hac p'te ....
 atturnat  utorib3 administratoribj
et assignatis suor ad quam  solucoem bene et fideliter
faciendu me obligo  toto et in solidu heredes executorea
administratores meos firmitr p present sigillo meo sigillato 
cessimo secundo die Julii anno 1647 ac anno  n'ri Dei
gracia rex Angliae Scotiae Franciae et  fidei defensoris &c.
vicesimo tertio.
 gacon is such that whereas the above named Thomas
Robinson at the instant and request and for and with the 
 yley did enter bound in their wryting obligatory under
 ring dait the sixt day of May last in the some of
 o the comissarie of Richmound that the 
The occurrence of these three names in a fragment so
nearly contemporary with the manuscript, and most closely
connected with it, seems to connect the author with one of
the three parties to the bond, and confining him to one of
these three persons to narrow still further our enquiry after
his name.

PREFACE.

xxvn

(8.) No other person holding a command, and who can
in any way be supposed to have written the work, is so often
mentioned in it as Edward Robinson, who was a trustee of
Lund chapel and had property in Kirkham parish. At p. 37,
we find him in May 1643 marching as a captain under
Colonel Ashton. At p. 39, we read that he with Thomas
Ryley a young man that accompanied him were made pri
soners and carried to Knowsley. At p. 40, we find him
raising a troop and serving under Colonel Rigby. At p. 41,
the author says, " I was present at the siege of Thurland
Castle, and then saw the windows by which Hornby Castle
was entered," while the only officer mentioned by name as
having been at the siege of Thurland is Edward Robinson
himself, whence there arises a strong presumption that this
person and the author were one and the same person. At p.
50, Edward Robinson, who up to that time had been a
captain, and then was become a major, is mentioned to have
lost his subaltern Lieutenant Dandie at Bolton. And at p.
61, where mention is made of the cavalier raid across the
Ribble into Kirkham parish, the attempt to seize Major
Edward Robinson's horses at Westby Hall is related with
such a particularity of names, persons, circumstances, and
incidents, as could hardly have been known to any person
except the major himself.
(9.) In all the foregoing instances where Edward Robin
son is mentioned by name, and in the several other places, as
at pp. 29< 4°. 53- 65> 67> 72> 74. 76> 77 and 78> where the
author speaks of himself in the first person, there is nothing

xxviii PREFACE.
inconsistent with the supposition that Major Edward Robin
son and tho author were the same person. Captain William
Pateson, whom we suppose to have a claim to the work, if
he had been really its author, in speaking of himself would
hardly have used such terms of self laudation as occur in
the manuscript, (see p. 45.)
(10.) The times were out of joint, and many earnest men
bent their minds to find a remedy for the distractions of the
state. One writer, calling himself the Simple Cobbler of
Agawam in America, professes himself " willing to help to
mend his native country, lamentably tattered both in the
upper leather and sole, with all the stitches he can." Some
thought, with John Jones, the author of Judges Judged — by
some erroneously, as the editor thinks, confounded with
Colonel John Jones (note 148 post) — "that the world was
lawyer-ridden," and attributed to that body " all the faults
of the age," " who," he says, " have overpowered us these
five hundred years." He stigmatises them " as hyper-
prelatical spirits, domineering Nimrods, undermining pio
neers, monopolisers of law to sell delay and deny justice in
their congregational exchange, Westminster Hall," and adds
"that their proceedings are cornucopiously full of pedler's
French, and dog-Latin, or hotch-potch French and quelque
chose Latin." Others proposed other remedies which were
equally inadequate to the disease. One of these, also a
cobbler, and whose name was Howe, a far different person,
however, from the great divine of his name, who was edu
cated and ordained at Winwick, recommended as his remedy

PREFACE. Xxix
for the evils of the time, to close the Universities and burn
their books, which gave occasion to this epigram :
Oxford and Cambridge may
Their glory now
Veil to a cobbler
If they knew but Howe !
Another writer, after giving a catalogue of the many evils
of the time, ascribed them one and all " to the use of tobacco ;
the wearing of false adornments among women ; the painting
of faces, lips, necks and breasts ; false hair, false teeth, false
hearts and false everything ; the cutting down of old timber
and the destruction of ancient castles." Others, again,
were for abolishing
That tool of matrimony a ring,
Wherewith th'unsanctified bridegroom
Is married only to a thumb.
And accordingly, on the 24th August 1653, an act was
passed by which all marriages were to be celebrated before
a justice of the peace, While this law continued, a period
of nearly four years Edward Robinson's services as a justice
of the peace were frequently required to perform the
marriage ceremony.13 On the 2nd January 1654 he offici
ated in this character at the marriage of Arthur Ingelbie
esquire with Margery the daughter of William Ffarington
esquire of Shaw Hall, and his certificate of such marriage
is preserved in the register at Leyland. His signature to
this certificate, a fac-simile of which is annexed, shows
13 Hist. Lancashire, iv. 388.

xxx PREFACE.
that he spelt his name with a double " nn " final ; a pecu
liarity observable also
in the name of William
tOfptL-. Robinsonn, one of the
parties to the fragment
of the bond, an incidental and undesigned coincidence which
strengthens the suspicion that the author's name would be
found amongst the parties to that bond. It is true that in
the manuscript the name is spelt in the ordinary way, but
this would be quite consistent if the author there meant
to preserve his assumed incognito.
(ii.) From all which -considerations, facts and circum
stances, it seems almost certain that, stripped of his veil, the
anonymous author of the Discourse of the Lancashire Warr
will be found to be Major Edward Robinson.
In the act passed in 1656 for assessing the county of
Lancaster (Major) Edward Eobinson was named one of the
commissioners for carrying out the act; and on the 23rd
October in the same year his son Edward, described as the
second son of "Edward Robinson of Buckshawe in the county
of Lankashire," was admitted into the honorable society of
Gray's Inn, being presented by Francis Lowe, barrister.
That one who during the Civil wars had played so conspi
cuous a part as Edward Robinson should escape suspicion
after the Restoration, was hardly likely; and accordingly,
soon after that event, he became suspected, and the following
warrant, which is preserved in the Peet MS., was issued to
apprehend him :

PREFACE. xxxi
Com. Lanr ff Whereas an order was made to set at liberty
Major Robinson, he first having taking the oath of allege-
ance and supremacy and giveing bond wth good sureties
that he had noe hand in ye late plott, and for the future
will be faithfull and loyall to his matie and ye prsent go
verning notwithstanding which order upon good grounds
and considrations wee doe hereby require you upon sight
hereof to take and secure ye said Major Robinson and him
deliver upp to the officer of foote at Preston. Our order
and command herein you are required to obey notwith
standing any former order. Hereof see you faile not as you
will answer ye contrary. Given undr our hands ye 12th
day of January in y9 12th yeare of ye reigne 60.
W. Spencer.
To the Comander in chiefe of
Sr Roger Bradshaigh's
troope at Preston, these.
He must have made his peace, however, for at the Preston
Guild in 1662 "John Robinson armiger and Edward Robin
son armiger frater ejus," both of them no doubt Major
Edward Robinson's sons, appeared and were duly sworn in
as out-burgesses of Preston.
Major Edward Robinson was at first seated at Newton-
with-Scales in the parish of Kirkham. He afterwards re
moved to Westby Hall in the same parish ; and about 1652
he bought an estate in Euxton within the parish of Leyland,
and it is believed built there the picturesque house of Buck-
shawe. of which a view is given in this volume. At this
house he probably died, for on the 7th January 168 1 he

xxxu

PREFACE.

was buried in the church of Leyland. A short pedigree of
his family is subjoined :
William Robinson,=Elizabetli, daughter of

39 Eliz.

r~m 
John Robinson
of Clayton.

Nicholas Rigby
Harrock Hall.

of

Edward Robinson=  daughter
of Euxton. ! of Mr. Southern.

Richard Robinson= Margarett, daughter of Adam
of Euxton.
Ob. 5 March 1657.

{Leyland Register."]

Holland of Newton
Manchester.

/

Edward RoBiNsoN=Ellen Browne, daughter of

ofScales. After
wards of Buck-
shawe in Euxton.
Ob. 1681. Bu
ried at Leyland.

r

John Browne of Scales.
Ob. 23 Nov. 1670. Bu
ried at Leyland.

John Robinson.
Ob. 23 Oct.
i657-
[.Leyland Register.]

John Robinson.;
Ob. 15 Feb.
1676. Buried
at Leyland.

=Alice Birch,
daughter
of Thomas
Birch of
Birch.

Edward Robinson,
second son.

\
Thomas Robinson.
Born 7 Oct. 1653.
Ob. 6 Jan. 1654.
[Leyland Register.]

Edward Robinson of Buckshawe, Esq.:
Born 1 June 1665. Baptised 14
June same year at Leyland.

Thomas Robinson.= .
Living in Lon
don 1699.

The Editor, who would willingly have deferred his task
to the able hands for which it was originally intended, offers
his warmest thanks to those who have assisted him in the
execution of his work. His experience of literary men, and

PREFACE.

xxxin

especially of the antiquaries, has shewn him that they both
know and practise the poet's maxim that — ,
Good the more communicated more abundant grows.
One lamp may light many others without impairing the
light of its own. In no single instance has he applied for
help in his task without its being cordially accorded. But
there are some patrons and friends of the Chetham Society
who must not be passed by with so general a notice, or
without some special acknowledgment.
To the Earl of Derby, the noble owner of the manuscript
Discourse of the Warr in Lancashire, the Society owe their
warmest thanks for his lordship's liberality in placing at
their disposal for publication this the first entire and
succinct account of the Civil war in this county and neigh
bourhood. Dr. Fleming, one of the founders of the Society, and for
many years after its formation its Honorary Secretary, has
gracefully evinced his continuing interest in the Society's
success by contributing, as the frontispiece of this volume,
the portrait of James earl of Derby, photographed from a
valuable original picture of the earl by Robert Walker, which
has never hitherto been engraved — a present for which the
Society owe him their warmest thanks. Dr. Fleming is
entitled also to the best thanks of the Editor, for the access
he has afforded him to some rare books in his library, and
for several other valuable communications which have faci
litated his labours.
The Society's and the Editor's warm thanks are also due

xxxiv PREFACE.
to Robert Townley Parker, Esquire, of Cuerden, for a
photograph of "Buckshawe," the house of Major Edward
Robinson, the supposed author of the Discourse of the Warr
in Lancashire, from which the engraving has been taken
which ornaments the present volume. Their further thanks
are also due to him for the Robinson pedigree, and for other
valuable assistance rendered to the Editor in his task.
It only remains for the Editor, in committing his work to
the press, to ask the indulgence of his readers for the many
defects occurring in his portion of the work, and of which
no one is more conscious than himself.
Latchford, June 23, 1864.

ILLUSTRATIONS.
Portrait of James seventh earl of Derby - Frontispiece.
View of Buckshawe Ham to face page 1.

BUCKSHAWE IN" EXTXTON
The house of M^'or Edward Robinson, the supposed Author of the '• Discourse on the Warr in Lancashire/

a 3aiseourse rt tlje »arr in &ancasj)im

A Trew and Impartial Relation of
some of that vnhappie Intestine Warre
that was betweene King Charles and
the Parliament soe much as
Happened of it with in
the countie Palaintine
of Lancaster.

As also what fforces were raised, and by whome
what Garrisons was kept in it and for whome
and their redidition : all as exactly related
as possible, by him that never had thought
of writeing any thing concerning it till a yeare
or twoo at the least after the Warrs
were ended.

Behould how good and pleasant it is for
brethren to dwel togither in vnity. Psal. 133. 1.
Be affraid of the sworde : for wrath bringeth
the punishment of the sword : that ye may know
there is a Judgment. Job 19. 29.

TO THE FFRENDLY AND IMPARTfALL READER.
READER, thou (unless very yong) saw the beginning and
ending of the Warr, and might see (if thou observed)
how through the strength of corrupt and vnmortified lust
boyling in the hearts of men the raynes of civill Gouernment being
in part broken through the prevailing of Divisions and parts
taking : so that many men shewed outwardly to the very sight of
the world what then they were, and its doubtfull yet are (though
now they be bridled and kept in thorough ffeare) Ravenous unruly
without pitty, and such as were unwilling y* those they then had
malice against should have liffe or any thing to subsist upon ; if
the power they acted vnder had lasted and continued. Were not
some fierce bitter and cruell as possible against their frendly dore
neighbors, of whom before they had received many neighbourly
curtesies, and yet in that heat of malice would have eatten them
vp, if they durst, as if they had beene their deadly enimies and
without either fear of God or shame of men would violently (with
out warranty of eyther part) carry away and perloyne theire goodes.
These were judged and accounted before to be honest quiet peace
able and loving men and such as for a world would not seeme to
wrong any in the least measur but appeared of other dispositions
when they might doe evill with* controule. And since the same
men are soone to be much altered and reduced into order againe
when the power of Civill Government had place and effect to
represse and keep under that violent distemper of lusts in them.
Therefore how ought all men that have any feare of God in theire
hart to blesse and praise God for maiestrarie and civill government
and for the happie change that he hath so mercifully without
blood brought about, beseeching him to continue it and to blesse
and prosper the King in his government that under him we may
lead and enjoy peaceable lives in all honesty and sober behaviour

4 TO THE READER.
according to the will of God.1 I present unto thy vew here some
what of the Warrs, so much in part as happened in this County of
Lancaster. I haue related without partialles as much as I could
(though really I was of the one side) the bulk of it as it was
gathered into my mynd by giving heed vnto and observing the
severall passages and occurrences as they happened without all
thoughts ever to have written any thing of them after, otherwisse
I liad not been so ignorant of many circumstances in it as may be
seene I am. I was moved to this on a sodaine and many particu
lars of it brought in againe or as it were renewed to me by which
I was provoked to set vpon it and doe what here is. Little help
or information had I of any. If I have misrelated any passage
about it, want of particuler knowledge was the cause of it and noe
willfulluess to bely the truth : noe mans person have I traduced
to my knowledge neyther was desyrous to vex parties or provoake
any persons envie if possible to prevent it. The generations that
yet are, it being fresh and in memory, will not set by or esteeme of
this or any other relation that shall be made of the Warre though
the Generations to come may be desirous to see the particulars of
what they may heare was acted in Generall within this County.
For their sake and use is this in speciall done if soe be that Provi
dence doe soe order that this Raged relation in soe pore a dresse
¦ be safiy carried to Posterie, thir being no hope that enie ever will
(if after correcting and enlarging where wronge is a wanting) get
it to the Presse since it was done as it is, not manie have been
acquainted with it or it come into the light; neither will be while
I live. Reader judge of me as hauing noe perticular envie against
anie man though never so opposit to the side I tooke in this Warr.
And thoughe I sustayned never so much losse by his meanes in it.
I freely forgive all and to speake Truth I verily thinke there was
not anie man of my ranke in all the County where I live and of
the side I tooke (who) was plundered deeplier, but God forgive us
all. Amen.
December 29, 1655.

OFF THE WARRE IN LANCASHIRE.

A brieff relation of such passages and occurrences as
hapened and were acted within the County of Lancaster
in the tyme o'f the intestine warr that was
betweene the late King Charles and
the Parliament.

THE various dealings and dispensations of Diuine Provi
dence amongst men are to be taken notice of and kept in
memorie that posteritie mai admire aud praise the wisdome
and goodness of God who rules and orders all things amongst them
according to his ouue good pleasure and will, they comming not
by chance and fortune as to many imagin. That part of these
Civill Broyles that fell within this County shewes a Divine hand
to haue over ruled them, considering that a handfull, in respect
of the multitude, alwaies caried it.2
After that the Variance in January 1641 began between the King
and the Parliament when he came so attended to the House of
Commons, sitting downe in the Speaker's Chaire intending to have
taken out of the Parliament those five members against whome he
tooke that high displeasure that he never returned to the Parlia
ment againe, but always removed further and further from it till
at last he came to Yorke, in 1642 about the end of Aprill and in
May or June following called a Randevous of all the Gentry and
men of best ranke in all that County which did foretell that his
Intention was for Warr.

6 LANCASHJRE WARR.
James Earle of Darby3 Lord Lieutenant of the County of Lan
caster having forsaken the Parliament and resyding within this
County was very observant of the Kinge and towards August4 by
his Deputie Lieutenants called a generall Randavous of most of
the County to be houlden upon ffullwood Moore near vnto Preston
where there was a generall shout for the Kinge against the Par
liament and afterwards some (whom they had a jealousie of) were
called before the said Lieutenants and demanded what they would
contribute to the King towards the Warre.
Not long after that the said Earle of Darby accompanied with
Mr. Thomas Tildsley of Merscow and other gentlemen of qualitie
m'ade a journey to Manchester5 (as it was after thought) in a
bravado to take a vew of the towne or take occation against it and
being ther and in their jollitie in a window at Mr. Greene's some
of them hearing a pore man of the towne (his name I neuer harde)
giving out some words in favour of the Parliament one of them
out of the house discharged against him and killed him. Who it
was I never hard of certainty but Tildsley was supposed. Another
levelled against Mr. Birch in the street who escaped by thursting
himselfe vnder a Carte of Gorsses.6 This was the firste bloode
that was shedd in the County in this Warr. Wthout any further
adoe they leeft the towne then.7 Vpon this Manchester began to
growe somewhat fearfull and Jeleous what the event might be
and to take care for their owne safetie and defence especially hear
ing that the Earle by his Deputies had called all the Souldiers of
the Trained Bands within the County to meet in their severall
Hundreds such a day of September, which caused them to Baro-
cado vp the severall passages into the towne with gates and mud
walles such as the tyme would then permit. And the Earle was
as busie on the other syde to gather up forces to come against
them. Hardly had they effected those pore workes before his
was upon their backs.
For having drawn all the Trained Bands in the County vp to
Wiggon with what assistance Mr. Tildsley with all the Popish and
Volunteers the County then would afford (being all exceeding

LANCASHIRE WARR. 7
earnest to forward the Warr) careing with them some small pieces
of artillery march towards Warington fell doune sodenly vpon
Manchester about the latter end of September afforesaid.8 And Ab°u' *4 »r
« 1*1 September.
some of their forces were laid in the toune of Salford, and Mr.
Tildsley with some forces were laid upon the south side of the
River at a house belonging to Sir Edward Mosley called the
Lodge about half a myle from the Tpwne and from thence Tildsley
with a Drake played fear sly against the towne att that end called
Deaues gate, but did no execution worth memory, only this euill
he did, set fier vpon a barne or twoo belonging to some Towns men
that was full of wheat and other graine. Some assaults hee made
at that gate but was valieutly repulsed and beaten off divers of his
souldiers being slaine there.
The Earle himselfe at  9 and what Horse hee had ranged
vp and downe vpon euery sid the towne pilferinge and plundering,
what they thought good from all especially such as they suspected
to be favourers of the Parliament. As also theire Foot plundered
which gave the occation and example for all the plundering that
after happened in the County. About the midle of the week (for
they staled but one week ther) Captaine Standish, a Captaine of Captan staudish
the Trained Band of Leyland Hundred eldest son to Mr. Standish iettofManches-
J ter steeple.
of Duxbury (who then was Burgess in the Parliament for the
towne of Preston) quartered in a house upon the north syde of
Salford, well up towards the Chappell, washing his hands in the
morning at the dore, was by a bullet shot from the top of Man
chester steeple slayne, which (as was thought then) soe danted the
Earle that vpon the sudden hee with drew his Siege10 and returned
to Lathome and the Souldiers was dismissed to their own homes.
The towne of Manchester was weakly provided at that tyme to
withstand such an enimie,11 very few Armes in it and not many
that had skill to vse them, yet divers men well affected to it and
the Parliament came in with their best weapons to their aide and
assistance and were very willinge and diligent to repaire to any
place about the towne wherever the enimie offered any assaults
being much hastened and encouraged both by the Prayers and

8 LANCASHIRE WARR.
godly and chearful exhortations of that grave and Reverend Divine
ould Mr. Burnes12 who took small rest all that weeke but was still
at hand uppon all occations to keep up the spirits of the people,
with this perswation, not to feare or be dismaied, the Earle might
not prevaile against them, .which through the Providence of God
was true in the event of all the countrymen that came in to their
assistance it was not heard that anie miscarried but twoo young
men that came from towards Pilkington who were slaine neare
unto an Alehouse13 standing on the Field East above Mr. Rat-
cliffe's house and were buried in a boulling Alley there.
Thus Manchester having valiantly repulsed the said Earle of
Darby it pleased the lords and commons in Parliament the 6 day
of October after to put forth a Declaration in Commendation of
the Inhabitants of the towne of Manchester for their valiant resist
ing the said Earle of Darbie and to incourage them in their valour
wch they showed in theere owne Defence and to endeavour to
suppresse and apprehend the said Earle or any of his complices
assuring them of alowance and payment for all disbursements or
losses in that service. The said Declaration runs thus : — ¦
E2&f>CVas vpon credible Information made unto this House that
James late Lord Strange and now Earle of Darbie hertofore
impeached in the names of the House of Commons and of all the
Commons of England by the name of James Lord Strange for
High Treason Hath in persuance of his Traytorous Actions pro
cured divers Papists and other ill affected persons in a Hostille
and Rebellious manner with Gunns and other warlike weapons to
make warr vpon his Majesties subjects in the Towne of Manches
ter in the County Palatine of Lancaster and hath killed and mur-
thered diverse in that Towne and hath robbed and spoiled divers
others of his Majesties good subjects inhabiting neere the same.
The Inhabitants with the Christian aide and helpe of divers well
affected Gentlemen and others of that County have valiantly
resisted the said Earle and his compilers and have hitherto bravely
defended themselves and the Town. It is therefore ordered by
the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament That such

LANCASHIRE WARR. g
Gentlemen and others of his Majesty's good subjects who have all
readie hazarded their lives and spent of their estaits and all suche
others as shall hereafter eyther with their persons or their purses
give aide vnto the Inhabitants of the said town, of Manchester for
there defence and shall endeavoure to suppresse or apprehend the
said Earle or any of his complices shall haue allowance and pay
ment made of all such moneys or other charges which they shall
expend or disburse in that service vpon account vnto the House of
Commons. And such theire actions and endeavours are declared
to be a service both agreeable to the law of the Land and accepta
ble to both Houses of Parliament and beneficiall to the Common
wealth. And whereas the said Earle is now beaten away from the
said Town It is ordered that ther be public Thankesgiving to God
for his gracious Deliverance in all Churches and Chappells within
the County of Lancaster ; As also that the Declaration be (then
and in all Market Townes in that County) published. And that
the Knights and Burgesses serving for the same doe forthwith
sende downe a considerable number of those Declarations and
require a speedy and "strict account of the publication and per
formance ther of. Henry Elsinge, Cler. Parliament.
The Earle hauing (as was said) withdrawn his forces and guns
Manchester did not growe secure as if no more danger would
ensue; but like wise men bestirred themselves and spared neither
cost nor labor for there own savegard and defence ; for imediately
without much delay wear raised up and put into Armes severall
Companies vnder Captaines of the best ranke and qualitie in all
the Townes and County as Captaine Birch, Captaine Bradshawe14
Captaine Venables15 Captaine Ratcliffe16 with others; Commis
sions being granted by the Parliament to put the County into a
posture of War for its owne Defence. And Collonels allso apointed
for every Hundred in the County. As Colonell Ashton17 of
Midleton Colonell Holland18 of Heaton for Salford Hundred
Colonell Shuttleworth elder,19 Colonell Starkie for Blackburne

io LANCASHIRE WARR.
Hundred Colonell Alexander Rigbie for Leyland and Amounder-
nesse Hundreds, Colonell More20 and Colonell Egerton for Derby21
and Colonell Dodding for Lonesdale. But the more forward in
raising companies into Armes was Salford Hundred especially
Manchester. And it is very observant what willingness and
alacritie of spirit God put into the hands of the men of that
Hundred ther being noe compulsion but all freely put themselves
under such Captains as they Judged most convenient for them.
And of those that first put themselves into Armes were men of
the best affection to Religion and it may be thought that God
pointed them out for their forwardnes, and zeale caried them soe
out, To effect that Reformation in some things offensive in every
part of the County where they came, that Eighty yeares and the
Gospell did not, which was the pulling downe of Crosses in the
High waies, erected through Superstition as alsoe some in Market
Townes — witness Preston and others — takeing out of Churches
the Booke of Common Praier, Surplisses Fonts and breaking
downe of Organs wher they found any.22
The Captaines of Manchester aboue said after they had raised
their Companies maid it their dayly practice to exercise them in
Martiall discipline, and ther was erected in the Town a Magazine
house furnished with Ponder, Mach and Bullet to be readie as
occation was offered with a man that had charg of it as also a
Court of Guard to restraine abuses. And as those provisions for
the Soulderie was effected without delay soe was there great and
costly provisions mad about the Towne to keepe of the enimie for
there were Workes made by the skill of a Dutchman named
Rosworm23 upon euery syd of the Towne that was needfull makyng
Skonces Fortifications and Mounts to place Ordinance vpon. And
to keep their Souldiers in Exercise some of their Captaines and
Companies were sent vpon designes advantagious vnto them. As
Captaine Birch was sent into Blackburne Hundred to take in
Townley Hall, and others were sent to fetch prizes from malignant
Cavaliers, their enimies, as they did from Mr. Heppe an Officer
and Tenant to the said Earle of Darbie that dwelt about Pilkington

LANCASHIRE WARR. II
Stand, for from him they fetched at the least twenty yong Cattell
at one tyme. Others were sent to disarm such places they thought
would be their enimies and vse them against them. Thus they The Towne of
disarmed the Town of Bury belonging to the afforsaid Earle and Bury dlsarmed'
from the Church in that Towne they took away the Surplysse and
put it on the back of a Souldier and caused him to rid in the Cart
the Armes were caried in to be matter of sport and laughter to the
Behoulders.24 Hereby they became a terrer to all Caviliers near
them. Nay that house of Sir Edward Mosleys called the Lodge
wherein Mr. Tildsley was quartered during the Siege against
them they pulled it down to the very foundation ; And (as it is
thought) mad on of his Timber trees for making them strong
Gates aud Barrs that they mad at every comming into theire
Towne. And among other works for their Safetie and defence the
making of Gunpowder was set ou foot bv them and made in the Gunpowder
° r J made at Man-
Colledge and accidentally by the snuffe of a Candle falling into chester-
some, as it was a making, it blew of some Slate of the Colledge
and terrified the workmen.25
By these and other their Resolute preparations Manchester
became famous all England over and of great esteeme with all that
had a good will to the Parliament, It being the stronge hould and
refuge for many honest men who had their dwellings in the Cavi
liers quarters to fly vnto leaving their families and Estaite to the
mercy of their Enimies ; But ther they were safe and had good
Accommodation .
That Horid, cursed, and barbarous Rebellion of the Irish Papists order from the
_.. _. Parliament for
being broken forth in October 1641 and many Speeches and much disarming of
Probabilities that the Papists in this Nation should about that tyme
have risen in Armes also moved the Parliament to give out their
Order That all the Papists in this Nation should be disarmed, and
their Armes laid up aud kept in some safe and convenient place
within the Hundred wher they livd And the Armes within Black
burn Hundred being laid up at Whaley Sir Gilbert Houghton one
of the Deputy Lieutenants for the Earle of Darbie afforesaid no
doubt but by and with the counsell and direction of the Earle and

12

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Papists Armes
fetched from
Whaley by Sr
Gilbert Hoghton
and taken from
him at Black
burn e.

to make their Partie stronge called up the Trained Band of Amoun-
dernes Hundred and marched to Whaley to fetch the said Armes
from thence and the 16 or 17 of October 1642 caried them to
Blackburne and quartered there that night. And that same day
ould Colonell Shutleworth (hauing received Inteligence of his De-
signe) had a Randavous of the Clubmen of Blackburne Hundred
upon Houley More wher they held a consultation what course to
take about those Armes, the general vote being not to let them goe
out of their Hundred but eyther Reskowe them or adventure them
selves to the Hazard. Soe that at night hearing that Sir Gilbert
with his companie and the Armes had taken up their quarters at
Blackburne they silently fell down upon Blackburne beating up
their quarters, tooke many of Sir Gilbert's souldiers prisoners
seazed vpon the Armes. Sir Gilbert himselfe fled out of the Towne
and the prisoners that were taken being brought before Colonell
Shutleworth he released them counselling them to be honest men
and keep at home — of which number was Sergeant Roger Had
dock of Bryning26 beside others.
The month before the fetching of these Armes from Whaley
some of the most eminent Popishly affected Gentlemen of the
County, when the King was come to Chester seeing and hearing
his inclination to war prepared a Petition to him letting him know
that they were disarmed so that they could not be eyther service
able to his Majestie or defend themselves and families in the tyme
of Actuall War. The Petition runs thus :

The Petition of
some Popish
Gentlemen of
Lancashireto the King.

To the Kings most Excellent Majestie
The humble Petition of Us Inhabitants of Lancashire whose
names are under written in behalf of ourselves
and divers others beinge Recusants.
ESitjtras we and the rest of the said County your Majestie's
most Loyall Subjects are Disarmed and not suffyciently provided
for the defence of your Royall Person and of our owne families
Our most Humble Supplication to your Majestie is That we may
be received into your gracious protection from violence and our

LANCASHIRE WARR. 13
Armes taken from us redelivered in this tyme of Actuall War and
by your Majesties speciall direction be enabled further to furnish
ourselves with competencie of Weapons for the Securitie of your
Royall person (if we bee therunto required) our Countries and
Families who are not only in danger of the common disturbance
but manaced by unruly people to be Robed And when by the Al-
mightie assistance your Majesties Kingdome shall be setled in case
we be again Disarmed that a full valew in Money in Leew therof
to us may be restored, And we shall dayly pray &c.
Willm Gerard. Charles Towneley.
Cecill Trafford. Christopher Anderton.
Thomas Clifton. Jo. Cansfeld.
The King returns a gracious Answer to them and grants all
their desire : which is as followeth :
To our Trusty and Well beloved
Sir William Gerard Baronet, Sir Cecill Trafford Knight
Thomas Clifton, Charles Towneley Christopher
Anderton, John Cansfield Esquirs and
others our Subjects Recusants
within the County of
Lancaster.
Charles Rex
Trustie and beloved wee greet you well, Wheras by reason The King's
of the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme by which all Recusants
convicted are to bee without Armes your Armes have been taken
from you soe that now in this time of imminent Danger wherein
ther are Armes [armies] Raised against or Commands and contrary
to or Proclamations and are marching against us And divers of
or good Subjects for 'obeying our lawfull Commands and opposing
the Rebellious proceedings of others ill affected are by strong hand
seazed vpon, and Imprisoned their houses plundered and their
goods taken away and the like threatened to ourselves who as all
others our Subjects ought to have our protection against unlawfull
violence and fforce And the Laws made for disarming Recusants

1 4 LANCASHIRE WARR.
were made only for provision to prevent danger in tyme of Peace
and were not intended to bar you from a necessary vse of Armes
in tyme of Actuall War for your owne Safety and for Defence of
our person agaynst all Rebells traytors and enimies which by your
dutie and aledgance you are bound vnto which is not nor ever was
meant to be discharged or taken away by any Acte And wheras
the Armes which were taken from you ought by Law to haue been
kept and preserved to haue been made vse of by you in such tyme
of oppen War or such other as you would provide yett under the
speciall pretence of Disarming Recusants and persons ill affected
your Armes have been disposed and dispersed into the hands of
severall persons ill affected and for the most part fomentors and
excitors of these commotions now raised in this Kingdome Our
will and coniand therefore is and we charg and require you upon
your Aledgance as you tender the safetie of our person and the
peace and welfare of this our Kingdom that you with all possible
speed provid sufficient Armes for yourselves your Servants and
your Tenants which wee authorise and require duryng the tyme
of oppen War raysed against Us to kepe and vse for the Defence
of us and yourselves and of your Country against all forces raised,
or to be raised against vs or against our consent or contrary to
our Proclamations by colour of any ordinance order or authoritie
whatsoever And we shall according as we are bound to all our
Subjects vse our vttermost power for the protection of you against
all Inimies and Violences And whenever these Armes which you
shall soe provide (after it shall please God to put an end to these
distractions) shall be taken away from your custodie by reason of
lawes now in force we hereby assure you we will allow for the same
so much as you shall have disspended in provision therof.
Given under or Signet at our Court at Chester the 27 of
September in the 18 year of or Reigne.
The Papists The propensitie and forwardnes of Papists to the Warr needs
forw d in the 1 *
oX^acc'orde uot to set * or agravate(l- This Petition with their Actions
*'*ou^any call and endeavours made it manifest to all the Nation. They had a

LANCASHIRE WARR. 15
good ground to haue been newter in this war had not their spirits
and malice against the Protestant Religion provoked them to it.
The King by his Proclamation given at York declared against all
concurrence and help by them when he gave stride charge and
prohibition that noe Papists should come within his Army neyther
to be Commander nor Souldiers nor any other that would not take
the oathes of Supremacy and Aledgeance. Therefore they thrust
themselves into the Warr without any calling and soe haue brought
upon them a greater burden of evill than they needed And how
soever the greate ones amongst them haue wraslled themselves out
yet vpon the meaner sort it lyes heavy, the worst that is wished
them is deliverance They thought they could have done all by
their multitude And it may be they were conceited that if the
King had prevailed through their assistance they could have forct
him to set up their Religion els have given him an Indian Nut as The Indian Nut.
the Book called " Rome's Masterpiece " set forth by Authoritie of
Parliament shewes was the designe of many of ther leaders.27 But
I leave them and returne to or storye.
After that the Armes (spoken of before) were recovered from Sir
Gilbert Houghton, Colonell Shutleworth and Colonell Starkie
were very diligent and industrious to put their Hundred of Black
burn into a posture of warr, and therefore gave . Commissions to
severall Captaines to raise Companies. Four of Colonell Shutle-
worth's sons were made Captaines, viz. Nicholas, William Edward
and Hute. Colonell Starkies sonn and heyre and Mr. Bradell's28
soonne and heyre, then were the first Captaines in the Parliament
Service in that Hundred and they raised Companies which proved
stout men and were of good repute for hardness and manhood
every where they came.
The Deputie Lieutenants for the Earle of Darbie were no less
diligent on the Kings part, striving to raise up what Souldiery
they could and to Garrison such Townes in the County as were
emminent and thorow roads as Preston Wiggon and Warrington. preston Wyggan
Warrington they mood walled round about making stronger gates ^f^^S
and fortifications.29 Preston and Wiggon they did not make so ^eEarIe of

i6

LANCASHIRE WARR.

stronge only some Engines maid of Tymber was placed in the
streets of eyther towne to keep horse out.
Wiggon was better man'd with souldiers than Preston it being
the next Garrison to the Earle's house and the most malignant
towne in all the County : for ther was (for any thing that was
hard) not many in it that favored the Parliament. The Earle
being made Generall of all the Forces raysed for the King within
this County, att a Meeting with Commissioners of Aray at Preston
they agreed what forces should be raysed in it and what moneys
should be assessed upon it towards the maintenance and also what
the officers of that Army and Souldiers should have daily in pay.
Their Agreement is as foloweth :

Att a Meeting at Preston the io of December
1642 by the Right Honorable James Earle of
Derby Lord Generall of the County of Lancaster
and Sir John Girlington Knight High
Sheriff of the said County30 Alexander
Rigbie,31 Robert Hoult Roger
Kirbie and William
ffarington, Esquires
DarMesAssLs- Jt was res°lved and agreed vpon That the soome of 8000 and
count^towa'r'd ?00 Poun(is shalbe ratably assessed upon the severall Hundreds of
of^ces*™"5 tbis County according to an Agreement made at Preston And
according to an Assessment for the Subsidy granted in the 17th
year of his Majesties Reign that now is which sum shall be
imployed for the pay of 2000 foot and 400 horse and also for pro
vision of a Magazin and Ammunition for the said County for the
safeguard and securitie therof and the said Moneys forthwith to
be raysed and colected by such officers as shall be appointed for
that service and paid over to such Treasurer and Treasurers as
shal be likewise named.
And it is likewise agreed that Sir John Girlington knight now
High Sheriff of this County32 Adam Mort gentleman Maior of the
towne of Preston33 and William ffarington Esquire shall be Trea-

LANCASHIRE WARR. 17
surers of the said some, and that they or any twoo of them shall
haue full power to receive and disburse the same moneys and to
give Account for the same to the Lord Generall afforesaid as his
Honor shall appoint.
And it is further agreed that Sir John Girlington Knight and
Roger Kirby Esquire shall be Collectors for the Hundred of Lans-
dale Adam Mort Gentleman Maior of Preston and Alexander
Rigbie of Burge Esquir for the Hundred of Amounderness "William
ffarington and John ffleetwood Esquirs for the Hundred of Lay-
land; Henry Ogle Esquire34 John Brotherton Gentleman and
Robert Mercer Gentleman for the Hundred of West Derby;
Robert Holt and Francis Sherrington Esquires for the Hundred
of Salford ; Sir John Talbot Knight and Ratcliffe Ashton for the
Hundred of Blackburne.
And it is also agreed that Sir John Girlington Knt. Adam Mort
Gentleman Maior of Preston James Anderton and Roger Kirby
Esquires or three of them to be constantly resiant in the towne of
Preston and to be a certain Counsell there to assist the said Lord
Generall and to receive his Orders and Commands and to give his
Lordship an Account of their dayly proceedings from tyme to
tyme. And they are lykewise to have power to call to their assist
ance Sir Gilbert Houghton Knight and Barronet35 Thomas Clifton,
William ffarington36 and John ffleetwood Esquires or any of them
or any other of his Majesties Commissioners of Array within the
said County so often as they shall see occation.
And it is likewise agreed that William Smith Gentleman shall
be Commissary for the Hundred of West Derby and Leyland
Hugh Anderton Gentleman for the Hundred of Amounderness and
Laynsdall. And it is allsoe agreed that euery Captaine of Foot shall receive
for his pay 10s by the day, every Lieutenant 4s every Antient 3s
every Servant 28d every Drummer i5d every Corporall i2d and
every common Souldier 9d.
And that every Captaine of Horse 15s every Lieutenant 8s every
Cornet 6s every Corporall 4s every Trumpeter 5 s every Horseman
2s 6<J. D

1 8 LANCASHIRE WARR.
And every Captaine of Dragoons 12s every Lieutenant 6s every
Cornet 4s Sariant 3s corporall 2s every Dragoonier i8d Ketle Drum
2s and to every Commissarie 5s per diem.37 Derbie.
John Girlington. Will'm ffarington. Robert Hoult.
Roger Kirbie. Alexand. Rigbie. Henry Ogle.
If God had not prevented the Earles designes in this perticular
he had brought the County to Beggary for how should euer 90001'
be raised within it, but all would have beene undone. He had
but four of the Hundreds of the County within his power when
this Order was made. Two Hundreds never complied with him
and Providence soe ordered that those twoo Hundreds drove him
quite away and dissipated all his power. Upon the newes that the
King had sett up his Standard Royall the Earle put forth a Pro
testation which hee and his Complices (belike) tooke, which was
as foloweth : The Protestation of James
Earle of Darbie.
WM)tKt&& our Sovereign Lord King Charles hath set up his
Standard Royall and hath required the Aid and Assistance of his
Subjects for the Suppression of such Armies and Forces as are
raised without his Majesties consent. And whereas by our Duty
and Aleadgeance all Subjects are bound to assist the King against
all force and might raised within the Kingdome against him or his
commands. In manifestation therefore of the sinceritie of our
hearts and loyalty to our Sovereign and or duty to our Country to
avoid all misinterpretations of our Actions wee whose names are
hereunder written doe hereby declare before God and the World
that wee will maintayne and defend the trew Protestant Religion
the person honour Just and known Prerogatives of King Charles
our only supreme Governour -and the Just and known Privileges
of Parliament and the Liberties of the Subjects of this Kingdome.
And we doe lykewise declare that wee will assist the King for the
Defence of his person and for suppressing of all forces and armies

LANCASHIRE WARR. Ic.
under what pretence soever Raised without his Majesties consent.
And that whensoever these forces and armies which are or shall
be raised without his Majesties consent shall be quietly laid downe
or otherwise suppressed and dispersed We will quietly and peace
ably lay downe all Armes and doe our vtmost endeavour that all
other Inhabiting within this County shall doe soe likewise. And
wee will use our utmost endeavours to bring all those to punish
ment who shall during the absence of such forces which shall be
sent out of this CouDty to his Majestie by any waies or meanes
endeavour to do any Hostile Act therein or any other Publick act
to the Disturbance of the Peace and quietness therof.
The Earles Lieutenants and the Commissioner of Aray hauing
the Command of four Hundreds of the Trained Bands did also
raise more Companies. In Layland Hundred Captaine Bayard
had a Company. He was a fierce man and a great plunderer. In
Landalle Hundred Mr Dalton of Thurlum [Thurnham] raysed a
troop of Horse. He stood not long. What was raysed in Darby
Hundred is uncertain. In Amunderness among the Papists there
were severall Companies raysd under the leading of Mr Thomas
Tildsley of Merskoe as Colonell, a man much esteemed in the
Country, most were willing to comply with him.38 All the Cap
taines raysd by him were Papists ; but Edward Bradley of Bryning,
as Captaine Thomas Singleton of Stayning Captaine John Bamber
of the Lower Moore, Captaine  Butler of Kirkham, Captaine
William Butler of Merskoe Captaine  Tildsley of Gosnargh
and Captaine  Whittingham of Claughton.
There was not a man in all the County more zealous and fervent
for the King's part than Colonell Tildsley was, not the Earle of
Darbie himselfe, for it was thought hee forwarded the Earle more
than he would have been. Hee was a noble generous-minded
Gentleman. His zeal for the King's cause put him on so That
having many well affected to him to folowe him ; besides many of Coioneii Tildsley
the freehoulders band whom he alured or commanded to march this countie to
.... . Edge Hill Battell
with him to Warrington and when hee had them there would not against their wm
~, that never re-
sufler any of them to returne home, but compelled and forced them fumed.

20

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Captains
Bradshaw and
Venables taken
Prisoners and
carried to
Lathom House.

