mmmm iiwiiii iimiiiimiatiM ir> YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of STANHOPE BAYNE-JONES, Yale 1910 Publiil uisiana. Historic; ociety I AND THOSE W1-WW1ED 1 TO SAVE NEW ORLEANS ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO, AND TO THE GENERAL OF IMPERISHABLE FAME WHOSE VICTORY GAVE THE UNITED STATES THE HONORS OF "THE WAR OF 1812", THIS BOOK, IN GRATEFUL RE MEMBRANCE, IS DEDICATED. (Photo by Stanley CUsby Arthur.) TBE BATTLE MONUMENT. Marking the spot where General Andrew Jackson's Standard flew on his lines along Rodriguez nanalnl JffiyaUg unveiled January 8th, 1915, 3attle of New Orleans at the 100th annim THE STORY OF Battle of RLEANS WLEY CL1SBY ARTHUR *H by KT OF THE OFFI- AMME OF THE COMMEMORATING NTENARY OE THAT BATTLE, AND THE COMPLETION OF ONE ittJjipRED YEARS OF PEACE BE'rWliP-'TW^rfffllD KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA r PART ONE THE OFFICIAL PROGAMME PART TWO THE STORY OF THE BATTLE PUBLISHED BY THE LOUISIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY NEW ORLEANS, LA. 1815 ®3&* OFFICIAL PROGRAMME TpT"b of Peace 1915 THE GENE LOUISI L COMMITTEE THE ORICAL SOCIETY THE CEREMONIES ENTENARY OF JE OF ms/ ORLEANS AND THE C 'omjjietion o! One Hundred Years of Peace; Between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and the United States of America. (Under the fatiwrity of in Ac! ef tk General IBbly of Louisiana) W. O. Harl T. 'P. Thompson, 'Vice-Ch^rman | J anies J. A. rman. hn F. Couret, Treasurer cretary. MITTEE. Sebastian Roy, Chairman; Gen. Albert Estopinal, H. B. Daboval, Mrs. M. H. Stem, Miss Anne R. King, Edgar Grima, Albert Es topinal, Jr. BANQUET COMMITTEE Col. Arsene Perrilliat, Chairman; W. O. Hart, V ice-Chairman; L. E. Bentley, Representative H. Garland Dupre, Gen. W. J. Behan, Robert H. Marr, Prof. J. M. Gwinn. COMMITTEE CHORUS AND SINGING. Mrs. Christian Schertz, Chairman; Mrs. O. W. Chamberlain, Miss Marie Nona, Miss Mary M. Conway. COMMITTEE ON CEREMONIAL, OLD SPANISH ARMORY. (Battle Abbey) Judge Henry Renshaw, Chairman; Henry F. Baldwin, Charles G. Gill, Martin H. Manion, Felix J. Pang, Bussiere Rouen, Sam W. Weis. COMMITTEE ON CARRIAGES AND AUTOMOBILES. Harry Sellers, Chairman; Gen. W. J. Behan, W. J. Gahan, G. H. C. Kernion, John J. Rochester. COMMITTEE ON CEREMONIAL IN JACKSON SQUARE. John Dymond, Chairman; Miss Grace King, V ice-Chairman; Miss Annie Coleman, Mts. W. C. C. Claiborne, Miss Emma Za- cherie, A. Pujol, E. A. Christy, Miss Florence Dymond. COMMITTEE ON CONCESSIONS AND PRIVILEGES. Major N. E. Baumgarden, Chairman; Harry Sellers, John J. Rochester. ffl-fr"" COMMITTEE ON RIVER PARADE. Col. Elmer E. Wood, Chm^^ J. A. Westerfield. 2 'i>C p 1815 NtB6t^ OFFICIAL PROGRAMME ¦#££¦ 1915 CABILDO COMMITTEE. Gaspar Cusachs, Chairman; Mis* Grace King, Norman Walker, Miss Lucie Claiborne, Henry P. ^m^&M^Mrs. Philip Werlein, Albert Laplace, Miss Carrie S. JyAt, i '.-ilrj fc^ldwin, Miss Flor ence Dymond, Judge Henry RjAavv, Robert Gftk, Wm. K. Dart. COMMITTE^H D$COR an; H. Gibbs M&gan, jr.fc Foster Ol- ? Clisby. Arthur. {DE|CENDIANT*S OF«i5. ie, Chairman; E. J. M Mrs. WSIii^EcSly Slude, National I Centennial Poem — Composed b, ana Historical Soci< Music: "It's a Long, Oration — "Andrew Jacksotl Music: "My Old Kenli Address — "Louisiana in the Bat Music: "Listen to the Moc Address — "The Daughters of 18, President. Music : "Hail Columbia. Placing on Battle Monument Evergreen Wreath from trees growing about the tomb of Andrew Jackson, by Ladies' Hermitage Association, represented by Miss Louis G. Lindsley and Mrs. Mary C. Durris, Past Regents. Music: "Ode to Tennessee." Presentation of Memorial Urn, donated by Mrs. Martha Spotts Blakeman, and Draping with First Flag Which Floated Over Chalmette Monument by Miss Ethelyn Richardson. Music: "Home, Sweet Home." Reading of Commemorative Tablet, by Mrs. Christian Schertz. Marking Important Points on the Battle-field. Music: "Yankee Doodle." Unveiling of Chalmette Monument and Raising of United