This was in
December the
24 day 1642.

to march with him after the King then returning from Chester
and soe to'Kineton Field and Edg Hill Battell whence most of
them never returned againe.
The King's part (as is before said) having four Hundreds of the
County vnder their power they had in them the Castle of Lancas
ter whom they made vse of to imprison many honest men who
would not comply to do what they thought, but they did not Gar
rison it neither the towne of Lancaster. Preston they kept as a
Garrison making the Souldiers of the Trained Band for that
Hundred the gardians for Papists for thither did most Papists of
eminency resort that Winter 1642 and there had their residence
till it was Taken by Colonell Shutleworth as will be shewn here
after whom we leave for awhile and say something of Manchester.
Who Having raised many Companies vnto compleat Armes and
in all things in good way and posture of Warr about December
1642 Some of their Companies viz. Captaine Bradshaw and Cap
taine Venables with their companies and what more is uncertaine,
designed to march from Manchester as far as Houghton Common39
but what further or what their design was not openly knowne.
Upon that Common they met with an overpoweringe Companie of
Souldiers belonging to Wiggon Garrison There was not much
spoken of any great fight ther was betweene them or any slaine
But Wiggon men being soe many enclosed them about soe that
they were glad to yield themselves Prisoners above a hundred
common Souldiers aud Captaines Bradshaw40 and Venables were
both carried to Lathom House. Venables was detained long there.
Bradshaw was delivered soone and not long after died being a verv
moderate man and of good parts. This disaster was a great greef
and discouradgment to the Parliament party all the County over.
But not long after this divers souldiers of Wiggon Garrison being
ranged as far as Leighe towne some sixe miles of to Plunder a
Company from Manchester having Intelligence thereof came in
upon a sudden and took most of them prisoners. Thus the County
was divided and at Defyance one neighbour with another and
many pore men were forced to leave their dwellinges and seek

LANCASHIRE WARR. 21
Refuge where they could find it, in Yorkeshire or elsewhere who
received hard measure from the King's party Especially from Sir
John Girlington who being Sheriff of the County that year under
pretence for the King by his agents such as Bryan Burton41 maid
seasur and Sequestered the Estates of many. Many men fled
causing payment to be maid for them soe that both plundering
and sequestering had their rise and beginning from the King's
ptie. The Hundred of Blackburne being put into a War like posture
many companies of Resolut Souldiers being raised within it The Coioneii
Colonells Oulde Shutleworth42 and Starkie43 having a speciall eve Starkie lay s°me
-,-,.. , . , a r j forces in Black-
to ±$lacKburne towne bemge soe neare vnto Preston as alsoe burn&
fearing inroads into the Hundred by the enimie besydes Plunder
ing, laid some Companies of Souldiers in it and caused some forti
fications to be maid about it in some measure to secure it and so
till about Christmas 1642 it continued in a reasonable quiet
condition. But Blackburne lying within three miles of Hoghton Tower the sir Gilbert
i i n c-i ¦ «... TT Hoghton's expe-
prmcipal house of Sir Gubert Hoghton a Deputie Lieutenant for dit!™ against
0 r Blackburne.
the Earle of Darbie and a Commissioner of Aray He tooke it into
consideration how vnsafe it was for him in respect of his person
and estait about Hoghton but especiallie how dishonourable it
might prove to his reputation with his King, if he suffered a Gar
rison of the Enimie soe neare unto his howse and vsed no means
to dissipate it was moved about the latter end of December 164.2 viz. ye 24 and *s
L ^ ot December.
to thinke upon the reducing that Garrison to the King's part.
And thereuppon resolved to set upon it, having the assistance of
most of the Popish affected Gentlemen in Amoundernes Hundred
with there Tenants in Armes, the Trained Bands, and the Clubmen
of the Field and other parts. He marched forward from Preston
the twenty fourth daye of December being Christmas time up the
way to Meller loan head soe vpon the North syd of Blackburne;
set downe most of his forces about and neare the house of 
a husbandman by a bye name called Duke of the Banke, and was bursting the
having a small piece of Ordnance plaied most of that night and Frying Pan.

22 LANCASHIRE WARR.
the day folowing against the Towne, the greatest execution that it
did, as was hard of, a bullet shot out of it entered into a house
upon the South syde of the Church Yard and burst out the bottom
of a fryen pan.44 There was noe nearer assault to the Towne than
a quarter of a Mile. They wear afraid of comming near one ano
ther. The Souldiers within the Towne went out of it and dis
charged there muskets towards them at randome for any thing
was knowne there was not a man sleyne or hurt. Vpon Christmas
day at night Sir Gilbert withdrew his forces being weary of his
Siege and his Souldiers and Clubmen were glad of it that they
might eate their Christmas pyes at home. But they did the good
man about whose house they lay much harme not only in eating
his provision of Meale and Beeffe and the like, as also in burninge
his barne doors with his Carts wheels and other husbandry stuff.
This was all the expedition of Sir Gilbert Houghton against Black
burne. This winter was all spent in preparations and Garrisoning of
Townes and to make stronge one party against an other. And
Wiggon being made a strong Garrison full of disperate Caviliers
and not above six mile from Boulton45 Therefore for feare of the
malice of Wiggon Colonell Ashton of Midleton that was the Par
liament man for the County laid Companies in Boulton and caused
fortification to be made and kept it as a Garrison. And Wiggon
souldiers made divers fearse assaults against it with litle successe.
sic. The last they made was a very desparat one about the last week of
lent 1643. Divers souldiers from Wiggon came up to the mood
walls shotting disperatly and were resisted manfully. At the last
a son of Mr Alexr Rigbie of Brugh (whether a Captaine or souldier
is uncertaine) mounting the mood wall, threwe himself over, crying
"a Towne, a Towne," he with some few as disperat as himself was
slayne, and the reste of the Companie being beaten off returned to
their Garrison with disgrace. There was this Winter also divers
Allaroms given to Blackburn by the King's ptie but with no
effecte. The Parliament was not unmindful of their friends in this

LANCASHIRE WARR.

23

Countie but sent twoo expert Commanders to them, both to see
their souldiers taught the vse of their Armes as allsoe to encoradge
direct and counsell them — Sir John Seaton46 and Major Sparrow.47
Their most aboad was at Manchester and yet in other parts as
occations required their counsell and assistance.
Now Blackburn Hundred being well provided of Souldiers,
many companies in it of resolute men and Colonells Shutleworth
and Starkie hauing received Inteligence from divers the friends to
the Parliament in Preston of the state of the Towne and how
weakly it was kepte and withall desired by them to help to free
them of that bondage they were vnder It was resolved and agreed
that they would try what they could doe to reduce Preston with
all Amondernese hundred to the obedience of the Parliament (but
it was exceeding closed raised) And in February their forces was
gathered up towards Blackburne And together with some of Preston was
D taken the 8 of
Amonderness Hundred who were fled out of the Country for feare ffebmary.
of the King's party. The abovesaid Sir John Seaton and Maior
Sparrow being come downe from Manchester to assist and give
them theire Counsell They marched somewhat late towards the
evening the seaventh of ffebruary afforesaid to Preston having
quited Ribble Bridge they drew vp theire whole bodie into the
ffieldes the foot way from the Bridge to the towne making a stand Preston taken by
J ° ° Blackburn forces
for a litle space in a close of Ground.48 Some companies were th* n ffebmary
drawne by the guidans of those that well knew the towne Towardes
the House of Correction to enter there at the Fryars Gate Barrs
Whereas the maine body of the Army came vp at a lane at the
East Barres where the Watter voides the towne. The souldiers
that were within resisted all they could. The Maior of the Towne
Mr Adam Mort came up to the souldiers very fearsly but was The Maior of
sleyn in a short space. Ratcliffe Hoghton brother to Sir Gilbert siay^™
being in the street with Doctor Westby a Phisitian and twoo Ratciare Hogh-
pl n , n-i-n*-' ton Dr. Westbie
buchers (butchers) ot the towne one ot them called Mitton and two Buchers
making resistance were all sleyne. As the souldiers passed along
the streets though they found no resistance yet such was theire
fear and fury that with their Muskett and Pykes and Clubmen

24 LANCASHIRE WARR.
with their Staves they brake the glass windows on both syde the
streetes within their reach, which was to no purpose and pittifull
to behould.
Sir Gilbert Houghton was said to be in the towne when it was
entered and escaped leaving his hat behind him49 (as it was said).
And though there had been many Papists in it all the Winter
before of the best ranke yet were they all gone. There were a
great many of Prisoners taken Souldiers and others. The towne
thus reduced to the Parliament, the prisoners taken and in hould,
were in tyme fairly delivered And the week following Colonell
Shutleworth sent out his Precepts into all the Hundred to sum
mon them to appeare before him and yeald their subiection, who
accordingly came in (to the outward appearance) willingly and
seemed to be Joyfull but it was but dissimulation, for feare, as
afterward appeared.
Then the Commanders for the Parliament in Preston begin to
fortifie the Towne in many places, calling helpe to performe it out
of the Country. They erect a strong Sconce upon the Marsh to
command the fords over Ribble both waies, all this labour being
vain for it was neuer made vse of. They also send some companies
of Souldiers to Houghton Tower who seazed upon it .and kepte
Garrison there. But a fearfull accident befell them to their losse
and greef for through want of heedfullnesse some Gunpowder was
set on fyer which blew upp and threw downe some part of the
House and slew divers Souldiers amongst whome Captaine 
Starkie the Colonell son50 was one which was greate sorrowe to
his Father.
LMcStoeat Alsoe they sent some Companies to Lancaster to take in the
Garrisoned. Castle a strong hould and not thought vpon by the Enimie all the
while the Hundred of Lonsdall was vnder their power. All the
Prisoners they found in it eyther for fellonie or debt they sett
them att Libertie and Captaine William Shutleworth51 had the
charge thereof who was slaine there as will be shewed below.
PouitonVP'i!h m About ten or twelve days after the taking of Preston on a Lord's
suddenly appeare t • ,-, . , n
inabodye. day m the morning appeared not far from Poulton, on horses, a

LANCASHIRE WARR. 25
greate Companie of Gentlemen with M1' Alexander Rigbie of
Layton a Commissioner of Array52 with other Popish Captaines for
the Kings partie, as Captaine Singleton Captaine Bamber with
other malignants of that part of the County as if they intended
some commotion. And it put the people there about at Warbrick
and Bisbame in feare of them, for they kept themselves in a bodie
soe that the people were glad to betake themselves to what weapons
they had for their defence. At the last the Gentlemen betook
them selves to a house and there abode till after dinner tyme, then
they road northward, for they were afraid of being apprehended
which was the cause of their convention at that tyme. But it was
a needless feare for Colonell Shutleworth53 carried the matter soe
mildly and gently that hee made not much enquiry or search after
eyther the persons or armes of any of the contrary partie, letting
them rest quietly at their homes, as these did, and might have
done, if their owne feares had not caused them to leave the
country.54 After this there seemed to be a silent securitie all the County
over, yet on a sudden an accident fell out that put all into feare
againe as if a great mischieffe were comminge. A Ship of Spaine
being wynd driven was thrusten into the ebe seas upon the back
of Rossall and being in danger not knowing where they were
eyther how to come into any Harbour or to get off They dis
charged their Ordinance three or four days together ryding at
Anchor. It was presently Judged .to be-some of the King's party
that was come with Souldiers to aid the King's partie and Drive
Shutleworth and his companies away; but continuing soe longe
discharging ther Ordenance and not making up to lande those
that had knowledge of such affaires Judged them to bee some
strangers, and that the cause of their Shooting so often was for
some to come to them to helpe and guide them into the Harbour.
At the last a Seafaring man of the country  a pilot took
Boat and went vp to them and found them to bee Spaniards bound
for the Low Countries with men to be brought thither to be exer
cised in Armes ; but haueing been long tossed upon the Seas the

26 LANCASHIRE WARR.
men were growne most of them, especially the meaner sort very
feeble and weak and that their much shooting was to be holpen
into the Harbour which he accordingly did bringing the Ship into
the mouth of Wyre landing herselfe upon Rossall side. She was
of a great Burden, such a one as was never landed in Wyre watter
in any man's memory then alive. She carried many great peeces
of Brasse Ordenances whose report was hard most of the country
over when any of them were discharged. It was a wonder to the
Country to see such a one.
The Commanders for the Parliament made seasur vpon the
Shippe for the Parliaments advantage which being made known to
the Earle of Darbie He, stirred vp with envie came with a slender
Troop of horse over Ribble the  late at night being Satur
day and lodged at Lytham Hall with Mr Clifton And the very
same day four Companies of Souldiers all foote were marched from
Preston down into the ffylde towards the Shippe quartering that
night in Poulton and Singleton under the conduction of Maior
Sparrow who on the Lords day in the morning drew them alto
gether into a bodye in Poulton sending Scoutes to espy if they
could hear any thing of the Earle's stirring or his designe what it
was. At last having discovered the Earle in the Common called
The Earie of the Hoes55 marching towards Rossall all his Companie hauing'
Derbie with a .. JT o
Troop went to theer swords drawne they returned to Sparrow with this news who
the Shipp, set it . " L
taking fcoToneii 'aS ]t waS thought) to avoid the Earle drew all his Companies
MrdTownTon to Wyre and ierJiJ1S them over marched all along it, till he came
SSiome. over aSainst where the shlpp lay being as feard of the Earle as
the Earle was of him. Now the Earle ride directly to the Shipp
and caused it to be entered into. And finding in it or about it
Colonell George Dodding and Mr Townson of Lancaster being
friends to the Parliament, and come to see it, He caused them to
be apprehended and the Shipp to be fired carying the Gentlemen
away. He returned in haste and on his returne entered into
Rossall Hall causing it to be sought for Armes carying all that
was found away with him with some of the chiefest persons that
belonged to the Shipp as well women as men and (as it was then

LANCASHIRE WARR. 27
thought) was affraid to stay in the ffylde that night went home,
very late, to Lathom.
The Ship being on fyre, alwaies as the fyer burned it down to
the ordenance they discharged till it was burned down to the
watter, the Ordenance falling some into the bottom of the Shipe
and some into the watter. Yet the Parliament Commanders had
an eye upon the Ordenance to preserve them out of their Enimies
hands (though they studed them litle for any thing that was hard)
and Boats were brought there to convey them downe Loyne to
Lancaster and they were laid in the Castle Guard where they were
kept and preserved till after the Earle had beene and burned part
of the Towne as shall be related.
Maior Sparrow with his four hundred men did noe service for
saving the Shipe by his marching over Wyre : whereas if he had
been resolut and had marched his men into Rossall Warranry (in
Fleetwood) he might have been able both to have savegarded the
Shipp as also to have defended himself56 and them and have turned
the Earle backe againe with disgrace. This way he was advysed
to take before he quitted Poulton ; but it was then judged a safe
way and easy to sleep in a whole hyde ; and hee and his companie
returned to Preston without Danger.57 The rest of the pore Maior Sparrow's
1 i • 1 dastardliness in
creatures that were in the Shipp, besides what the Earle took with not endeavouring
L ftp, i t0 withstand the
him weare all turned into the Country to fend lor themselves as Earie.
they could, being almost starved. Some died in the Country of
extreme povertie of bodye, taken on Shipboard for want of meat,
soe that when they had plenty of it, nature was not able to recover
them. The rest all of them went Southward and were never hard
more of.
Lancaster, Preston, the Ship Ordenance, with the whole Country
round about, being in the Parliaments power and many Companies
of Souldiers lying in Preston, some distrust and dislike fell be
tweene Sir John Seaton and some of them. What the occasion
was, few knew ; but the fury of the Souldiers was so bent against
him, that they threatened his death: yet God so ordered that
.there was no harme.58

28 LANCASHIRE WARR.
The Earle of Darbie having burnt the Shipp (as is before said)
yet hearing that the Ordenance out of it was conveyed to Lan
caster, taking counsell with his Captaines and Officers, it was
resolved to try whether or not they could recover the Ordenances
to themselves with Lancaster Castle allso. And therefore they
mustered and gathared up all the Forces they had or could raise
in Darbie and Layland Hundreds and marched them over Ribble
into the Fyld, carying with them a litle piece of Ordenance. The
Earle himselfe quartered that night at Lytham againe and his
forces were quartered in or about Kirkham and the Souldiers with
vagabound women that folowed after them, made grete enquiries
to know the dwellings of the Roundheads from whom they plun
dered horses pewter brasse bedding and what els they could carry,
from some the value of 20]i at that tyme. The Earle by his
Officers that night issued out Warrants all the ffyld country over
commanding all above 16 years old and under 60 uppon payne of
death to be and appeare before his Honor at Kirkham the next
morning by 8 of clock in their best weapons to attend the King's
service, which was obeyed of all the Country. And having taken
a view of them being come from Lytham Hall to Kirkham, great
words and threats were used by his Officers against any that
shewed unwillingness to obey their commands. And he, with his
officers being ready every man was commanded upon pain of death
to march. Over the Club men thus sodenlie raised there were
Captaines appointed. John Hoole of Singleton was maid a Cap-
Captains set over taine and one John Ambrose of Plumpton parish an other What
the Club men. . . _, _ ,.
more is uncertain, lo Lancaster was their march through Treales
Wharles and Rosaker, and whoever had the tytle of Roundhead in
their way, from them they took what they lyked. It was said the
Earle himself stayed at Elswick59 whilst his Companie plundered
Mr. WilHam Swarbrecke's Books,60 a blemis and stain to his
honour — if true.
Upon Fryday the  they entered the Towne of Lancaster
severall waies, there being very few Souldiers if any, to resist
them save those that kept the Castle. Captaine William Shutle-

LANCASHIRE WARR.

20

worth61 and some souldiers with him being not far from the Castle
and not being wary of their entrance at soe severall waies was
sodenly surprized and slayne before he could recover it. Such was The Earie
their cruelty that they set fyre upon the towne in several parts of teTTowneTh^f"
it, having none to withstand them. In the hart of the Towne t°him.
they burned divers of the most eminent houses. That long street
from the Whit croft62 all was burned Dwelling houses barnes corne
hay cattell in their stalls v The Club men plundered unmercifully
carrying great packets home with them. But the Castle they
could not enter; yet spoyled the Towne (where was not many
Enimies to them) causelessly and hauing done spoyle more than
sufficient returned homewarde.
When it was known to the Parliament partie that the Earle was
in the Feild Country raysing forces and marching to Lancaster
Colonell Ashton of Midleton being Generall for the Parliament in
this County he made what possible speed he could (lying so far
remote) to give releefe to Lancaster calling the forces in Salford
up marched thorow Preston vpon Saturne-day the  day of
March towards Lancaster many Companies folowing that day,
Sunday and Monday, the Earle lingering all those daies till Mon
day farr in the afternoone one purpose to avoid the meeting of the
Colonell having received Intelligence of his coming. And when
he had certain knowledge that the Colonell was marching one way The Earie of
to Lancaster he came the other way to avoid him and being quit toeme^°coTon2f
of him he then marched spedily towards Preston, his design being
to surprize Preston that night. Yet he made a stay at the lower
syde of ffullwood More taking especiall care to stop all Intelligence
from Preston of his coming soe that there was no word of him so
near till very late at night that the Scouts sent out of Preston dis
covered him who brought a fearfull allarum into the towne. And
then preparation was made for resistance. The Fryars Gate Barrs The towns men
was stronglv guarded with men,63 but the nearer the Earle raiiy disaffected
J , , , -, -p 'o the Parlia-
approached the Towne the lesse and weaker it waxed for the ment
Townes men were generally disaffected to the Parliament. And
for Strangers of the Parliament part that were accidentally within

30 LANCASHIRE WARR.
it their care was more how they might provide for their saftie;
leave it, and escap, then how to keep it, which many did.
Ould Colonell Shutleworth of the first sort got his horse and
homeward. Many strangers were cruelly betrayed by base and
false Hostlers who had boulted the Stable doors uppon their horses
and avoided out of the way the keyes thereof soe that they could
not have them but were taken loosing their Horses and some
having their horses were glad they escaped them [selves] .64 Then
the Earle's forces comming up to the ffryars Gate Barres dis
charged that litle peece of Ordenance they caried with them,
divers times into the towne the Clubmen shouting vehemently.
At last without any resistance they entered and their Horse
coursed about the Towne to the East end and to Ribble Bridge,
which they guarded that none could fly that way.
Preston regained Thus was the Earle possessed of the Towne againe for the King.
Darby. Many Prisoners were taken, some of quality, their horses being
treacherously locked from them (as affore is said) . The daye fol
lowing the Souldiers fell to their ould course of Plundering of such
as they hard had showed themselves favourers of the Parliament
partie when they had the towne. Especiallie some Commanders
were forward therein, yea, Master Tildsley was much busied about
Mr. Edmund Wearden's house, that way. And Mr. Hugh Ander
ton of Euxton about the shop of Henry Tailor ; and others more
not so obvious. They made not long aboad in the towne but when
they had gotten what they could by plundering or of the Prisoners
the Clubmen were first discharged and the reste within awhile left
it not minding to keep any Garrison there.
Colonell Ashton65 not meeting with the Earle (as was said)
marched on to Lancaster and vewing the pitifuU rewings thereof
with the clamour of the people for it and their plunderings by the
souldiers which moved him to greef and hearing besides how that
the Earle had regained Preston made no long stay there com
ming into Blackburne Hundred on the East of Chippin and so
by "Whaley up into Salford Hundred. The Parliament Partie was
much dejected by these disasters. Nevertheless the Colonell

LANCASHIRE WARR. 31
within a short space after his return home calling up the Country
about him to Rachdall made knowne vnto them his condition how
he wanted money to supply his souldiers withall as allso for other
which the Country people furnished him with all speed.
And he had a further designe in his minde and prosecuted it, as
shall be shewed.
Warrington the Earle did Garrison for the King,66 strongly for- Warrington ;s
• /.... 1 .-. ¦» *- ¦« garrisoned for
tifying it with Gates Mounts and an Engine devised and placed the King.
upon the Bridge to stop the passage over it. And not long from
the time that Wiggon was assaulted and taken, the Forces of
Manchester were designed to march thither and make an Assault
against it to try the strength thereof. And so marching thither
ward upon the south side of the River Mersey they crossed it
about Hollinfair Marching up to Warrington by the Church made
a strong assault against it scalled some of the workes about it ; Manchester men
° ° making an
but the Souldiers within defending it with Manhood and great ^sau!t against
0 ° Warrington are
valour they were at the last forced to leave off and returne home beaten off with
againe with the losse of some of their Souldiers.67
The Earle of Darbies last undertaking (before hee forsooke the
Countie and that wherein God appeared most against him) was his
voyage into Blackburn Hundred to Whaley ; no doubt to requit
the Parliament Commanders in it w.ith the like they did him ; by
getting some into the King's possession that soe he might vexe
the rest if not gaine it all. Therefore not long after his regayning
of Preston and Burning at Lancaster hee calls his Commanders
and Souldiers to Preston again with his Club of the ffeild; and
having them in a bodye with his afforesaid piece of Ordenance and
Horse, the  68 or thereabout sets forward and marches by
Ribchester from thence over Ribble at Salesbury Boat and by
Salesbury Hall and soe was well neare gotten to Whaley before he
was discovered ; his Clubmen according to their practice plunder
ing in most of the townes they passed by or thorrow. News of
his approaching being brought to Padiam and Galthrop to Colonell
Shutleworth in the night tyme that Hundred being then in a weak
condition to rescist him, the souldiers at that tyme in no parte of

32 LANCASHIRE WARR.
it in any bodie or companies but dispersed and also wanting
Ammunition and Pouder. Neverthelesse the ould Colonell sent
intelligence into the Hundred before morning of the Earle's
approach summoning all to come vp to him in the morning with
speed with their best weapons. Betymes in the morning the
Earle's Armie were all drawne vp and over that River that runs
by Whaley called Calder and there they with the piece of Orde
nance were set in a bodie as to receive an Enimie. The Earle
with other of his Commanders where [sic] vp to the Abbey Sir
Ralph Ashton's House whilst Mr. Tildsley with others scoutted
vp towards Padiam yea as far as Reed-head. Now the Colonells,
Shutleworth and Starkie being both come to Padiam with some of
the Captaines were in a great perplexitie know [ing] not what to
doe being (as was said) vnprovyded. Yet some Captaines were
sent, some souldiers accompanying to scout towards Whaley as
far as Read Mr Nowell's house to hear whether my Lord advanced
or no and making a stand there, consulting amongst themselves
what was likeliest to be done vpon the exigent. The Captaines
were all of one mind as that it was not safe to withstand the Earle
there. He was a strong partie and came on purpose provided and
they weake their companies away scattered. Therefore the safest
way was to retreat and preserve themselves out of their Enimies
hand till their Companies could be gathered into a bodie with
some aid and withall furnished with Ammunition which now they
wanted, this being their Resolution at Preston.69
This pleased not the Souldiers then by, That they should turn
their backs upon their enimies before they saw their faces. There
fore a many of Musketiers being resolut men replyed to the
Captaines bouldly, bidding them take what course they pleased for
their safeties yet they would aventure themselves, see the enemie
and haue one bout with them if God will. And therefore gather
ing themselves together mad themselves readie to receive the
enimie. And belyke eyther imagyning of themselves or having
intelligence from others that the enemie would (pass) that wav
They planted" themselves in fields on the high way sid betwixt

LANCASHIRE WARR. 23
Whaley and Padiam under the Stone walls with their muskets,
readie charged, being hid, to give the enemie a volley of shot if
they appeared. Long they lay not before they espied some of the
Earles Horse and Foot mounting out of a Hollow dingle betwixt
Ashterley and Reed-head. And Maister Tildsley was one of the
foremost and having gotten the tope of the Hill he enquired of a
woman that dwelt in a little house by, where he was or how that
place was calde. Sir said she you are at Read-head above the
house of Mr Nowell of Read. I am the more sorrie said he ; I
would not haue his wyffe disquieted (Mr Nowell was a strong
malignant). Not long after this Discourse the Musketiers under
the walls waiting their opportunitie let goe a volley of shot against
them very hotly which did put such a fear into them That imme
diately without any delay they turned againe and downe towards
Whaley with all the speed they could make. And (as the report
was) Mr Tildsley was soe terrified and amazed that forgetting his
way for haste took into that lane that leads to Mr Shutleworths
house at Ashterlee and then forced his horse to leape over a yate
and passed down by Portfield to Whaley. The Musketiers per
ceiving them flee soe fearfully pursued them hotly and took divers
Foot Clubmen. Presently upon the Report of the Muskets many
came unto them and some caried the Prisoners to Padiam and the
rest Joyned with the Musketiers to pursue the Enemie.
Amongst those that came in then to them was  Marsden
then a Lieutenant after mad a Captaine, a man of courage and
hardie spirit. He incoradged the souldiers much with manly
words to goe one, God would fight for them, and the like. So
they pursuing with great shouting and the nearer that they came
to Whaley the shouting was more and greater the hills and valleys
giving the ecchoys besids more comming and encreasing. Whalley
standeth in a Vale having the hills on every side on which was
much people standing and all shouted, putting Amazement into
the Earles Armie. The Earle being in the Abbey and divers of
his companie in the Church and Tower, vpon that great noyse
made haste to get ther. The peice of ordenance was discharged

34 LANCASHIRE WARR.
twise or thrise at the most towards the Tower; but with noe
execution that was hard of. A boy that was upon a Steele in
the field was shot about his knees whether with a musket or
the Ordenance was not certaine whereof hee died but not imme
diately. He was all that was slayne of the Parliament parte. Off
the Earles Companie an emenent Captaine of much respect with
him (yet a greate plunderer) his name was Conney70 was shot in
the one of his eyes whereof he died afterwards and was carried
away with them.
The Earles Clubb men being in the Reare of his Army hearing
the great noyse of shoutting, apprehending it fearfully fled through
the River in much haste, he being most happie that could get
through it with most speed and run the fastest away. Noe com
mand of the officers nor force of the horsemen could make them
turne again or staye, but gone they would be ; which wrought soe
upon the rest of the Armie that they lykewise turned their backs
and fledd soe disorderly and confusedly That (as relation was) the
Earle himself had much adoe to cause them to take their Orden
ance with them, he being of the last Companie that was with it.
Thus hauing turned their backes of Whaley, the shouters in
creasing, they pursued them with a greater noyse And dyvers
horsemen comming in followed with more speed taking some
Prisoners and fynding Armes of all sortes cast in the way, not
leaving of till they came so far as Salesbury Boat. The prisoners
taken were most of them Clubmen of the ffeild, about fortie who
weare kept at Padiam till they were released.
The Earle much dismayed and disconsolat with his disasters
made no stay till he came to Mr ffleetwoods house at Penerthom
wher he lodged that night in a very sad pensive condition by reason
of the dastardlines which appeared in his Army. What became of
it afterward was not materiall but truth it was he never headed
Army in Lancashire after till his last comming out of the Isle of
Man when he was defeated near unto Wiggon not long before his
Death. This defeate at Whaley was strange and admirable for to
the Judgment of Reason he had strength and power sufficient (as

LANCASHIRE WARR. 35
the Hundred of Blackburne then was) to have subdued it to the
King, if not Salford Hundred to, for that Hundred, all but Man
chester, was in a scatered condition. Colonell Ashton newly
returned from Lancaster his Army soe dissipated and discontented
through want of pay that he could not gather them into a bodie
till the Country had supplyed him, which then was not done :
Nay, if hee had not stayed his Armie at Whaley but marched
them on readily to Padiam that morning all had beene his owne.
Hee had driven the Colonells and Captaines all before him out of
the Hundred. They were upon the point of flying as appeareth
by the consultation of the Captaines about Read before related.
But there is a Divine hand of Providence that orders and works in
the harts and actions of men what he will, though litle thought of
by them. And this God_ can and often doth worke and bringe
about greate effects by small and weake meanes and therefore is
He called the Lord of Hoasts, because Victorie in Battle is as He
will, and therefore by men to be ascribed to Him. And soe ought
this to be for it cannot be ascribed to any outward extrinsecall
cause. Not such a small number of Desperate Souldiers (as reason
may call them) that first gave the onset could make such an Army
flee. God in this defeat made the voices of men more Instru-
mentall to effect it than their Shooting. He put feare and
disheartening into the Earles Army through Shouting that they
durst not abyde and the hand of God is to be taken notice of in it
and feared. The taking of Jerico by the voice of Rams horns and
the peoples shouting that the fall of the Walls was miraculous,
God using weake and unlikely meanes to effect such a work, yet
doth He more put forth his power in weakness as when he effects
great things by weak Instruments that he may be admired and
praised of his People. And this we may in Charitie well think of
the Earle that he did by this and other God's dealings with him in
his undertakings soe apprehend them as if therein God did fight
against him; for it was not long before he leaft the Kingdom
as wil be shewed hereafter.

26 LANCASHIRE WARR.
Manchesterforces About this tyme, not long after nor farr off Ester this year
theespoyfe o" it1 Collonell Holland of Heaton wth the forces of Manchester and
away that some peeces of Ordenance made a voyage to Wiggon then a Gar
rison towne for the King and strongly guarded making a vehement
assault upon it both by the Souldiers and the Ordenance which
they placed upon the South East side thereof playing into it very
TheistofApriii fearsly. Long it was not before the souldiers entered it, took
taken i'o«on many Prisoners of qualitie with others within the Church.71
Amongst whom was Colonell Chisnall.72 The Souldiers were
allowed to Plunder and carey away what they could. Great heapes
of Woollen Cloath of the Drapers being laid in the Streetes But
with breakeing dowue some workes that were maid and set in the
Streets to hinder the passage of Horses and what Spoile they
caried They all marched away that night and lefte it to the Earle
who was marching toward the Relieff thereof with what strength
he had as far as Standish More where receiving Intelligence that
the Towne was taken, with the Spoyie of it, and the Enimie
returned and gone In great discontent he returned home to
Lathom never after making any accompt of Wiggon.
That wonderfull and ever to be admired Providence of God in
disappointing the Earle's designs at Whaley and sending him
home and that without any power of man (as it were) being by
one very fitly called " The Valley of Achor or England's Door of
Hope," there not being a more evident Testimony of God's Ime-
diate hand in any Victory by him given to the Parliament Forces
than in this, or that gave a more signall Testimony of owning the
Cause contended for by them though it hath been his owne good
pleasure in a very plentifull measure to have discovered himself
that way. This wonderful hand of God (no doubt) put courage
and resolution into the spirit of the Commanders of the Parliament
Forces within this County, to take the fair dore and occation now
by God offered and set oppen to them, to make head and prose
cute it, and march into the Earles quarter in hope of Good
success. For with all possible speed after this, before May, and this was

LANCASHIRE WARR.

37

near the middest of Aprill 1643 Colonell Ashton with what forces coioneii Ashton's
Salford Hundred could spare, both Horse and Foot as likewise bieyaifundredDar"
Blackburne and some volunteers of Amondernes who being exyled o^K[ithno
from their dwellings by the enimies putting themselves vnder the
leading and command of Captaine Edward Robinson, being an
Armie of Indifferent good strength Marched into Darbie Hundred
through Holland, Billinge and soe to Preston. The forces of
Darbie Hundred of the King part appeared then to be under the
command of the Lord Molinex and Mr Thomas Tildsley ; But did
not stay or be secur of Colonell Ashton flying alwaies before him.
Hee marched by Knowsley the Lords House not offering any the Marcheth to
least evill towards it and soe on to Ormskirke some of his Scouts LSm'not11
being taken about Ormskirke by some straglers of the Euimies ieast'harm ^o e
Army. By that tyme that the Colonell was come to Ormskirke "'
he had knowledge that the Lord Molinex and Tildsley with their
forces were marched over Ribble Watter at Hesketh Bankes into
the fyld, which was so, and were quartered in Kirkham parish.
The Lord Molinex quarters were in Clifton and Mr Tildsleys in
Kirkham and while they laid there the Earle of Darbie with a few
horse passed by Clifton with litle or no speach of him and soe into ^armVs'nrst
the North to White Haven and taking Shipping there went into flfeh0fnMane
the Isle of Man leaving his Countess and Children at Lathom.
Colonell Ashton from Ormskirke marched his Army to Preston
the Lord Molinex and Mr. Tildsley staid in Kirkham parish a
whole day and a night and kept their Randavow all the day about
the Wind Mill at the East end thereof, waiting and hearing which
way the Colonell would take. About one of the cloke in the after-
noone Souldiers had orders to repaire to their severall quarters in
the parish, and were entered upon them : But before fyve of the
cloke after they had a strong Alarume and Inteligence that
Colonell Ashton was marching towards them, whereupon they
were all called vp to Kirkham before the day was wholy gone,
And warning was given to the Towne of Kirkeham that all women
[and] children should keepe themselves with [in] the houses for
the enemie being, comming upon them, they would receive them

38

LANCASHIRE WARR.

The Souldiers
march the Ordi
nance through
the Fylde that
they may
Plunder.

They Plunder
persons of their
own Company.

there. Whereas on the contrary about midnight they all leaft the
towne marching directly over Wyre Watter towards Stalmine and
Cockeram and through Wharmore towards Horneby.
Colonell Ashton at Preston had knowledge that the Lord Moli
nex and Tildsley with their forces were in Kirkham pish. His
cariages were readie and as far as Spittom Mosse marching to
Kirkham but contrary word was brought that the King's Armie
were all fled Northward. Then the Cariages being turned that
way Colonell Ashton set his course and folowed them by Lancas
ter to Horneby where before he came to the Towne they were
Espyed upon a Hill. But their Courage would not let them stay
but to make as much haste as possible they could away, he pur
suing them as farr as Kirby Lansdall : Which being out of the
County hee returned again by Lancaster and brought from thence
those peeces of Ordenance that were in the Spanish Ship that the
Earle of Darbie burned, as was related before. The Colonell him
self went directly to Preston leaving ths Ordenances and Souldiers
to follow, who leaving the ordinary Road at Garstang marched by
S' Michael's and soa down into the ffyld country (whether by the
Colonells direction or by their own motion) to Plunder because
they thought all the ffyld country were their Enimies was not
known. And they plundered with a witness as they passed. From
Mr Parker of Bradkirk they took a great many of Cattell and out
of his house all they found worth Cariage, leaving his house in a
very sorry condition. In Kirkham they plundered from them that
were Souldiers in their army and had been in that expedition with
them so disrespectless were they and greedie, And all the way
they passed to Clifton and from it they drove great store of Cattell.
Att'Preston falling at discord among themselves about dividing of
them and about the Ordenances they caried which was a matter of
sadness to their friends and wil be an Infamie to their Reputation
in future generations when pretending conscience and good will of
the Cause to be the motives of their taking vp of Armes did bring
an odium upon themselves by their base covetousness violence and
oppressions.

LANCASHIRE WARR. 29
After Colonell Ashton left pursuing the Lord Molinex and Mr.
Tildslev they went further northward as far as Broughton73 and Lord Moiinux
J J ° and Tyldsley got
there (but how I know not) they got a cart load of Armes from arms from Mr.
yong Mr. Rigbie of Laton74 and others. And afterwards they
parted Companie and Maister Tildsley hearing that the Queene The Queen
was arrived at Burlington Key out of Holland and to Go to the Holland arriveth
King in the South he with his Companie fell down into Yorkshire Key, 1643.
where meeting with her Majestie he went into the South. And
the Lord Molinex staid in the North till he hard that Colonell
Ashton was marched out of the way then he returned marching
over the Greene at Wray in the Fylde and so over Ribble Watter
at Warton and some of his troops being quartered about Rufford
had Intelligence given them that Captaine Edwarde Robinson
with some of his Troope were that night quartered about Chorley
they immediately took Horse thither and tooke the Captaine with
divers Souldiers horses and armes with a yong man that then
accompanyed the Captaine. His name was Thomas Ryley. They
brought them prisoners to Lathom House which was then begun
to be a Garrison it not being long before they were delivered. The
Lord Molinex durst not abide in the Couutie but marching his
Troopes over Liverpool Watter at Hales ford fled into Cheshire.
Thus by this Expedition of Colonell Ashton the Countie was
cleared of the Earle of Darbie, the Lord Molinex Mr Tildsley and
all their forces soe that there was not anie enemie abroad in Armes
in all the County. Only Lathom House, Sir John Girlington's
Castle at Thurlum [land] and Warrington Towne were kept by
such discontented persons who feared the stroak of Justice and
minding not to leave the Country fled into those houlds proving a
greate torture and losse to all about them. Thurlum Castle was
cleared befere the end of that Sommer But Lathom House stood
it out long, enduring twoo strong and great sieges at the last
yealded.75 One memorable exploit was acted by the forces of Colonell
Ashton before they came from Hornby Castle, the Lord Morley's
House. It was then possessed by a many of Caviliers who would

40 LANCASHIRE WARR.
not yeald it up when they were sommoned upon presumption it
could not be taken by any assault which it is like it could not,
considering the situation of it upon a hill falling both waies and
ryseth by degrees as the Castle stands along. It is lowest at the
Gate House and ever longer the Castle goes the higher it riseth
soe that it is impregnable any where but before the Gates, and
that in probabilitie made them within feare no danger in any
other part of it, neyther very watchfull. But some willy ventu
rous souldiers of Colonell Ashtons, taking speciall notice of the
Castle, espying upon the East part of it furthest from the Gate
House very greate Glasse windows, such that, if possible they
could get to them, they could enter. Thereupon provided such
instruments to make tryall what they could doe eyther to take the
house or losse their lives and watching their opportunity they
entered the Castle by those windows.76 What number they were
that entered or how the assault in particular was carried, when
they came in, or whether many or fewe were slain, I never hard.
But the Castle was Delivered and in the Parliaments hands.
When the Siege was against Thurlum Castle I was in those Roomes
and saw the windows they came in at. It was a great adventure,
the windows being very high from the ground.
Now the whole County being cleared of all the Kings forces
way was made that all such as had fled out of any part thereof
might return to their wives children and frends and have what
their enimies had left them.
And before Midsommer Mr Alexander Rigbie of Preston,
lawier, a parliament man,77 came down into the Country with
Commission from the Parliament to be Colonell, to raise Forces,
to put the Hundreds of Laylond and Amonderness into a posture
of Warr which he was diligent to doe within a litle tyme. And
Captaine Edward Robinson having raised a troope of Horse and
under the command of ould Colonell Shutleworth (no doubt with
both their wills) came under his command. And a Darbyshire
gentleman called Maior Downes fled out of that shire the Caviliers
prevailing there had Intertainment with him and kind respect.

LANCASHIRE WARR. 41
And before July Colonell Rigbie began to show himselfe to be a
Warrior for hee undertook the reducing of Sir John Girlington's
Castle at Thurlum in which was Sir John, his wiffe and many dis-
perat caviliers having strongly fortified it with provision out of the
country as alsoe Ammunition. The Colonell for this undertaking
had forces from Salford and Blackburne Hundreds having com
panies newly raised within Preston and some peeces of Ordenance.
He about the beginning of August marched his Armie thither
setting them downe about it. The maine bodie of his foote or his
mayne guard was at the house of Mr Cansfield about half a mile
from the Castle. It was moited about so that it could not be come
to. He planted his Ordenance on the East side of the Castle in a
very fair plot betwixt Cansfield and it. They plaied oft against it
with litle execution. It was stronge. Out of it they shot despe
rately when they spyed occation. They killed many that aduen-
tured to near it. Edward Breres a Captaine of the Volunteers of
Preston was killed by adventuring to neare. The Colonell himselfe
did lye at Hornby Castle and came every day to the leagers. The
horse lay up and down in the Country. Captain Edward Robinson
lay at a towne north from the Castle called Tunstall. Some alla-
rums they had upon the night but of none effect ; at the last they
had a strong allarum, out of Cumberland for Colonell Hudleston
of Millame Castle had raised forces and was marching to raise the
Siege. But Colonell Rigbie hauing Inteligence of their Marching
against him thought it not the saffest way to let them come vpon
him ; but rather to prevent them and meet them on their way, and
to that end drew from the Leguer as many forces as could be
spared of keeping the Castle in. And with the rest marched to
meet the Enimie as far as Daulton and there encountering with
them God was pleased to give him the better soe that the Enimie Coioneii Hudies-
fled. And in the pursuit Colonell Hudleston himself was taken nere unto Dai-
n ... ¦ 10 n t-i 11 t. ton and taken
with some others of qualitie and four or nve Ensignes or cullers of Prisoner.
brave silke were taken with some common Souldiers. Then the
Colonell returned Victor to the Leaguer againe with his enimie his

42 LANCASHIRE WARR.
prisoner whom hee sent to London not long after his returne
home. The besieged hearing of this Victory it so wrought vpon
them that wthin a short space the Castle was yealded vp and Sir
Thurkm Castle John Girlington and his ladye with their servants were to haue
cradfrionsT011 quiet passage to goe into Yorkeshire and what other conditions I
have not hard. Sir John that Winter folowing being active
amongst the Caviliers in Yorkeshire in a skirmish not far from
East Bradford was shot in his foot which proved to be his death.
Thus the Castle surrendered and things put into order Colonell
Rigbie returned to Preston in Triumph.
Thus he being much hartened and encoradged by this victory
and delivery of the Castle That he laboured much to put the
Countrie into a posture of Warr making choyse of such men to be
Captaines under him as he did especiallye confide in. For the
what Captaines Hundred of Amoudemess Mr Claton an Antient Gentleman
Colonell Rigbie it.*- in • l i p
maid within dwelling about ftulwood More was made Captame and the free
ze Hundred of ° ...
Amundemess. houlders in the Hundred under his conduction Mr Wilham Pate
son of Ribbie having halfe of the parish of Kirkham to raise his
company in. Mr Richard Wilding of Kirkham had the other
halfe of the parish for raising his company. In Poulton and Bis-
bame parishes he made Captaines Mr Robert Jollie of Warbreck
Mr William Hull of Bisbame Mr Richard Davis of Nuton and Mr
Rowland Amon of Thorneton. These raised their Companies
within these parishes. In Lythom pish Mr Georg Sharpies was
Captaine but the people of the pish would not raise with or follow
him, but some few only, for which he had the Gear, Captain Bare
upon the North of the Ryver Wyer. Mr Richard Smith and Mr
Georg Carter of Hambleton were made Captaines to raise their
Cpmpanies in Stalmin Hamblton and townes ajacent. In S'
Michels prish Mr William Swarbrick was Captaine and raised his
Companie there. In Garstang prish Mr  ffaith (ffyfe) that
dwelt at Wediker Mr Christopher White of Claughton Mr ...... .
Whithead of Garstang towne. These raised their Companies
within Garstang parish. In Wood Plumpton Mr  Duddell
eldest son of Mr Georg Duddell raised his companie there. In

LANCASHIRE WARR. 43
Gosnarg Mr Alexander Rigbie the Colonell sonne was Lieutenant
Colonell under his Father and raised a Companie within Goosnarg.78
All these were Foot companies. Mr Thomas Wittingham of Wit-
tingham was made Captaine of a Troop of Horse even raising them
when Prince Rupert entered the County.
In Layland Hundred Mr Hugh Henley who was before the
Colonell's man raised a Companie and Mr  Walton that
dwelt about Hul [Hoole] Chapell, if I be not deceived.79 What
other or more Captaines he made in the Hundred is not certain to
me. ffor the furnishing of these Companies with Armes Drumes
and Cullers He assigned to every companie such a number of the
Sequestered [e] states of Papists as would raise so much money as
would furnish them compleatly so that they were neare well fur
nished by December 1643. And the most of them were called to
Preston and there a whole week together exercised and trained
having provision out of the townes where they were raised saving
beeffe, and to furnish them there with, the Commissaries brought
of the sequestered Cattell of Papists who were there killed and
dressed for them.80
Some Companies that Winter received Order that they should
all be Horsed out of the severall Quarters by Inventorie and with
them Attend the Colonells further Order and to be returned to the
severall owners againe when the Designe was over, which was
faithfully done by Captaine William Pateson and his Companie.
Most if not all the Companies were called vpon receiving Order to
march into Blackburne Hundred to Henley More to a Randavow,
and after that they had Order to March two myles further to
Colne to a Generall Randevouse betwixt both Hundreds in the
most remote part of the County upon the borders of Yorkeshire to
a place called Emmot Loane head, to be a terror to the Yorkeshire
Caviliers who that Winter Ranged vp and downe.
There was a stronge Guard kepte by the Lancashire forces at a a Guard kept
3.t r31s.clcston
paseage into both Counties at a place called Blakston Edge, for Edge by the force
tr O x of this Shire for
that Winter the Caviliers possest much of this side of Yorkshire, fea«rfa«Earie
as Leeds Halifax Wakefield Bradford and other«places all up to

44 LANCASHIRE WARR.
Yorke, for the Earle of Newcastle hauing driven the Lord Fairfax
from^Tadcaster, and beaten our Lancashire Forces at Wiskett Hill,
they had all that Country at Command, which feared our Lanca
shire Commanders least they should fall downe hither. Therefore
(as much as was possible) to prevent them and to be a warning to
us was that Guard kept all that Winter. Having provisions of
Meale and Beeffe out of the severall Hundreds of the County of
sequestered Papists goods. For this very yeare 1643 began the
Ordenance of Sequestration to be put in practice upon the Estaits
of Delinquents and Papists.81 And the 23d of October was seques
tered Mr Thomas Tildsleys Estait of Merskoe being the first that
was Sequestered within Amonderness Hundred and the very liffe
of all that Acted against the Parliament within it. Having an
especiall Influence vpon them to stirre them vp and being soe
judged of the Parliament they began with him.
The forces (thus raised this Winter as aforesaid) being well ex-
coioneii More of ercised Colonell Edward More of Bank Hall neere Liverpoole,82 a
down from the"e member of the Parliament came downe into the County, and beinge
Governour of Liverpoole towne, a considerable port or haven, for
letting in of an Enimie which hee took care of and made some
fortifications with gates and barres to kepe off planting some
Ordenance for defens hee raised some Companies of Souldiers
within Derby Hundred, but who were his Captaines I never hard
in particular.
Divers ships of Not much before Christmas that yeare 164.3 there came up into
the King part ap- J ,
peare in the the mouth of that River at Liverpoole seaven or eight Shippes of
Mouth of the . L a rr
River att Liver- Warr for the Kings part and lay there under Anchor for manv
poole for divers J
^ys together and dayes together with their Cullers displayed as if they could and
Harbor'0 the would conquer all before them ; but did not offer to put into the
Harbour.83 The country was put into greate feare by them, those
partes especially ; not knowing what might ensue considering that
it was certainly trew that Colonell Tildsley with other his Com
plices Caviliers which the Spring before fled the County were
gathered into Cheshire (the Citie of Chester being holden for the
Kinge). And Tildsley and they kept a Guard about Berket Wood

LANCASHIRE WARR.

45

over against Liverpoole84 hauing Ordenance with them soe that
they could and did shoot over the River into Liverpoole towne.
Now vpon the appearing of these Ships Colonell Rigbie at the
first was much astonished thereat and therefore iu the night time
sent to Captaine William Pateson in the field to come up to him
to counsell with (whome hee had speciall confidence in, and well
might) and to give him order to come vp with his Souldiers to
Preston to exercise and be in a readines if there were imminent
cause. When it was dayly heard that the Ships aboad still in
sight of Liverpoole The Colonell resolved to send what of his forces
he could thither to strenthen the Governour and Towne and to let
the Enimies see and know the resolution of the Parliaments Partie
which was to resist them and beate them backe if so God would.
But the Colonell would not compell or force any Captaine or
Souldier to goe with him to Liverpoole ; only made a motion that
whoever would freely and willingly goe with him he would take it
kindly at their hands, which many did. And amongst others
Captaine William Pateson and some of his Souldiers went and
marched thitherward upon Christmas Eve and soe to Wiggan
where was the Randevous for all that went. And after Sermon
marched towards Liverpoole some quartering at Preskot and the
reste in the townes thereabouts and the next day came to Liver- coioneii Rigbie
poole. But the Ships all save one were gone to the Sea againe. marchtoC
That one came up into the Harbour yealding itselfe to the Parlia- strengthen the
ment service. Thus was the great feare past without any hurte.
Those that came in to their assistance, if need had beene, were
quartered in the towne for five or sixe daies and then returned
home againe. Besides these that went to Liverpoole there were
other out of the Countie at the same tyme sent into Cheshire to
assist Sir William Brereton against the Caviliers that then made Some forces out
of Lancashire
head against him. But soe it was the Caviliers fell sodenly vpon sent into Cheshire
° " to aid Sr. William
his forces then at Northwich and put them to the foile,85 so that Brereton who
*¦ then came to
Colonell Rigbie was as much if not more startled at this then the ^^fjf
former as also the Country was much vexed with it Til after a
while Sir Thomas Fairfax came out of Yorkeshire with some

46 LANCASHIRE WARR.
Troops to Sr William's assistance who beat of the Caviliers, clear
ing both Nantwich and Northwich of them, even to Chester Citie.86
The Countesse of Darbie received into Lathom very many Cavi
liers making it a strong Garrison and fetched in provision from
the Country round about and the Souldiers did violence to the
Parliaments frends fetching some from their houses in the night,
keeping them prisoners, to get money of them for their Ransoms,
till at the last the Colonells for the Parliament began to consider
of it as an oppression and injustice to the People and therefore
resolved to Beleague it and reduce it to quietnes by force if noe
other waye it could be brought about. Colonell Rigbie was de
signed to it and to have the assistance of all the Parliament forces
in the County as need was.
Honorable con- Yet before any League was laid they weare pleased to propound
the countess of Honourable conditions to the Countesse which, if she refused
siege was laid them, they were the more excusable and she guilty of all the evill
against Lathom . .
House, whichshe that befell her family or the House. I he propositions were that
would not accept. she would be pleased to take that Guard of the House and let it be
oppen, as it was, and put from her those persons she had enter
tained into it and deliver up the Armes and Ammunition she had
she should be protected by them from all violence and wrong of
their partie and peaceablie enjoy the Estait she had. But she
remained obstinate and would not yeald but stood upon her
Guard. The Cplonell satisfied with her answer having his Orde
nances, a Morter peece and his forces readie when he saw his most
Convenient tyme having one Mr  Browne for his Engineer87
about the  of March 1643 he began upon his busines. The
first worke that his forces effected was the taking of the Stand in
the Parke88 which the Cavaliers was then possessed of. After that
the Windmill was seazed on and then Maister Browne set forth
the lyne that after was drawne by degrees round about the House
being soe tented the Souldiers might lye under it without danger
as also goe round about it vpon wary lookinge to themselves.
The Companies that weare to keepe the Seige came out of their
severall Hundreds by turnes.

LANCASHIRE WARR. 4y
When the League had been about one fortnight, companies out
of the ffyld country were called up, Captaine William Pateson
with his companie being the first. He with his companie were
seaven weekes compleat. All companies had their provisions
brought them by those severall townes or places where they were
raised as also their paye and were ordered every company to
such and such houses as were able to receive them, some nearer
the League and some further off. They weare vpon duty every
third day and night. It was a very costly siege to the County.
There was needlessly spent against it in shot and Powder an
Infinite quantity. Some was alwaies shooting at nothing they
could see but the walls. The Morter peece if it had beene
applyed in shoting as it might have beene the House had beene
yealded in a short while. It was but twise shot off with Granadoes
which made a great Rusle in the House that they could not tell
where to abyde safe Especiall when those Bullets made of free
stone which wayed eight pound a piece they when shot forth
would flee as high into the Aire that almost a man could not see
them and then the falling was so ponderous that they brak downe Bullets of Free
all where they lighted. One of them brak downe a brave Clock, wSght^shott
it was not hard after by the Leaguer. The latter soe feared the Pee°e\ththef Z'S
Countesse that she could not tell ever after where to hyde herself; shotf™ "
so that as it was after reported by some that knew if the Leaguer
had continued to shoot it twise or thrise more she had yealded
up the House. But wherefore it was not continued was not
known to the Souldiers.
Thus this Morter peece being so fearfull and terrible to those in
the House and the persons and Souldiers resolute and desperate
that were within And having knowledge where and in what place
of the Leaguer it was set they adventured one morning about the
break of the day eyther to fetch it in to them or dye for it. Hav- The souid;ers
ing a Horse and a Sled readie at the back of the Works a certain Souse f^tSuL
number came over and careing got it to the Sled and soe into ftom'SeTeaguer
the House notwithstanding the force of the Guards that night, one nig L
which was a great joy to them and all the Caviliers; being a

48

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Ordenances
are placed
against La
thom House
and do
good execu
tion.

A designe to
let off the Mote
about the
House to
no purpose.

Colonel Rigbie
withdraweth the Leaguer
from Lathom
House.

great discouragement to the Leaguers. After that was gone the
Leaguers made use of their Ordenance (for a while) planting them
vpon the North West of the House one against the Tower, playing
vehementlie against it one whole day making a greate breach in it
that might easily be discerned and that was left off againe. The
Leaguer was not so watchfully kept but that they had Inteligence
into the House what was done without and it was thought some
within the House alwaies fetched it. The Mote about the House
was so brode and Deep that it was a stronge Defence to it, for
no Pardu89 could come neare to heare any thing of them within.
They gave many Allarums in the Night tyme to the Guards which
was the occation that much powder and shot was wasted. They
were very good marks men in the House for they killed many.
They were so observant in marking the loop holes in the workes
that when they saw any that they could see through those espe
cially they watched and if at any tyme those were filled that they
could not see thorough then they would be sure to shot at them.
Thereby they killed many.
The Counsels of the Leaguer was such that if the Mote could
be letten out the House would be taken more spedelie. Wher-
fore workmen were set on to draw a deep Scluse to let it off. It
cost much money and labor and to noe purpose. Browne the
Enginer was Judged to be not so faithfull as he ought. The Lyne
was soe neare the House it was the death of many pore honest
men. Colonell Rigbie himselfe lay constantly at Ormskirk yet
came daylie to the Leaguer to consult with his Captaines and
Officers. Their Counsell was held at my Lord Holaud's House.
The maine guard lay at New Parke a House belonging to the
Earle of Darby. About twelve weekes the Leaguer lay there with
litle or no effect but the losse of mens lives and spending of much
treasure and vituals. About the 8th or 9th of May 1644 it was
noysed abroad that Prince Rupert for the King was comming and
vpon his March in Cheshire. Then began Colonell Rigbie to con
sider with his Counsell what was best to be done. They resolved
to withdraw the Leaguer and march to some safe place for they

LANCASHIRE WARR.

49

were not able to encounter with the former, therefore upon the
12th May he withdrew all away and marched them to Eccleston
Greene.90 His court of Guard was kept in Preston in the Toy, so
called,9i Mr Robert BlundelFs House,92 Rowland Gaskell, Mar
shall,93 it having at that time above 50 Prisoners within it. The
Captaines with their Companies that Guarded it then were Cap
taine William Pateson and Captaine William Swarbrecke who
received Order, the 12 of May, being Sunday, from the Colonell
twisse94 to march to Eccleston Greene to him, and leave it, yet
both tymes had backword to stay. The Colonell was in greate
feare of his familie in Preston, giving them Order to pack vp his
goods and flee vp into Yorkshire, which was done. For himselfe
and his armie not wel knowing which way to take, but to Man
chester his desire was, only Prince Rupert was in his way fearing
to meet him. And whether by counsell or of his owne motion is
uncertaine to Boulton he tooke the 13 of May and orders came to
Preston from him that the Captaines, the Marshall and the Soul- ^MarS*
diers should march away to Lancaster and take the Prisoners with ™^ fn the
them to the Castle. The 14th, that same day that Prince Rupert LanVS"15
took Boulton they marched towards Lancaster, quartering them
selves, companies and prisoners that night at ye Lodge in Mierskoe
Colonell Tildsleys House. And in the morning they were not
gone above three myles from the House when a Troop of Horse
from the Colonell95 came thither who (no doubt) had fol owed them
(and Rescued the prisoners the malignitie of that Country was
such) had not some of a Regiment belonging to Colonell George
Dodding96 that was marching to Manchester been Quartered that
night in Garstang towne so they quietly conveyed them to Lan
caster and there delivered them.
This Colonell Dodding was the same man that was taken at the
Ship by the Earle of Darbie when he burnt it (as was said before)
and caried away Prisoner. How long he was detained Prisoner,
or how delivered, to me is uncertain but he returned not home till
Winter following. And had commission to raise a Regiment in
Lunsdalle Hundred and be Governour of Lancaster Castle. This
H

50 LANCASHIRE WARR.
coioneii Dodding he did and caused workes to be made about Lancaster Towne for
ter making Xas defence thereof. The portculles of the Castle Gattes he made all
Portcullis of the Tltr -p, ,
Castie gates of 0f Iron whereas before they were of wood. Captaine Wm rate-
son and Captaine Swarbreck had delivered the Prisoners. Hee
willingly gave them quarter for as long as they stayed performing
dutie every third night. They stayed there twenty daies or there
about. And then Captaine Pateson with his companie marched
downe the Trough of Bowland and soe into Blackburne Hundred
to Clitherall, till Prince Rupert marched vp to Yorke. Then he
marched toward Leeds careing some Prisoners thither out of
Blackburn Hundred from Colonell Nicholas Shutleworth Captaine
Sdmarchhis"18 Swarbreck staying at Lancaster with Colonell Dodding, who with
League "t VcA -^1S Regimeilt (leaving part in the Castle to keep it) within twoo
Ruperteretum daies after Captaine Pateson went away marching thorow the dale
10™^"'°" countries of Yorkshire vp to the Leaguer at York and Captaine
Swarbreck with him. They were in the Battle there where Colo
nell Dodding lost many of his Regiment.
Colonel Rigbie (as before was said) having quit Lathom Siege
and marched vp to Boulton with his Army, had not been long
there ere Prince Rupert was vpon him with a numerous Army :
for marching through Cheshire by Stopford he leaft Manchester
upon his right hand, passed over the River Mersey, not farr from
the House of Sir Cecile Trafford97 bending his course directly to
Boulton and when he came there fell upon it very fearsly. Colonell
Rigbies Army resisted what they could, but the Workes about the
Towne being decayed there hauing been noe Garrison kepte there
of almost a Yeare, and the Armie few in comparison of their
Enemies, most of them new raised men, litle acquainted with such
Assaults yet some, sore engaged stood to it manfully, and lost their
lyves, others seeing the danger fled away betymes. Aboundance
Hra'dred'of ^ were ^ne> especially of Amonderness Hundred. As Captain
stainafBouiton.  ffaith \^Jk1 of Wedicar, Captaine  Duddell of Wood
Plumpton and Captaine Richard Davie of Nuton in Poulton Parish
and most of their Companies. Captaine William Dandie of Tarle-
ton with his Son, Lieutenant to Maior Edward Robinson were both

LANCASHIRE WARR. 51
slaine with others more. They took at the least 200 prisoners after
they gave quarter. Amongst whom was Captaine Budles98 who
before tyme had been a Servant to the Earle of Darby at Lathom
House, afterwards made Captaine of a Companie and called to the
Leaguer against it. He, a prisoner, hearing that the Earle was in
the Towne, was desirous to be brought before him hoping (belike) SaSJi"1 theEarie
to have found favour with him. The Earle instead of favour drew of D?'^ T-
men nolaing mm,
upon him and run him through with his Sword, twoo men having
the Prisoner by eyther Arme, a cruell and a butcherly act, not
becoming a noble spiritt, but it was paid hime into his bosom, as
will hereafter be shewed.
There was also taken Captaine Georg Sharpies of Lythom and Captain Georg
was caried through the streets almost Naked and bare footed in Lythom disgrace-
the mire and dirt to Mr Cuthbert Clifton, eldest Son to Mr Thomas f"
Clifton of Lythom, Landlord to the said Captaine, who when he
came before him and other like himselfe, they caused him to stand
in the dirt to his knees Jearing upon him and put a Psalter into
his hands that he might sing them a Psalme to make them sporte.
And when their humour was satisfied that way sent him by a
Souldier to the Church where the Prisoners were. The Souldier
brovght him into an hovse where an Irishman, a Souldier and his
wife quartered that night, and on the morrow there being a Ran
devous of the Army upon the More without the towne, they put
a paire of clogs upon his feet and a Musket upon his shoulders
and so, like a pore souldier, he going to the More, when he saw
his best opportunity escaped their cruell hands.
Colonell Rigbie being in the towne yet escaped, though nar
rowly, for being upon his horse back, he thrust himselfe among
the Enemie and at the last larned what was their word, and
having that, as the enemies horse entered the towne he hastily
put spurs to his horse, and springs up before them like a resolute
Commander, calls them vp, saying, " March on, the Towne is our Coioneii Rigbie
' . ... in Boulton when
owne" and soe riding and bestirring himself amongst them, there it was taken, yet
was no notice taken on him, but when he saw a fit time for him he narrowly.
tooke it, and with one man went his way towards Yorkshire. They

52

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Some Fyidish
Captaines
plundered hard
at Boulton.

A hartie and
faithfull saying
of an old man
at Halle foard.

The Prince
marches from
Boulton to
Liverpoole.

slew most of the Townsmen that they found in it. The Souldiers
were greedy of plunder, being many of them very bare, they caried
away aboundance of Cloath of all sortes.
Thu3 farr was Prince Rupert victorious by the taking and his
Souldiers enriched by the Plunder and Spoile of this Towne yea
some of the Souldiers of the fyld Country who had been abroad
from home much of a Year brought Cloath from them to their
wives and families which served them many yeares after. When
they had gotten what they desired within a few days they deserted
and wholy leaft the Towne marching toward Liverpole to Reduce
it. The prisoners were caried along with them being tyed twoo
and twoo together and forced over Liverpoole Watter at Hales
ford99 when it was too deep, almost for horses to goe. They must
wade over either in their Cloathes or putting them off carry them
upon their neckes (it was supposed they intended to drown them.)
And this was remarkable. There was an ould man, a Prisoner,
conceiting their intention to be so hard harted and cruell towardes
them encouradged his fealowes, exhorting them to be of good chere,
and feare not, though they thinke to drowne us — yet they must
not, God is stronger than the Devill. Now the Prisoners had
special! care one of another, keeping close together to support one
another if any were weak and in danger in the Watter, so that
through God's power they all got through with less danger than
the Horsemen. After they were dispersed to several places. Some
remained at Chester and some were caried to Shrewsbury and
other places.
The Princes Army went directly to Liverpoole and made assault
against it. And Colonell More with what force he had with him
in the towne, resisted while he could, but when he saw it was in
vaine long to withstand such a potent Army he betook himself to
the Sea and left the Towne to the mercilesse mercy of their eni
mies who murthered unhumanly and plundered thevishly. And
when it was so in their possession as they feared no more resistance
Colonell Cuthbert Clifton was designed to be the Guard thereof
with his new raised Regiment of Souldiers in the Fyld Country.

LANCASHIRE WARR. 53
And it was well known that some of them were good Plunderers coioneii Cuth-
bringing from Liverpoole many a great lougish [luggage] . The phulderedLaton
Colonell for provision for his souldiers as alsoe for their lying made shTeVto "furnish
a prey of his own country, for he caused many pore mans stocke of L^-pode "n"
sheep to be taken out of that Common belonging to Laton called p°e?pienTsVpore
the Hoos100 and also out of many mans house within Kirkham their beddins-
Poulton and Bisbam prishes their best bedding to be taken and
carried thither. Such wise counsell hee had and such a kind
respect he bore his Country. The Government of the Towne was
not in him but in Sir John Biron. Halfe of the County at this
time was under their power viz. Darbie Laylond and Amondernes
Hundreds from the taking of Boulton May 14th till the 20th of
August that Sir John Meldrum for the Parliament drew them
forth againe — as will be shewed hereafter.
Prince Rupert's maine Designe was to raise the Siege at Yorke Prince Ruperts
for which end in all places where he came Increast his Army and toeraSetheas
so in this County ; taking with him whatever might be honorable 'ege a' Y°r e'
or advantagious to his Designe. Hee took from Lathom House
the Mortar peece that they took from the Leaguer and carried it
to York. Whilst he aboad in the County the Royall party were
exceeding industrious to strengthen themselves so as that they
might hold it out when he was gone. And therefore they laid
Garrisons in Greenoe and Clitherall Castles. Clitherall Castle was
committed to the trust of Captaine Cuthbert Bradkirk of Wray101
a man of small account and of no good cariag. He caused it to
be repaired about the Gate House where it was ruined. He fetched
out of the Country about great store of good provisions of all kinds
— Meall, Mault, Beeff, Bacon, Butter, Cheese and such like. He
kept it (much to the prejudice of the country) till the Prince had
lost the Battell at Yorke. And when that was knowne to him no Captaine Cuth-
. ....... , . . . bert Bradkirk
enemie comming to oppose nor anie visible thing appearing against Govemour of
him, but out of the feare and guilt of his owne mind vpon a sudden upon hearing
he caused the Draw Well within to be filled with some of the pro- Rupert lost at
, York took his
vision he had plundered from the country and without taking any leave but sodeniy
f . •* ° J over runs it.
leave he and his company did run away and left it. But the Gar
rison at Greenoe Castle stood it out long — as you shall hear.

54

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Colonell Goring
came to the
Prince with his
forces to Preston.

He caried them
with him to
Skipton and left
them there
Prisoners.

The Prince departed not out of this County before Colonell
Georg Goring102 came to him with his forces which he had at
Preston, where they had a great Randavous upon the Marsh. Yet
the Prince was not well pleased with the Maior and Officers thereof
for they made him a Sumptious Banquet but he refused it saying,
The Prince " Banquets were not fit for Souldiers." And in requitall of their
Ma?oreof Preston curtesie he caried the Maior and Bailiffs Prisoners with him to
for his Banquet .
Skipton Castle and there left them. His Army was at its great
ness when he went from Preston. It increased not in his march
to Yorke, for what forces Westmoreland and Cumberland afforded
him came to him at Preston. His Army was judged to be 40,000
strong and a great aboundance of Cariages he had. Not long be
fore Midsummer it was before be marched into Yorkshire through
Craven and soe vp by Knesbrough to the North West syd of York
— about twoo myles from it.
Whilst the Prince aboad in Lancashire there was sent from the
Leaguer at York a Regiment of Foot Souldiers Scotes, down to
Manchester to strenthen it for feare of the Prince ; but there was
no need of them for his Intention was not that way. That Regi
ment aboad at Manchester till the Battell was past at York which
was upon the 22nd of July and then it Returned to the League
againe. The Prince defeated in the Battle tooke up to Yorke and
there staid oue night and on the morrow he with what forces he
had leaft fled through Richmondshire and downe the Dales Country
into Lancashire about Hornebie and soe to Liverpoole Watter
through Hailes ford or the Ferry and to Chester he went. Thus
was this County cleared of him ; but all Goring's Forces and many
others stayed in the North and folowed not until about a month
Coioneii Tildsley after. And Tildsley with the forces of this County and all that
& what forces * ^ J
BaHeiutYork escaPea at York, having lost all their Ammunition in the Battell,
haying no ammu- ana not knowing how to come by more Removed from place to
nition fled from o j r
place within the Hundreds of Darby and Amonderness till such
tyme as they hard that Sir John Meldrum with an Army was
toJdeJaTt5heesired coming against them: ffor about the 10th of Aug' being designed
to cleare this County and furnished with forces of Salford and

A Regiment of
Scots sent from
" the Leaguer at
York to Man
chester.

one place to
another. Sir John Mel
drum with an

Country if
possible.

LANCASHIRE WARR. 55
Blackburne Hundreds with the remainders of Amondernes and a
Regiment of the Yorkshire Horse he set forward into Darby Hun- He marcheth
0 from Manchester
dred to seek them ; but they fled over Ribble Watter into the in'° *« Hundred
' of Darby.
Fylde, out of which vpon a false Alarum they had fled not above
five days before.
About that time while Sir John Meldrum was marching in
Darby Hundred some scatterings of the Enemie aboad in or about
Preston. And other some coasting abroad as if they intended
Southwards. Now Colonell Nicholas Shutleworth lying at Black- Coioneii Nicho-
J ° las Shutleworth
burne with his Troop upon the 15th of August he with a part of h's skirmish with
his Troop and some Countrymen being desirous to go to Preston if ^J^gf^ he
possible (it being the Fair there) when they came to the Coppe at ^^J^ust
Walton they meeting with some of the King's part scirmished l644-
with them and put them to the flight. And in the pursuit they
took a Scottish Lord called Ogles103 and with him one of the
Hudlestones104 of Millam Castle. And after that they met with
more of that Companie about Ribble Bridge Hill and there had a
sore disput with them killing one of them at the Bridge End a
brave, portly man ; what his name was they could not learne, for
they were so hard put to, that it was with great difficulty that they
came off with honour and safetie — yet did, and brought some
butties and their Prisoners to Blackburne that night, and went
not to Preston.
At this tvme litle was known at Blackburn of Sir John Mel- Sir John Mei-
J drom hearing
drum's March and yet the 16th day of August about ten or *^ c'londS65
Eleaven of the Clock at night he entred Preston the Enemie flying ^f^^hy
from the towne downe into the Fylde : for' being far in Darbie ^n^e0dthveere
Hundred and hearing that those Enemies that were there fled into ^0eu^ebends
the Fyld over Ribble Watter he marched fast that day although it <g™fs *em
was a sore wet day He quartered his Army in Preston about
Saturnday and Sunday. Vpon Saturday late at night came vp to And being at
him a Regiment carying all Black Cullers that came out of Che- g-gg^,^,
shire105 : Also Colonell Dodding in his returne from York Battell °^°4freecruit
quartering some while in Blackburne Hundred recruiting his 5^^°°^
Forces and furnishing them with Cullers and other necessaries ; ^et£prewith

r6 LANCASHIRE WARR.
hearing that Sir John was come up to Preston came up to him
with his Regiment that night.
To that Armie in the Fyld that fled thither out of Darbie Hun
dred to avoid Sir John Meldrum (as was said) that Saturday Sir
Coioneii Goring's John aboad at Preston came Colonell Goring's Force from North-
theCFyid comrrry ward into the Fyld Country, also being a strong number, for (as
ley. ° °ne s report was of such as saw them) before the last Companies were
marched over that Bridge at St. Michael's Church, the first Com
panie was judged to be at Kirkham.106 They filled the Parishes of
Kirkham, Poulton, and Lythome, that night, quartering at some
House 20, som 40, some 50, and at some 60 men, most of them
Horsemen. Sunday folowing they ranged, some of them three or
four myles from their quarters, to pilfer and plunder without
Many in the respect to any persons, as well from their friends as Enimies, yea
them their friends some in the Country when they came in said they were their frend,
that found them that when they went but cursed them, (blessing the Roundhead in
enemies when \pi i ni i i i «
they went away, respect of them,) for they took away all they could, leaving not
any Horses they could meet withall. Besides, they forced the
Country to thrash and winnow their corn, it being Sunday, for
their Horses, yea Winnowing in the oppen fields or lanes, without
any Clothes,107 so disrespective were they of Come. And wherever
they saw any fat Cattell in any man's Closes or Sheepe, they
fetched them to their quarters and killed them. They left not
many pullen in any place where they saw them, as alsoe young
geese. Thus they spoyled the Country that night and day, and
had harmed it much more, if they had staid one other night. But
God so ordered (for the ease of the country, do doubt) that about
a false Aiiamm sunset or before, that Sunday, they had a false allarum that Sir
Enemies from John Meldrum was upon them. May be God ordered that they
Sunday night should soe apprehend it from his Scoutes : upon this allarum The
Trumpets noe sooner sounded in any place where they were quar
tered, but it bred terror and fear in them, soe that in all haste,
" to Horse, to Horse," leaving their meat, if they were at supper.
The place of their Randavous was ffreckleton Marsh, whither they
posted from all quarters, insomuch that by the time the day was

LANCASHIRE WARR. 57
gone their quarters were cleared of them. They caried from their They carry from
. . their quarters all
Quarters Drink in Barrels, bread, flesh, roasted and sodd, or what the provision that
. . was ready.
other provisions they had. Glad was the Country soe to be free
of them, though most were glad at their comming. They caried
along with them many Strumpets, whom they termed "Leaguer
Ladies." These they made use of in places where they lay, in
a very uncivill and unbecoming way, who outwardly appeared
otherwaies disposed.
The men of the best rank amongst them, as the Lord Molinex,108
Sir Marmaduke Langden,109 Sir Thomas Tildesley,110 and many
others of the like quality, whose names the country knew not, lay
that night about the house of Richard Harrison, having their pro- The great men
vision brought to them from Mr Westbie's House of Moulbreck. brought after
They brought with them out of the North and other places, divers Moulbreck.
droves of Cattle which they caried along, yet some they lost in the
Country. They lay upon that Marsh and in the towne till after
one of the clocke, the other day, for the Flood was soe there was
noe passage over Ribble till that tyme.
Sir John Meldrum had given order that all his Horse should sir John Mei-
0 drum marcheth
Randavous upon Monday morning, by such an hour, upon a towards the
More111 not far from Penerthom, there to receive further Order. Freckieton
' Marsh.
The severall Regiments of Foot and Cariages within Preston, were
making ready for a march that morning; but before all were
readie, and order given to march, it was neare twealve of the
clock. "Toward the Fyld Country; to the Enemie;" was the
Order. Yet the Cariages and Artillery could not passe at the
Stakes, it was so soft with Quickmires, that they were forced to
goe through the Greaves towne, and that made them march slow.
Sir John Meldrum taking to him some that could direct him the
wav, Rode himselfe at the head of the Armie. When they were The Enemie
•" .tii flyeth, taking
come as far as the Lea Hall,112 the Enemie was discovered to be Ribbie watter,
' .very deepe, to
marching over Rible Watter when it was very deep. It was avoid sir John's
" _ Armes ¦
thought if Sir John's Army had been one hour sooner they would
most of them have beene drowned to avoid fighting upon sight of
them marching away. For more expedition command was given
1

58

LAJSTOASRIEU WAEE.

Colonell Dod
ding ordered to
beleaguer Grenoe Castle.

Sir John Mel
drum overtakes
the forces that
escaped him at
Rible Watter
near unto Orms-
kirk and there
doth some execu
tion upon them.

Northern men
return back and
many of them
aken.

that Horsemen should take behind them Musketier who rid up
speedily to Proud Bridge in ffreckletbn where some remained.
And comming up with [-in] musket shot of them killed one or two,
and the rest fled ; but it being Marsh ground and many pooles
and hooles nor very passable for strangers there was not pursuit of
them so that al got over safelie and marched vp to the Mealies, for
Colonell Ashton with some Companies lay about Hesketh Banke
which was a Hindrans to their marching that way.
The Enemie thus gone out of the reach of his Armes Sir John
Meldrum took Counsell to march his Army to Preston that night
and so the Fyld Country was quiet of both Armies which then was
a great blessing. For if Sir John had quartered his Army there
that night the provision eaten up with the other, the Souldiers
would have Judged the whole country enemies and without doubt
have spoyled it. That night at Preston Sir John gave Order to
Colonell Dodding113 to march his Regiment home and to provide
himselfe -to beleaguer Grenall Castle then possessed by the Cavi
liers, with all that was under the leading of Maior Joseph Rigbie.114
And in the morning betymes he with his Armes marched with
what possible speed to Ormeskirk and was there before the enemie
was aware of him and fell upon them soe fearsly that they fled in
a most confused manner towards Liverpoole and Hailles ford115
and soe quitting the Countie into Cheshire and into Walles.
Many were slayne in the Rhublshawe many taken prisoners and
many leaft their horses and fled into the feildes therabouts to
hide themselves, and night comming on they escaped.
Within the compass of 14 days many Westmoreland and Cum
berland men comming out of their own countries, with the King's
forces, and seeing no hopes of any good to them by continuing
among them, rather put themselves upon the mercy of their own
country, and steale back again in smale and great companies ;
which the Fyld country men perceiving they guarded Ribble Wat
ter always both night and day when the tyde was forth and some
got good prizes by it. A great companie of these Northern men
being so many that they escaped at Ribble marching northward

LANCASHIRE WARR.

59

betweene Plumpton in the Fyld and Nuton met Captaine William
Pateson and one with [him] comming home from Grenoe Siege.
He that was with the Captaine being young got into the fieldes and
escaped leaving his horse to them. The Captaine thev took pri- Captaine wauam
.... - A J r Paterson is taken
soner ; took his horse from him ; set him on another horse, and a p™°ner by a
U T. ¦ n l • ii« company of
man behind him to be his guard, carying him along with them Northern m<=n.
through Coccoram, and as far as into Wiersdale. Night comming
on, the man that was the Captaine's keeper, being weary of their
company, made a motion to the Captaine of stealing from them,
and going with him to the Leaguer before Greenall Castle. It Captain Pater-
» • ¦. -, -, ., . , son's Keeper
being dark they got into a house, and staving there till the rest co™es with him
* ./o to Grenall Siege.
was ridden far away, they both returned back, and went to the
Leaguer. So God's Providence was his deliverer.
Thus it pleased God of his goodness to give freedom to the
County of all Forces of the King's part save that within the Gar
rison of Liverpoole, Lathom House and Greenall Castle. For the
Earle of Darbie, his Countess and their Children were all gone The Eari of
. . i -r t n -. j- , iiii • Darby Countesse
into the Isle of Man when they hard that Prince Rupert was de- and children goe
„. L into the Isle of
teated at York Leaving Lathom House to the Government of Man-
Captaine Rosthorne who kept it whilst a second Siege was against
it which was not till the latter end of the year 1645 as will be
showed below.
And now when all enimies that made head abroad were dispersed
Sir John Meldrum's desire was to reduce the towne of Liverpool
to the Parliament againe. He therefore laid down his Armie Sir J0!™ Mel"
° drum layeth
about it to keep them in showing himselfe verv charitable and Si.ese against
*¦ ° ^ Liverpoole.
bountiful to such pore men of the Parliament's part as were pri
soners within it by exchanging some and buying others out with
money : but stayed not long there but was called to a great exploit
that was down in Walles at Mungomery Castle. Notwithstanding
the Siege lay still against Liverpoole under whose command I
cannot tell. But about Michaelmas God soe ordered the business
and such a stratageme fell out that the like hath not beene often Liverpool
n Garrison delivers
hard. The souldiers within took distaste att their Officers and bo'h *e t0™
and their Com-
commanders soe farr that they agreed with the Besiegers upon ™e*"edgeerrs5t0 the

6o

LANCASHIRE WARR.

some conditions not only to deliver them the towne armes, and
ammunitions, but also their commanders and officers, prisoners.
And they performed it. They were caried to Manchester and
there kept. Some of them died within a litle time after as Colo
nell Cuthbert Clifton of Lytham and Captaine Richard Butler of
Racliffe with others. A Providence of God, more than ordinary,
for which Roundheads made bonfyres for joy, and song praises to
God. Colonell Dodding with his Regiment with Maior Joseph Rigbies
siege laid against companies laid close Siege to Grenall Castle keeping their maine
Guard at Garstang towne, Into which were gotten manie desperat
Papists. Their Governour was one Mr Anderton.116 They vexed
the country thereabouts extreamly, fetching in in the night time
many honest men from their houses, making a commoditie of it.
They sallied out oft upon the Leaguiers and killed some. They
stood it out stoutly all that winter. The country was put to extra
ordinary charges in maintayning the Northern men who made
a prey without pittie, such aboundance of Provision they weekly
destroyed. The Leaguers had thought to have undermined the Castle and
blown it up with Gunpowder and great cost was spent about it to
pioners but to no effect. The ground was so sandy it would not
stand. At last this Anderton died and then those within being
thereby discoradged they were glad to come to a composition to
deliver it vp upon conditions — which were that they might go to
their own houses and be safe. It was ordered that the Castle
should be demolished and made untenable and all the Timber
taken out of it and sold, which was done. And soe it lyes ruin
ated. It belonged to the Earle of Darby. It was very stronge
and builded so that it was tho* Impregnable with any Ordenance
whatsoever, having but one dore into it and the walls of an ex
ceeding thickness and very well secured together. Thus was
Amundemess hundred freed of visible Enimies.
Captaine Rosthorne being left Governour by the Earle of Darby
(as was said before) of Lathom House Intertained many disperat

Mr. Anderton's
death and the
Castle is
delivered up.