States and British Flags of 1815: Mrs. Virginia R. Fowler, Mrs. Elizabeth Reden Hackney, Mrs. Lelia Montan Harper, Mrs. Alexander Keene Richards and aiis. ib'elicitie Gayoso Tennent, daughters of soldiers who participated in the Battle of New Orleans, and Miss Sydney Crawford. Chorus "America," "God Save the King," and "International Hymn," by Public School Children, conducted by Miss Mary M. Conway and Miss Marie Norra. Benediction — Rev. Max Heller, of Temple Sinai, New Orleans. Song : "Star Spangled Banner," by Chorus and Audience. "Escort to the Colors" — Repetition of Ceremonies conducted on the 8th of January for One Hundred lears by the Seventh Regiment, United States Infantry, which participated in the Battle of New Orleans. Escort to the Colors. Seventh Infantry Ceremony commemorative of the Battle of New Orleans. Butts' Manuel to Music, by entire regiment. Silent Drill by Company G, 7th United States Infantry. Raising of "Old Glory" by Miss Evelyn Pigott and Master Carl McCaleb. Salute of One Hundred Guns by Battery "B", Captain James E. Edmunds, Washington Artillery, Louisiana National Guard. a.b.c. d. 3:00 P. M. JACKSON S< Finish of 6%-mile race by Y. MJ run of Creoles from Fort St. John r* at exact spot, Fort St. John, now caU JARE. A. athletes, replicating famous called to arms in 1814. Start Ipanish Fort, at 2 :30 p. m. 1815 S«Bot„°i OFFICIAL PROGRAMME W£?- 1915 of Peace Solemn Bencdiciiun. Te Deum Ch Military Marc Piano A., Miss B., Miss M Mabie KaMel 4:00 P. M. NEW URSULINE CONVENT. (State Street at Willow) James Hubert Blenk and Assistants >d by Mrs. Theresa Cannon Buckley I. V. Flagler irie iielen Eseaianj^^nd Miss Anna Hassinger; Piano •..'aMiburn and MisBjildred Heisler ; Piano, C-, Miss u.l Miss Alice Bt^fcsard; Piano D., Miss Maude iVlarteJ alB Miss Mary Cecilia Fohey '-Bfe110 •E-> iliss Lola Pereira and Miss Mercedes Pereira; Organ, Miss NoeJla Lacroix. Address of *\\*^Ml>e. . . ,JK, '."¦... .Mrs. W. C. C. Claiborne, President of tiie Ursulk'fHfcumnae. liyimi tu Our Lady of Prompt Succor ...Chorus, Pupils of Convent Accompanist, Miss. Maude Martel. Address ?HX- . ... Sj. .... .;i;: Henry M. Gill Polonaise ".*. , Chopin Piano, A., MissTtta^M.'*ui;;i!Ja McNair; Piano B., Miss Amelie Brou ; Piano C, Miss ArunPSHibert ; Piatt* D., .Miss Isabelle Allain ; Piano E., Miss Lillian Ferna^H* ; Or£Hii]^fcss Marie Tassin. Violins, Miss Maude TurcJKiwRssTHrj Ellen Seemann, Miss Catherine Thriffiley, Miss Maude Martel, Miss Mildred Heisler, Miss Luisa Grabau, Miss Lucille Toups, Miss Dora Link. Mandolins, Miss Marie Washburn, Miss Marie Belen Escalante, Miss Frances Marion Tildsley, Miss Lucia Morales, Miss Martha Watts, Miss Noella Lacroix. (This Ursuline Convent is in State Street, and can be reached by taking Clio or Carondelet Street trolley cars bound Uptown.) 7:30 P. M. GENERAL ILLUMINATION OF CITY. 8:00 P. M. WASHINGTON ARTILLERY HALL. Military Ball tendered by the Louisiana National Guard and Louisiana Naval Battalion to the men of the United States Army and Navy. 8 :co P. M. JACKSON SQUARE. Military Band Concert. 8:00 P. M. LAFAYETTE SQUARE. Military Band Concert. 8:00 P. M. THE ATHENEUM. Reception Militaire by the Woman's Section of the Centennial Committee. Mrs. M. Louise Royall Benton Bankston, Chairman; Paul Villere chief aide; James J. A. Fortier, aide; Governor and Mrs. Luther Esheit Hall; Mrs. William Gerry Slade, Mrs. Robert Wiles, Miss Grace KhV Mmes. T. J. Semmes, W. W, Wallis, D. A. S. Vaught, Philip Werlein W J. Behan, H. M. Gill, Christian Schertz, T. D. Stewart W C C Claiborne, Pendleton S. Morris, Allen Tupper, T. P. Thompson H ' M- Stem. Felicia G. Tennant, L. M. Harper, M. A. Flower, J. B Richardson W. 6. Hart, Kate Chase, L. F.' Hadden. Alden Baker, fc. T C Longm°re' Chas Granger, J. M. Pagaud, H. Daspit, F. M. Trousdale, O. W. Chamber' lain, G. Cusachs and Misses Florence Dymond, Mildred Rutherford, Idealie Seavery, Dorinska Gautreaux, AnfPH>oropson, Stephanie Levert and Man M. Conway. ^^ 1815 Stat- OFFICIAL PROGRAMME 7p^ 1915 Historic Tableaux by Pupils of Jackson School : a. Interior of a New Orleans home of 1815 -when the women of the city sewed blankets into clothes for Jackson's men. b. Campfire scene along Rodrig^H H^^HS^,NVU- just before the Battle of New Orleans. I c. A street in New Orleans. 