LANCASHIRE WARR. 6 1
Caviliers into it, fetching in provision out of the Country of every
side especially from Roundheads for there being no Guard upon
them for all that Winter 1644 they ranged abroad into the Country
in the night time taking many men prisoners and keeping them in Lathomiers fetch
durance till they would buy them selves forth with much money, get money.
For which purpose they kept a party of Horse within Lathom
House and did«oft ryd ten or twelve myles in the night tyme and
come again ere it were day. It was a great terror to many people
of that sid of Ribble Watter forcing them to ly out of their own
houses vpon the night tyme for feare of them. And such was the
audacitie of some of them adventuring to come on foot over Ribble
watter in the night tyme into the Fyld as far as Westby Hall117 and
there was kept secret a whole day, and at night endeavoured (but They go from
1 1 ¦»«¦ ¦ ti 11 Lathom in the
that they were reskowsed) to have taken Maior Robinson s horse night into the
J ' . Fyld to fetch
out of the Stable there.118 But the Maior hearing that some out Maior Robm-
° son s horses.
of Lathom was gone into the feild was fearful of his horses and
therefore sent a man in haste to Kirkham to raise aide if need
were to prevent them ; yet before any came from Kirkham the
Caviliers had by some friendshipp they, hadd in Mrs Stanley's
house119 gotten the keyes of the Stable dores but before they were
entered John Woods with others out of Kirkham with some women Are prevented by
who had their Aparons full of stones prevented them taking of the others ouT of an
Horses in the nicke of tyme. John Woods going into Mistress
Stanley's kicking one of the Caviliers discharging a Pistoll at him
yet missing, John, with his Sword flying at them cut one that he
went bleeding away, flying through mistris Stanley's gardinge and
into the Orchard, and the night being dark they all escaped up to
Plumpton and straight to Treales before they made any aboad.
There they lay close the other day till night and in their going to
Penerthome, to go that way to Lathome betwixt Treales and Clif
ton meeting James Clitherall of Eccleston they forced him away
with them to Lathom and there kept him prisoner till his wife had
payed fiftie pounds for his release, soe disperat cievell were they.
The Colonell for the Parliament considering these outragious
dealings of the Garrison in Lathom House with the Country

62 LANCASHIRE WARR.
agreed that a second siege should be laid against the House to
reduce it, if God would, or at least wise to stay their Robbing.
And Colonell Egerton was the man agreed upon to be Governour
of it. He was to have forces for it out of all the County. The
Siege was not laid so close to the House as at the first, nor did
the Leaguer lie in Trenches : But a great Dich was draune round
the House a good distance from it which was mueh Troublesome
to passe over and the Leaguer lay a good distance from it, as con
venient as possible and the whole County bore their Charge.
Some bickerings and skirmiges they had with them once about
Gilliburne's House.120 They held it out all Sommer and much of
Winter. About August Mr John Sharpies, Controller under the
Earle in the Island comming over out of it, He, with Mr Paule,121
one of the Earle's Gentlemen were by the Parliament's Command
ers apprehended and kept in restraint for a tyme. It being
bruited abroad that they should be sent up to the Parliament ; but
it was otherwyse considered, M' Sharpies being sent into the
House, not only to let them know what was his Lord's pleasure
about yealding it but alsoe to mediate with them in behalf of the
Commanders about delivery. All was vain. Resolute they were.
Yeald they would not. Mr Sharpies thereupon was permitted
quietly to returne to the Island.
Towards Christmas their provision waxing low and scant and
how to come by more was not so easy to them as formerly, there-
The Lathomers fore was their couradg somewhat abaited and qualified as to admit
admit of a parly _ 1 . , x
& very stout in it ot a parley with the Colonells. A place was appointed where thev
as if they would iii
hold out ever, met yet could they not agree. They bore it out with much seem
ing Audacitie — that they would stand it out even to Death unlesse
they might have such Conditions as they proposed.
Thus the parley brake off and they returned into the House
coioneii Rigbies againe. When they were gone Colonell Alexander Rigbie said to
conceit of them ° w"
notwithstanding the rest of the Colonells and Commanders then uresent that hp
their stoutness. Jr v"^"-« uaju,u "^
was persuaded that notwithstanding their seeming stoutness and
highnes of stomacke they could not hold out long the smell and
taste of their garments bewraied it. This proved true by the

LANCASHIRE WARR. 62
event for within the space of three weekes or thereabouts they
yealded up the House. What their conditions were as was thought,
suffered them to go quietly to their owne homes and enioie their
estaites without sequestration. The House with all the goods
within it was to goe amongst the Souldiers, who pulled the lead
off all the Turret, with all those leaden troughes, like vnto cisterens,
which they salted Beeffe in were all pulled asunder and sould.
And this was remarkable, that Wiggon men, great Caviliers, much wiggon men
in the favour of the Earle a towne which he had great confidence to buy the Lead
. . , . of Lathom House
in above any other in the county — these very men were most for- than any others.
ward to buy the Leades, and to deface that Honourable House
more than any others. It appeared 'the tyde was turned. Much
of that famous House (like a litle Towne in itselfe) was pulled
downe and cast into the Mote that is about it, so that it is nothing
in comparison of what it was. It was the glorie of the County.
The Earles, Lords thereof, were esteemed by most about them
with litle lesse respect than Kings. It was the wilfulness and
headinesse of the Countesse that brought this downefall vpon it.
When it will be repaired again is doubtfull.
Now the whole County was returned to the obedience of the
Parliament, noe visible enimie appearing against it. The Earle of
Darby in the Isle of Man Colonell Tildsley in the South at Lich
field — those being the chiefe and those whom all others were led
by. Some malignant enough were fled where they could get to be
safe. Others that had been abroad were come home againe and
glad to live quietly though in a meaner condition. Soe that the
County was in a reasonable quiet posture for a long space corne
and all things plenty and cheap. But there was one thing that Yorkshire
was troublesome in it, which was a rude company of Yorkshire guardSW1
Troopers who were ordered to Guard Lancaster Castle. They torment toSe
were the cruellest persons that ever this County was pestered with. Lansdaiie and
They were an unmeasurable torment to the Hundreds of Lans
daiie and Amonderness — men that could not be pleased with any
quarters either for themselves or their horses and for their own
advantage would quarter themselves (as farr from the Castle) at

64 LANCASHIRE WARR.
the bottom of the Fylde country. And if they had continued
would have wrought a mighty discontent within it by their cruell
cariag towards it. Which when considered and seriously thought
vpon by some honest emminent men in the County who taking
notice of the inconvenience and losses it would be dayly put vnto,
if the Castle should continue long to be guarded by such rude men,
therefore thought that if it could be obtained of the Parliament
Lancaster Castie that the Castle might be so farr demolished as that it would not
demolished that .in n • i 1 • i i'-i -i
it may not be be tenable for a Garrison to shelter in though it might retame the
tenable to shelter
a Garrison. Prisoners for the County proposed to the Parliament the same,
who gave way that all the Walls about it should be throwen downe,
only the Gate Houses, the buildings upon the West and South
sides, with the Towers, retained ; that soe the country might be
eased of that burden of unruly Troopers. Then workmen were set
on who threw downe all the Walls of the Quadrangle, and so the
Guard was gone, being taken off.
Thus being in quietness a good space, unexpectedly, upon a
a Rumour of sudden, there appeared a Storm. Great Rumours and Newes of
ton'secomming an Army out of Scotland, by the conduction of Duke Hamilton,
whereas he 'came under pretence to set the King free from his Imprisonment at
August. Carisbrooke Castle, in the Isle of Wight. This Rumour or the
first Allarum of his coming by Carlisle, and so through this County
was bruited in May 1648, many men therefore flying from their
houses then to avoid him who yet returned shortly again following
their occations at home most of the Sommer. For though he was
designed to come yet he came not nor appeared in this County till
August. Some of his Army was in the North about Appleby and
those parts a good space. And Colonell Lambert with the forces
of. Yorkshire and Lancashire for the Parliament had some little
bout with them, but being not able to withstand them, being too
numerous for them they retreated doune into Yorkshire, there
expecting and looking for Generall Cromwell with his Forces to
come in to them to make head to resist the Duke.
gisfirstapproach About the latter end of July the Duke's Army was moving
towards this county and by the beginning of August was entered

LANCASHIRE WARR. 6$
it and marching through Lancaster the Duke himselfe lodged at
Ashton Hall one night and with the Van, his Artillery and three
Cariages came to Preston on the 14th and 15th of August.
Generall Cromwell being come up with his Forces into York- ^5"^^°™^
shire to Colonell Lambert was at Knaresborough the 1 Ith of Au- ™ Jc°^tSh hard
gust and set from thence marching very sore every day. On the to meet him.
14th day they came at night to Mr Sherburne's house called Stony-
hurst about Hodder Watter where the Generall lodged that night
and his Army encamped within the Park. Had a Counsell of
Warr that night in wch it was concluded to fight the Duke if he
aboad. They followed in the reare of Sir Marmaduke Langden's
Army who came out of the North by Setle towne and so into
Blackburne Hundred and through Ribchester and downward to
Preston. But some of them staying about the upper syd of
ffulwood More and Ribbleton, lodged there that night.
Generall Cromwell made no stay, but in the morning marched
on towards Preston after them and when he was come as far as
Ribbleton Mill there he found them. He set upon them very Cromwell's
fearsly beating them up all along the way to Preston (being three M^maduke Ir
miles.) Many were killed, some being trodden into the dirt in arai?ngnfromm"
it -iii fji i All Ribbleton Mill to
the Lanes with the horses feet, the wayes were soe deep. Abund- Preston and mi
ance were killed in the feildes on the East syd of Preston and so
did drive them doune towards Ribble Bridge. The Duke with his
forces and cariages being passed over before having Barocaded up
the bridge stood at resistance. It was reported that when word
came to the Duke that Generall Cromwell was in the reare of Sir
Marmaduke LaDgden's Army fighting and killing them, his answer
was — " Let them alone — the English dogs are but killing one
another." So little care had he of them.
At the Bridge they had a great Dispute for a long time, but at The Scots beaten
last Cromwell's Army did beat them off and they fled over Darwen Bridge.
Bridge and soe up that hill above Walton Toune. In the feilde
upon the east of the way they maid Cabbins and lodged there that
night. Where the Duke quartered I hard not. So night com
ming the Armies guarded both Bridges; and Generall Cromwell

66 LANCASHIRE WARR.
it was observed returned to Preston and there quartered giving Order to our Lan-
KfaUMsSST* cashire forces there to abide. And when morning was come wth
porl'Sfhouse his Armie he followed the Duke who fled before him, Yet at some
Tmakerhem6 places made some stands as if they would fight it out, as upon
werirshi^nTy°m" Chorley More and Standish More; but did not stand to it. The
S^ ii? Scots was said to be greedie of Plundering though they were fly-
leaveThe'ietb ing, for some of them were plundering the houses where Crom-
betwSt them well's men were killing some of their fellows without the doors.
slaine. we The greatest stand they made was between Newton and Winwick,
piundSer0wa.in iQ a strait passage in that Lane that they made very stronge and
feafow'i^e forcible, soe that Cromwell's men could not fight them. But by
killed without tne iuformation of the People thereabouts and by their direction
they were soe guided into the fieldes that they came about so that
they drove them up to that litle Greene place of ground short of
a reat Winwick Church and there they made a great slaughter of them
ohhfscotSsh6 an^ t^ien Pursue(l them to Warrington, there taking the most if
wSwiciT not au °f t^ieir Foe-*- The Duke with all the Horse being fled and
gone for at one tyme was brought to the Generall 22 Coullers,
Taken of the The Duke was taken afterwards at Vttoxeter in .... by the Lord
IxpedTtiSi3 Grey and Collonel Wayte and with him 3000 Horse and Lieu-
7 cofonliis1 Lord tenant Generall Baillie. There was slain of the Scots 3000 and
coiond™311' there was taken prisoners 9000. 122
j! captafnes Providence soe* ordered it that Generall Cromwell fell upon the
« comets"1 Scottish Army in the very flank thereof, for (as was said before)
ters ^Corporals the Duke, with the Infantrie traine of Artillery and Cariages, came
3000 common all to Preston at once, with Langden's forces, and vpon these it
Duke's servants was that the Generall fell and defeated them. Now the great
65. The Lord . . D
Bergem's bodie of the Duke's Cavalrie and Horse was a daies march behind
Generaii Crom- him, and coming up when the Battell was at hand, the Generall
scot£h ArSy ta when he had well beaten them vp gave Orders that a strong bodie
thereof"1"5 of his Horse should fall down to the lower side of Fulwood More
neare the way betwixt Garstang and Preston, to hindre, if possible
the Reare of the Duke's Army for comming vp : vpon the sight of
those Horse and hearing of the Musketts and Defeat given to the
Duke his Reare durst not come out. Great numbers of them

LANCASHIRE WARR. 67
turned not back by the same way.123 They came but tooke other The Duke's
¦. a -, -. | . i-nii^i i- n Reare durst not
waies and tied downward into the Fyld Country and in great feare, come out but
, , , turned by waies.
as was thought, parted themselves into sundry roads or waies.
For more expedition some took up a way by the Lund Chapell
through Treales and up to Eswicke and soe homeward. Others of The Scots flee
. divers waies.
them went through Kirkham and were going through it all that
night and soe to Thistleton whether over Wyre Watter or by S'
Michael's was not certain. In Kirkham they were hard in their
March to be very dolefull and it was thought they carried some
dead men with them yet, the night being dark, could not well be
discerned. The Duke's Artillery and Cariages were all taken
standing uppon Walton Coppe. What number there was of them
I never hard.
Within three daies after that Generall Cromwell had leaft Pres
ton to pursue the Duke there came up to Preston to folow him a
Regiment of Northern men out of the Bishopricke of Durham
carying all Black Curllers : But were Ordered not to folowe the
Generall any further, but to quarter in the cuntry until further
order from him. Their quarters were assigned to be in Kirkham a Thievish
A r ° Regiment of
towne and every towne in the prish were assessed what they should Black Cullers
J ±- j are quartered
pay them in money or victuall after the Rates expressed in their ™ Kirkham.
Order. These were the most theevish Companies that ever the
Country was pestered with during the Warr. Notwithstanding
they had extraordinary allowance out of the Parish soe that at the
least they had ioo1' for three daies quarter, yet they went most of
the Parish over plundering and stealing whatever they could con
veniently carry away, and was going over the Parish for another
Assessment and would have forced it, but that it pleased God un
expectedly and upon a soodon to call them away, ffor the Gene- Cromweii returns
rail having pursued the Duke's Army as far as Warrington and suing the Duke.
wholy dissipated it, he returned back againe about the midle of
the week, his purpose being to march againe into Yorkshire. He
therefore sent Order to all his forces that with all haste they should
follow him being then gone to the Stonyhurst where he quartered
the first night he came into the County. Soe that very night

68 LANCASHIRE WARR.
when it was late the parish was freed of them and of a great many
Troopes more who had not taken up their Quarters in it aboue
twoo hours before they were called of, their Suppers being pro
viding, which they could not stay to take.
The Cariag of Duke Hamilton's Army in their march was very
Scots plunder evill, for they plundered extreamly, yea abundance of sutty vaca-
march through bound women that folowed the Duke's camp vexed the pore coun-
ounty. ^ sQre _ y^ ^ their Retreat without Doubt it was well paied
home into their Bosomes many getting by them, though against
their wills. The better sort of them were well stored with money
and when they saw themselves defeated and that there was noe
way for them to escape but to be taken prisoners, some hide their
money in the feildes about Preston and have, since the times were
more quiet, come and found their owne money and enioyed it.
And it was thought that Preston and the townes about it lost not,
but gained much by their flight. Many were taken prisoners by
the Country and more by the Souldierie. And thus that great
Duke Hamilton Army supposed to consist of 2200 strong124 was brought to
Cromwell Armie n°thing through God's blessing and assistance with 9000, for
9000. Cromwell's Armie was not above that when at the most. No
doubt it was the just hand of God against them for most of them
had been in the Parliament Service at Yorke and elswhere and
Received pay for it, but now perfidiously had altered their Course
to advantage themselves upon the Ruin of this Nation. Whereas
they have bought it full deare and at a great Rate sins. That
missery they would haue brought vpon vs is fallen vpon them
selves. Generall Cromwell's speedie Retreat out of the Shire was that
he might march into Scotland to help the more honest ptie there
who were overpowered by the malignauts. And this Expedition
of Duke Hamilton against the Nation was carried on and set for
ward contrary to their minds. But Cromwell set them in power
and leaft them in a good posture. Thus this Nation and this
Shire was freed of this much feared evill. Though this was not
any of the Lancashire Warrs yet was it acted in this County and

LANCASHIRE WARR. 69
God's goodness therein is to be kept in remembrance. — The next
thing acted here was the young Scottish King's march through it
with the Earle of Darbie's returne with Colonell Tildsley and others
out of the Isle of Man in the year 165 1.
The Parliament of England sent Generall Cromwell with an
Army of Horse and Foot into Scotland in the spring of the year Generall crom-
J . . ..... wel1 marcheth
1650 to requite Duke Hamilton Expedition into this Nation who into Scotland
-' *¦ *- with an Army.
marched into Scotland almost as far as Edinburge and lay there a
good space without any Exploit or Battell offered him, many of his
souldiers falling into sickness which was his greefe. At the last
he retyred (with purpose as was said) for England to recruit his
weakened men. The Scots having raised an Army of 20000 at
the least seeing his retreat though they durst not fight before now
thought to take him at advantage, therefore marched close after
him in the reare soe that they dogged his Army boasting that they
would keep their Winter quarters in England as well as they had
kept their Sommer quarters in Scotland with many like Bravadoes.
They continued thus until they came to Dunbar in Scotland.
There the Armies engaged the 3rd of September that yeare and He jkfcatetb^
God gave Cromwell's Army the Victory and the Scots flying (many ^^Vf]^
of them being slaine before) they pursued them soe fearsly that ^X!oanbw
they durst not stay eyther in Edinburgh or Lyth but forsook them
both and fled beyond Sterlinge Watter leaving both Edinburgh Sfntegh'and6
and Lyth to be possessed by Cromwell and his Army, who tooke IZn^aneT'
them and held them and ever after drove the Scotts into a nar- wa?ter.S"rhng
rower compass, winning their towns and their forts from them.
The Winter folowing the late King's eldest Sonne coming out ^deft &^come
of France or the Low Countries into Scotland, the Scots enter- ;fb°^hf g^
tained him and acknowledged him to be their King, and made a ^°^fed M
greate adoe with him, calling him "a blith, bony, boye," and in the
Spring following they raised an Army of 16000 horse and foot.
But Generall Cromwell going on with his Conquest made good
and firme what he had got from them entrenching still upon
them; they having noe stomache to fight with him vnless they
could not avoid it, yet alwaies coming to the worst. Their purpose

7o

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Heraisethan at last was to march theire Armie into England thereby supposing
HoIX and Foot that by that meanes Cromwell and his Armie would be drawn of
So England. fr0m Scotland and then they should recover their own; if not,
gaine some footing in England, whereas they came short of both.
For though it was soe that Cromwell was called into England yet
he left such Forces there that gained more in his absence than
when he was there. And they by their coming into England
lost all.
About June 1651 the young King with his Army as I said of
16000 and a light Traine of Artillery was vpon their March for
England escaping soe out of Scotland that they had no opposition
at all of Cromwell, and as the event showed it was designed be-
The Earie of twixt the yong King and the Earle of Darbie then in the Isle of
ish-of Man1 e Man that hee with all those men of esteeme that were fled thither
for safetie as alsoe all the Force the Earle could make should meet
him in England about such a tyme — which was August — for in
August he marched through this County carying very faire and
peaceably without plundering or any other violence, all the County
through, not offering to force or compell any to comply or joyn
with them unlesse they voluntarily offered themselves, only provi
sion for there Army was required in a faire and mild way. This
faire carying tooke much with the County and won their harts soe
farr that many said and were well persuaded they would prevaile,
their Candour and Cariage was soe amiable. They made noe stay
or abode in any place over a night or two. The young King road
through Preston mounted on horse backe and they said he road
through every Streete to be seen of the People. Yet it was ob
served that he received small Intertainement there, only one
woman who seemed to show more respect to him than all the
towne besides, which it was said was some greefe to him. Hee
was well nigh through Lancashire when the Earle of Darbie
landed.125. Generall Cromwell in Scotland knowing of his march into Eng
land sent after him some Troops of Horse under the Command of
Maior Generall Lambert to flanke his Armie all the way in their

LANCASHIRE WARR. 71
march in England, who, all along in their march was as nigh them GeneraH Lam.
as the waies would permit sometimes nearer and sometimes further some0Trorops1toh
off, still in their flanke so that of the one syde they could not scat- \?<£a* ArnSf
ter or rally, having yet, as was said, no order to give them Battle. Engilnd!rch 10
But being come to Warrington Bridge before them, and some
Companies of Foot of Lancashire and Cheshire having come vp to
him, there was a show as if they would make resistance against
them. Yet Generall Lambert drew them off, and marched fairly
before them to Knutsford Heath, before he could let them pass
him, or take a bye way from them.126 Some said he did not feel
any great confidence, or rather was fearfull, that those Auxiliary
Forces should sustain any repulse or danger more than himself.
And, therefore, at their drawing off said no lesse, and putting them
all before him, marched in their reare, betwixt the Scottish Army
and them, all the waie. The Scots charged his reare guard twisse
in that march, and was beatten off, yet lost 30 men, some slaine
and the rest taken prisoners; whereas he lost but four in that
march. The Earle of Darbie, (as was said) came out of the Isle of Man The Earle of
with seaven Shipps or Vessells, landed vpon Friday in the morn- "t^'theTsIe'of
ing, the . . .127 of August, cast Anchor vpon the North syde of the Man-
River Wyre, vpon Prissal Sands, over against Rossal Warrant,
giving a volley of shots, and, besides men of qualitie, with him,
some 300 Manck Souldiers. They marched that night toWeeton128
and there quartered, to whom resorted that night some Popish
gentlemen of the Fyld country receiving Commissions from him to
be Captaines, to raise Companies, and thereupon plundered pore
mens horses. The next morning they marched away, compelling
the Country to convey away his Baggage, passing over Ribble
Watter129 marched to Lathom House, and staying supper there
after went to Holland, and from thence took post after the King
of Scots overtaking him at  130
And the event cleared that his Designe was to abyd in this H;s designe to
County and raise what strength and force he could to put it into Se King of Scots
a posture for the Scottish King. After a tyme he returned back m ' 1S County'

7 a LANCASHIRE WARR.
to Warrington131 and then to Preston and there made his resi
dence whilst he durst, till feare caused him to remove.132 He
stayed there but ten daies. During which stay a Regiment of
Horse and twoo or three Companies of Foot Souldiers of the
Parliament parte came from Chester133 into this County on
purpose to attend the Earle take notice of his Actions, crosse
his designes and comfort the well-affected to the Parliament,
who then were in a deserted condition, expecting no better from
him and his complices than formerly they had received.
But before his return from the Scottish King and his comming
to Preston, the Vessels that- caryed him out of the Island lying at
Anchor whether neeped or no, the Maisters and Saylors lying
about Presall, Drinking ahd Solacing themselves, without feare or
any expectation of Danger to them. Some of the Commissioners
of the Militia of this Hundred resyding within Preston Mr Georg
Piggot one of them, who more, I hard not, with the assistance of
Captaine Edward ffrear, calling with them some trustie men of the
The Vesseiis that County without any great speach unexpectedly went where the said
seaSJupon and vesseiis lay apprehending such Maisters and Sailors as they found
andSaiiOT?" ana making seasure of some of the Vesseiis by taking away from
apprehended, them their taglings caryed the men away with them. Amongst
whom there was one of speciall note, a malignant enemie to the
Parliament who had done great harme to the frends thereof vpon
the Seas. His name was Captaine Cotherell. Now having brought
them Prisoners to Preston, report being that the Earle of Darby
was coming with what force he had to make his aboad in Preston :
captain French uPon this, Captaine French received order to convey this Cothe-
cXSfand rel1134 (an& ^ho els with him I hard not) to York, there to be
^Prisoners to j.^ in France ; and being gone on his journey too farre for the
taketnhdivirssley ^aT^e> or anv f°r him, to overtake : Nevertheless Colonell Tildsley,
PrSrnlrT" and some of the new raised Troopes folowed them to Birdie-loane
head, nere to Mr Sherburnes of Stonyhurst, not seeing them.
And in his returne againe he took Prisoners a companie of honest
men who were flying into Yorkshire to avoid the Earle, and kept
themselves att Libertie. His Troopers tooke their Horses, money,

LANCASHIRE WARR. 73
cloathes, and weapons from them, and brought them to Preston.
Yet Providence soe ordered, they were not long in hould. Cothe-
rell at the Assizes at York was arraigned, convicted of death, and
executed. What became of the rest of the Maisters and Sailors I
hard not.
The Earle at Preston gave commissions to divers his agents to The ^ar)e giveth
0 ° commission to
call up the Country together that they might raise forces out of it. gj1 up *e
And Warrants were sent all over to the Constables to command
them to meet some part of them at Much Singleton in the Fyld SHSe
and others at Kirkham vpon Monday the 135 ... of  there tl£t£s °f
Warrants issuing forth the Saturday before they should meet,
being the . . . day of .... 136 Thus the King's partie vapoured
exceedingly and put a great feare into the Country as if they could
have conquered all and had it at their wills ; but they were pre
vented, God having so ordered.
That a Regiment of Horse under the conduction of Colonell £^n£ilburne
Lilburne and two or three foot companies from Chester13? (of B™Kreth!ere
which I spoke before) being within the County, Colonell Lilburne
with his horse drew as neare Preston, where the Earle lay, as with
safetie and conveniency he could. So upon Saturday the ... of
. . . .138 came to Brindle four miles of Preston and there quartered
with his Regiment. They put their horses to grasse in those low
Meadows betweene the Church and Preston, the Souldiers taking
their ease being laid down by their Sadies in the closes where their
Horses were feeding ; which, as the event proved, was made known
to some of the Earle's party in Preston by some secret enemy
(they being all enimies therabouts) what a prize might be had of
Lilburne's Souldiers horses the men being all at rest. This being
sodeniy apprehended by a company of yong striplings, Gentle
men's Sons with other like to them, new fresh men altogether
ignorant of such warlike exploits to the number of twentie and
twoo or therabouts — these, rashlie, without order or advice, adven
tured upon the desperat designe in the day tyme to make a prize
of the Horses of some of Colonell Lilburne's Troopers. They were
directed through a secret private way in woody, close places into

74 LANCASHIRE WARR.
Receivetha the Meadows, where the Horses were feeding which gave soe
Sfo'e nighT sudden alarum to the Souldiers halfe asleepe that they were at a
mighty stand, not knowing what to think, conceive, or doe in the
busines : For the Guard that was set in the loane below, nearer to
Preston neyther seeing nor hearing any thing of any enimie.
Upon the Allarum they cryed "Armes, Armes," which when
they had done they disputed so vehementlie with the young men
that they were soundly payed home for their forwardnes. None
escaped but eyther slayne or taken, save one called Newsham139
who forsaking his Horse fled into a thick Oiler tree and there hid
siaine and taken himselfe in the leaves thereof and at night went away. There was
prisoners at a j
Brindie. slaine . . .140 Butler the young heir of Racliffe; . . ,141 Hesketh a
second sonn of Mr Hesketh of Maynes,142 and a young lad of the
North country called Knipe with others whose names I hard not.
Richard Wilding servant to Mrs Stanley of Eccleston left his ser
vice to be a Souldier and to attend young Butler. He was not
killed downright in the skirmish but sore wounded and cut that
being caryed to Preston he died within ten daies. John Clifton
second son to Mr Clifton of Lythom was grievously wounded and
taken prisoner.
This ended and all quiet again Colonell Lilburne being ignorant,
what other designe the Earle with his Army might haue he being
in such a malignant towne as the like was not in all the County
removed his quarters thence further from Preston. And the day
folowing being the Lords day ould Colonell Richard Shutleworth
and the Country thereabouts came to him at Houghton Tower and
there stood in a bodie the most of that day making so great a
show that they were discovered to Preston. Now whether this
bodie of men scent, or the Discomfit given the other day or what
The Earie of fear els took hould of the Earle and his Armv is unknowne, vet
Darby steals ., J ' »
sodeniy the night m the silence of the night they secretlv marched from Preston,
after the scir- ° " J '
mish at Brindie making noe stay before thev came to Wisrsron
from Preston and * J ot)
makes no stay It was eight or nyne of the clocke the next mornin^ before
uCtorc 116 C3.IT1C O
to wiggon. Colonell Lilburne had any Intiligence of their marching away and
totall leaving of Preston, which when he was certaine of and which

LANCASHIRE WARR. 75
way they marched, with as much convenient speed as possible he
gathered his Regiment into a bodie and made after them and was
come within a myle and a halfe of Wiggon by one of the Clock
being resolved and disposed to give the Earle Battell if he stayed.
And Providence had soe ordered that there were come vp to his
assistance two Foot Companies from Chester under the leading of
Captaine Robert Jollie143 and Captaine Samuell Smith and an
other Foot Companie of new raised men from Liverpoole. These
were quartered within Brindie and kept Guard in the Church of
Brindie the Saturday night after the defeat of the young men
spoken of before. These were all the Foot that Colonell Lilburne
had marching with him to Wiggon. There were alsoe coming vp
to his assistance one thousand foote more as far as Manchester,
but the defeat being given to the Earle came no further. Colonell
Lilburne by the way received Intelligence that the Earle with his
Army stayed at Wiggon to give him Battell which soe wrought
upon his Commanders and Souldiers that they grew very stearne
and fearst in their countenances, soe that they showed much dis
like to have any Country men to see or be neare them when the
Battel should be — advising them with some smart Language to
be gone.
The place they fought in was from Wiggon towne's end all The Batten was
t T. ,-. --._ i*n Wiggon loane
along that broad sandie loane vp to that loane end which goeth from it to that
, TT „,, t-i i ii- loane that goes
towardes Mr Bradshaw's House at Hay. The Earle and his Army towards Hay.
came from Wiggon to meet Lilburne in that loane who received
them with what valour and couradge he was able. The Dispute
was very hot and manly on both sides and a good space very
doubtfull how it would go. The Earle's company stoutly and with
much couradg beatting and dryving Lilburne almost to that loane
end that goes to the Hay. A reserve of Horse coming up to him
then put the Dispute out of doubt soe that the Earle having
received a blow over his face turned his back and fled. (Some said The Earie re-
v ceiving a blow
without his hat.) Captaine Jollie with the other Captaines and gv^hhis face
their companies were active and serviceable in beating up the
Earle's foot whereof many were slaine and the Manck Souldiers

76

LANCASHIRE WARR.

Commanders
slaine.

The number of
them that were
taken prisoners.

which the Earle brought with him, being pore naked Snakes,
those that escaped with life were scattered up and downe the
Country being set to worke in some places proved very false and
treacherous to their Masters ; and always where they could stole
away from their Masters into the Island againe that within no long
time there were not any of them to be seene. The Foot above
said flanked the Earle's Army bravely with much resolution upon
the back of the Hedges. Most of them that were slaine was in
the pursuit and flight. Uncertain it was for a tyme what was
become of the Earle whether Slaine or taken; yet after awhile it
was certainly knowne that he fled through Wiggon and some
Companie with him in much haste and lodged that night at . . . 144
and so went straight after the Scottish King to Worcester to
bring him tydings that he was defeated and wholy routted.
There was slaine a number of brave Gentlemen. Sir Thomas
Tildsley, Colonell Boynton (sometime Governour of Scarborough
for the Parliament which he betrayed unto the enemie) Maior
Generall Sir William Widderington, slaine in Wiggon towne in
the pursuit, Colonell Trollop with many other brave spirits no
notice taken of ... .
.... Sir William Throckmorton, Sir Timothy Featherston Hugh,
and severall other Colonells and Commanders of qualitie with four
hundred more of the common sort taken prisoners. The Earle's
Army of Foot was at the least one Thousand and Five Hundred
Horse, and Colonell Lilburne's Army was three hundred foot, six
troops of horse and four companies of Dragooners. The Earle
had order and commission from the Scottish Kinge to stay and
reside within this County with the Gentlemen above named and
Maior Generall Massey to assist him to raise Forces for him
within the same, viz. six thousand Foot and 150 Horse as an
additional strength to his Army.
Thus far is gone in relating what part of the late Intestine
Warr and other occurrences concerning it hath been acted within
this County. The close of it — and the last thing I have to relate,

LANCASHIRE WARR. 77
is the taking, Imprisonment and Death of the Earle of Darby
afforesaid, who was the Prime Agent that sett the Warr afoot in
it. and his Death the last Action that was effected about it. The
first assault in this Cause was the death of that pore man killed
in Manchester by some of his Complices, which, with the Sieges
he laid against it afterwards, neither of them were honourable.
To 3peake a word of that Honorable House of Lathom. It was
of much and great esteeme in all the County — I meane the
Earles thereof were honoured and had in respect generally with
all. The king could not be more. As Lords Lieutenants they
had the command of all insomuch that there was not any within
the County how great soever or independent to them that would,
nay that durst, affront them. Almost in any cause since the tyme
that King Henry the Seventh conferred that Honorable title of
Earles upon the Lords of Lathom there have been six (if I be not
deceived). Most of them have kept great Hospitalitie which
brought them much love and more applause. Good were they
with their Tenants and put them to very little foile till of late.
Loyall and true to their Sovereigns were they, this being their
glorie and a principle much stood upon by him that we shall speak
of. This caryed him to that forwardness in his cause against the
Kingdom's right, that lost both himselfe as alsoe is the Detriment
and Damage of his Family, besides what his Country, that loved
him so well, hath suffered thereby. He with his Honorable Con
sort though outwardly they professed the Protestant Doctrine yet
taking into his assistance in this Cause for his Sovereign, enimies,
yea disperate unreconcileable enimies to the Truth which he pro
fessed, and such enimies who being deceitful in their harts to him,
not loving him for the Truth's sake he professed, would when they
had obtained'their own ends by such as himselfe, have forced them,
yea, and the King himselfe, to have relinquished what they pro
fessed, otherwise an Indian Nutt might have been administered
unto them.145
And it could not be but that at one tyme or other that litle thing

78 LANCASHIRE WARR.
in his breast called Conscience, would object to him that he had
done wronge and that he could not with confidence and comfort
expect that God should bless but rather blast all his undertakings
and designes (how likely soever in reason) whilst he joined him
selfe in league with God's and his enimies. But I leave to say
more of that, neyther to censure him ; he is entered into his Judg
ment. He was a worthie Gentleman, courteous and frendly, for
anything that could be seene to the contrary. He always came to
the Worst and Dishonour was his reward in all the business of
this Warr. He was quietly setled in the Island if he could have
kept there.
The Scottish young King being at Worcester and he flying
thither (as affore is said) and that great Battel being fought
wherein their whole power was dissipated and wholy routed yet
After the Fight the Earle escaped and got safe away.146 He was wandering in the
Earie of Darby Country, having in his company the Lord Lauderdale a nobleman
Lord are taken of Scotland, who having with much travell and sore ryding tyred
by Captaine their Horses fell into the hands of a Lancashire man — Captaine
Edge. ...
Edge. He tooke them prisoners, giving them quarter, and brought
them to Chester. The Earle was committed to the Castle with a
Guard of Soldiers to attend him.
The Parliament, (as it appeared,) did take no notice of the
Quarter that was before given him, but gave Order that hee, Sir
Timothy Featherston Haugh and Captain Benlowe should by a
The Eari of Court Martiall be tryed vpon their lives. And according to the
a Court Martiall. proceedings of that Court they were found worthy to dye and were
sentenced soe. The Earles sentence was. to be caried to Boulton
within this County and there to be beheaded. The Sentence he
thought was very rigid and he not dealt with at all after the course
Being sentenced of Martiall Lawes. After fair quarter given to be judged to dye
by aypetitFon to was a case not ordinary. Whereupon by a Petition he (as it were)
rail cromweiif appeales to the Lord Generall Cromwell hoping to fynd favour
with him. The Petition is as foloweth :

LANCASHIRE WARR. 79
To the Right Honorable his excellencie
The Lord Generall Cromwell
The humble Petition of James Earle of Darby
A sentenced Prisoner in Chester
Sheweth That it appeareth by the annexed, what Plea your
Petitioner [hath] urged for Life in which the Court Martiall here
were pleased to over rule him. It being a matter of Law and a
point not adjudged nor presidented in all this Warr ; And the Plea
being only capable of Appeale to your Excellencie's wisdome
[which] will safely resolue it and your Petitioner being also [a]
Prisoner to the High Court of Parliament in relation to his Ren
dition of the Isle of Man.
In all he most humbly Craves your Excellencie's
grace that he may as well obtaine your Excel
lencie's Judgment on his Plea as the Parliament's
mercy with your Excellencie's favour to him and
he shall owe his Life to your Lordship's service
And ever pray
Darby.
Having gotten eyther no Answer to his Petition, or such a one
as was not hoped or expected, whereupon there was no likelihood
of escaping the Sentence pronounced upon him except he could
get out of their power, he therefore complotted with some inti
mate friends what way he might give the slip and begone. And The Earie of
it was devised betwixt them Ton] such a night it should be and by to make an es-
. cape slydeth
pretending some business for him to doe vpon the Leads of the desperately by a
r o x- rope from the
Castle over his Chamber, the other would be readie with a long topoftheCastie
' ° to the ground,
Roap to throw up to him by which Roap he might slyd downe.
This was desperately effected and he gotten out of the City. It
was not long ere he was missed and diligent search was [made]
after him in all parts, yet Providence had soe ordered that soe he is taken againe.
might not be quit, for (as it was said) he unawares discovered

80 LANCASHIRE WARR.
himselfe and being laid hould on againe was more strictly waited
His letter leaft upon till his execution. Upon this hope of Escape he left a letter
tohisco^e^e upon the Table in his Chamber directed to his Countesse, a copie
in the Island. -, t. r i ji
wherot toloweth : To his Ladie in the Isle of Man.
My dearest Hart, It hath been my hap since I last leaft you to have
not one comfortable tydings for you ; aud this must be most sad of
all that I now write as in a maysse of many sad things in one. I
will not stay long in particulars but in short inform you that the
King is dead or escaped in disguise, all the Nobilitie of his partie
killed or taken, saving a very few, that it matters not much where
they be ; the common Souldiers dispersed some in prisons, some
sent into other Countries, none in likelihood to serve more on the
ould score. I escaped one great danger at Wiggon but I met with
a worse at Worcester. I was not so fortunate to meet with any
that would kill mee, for the Lord Lauderdale and I having tyred
our horses, we were not thought worthy the killing, so we had
quarter given us by one Captaine Edge, a Lancashire man, and
that was so civill to mee that I and all that love mee are behoulden
to htm. I thought myselfe happie to be brought to Chester, where
I might see my twoo Daughters and have meanes (as I doubted
not) to send to, you : but I feare my coming here may cost me
deare (unless Almightie God in whom I trust, doe help me some
other way) ; but whatsoever comes to me I have peace in my own
breast, and not discomfort at all, but the sense of your greefe, and
that of my poore Children and Friends.
Collonell Duckenfield, the Governour of the Towne, is going
according to his Orders from the Parliament and Generall, to the
Isle of Man, where he will make known to you his business.147
And I have considered your condition and mine own and there
upon write to you this advice. Take it not as from a Prisoner,
for if I be never soe close, my hart is my owne, free still as the

LANCASHIRE WARR. 8 I
best, and I scorne to be compelled to your preiudice though by
the severest torture. I have procured Baggarley, who was pri
soner in this towne, to come over to you to Justify my Letter.
I have tould him what reasons, and he will tell them you,
which done, may save the spilling of blood in that Island and
it may be of some here, which is deare to you. But of that
take you no care; neither treat at all for it, for I perceive it
will do you more hurt than good. Have a care my deare soule
of yourselfe, my dear Mall, my dear Ned and Billie. As for
those here I gave them the best advice I can. It is not with
us as heretofore.
My sonn and his bedfealowe and my nephewe Stanleye have
come to see mee. Of them all I will say nothing at this time,
excepting that my sonn showes great affection to me, and nowe is
gone to London with exceeding care and passion for my good.
He is changed for the better (I thanke God) which Avould have
beene a great comfort to me if I could have more to leave him, or
that he had better provided for himselfe.
The Discourses which I have had of the Isle of Man have pro
duced the enclosed, or at the least such desire of mine in writing,
as I hope Baggarley will deliver to you upon Oath to be mine.
And truly as matters goe it will be your best to make conditions
for yourselfe, your Children, and friends in the manner wee have
proposed, or as you can further agree with Colonell Duckenfield,
who being so much a Gentleman born, will doubtlesse for his owne
honours sake, deale fairely with you.
You know how much that place is my Darling, but since it is
God's will to dispose thus of this Nation, and of Scotland, and I
believe of Ireland too, there is no more to be said concerning the
Isle of Man, But referr all to the good will of God ; and to get
the best conditions you can for yourselfe and our pore frendes
there: And begin the worlde againe, though neare to Winter.
The Lord of Heaven blesse you and comfort you and my pore
children. The Son of God whose blood was shed to do us good
M

82 LANCASHIRE WARR.
preserve our lyves that we may meet again on Earth, however in
Heaven, where we shall never be plundered. And so I rest ever
lastingly, Your faithfull Derbie.
This offer of the Earle to make an Escape caused him to be the
more severely kept in and his execution to be forwarded with more
speed so that the tyme at the last was fixed that the sentence
He is conveyed formerly passed upon him must be executed. And the fifeteenth
BoStonup'on the of October 1651 was the tyme limited that it should be done.
to be°Executed Therefore twoo Troops of Colonell Jones148 regiment commanded
ing.'5 ° °w" by Captaine Sontkey149 were ordered to convey him from Chester
to Boulton upon the thirteenth of October before where he rested
all the day following till Wednesday being the 15th daye about
two of the clocke in the afternoone at which tyme he was brought
forth to the place of Execution A scaffold being erected not far
from the Market Crosse in Boulton and neare unto that place (by
all relation) where he slewe Captain Bootle. When coming to
the foot of the ladder to goe vp to the Scaffold he kissed it, saying
" I am thus requited for my love. I submit to the will of God."
And being come to the top of the Scaffold he began and spake to
the People as foloweth :
The Earie of " Good Christians,
vponthVscaf- Since it hath pleased God thus to take away my life, I am
glad it must be in this Towne, where some have been made believe
I am a man of blood. It is a sclaunder that I should be the death
of. any. It was my desire, the last tyme I was in this county, to
come hither as to a People that ought to serve the King and (as I
conceive) upon good grounds. Whereas it was said I was accus
tomed to be a man of blood. It doth not lie upon my conscience
for I am wrongfully belyed being one that desired Peace.
I was borne in honour, have lived in honour, and hope I shall

LANCASHIRE WARR. 83
die with honour. I had a faire estaite and needed not to mend
that. I had frendes by whom I was respected and I respected
them. They were readie to do for mee and I was readie to
do for them. I have done nothing but after the example of my
predecessors to do you Good. It was the King that called me
in, and I thought I was bound to wait upon him, to do him
service." Then there arysing some tumult amongst the People he gave
over, which when it was quieted looking every side of him he said
further —
" I thought to have spoken more but I have done and I shall not
enlarge any thing save only my good will to this towne of Boulton.
I put my trust in Jesus Christ."
Again looking about him he said —
" I never deserved this from above ; and as for you honest frendes
that are Souldiers, know that my life is taken from me after that
Quarter was given me, and that by a Counsell of Warr, which was
never done before to any."
After this taking a turne or twoo up and down the Scaffold he
said —
"The Lord blesse you all. The Son of God Almighty blesse
you all of this towne of Boulton, Manchester, and all Lancashire.
God send you may have a King againe. I die here a Souldier, a
Christian Souldier."
Then sitting downe in his Chaire he said to the Souldier that
had beene his Keeper — " They are not readie yet " — meaning
they had not the Blocke readie : but he bade them commend him
to all his good Frendes in Chester and tell them that he dyed like
a Souldier. Then causing the Coffin (which was set upon the Scaffold to put

84 LANCASHIRE WARR.
his bodie in) to be oppened, he said — "When I lye Imprisoned
here a Guard will not need to attend me with Swords." And
walking againe about the Scaffold he said — "There is not one
man that revileth me, God be thanked." Looking also upon
such as stood on the Scaffold with him he said — "What do
you stay for ? It is hard I cannot get a Block to have my head
cut Off."
Casting his eye upon the Executioner he said to him — "Thy
Coat is so Burly thou wilt never hit right. The Lord bless thee
and forgive thee." Then speaking to Mr Bridgeman he said —
" They have brought me hither too soone. The Block is not readie
for me. Mr Bridgeman tell your brother I take it a greate mercy
of God that I am brought hither for I might have died in the midst
of a Battel and not dyed so well, for now I have had time to. make
my Peace with God."
After this he desired his man to lay downe his head in the Block
to see how it would fit; But his man refusing it, whereupon the
Trumpeter being vpon the Scaffold laid his neck upon it to try
how it would fite. And the Earle then laid his neck upon the block
and taking it up againe caused the Block to be turned. Then lay
ing his neck upon it againe said — " Do not strike yet." And
rysing up again he walked about the Scaffold saying — " Good
People I desire your Prayers — I desire your Prayers. I pray God
blesse you. The Son of God blesse you all. The Lord blesse this
nation. And the Lord blesse my pore wiffe and children."
And giving his napkins to his servants, hee kneeled down and
prayed privately, and then he laid his head upon the block saying
to the Executioner — " When I lift up my hand, Give the blow."
But just as he gave the signe one of his Servants that stood by
said " My Lord let me speake with you before " — (but what was
spoken is not known) — whereupon he looking up said — "I have
given you the signe, and it was ill mist."
Then continuing upon his knees he said — "honest frends I
thank God I neyther fear Man nor Death. I rejoyce to serve the

LANCASHIRE WARR. 85
King and my Country. I am sorry to leave so many my frendes ;
but I hope the Lord will keep and blesse them. The Lord of
Heaven blesse my poore wife and children. The Lord blesse his
people and my good King. Blessed be God's holy name for ever
and ever, Amen. And let the Earth be filled with his Glorie."
Then giving the last signe by lifting up of his hands, the Exe
cutioner severed his head from his body at one blow, which being
taken up by his Servants that attended about him they put it to his
bodye again. And with his Clothes upon him [he] was put into
the Coffin, there readie, which had abundance of seedes in it to
receive the blood. And he was caried away that night to 
and from thence to Ormeskirke there to be buried amongst his
Ancestors.