'i'*B victorious Anagii army welcom<'d home. jrf--- (San Socola, director.) i). 2. Period Dances (in costu^ a. "Moment Musical" Betsey Fox, Helen Dunbl Warfield, Lynn Dinkins Rl Fox, Peggy Fox, Lydia Richardson, Clare Parkhoj b. "Autumn" . « ..... ....... K, Shoal Adele Dunbar, Mildred MeGee, Margel rinson, Nancy Benoist.Hnel Fox, Maud Roberts, ElizabetlBBpons, Genevive :¦ iBI^iarsar-'i Mason-Smith. McDowell c. "Gavotte Directoire." Miss Jessie Lee Cave and Mr. Val Winter; Miss Adeline Kramer and Mr. Trainor Cornwell; Miss Marguerite Browne and Mr. Val. Cummings; Miss Mildred Crumb and Dr. C. Corbin; Mrs. W. B. Machado and Mr. W. B. Machado. d. "Varsouvienne." Miss Coralie Williams and Louis Larue; Miss Clarisse Clai borne and Thomas Farrer; Miss Adele Flower and Sidney Desforges ; Miss Mildred Parham and Charles Bein ; Miss Caroline Spelman Wogan and George Bernard; Miss Marie- Amelie Minor and Stephen Minor; Miss Olga Brierre and Eugene Brierre; Miss Blanche Lane and Edward J, Glenney, Jr . (Mrs. Lilian Lewis, director.) SATURDAY, JANUARY 9th. 9:00 A. M. MILITARY PARADE. Route— Form at Jackson Avenue and St. Charles Avenue ; St. Charles Avenue to Lee Circle, around Lee Circle to St. Charles Street; down St. Charles Street, past reviewing stand at City Hall, to Poydras Street, to Camp Street, to Canal Street; upper side of Canal Street to Elk Place; lower side of Canal Street, to Chartres Street; down Chartres Street to Jackson Square ; St. Peter Street to Decatur Street, to St. Ann Street, to Royal Street; up Royal Street to disbanding point at Canal Street. FORMATION. Chief Marshal— Major-General J. Franklin Bell, U. S. A. Regulars of the United States Army. Marines and Sailors of the United States Navy. Louisiana National Guard. Battalion of Louisian^Maval Militia. Battalion Washington , Artillery . 11 1815 J&%*£ OFFICIAL PROGRAMME ^fc 1915 10:00 A. M. JACKSON SQUARE. Placing of wreath^^j^jMof Andrew Jackson by the Ladies' Hermitage AssociaU*B N B|, Tennessee, represented by Miss Louise G. LindsleB ml Mrs. M^v C. Durris, former regents, and by the Lnitcd^^ltes Daughters (Aub and 1812 of Louisiana, ac companied b^Hfrs. William Gerry S^^, President General of the Daughters 0H81.?., the first wreath be^K made of evergreens from trees aroundfle tomb of Andrew Jackson? at Nashville, Tenn. wreath uiw>tatl 10:30 A. M. b'AYJ^TTE SQUARE. Placing of wreath orPHtue of Bnry Clay, one of the signers of the Treaty of Ghent, by t^jKentuR- Society of Louisiana. -NOON. CABILDO AND BATTLE ABBEY. Gavotte — J. B. Lully. "Marcha Real." The Battle Abbey — Its history, its purpose. Sketch by T. P. Thompson, President of the Board of Curators of the Louisiana State Museum. "La Marseillaise," solo, Mrs. Henry O. Bisset. Dedication of the Battle Abbey, by His Excellency Luther E. Hall. Gov ernor of Louisiana. "The Star Spangled Banner," solo, Miss Selika Daboval. Greeting — By Martin Behrman, Mayor of New Orleans. "Dixie." At the conclusion of these ceremonies, the Governor of Louisiana, escorted by Gaspar Cusachs, President of the Louisiana Historical Society ; T. P. Thompson, President of the Board of Curators of the Louisiana State Museum, and the Members of the Committee on Ceremonial, will proceed to the Battle Abbey which will then be formally opened. 1 =30 P. M. THE CABILDO. Reception to distinguished guests, National, State and City officials, and members of the Louisiana Historical Society, by the Colonial Dames residing in Louisiana, in their rooms, third floor the Cabildo. 