NOTES.

ABBREVIATIONS OF THE REFERENCES.
The Houghton, Papers are some original documents preserved in the
Warrington Museum.
C. W. T. Civil War Tracts.
C. S. Chetham Society's Publications.
S. History.
A. L. C. W. Army List of the Civil War.
Feet MS. A manuscript account of the Lancashire Lieutenancy after
the Restoration, in the possession of Mrs. Peet.

Note i. This sentence is at variance with the rest of the Preface,
and must have been added after the Restoration, although it does not
appear in the original as an interlineation. Probably the author
recopied his whole work after the king's return, and omitted to alter
the date.
Note 2. This alludes to the king's entering the House of Commons
on the 4th January 1642, and attempting to seize the five members
— Hollis, Hazelrigge, Hampden, Pym and Strode.
Note 3. This nobleman, at that time Lord Strange and not yet
become Earl of Derby, succeeded to the latter title by the death of
his father on the 29th September 1642.
Note 4. To this meeting, held on the 20th June 1642, his lord
ship brought with him his eldest son, then a youth of fifteen.

88 NOTES.
(Moore Rental, C. S. 139) It was here, according to Angier, that his
lordship conceived the design of seizing on the magazines, one of which
was at Warrington. In 1640 a large quantity of powder and match
was bought at that place, which seems both then and afterwards to
have been a considerable mart for such articles, and sent to store the
magazine at Liverpool. The invoice shews the powder to have cost
about 15. and the match about \d. a pound, hut in 1642 powder had
risen to is. 41I. and match to yd. a pound, which was the price paid for
them in 1584. (Farmgton Papers, C. S. 69 ; Lancashire Lieutenancy,
C. S. 145, 307)
Note 5. On the 15th July 1642, Lord Strange, then suffering
under the affront put upon him in depriving him of the lieuten
ancy, accepted an invitation from some friends who sympathised with
him, to attend a* banquet at the house of Mr. Alexander Greene in
Manchester. During the entertainment, Captains John Holcrofte and
Thomas Birche, active partisans of the Parliament, entered the town
with an armed force and beat to arms. Hastily quitting the banquet,
his lordship mustered his small force — which has been variously esti
mated at thirty, one hundred, one hundred and twenty, or four hundred
men — and a skirmish, in which it seems his opponents were the aggres
sors, ensued ; and Richard Percival a linen weaver, of Levenshuhne, or,
as the old Church Register has it, of Grindlowe, was killed. Richard
Percival was of the Royston family, and it is said that he met his death
by the hand of Richard Fleetwood of Penwortham, the same who was
afterwards taken prisoner at the storming of Preston. (Palmer's Siege
of Manchester, 12; Penwortham Priory, C.S.lx; H. Lancashire,
vol. ii. 12; Lancashire and Cheshire Historical Society, vol. i. 62;
H. Birch Chapel, C. S. 90) After the skirmish Lord Strange re
tired to the house of Sir Alexander Radcliffe of Ordsall.
Note 6. In the Civil War Tracts, where this well known circum
stance is also mentioned, the captain is said to have escaped under
a cart in the street, from which he afterwards gained his well known
sobriquet of "the Carter." The account in the text shews that
Lord Strange was innocent of the charge of having trailed Captain
Birche behind a cart. Not long after the skirmish at Manchester,

NOTES. 89
Captain Birche and Mr. Harrison were thrown into prison for opposing
the Lathom lay. (H Whalley, p. 317.) Promotion came rapidly in those
times. On the 14th December 1642, Captain Birche received from Lord
Wharton his commission as major in Colonel Assheton's regiment, and
on the 15th March following Lord Fairfax made him colonel of a foot
regiment. In 1 644 he was made governor of Liverpool, and on the death
of Sir Richard Wynn iu 1649 he was elected M.P. for that place.
Colonel Birche was a very active servant of the Parliament and took
part in most of the local engagements of the time. On the 1 5th July
1642 he was at Manchester, and he was there again at the siege. On
the 13th February following he was at the storming of Preston, and
on the 22nd March 1646 he was engaged under Sir Wm. Brereton in
the successful encounter with Sir Jacob Astley, at Stow-on-the-Wold
in Gloucestershire. In August 1651 he was in the fight in Wigan
Lane, and in the same month in 1659 he was at the battle in which
Sir George Booth was routed at Winning-ton. On 30th September 165 1
a letter, which has escaped the notice of Mr. Carlyle, was addressed to
him by Cromwell requiring him to assist in the reduction of the Isle
of Man. (Ffarington Papers, C. S. 156.) In 1654 and 1656 he was
again returned M.P. for Liverpool. Colonel Birche has been severely
blamed for his harsh treatment of the Ladies Stanley, when they were
under his charge ; for his reckless removal of some of the muniments of
Manchester old church to London, where they were destroyed by fire, and
for his ungenerous suspicions of Humphry Chetham, which hindered
and had well nigh prevented his munificent foundations at Manchester.
On the 30th June 1660, Sir Ralph Assheton in his place in Parliament
informed the House that a person who sat in the last Parliament took
a bond for 100Z. for some particular service to be done in the House,
and being desired to name the person he named Colonel Thomas Birche,
of Liverpool. A memoir of Colonel Birche appears in the History of
Birch Chapel (C. S. 90 to go.) After being for several years disabled
by age and infirmities, he died on the 5th August 1678, aged 71.
When in Parliament in 1657-8 Colonel Birche had the sagacity to per
ceive and the boldness to point out the want of a sufficient maintenance
for the ministers of religion in Lancashire, and when a committee waa
ordered to bring in a bill for redressing the evil, he said " I move for
the parts in Lancashire which have had no benefit by your maintenance N

9°

NOTES.

where we have large parishes 16 miles square and 2,000 communicants.
There is as much need of subdivision as of uniting." (Burton's Diary,
ii. 232.) Colonel Thomas Birche must be distinguished from Colonel
John Birche, who sat in the House at the same time as member for
Leominster, and whom the scurrilous Flagellum Parliamentarium calls
an old Rumper.
Note 7. Our author's entire silence as to any outrage and blood
shed on the previous 4th July, to which allusion is made in the Parlia
mentary paper of that date (C. W. T. 27) throws so much doubt upon
the statement as to make it almost incredible. If blood had been shed
so copiously on the 4th, then Richard Percival, who was slain on the
1 5th July, was not the first victim of the Civil war, nor ought his death
to have been made the ground of so serious a charge against Lord
Strange. It is not easy indeed to say in that sad period where the
first blood was actually shed. Some say that Sir John Stowell, who fell
in Somersetshire, was the first person slain, and others that it was a
person killed in Yorkshire by the Northumberland horse. [Rupert
and the Cavaliers.) It seems probable that the reported attack and
bloodshed at Manchester on the 4th July arose out of some exaggeration
of the story told in a letter of 27th July 1642 (C. W. T. 15, 16),
detailing the appearance of Lord Strange with a great force at the
neighbouring town of Bury.
Note 8. Warrington was the place at which the troops mustered,
and from whence they marched towards Manchester on Saturday the
24th September 1642, under the command of Lord Strange, and
attended amongst others by the following noblemen and gentlemen : —
(1.) Richard Lord Molineux, second Viscount Maryborough, who
succeeded his father at an early age in 1632. In 1642, though a mere
boy, he commanded the Lancashire Horse raised amongst Lord Derby's
tenantry, but his rashness ultimately caused some coolness between him
and the earl. He fought at Edge Hill and Worcester. In 1648 when
he was taken prisoner and carried to London, the apprentices attempted
to rescue him. He died soon after the battle of Worcester.
(11.) Sir John Girlington, high sheriff of the county. Sir John was
of Thurland Castle, and was probably son of that Nicholas Girlington

NOTES. 91
who married EHzabeth, daughter of Sir Richard Hoghton, and was in
attendance during King James's visit to Hoghton Tower. Sir John
rose to be a major-general in the king's service, and fell, according
to one account, in the skirmish at East Bradford, or according to
another, in the battle between Rossiter and Langdale at Melton
Mowbray on 22nd February 1644. His widow, dame Katherine, then
of South Cave, Yorkshire, suffered sequestration of her estate and
was fined in the large sum of 800Z. (England's Black Tribunal, 346 ;
C. W. T. 344.) A Lieutenant-Colonel Girlington, probably Sir John's
son, was much employed in Lancashire after the Restoration. The
Girlingtons seem to have been all royalists. Anthony Girlington fell at
Lancaster, and Thomas Girlington in another place, but both on the
same side ; and after the Restoration Lancelot Girlington petitioned
to be appointed crier and keeper at Hicks Hall, stating that his parents
had been ruined by their loyalty. (Feet MS. ; BlacTc Tril., 335, 368 ;
and Greene's Calendar of State Papers).
(111.) Sir Gilbert Hoghton of Hoghton Tower, the second baronet
of his ancient house and name. He succeeded Sir John Girlington as
high sheriff in 1643. He had been knighted as early as 1606, and he
sat as M.P. for the county of Lancaster in the Parliaments of 1614,
1620, 1625, and the first Parliament of 1640. He lost a son and a
brother in the service of the king, and his daughter Margaret married
the royalist Alexander Rigby ; but his eldest son sided with the Par
liament. He was advanced in years at the breaking out of the Civil
wars, and he died in April 1647.
(rv.) Sir Alexander Radcliffe of Ordsall, K.B. Sir Alexander was
one of the commissioners of array, and in that character attended the
meeting at Preston on 20th June 1642. A few days afterwards he
attempted to seize the magazine at Manchester. Parliament removed
him from the commission of the peace, and afterwards committed him
to the Tower for assisting to put in force the commission of array and
abetting the proceedings of Lord Strange. He died in April 1654.
(C. W. T. 350, 368.)
(v.) Sir Gilbert Gerard, knight and colonel. According to Mr.
Ormerod (0. W. T. 344) he was a younger brother of Sir Charles
Gerard of Halsall. Sir Gilbert became governor of Worcester, and
was buried there. In the Black Tribunal (353) a Sir Gilbert Gerard

9 2 NOTES.
junior is said to have been slain near Ludlow ; but this could hardly
be the Sir Gilbert of the text if he was the person mentioned by the
anonymous commentator on the siege of Lathom as a veteran soldier,
retained by Lord Strange to train and discipline his new levies;
neither could this latter be the younger brother of Sir William Gerard
of Bryn, who would be too young for such an office. The same com
mentator informs us that there were at least six of Sir Gilbert's name
and title engaged at this time on the king's side, while Sir Gilbert
Gerard of Flambards near Harrow was a colonel in the service of the
Parliament ; and another Gerard, without a title, had the rank of lieu
tenant-colonel in Colonel Croxton's regiment on the same side. One
of the Cheshire Sir Gilberts, who was slain very early in the Civil wars
either at Worcester or Gloucester, was buried with this epitaph on his
grave : " Obiit invita. patria." Another Gerard, styled by the Par-
ment writers "Sir" Gilbert Gerard and by Clarendon "Mr." was in
reality Colonel John Gerard the third son of Sir Charles Gerard of
Halsall by an ill-omened marriage with Penelope, second daughter of
Sir Edward Fitton of Gawsworth. He was brother to Charles first
Lord Brandon of Dutton in Cheshire, and he had a brother Sir
Gilbert. Of this Colonel Gerard, who was beheaded on Tower Hill
on a charge of conspiracy in 1654, there is a long account in the Black
Tribunal (256, 271).
(vt.) Master, afterwards the celebrated Sir Thomas Tildesley, of
Myerscough, was made a brigadier, and knighted for his services at the
storming of the bridge at Burton. On the 18th September 1644 he
was taken prisoner in the battle of Montgomery. In 1645 he was
governor of Litchfield, and surrendered that place on articles on 16th
July 1646. In the latter year he is said to have been also governor of
Worcester. Of this gallant commander, who fell in the battle of
Wigan Lane on 25th August 1651, Mr. Baines has given a portrait
and a memoir. (H. Lancashire, ii. 312 ; C.W.T. 214, 296, 307.)
(vii.) Master Ralph Standish of Standish.
(viii.) Master Thomas Prestwich of Hulme, near Manchester, who
was made one of the commissioners of array in 1642 and created a
baronet in 1644. In 1648 he assisted Sir Marmaduke Langdale in
settling the terms on which the English would co-operate with the
Scots under the Duke of Hamilton, and became bound in 800Z. to

NOTES. 93
provide four hundred pairs of pistols. (Lancashire and Cheshire Wills,
C. S. iii. 103; Notes and Queries, Feb. 20, 1864, 152; and Greene's
Calendar of State Papers.)
(rx.) Master Windebank. The secretary of this name had fled to
France before this time, but this person might be his son. In the
account of the siege of Manchester he appears as the person sent to
summon the town. After the Restoration a John Windebank petitioned
to be restored to the place of usher of the privy chamber, to which he
had been appointed after the death of his brother. (Greene's Calendar
of State Papers.)
(x.) Sergeant-Major Danvers. If he were the same person as
Colonel Danvers, who afterwards bore arms for the Parliament, he
must have been amongst the few who changed sides in the Civil war.
If so, and if he were the same person who wrote the dispatch from
Warrington, signed " H. D." on the 15th August 1651, he must have
had very different feelings on his second visit from those of his first
visit to that place. (Parliamentary History, xx. 12, 15.)
(xi.) Sergeant-Major Sanders.
(xn.) Master John Downes of Wardley. (C. W. T. 342.)
(xtii.) Master Charles Towneley of Towneley, killed at Marston
Moor and buried on the field 2nd July 1644. (H. Whalley, 344;
Black Tribunal, 369.)
(xrv.) Master Ashton of Penketh, elsewhere called Captain Ashton,
and supposed to be John the son of Thomas Ashton, who fell in the
first attack on Bolton 16th February 1643. (C. W. T. 83.) In the
Black Tribunal (365) he is called Gilbert Ashton.
(xv). Master, afterwards Captain Henry Ogle of Whiston, one of
the defenders of Lathom. In the first sally made from the house he
commanded the rear-guard, and for his gallantry on that and other
occasions was greatly commended. He was made prisoner at the battle
of Edge Hill, and he died near Prescot and was buried there. (H. Siege
of Lathom, passim ; H. Lancashire, iii. 718, 719.)
(xvi.) Master Byrom of Byrom rose to be a major of foot, and was
killed in the fight at Keynton Field 23rd October 1642. Other
accounts say that he was killed at Manchester. (C W. T. 47; H. Lan
cashire, iii. 635.) The same, or some other Henry Byrom, is often
mentioned in the Houghton Papers; and there was a Major John

94

NOTES.

Byrom of Salford who was very active, after the Restoration. (Peet
MS.) (xvn.) Master Roger Nowell of Read, born 1605. He was first a
captain and afterwards a .colonel. He was one of the defenders of
Lathom, and he died in 1695. (Lancashire Lieutenancy, C. S. 285 ;
Sieges and Battles, 158.)
(xviii.) Master Thomas Standish, eldest son and heir-apparent of
Thomas Standish of Duxbury, killed at the siege of Manchester about
26th September 1642. (C. W. T. 46, 55.)
(xix.) Master Charnock of Charnock and Astley, afterwards Cap
tain Charnock, and one of the defenders of Lathom who ultimately fell
in the king's cause. (Black Trilunal, 367; Sieges and Battles, 135,
158.) John Charnock, one of his ancestors, was attainted in 29 Eliza
beth. (Statutes at large?)
(xx.) Master William Ffarington of Worden, who was from the first
a very active royalist. He was provost-marshal to Lord Strange when
the powder and match were bought at Warrington to store the maga
zine at Liverpool in 1640, as already mentioned. He had been a
colonel of militia before the breaking out of the Civil war, and on the
nth June 1642 he was made a commissioner of array. He was after
wards made one of the collectors of the subsidy and a keeper of the
magazines. On the 9th February 1643 he was taken prisoner in the
assault upon Preston, and on the 12th September 1643 he had all his
goods sequestered by the Parliament. He served at Lathom House
during both the sieges, and laid down his arms after the final surren
der of that place. In July 1646 he was thrown into prison, where he
remained until the following May. He was twice compelled to com
pound for his estates, and he died- in April 1658. (Ffarington Papers,
C. S. passim; C. W. T. 75, 363.)
(xxi.) Master Robert Holt of Ashworth, in the parish of Middleton, '
one of Lord Strange's proposed collectors of the subsidy and keepers
of the magazines. (C.W.T. 363.)
(xxii.) Master Edward Rawstorne of Newhall in Tottington. He
was sheriff of Lancashire in 1629, and on the 25th February 1633 he
was called to the bar by the Honourable Society of Gray's Inn. At
the breaking out of the civil war he was made a commissioner of array.
He afterwards became a captain in the king's service, and in 1644 he

NOTES. 95
was made by Prince Rupert colonel of a regiment of foot. He was
governor of Lathom House in its last siege, and surrendered it to the
Parhament on the 2nd December 1645. (C. W. T. 368.) On the 3rd
June 1662, in consequence of some slanders uttered against him and
the Lord Delamere, the Earl of Derby, the then lord lieutenant of
Lancashire, made a public declaration of his entire disbelief of them,
and declared that in the worst times, of the late rebellion Colonel Raw^
storne had always been esteemed a true and loyal subject of the king.
(Peet MS.)
(xxni.) Master Edward Tarbuck of Tarbuck, captain of the Isle of
Man. He was possibly a son of that Sir Edward Tarbuck who was
knighted at Whitehall on the ist November 1606. (O. W. T. 353, 370;
H. Lancashire, iii. 479, iv. 8, 9, 10.)
(xxrv.) Master Montague. There were two Montagues, Edward and
George, in Parliament, who both took the covenant in 1642, and there
was a Colonel Montague, who was afterwards an active partisan of the
other side (Oldmixon, H. England, ii. 296), but he was probably of the
house of Manchester, and swayed to that side by his family leanings.
The editor has failed to identify the Montague who marched with the
army from Warrington.
(xxv.) Master Francis Legh of Lyme and Bruche. He was one of
the commissioners of array, and died the 2nd February 1643. (Ibid.
209.) These were some of the prineipal leaders of the force now assembled
at Warrington, which is said to have consisted of four thousand foot,
two hundred dragoons and one hundred light horse, with seven pieces
of artillery; but its strength was probably over-rated. The Parlia
mentary accounts state that some of the common soldiers complained
that they had been summoned to Warrington to meet the king and not
*to march against Manchester ; and the plot of the Amounderness men
to shoot Lord Strange, and the allusion to some such design in the
Proceedings of the Lieutenancy, are an evidence that there existed some
dissatisfaction. (Ffarington Papers, C. S. 87 ; Lancashire Lieutenancy,
C. S. 279.) Here as afterwards at Edge Hill, where a like accident con
tributed to the ill fortune of the day, one or more of the gun carriages
having broken down during the march, delayed for a time the advance
of the army. (H. Collegiate Church of Manchester, 205.) On the march

96 NOTES.
the troops divided: one part, under the immediate command of Lord
Strange, passing through Cheshire and taking up a position near Alport
Lodge, a house of Sir Edward Moseley's, on the south side of Man
chester ; and the other proceeding by the opposite bank of the Mersey,
and passing a stream then much swollen with rain, which was possibly
the occasion of the accident to the artillery, took up its position in the
suburb of Salford which still adhered to the king. (Ibid. 205, 206.)
Note 9. Sir Edward Moseley's, of the Alport Lodge, which stood
somewhere between St. Matthew's _ church and Deansgate. It was
burnt down during the attack on Manchester, and never rebuilt after
wards. Its owner was taken prisoner in Middlewich church after the
battle at that place, on the 13th March 1643, and only regained his
fiberty on giving a solemn promise not again to bear arms against the
Parliament. He died in December 1657.
Note io. Lord Strange's father died at his house in Chester on the
29th September 1642, an event which happening at this juncture may
have influenced his son, now become Earl of Derby, to raise the siege
of Manchester. Had his lordship known that Colonels Holland and
Egerton and Captain Booth were at this time counselling the town to
surrender, it might have altered his determination and have changed
the whole course of the war. (Lancashire Lieutenancy, O. S. 274, note.)
Note i i. On the 26th September, while the siege was still proceed
ing, Colonel Holland and others of his party addressed a letter to
Colonel Richard Shuttleworth and John Starkie, earnestly imploring
from them a supply of powder and match. This was doubtless one of
the wants which made Colonel Holland counsel a surrender. (Lanca
shire Lieutenancy, C. S. 272.) The situation of Manchester must*
also have been felt by the Parliament to be critical at this time, for by
an order of the 3rd October they directed the London committee to
send a levy of dragoons into Lancashire with all possible dispatch.
(Palmer's Siege of Manchester, 39.)
Note 12. William Bourne B.D., fellow of the Collegiate church of
Manchester, was a zealous and influential preacher, and — although

NOTES. 97
introduced into the Collegiate church by Chaderton in the year 1591,
and long a friend of Dr. Perkins and Dr. W. Whitaker, the Cambridge
divines — he seems to have been in almost all respects a presbyterian
in his views of Church government and opposed to every thing strictly
episcopalian. He was the John Knox of Manchester, and assumed the
bold tone and manner of that inexorable reformer. Hohinworth has
given a vivid description of his proceedings, regular and irregular. He
died the senior fellow, and was buried at the Collegiate church the 26th
August 1 643. His wife was a kinswoman of the Cecils, Lords Burghley.
(Fasti Mancun., a MS., abridged.)
Note 13. Radchffe Hall, a quaint old mansion of wood and plaster,
in Pool Fold, with picturesque projecting chimneys and gables, was the
house of Captain, afterwards Sergeant major, Richard Radchffe, one of
the defenders of Manchester, and. afterwards M.P. for that place.
(C. W. T. 351 ; Lancashire Lieutenancy, C. S. 300.)
Note 14. Captain Robert Bradshaw, a younger brother of John
Bradshaw of Bradshaw. At the siege of Manchester, where he com
manded the Assheton tenantry, he had the charge of Deansgate, and
resisted Colonel Holland's proposal to surrender the town. It is told
as one of the marvels of the siege that a cannon ball came so near him
that it touched his arm but did not hurt him. (C. W. T. 340, 357 ;
Sieges and Battles, 77.)
Note 15. Captain Robert Venables, a member of an ancient Che
shire house, which dates from the Conquest, at the breaking out of the
Civil wars was settled at Antrobus in that county. In the battle on
Westhoughton common, on the 16th December 1642, he was made
prisoner, but he must have been soon released, for on the 18th July
following, when Sir Wilham Brereton came against Chester with nine
troops of horse and ten companies of foot Captain Venables commanded
one of the latter. In 1644 he is called Colonel and said to be governor
of Chester ; but this must be a mistake, as that city was then a royalist
garrison. In 1645 he was governor of Tarvin, and in a paper amongst
the Harleian MSS., partly in his hand writing, he has left an account
of his other services in Cheshire, and an account of his arrears of pay
o

98 NOTES.
from 1643 to 1646. In May 1648 he seems to have been employed
in bringing the Welsh into subjection (Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 346) ;
and the following hitherto inedited letter to Captain Crowther, Vice
Admiral of the Irish seas, his comrade in arms while engaged in that
service, and which is still preserved at Wincham in Cheshire, supplies
an addition to the series of Cromwell's letters, and gives us the great
general's "whereabouts" at that time:
Sr I received both yrs this morning and cannot hut acknowledge your greate
forwardness to serve tbe publique. I have here inclosed sent you an order for the
tateing up of vesseiis for the transporting of soldiers and the ooates of the horses.
My men shal be at the water side tomorrow. If they can provide victualls they shall.
If not I shall give you notice that wee may bring it out of yP vesseiis.
Sr
Cardif I remayne
May ye 16th T'r very humble servant
1648. Oliver Ceomwell.
In 1 649 when the regiments were allotted for Ireland the lot fell on
Col. Venables's regiment, and he was made commander-in-chief of the
forces in Ulster and governor of Belfast, Antrim, and Lisnegarvey.
Landing in Ireland on the 2 2nd July he was engaged in the battle fought
near Dublin on the 2nd August, when the Irish generals, Lord Ormond
and Lord Inchiquin, were put to flight and thousands of their forces
slain. About the 20th October in that year he routed a force of eight
hundred horse, which had been sent against him by the Earl of Or
mond. (Cromwelliana, 65.) He returned from Ireland on the 22nd
April 1654, and on the 7th December following there issued a privy seal
granting a sum of 1000Z. to him and Colonel Heane, which was no
doubt in recompence' of their services in Ireland, where Colonel Ve
nables had also acted as a commissioner for reporting on the govern
ment of that kingdom. (Appendix to Fourth Report on Public
Records, 180.) In 1655, when the fleet under Penn sailed for the
West Indies, the command of the land forces was committed to
Colonel Venables, with the rank of general. The combined forces
attacked and took Jamaica, which has ever since remained a posses
sion of the British crown, but after an unsuccessful attack on His-
paniola on the 26th April following the two commanders quarrelled,
and having returned home separately brought the news of their own
disaster, upon which Cromwell sent them both to the Tower on the

NOTES. 99
charge of quitting their post without orders. General Venables's
manuscript account of the expedition with the musters of the army is
preserved in the house of his family at Wincham. His wife in her
Journal, after saying that her husband's heart was right and that he
had the glory of God for his aim, says thus of the expedition : " The
success was ill — for the work of God was not like to be done by the
devil's instruments. A wicked army it was, and sent out without arms
or provisions." (Hume's H. England, vii. 254-5 ; Carlyle's Cromwell,
ii. 65, 66 ; and Oldmixon's H. England, ii. 428.) In August 1659
Colonel Venables favoured Sir George Booth's rising, and lay ready
to seize upon Chester for the king. In March following he was
entrusted by General Monk with the government of Chester Castle,
and on 22nd April 1660, Chancellor Hyde thus writes of him from
Breda : " I am very glad that Colonel Venables is governor of Chester,
of whose affections the king has not the least doubt, yet I have thought
to ask you a question concerning him long, whether he be of the In
dependent party in point of religion, which I have heard confidently
averred by some who have great kindness for him, and assurance of his
affection to the king and together with that a great opinion of his parts
and understanding which methinks should hardly consist with the
other." (Dr. Barwick's Life.) After the Restoration, if the design
had not been hindered, the king at the instance of Jais friend Dr.
John Barwick would have bestowed upon him some mark of his
royal favour. In 1662, soon after which he bought Wincham, where
his family are still settled, he published the first edition of his
Experienced Angler, a book held in high estimation by all lovers of
angling, which before 1668 had reached a third edition, and has been
frequently reprinted since. The first edition is prefaced by a com
mendatory letter from good old Isaac Walton, who did not know the
author personally, and by a copy of verses signed T. W. Prefixed to
an edition of this work in 1827 a long contemporary account is given
of the disasters at Hispaniola and their causes, and also of the death of
Venables's old fellow soldier Heane, then a major-general, who was
killed there. In 1664 Colonel Venables, whose religious views inclined
to the Independents, was denounced to the government, probably
without reason, as having secretly promoted the rising in Yorkshire,
commonly known as the Farnley Wood plot. Colonel Venables mar-

ioo NOTES.
ried first Ehzabeth Rudyard, and secondly EHzabeth widow of Thomas
Lee of Darnhall and daughter of Samuel Aldersey Esq., and he died in
July 1687, at the age of 75. (Notes and Queries, Feb. 6th 1864, p. 120.)
There is a good portrait of Colonel Venables in the house at Win
cham. The Black Tribunal (363) mentions a royalist officer, Serjeant-
major Dacres, as having been kiUed at Westoughton in the battle
where Captain Venables was made prisoner.
Note 16. See note 13 ante.
Note 17. Ralph Assheton, of Middleton, near Manchester, was
elected M.P. for Lancashire in the two Parliaments of 1640, and was
one of those who took the covenant in 1642. When the Parliament
took upon them to supersede a number of the former justices of the
peace, they appointed him one of the new justices. He was first a
colonel, then a general, and finally the commander-in-chief of all the
Parhament forces in Lancashire. He died on the 17th February
1652, aged 45, and an epitaph to his memory in Middleton Church
records his public services at length. He must be distinguished
from his namesake of both his names, Sir Ralph Assheton of Whalley,
baronet, who died in October 1644, as well as from Ralph Assheton
son of the latter, who was M.P. for Clitheroe in the two Parliaments of
1625 and the two Parliaments of 1640, and also from Ralph Assheton
son of Nicholas Assheton of Downham, who was appointed by Parlia
ment a deputy -lieutenant and sequestrator of delinquents' estates, and
who died in 1643. Except the Chadderton branch all the Asshetons
seem to have been on the Parliament side, but towards the close of the
troubles Sir Ralph Assheton's son Ralph, then himself become a baronet,
accepted the king's gracious act of indemnity at Breda, and after the
Restoration was made lieutenant-colonel of a regiment of foot. He died
30th January 1680. (H. Whalley, 243, 299, 300, 317 ; Assheton's
Journal, C. S. pref. vi. ; C. W.T. 337-8 and 356 ; H. Lancashire ii. 59.)
Note 18. Colonel Richard Holland of Denton was made a justice
of peace by the Parhament when so many of the justices were super
seded for their royalist leanings. He was governor of Manchester for
the Parliament, and Rosworm charged him with shewing some want of

NOTES. IOI
courage during the attack upon Warrington. "Alas!" he exclaims,
" who can settle a trembling heart ?" He was afterwards tried on this
charge, and though he was acquitted it was thought that he was indebted
for his escape to the influence of some powerful friends. (Lancashire
Lieutenancy, C. S. 274.) In the Parliaments of 1654 and 1656 he was
M.P. for Lancashire (H. Lancashire, vol. i. 319), and his death in i66t
is thus noticed in a contemporary obituary :
Colonel Holland left an estate of %ool. a year, and was heired by a younger
brother of the age of sixty. His brother, who had never been married before, found
out a suitable gentlewoman, one Mrs. Britland, and their day of marriage was fixed.
But before the day arrived he fell sick and died, and the funeral happening on the
same day that had been fixed for the marriage, the minister at the funeral preached
from the same text that had been selected for the marriage, only substituting " There
was a cry made " for the words " Behold the bridegroom cometh.'' (Matt. xxv. 6.)
A memoir of Colonel Holland is given by Mr. Booker. (Denton
Chapelry, C. S. xxxvii. 16.)
Note 19. Colonel Richard Shuttleworth of Gawthorpe Hall, born
in 1587 was sheriff of Lancashire in 1618, and M.P. for Preston in
1640. He took the covenant in 1642, and on the breaking out of the
Civil war he was enjoined to see the ordinance for the militia put in
force. In 1646 he was elected a lay elder of the third Lancashire
Presbyterian classis. He was a magistrate and a sequestator of delin
quents' estates, and in 1653 he was made one of the judges for the
relief of creditors and poor prisoners in the county of Lancaster. He
died in 1669. (Assheton's Journal, C. S. 85, in notes; Lancashire
Lieutenancy, C. S. ; Scobel 's Acts ; and the Shuttleworth Accounts,
C. S. passim.) A good portrait of Colonel Richard Shuttleworth is
preserved in the Hall at Gawthorpe.
Note 20. Colonel John Moore, head of the house of Moore of
Bank Hall near Liverpool, was of a very ancient family, who had large
possessions there. In the second Parhament of 1640, he was elected
M.P. for Liverpool. Upon the general displacing of the king's party,
at the beginning of the Civil war, the Parliament made him a deputy
lieutenant. On the rupture of the king with the Parhament, he
secured for his party the castle and the tower of Liverpool, both of
which were reported to be of considerable strength. When the town

102 NOTES.
was attacked by Prince Rupert Colonel Moore was the governor, and
when he gave it up he was assailed with reproaches for surrendering
it so easily. (H. Lancashire, vol. ii. 31.) After the siege of Lathom
he seems to have taken service in Ireland, and to have left his lucra
tive appointments in connexion with Lord Derby's estates to be
executed by deputy. He sat as one of the judges on the king's trial,
and signed the warrant for his execution. He afterwards commanded
Cromwell's guards, and had for some time the benefit of aU passes
granted out of London. He died in 1650, and so escaped being tried
with the other regicides after the Restoration, and no proceedings seem
to have been taken against his heirs. Martindale, who was one of his
party and hved in his house and ought to he no prejudiced witness,
thus speaks of Colonel Moore's family :
It was such a hell upon earth as was utterly intollerable. There was such a pack
of arrant thieves and they so artificial at their trade, that it was scarce possible to
save anything out of their hands except what I could carry about with me or lodge
in some other house. Those that were not thieves (if there were any such) were
generally if not universally profane and bitter scoffers at piety. (Martindale's Auto
biography, C. S. 37.)
Note 21. Colonel Peter Egerton of the Shaw in Flixton served the
office of sheriff of Lancashire in 1641. On the breaking out of the
Civil war the Parliament made him a justice of the peace, and after
wards a sequestrator of delinquents' estates. (C.W.T. passim ; H.
Lancashire, vol. ii. 34.) Colonel Egerton, who was connected with the
Cheshire Egertons of Ridley, was supervisor of the will of Dame
Dorothy Legh, a member of that house. (Lancashire and Cheshire
Wills, C. S. vol. iii. 201.) At the first siege of Lathom House, Rutter
says, he was present and commanded as general. Newcome thus
notices his sad death :
Col. Egerton of the Shaw who for some distemperature that he had used to take
flower of brimstone, sent his maid into his closet who mingled it with some milk,
after which he drank it, and it proving by a woeful mistake to be mercury, he died of
the draught within a few hours. (Newcome's Autobiography, C. S. i. 79.)
Note 22. Organs were accounted heretical, and held in much
abomination at this time. Sir John Lambe was brought on his knees
before Parliament for levying money to set up one. (Oldmixon, ii.

NOTES.

103

160.) Fuller reports that'it was said of Bishop Barnaby Potter in the
time of Charles I. that organs would have blown him out of church ;
and one writer says :
A providence much to be observed in the siege at Warrington was this : At night
our men went to work within half-musket shot of the town. It was so great a calme
that they could not worke but the enemy would hear them. When some" went to
work others went to pray, and Cod raised a great winde that tooke away the noise, a
providence not altogether unlike what I have heard in Boston. The chancellor gave
organs to Boston. Before they breathe in that new world the well-affected pray.
After their prayers a mighty winde forceth its passage into the church, blows down
the organs, brake them and stopt their breath. (C. W. T. 138.)
After the Restoration Thomas Jordan, the city laureate, in his Royal
Arbour of Loyall Poesie, sang thus :
They set up Cromwell and his heir,
The lord and lady Claypole,
Because they hated Common Prayer,
The organ and the maypole.
Sir Peter Leycester, writing in 1666, tells us that in the church
of Great Budworth there is yet the case of a fair organ having the
coats of arms of Warburton of Arley, Leicester of Tabley, and Mer-
bury of Merbury carved thereon, which, according to tradition, came
from Norton at the dissolution, and was in good order till its pipes
were taken out and spoiled in the late war by the Parliament soldiers
who caUed them " whistles in a box." But the ban at Boston is now
removed, and the taste for organs there has grown in intensity by
repression, for whilst this note was in the press the following announce
ment appeared in the Athenaum of November 21st 1863 :
A new grand organ has just been inaugurated in the Music Hall at Boston. The
instrument has been built by Herr Walker (of Ludwigsburgh in Wiirtemberg) after
seven years' constant labour and a cost of io,oooZ. This immense instrument, probably
second only in size to the organ at Ulm, is doubtless the most perfect in the world, the
art of organ building having been taxed to its uttermost to provide every thing that
science and ingenuity can devise for giving it strength, dignity and beauty. It contains
eighty-nine full registers speaking by five thousand four hundred and seventy-four pipes,
rising above the foundation of a thirty-two foot double diapason, four manual key
boards of fifty-eight keys in each, and a pedal board of thirty keys. Besides these there
are some scores of mechanical stops, couplers and tremulants. The wind is supplied by
huge bellows of automatic regulation, put in motion by an hydraulic engine, which is
under the control of the organist. The case, which is most rich and elaborate, has

104 NOTES.
been erected at a cost nearly of 3,oooZ. The organ was opened with a performance
of selections from the masters of sacred and classic music, Bach, Handel, Palestrina,
Purcell and Mendelsohn ; and the most eminent organists of Boston, Messrs. Long
and Paine, Wilcox, and Dr. Tuckerman, assisted by Mr. Thayer of Worcester and
Mr. Q-. W. Morgan of New York, took part in the performance. Besides the music
was a dedicatory ode, composed by a lady of Boston, and recited by Miss C. Cush-
man, who Btayed for that purpose in her route through Boston to Rome.
Note 23. The record of the services of this soldier of fortune, the
Dugald Dalgetty of his day, will be found in the Civil War Tracts
passim, and more especially in his own statement " Good service
hitherto ill-rewarded," of which this would be the appropriate text :
There was a little city, and few men within it ; and there came a great king against
it, and besieged it, and built great bulwarks against it : Now there was found in it a
poor wise man, and he by his wisdom delivered the city ; yet no man remembered
that same poor 'man. (IScclesiastes ix. 14, 15.)
Note 24. ,In those disturbed times actions of this kind were so
common that, even from a serious person like our author, they met with
no reprobation. Violence was not confined to one, but committed by
both parties. It was about this time that Colonel Robert Duckenfield
with a party of soldiers is said to have entered the house of Mr. Wright
parson of Wilmslow, an old man of eighty and a person of honest life
and conversation, eminent for his hospitality, and to have seriously ill-
treated him for no other crime than his loyalty. (H. Cheshire.) Others,
of whom Mr. Davenport was one, suffered ill-usage at the hand of
both parties. On New Tear's day 1643 Captains Sankey and Francis
Dukinfield with two or three troops came to Bramhall, and took away
twenty of his horses, with his fowling piece, drum and other things. In
May 1644 Captain Stanley took Mr. Davenport's mare from him at
Widford, and leaving him to return home on foot shortly afterwards
returned and quartered himself upon him. Next day the captain was
followed by Prince Rupert of the other side, who took from his house
at Milesend more than a hundred pounds in linen and other goods,
besides rifling and pulling the house in pieces. His loss by the prince
and Lord Goring's army was eight horses, a store of victuals and pro
visions and three score bushels of oats. The prince had no. sooner
gone but Lely, Stanley's cornet, with twenty men returned, and,, not

NOTES,

105

regarding the quarter they had had before, plundered him of the eight
horses which the prince had left, and finally he was summoned before
sequestrators for delinquency. (Ibid. hi. 401.)
Note 25. After this, we are less surprised to find Colonel Richard
Holland and others writing to Colonel Richard Shuttleworth the letter
mentioned on page 96, note 1 1 ante.
Note 26. So many persons of the same name were engaged, either
on the same or on opposite sides in the Civil war, that it is not always
easy to identify them. Roger Haddock of Bryning was a sergeant on
the king's side, but there was another person of his name at Chorley,
a lay-elder of the sixth Lancashire Presbyterian classis, who had
his head broken for shewing a messenger the way to Lord Strange's
quarters. (C. W. T. 23 ; H. Lancashire, ii. 40.) There is great confu
sion in identifying the several Rigbys, Asshetons, Gerards, Birches
and others who occur in the history of that time. Some of the
Mosleys also are found on both sides.
Note 27. In "Rome's Masterpiece, or the Grand Conspiracy of the
Pope and his Jesuited Instruments," printed by order of the House
about August 1643, there is a letter of Andreas Habernfeld chaplain to
the Queen of Bohemia, written to Sir William Bothwell, in which he
informs him that an Indian nut stuffed with the most sharp poison was
kept by the Society of Jesus, and that Cuneus or Cox, the pope's
nuncio in England, had often in a boasting manner shewn him such
a nut and told him that in it there was a poison prepared for the king, —
the marginal note upon which says : " The Jesuits know very well that
King James was poisoned by some of their instruments ;" which
throws diseredit on the whole story, (pp. 18, 19.) But poisoning was
so common in that age that, when Prince Henry died, there was a post
mortem examination to satisfy the pubhc that his death was not caused
by it.
Note 28. The career of these two officers was very short. Captain
Nicholas Starkie, son of John Starkie esquire of Huntroyd, perished in
the explosion at Hoghton Tower on the 14th February 1643 ; and
p

106 NOTES.
Captain John Braddyll, the son of John Braddyll esquire of Portfield,
whilst serving at the siege of Sir William Leshe's house at Thornton
in Craven in July 1643, was wounded, like Hampden, in the shoulder,
and dying of the effects soon after, was buried at Whalley on the 27th
of the same month. His father had been made a justice of peace on
the 24th October 1642, and on the ist April following a commissioner
for punishing scandalous ministers and others. (H. Whalley, 244, 266;
Assheton's Journal, C. S. 85, in notes ; C. W. T. 60, 80, 90, 339, 35 2.)
Note 29. This comparison of Warrington with Wigan, to the dis
paragement of the latter, is at variance with another account in which
the writer, with more spleen than piety, arraigns the providence that
had given them Wigan which was strong, and denied them Warrington
which was weak.
Note 30. The high sheriff at this time was the Sir John Girlington
already mentioned. See p. 90 ante.
Note 3 1 . Alexander Rigby of the Burgh in Standish, and of Layton-
witk-Warbreck, now the site of the favourite watering-place of Black
pool, was an active royalist who must be distinguished from some others
of both his names, several of whom were on the opposite side. Parha
ment removed him from the commission of the peace and deprived him
of his office of clerk of the crown in Lancashire for delinquency. He
designed and set on foot the plan for raising the Cartmel and Furness
men in the royal cause, and Lord Derby made him a collector of the
subsidy. He was a patron of the muses, and Richard Braithwaite^
one of the first amongst our minor poets^. dedicated to him his Two
Lancashire Lovers, styling him " his truly generous and judicious
friend." (Ffarington Papers, C. S. 7, note.)
' Note 32. See note 30 ante.
Note 33. Adam Morte, the so-called mayor of Preston, was of
the Mortes of Tyldesley and Dam-house. He married Elizabeth the
daughter of Sir Thomas Tyldesley of Orford knight, attorney-general
for Lancashire (not the gallant soldier, the friend of Lord Derby),

NOTES. 107
and had a son of both his names. The father and son both fell on the
king's side at the storming of Preston on the 13th December 1642.
The chivalrous father was mortally wounded in an attack upon Captain
Holland's company, one of whom he killed at push of pike ; and his
son died gallantly fighting at his side. From a note in the History of
Lancashire it appears that Adam Morte, though elected to the office of
mayor, had declined to serve and had paid the fine, and if so, he was not
actually mayor at the time of the storming of Preston. (H. Lancashire,
iv. 313 ; C.W.T. 349.) Vicars says the town of Preston at the time
of the attack was well fortified with brick walls both outer and inner,
and that the garrison defended it bravely.
Note 34. Captain Henry Ogle. See p. 93 ante.
Note 35. See p. 91 ante.
Note 36. See p. 94 ante.
Note 37. But soldiers then, like some workmen now, contrived, as
Hudibras tells us, to spin the week out into more days than seven, as
Men venture lives to gain a fortune ;
The Boldier does it every day,
Might to the week, for sixpence pay.
At a later period, when their service was less needed and this and some
other practices had been done away with, a preacher of that day thus
inveighs against the change :
There are two trades in the land without which the realm cannot stand, the king's
soldiers and the Lord's soldiers, but both are handled so ill, that, from the merchant
to the porter, no callings are so contemned, despised and derided, for their living is
turned into an alms, and they may beg for their living.
A modern poet has given utterance to the notions of this divine in
rhyme : Our God and soldier we alike adore,
Ev'n at the brink of ruin, not before ;
After deliVrance both alike requited,
Our God's forgotten, and our soldier's slighted.
Note 38. See p. 92 ante.

108 NOTES.
Note 39. The Manchester troops employed on this occasion called
it " going on foreign service." (Manchester Recorder, 19.)
Note 40. This person, it is thought, was Captain Robert Bradshaw,
one of the defenders of Manchester. (C. W. T. 357.)
Note 41. Bryan Burton is not mentioned in either the History of
Lancashire, the Civil War Tracts, or the Royal Army List ; nor does
it appear who he was or where he lived.
Note 42. As to Colonel Shuttleworth, see note 19 ante.
Note 43. Colonel John Starkie of Huntroyd. He was high sheriff
of Lancashire 9 Charles I. See note 1 1 ante.
Note 44. As our author relates it, the incident has a ridiculous air;
but some of his more serious companions would have made a miracle of
it. Note 45. Fading traces of these entrenchments or of the besiegers'
approaches are still discernible in the Parson's Meadow. (See the Map
of Wigan.)
Note 46. Sir John Seaton's employment originated in a resolution
of the House of the 29th September 1642. In another resolution of
the 3rd October, by a strange misnomer, he is called Sir Edward Ceton.
(C. W. T. 41, 57.) He seems to have been a Scotchman who had seen
service under Gustavus Adolphus, and he arrived in Manchester under
his new commission on the ist January 1643. (Chetham Miscel
lanies, hi ; Sir John Seaton's Letter ; and the Introduction.)
Note 47. Like Sir John Seaton, Major or Sergeant-Major Sparrow
was a soldier of fortune. John Tilsley says that if Seaton had had his
meek spirit and smooth tongue he had been peerless. (C. W. T. 73, 74.)
Was he the same person as Thomas Sparrow who was a lieutenant in
Colonel Grantham's regiment in 1642 ? (Army List, 39.)
Note 48. At this time the House of Correction in Preston stood at

NOTES. 109
the west end of the town and was part of what was once the Grey
Friary. The site is shewn in a view of the town engraved in 1728.
Note 49. Every story has its opposite ; and that which is here told
of Sir Gilbert is a contrast to what Cowley tells of a gentleman in
these Civil wars who, when his quarters had been beaten up by the
enemy, and himself made prisoner, being resolved either to escape hke
a person of quality or not at all, afterwards lost his life in conse
quence of staying to put on his band and adjust his periwig, and thus
died the noble martyr of ceremony and gentility. At the time of this
storming, which took place on the 9th February 1643, Preston was
fortified by a double brick wall. (H Richmondshire, ii. 429.) That Sir
Gilbert Hoghton escaped from Preston to Wigan at this time is con
firmed by the following precept issued the next day, and signed by
him as high sheriff and by Colonel Blair as governor of Wigan, and
which is now with the Houghton Papers :
Lancashire to wit. These are in his Mattles name straitly to chardge and com
mand you that mimed? on receipte hereof you geeve sumons and warninge to all the
able men betweene the age of sixteene and threescore yeares within yor towneship and
constablery that they (armed and furnished wth theire and every of theire beste and
compleateste armes weapons and habiliments of warre and likewise with provision of
victuals  ) bee and appeare at the towne of Wigan upon Mondaye nexte beinge
the xiii"1 day of this instante February by eighte of the clock in the afforenoon of the
same day then and there to receave such further orders as shall upon his Ma'ies behalfe
be geeven them in chardge. Requiring and chardging them and every of them upon
payne of being esteemed ayders abettors and assistants to the rebells and of being
proceeded against as rebells and traitors ; not to neglect these service and duty so
neerely concerning the welfare and safety of the whole county. And that then also
you bringe with you and deliver unto us upon yor respective oathes a true and p'fecte
liste of the names and qualities of all such able men within yor said townshipe to the
end that it may appeare whoe are refractory and that thereupon coarse may be taken
wth them aceordinge to the natures of their severall contempts and offences, whereof
faile you not as you will answer the contrary at yor uttermoste perills. Geeven under
our hands at Wigan the x'11 day of February A'o R.R. Caroli Anglise &c. xviii™ 1642 [3].
Giibeet Hoghton Vic. Com.
L. Bxaib.
To the constables of Houghton cu Middleton these.
These names, endorsed upon the back, are probably those of the able
men returned :

no NOTES.
Richard Dawson.
Henry Sortherne.
Jarvise Winterbottom.
Henry Bate.
This precept must have been accompanied by another ordering the
constables to bring in a supply of provisions, for in his accounts the
constable of Houghton charges a sum of viii" for provisions then sent
to the town. With Sir Gilbert Hoghton Lord Derby repaired to
Wigan, and then probably the camp in the Parson's Meadow on the
banks of the Douglas was formed and those strong entrenchments
thrown up, of which, according to Mr. Baines, the zig-zag mound,
broad ditch and some trenches are still remaining. (H. Lancashire,
iii- S44-)
Note 50. The author's plain account of this casualty and its causes
refutes the charge sometimes made against the royalists of having con
trived it. In substance the account does not differ from that given in
the Valley of Achor, where the author says :
Our men going down to take the tower, found it prepared for entrance and took
possession of it, until being burthened with the weight of their swearing, drunken
nesse, plundering and wilfull waste at Preston, it dispossessed them by the help of
powder, to which their disorders laid a train, fired by their neglected matches or by
that great soldier's idoll tobacco. However, sure it is that the place so firmly united
chose rather to be torn in pieces than to harbour the possessors. O that this thun
dering alarm might for ever sound in the ears of our swearing, cursing, drunken
tobacco-abusing commanders and soldiers unto unfeigned repentance. For do they
think that those upon whom the tower fell and slew them were sinners above the rest
of the army ?
Note 51. This gentleman was a younger son of Richard Shuttle-
worth of Gawthorpe. (H. Whalley, and Pedigree, 339.)
Note 52. As to Alexander Rigby of Layton, see note 31 ante.
Note 53. A better motive may be found for Colonel Richard Shut-
tleworth's apparent lukewarmness than either cowardice or want of
zeal. Note 54. Colonel Shuttleworth was probably not unwilling that a

NOTES. 1 1 1
number of gentlemen, some of them his own near neighbours and
personal friends, should escape from the hands of their enemies.
Note 55. The continuance of this name proves how long-lived an
ancient name may be. Dr. Hume, noticing a similar place, called
" the Hoes " in Cheshire, derives it from the hillocks of sand in which
it abounds. (Ancient Meols, pp. 6, 387.) " The Hoes " here alluded
to, adjoining South Shore on the south, and now known as Layton
Common or the Hawes, is the tract of land which lies in the direct line
from Lytham Hall to Rossall. The name shghtly varied, but referring
to the same place, occurs also in the following charter made, between
a.d. 1227 and 1233 :
Om'b's s'ee mat''5 eccl'ie filiis ad quos p'sens sc'ptum p'ven'it Will's Pinc'na salt'm
in d'no Sciat universitas Vra me p' salute animal mese et om'ium antecessor' meor'
dedisse q'etu' clamasse et hac mea carta p'senti co'firmasse Deo et beato Cuthberto de
Dunelme et monachis DunelmenBib's ap'd LythumDeo servientib's duas p'tes pasture
infra les Howes de Lythum &c. (From the original in the possession of the Dean and
Chapter of Durham.)
Note 56. The author seems to be of opinion that Major Sparrow
acted without judgment, if not with cowardice, on this occasion.
Note 57. This sarcasm at Major Sparrow's expence shews that the
author would hardly have endorsed Tilsley's character of him. (Note
47 ante.)
Note 58. See Sir John Seaton's letter. (Chetham Miscellanies, hi.)
Note 59. Elswick, a township in the parish of St. Michael-le-Wyre.
Note 60. The editor has failed to identify the owner of these
literary treasures, of which one should be glad now to see a catalogue.
Note 61. See note 51 ante.
Note 62. This place is not known by this name in Lancaster now.
Note 63. See note 48 ante.

1 1 2 NOTES.
Note 64. The hostlers, like the chamberlain at Gadshill, were in
league against their guests.
Note 65. See note 17 ante.
Note 66. On the 21st October 1642 Lord Derby convened a great
meeting at Warrington, where he proposed terms of pacification.
Messrs. Shuttleworth and Starkie, although invited, did not attend this
meeting, but sent excuses ; and from a letter dated the day following
it appears that the other leaders rejected the proposed terms. (Lanca
shire Lieutenancy, 282, 290, 298, 299.) One result of this meeting was,
that Colonel Richard Shuttleworth wrote to George Rigby of Peel,
requesting to be furnished with the names of persons in Warrington
on whom he might rely to furnish him with intelligence of the royal
ists' designs, when Rigby named John Dunbabin, woollen draper, and
Mr. Gerrard, mercer. (Ibid. 290, 292.) And to this we probably owe
the letter of the 26th October 1642, stating- that one thousand four
hundred men are billeted in different parts, of whom three hundred are
at Warrington, at which place, it is added, they force men to pay their
own assessments at pleasure to the half of some men's estates, plunder
ing and disarming them if they be denied. (Lbid. 303.) The next trace
which we have of the mihtary occupation of Warrington is a solitary
entry of the burial of a son of Thomas Allarton, a soldier, on the 31st
January 1643. The town at this time was defended, as it is now, on
the south by its noble river the Mersey, which was then crossed by a
bridge of four arches, built by the first Earl of Derby. This bridge had
a narrow roadway, and on its centre pier a watch-house, once an ora
tory, where the Austin friars of Warrington offered up prayers for the
departing or returning wayfarer, and which had now by the descendant
of the first founder of the bridge been converted to a very different
purpose, being made the bed of the warlike engine mentioned by our
author. The town on every other side was defended by walls which
Burghall says were of mud, and according to our author were furnished
with gates. In advance of these, and serving as their outposts, were
the earthworks or mounts mentioned by our author, which had been
hastily thrown up. One of these, guarding the entrance from the
north, was at Longford ; another, which flanked and defended the road

NOTES. 113
by the river on the south, was near Mersey Mills ; and of both these
some faint traces remain. Of the two others — one situated on the
west near Mr. Bridgeman's house at Sankey, and the other situated on
the east beyond the church — no vestige now exists. Before the general
attack mentioned in the text Captain Ardern of Alvanley and some
other captains, hoping to effect a junction with the forces of Sir Wil
ham Brereton and the troops from Manchester, approached the town
and sat down before it. Penetrating their design, however, the Earl
of Derby sallied forth to prevent the intended junction, and, attacking
the enemy on Stockton Heath on the south of the town before the
arrival of the expected forces, put them to a complete rout. It is said
that the earl deluded them by a feint, which made them for a time
mistake his troops for their own friends. The principal fight took
place near an inn now called the Mulberry Tree ; and upon the site,
which still shews some traces of earthworks, great numbers of soldiers'
pipes and other mihtary relics have from time to time been found.
But other and more striking records of the day are met with in these
entries in the Great Budworth Register :
1643 Ap. 6. Thomas Frith de Barnton guardianus qui apud Stockton heath in
prselio occisus fuit tertio die mensis Aprilis et sepult. sexto die
Aprilis.
Johannes Amerie de Barnton constabularius qui periit eodem die et
loco et sepult. sexto die ejusdem Aprilis.
16. Thomas Yewley fil. Thomae Tewley sepult. decimo sexto Aprilis.
20. Thomas Yewley de Aston qui periit de vulneribus acceptis apud
Stockton Heath tertio die Aprilis sepult. vieessimo die ejusdem
mensis.
2z Ricardus Ridgway de Budworth qui periit apud Stockton heath.
The muse of Great Budworth, after this slaughter of her officials,
might have taken up the words of the old ballad :
Of all the constables and catchpolls
Alive were scarce left one !
The people of Great Budworth probably owed their forward zeal on
this occasion to their active pastor, John Ley, the vicar, afterwards one
of the assembly of divines at Westminster, who could hardly have for
gotten the recent loss of so many of his flock, when, on being called
upon to preach before the House of Commons on the 20th of the same
Q

1 14 NOTES.
month, he took for his subject the " Fury of the War and the Folly of
Sin." On the other hand, how welcome the news of this success was to the
royal party will appear from the following letter :
To Lord Capel lieut' general to his highness the prince.
Chester ye $A of Aprill at 12 in ye night.
My Lord, This night late I receaved certayne intelligence y' a freshe they had fell
uppon Warrington w,h all ye force of Lanchishre and y' Sr Brereton and Gell have
had such a welcome there y' he dares not shew his face in Hamptwich. My Lord if
ever we hope to doe anye thinge we must make a shew now, for I know well enoughs
what can be expected from rawe soldgers rather to offer than attempt any thinge,
therefore I humbly desire yo. lo'pp will draw all the force you have towards Whit-
churche and let me understande ye conditidn yo. lo'pp is in and I shall not fayle to
contribute my Bervis uppon all occation as may truly [bo] within me
Yor honor, humble servant
N. Bybon.
All ye art I have is to keepe my lord of Derby up w"1 ye hope of prince Rupert
and yor lo'p's corps conceavinge him sealfe to be put to all extremityes : if I had
Coll. Ellis heere and halfe, the men Ashton [Aston] lost I would make bould to trye
what Namptwyche would do.
After their repulse at Stockton Heath the enemy seem to have
deferred the general attack on Warrington until the arrival of Sir
Wilham Brereton's troops and the forces from Manchester, with five
hundred of Assheton's musketeers, who came flushed with victory from
Wigan. When all these had joined the town was regularly invested,
and while one body of the forces attacked it on the west, another
assaulted it on the east. If we remember this we shah see that the
account given in the Valley of Achor and that given by Rosworm
(in whose story Warrington by mistake is called Bolton) may be recon
ciled, and so both may be true. The assault at Sankey bridges on the
west began by an attack on the house of Mr. Edward Bridgeman, a
zealous royalist, who had more than once sat in Parliament as member
either for Liverpool or Wigan, and in 164 1 sat on the grand committee ;
and if, as is most probable, Sir Wilham Brereton and his Cheshire
forces led the van in this attack, they must have crossed the Mersey to
make it, and in that case, the local knowledge of Captain Edward
Sankey of Sir William's horse, who was sprung from Sankey and knew
it well, would be of great assistance to them. Having secured Mr.

NOTES. 1 1 5
Bridgeman's house and some of the outer walls, the enemy seemed in a
fair way to become masters of the town, until the Earl of Derby de
claring that he would burn it down before the enemy should have it,
set fire to it in the midst, when the attack was given up and the enemy
retired ; and Rosworm and Holland returned to Manchester " with
grief, shame and loss," the former throwing on the latter the whole
blame of the failure. (C. W. T. 95, 100, 135, 226 ; H. Collegiate Church
of Manchester, i. 219.) Smarting under this repulse, the Parhament
party were not long in preparing to retrieve it, and but a few weeks
elapsed before Colonel Norris the governor issued the following note
of warning :
Thees are in his Maf' name straitly to charge and command that im? upon receipt
hereof you make diligent search wMn yor constablerie for p' vision of victuals and oates
and hay for the armie here and the same forthwth to bringe or cause to be brought
unto this towne of Warrington for releefe of the souldiers and Btoreinge the same
towne in case anie siege be laid thereunto by the enemie and hereof faile not at your
p". Given under my hand this third day of May anno D'ni 1643. E. Noeeis.
To the constables of Southworth Middleton Arbury and Croft.
Md to bringe in noe bread but wheate or meale instead
thereof and peas.
An endorsement on this precept shews that it was only received by
the constable of Houghton so late as eight o'clock the following even
ing, whence it would seem to have been kept back and then dispatched
in haste. Though late, however, it appears to have been obeyed, for in
his accounts the constable has a charge of ix" vid for provisions sent
in on this occasion, and of i' for carts , to convey them. On a former
occasion the provisions sent in had been charged only viii*. There was
now a lull, but it was only the lull before a storm, for in a few days
this precept was followed by another to this effect :
Whereas very lately I directed my warrants to severall parts near adjacent for the
calleing in of all the able men unto our ayd, but finding that the Enemy was retraited,
was very willing that the said men should return to their owne houses j but nowe so
it is that this day I have received intelligence by 3 severaUmessengers that the enemy
intends very speedily to assault us. These are therefore in his Ma'ys name, straitly
to charg and commando you, that forthwith, upon receipt hereof, you give notice and
warning to all the able men w'thin yo'r severall Constabularies, that are within the
age of 60 yeares, and above the age of 16 yeares, that they come unto this towne of

116 NOTES.
Warrington, with their best armes and p' vision of meat, for 4 dayes, by 9 of the clocke
on  the 15th daye of this instant May, wherein you are not to faile, as you honor
his Ma'ty's service, and will answer the contrarie at yo'r utmost p'ille. Given under
my hand this 14th day of May, 1643, E. Noebis.
To the Constables of Huhne and Winwick, and all other the constables w'thin the
p'ishe of Winwick, and to every of them greeting. Se you send me an accompt
of this warrant.
Endorsed on the back :
Seene and p'used by the Constables of Winwicke and Hulme.
Seene and p'used by the Constables of Newton.
Seene and p'used by the Constables of Haidoke, and speedilye sent away to the
Constables of Golborne.
Seene and p'used by the Constables of Goulborn, the 15th day between 3 and 4 of
the clocke in the afternoone, and speedily sent to Loton.
Seene and perused by the Constable of Lawton about 7 of ye clocke ye 15 day and
sent to Kenion with speede.
Seene and p'used by the Constable of Kenyon.
Seene and p'used by the Constable of Culceth, and sent away.
Seene and p'used by the Constables of Southworth an Croft, and Houghton efl
Arbury ; and sent away with speed.
The endorsements upon this precept shew that only a single copy
of it was sent out,. and that this single copy was passed on by a mes
senger from village to village and from hamlet to hamlet, like Roderick
Dhu's fiery cross. But the plot now thickens. On the 18th May
it is announced that the gentry of the neighbourhood are bringing
their plate and valuables into Warrington, " which was strongly for
tified and held by the Earl of Derby for the king," though this was
not strictly true, for the earl himself was not there at this time. Two
days afterwards Lord Goring, the same who was afterwards Lord
Norwich, and was tried with Lord Capel and the Earl of Holland,
and only escaped death by the casting vote of the speaker in 1649
(Oldmixon, h. 378), was defeated with his body of royalists at Wake
field, and the news of this disaster and the dismal terms in which the
enemy announced their new design were not calculated to raise the
spirits of the garrison of Warrington. "All this while," so rings the
descant, "the cry of oppressed Warrington importuned heaven, and
compassion wrought in us and having thus far fetched terrifying assis
tance we entered upon a new voyage on the 20 May." On the following

NOTES. 1 1 7
day the garrison learned that the Manchester troops, under the
command of Colonel Assheton, were again approaching the town, and
on the 23rd, the enemy having possessed themselves of the mansion of
a Roman Catholic gentleman of the neighbourhood (probably Sir
Wilham Gerard's of the Bryn), soon afterwards fell in with a party of
royalists and drove them for refuge into Winwick church, where they
stood on terms of parley. "Meanwhile," says the enemy's quaint
chronicler with more seeming than real impiety, " God sent a deadly
messenger out of a fowling piece to one of them who was standing on
the steeple," and the message brought him down headlong. If, as is
probable, he was buried where he fell, the body with an iron bullet
imbedded in it, which was found in digging a grave at the foot of the
steeple in 1854, was probably the body of this luckless royalist.
From their head quarters the enemy the next day issued the following
precept to the constables of Southworth with Croft, the original of
which in its now imperfect state is preserved in the Warrington
museum: These are to will and require and immediately to charge and command you that
immediately upon the receipt hereof you summon and require all men and others of
ability within your townes to come and appear before us at Winwick upon Fryday
next being the 26th of May (by the houre  of the clocke in the afforenoone to
lende and contribute money  of Pari'  if they will avoyd  of
theire estate and securinge of their persons  p'voyd and  able men
furnished with spades and mattocks and 3 days' p'vision of  for such service
for the  as shall be appointed them ; and further that you shall gather in and
p'voyde victuals for p'vicion of our armes and bring it and the  in tomorrow
morninge to Bewsey Hall as you will answer the contrary at your uttermost p'rill.
Given under our hands this 24"' day of May 1643. T[homas] Stanley, Richabd
[Holland], Peteb Euebton, John Holceofte.
Bewsey Hall, whence this missive issued, and which is. about one mile
and a half from Warrington, was at this time the house of Margaret
Ireland. But by her marriage with her cousin it afterwards became
the house of Gilbert Ireland, an active Parliamentary leader, who was
employed in various important services. In 1645 he was appointed hy
Parhament one of the committee of five who were to assess the county.
In 1647 he was on the committee to license ministers. In 1648 and
1649 he was high sheriff, and in 1654 and 1656 he was M.P. for the
county, and one of those who voted for making Cromwell king. In

1 1 8 NOTES.
1658, 1659, 1660, 1661 and 1670 he was M.P. for Liverpool. In 1659,
being then governor of that town, he rose with Sir George Booth and
was taken prisoner at Winnington and sent to Chester Castle. He
was knighted after the Restoration, and in 1670 he was mayor of Liver
pool. Ou the 26th of April 1673 he was made a deputy lieutenant,
and he died in 1675.
The obedience to the above, or some similar cotemporary precept,
appears as usual in these charges in the accounts of the Houghton
constable : " Paid for provision to Winwick, ii' viiid," and " For carts
to Bewsey hall, i* vid."
In Burghall's account of the actual taking of Warrington, he says
that his party sat down before it on Whitsunday the 21st of May, and
played upon it with their ordnance all that week. The garrison behaved
bravely, and the place was well defended, but bread and other neces
saries failing they came on Saturday to a parley, when it was agreed
that the town should be surrendered, and each commander and captain
should depart with his horse and pistols, but that the common soldiers
should leave their arms behind them. The next, day, being Trinity
Sunday, Sir George Booth baronet, lord of the manor of Warrington,
then in his seventy-seventh year, entered and took possession of the
town. Another aecount says that at the parley Colonel Tildesley pro
posed to Colonel Assheton that the town' shpuld be surrendered to him
for the use of the king and Parliament upon quarter, and leave given
to the garrison to march away without interruption to Wigan or some
other place in the county, taking with them their ordnance, arms and
ammunition, but that these terms not being accepted the church and
steeple were attacked and carried by assault, and that after both these
had fallen Colonel Norris hoisted a flag of defiance on the highest
chimney of the town, rallied his forces and continued the fight, but the
enemy proved too strong, the rest of the town, like the church and
steeple, fell into their hands, and thus rang the victor's prnan :
So good a friend was God to our faith in this siege that the greatest piece of
ordnance was made unserviceable the second time it was in use and without the terror
of those idolls the living God gave us the church and steeple the 26 May with the
loss of 1 man, and that stronghold upon terms the 28 May. (C. W. T. 138.)
On the actual surrender of the town the garrison consisted of sixteen
hundred horse and foot, of whom a number, variously estimated at

NOTES. 1 1 9
three hundred and one thousand men, were made prisoners, and the rest
escaped. During the siege the garrison lost about eighty men, and the
besiegers seven. Ten, or according to another account fourteen, good
pieces of ordnance fell into the enemy's hands,' and were sent against
Halton castle, which was then held for the king by Captain Walter
Primrose, whom the Earl of Rivers had appointed to that service.
(C.W.T.ioi.) Leaving a sufficient garrison to keep Warrington the
besiegers marched away to Liverpool.
According to the account given in the Battles and Sieges in the
North of England Lord CapeU had sent the garrison of Warrington
word to hold out a httle longer, but his messenger was intercepted by
the Nantwich forces, who thereupon marched to Whitchurch and
occasioned a diversion. The story told in Fairfax's Memoirs and in
Battles and Sieges of another attack on the town in the following June,
is probably nothing but a confused version of the above account.
The governor who defended Warrington in both attacks was Colonel
Edward Norris, eldest son of Wilham Norris esquire of Speke. He
was baptised at St. Mary's in Chester, and died before his father on
March 16th 1644. (Proceedings of Lancashire and Cheshire Historic
Society, ii. 170.) He maintained the high character for valour which
his family had long borne. In April 1643 a party of Seaton's horse
attacked him but was gallantly repulsed. He is charged with having
put to death in their own house an aged Presbyterian couple who
had fallen into his hands, but neither name, time nor place is given,
and it is probably nothing more than one of those vague charges by
which in those times it was thought allowable per fas aut nefas to
disparage a gallant commander. In 1652, after Colonel Norris's death,
in the debate upon forfeiture for treason, a desire was manifested to
pursue him with rancour beyond the grave, and it was moved to insert
his name in the bill as " Edward Norris of Hale gentleman deceased."
(Orm's Misc. Palatina, 51.)
But though much coveted Warrington had fallen, the victors did not
feel secure of the place, or something had occurred to occasion a new
alarm, for within a few months of its surrender, as if expecting a rescue,
they issued the following precept :
To the Constables of [Middleton] Houghton and Arbury, and to every of them.
You are hereby appoynted and commanded to sumon warne and bringe to the gar-

1 20 NOTES.
rison towne of Warrington on Monday beinge the xvii"1 day of this instant month by
vii of the clocke in the morninge of the same daye sixe good and able teames w'h carts
and three horseB in each carte toge'r with an able driver and tenn sufficient and able
workemen of bodie to worke wth spads for the doeinge and p'forminge of such service
in and aboute the repayre of the works belonginge to the s'd garrison as shall be
sev'ally imposed on them And that likewise y™ bringe and deliver to the overseer of
the said works a p'fecte note in writinge of the names of every person that y°u shall so
sumon and warne to th' intent that if any shall make defaulte they may be proceeded
w"> for their neglecte of this. Fayle jou not att y'r p'rills Given at Warrington the
14th day of September 1643. J. Booth,
Peteb Egebton.
Of one of the subscribers to this document, General Peter Egerton,
a short notice has already been given, and of the other, Colonel John
Booth, a short notice should be attempted. He was fifth son of Sir
George Booth lord of the manor of Warrington, already mentioned
as having entered the town after the siege. At the storming of
Preston on the 13th of February 1643 he was the first to scale
the walls and summon his soldiers to follow him. In March 1644,
when he was a colonel, the House of Commons ordered 1000Z. to be
paid to him towards the pay of the garrison of Warrington, and in
June of the same year he is again mentioned and called governor of
that place. On the 20th August following he served with distinction
under General Meldrum in the encounter with the king's forces near
Ormskirk, and on the 25th April 1645 he was with his division of four
hundred foot and a troop of horse at the leaguer of Lathom, and had
an order to receive 67 il. 5*. 4^. a month for their pay. He was
thought at this time of sufficient importance to be named in some
scurrilous lines preserved by Mr. HaUiweU :
Mainwairing ne'er shrunk
Nor Jack Booth from a punk
Edward's a bankrupt knave
Massey' s an ass
So Croxton may pass
His wife's zeal makes him a slave.
On 4th December 1645 Lathom house was surrendered, and Colonel
John Booth marched his troops from thence to Dodleston to complete
the leaguer of Chester, and on the 28th January following Sir William
Brereton named him one of the commissioners to treat for the surrender

NOTES. 121
of that city. In 1647 he was governor of Warrington, as we learn
from a. monument mre perennius, the town bell which he then gave, and
which bears this inscription : " Ex dono Johajotis Booth aemigeei.
COLONELLI ET EECTOEIS EMPOEII DE WaEEINGTON ASOTO DoMIHT 1647."
This bell which, given in troublous times, doubtless then often sounded
the tocsin, has rung the Warrington curfew for every generation since.
Afterwards he seems to have retired from the government of the town,
but in 1648 he was ordered by the deputy lieutenants to resume it, in
consequence of Sir Thomas Glenham and Sir Philip Musgrave having
seized upon Carlisle for the king. On the 29th of May in that year,
however, a party of Cromwell's horse entered Warrington, and having
seized Colonel Booth and others by warrant from the high sheriff and
Colonel Rigby, sent them prisoners to Liverpool, from which place
Colonel Booth was afterwards sent to the Tower. (Cromwelliana, 40 ;
and Mrs. Greene's Calendar of State Papers.) In 1659, when his
nephew Sir George Booth rose to restore the king, Colonel Booth
joined the movement and was made governor of Chester. In the fol
lowing May he was knighted by the king, and in September of the
same year he presented a petition setting forth his various losses in
the king's cause. He had lost, he said, 2000Z. and his horses when he
was governor of Warrington for the king ; 637 4.I. when he was sent to
the Tower in consequence of the king's commission being found upon
him in the Duke of Hamilton's business ; 1800Z. in Lord Wilmot's
business; 3750Z. being the value of his plate, &c. stolen by his fanatic
wife and her servant when he favoured Sir George Booth's rising ; and
2300Z. pardoned to Pilkington and other his debtors by the act of obli
vion. (Mrs. Greene's Calendar ofStat&Mapgrs.) In 167 1-2 he seems
from the following letter (in the collection of Frederick Potts esquire)
to have had some employment in the excise :
Sir, I once writ to Alderman Streete in kindness as a friend, to persuade him to
a peaceable conclusion with the late subfarmers of the Excise of yr cittie, and in my
letter I disuaded him and soe I did the subfarmer from a journey hither. My letter
I am persuaded was shewed to you and yr brethren, and as I have heard was intended
to be shewed to the king and councill to my p'judice, what the reason was it was not
produced there I cannot tell. But I now p'sume to write to you to informe you that
it was no friendly returne to intend a discourtesie for a kindness ; But I knew myselfe
out of the reach of mallice as to that businesse I then writt about, and was not so

122 NOTES.
unwise as to have assumed that libertie to have writt what then I did, had I not leave
so to have done; But I have lately heard that upon Alderman Streete's comeing upp
I became a petitio* to him not to shew my letter and that I should promise, and as it
it is said have paid him his charges for his journey hither upon condition I should
not be questioned for what I had done ; and yett, as report goes, hee sayes he did
shew my letter to the king, and that I had a check for it. If all this be true the
letter was so privately shewed, that I could never come to the knowledge of it to this
houre ; and if I had a check from his Matie it was with that silence that I never yet
heard it nor discerned it in his looks : and I hope the Alderman hath been more
prudent than to boast such things, or b»oach such falcityes : I now boldely say to
you I have had thanks from some of the councell for my management of this business,
and had it gone on, fouler things had been ript into, than have been yet spoken. I
am not willing to mention all particulars of such reports as I have heard have lately
been made in your Penthouse, but doe desire you will advise such as speake greater
things than they doe, that they will be wary what they say, and that they seeke not
by magnifieing themselves by forgeries or uutruths to lessen others who seeke not to
come into ballance with them. Sr a short tyme will shew what your concerns are,
and which way to steere, and the worst I wish is you may wisely manage your
affairs. Yre verie respective frend,
London, March 23, 167 1-2, J. Booth.
For the right Wor11 WilHam Wilson,
Maior of the Cittie of Chester — These.
Colonel Booth married first Dorothy, the daughter of Anthony St.
John, who was of a parliamentarian stock and probably had the
leanings of her family; and secondly, in 1659, Anne, the daughter of
John Gobert and widow of Thomas Leigh of Adlington. He died at
his seat at Woodford in 1678.

On the day before this warrant, this entry, which has probably some
relation to it, occurs in the Warrington register :
13 Sept. 1643. Buried Sir Robert Vernon.
This was Sir Robert Vernon of Hodnet, who was made a K.B. and
controller of her household by Queen Elizabeth, and was indicted as an
accomplice with the earis of Essex and Southampton, but was not
brought to trial. In 1 609 he was on the council of the lords Marchers at
Ludlow. (Fourth Report of the Keeper of Public Records, 295 ; and
H. Ludlow, 267.) He married Mary, the daughter of Sir Robert Need
ham of Shenton, the relict of Sir Thomas Onneslowe of Boraton, both in
the county of Salop. Sir Robert probably was drawn to Warrington

NOTES. l 2 J
by the troubles of the time, and there, after a busy life, he met his
death either in the field or by some act of violence. His faithful
wife, who appears to have lingered near ever afterwards, was buried
by his side on 27th April 1667. (Collin's Peerage, fa. 404; and War
rington Reg.)
The Lancashire famine of recent times was not the first visitation of
the kind which has affected the county, for on the solemn fast held
12th September 1644 Parliament ordered one half of the collections
then made in London and Westminster and within the lines of com
munication to be sent for the relief of the poor distressed people in
Lancashire, who were in great misery and extreme want of food and
clothes, and to be distributed by the reverend Mr. Ward of Warrington
and others.
On the 2 2nd November in the same year the receivers of the pubhc
moneys were ordered to pay Mr. Robert Massey of Warrington, which
seems to have been a great mart for the materiel of war, the following
sums, viz : 340Z. 6s. 'jd. for ammunition for the public service ; to Mr.
Arthur Borron of the same place, gentleman, 600I. for his great losses
by fine and imprisonment in the cause of the Parliament ; and to Mr.
Richard Abraham of the same place, Salter, 242Z. for losses by fire occa
sioned by the enemy.
In the summer of the following year, 1645, the Parhament had great
difficulty in paying the Lancashire regiments, and the latter became
troublesome to their employers, which gave occasion to the following
letter of Sir George Booth to his friend Edward Hyde of Norhury, now
in the Warrington Museum, and which has remained hitherto inedited :
Honest Ned,
I have but a little time allowed me, in short, I am to tell you, that if you be
one, that would save your Countrey, if you be one, respect the safety and creditt of
your friends, if you regard the conservation of what may be deare to you, you must
not faile to morrow to meet all your friends at Namptwich. To give some reasons for
this my urgencie all our trained bands are in a great discontent, two of them are
disbanded the rest threaten, new commands come from above, I beseech you therefore
both pardon my importunacie and if you respect me (as I know you doe) let no
businesse of your owne, whatever it can be hinder you from comming praecizely
to morrow, if you do faile, I protest I shall not thinke you esteeme or value him
that is Your faithful friend
and kinsman
Dunham July 2" at night 1645. G. Booths.

1 24 NOTES.
I expect your resolution in writing by this bearour whom I have sent unto you
all night on purpose. I pray you send to Coll. Duckenfield and urge him also,
however yourself desert not your countrey and friends.
I pray you let not this scrible be seene by any one.
It may be that the circumstances darkly hinted at in this letter
occasioned the committee of sequestrations to assemble at Warrington
on the 5th July 1645. It may also have occasioned the rigorous order
of the 29th August following, by which no person unfit to bear arms
was to be allowed to reside in Warrington, and every inhabitant was
to bear arms unless excused by the committee.
From this time the local notices of the Civil war at Warrington are
few and not very important. On the 5th July 1645 the register records
the burial there of Lieutenant John Vates late of Macclesfield, possibly
the same person who was a lieutenant in Lord Brook's regiment, and
there called John Gates. (Pari. Army List?) In the following year,
a consequence probably of the war, a great pestilence raged at War
rington, and the council of Liverpool ordered a watch to be set to
prevent persons entering that town from the infected place.
Note 67. In Warrington parish books there is an entry under
January 4th 1647, stating that the church was then far decayed in
respect of the long disasters of the time, and its chancel walls still
retain the marks left upon them by the enemy's balls fired during the
siege. Note 68. This must have been between the 10th and 20th April.
(C W. T., xxvii.)
Note 69. The battle was fought on the 20th April 1643.
•Note 70. This royalist officer, under the name of Captain Cunnie,
occurs also in the proceedings of the Lancashire lieutenancy on 14th
October 1642, when he returned to Lathom in command of a troop of
horse. (Lancashire Lieutenancy, C. S., 279.) His movements seem to
have been watched, and our author, who here records his short career
and death, does justice to him as an experienced officer. Captain
Coney, a royalist, who occurs in the Royal Army List (12) as an

NOTES.