2:00 P. M. THE CABILDO. Reception in the old Supreme Court Room of the Cabildo, by the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of- Louisi ana, assisted by former Chief Justice Joseph A. Breaux and former Associate Justice Newton C. Blanchard, Gaspar Cusachs, President of the Louisiana Historical Society, Chairman of the Reception Com mittee. '3:00 P. M. THE CABILDO. Presentation of portrait of Professor Alcee Fortier, former presi dent of the Louisiana Histoj^al Society, by the Memorial Com mittee of the Society, represeSed by W. O. Hart. Acceptance of portrait by Henry M. Gill, ot^owialf of tlie Society. 12 1815 &S&! OFFICIAL PROGRAMME 'ft&r 1915 3:30 P. M. OLD URSULINES CONVENT. (Chartres and Ursuline streets) LTnveiling and presentation of co Jnei atikuablet by Miss Grace King to the President of the LouigM-'1- H'-ioricafcociety. Acceptance by Gaspar CusacWB Pi?esiy, F. Hl. M. : Mount Moriah Lodge No. 59, P. & A. M. ; George H i,!'i»ir"i Lc-'.MKo. 65, F. & A. M. Fourtf flection. H Band: Hiram Lodge No. 7Q#F. & A. M. ; ,'. 'pha^jHfc^Lodge No. 72, P. & A. M. ; Quitman Lodge .*N<*r 76, P. & A. M. ; HerinitagBOodge No. 98, P. & A. M. :j4T Fifth Section. Band': Louisiana Lodge No. 102, P. & A. M. ; OeemiHodge No. 144, F. & A. M. ; St. John Lodge No. If 3, F, & A. M. 8ilities, and Ricnard Relf, who was secretary of this body andpromili^nBHthe politics of the city. The effect of the mee^ng. of that committee in Tremou- let's coffee-house was soon felt throughout the city. The Louisiana Gazette, a copy of which may be seen today in the archive rooms of the City Hall, shortly after the meet ing published the following address of this committee' of public defense: Fellow Citizens: Named by a numerous assembly of the citizens of New Orleans to aid the constituted authorities in devising the most certain means of guarding against the dangers which threatened you, our first duty is to apprise you of the extent of those dangers — your open enemy is prepar ing to attack you from without, and by means of his vile agents dispersed through the country, endeavors to excite to insurrection a more cruel and dangerous one in the midst of you. Fellow citizens! The most perfect union is necessary among all the individuals which compose our community ; all have an equal interest in yielding a free and full obe dience to their magistrates and officers and in forwarding their views for the public good — all have not only their property, but their very existence at stake; you have, through your representatives in the convention, contract ed the solemn obligation of becoming an integral part of the United States of America; by this measure you se cured your own sovereignty and acquired the invaluable blessing of independence. God forbid that we should be lieve there are any among us disposed to fail in the sacred duties required by fidelity and honor. A just idea of the geographical situation of your country will convince you that your safety, and in a greater degree your pros perity, depends on your being irrevocably and faithfully attached to a union with other states; but if there exist among you men base or bad enough to undervalue their duties and their true interest — -let them tremble on con sidering the dreadful evils they will bring down upon themselves and upon us if, by their criminal indifference, they favor the enterprises of the enemy against our be loved country. — 21 — Fellow citizens! The navigation of the Mississippi is as necessary to two millions of our western brethern as the blood is to the pulsation of the heart — these brave men, closely attached to the ^aion,^mll never suffer, whatever seducing offers may J*M*ad«tBfchem— they will never suffer the State of L«isiana tuB subject to a foreign power, and should the events of»ar enable the enemy to occupy it, they \d*Bnake every aafiifice neces sary to recover a country JH necessary to tlHr existence. A war ruinous to you wpujBetlie conser properties of any but ene mies to their Spanft or |n§h fathers; a flag over any door whether Sp^fth. Fr- r..hft British will be a certain \ protection, nor ft any