:25

officer in Sir Thomas Glenham's regiment, and is thought to have been
the son and heir of Sir William Coney one of the Lincolnshire com
missioners of array, was a different person from our author's Captain
Cunnie, who sprang from Cunney hall, a mansion in the chapelry of
Farnworth, of which he was the owner. Amongst the Houghton
Papers, where he occurs as actively employed in West Derby hundred,
there is a petition addressed to him by the inhabitants of Southworth
with Croft, Middleton, Houghton and Arbury as " the right worshipful
Captain Coney esquire," stating that having been ordered to make four
men of the trained band in their quarter of Winwick, and having
according to custom made one, and Culcheth according to custom
having made two, the latter township encouraged by Captain Holcroft,
who lived amongst them and was feared by his neighbours, had unjustly
put the making of the fourth man wholly upon them, wherefore they
prayed redress. This Captain Holcroft so dreaded by his neighbours
was John Holcroft esq. of Holcroft, M.P. for Liverpool in the short
Parhament which sat from 13th April to the 5th May 1640, mayor of
that place in 1644, and M P. for Wigan in 1645, for which last place
he sat until 1648, when he was ejected under Pride's Purge. (Moore
Rental, C. S., ix.)
Note 71. In thus making the attack and taking of Wigan to occur
on the 1st April, our author differs from the writer of the Valley of
Achor, according to whom it took place on March 3 1 st. An item of
viiis for provisions to Wigan, occurring in the accounts of the Houghton
constable, may relate to provisions supplied either on this occasion or
on that mentioned page 22, note 2, ante. In a statement of what the
town had suffered in the Civil wars it is said to have been plundered
seven times, and that on the 22nd February 1643 the king had
addressed the mayor and burgesses in a letter from Oxford, thanking
them for their approved fidelity and indefatigable industry against the
rebels, which he promised to remember to their advantage. (Greene's
Calendar of State Papers.)
Note 7 2. Colonel Edward Chisenhale was the son and successor of
Edward Chisenhale of Chisenhale and of his wife Margaret, daughter
and heiress of Nicholas Worthington of Shevingon (by which marriage he

1 26 NOTES.
acquired that manor). He served as one of the countess's captains in the
defence of Lathom house, and in Standish church there are two tablets,
on one of which there is recorded a commission from Prince Rupert
to him to command eight companies of foot, and to defend the true
Protestant rehgion and the liberties of the king's subjects, and on
the other the king's commission to him to be colonel of six troops
of horse, which latter, dated 16th August 1631, shews he was a soldier
by profession before the breaking out of the Civil war. Colonel Chisen
hale, who fought under Rupert at Marston moor, was the head of a
family in the neighbouring parish of Chorley, and married EHzabeth,
daughter of Alexander Rigby of Burgh Esq., by whom he had issue
several children as well as his successor Edward Chisenhale, born in the
year 1647. His polemical work entitled Catholike History shews him to
have had literary tastes, and perhaps he has a better title to be con
sidered the author of the Journal of the Siege of Lathom House than
Edward HalsaU, who, if he was even at the siege, was then too young
to have written an account of it. Colonel Chisenhale is commemorated
by an epitaph in Standish church, where, as we learn from the register,
he was buried on the 24th April 1653. Sir Edward Chisenhale, M.P.
for Wigan in 1688 and for Preston in 1690, was probably his son. (H.
Lancashire,- hi. 508-9 ; C. W. T., 3, 41, 358.)
Note 73. This is supposed to be Broughton near Cartmel, from
which the way was open to Colonel Tildesley either into Westmoreland,
Cumberland or Yorkshire.
Note 74. Layton with Warbreck, now the site of the favourite
bathing resort of Blackpool, which has grown up since our author's
time, is the place here meant, and the arms obtained were probably
procured from Alexander Rigby the younger, who married a daughter
of Sir Gilbert Hoghton, and lived at his father's seat in Layton. He
was possibly the Colonel Rigby who was taken prisoner at Wigan.
" The grateful cornet," who erected the column to Sir Thomas Tildesley
in Wigan lane when he was high sheriff in 1679, was probably his son.
After the Restoration he appears for a time as cornet, and in that
capacity he is often mentioned in proceedings of the lieutenancy.
(Peet MS.) He finally rose to be a deputy-lieutenant, and in the

NOTES. 1 27
latter years of Charles II. and the first of James II. he was colonel of.
a regiment. Note 75. The following letter of Sir Ralph Assheton of Whalley,
the first baronet (but if so Dr. Whitaker has mistaken the date by a
year), shews that the parliamentary party were not free from jealousies
even at this early period : 2nd July, 1643.
Mr Norris [of Bolton],
I rejoice to hear that my son's reg' doeth so well before Lathom as is
represented by yr letter. You seeme much to desire my cominge downe, but I see
few others desirous of it, and here it is represented that Col. Holland and Col. Rigby
are the men desired by the country ; if it be so you shall not have mee to come
amongst you, for I will never joine with them againe : nevertheless I will here do the
best service I can for my country, so yt ye doe shew such respect to my sonn, and his
officers and soldiers, as may encourage them to continue in the service. But if Stanley,
Booth, Holcroft, Egerton, and such like must be applauded and chiefly observed, I
will not only stay here, but send for my sonn to come to me, for I scorne yt he shall
receive orders from them. I am much displeased at the commitment of Col. Birch
and Mr Harrison, because I know that they are honester, and have done more faithful
serve for the pari1 than they that did commit them. I heare that the princ1 comp'
against Col. Birch, was his opposing the great laye for the leaguer of Lathom, in
which he did so much service for the country, (for it was illegal both in matter and
in manner) yt I wonder the country doth not petition the pari' for the release of him
and comm' of all them. Yr lovinge friend,
Ralphe Assheton.
Note 76. This exploit bears a resemblance to the taking of Beeston
castle by Captain Sandford and his firelocks as related in the History
of Cheshire, but to scale the precipitous sides of Beeston required
far greater effort, bravery and daring than the lower heights of
Hornby. Note 77. This was a very common name on both sides during these
Civil wars. The Alexander Rigby here named was of Middleton in
Goosnargh near Preston, and was connected with some of the best
families in Lancashire and Cheshire. He married Lucy, daughter of
Sir Drian Leigh of Adlington in Cheshire, and had issue : (1) Alex
ander, his successor ; (2) Uriah, who died without issue ; (3) Edward,

128 NOTES.
a barrister-at-law, who married first, Alice, daughter of Sir Thomas
Wilford, by whom he had issue a son, Alexander Thomas, Edward,
Charles, Lucy and Elizabeth ; he married secondly, Frances, daughter
of Sir Francis Molyneux baronet; (4) Lucy, who married Robert
Hesketh of Rufford esquire. (Lane. MSS., vol. xii.) Some of his family
are remembered in the will of Dorothy Legh of Lyme. (Lancashire and
Cheshire Wills, C. S., iii. 204.) Alexander Rigby, who had been bred
to the law, was elected M.P. for Wigan in the two Parhaments of 1640,
having on both occasions another lawyer, the celebrated Orlando Bridge-
man for his coUeague. In 1658 he was elected M.P. for the county of
Lancaster. Busy as lawyers were in that age Alexander Rigby in
activity outdid them all, and, at a time when a journey from Lanca
shire to London was a formidable undertaking, he seems to have
travelled backwards and forwards between the two places almost
continually. In Parliament he had almost the chief management of
all the Lancashire affairs ; he sat on more committees, and on more
questions of all kinds, than any other member. In May 1646, when
Lady Grosvenor was accused " concerning words spoken in her cham
ber," it was Rigby who, with Glyn and others, sat to examine the
question, and they summoned before them the lady,' her doctor and the
two waiting maids. On 21st May 1647 he was appointed one of the
committee to relieve persons sued for any act done by authority of Par
liament. On 29th May 1649 he was a commissioner of the great level
for draining the fens. And on 2nd April 1650 he was appointed a
commissioner for establishing a high court of justice. Reversing the
lawyers' boasting motto, " Cedant arma togse," he took arms as a
colonel in the service of the Parliament, and at the sieges of Lathom
and Thurland, the defence of Bolton, and on many other occasions, had
the command. At the siege of the former place his son Alexander
Rigby, then serving under him as a lieutenant-colonel, was taken
prisoner, and only released after a long negotiation in exchange for
his relation Uriah Legh. In 1648 Alexander Rigby the father,
who was still acting as a colonel in Lancashire, joined the high
sheriff in signing the warrant for apprehending and committing
Colonel John Booth to prison at Liverpool, from whence he was after
wards sent to the Tower, on a charge of favouring the Duke of
Hamilton's rising. He was shortly afterwards named as one of the

NOTES. 129
king's judges, but he declined to sit. His refusal, however, gave no
serious offence to Cromwell, for in the following February, when he
offered him a seat in the exchequer, Rigby, not being one of those
stubborn lawyers whose refusal to wear the protector's ermine extorted
from him the passionate exclamation that if he could not govern by red
gowns he would govern by red coats, accepted the proffered office, and
continued to fill it until the 19th August 1650, when that death which
he had so often faced in the field overtook him in a more frightful form,
for happening at that time to be on the circuit, and holding the assizes
with his brother judge Baron Gates at Croydon, a prisoner sick of gaol
fever was brought before them, and the two judges took the infection
and both of them fell victims to it. At the time of his death, Rigby,
according to the Parliamentary Debates (vol. iii. at the end), was also
governor of Boston. Rigby possessed a rare combination of great
talents and great energy, and had the art of waiting patiently for the
fit moment to carry out his plans, but he was not always scrupulous
in the use of means for accomplishing his objects. As a soldier he
shewed a courage and spirit which extorted the admiration of his brother
lawyer Whitlocke, who, emulous perhaps of his renown, when sitting
for his own portrait chose to be represented in armour. But though
courageous, Rigby was popular with no party, and at times his conduct
justified the epithet of insolent, which Lady Derby apphed to him.
In Parhament he was remarkable for always advocating the strongest
courses. He sat on the committee for drawing up the articles against
Laud, voted for impeaching Lord Keeper Finch and Lord Strange, and
did his best to have them both convicted. But perhaps the most violent
of ah Alexander Rigby's violent measures was his bargaining to sell the
masters of St. John's, Queen's, and Jesus colleges Cambridge, and
sending them as slaves to Algiers. (Moore Rental, C. S., pref. viii. ix.,
and authorities there cited ; Pari. Debates, vol. iii. at the end.)
Edward Rigby, another of Alexander Rigby's sons, who had been
also bred to the bar, feU into pecuniary difficulties, and was thrown into
prison for debt, upon which on the 15th February 1646 his father, who
said he had been his servant for three months, and was thereby exempt
from imprisonment as being in the service of a Parhament man, sought
to have him released. His creditors, however, who were not inclined to
yield obedience to this not very creditable claim of parliamentary privi-

130 NOTES.
lege, persisted in detaining him until the 18th January following, when
they were stopped by an order of the House, which commanded both the
judges and the counsel and sohcitors concerned to yield obedience to
the privilege claimed. The prisoner thus released, only a few days after
was put forward as a candidate for the office of clerk of the crown for
Lancashire, then voted vacant by the removal for delinquency of
Alexander Rigby of the Burgh, but on the question being proposed
the House decided that it should not be put to the vote, and immediately
appointed William Ashurst to the office, the same who in the long
Parhament sat as M.P. for Newton, and in 1653 for the county of Lan
caster, and who in 1648 wrote Foundations of Freedom. Edward Rigby,
who served during the Usurpation as a sequestrator of delinquents'
estates, ultimately attained the rank of a serjeant-at-law. After the
Restoration he became a deputy -lieutenant, and in that character dealt
out the saving mercies of the party he had formerly persecuted. In
1660, 1661, and 1678 he was M.P. for Preston, and on 12th January
1 66 1 he had a curious service put upon him, being commanded to seize
the mail bags and open aU letters addressed to suspected persons.
(Peet MS.) On 22nd December 1663 he was appointed one of the
commissioners to see Lancaster Castle repaired, and on 10th January
1665 he joined his brother magistrates in apportioning among the
several hundreds the sum ordered by Parliament to be raised from the
county. (Ibid.) Immediately after the accession of James II. , when
the king was suspected of a design upon the constitution, Edward
Rigby and his brother Alexander, well known as the friends of hberty,
fell under suspicion, and the following warrant, preserved in the Peet
MS., was issued against them :
Having received intimation that Alexander Rigby of Middleton and Edward Rigby
of Preston Serjeant at law are persons disaffected to his M'?8 government and of prin
ciples obnoxious to the public peace and at this juncture not fit to be at large These
are to command you that you forthwith take into your custody the body of them and
each of them and keep a guard upon them in some convenient place till you receive
further order herein Given under my hand and seal at Knowsley this 18th day of
June in the first year of his M'>" reign 1685. Deeby.
In pursuance of this warrant Edward Rigby was taken and lodged in
Chester castle four days afterwards. A good portrait of Alexander
Rigby the father is in the possession of Mr. Rigby Knowles of Preston.
Rigby printed his Speech in answer to the Lord Finch, 1641, and

NOTES. 1 3i
A relation of a great victory in Lancashire, 1643. (Reprinted in C. W.
T. 148.)
Note 78. Lieutenant- Colonel Alexander Rigby, the eldest son of
Colonel Alexander Rigby of Middleton, who is referred to in the pre
ceding note. He promoted the measures taken against Lady Derby
after her husband's death. (Sieges and Battles, 208). In 1658 he was
M.P. for Lancaster, and in that and the following year was a frequent
speaker. (Burton's Diary, iv. 46-47 and 474). It does not appear
whether he was ever taken under the warrant mentioned as issued
against him and Edward Rigby in the preceding note.
Note 79. On 17th June 1646, or a httle after this time, the
steward of the Legh family thus writes :
The towne of Hoole hathe beene much impoverished and until Lathom house was
delivered I could not with safetie send thither : soe that the pooreness of the people
neglect of calling upon them for theire rents, together with these times of libertie and
distraction rendered them of that place incredibly forgetful and manie would denie to
pay anie rent. And since Lathom was delivered to the parliament I have sent there
three tymes and appointed Henry Hunt to gather the rents or demande at least and
the receipts &c. (Legh MSS.)
Note 80. Though the author's meaning is plain his language here
is ambiguous, and leaves it doubtful whether it was the people or the
cattle that were killed and drest.
Note 81. Acting in this respect in the true spirit of that advice
given from the pulpit, " This vineyard," says one of their preachers,
" cannot but see that nothing is wanting on your part ; for you have
endeavoured to fence it by a settled militia ; to gather out malignants
as stones ; to plant it with men of piety as choice vines ; to build the
tower of a powerful ministry in the midst of it, and also to make a wine
press therein for the squeezing of delinquents." (John Arrowsmith's
Sermons, 1643). But even before this time the garrison having become
burthensome, it had been determined that the estates of delinquents
were the most proper source to be resorted to for its support.
Note 82. See Martindale's account of him, note 20 ante.

ij 2 NOTES.
Note 83. In the tract, Exceeding joyful news out of Lancashire,
probably pubhshed about May 1643, it is said, in relating the attack
on Warrington, that a ship of the Earl of Warwick's fleet having struck
into Liverpool harbour in the river Mersey which comes to the said
town [of Warrington] put the enemy into great fear, and although it
came in rather by accident than with any intent to aid the Earl of
Derby, yet within two days after, when the Manchester men had gotten
the great street and planted their ordnance on the church which com
manded the town, the popish forces sent to Colonel Assheton to desire
a parley. (C. W. T., 102-3.) In another tract, The Valley of Achor, it
is said that a ship waited at Liverpool watching a friendly opportunity
to unburden itself for Cheshire, and to supply the Parhament party
with powder. (C. W. T, 138.) If both authors refer to the same inci
dent it is as difficult to reconcile their accounts as to understand how
such a ship in the river could be of use to either party at Warrington,
and if the passage in the text also relates to the same event there is a
mistake both as to the time the vessels appeared in the Mersey and as
to their being the king's, for so long before as the council at York,
Warwick, the admiral of the fleet, had declared for the Parliament.
Note 84. Birkenhead.
Note 85. This engagement of Sir William Brereton and part of
Colonel Assheton's Manchester regiment with Lord Byron, whose
army had just been reinforced with some Irish troops lately landed at
Mostyn in North Wales, took place on 26th December 1643. It did
not, as it has been said, commence at Northwieh, but at or near Sand-
bach, and it terminated at Middlewich. Major Ferrer (possibly the
Captain Farryer whose name occurs in the royal army list) was slain
on the king's side (C. W. T, 152-3) ; and these entries from the
Holmes Chapel register refer to some persons of humbler note who fell
on<the same occasion :
1643. Dec. 27. Thomas Rawlinson, buried.
Dec. 29. Silleto, buried.
Both Slaine,
Note 86. This alludes to the battle between the combined forces
under Fairfax and Brereton and the army under Lord Byron on 26th

NOTES. 122
(not 25th) January 1644, which ended in the defeat of the latter and
the raising of the siege of Nantwich. (O. W. T, 154, 229.) In this
battle Monk, afterwards the celebrated Duke of Albemarle, who had
only rejoined his regiment the day before, was made prisoner and sent
to the Tower, where he remained for two years, the king all that time
supporting him out of his private resources. Sherlock, afterwards rector
of Winwick but then chaplain to the forces, who was also taken prisoner
at the same time, was shortly afterwards released, when he went to York,
where he again became chaplain to the forces. It is remarkable that
while a chaplain is set down to every regiment on the Parliamentary
side no such officer is asigned to any regiment on the other side.
(Peacock's Army Lists of the Cavaliers and Roundheads 1642, pubhshed
in 1863.)
Note 87. This person and his assistant engineer, who was taken
prisoner at the siege of Lathom, are both mentioned in the account of
the siege of that place. Morgan probably began the siege works soon
after the 10th March 1644, about which time the treaty ended, and he
was sent by Fairfax to the assistance of Rigby and Egerton. His
history from the time he entered as a humble lieutenant until he
ranked as a general of approved talents and courage may be traced in
the chronicles of the day. Cromwell and Charles II. alike confided in
this httle "peremptory" man, whose last appearance in public was at
the funeral of his patron the Duke of Albemarle in a.d. 1669. It does
not appear how soon after this event his own death happened.
Note 88. This was either a stand from which races in the park
might be viewed, such as at that day was not uncommon in the grounds
of the nobility and gentry, or a place used for taking the deer, which
was also not uncommon in similar situations, and was caUed a stabilitura
or stand.
Note 89. By the Pardu is here meant the forlorn or perilous
advance. Note 90. This place, which is in Eccleston parish, is in the direct
line from Lathom to Preston, and is still marked upon our county maps.

134 NOTES.
Note 91. No place of this name is now known in Preston.
Note 92. This Robert Blundell is probably the same whose burial
register at Preston in March 1657 describes him as a gentleman, and
the son of Alderman Henry Blundell. His house cannot now be
identified. Note 93. It does not appear who this Rowland GaskeU "the
marshal" was.
Note 94. " Twice."
Note 95. Colonel Tildesley it is presumed.
Note 96. George Dodding of Conishead Priory Esq., member of an
old Furness family on the breaking out of the Civil war, was appointed
by Parliament a deputy-heutenant and a justice of the peace. On the
ist April 1643 he was made a sequestrator of delinquents' estates, and
afterwards became a colonel in the Parhament service. On 26th
August 1644 he and Colonel Nicholas Shuttleworth defeated and took
prisoners the Scotch Lord Ogleby and Colonel Hudleston near Preston.
Lord Ogleby was possibly the Lord Ogle afterwards taken in Basing
House. (Oldmixon ii. 296.) On 29th August 1645 Colonel Dodding
was made by Parhament one of the Lancashire committee. (H. Preston,
181 ; West's Furness, 216 ; C.W.T., 342, 360.) We learn from our
author that he was afterwards at Marston Moor, where his regiment
suffered severely.
Note 97. " At Trafford."
Note 98. The storming of Bolton, the saddest act of a sad drama,
thi-ows a stain upon the otherwise fair character of our great civil strife :
For England's war revered the claim
Of every unprotected name,
And spared amid its fiercest rage
Childhood and womanhood and age !
But Lord Derby, who only served and did not command at Bolton,

NOTES.

l35

and regretted more than any one the excesses committed there, must
not be blamed for the acts of his chief. But there is one charge, that
of killing Captain Bootle, which peculiarly belongs to him, and which
though not made now for the first time, was never made with such cir
cumstances of aggravation before ; and as a good man's name is his coun
try's inheritance our time will not be misspent in examining the question
in some detail, and in doing so we shall first notice two accounts of the
storming, which, though no mention is made in them of this charge,
have yet an indirect bearing upon it. We shall take first the account
of an anonymous cavalier who took part in the attack on Bolton,
and seems to have written his narrative at the time. He tells us
that —
When the prince first came to the town he sent a summons to demand it for the
king, but received no answer but from the enemy's guns, commanding the messenger
to keep off at his peril.
And further that ¦ —
The prince was beaten off with loss ; but at laBt being resolved to carry the place
he doubled his numbers, and renewing the attack with fresh men the foot entered the
town over their works, killing in the first heat of the action all that came in their way,
some of the foot at the same time letting iu the horse, and so the town was entirely
won. (Sieges and Battles in the North of England, 151.)
Rushworth's account, which we shall next cite, is that —
On Tuesday May 28th 1644 Prince Rupert, with his whole army consisting of
10,000 men or upwards, appeared about two o'clock in the afternoon before the town,
approaching it on the moor on the south west part of it, but presently cast themselves
into several bodies, and sent out scouts to discover where they might most advan
tageously enter. Those in the town prepared for their defence, and gave the assailants
half an hour's sharp entertainment, and repulsed them, but in the second attack,
which was performed with all imaginable fury, a party of horse broke into the town
at a place called the Private Acres (it being suspected that a certain townsman for a
reward had been their guide that way as the most feasible passage), and being once
got in every one endeavoured to shift for himself, and the prince's forces rushed in on
all quarters of the town and put great numbers to the sword, pursuing their victory
not only in the town but some miles round, in outhouses, fields, highways and woods,
killing, destroying and spoiling almost all they met with, and (as the townspeople
alleged afterwards) denying quarter and using other violences, besides totally plun
dering the town and slaying four ministers. It was acknowledged by the prince's
own party that they there put to the sword about 1200, but for thiB severity they
alleged that the prince sending an officer to summon the town they not only refused
but in defiance caused one of the prince's captains whom they had taken not long

136 NOTES.
before to be hanged in his sight. But as I find not this captain's name anywhere
mentioned, so the other party wholly denied that part of the story. On the parlia
ment's side two captains were slain, but Colonel Rigby, » counsellor at law and
member of the House of Commons who commanded here in chief, escaped with some
scattered forces to Bradford in Yorkshire. (Rushworth's Mist. Coll.)
Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion (part hi. vol. ii. 623-24),
imputes no blame to Lord Derby for the excesses committed at Bolton,
and does not name Bootle. Seacome, the historian of the House of
Stanley, who could not but have heard of this charge, never mentions
it and must be considered to have rejected it as unworthy of credit,
Oldmixon, in the History of England, though abounding in gossip of
aU kinds, never mentions the death of Bootle. He quotes Rushworth
as questioning Rupert's right to refuse quarter, but never intimates a
doubt that he did so refuse it. (ii. 248.) Chisenhale or whoever wrote
the account of the Siege of Lathom, our next authority, informs us
that when that siege had been raised —
The Earl of Derby, desiring to be one of the first avengers at Bolton of that barbar-
ousness and cruelty exercised towards his lady, with a troop of the prince's own horse
charged a troop of the enemy which braveringly issued out of the town to disorder
and vex our foot in the assault. These he charged to the very walls, where he
slew the cornet and with his own hand took the colours, being the first ensign
taken that day, which he sent to his highness. At his first paBs into the town,
closely following the foot at their entrance, his lordship met with Captain Bootle,
formerly one of his own servants, and the most virulent enemy against his lady in the
siege. Him he did the honour of too brave a death to die by his lord's hand, with
some others of his good countrymen that had three months thirsted for his lady's and
his children's blood. (Siege of Lathom, 62.)
The charge of killing Bootle is next made against Lord Derby in An
Exact Relation of the Bloody and Barbarous Massacre at Bolton, by
a (so called) Eye witness. According to this writer —
About two o'clock in the afternoon of the 28th May 1644, the enemy was discovered
about a mile off [Bolton] and they made their approaches to the town on the More south
west from it. Their number was guessed, and by themselves after confessed to be about
12,000. They appeared at first like a wood, or cloud, and presently were cast into
several bodies ; divers scouts approached to discover the way for their entrance with
most advantage. Our commanders were very couragious and our soldiers very hardy,
and both resolved to stand to it, and in the first encounter gave them about halfe an
houres sharpe entertainment, were close in discharge, as the enemies confessed after,
and repulsed them bravely to the enemies great losse and discouragement, and in their
retreate cut them downe before them in great almdmce, and they fell like leaves

NOTES. 137
from a tree in a winter morning. Then was a breathing, or rather a new preparative
for a fresh encounter which was gallantly performed on both Bides, wherein the worthy
Colonel Rigby and his commanders Captain Willoughby Captain Bootle and the
rest did notable service. But alas ! what could naked men do against horse in an
unfortified place : besides it is conceived that a townsman was their convoy to bring
them on through a place called the Private Akers for a great reward ; and when once
the horse was got into the town there could be no resistance almost made but every
man left to shift for himself. At their entrance, before, behind, to the right and left,
nothing heard but kill dead, kill dead, was the word in the town, killing all before
them without any respect without the town by their horsemen, pursuing the poore
amazed people, killing, stripping and spoiling all they could meet with, nothing re
garding the doleful cries of women or children ; but some they slashed as they were
calling for quarter, others when they had given quarter, many hailed out of their
houses to have their brains dasht out in the streets ; those that were not dead in the
streets already pistoled, slashed, brained or troden under their horses feet, with many
insolent blasphemoua oaths, curses and challenges to heaven itselfe, (no doubt) hasten
ing the filling up of their cup and bringing that swift destruction upon them which
they shortly after tasted of (and blessed, blessed for ever be the great and just God
for it) with many taunts and cruell mockings.
And then, after other relations to the same effect, the author thus
proceeds :
But the principal stain of all this cruelty, as is reported, was set off by that strange
earle, his ignoble, nay base killing of valiant Captain Sootle after quarter given, be
sides whom and Captain Horrocke we lost no commander of note ; but they lost, as is
confessed, a colonel, a lieutenant-colonel and divers other commanders of good quality.
(C. W. T. 189.)
But it remained for the latest of aU these chroniclers, the author of
the Lancashire Warr, to repeat the story of Bootle's death with new
and unheard of circumstances of aggravation. According to him —
The enemy took at least 200 prisoners after they gave quarter. Amongst whom
was Captaine Budles who before tyme had been a servant to the Earle of Darby at
Lathom House afterwards made Captaine of a Companie [of foot] and called to the
Leaguer against it. He, a prisoner, hearing that the Earle was in the towne, was
desirous to be brought before him hoping (belike) to have found favour with him.
The Earle instead of favour drew upon him and run him through with his sword
twoo men having the Prisoner by eyther Arme, a cruell and butchery act, not becom
ing a noble spiritt.
In another place (p. 82) he mentions the place where the captain
was killed as being near the market cross. And then, differing both
from Rushworth who mentions only two captains as slain, and from
' an Eye witness who names Captain Horrocke as the only captain slain,
T

138 NOTES.
besides Bootle, he proceeds to name four other captains and one
lieutenant, all of whom fell in the fight at Bolton.
These are the principal authorities on the storming of Bolton, and
upon each of them a few remarks may be permitted.
A Cavalier tells us that to the prince's demand of the town for the
king the garrison gave no answer but from their guns, warning the
messenger to keep off at his peril ; in other words, they fired on his
flag of truce, which provoked him to renew the attack with redoubled
numbers, when the assailants gave no quarter, but in the first heat of
the action killed aU who came in their way. Rushworth says that in
the second attack, which was conducted with all imaginable fury, a party
of Rupert's horse (perhaps that same troop of the prince's own men
tioned in the Siege of Lathom as led by Lord Derby) broke into the
town, after which the rest of the forces rushed in and, denying quarter,
put great numbers to the sword, for which the justification alleged
was that the garrison in the prince's sight had hanged up on the ram
parts one of his captains whom they had before taken in battle. Rush-
worth evidently meant to say that, when the town was first gained,
Rupert refused all quarter, and in fact gave none. Neither the cava
lier who was at Bolton, nor Rushworth who seems to have written his
account with great care, if he did not actually visit Bolton for the
purpose, ever once mentions either the death of Bootle, or that Lord
Derby was to be blamed for any of the excesses of the day. But when
Rupert had raised the siege of Lathom, and set its cavalier garrison
free, they were in no temper after their three months' confinement and
privations to use their restored liberty with calmness and moderation.
They longed to retaliate upon their enemies ; and above all the rest,
William Bootle, who, being the earl's porter and knowing all the
recesses of his house, had deserted to the enemy, and in his new rank
of captain to which they had raised him, had served before Lathom,
and shewn towards his gallant mistress, there shut up in her own house,
great bitterness, if not ingratitude, was especially obnoxious to their
hate. Under these circumstances, we do not wonder then if we find
their historian recording his death with undisguised satisfaction, though,
as he tells it, there was nothing cowardly or unsoldierhke in the manner
of it. But an air of exaggeration is cast upon his story when he adds,
that some others of his good countrymen died at the same time by the

NOTES. 129
same hand ; and we are inclined to think he erroneously imputed his
own revengeful feelings to Lord Derby, and wrote rather what he
wished and hoped than what he knew. If so, he was unintentionally
the first author of the charge against Lord Derby, who was thus first
wounded in the house of his friends.
"W e come next to the relation of the so called Eye witness, who says
the garrison of Bolton gave the enemy about half an hour's sharp
entertainment, and repulsed them bravely to their great loss, cutting
them down before them in great abundance, so that they fell like leaves
from the tree in a winter morning. This, if true, was of itself enough to
arouse the never slow wrath of Rupert and drive him to forbid quarter,
without allowing either that the garrison had hanged one of his cap
tains on the ramparts as some allege or fired on his flag of truce as a
Cavalier alleges. But he tells us further that when the enemy's horse
had once entered the town there could be no further resistance, and
that the cry was everywhere Kill, kill, by which we are to understand
that there was no quarter, and then he adds that the earl put the vali
ant Captain Bootle to death after quarter given, which if he was killed
at the first pass into the town, as we are informed by the historian of
Lathom, could hardly be. Our so called Eye witness, however, admits
that he was not an eye-witness of Bootle's death, but only heard of it
by report. His account was evidently not written until after Rupert's
reverses at Marston, and most probably not until about the 22nd
August, when it was first printed, or nearly three months after the
events it relates. But whoever compares this writer's relation with
Rushworth's will see that the language of the two is so nearly identical
that one must have been copied from the other ; and as we can hardly
suppose that Rushworth would copy from any one, I am inchned to think
an Eye witness copied Rushworth's account, and added to it the story
of Bootle's death, which the latter had rejected as improbable or untrue,
and which an Eye witness has the bad taste to relate in terms which
affect to pun upon Lord Derby's former title, and he added to it also a
notice of those reverses of Rupert, over which he exults with such
questionable piety. But whether an Eye witness copied Rushworth or
Rushworth him, the story of Bootle's death is told only by the latter.
The statement of the author of the Lancashire War now alone remains
for comment. It does not appear that he was at the storming of Bolton,
and this may account for some of his inconsistencies and contradictions.

140 NOTES.
I. With the exception of this story all the other accounts agree that
at the first entrance into Bolton the carnage was indiscriminate, and
that no quarter was given ; and they also agree it was then that the
meeting between Lord Derby and his late servant took place, but if
this were so 200 persons could' not then have been made prisoners.
II. If the charge of killing Bootle be true in all its aggravated cir- .
cumstances as told in the Lancashire War, how happens it that it has
remained untold until now ? There was no inclination at that time to
screen Lord Derby, and no more fitting story than his so killing his
late servant could have been invented to damage him.
III. If Bootle was actually a prisoner, does it not seem most unlikely
that at such a time he should request to be taken before Lord Derby,
whom of all men he had most deeply mjured, or that while the battle
was raging, or even when it was partially over, there should be any
opportunity so to confront the prisoner with his lordship.
IV. To draw upon an unarmed man is so cowardly and unmanly an
act, that a soldier of whatever rank would revolt from it.
V. But not only does our author make the earl stab Bootle while a
prisoner, but stab him while his arms were pinioned, a thing as base
and cruel as it is utterly inconsistent with the earl's previous character
and his noble nature.
None of the writers who mention Bootle's death pretends either
that he saw it, or that he heard of it from any one who did, and none
of them except an Eye witness, who says he only heard of Bootle's death,
was in the town when Bolton was stormed. It is curious to see how
the small snow-ball became a great one. The historian of Lathom says
Lord Derby slew his late servant, and leads us to suppose it was in the
heat of the fight ; an Eye witness says he killed him after quarter, and
the author of the Lancashire War clothes the relation with further
circumstances of unparalleled barbarity.
After aU, however, the candid reader will hardly think that the charge
of having killed his servant after quarter as described by an Eye wit
ness, still less in the cowardly and inhuman manner described by the
author of the Lancashire War, is brought home to the Earl of Derby.
Only one other enquiry remains to be made, which is, Did Captain
Bootle, either in the heat of the fight at Bolton or otherwise, fall by
Lord Derby's hand at all ? It has been already intimated that the in-

NOTES.

141

discreet forwardness of the historian of the Siege of Lathom first gave
rise to the charge, and Bishop Rutter, who though not in Bolton,
probably had his information from those who were, and was very likely
to be well informed, confirms this view of the matter, for he says that
the earl led the forlorn hope, and that when his late servant met him
in the heat of the carnage near the market cross and craved quarter,
the earl said to him : " I will not kill thee, but I cannot save thee from
others." (C. W. T. p. 188.) But on such a charge the earl himself,
who must have known the truth and was too noble not to own it, even
when it made against him, is surely entitled to be heard, especially as
we draw near that last closing scene of his sad story,
When Derby's earl through Bolton's thronged street
On a vile palfrey rode that death to meet
Which he had courted oft on fields of strife,
The patriot's meed and crown. Ears tingle yet
To hear the words, the last on earth he spoke,
Ere fell the stroke
Which tore that noble heart from love and life !
At such a moment, then, if we find his lordship, under a sanction far
higher than even his honour or his oath, — the near prospect of eternity,
— denying that he had any share in the death of Captain Bootle, we
may surely believe him. In one part of his speech on the fatal scaffold,
he said :
Captain Bootle's death was never mentioned against me on my trial, and has been
only secretly used to raise a prejudice against me in the judgment of such as did not
know me. (Slack Tribunal, 242-43.)
And again, in a far fuller report of his speech, he says :
I come and am content to die in this town, whither I endeavoured to come the
last time I was in Lancashire, as to a place where I persuaded myself to be welcome ;
in regard the people thereof have reason to be satisfied of my love and affection to
them, and that now they understand sufficiently I am no man of blood as some have
falsely slandered me, especially in the killing of a captain in this towne whose death is
declared upon oath so as the time, place and person now appear under the hand of a
master of the Chancery, besides several attestations of a gentleman of honour in this
kingdom (who was in the fighte in this towne), and of others of good repute both in
this towne and country. And I am confident there are some in this place who can
witness my mercy and care for the sparing of many men's lives that day. (Peck's
Desiderata Owriosa, lib. xi. 47 ; and cotemporary MS. preserved at Knowsley.
The charge against the earl was admirably contrived and was well

1 42 NOTES.
adapted to serve a party purpose. The slaughter of a servant, by his
master especially, when it seems to be prompted by revenge, has in it
something so odious that the bare report of it is weU calculated to
damage a great name. Besides if, as in this case, the servant fell in
the heat of a bloody fight, few if any would be able accurately to note
the facts, and no two persons afterwards would be able to give the
same account of them. It was easy to charge the earl with the death
of Bootle, and not so easy for him to refute it, and accordingly it was
taken advantage of to his prejudice ; and in the Perfect Diurnal, a, party
journal pubhshed after the earl's death, we read that Bolton was se
lected as the place of his execution " on account of the cruelties of
Rupert and the earl there, and the latter's slaying there in cold blood
one Captain Bootle, formerly his servant." (C. W T. 189 in notes.)
But this party paragraph did not appear until seven years after the
storming of Bolton, and the traditional hatred of Bolton against Lord
Derby, which it assumes, is best answered by the conduct of the people
at his death. As he passed to the scaffold, and there stood waiting till aU
was ready, there were no execrations heard, .but, on the contrary, he
was greeted with lamentations and blessings, insomuch that he said
aloud: "There is no man revileth me, God be thanked." Nay, so
strongly was the people's sympathy manifested, that the soldiers took
alarm as if they feared a rescue, and interrupted his lordship's speech
before it was ended. (Sieges and Battles, 198-201 ; Black Tribunal,
241-247.) And shortly afterwards, when " the long divorce of steel "
fell on him, one united prayer arose from the assembled multitude " to
lift his soul to heaven ! "
Note 99. An undated letter from George Goring to Prince Rupert,
written about 15th June 1644 says: "The rebels have this evening
attempted the passage at Haleford." There is also a letter of Sir Wm.
Davenant dated at the same place, and Prince Rupert, returning from
Marston Moor, is said to have passed that way into Cheshire. (Me
moirs of Rupert and the Cavaliers, and C. W. T, 203.) The river then
so fordable cannot be forded now, although in the recollection of some
persons still living there was still one place where people on foot or in
vehicles might pass over the river from Hale on the Lancashire side to
Weston or Ince on the Cheshire shore.

NOTES. 143
Note 100. See note 55 ante.
Note ioi. The Bradkirks were known in Kirkham (see the
account of the charities in that parish, H. Lancashire, iv. 390) ; but
Cuthbert Bradkirk's name has not been found either there or else
where. Note 102. George Goring was probably on his march to join the
prince when he wrote the letter mentioned in Note 99 ante. This is
the Colonel Goring who was sent prisoner to London from Manchester.
(See C. W. T. 146.)
Note 103. The Scottish Lord Ogleby.
Note 104. Colonel Huddleston of Millom Castle. In his letter
to the House, (C. W. T. 148,) Rigby, who calls him serjeant major
general of Cumberland, mentions having sent him prisoner to London.
Ferdinando Hudleston of Millom, once an M. P., had nine sons aU in
the king's service. (Nicolson and B. H. Cumberland, i. 12.) The per
son now taken prisoner was either this Ferdinando or one of his nine
sons. Note 105. It does not appear what regiment this was.
Note 106. As these places are nearly eight miles apart the march
of the army must have been very loose and straggling.
Note 107. " Clothes" here does not mean dress, but cloths to
screen the corn from the wind.
Note 108. See as to this nobleman Note 8 ante.
Note 109. Sir Marmaduke Langdale.
Note iio. Colonel Tildesley, who had now been knighted.
Note 111. Freckleton Marsh.

144 NOTES.
Note 112. Although Lea Hall is not less than three or four miles
from the Ribble, the river can easily be seen from thence.
Note 113. As to Colonel Dodding, see Note 96 ante. (H. Lanca
shire, ii. 24 ; H. Preston, 163.)
Note 114. Major Joseph Rigby, one of the numerous Rigbys on
the parhamentary side, was the brother of George Rigby, and had a
grant from King James I. of the reversion of the clerkship of the peace
for Lancashire. He is mentioned in Mrs. Greene's Calendar of State
Papers as having been a parhamentary commander. He is supposed
to be the Joseph Rigby, author of the Drunkard's Prospective or
Burnyng Glasse, London 1656.
Note 115. Haleford is again alluded to as a common crossing place
of the Mersey.
Note 116. The mention of this siege is new, for the latest history
of the neighbourhood (Hardwicke's Preston, p. 563) says the castle was
dismantled in 1649 or x65°, probably in compliance with an order of
Parhament dated May 27th 1649. (C. W. T. 209.) Hugh Anderton
of Clayton and Euxton gentleman, who was appointed commissary
for Amounderness and Lonsdale, p. 17 ante, was taken prisoner at
the storming of Preston, on which occasion he is mentioned as old Mr.
Anderton of Clayton. He was also active at the storming of Bolton
(C. W. T. 75.) He was afterwards made prisoner and sent to Lancaster,
and was confined there when Charles II. was at his house at Euxton,
in 1651, but the Scots set him at liberty. According to the Black
Tribunal (369') a Christopher Anderton fell at Marston moor.
Christopher Anderton served at the first attack on Bolton, and signed
the recusants' petition for arms. The fact seems to be that Greenough
castle was garrisoned by the Earl of Derby, and placed under the
command of Robert Plessington esquire in 1643 ; but the siege was not
until 1645, a*"! the Mr. Anderton who then died there was probably
Captain Christopher Anderton of Lostock, mentioned in Lord Castle-
maine's hst of Roman Cathohc noblemen and gentlemen as having died
there with Captain J. Hothersall. (See Dodd's and B. Challoner's
Missionary Priests, 327, 333.)

NOTES.

H5

Note 117. An account of Major Edward Robinson, the supposed
author of the Derby MS., will be found in the Introduction.
Note 118. This is alluded to in the account of Major Robinson,
given in the introduction.
Note 119. Mrs. Stanley of Eccleston.
Note 120. Gillibrand House in Parbold. See the Map of Lan
cashire. Note 121. Not Mr. Paul, but Mr. "Paul" Moreau is here meant.
Note 1 2 2 . This battle is described in Cromwell's letter pubhshed by
Mr. Baines (H. Lancashire, ii. 47), and other particulars of it may be
seen in Burton's Civil Wars, Bankes's Cromwell, Godwin's Commonwealth,
and Clarendon's H. Rebellion. Other notices of it of a more local nature
are also met with: thus, in the Warrington register we have this
memorandum : " Lieftenant GeneraU Cromwill's forces did route duke
Hambilton's armie and Sir Marmaduke Langdal's force upon the 16,
17, 18, and 19 of August iu the year 1648." And in the Winwick
register we read thus : " 1648 Sept. 3. Buried Major John Chumley
shouldier;" which last may possibly explain this entry in Heath's
Chronicle (323) : "The Scots at Red bank fight (in Winwick) were
commanded by a httle spark in a blue bonnet who performed the part
of an excellent commander and was killed on the spot." But of all
the local notices the following letter, written by Cromwell from War
rington, and of which a fac simile is in the Warrington Museum, is
the most remarkable :
The Honble the Committee at Yorke.
We have quite tyred our horses in pursuit of the enemie. We have kil'd, taken,
and dispers'd all their foot, and left them only some horse, with whom the Duke is
fled into Dallam'e forest, having neither foot nor draggoones. They have taken 500
of them, I mean the country forces, as they send me word, this daye, they are so tyred
and in such confusion that if my horse could but trott after them, I could take them
all ; but we are soe weary we can scarce be able to doe more than walk after them.
I beseech you therefore lett Sir Hen. Cholmdley, Sir Edwd. Roades, Coll. Hatcher,
and Coll. Whyte, and all the cuntryes about you be sent too to ryse with you and
U

146 NOTES.
follow them for they are the miserablest ptye that ever was : I durst engage myself
with 500 fresh horse, and 500 nimble foot, to destroy them all: my horse are
miserably beaten out, and I have 10,000 of them prisoners. Wee have kil'd wee
know not what, but a very great nomber, having done execution upon them above 30
myles together, besides what wee kil'd in the two great feights, the one at Preston, the
other at Warrington. The enimie was 24,000 horse, and foot, in the daye of the
feight, whereof 1 8,000 foot, and 6000 horse, and our nomber about 6000 foot, and
3000 horse, att the uttermost. This is a glorious daye, God helpe England to answer
his mercies. I have noe more, but beseech you in all your p'tes to gather into bodies,
and to pursew. I rest, yr most humble servant
O. Cbumwem.
Warrington, this 20th August 1648.
The greatast parte by far of the nobilitie of Scotland are with Duke Hambleton.
The titles of the regiments and the number of the prisoners taken at
Warrington are thus given in the Parliamentary History of England
(vol. xx.) :
The Duke of Hamilton's, Lieutenant-General Bailey's, Colonel Esther's, Colonel
Mackenzie's, Lord Dumfries's, the General of the artillery's, Colonel Frazier's, Sir
John Gray's, Lord Tullibardine's, Lord Hume's, Colonel Henry Maule's, Lord Car-
negy's, Lord Hay's, Lord Keith's, the Marquis of Argyle's, Lord Roxborough's, and
Lord Athol's. The prisoners taken consisted of Lieutenant- General Bailey, 5
colonels, 8 majors, 20 captains, 48 lieutenants, 78 ensigns, 3 quarter-masters, 128
sergeants, and 2,256 private men.
If we are to take as true the statement made in the preface to the
Moore Rental (viii. xxix. and xxxix.) the fate of these prisoners was
very hard. Thousands of them it is said were sent as slaves to Virginia
and Barbadoes, and some even to the galleys in Venice.
Note 123. The Winwick register records the fate of some men who
were either amongst those who thus retired into Scotland or went there
at a later period to join in the king's advance to Worcester :
March 1650. Henry Beach dyed the second of this month at Hambleton in Scot
land. James Barton dyed the 16th of thiB month and was buried at Hambleton in
(Scotland. Note 124. The true numbers of both armies are given in Cromwell's
letter, note 122 ante.
Note 125. It has been generally supposed that Lord Derby entered
the Wyre water on the 16th August, but it will be seen in a subse-

NOTES. 147
quent note that he really arrived and landed there on the 15th.
(Baines's H. of Liverpool, 321). On the 17th he had an interview with
the king in Cheshire (C. W. T, 293), after which he appears to have
returned into Lancashire, and to have remained at or near Warrington,
preparing to assist the king until 20th August, on which day, just
three years before, Bailey at the same place had laid down his arms.
Note 126. On the 15th August 1651 the king slept at Bryn, the
seat of Sir William Gerard, six miles from Warrington. An account
of the king's advance through this place will be found in the letters of
"H. D." (Colonel Danvers), Major-General Harrison, and the king's
intercepted letter in the Parliamentary History (xx. 12, 14, 15, 48),
and also in the Perfect Diurnal of August 16. (C. W. T. 291.) Cla
rendon's account of the fight at Warrington bridge is as follows :
Upon the appearance of that body of Lambert's the whole army was drawn up, and
appeared very cheerful. The king having observed David Leslie throughout the
whole march sad and melancholy, and that, at a time when the enemy retired, and
plainly at a quicker pace than a good retreat used to be made, he was slow in giving
orders, and riding by himself, his majesty rode up to him and asked him with great
alacrity how he could be sad when he was at the head of so brave an army (which he
said looked well that day), and demanded how he liked them, to which David Leslie
answered him in his ear, beiug at some distance from any other, that he was melan
choly indeed, for that he knew well that army, how well soever it looked, would not
fight, or as the Scotch had it, " but I ken weel that they winna feight," which the
king imputed to the chagrin of his humour.
Some have thought that Leshe and the king's commanders made
a great mistake not to force Lambert to a general engagement,
when his rout would probably have ensued; but perhaps this back
wardness was the result of that want of concord between the Scotch
and the English, which was one cause of the ruin of the enterprize.
An entry in the Warrington register shows that one of the king's
followers, who received his death wound either in the skirmish at
the bridge there, or which is still more hkely in the fight in Wigan
lane, returned to Warrington to leave his bones there. The entry
runs thus :
1 65 1 August. Buried Walter Hoape servant to the Duke of Buckingham 26"\
The duke, the Zimri of Dryden, passing through Warrington with
the king, perhaps left his servant behind with instructions to fol-

148 NOTES.
low him with Lord Derby to Worcester. A Major John Harhnge,
who marched into England with his majesty, was taken prisoner at
Warrington. (Greene's Calendar of State Papers.)
Note 127. That is on Friday the 15th of August.
Note 128. This is a township in the parish of Kirkham.
Note 129. By the ford at Clifton, it is supposed.
Note 130. The interview took place at or near Northwich on Sun
day the 17th August. (C. W. T. 293.)
Note 131. His lordship had an interview with Massey and the
Lancashire ministers at Warrington on the 20th August. (Seacome's
Memoirs of the House of Stanley, 128, 129, 130.)
Note 132. The fight in Wigan lane, of which a full account may
be seen in Lilburn's and Birch's letters in the Parliamentary History,
(xx. 34, 35) took place on the 24th August ; the interval, therefore, was
not so long as ten days.
Note 133. Colonel Birch's letter shews that only a small part of
the Chester forces were present and assisting at the battle in Wigan
lane. Note 134. A Roger Cotterell is mentioned as a lieutenant in Lord
Brook's regiment on the Parliamentary side, the same regiment in
which John Morris, afterwards so famous on the king's side, also
Berved. But it is not hkely that Roger Cotterell, hke his fellow soldier
Morris, had now changed sides. It is more likely that he was the
lieutenant-colonel of his name who was governor of Pontefract for
the Parliament in 1648. (Peacock's Army List of the Civil Wars,
33) Note 135. On Monday the 25th August.
Note 136. Saturday the 23rd August.