Indiaftsut his foot on the thres hold thereof, u^Jr the penalftof death from his own countrymen; no^fcven an .enfty will an Indian put to death, except resHPBKj in arrrftand as for injuring help less women and cmlcflH) th.jBfed men by their good con duct and treatment to^l^B^^ it be possible) make the Americans blush for therr niOTe inhuman conduct lately on the Escambia, and within a neutral territory. Inhabitants of Kentucky, you have too long borne with grievous impositions — the whole brunt of the war has fallen on your brave sons; be imposed on no longer, but either range yourselves under the standard of your forefathers, or observe a strict neutrality; if you comply with either of these offers, whatever provisions you send down will be paid for in dollars and the safety of the persons bringing it as well as the free navigation of the Mississippi guaranteed to you. Men of Kentucky, let me call to your view (and I trust to your abhorence) the conduct of those factions which hurried you into this civil, unjust and unnatural war at the time when Great Britain was straining every nerve in defence of her own and the liberties of the world — when the bravest of her sons were fighting and bleeding in so sacred a cause — when she was spending millions of her treasure in endeavoring to pull down one of the most formidable and dangerous tyrants that ever disgraced the form of man — when groaning Europe was almost in her last gasp — when Britons alone showed an undaunted front — basely did those assassins endeavor to stab her from the rear; she was turned on them renovated from the bloody but successful struggle — Europe is happy and free, and she now hastens justly to avenge the unpro voked insult. Show them that you are not collectively unjust; leave that contemptible few to shift for them selves let those slaves of the tyrant send an embassy to Elba, and implore his aid, but let every honest, upright American spurn them with united contempt. After the experience of twenty-one years, can you anv longer sup port those brawlers for liberty who call it freedom when themselves are free; be no longer their dupes — accept of my offers— everything I have promised in this paper I guarantee to you on the sacred honour of a British officer. Given under my hand at my head-quarters, Pensacola this 29th day of August, 1814. Edward Nicholls. The second communication was from the same writer to "Mr. Lafitte, or commandant at Barataria," which frankly — 31 — bid for the pirate's services in the British navy, for which rewards would be given not only the leader but his men. It read: Headquarters, Pensacola, August 31st, 1814. I have arrived in the FlorichftfV -. Hb purpose of an noying the only enemy Great BM.ain 'ftj" the world, as France and England are no—1 ¦riends. I*all on you with your brave followers to enJH- into ¦Msak'ice of Great Britain in which you shallBBtve the^kn^Bf a Captain; lands will be given to you ml in pr(ftr»n to your re spective ranks on a peace tiftng plaB, Wd I invite you on the following terms: Your property shall be guacE^Mpjrto you and your per sons protected; in return for whrcti I ask you to cease all hostilities against Spain or the allies of Great Britain. — Your ships and vessels to be placed under the orders of the commanding officer on this station, until the com mander-in-chief's pleasure is known, but I guarantee their fair value at all events. I herewith enclose you a copy of my proclamation to the inhabitants of Louisiana, which will, I trust point out to you the honourable intentions of my government. You may be an useful assistant to me, in forwarding them; therefore, if you determine, lose no time. The bearer of this, Captain M'Williams will satis fy you on any other point you may be anxious to learn as will Captain Lockyer of the Sophia, who brings him to you. We have a powerful re-enforcement on its way here, and I hope to cut out some other work for the \Americans than oppressing the inhabitants of