NOTES. I49
Note 137. Were these the Cheshire militia who Oldmixon says
marched to resist the king's advance ? (H England, ii. 395.) The
pay of the Cheshire brigade, of which these troops were a part, re
mained long in arrear; and so late as December 1656 their petition
to be paid their arrears of pay " since Worcester fight " was before the
House, and Cromwell is reported to have said that the brigade had
borne a great share in the heat of that day.. (Burton's Diary, i. 200.)
Note 138. Saturday the 23rd August.
Note 139. This person's escape bears some resemblance to the
subsequent escape of his royal master at Boscobel.
Note 140. Was this Thomas Butler of Kirkland, afterwards a
captain under Charles Earl of Derby, and who was aged twenty-nine
in 1665, or was it Henry Butler of Rawcliffe or his son Richard?
(H. Lancashire, iv. 449, 471.)
Note 141. Possibly Robert, second son of Robert Hesketh of Ruf-
ford, who compounded for his estates in 1646 and died in 1653. (H.
Lancashire, hi. 426, 427.)
Note 142. It is not known where the Maynes is.
Note 143. There was a Richard Jolly, quarter-master of the four
teenth regiment, but no Robert Jolly occurs in the Parliamentary
Army List.
Note 144. From the scene of the rout at Wigan the earl hastened
with all speed to Worcester and there joined the king. It has not
been ascertained where he rested the first night.. The Scots (horse, it
is presumed) fled from the field with such speed that on the fohowing
day (Thursday) at three p.m. they reached Sandbach, seventy miles off,
where, it being the market-day, the townsmen and the country people
attacked them with clubs and staves and the poles of their staUs.
(C. W. T. 309 ; Oldmixon, H. England, ii. 397 ; H. Cheshire, iii. 60.)
Mr. Newcome says : u *

150 NOTES.
I preached at Sandbach on the 7th September (the battle of Worcester was on the
3rd). The poor Scots were miserably used in the country, and so many of them put
into the church that I could not preach in it. (Newcome' s Autobiography, C. S. i. 33.)
Another portion of the flying Scots, to the number of five hundred,
passed over the ferry at Hollins Green, not daring to attempt the
bridge at Warrington, which was in the possession of the enemy and
kept against them. (Harrison's letter, September 7th, C W. T. 307,
in notes.)
Note 145. See note 27 ante.
Note 146. The author here fully confirms the earl's statement on
his trial that he surrendered himself a prisoner to Captain Edge upon
a promise of quarter.
Note 147. Colonel Robert Dukenfield was of Dukenfield in Che
shire, and the representative of an ancient family there. In 1643, when
he was only twenty-four, he was made a commissioner to raise money
for the Parliament, and to sequester delinquents' estates. In 1644 he
was sent with Colonel Mainwaring of Kermincham to oppose Prince
Rupert's passage of the bridge at Stockport. He was subsequently
much engaged for the Parliament, and in 1645 ke wrote to Sir Samuel
Luke (the supposed original of Hudibras) the following letter, which
explains the allusion to the mutiny in Sir George Boothe's letter (see
page 1 23 ante), and is curious in other particulars :
Honble Sir,
I was iu hopes to have waited on yee myselfe before this time, but ye enemy
hath been so active lately as to keep me in imployment heere since they threaten
these pts. Y" necessity of my regim' of troope compells me to send ye bearer hereof
to London, to move for some pay for my men, who waite for a good answeare by him
speedily, otherwise they will disband. My troope was the first served in these p'" of
ye kingdome for ye Parhament, and have continued a compleate troope above 2 yeares
and a halfe until this present, for very Httle pay wch is upon account ; for ye last
twelvemonth they have recd 2151' 14" from ye publique and noe more. Sir Wm Brere
ton allowes Mb own troope double pay to yc rest wch is contrary to an ordinance of
Pari', especially my men having served so long. My reg' hath passed upon very hard
duty for this twelvemonth, espetiall ye last winter at the seidge of Beeston Castle, and
in Worral where many of my men were lost and maimed, for all which service they have
rec11 but a month's pay, and now begin to mutiny and will breake presently, unless

NOTES. 1 5 1
some competent meanes bee allowed ym. Besides I have spent and lost iooo" in this
service, and I have not ree11 yett y° value of 6d towards my owne pay. W prisoners
or prize hath been taken by my soldiers I have made no advantage thereof, but it is
set down in my accompts. Sir, I desire you will be pleased to direct and assist ye
bearer hereof how to prefere ye petioion to y° Pari' in ye behalfe of my soldiers and
myself, and y' you would please to dispatch his business presently, to procure me
some allowance for my past charges and pay already due for the maintenance of my
soldiers and troope. I am very unwilling to have ym disbanded, if ye Pari' would
please to take notice of their former service. This county hath been so longe y° seate
of warre as it is now become poore and in a miserable condition, much occasioned by
ye sad divisions between Sir Wm Brereton and ye rest of or deputy 1" and officers,
which will grow worse every day untill some of ym bee removed or reproved y' are
most in fault. I have sent Wm Davenport further instructions and propositions to
acquaint you with and to entreate yor direcion how to make use of you. I intend to
waite on you myself eare long, and desiring your pardon for my boldness to trouble
you herein, I rest yor kinsman to command, ROBT. Dr/CKENFIEED.
Duckenfield, 5 th Apr. 1645.
In 1649 he was named by Parliament a member of the high court of
justice, but being high-sheriff of Cheshire that year, and probably not
wholly approving of the proceedings, he never sat on the king's trial,
and so escaped the dangerous distinction of being one of his judges.
In 1650 he was made governor of Chester castle, and the next year he
sat on the court-martial which tried Lord Derby, and in the October
of that year the widowed countess surrendered to him the Isle of Man
for the Parliament. From the Protector, after his exaltation, he re-
received some warm solicitations to join his administration, — solicita
tions accompanied by a commission authorizing him to raise a regiment
of horse in Cheshire; in answer to which the colonel wrote from Duken
field, March 23, 1654-5, one of the sincerest letters that perhaps his
highness received, in which he declines the proffered honour, because,
" though his endeavours in that way had been very successful, yet they
had been taken in ill part ; and that county especially was so wonderfully
impoverished, that without destroying it, not many soldiers could be
raised in the way the Protector intended ; and because the extremes
of the levelling party running so furiously did, as he humbly conceived,
drive his highness upon direct contrary extremes ; and he desired, he
said, to imitate Cah*b and Joshue in the wilderness, as near as he could,
and not seek a controversy with those who limit God to their passions,

152 NOTES.
and against whom God hath an evident controversy." He then tells
Oliver, that " he firmly believes that the root of the tree of piety is alive
in him, though the leaves thereof, through the abundance of temptation
and flatterers, seemed to him to be much withered of late, yet he hoped
time and experience would have a good influence on his lordship, Deo
juvante." He then goes on to say, that " although he preferred his own
quiet and obscure condition, with which he was much delighted, and
that for preferment he had no desire, still, at the Protector's request,
he would take a military command ;" to which, however, he appends two
reasonable conditions ; " first, that his soldiers should have a fair remune
ration for their services when disbanded ; and next, that they might not
be chosen from such as were the Protector's superficial and dissembling
friends, and whom he weU knew, and would have little to do with un
less forced to it." The letter winds up with the declaration, " how much
rather he would risk his life and estate in continental than civil war
fare ;" and warns the Protector " of the growing feeling of distaste for
himself and his measures in these parts, and the correspondingly in
creasing desire for the restoration of Charles Stuart, who," he says,
" will find you work enough whilst he lives."
For some period after this, the conduct of Colonel Dukenfield
excited the distrust of the Protector's emissaries, for in the same year
Maj or- General Worsley writes to Secretary Thurloe that he thinks it
right to inform him that Colonel Dukenfield, whom they heard had
been named for the office of high-sheriff, was the only person who
declined, as one of the commissioners for Cheshire, to obey the orders
of the Protector and his council. And again, in the following year,
there is a warning from Major-General Bridge, written from Middle-
wich, having reference to the same subject. After the death of the
Protector, however, he again took up arms in earnest on behalf of the
old cause, and was mainly instrumental in quelling the rising of the
celebrated Sir George Booth in favour of the exiled king. For this
service he had two hundred pounds voted by the Parhament. He was,
nevertheless, one of those who joined a memorial addressed to the Par
liament shortly afterwards, complaining of their supineness with refer
ence to the late rise, and of the inadequate compensation granted to
those who had aided in its suppression ; and, in addition to this, he
was at the head of the party that waylaid the Speaker Lenthall on his

NOTES.

53

way to the House, and compelled him to retreat to his own residence.
These differences between the army and Parliament were for the time
settled by the council of state; but a party "divided against itself"
could not long maintain its position, and matters, even at this period,
were gradually paving the way for the Restoration. After the last
event had taken place, Colonel Dukenfield was put upon his trial for
the part he had taken in the court-martial on Lord Derby ; and after
wards suffered imprisonment in the county on a pretended charge of
his being concerned in an attempt to seize the king, &c, and to restore
the Parhament. Royal favour, however, smiled once more upon his
family, and during the Colonel's life time his son received a baronetcy
at the hands of Charles the Second. Colonel Robert Dukenfield died
on the 18th September 1689, and was buried in Denton chapel three
days after. (Barlow's Cheshire Associations, p. 12, from which this
account of Colonel Dukenfield is principally taken.)
Note. 148. Colonel John Jones was a gentleman of some estate in
Wales, and the assertion of Bates, Noble and other partisan writers,
that he was of mean extraction and in his early years was a serving
man in London, appears destitute of foundation. It is said that he
was related to Sir Thomas Middleton, and went to London in 1613,
the year when that gentleman was serving the office of lord mayor.
On the 22nd of July n Charles I., John, the son of Edward Jones of
Newbon in Cardiganshire, was admitted of Lincoln's Inn, and this may
be the future colonel who, in the times of trouble which followed,
exchanged his robe for the sword. He began his military career as a
captain of foot in the Parhament service. He took part in the siege
of Chester, and was afterwards governor of Anglesey. In 1647 he
was returned to Parhament as member for Merionethshire. At this
time he was in favour with Cromwell, whose sister Catherine he
married, after the death of her first husband Captain Roger Whit-
stone. In the same year he was sent as one of the commissioners
for the government of Ireland, where he began his reforms by cor
recting some abuses in the brewing of ale, and excluding from pub
hc employment all such persons as were known to frequent tippling
houses. He was armed also with military powers, and upon the
advance of a strong party of the rebels under the Marquis of Ormonde,
Jones attacked and routed them, which led to the surrender of Dublin

1 54 NOTES,
to the Parliament. After this he sustained a severe reverse from the
forces under Lord Preston, but his was the brave spirit which hears and
heeds the warning " Tu ne cede mahs, sed contra audentior ito," and a
short time afterwards meeting the same enemy again near Trim, he
attacked and so completely routed them that nearly six thousand were
put hors de combat. The result of this battle was that nearly twenty
places in Ulster were recovered to the Parliament. In 1 649 he sat as
one of the king's judges, but he must have returned to Ireland soon after
wards and continued there some years, as his long correspondence, be
ginning the 3rd of September 1651 and continuing to the 4th of April
1660, shews. (Liverpool Historic Society's Proceedings for 1860-61,
pp. 177 to 300.) The correspondence is for the most part on the pubhc
affairs of Ireland and Colonel Jones's government, but the fohowing
letter, referring to a picturesque and now almost obsolete sport, gives
an example of his style : •
To Maior Sallway,
I have adventured once more to convey unto you a cast of hawkes by the
bearer (being a ffalken and a tassell), if they come not to yr hands in good condicon,
I desire he may not receave any incouradgm' by yor bounty towards him. As to the
hopefullness of their being as serviceable as usually creatures of theire kind are, I
must wholely depend upon my good friend y* helpes mee toe them, not haveing any
judgment to decerne the goodness of them. The Lord keepe your speritt constantly
upon the wing y' the marrow and substance of your delight may be above any earthly
creatures or comforts, and that those greate endowments which God hath qualified
you with to decerne things beyond the ordinary pitch of men, may not be like your
high flown hawkes, who although they be carryed up farr above the earth, yett they
have their backes towards heaven, and their eyes are fixed upon the earth.
Your most affectionate frind and very reall servant,
Droghedagh, J. Jones.
August 19, 1652.
In the account given in the previous pages (see p. 82) it is said that
the Earl of Derby was guarded to Bolton on the 15th of October 165 1
by two troops of Colonel Jones's horse. These were probably selected
for their tried fidelity, and although he is not mentioned there is some
reason to think that Colonel Jones himself was in the neighbourhood,
for there occurs a remarkable break in his correspondence from the 1 6th
of September to the 19th of November in that year, shewing that he
was then absent from Ireland.
It has been supposed that Colonel Jones was the author of two

NOTES. j^t
scarce law books, the one called the Examination of the Observations
upon his Majesty's Answers, London 1643, and the other The Judges
Judged, London 1650. But those works were more probably from the
pen of some professional lawyer, and the last of them is expressly
stated to be by " J. Jones, gent."
In 1657 he was in such favour that the Protector made him one of
his lords, besides which he received from the Parliament, in reward for his
services in Ireland, a grant of lands there and a sum of 3000Z. in money.
In 1659, in the Protectorate of Richard Cromwell, Colonel Jones was
again made one of the commissioners for Ireland, and went over there
with General Ludlow, the commander-in-chief of the forces and one
of his colleagues, who soon afterwards, feeling entire confidence in
Colonel Jones, returned to England and left him as his deputy, at which
Steele, the haughty chanceUor, taking umbrage, departed for England,
leaving the whole government in Colonel Jones's hands. In the mean
time, Lambert having turned out the Rump Parhament, and there
being a committee of safety appointed, a party of discountenanced
officers seized on Colonel Jones, and having possessed themselves of
the castle of Dublin, and declared for a free Parliament, kept Colo
nel Jones a close prisoner until another turn of the wheel brought
back the Rump Parhament into power, when he was sent for to
England. But before his arrival the secluded members had regained
the reins of power, and persons of his principles were in great danger.
He therefore tried to conceal himself, but walking one evening after
nightfall in the neighbourhood of Finsbury, he was recognized, and
being taken into custody was sent prisoner to the Tower and there
kept in chains. But this did not impair his fortitude, nor lessen either
his tranquility or his cheerfulness. He bore his imprisonment with calm
resignation. Observing one of Colonel Scroop's children weeping for
her father, one of his fellow prisoners, he took her by the hand and
said: You are weeping for your father : but supposing he were to be made king of France
to-morrow, and you were to tarry a little while behind, would you weep so then? Why
he is going to reign with the King of kings in everlasting glory !
And speaking to a friend who had like to have suffered shipwreck
in accompanying him to Ireland, he said :
Ah, dear heart ! if you and I had been wrecked in that stormy voyage to Ireland,

156 NOTES.
and had gone this journey then, we had been in heaven now to have welcomed honest
Harrison and Carew ; but now we must be content to go after them.
And his beautiful frame of mind while his fate was impending may
be seen from the fohowing letter, sent by him to a friend who had
written to console him :
I am very much grieved to find (by the note I received from you) such dark and
sad apprehensions upon your spirit concerning me. We are all in the hands of the
Lord, and what he hath appointed for us will be our portion, and no man can frus
trate his holy purpose concerning us, which I question not will be found to be in love,
whatever appearance it may have to men. My advice is to you and all that love me,
that (in case I be removed from you) you do not either in reality or outward garb
mourn for me ; but rather rejoice that my portion is in heaven and that my dissolution
or removal out of this earthly tabernacle is but in order to my clothing with immor
tality and possessing my eternal mansion, and to my being for ever with Christ to
behold his glory ; and therefore that you do not behave yourself as those who have
no hopes but of this life.
Secondly : That you take off your mind from me and fix it unmoveably upon your
eternal relation, the Lord Jesus Christ, in whose glorious and blessed presence we shall
meet ere long, to our eternal rejoicing. It is the goodness of the Lord to us, to remove
all creature-comforts from us that our souls might have no resting place to delight in,
or to promise them safety, until we return to the ark of his testimony, the bosom of
his love, manifested and exhibited for us in our blessed Lord Jesus Christ.
I write in haste, therefore excuse my abruptness. Thine in sincere love,
Tower, Sept. 19, 1660. John Jones.
Being brought to trial for his share in the king's death on the 1 2th
of October 1660, he dechned to plead in justification, saying that he
could only urge the same arguments that had been urged and over
ruled in the case of his fellow prisoners who had been before tried, and
he therefore pleaded only the general issue, on which he was found
guilty and sentenced to die. On the fohowing Wednesday he, with
Thomas Scott, Gregory Clement, Adrian Scroop and Francis Harker,
were drawn through the city of London to Charing Cross, the place of
Execution. As he entered the sledge he said it seemed to him " like the
fiery chariot of the prophet Elijah ! " On the way to execution his calm
but grave and becoming aspect struck all who saw him with admiration.
On the scaffold he said that " it was power that made the law ; for that
some years before he and his party had the power in their hands, and
that whatsoever they did at that time was accounted law, and executed
accordingly. That now that the king executed the law upon them, he did

NOTES. 157
nothing but what he would have done himself were he in the king's case ;
for that the king did but act like a loving and dutiful son towards a dear
and loving father !" This language should redeem Colonel Jones from
the character of being a blind fanatic. In another short speech he excul
pated himself from the charge of any malice against the late king, and
then kneeling down, in a short but earnest prayer commended himself to
God, and then calmly submitted to his fate. The executioner's assistant
finished the tragedy, the executioner himself, having already executed
three other persons the same day, and having sickened at the sight of
so much blood.
Colonel Jones was a man of great abilities and as great piety. We
may regret that he imbibed such extreme views in pohtics and religion,
but we must admire the consistent loyalty with which he adhered to
them. His courage and his piety attended him to the last.
In Caulfield's High Court of Justice, Loudon 1820, a scarce book,
from which most of the foregoing facts respecting Colonel John Jones
have been obtained, there is a good octavo print portrait of him, in
which, as a friend observes, the features are so peculiar that, if there be
any authority at ah for a portrait of Colonel John Jones, this must be
a likeness. Note 149. Captain Sankey probably sprang from the village of that
name near Warrington.- He may be the Edward, son of Richard
Sankey gentleman, whose baptism is recorded in the Warrington register
on 2 ist February 162 1, and also the person mentioned by Burghall as
a captain in Sir Wilham Brereton's horse on 20th June 1643, and who
is also mentioned in Mr. Davenport's note. (H. Cheshire, iii. 400.)
But it was probably not he but a greater person of his name, Sir
Jeremie Sankey, who is intended by the satirical verses preserved by
Mr. Halliwell : Lancaster's mad,
And Eaton's as bad ;
Mainwaring looks like an ape ;
Oxly is naught,
And Sankey was caught
When he was in a captain's shape.
When Cromwell and Fairfax were entertained at Oxford in 1649,
Jerome Sankey, fellow of All Souls', was one of the proctors. Anthony

158 NOTES.
Wood says he was a " boisterous fellow at cudgelling and football play
ing. " In the beginning of the rebehion he threw off his gown, took up
arms for the Parhament, and rose to a command. He was one of the
few persons knighted by Cromwell. In 1654 he was M.P. for Tip
perary and Waterford, in 1656 for Marlborough, and in 1658-9 for
Woodstock.

INDEX.

ADAMS, captain, viii.
Ambrose, John, of Plumpton, 28.
Ammunition, cost of, 88.
Amon, Rowland, of Thorneton, 42.
Anderton, Christopher, 13, 60, 144.
 , Hugh, 17, 30, 144.
 , James, 17.
Antient, a military officer, 17.
Appleby, Scottish forces at, 64.
Ashterley, 33.
Ashton, John, of Penketh, 93.
 , sir Ralph, 32.
 , Ratcliffe, 17.
 hall, Lancaster, 65.
Assheton, Ralph, of Middleton, 9, 22, 29,
3°, 35. 37. 38. 39. 5s 5 notice of> IO°-
BAGGARLEY, a royalist, 81.
Baillie, lieut.-general, 66.
Bamber, captain John, 19, 25.
Bare, captain, 42.
Basing house, siege of, xi-xii.
Bayard, captain, 19.
Benlowe, captain, 78.
Bergem, lord, 66.
Biddulph hall, siege of, x-xi.
Billinge, 37.
Birch, captain aft. colonel Thomas, 6, 9,
10 ; notice of, 88-90.
Birdie-loane head, 7 2.
Birkenhead, 44, 132.
Biron, sir John, 53.
Bisbame, 25, 42, 53.
Blackburn, 12, 55 ; attacked by sir Gil
bert Hoghton, 21, 22.
Blackstone edge, 43.
Blundell, Robert, 49, 134.
Bolton, 49; attacked by soldiers from
Wigan, 22; taken by prince Rupert
and the earl of Derby, 50-52, 134-14°;
execution of the earl of Derby at, 82-
»5. 14' -2,

Booth, colonel John, notice of 120-2.
Bootle, captain, said to have been slain by
lord Derby, 51, 82 ; the statement ex
amined and refuted, 135-42.
Bourne, WilHam, B.D., 8 ; notice of,
96-7.
Bowland, trough of, 50.
Boynton, colonel, 76.
Braddyll, captain John, 15, 106.
Bradford, east, 42.
Bradkirk, captain Cuthbert, 53, 143.
Bradley, Edward, of Bryning, 19.
Bradshaw, captain Robert, 9, 20, 108 ;
notice of, 97.
 .Mr., 75.
Breres, Edward, captain of the Preston
volunteers, his death, 41.
Brereton, sir William, x, 45, 46, 132.
Bridgeman, Mr., 84.
Brindie, near Preston, 73, 75.
Brooke, Henry, of Norton priory, ix, i.
Brotherton, John, 17.
Broughton, near Cartmel, 39, 126.
Browne, engineer, 46, 48, 133.
Buckingham, duke of, 147.
Bunbury, convention of, xiv.
Burlington quay, 39.
Burnes ; see Bourne.
Burton, Bryan, 21, 108.
Bury, town of, disarmed, 1 1 .
Butler, captain, of Kirkham, 19.
 , Henry, of Rawcliffe, 149.
 , captain William, of Mierscough, 19.
 , captain Richard, of Radcliffe, 6o,
74. H9- „ „. , , ,
 , Thomas, of Farkland, 149.
Byrom, Henry, of Byrom, 93.
C ALDER, river, 32.
Cansfeld, Jo„ 13.
Cansfield, Mr., 41.
Carisbrook castle, 64.

i6o

INDEX.

Carlisle, 64.
Carter, George, of Hambleton, 42.
Charles I., 5, 39. 64, 87 ; his reply to the
recusants' petition, 1 3-4 ; omen respect
ing, iii.
 II. ,69, 76, 78, 80; his march through
Lancashire and Cheshire, 70, 71.
Cbarnook, Mr., of Charnock and Astley,
94-
Cheshire militia, 149.
Chester, 44, 46, 54, 72, 73, 75, 78, 80,
Chippin, 30.
Chisenhale, colonel Edward, 36 ; notice
of, 125-6.
Chorley, 39, 66.
Claton, Mr., 42.
Clifton, 37, 38, 61, 148.
 , colonel Cuthbert, 51, 52, 53, 60.
 , John, 74.
 , Thomas, of Lytham, 13, 17, 26.
Clitherall, James, of Eccleston, 61.
Clitheroe, 50; castle, 53.
Clubmen, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34.
Cockerham, 38, 59.
Colne, general rendezvous at, 43.
Conney ; see Cunnie.
Cotterell, captain, 72, 73, 148.
Craven, 54.
Crewe hall, siege of, x.
Cromwell, Oliver, xi, xii, 64, 65, 66, 67,
68, 69, 70 ; lord Derby's petition to, 79.
Cunnie, captain, 34; notice of, 124-3.
DALES country, 54.
Dalton, 41.
 , Mr., of Thurnham, 19.
Dandie, captain William, of Tarleton, 50.
Danvers, sergeant-major, 93.
Darwen bridge, 65.
Davenport, Mr., of Bramhall, ix, 104.
Davie or Davis, captain Richard, of Nuton
in Poulton, 42, 50.
Delinquents ; see Papists.
Derby, earls of, their high honour and
estate, 63, 77.
 , James seventh earl of, v, 6, 36, 63,
72. 73, 74.77.87, 88,96, 112, 146, 149,
150 ; besieges Manchester, 7 ; de
nounced by the parliament, 8 ; agree
ment with the commissioners of array,
16-18: protestation, 18-19; burns a
Spanish ship, 26 ; raises the clubmen, 283
regains Preston for the king, 30 ; gar
risons Warrington, 31 ; repulsed at

Whalley, 33-^ ; retreats to the isle of
Man, 37 ; charged with slaying captain
Bootle, at Bolton, 51 ; the charge ex
amined and refuted, 134-142; goes
with his countess and children to the
isle of Man, 59 ; returns from the
island, 69, 70, 71; defeated in Wigan
lane, 75-6 ; taken prisoner, tried by
court-martial and sentenced to death,
78; his petition to Cromwell, 79;
letter to his countess, 80-2 ; narrative
of his execution, 82-5.
 , Charlotte, countess of, 63 ; garri
sons Lathom house, 46.
Dodding, colonel George, 10, 26, 49, 50,
55, 58, 60; notice of, 134.
Downes, major, 40.
 , John, of Wardley, 93.
Duddell, captain, 42, 50.
Dukenfield, colonel Robert, viii, 80, 81 ;
account of, 150-3.
Dunbar, battle of, 69.
Durham, bishoprick of, 67.
ECCLESTON green, 49, 133.
Edge, captain, 78, 80, 150.
Edge hill, battle of, 19, 20.
Edinburgh, 79.
Egerton, colonel Peter, 10, 62 ; notice of,
102.
Elsinge, Henry, 9.
Elswick, 28, 67, in.
Emmot loan head, 43.
Eswicke ; see Elswick.
FAIRFAX, lord, 44.
 , sir Thomas, 45 .
Faith ; see Fyfe.
Farndon church, painted window in, xvi.
Featherstonhaugh, sir Timothy, 76, 78.
Ffarington, William, 16, 17, 18; notice
of, 94.
Ffleetwood, John, 17, 34.
Ffrear, captain Edward, 72.
Freckleton, 58 ; marsh, 56, 57, 143.
French, captain, 72.
Fuller, Dr. Thomas, xii.
Fulwood moor, 6, 29, 65, 66.
Fyfe, captain, 42, 50.
Fylde, the, 29, 37, 38, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58,
6l> 64, 67)7i-
GALTHROP ; see Gawthorp.
Garstang, 38, 42, 49, 60, 66.

INDEX.

161

Gaskell, Rowland, 49, 1 34.
Gawthorp, 31.
Gerard, sir Gilbert, knt., notice of, 91-2.
 , William, 13.
Gillibrand house, Parbold, 62, 145.
Girlington, sir John,- knt., 16, 17, 18, 21,
39, 41, 42, 106 ; notice of, 90-1.
Goosnargh, 43.
Goring, colonel George, 54, 56, 143.
Greaves town, 57.
Greene, Alexander, 6, 88.
Greenough castle, 53, 58, 59 ; siege of,
60, 144.
Grey, lord, 66.
Gunpowder made in Manchester college,

HADDOCK, sergeant Roger, of Bryn-
ing, 12, 105.
Haigh, near Wigan, 75.
Hale-ford, 39, 52, 54, 58, 142, 144.
Hambleton, 42.
Hamilton, duke, conduct of his army in
Lancashire and its defeat by Cromwell,
64-69.
Harlinge, major John, 148.
Harrison, Richard, 57.
Henley moor, 43.
 , Hugh, 43.
Henrietta, queen, 39.
Heppe, Mr., 10.
Hesketh bank, 37, 58.
Hesketh, Robert, of Rufford, 149.
 , Mr. of Maynes, 74.
Hodder water, 65.
Hoes, the, 26 ; notice of, 1 1 1 .
Hoghton common, 20.
 tower, 21, 24, 74.
 , sir Gilbert, bart., 11, 12, 15, 17, 21,
24, 109, no; notice of, 91.
 , Ratcliffe, 23.
Holcrofte, captain John, 88.
Holland, colonel Richard, 9, 36 ; notice
of, 1 00- 1.
 , lord, 48.
 near Wigan, 71.
Hollinfare, 31.
Holt, Robert, 16, 17, 18, 94.
Hoole, 43, 131.
 , John, of Singleton, 28.
Hornby, 38, 54 ; castle, 41, capture of,
39-40, 127. ..
Houghton papers, discovery ot, vi-vn.
Houley moor, 12.

Huddleston, colonel, of Millom castle, 41,
55, H3-
Hull, William, of Bisbame, 42.
INDIAN nut, 15, 77 ; explanation of,
105.
JOLLIE, captain Robert, of Warbreck,
42, 75-
Jolly, Richard, 149.
Jones, colonel John, 82 ; account of,
153-7-
KINETON field, 20.
Kirby, Roger, 16, 17, 18.
Kirkby Lonsdale, 38.
Kirkham, 28, 37, 38, 42, 53, 56, 61, 67,
73-
Knaresborough, 54, 65.
Knipe, — , 74.
Knowsley, 37.
Knutsford heath, 7 1 .
LAMBERT, major-general, 64, 6^, 70,
71-
Lancaster, 20, 27, 30, 38, 49, 50, 65 ;
spoiled by the earl of Derby, 28, 29 ;
castle, 20, 24, 27, 29, 63, 64.
Langdale, sir Marmaduke, 57, 65, 66, 143.
Lathom house, 20, 27, 36, 37, 39, 53, 59,
71, 127 ; nightly raids from, 61 ; sieges
of, 46-8, 62-3 ; its greatness, 63 ; great
estate of the lords of, 77.
Layton with Warbreck, 39, 53, 126.
Lauderdale, lord, 78, 80.
Lea hall, 57, 144.
Leeds, 50.
Legh, Francis, of Lyme and Bruche, 95.
Leigh, 20.
Leith, 69.
Lichfield, 63.
Lilburne, colonel, 73, 74 ; defeats the earl
of Derby in Wigan lane, 75-6.
Liverpool, 58, 75 ; water, 39, 52, 54; ap
proach of royalist ships of war to, 44-5,
132; captured by prince Rupert, 52;
surrenders to the parliament, 59.
Lund chapel, xxv, xxvii, 67.
Lytham, 28, 42, 56.
MAN, isle of, 37, 59, 63. 69> 7°. 71.
80, 81 ; its soldiers, 71, 75-6.
Manchester, 54, 60, 96 ; first blood shed
in, 6, 77, 88, 90 ; repulse of the earl of

\Gi

INDEX.

Derby by, 7 ; commended by Parlia
ment, 8 ; its preparations for the war,
9-1 1 ; encounter of its forces with the
Wigan men, 20 ; unsuccessful attack
upon Warrington, 3 1 .
Marsden, captain, 33.
Massey, major-general, 76.
Meldrum, sir John, proceedings of, 53-60.
Meller loan head, 21.
Meols, the, 58.
Mercer, Robert, 17.
Mersey, 50 ; see Liverpool water.
Mierscough, 44, 49.
Military outrages, 1 1, 104.
Mitton, butcher, 23,
Molineux, Richard lord, 37, 38, 39, 57 ;
notice of, 90.
Montague, Mr., 95.
Montgomery castle, 59.
Moore, colonel Edward [? John], of Bank
hall, 10, 44, 52 ; notice of, 101-2.
Moreau, Paul, 62, 145.
Morgan, engineer, 133.
Morley, lord, 39.
Morte, Adam, mayor of Preston, 16, 17,
23 ; notice of, 106-7.
Mosley, sir Edward, of Alport lodge, 7,
n, 96.
Much Singleton, 73.
1V-ANTWICH, 46, ,33.
J.™ Newcastle, earl of, 43, 44.
New park, 48.
Newsham, — , 74, 149.
Newton in Makerfeld, 66.
Newton-with-Scales, xxxi, 59.
Northwich, 45, 46, 148.
Norton priory, siege of, ix-x.
Nowell, Roger, of Re.id, 32, 33, 94.
Nutou ; see Newton-with-Scales.
OGLE, captain Henry, of Whiston, 17,
18, 107 ; notice of, 93.
Ogleby, lord, 55, 143.
Oiler tree, 74.
Ordnance, 21-2, 47-8.
Org'ans, puritanical dislike to, 10, 102-4.
Ormskirk, 37, 48, 58, 85.
PADIHAM, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35.
Papists, 20, 24, 60, 71 ; dread of,
1 1 ; their petition to the king and reply,
12-4; forwardness in the war, 14-5 ; se
questration of their estates, 43, 44, 131.

Parker, Mr., of Bradkirk, 38.
Parliament, action of, 8, 11.
Pateson, captain William, of Ribbie, 42,
43. 45. 47, 49. 5°. 59-
Paule Mr., see Moreau.
Penwortham, 34, 57, 61.
Peters, Ralph, xii.
Piggot, George, 72.
Plumpton in Fylde, 59, 61.
Portfield, 33.
Poulton, 24, 26, 42, 53, 56.
Preesal sands, 71, 72.
Prescot, 45.
Preston, 27, 37, 38, 43, 49, 54, 55, 56, 57,
58, 67, 68, 108-9, 134 ; garrisoned for
the king, 15, 17, 20 ; taken by the par
hamentary forces, 23-4; regained by
the earl of Derby, 29-30 ; occupied
by Cromwell, 65-6 ; Charles II. rides
through it, 70 ; the earl of Derby at,
72-4.
Prestwich, Thomas, of Hulme, notice of,
92.
Proud bridge, Freckleton, 58.
RADCLIFFE, sir Alexander, of Ord-
sall, K.B., 91.
 , captain Richard, 8, 9, 97.
 hall, Manchester, 8, 97.
Rawstorne, Edward, of Newhall in Tot-
tington, notice of, 94-5.
Recusants ; see Papists.
Read-head, 32, 33.
ReligiouB spirit of Salford hundred, 10.
Rhublshawe, the, 58.
Ribble water, 37, 39, 55, 57, 61, 71, 148.
 , bridge, Preston, 65.
Ribbleton mill, near Preston, 65.
Ribchester, 31, 6^.
Rigby, Alexander, of Burgh and Layton,
16, 17, 18, 22, 25 ; notice of, 106.
 , Alexander, his son, 39 ; notice of,
126.
 , Alexander, of Middleton in Goos-
nargh, 10, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48,
49. 5°. 51. 62 ; notices of his family,
127-130.
 , Alexander, his son, 43 ; notice of,
131-
 , major Joseph, 53, 60; notice of,
144.
Robinson, major Edward, xxv, xxviii,
xxix-xxxii, 37, 39, 40, 41, 50, 61, 145 ;
his pedigree, xxxii.

INDEX.

^3

Rochdale, 31.
Rosaker, 28.
Rossall, 25, 26, 71.
Rosthorne, captain, 59, 60.
Rosworm, lieut.-colonel John, 10, 104.
Rufford, 39.
Rupert, prince, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 59 ;
how he requited the mayor of Preston
for his banquet, 54.
Rushton hall, discovery of papers at, vi.
Ryley, Thomas, 39.
ST. MICHAEL'S, 3g, 42, «7-
Salesbury boat and hall, 31, 34.
Salford hundred, zeal of, 10.
 town, 7.
Sanders, sergeant-major, 93.
Sankey, captain, 82 ; notice of, 157-8.
Sargeant, Thomas, vii.
Scottish forces, 54, 64, 66, 68, 69.
Seaton, sir John, 23, 27, 108, 11 1.
Settle, 65.
Sharpies, captain George, of Lytham, 42,
5i-
 , John, 62.
Sherburne, Mr., of Stony hurst, 65, 72.
Sherrington, Francis, 17.
Ship of Spain, destruction of, 25-27.
Shrewsbury, 52.
Shuttleworth, Edward, 15.
 , Hute, 15.
 , colonel Nicholas, 15, 50, 55.
 , colonel Richard, of Gawthorpe hall,
9, 12, 15, 20, 21,23, 24, 25, 30, 31, 32,
40, 74, no; notice of, 101.
 captain William, 15, 24, 29, no.
 , Mr., of Ashterlee, 33.
Singleton, 26.
 , captain Thomas, of Stayning, 19,
*5 •
Skipton castle, 54.
Smith, Richard, 42.
 , captain Samuel, 75.
 , William, 17.
Soldiers, pay of, 17, 18, 107
Sparrow, major, 23, 26, 27, 10
Spittom moss, 38.
Stalmine, 38, 42.
Stand in the park, 46, 133.
Standish, Ralph, of Standish, 92.
 , Thomas, of Duxbury, 7, 94
 , captain Thomas, 7, 94-
 moor, 36, 66.
Stanley, Mrs., of Eccleston, 61, 74, H5-

38, in.

Starkie, colonel John, of Huntroyd, 9,
'5. 2I, 23, 3a> 'o8.
 , captain Nicholas, 15, 24, 105.
Stirling water, 69.
Stony hurst, 65, 67,
Stopford for Stockport, 50.
Strange, lord ; see Derby, earl of.
Swarbreck, captain William, 28, 42, 49,
50.
TADCASTER, 44.
Tailor, Henry, 30.
Talbot, sir John, knt., 17.
Tarbuck, Edward, of Tarbuck, 95.
Tatton, Mr., of Withenshaw, viii.
Thisleton, 67.
Throckmorton, sir William, 76.
Thurlum castle, 39, 40; siege and sur
render of, 41-2.
Tildesley, colonel sir Thomas, of Miers-
eough, knt., 6, 7, 11, 19, 30, 32, 33, 37,
38, 39. 44, 49. 54. 55. 56> 57, 63, 69,
72; his character and conduct, 19 ;
estate sequestered, 44; death, 76; no
tice of, 92.
 , captain, of Goosnargh, 1 9.
Towneley, Charles, of Towneley, 13; his
death, 93.
Townson, Mr., of Lancaster, 26.
Trafford, sir Cecil, 1 3, 50.
Treales, 28, 61, 67.
Treuchard, air Thomas, iii.
Trollop, colonel, 76.
Tunstall castle, 41.
Tresham, Francis, vi.

u

TTOXETER, 66.

Y ENABLES, captain Robert, 9, 20 ;
account of, 97-100.
Vernon, sir Robert, of Hodnet, notice of,
122-3.
WALTON, 65 ; copp, 55, 67.
 , Mr., 43-
Warbrick, 25.
Warrington, 7, 39, 66, 67, 72, 106, 148,
150; bridge, 71, fight at, 147; forti
fied for the king, 15, 31 i repels an as
sault from Manchester, 31 ; general
account of the Civil war in, 1 12-124.
Warton, 39.
Wayte, colonel, 66.

164

INDEX.

Weapons employed, xvii.
Wearden, Edmund, 30.
Weeton in Kirkham, 71.
Westbie, Mr., of Moulbreck, 57.
Westby hall, 61.
 , Dr., 23.
Whalley, n, 12, 30, 31 ; fight at, 33-5.
Wharles, 28.
Wharmore, 38.
Wharton, lord, v.
Whitcroft in Lancaster, 29.
White, Christopher, of Claughton, 42.
Whitehaven, 37.
Whithead, Mr., of Garstang, 42.
Whittingham, captain, of Claughton, 19.
Widderington, majorrgeneral sir William,
76.
Wigan, 31,45, 106, 125; garrisoned for
the king, 15 ; its " malignant" charac
ter, 16; makes divers fierce assaults
upon Bolton, 22; taken by the Man
chester forces, 36 ,- its cavaliers forward
to deface Lathom house, 63 ; battle of

Wigan lane, 74-6, 80, 148, 149 ; re
mains of military entrenchments at,
108, no.
Wilding, Richard, of Kirkham, 42.
 , Richard, servant, 74.
Windebank, Mr., 93.
Winwick, 66 ; extracts from the register
at, 145, 146.
Wiskett hill, 44.
Withenshaw hall, siege of, viii, ix.
Wittingham, Thomas, of Wittingham, 43.
Wood Plumpton, 42.
Woods, John, 61.
Worcester, 76 ; battle of, 78, 80, 150.
Wray in the Fylde, 39.
Wright, Thomas, rector of Wilmslow, ix,
104,
Wyre water or river, 38, 42, 67, 71.
Wyresdale, 59.
YORK, 50, 53, 54, 59, 72, 73; the
king calls a rendezvous at, 5.
Yorkshire, power of the cavaliers in, 43.

Manchester : Printed by Charles Simms & Co.

r

YALE UNIVERSITY

a 3 90 .02_002i0TT23¥

¦¦¦¦..... ¦

Jill iiililli i II 11111
ll ¦ , •:, ' ...'.•..¦;¦¦ ¦!'¦'/
:'* u> . ft'. - -.,, '¦-„¦ - .,--¦ >k--? r ;. <!> ,.!.i:: o ..nil IB

Silte,,