Louisiana. Be expe ditious in your resolves and rely on the verity of Your very humble servant, Edward Nicholls. The third letter was from the Hon. William Henry Percy, captain of His Majesty's ship Hermes and senior officer in the Gulf of Mexico, to Nicholas Lockyer, Esq., commander of H. M. Sloop Sophia : Sir: You are hereby required and directed after having re ceived on board an officer belonging to the first battalion of Royal colonial marines to proceed, in His Majesty's sloop under your command, without a moment's loss of time for Barataria. On your arrival at that place you will communicate with the chief persons there— you will urge them to throw themselves under the protection of Great Britain — and, should you find them inclined to pursue such a step, you will hold out to them that their property shall be secured to them, that they shall be considered British subjects and at the conclusion of the war, lands within his ma jesty's colonies in America will be allotted to them in re turn for these concessions. You will insist on an imme- — 32 — diate cessation of hostilities against Spain, and in case they should have any Spanish property not disposed of that it be restored and that they put their naval force into the hands of the senior officer here until the com mander-in-chief's pleasure is known. In the event of their not being Inclined to act offensively against the United States you 4gll dfc all in your power to persuade them to a strictMeutrftv, and still endeavor to put a stop in their hqftpties agswjist Spain. Should you suc ceed completeb-ffrHtie objeftfor which you are sent, you will concert jfchj:>easuresft>r the annoyance of the enemy as youmiclfee best frK circumstances; having an eye to the junMoMof thei irwn all armed vessels with me for the capture*bfW bile, pre- You will at all events: fturself join me with the utmost despatch at this post^BFtllB accounts of your success. Given under my hand on board his majesty's ship Hermes, at Pensacola, this 30th day of August, 1814. W. H. Percy, capt. The fourth letter carried a more direct threat and was dated two days later: Having understood that some British merchantmen have been detained, taken into and sold by the inhabitants of Barataria, I have directed Captain Lockyer of his ma jesty's sloop Sophia to proceed to that place and incmire into the circumstances with positive orders to demand in stant restitution, and in case of refusal to destroy to his utmost every vessel there as well as to carry destruction over the whole place and at the same time to assure him of the co-operation of all his majesty's naval forces on this station. I trust at the same time that the inhab itants of Barataria consulting their own interest, will not make it necessary to proceed to such extermities — I hold out at the same time a war instantly destructive to them ; and on the other hand should they be inclined to assist Great Britain in her just and unprovoked war against the United States, the security of their property, the bless ings of the British constitution — and should they be in clined to settle on this continent, lands will at the conclu sion of the war be allotted to them in his majesty's col onies in America. In return for all these concessions on the part of Great Britain, I expect that the directions of their armed vessels will be put into my hands (for which they will be remunerated), the instant cessation of hostilities against the Spanish government, and the restitution of any undisposed property of that nation. Should any inhabitants be inclined to volunteer their services into his majesty's forces either naval or military for limited services,' they will be received ; and if any Brit ish subject being at Barataria wishes to return to his na tive country, he will, on joining his majesty's service, re ceive a free pardon. Given under mv hand on board H. M. ship Hermes, Pen sacola, this 1st. day of September, 1814. W. H. Percy, Captain and Senior Officer. — 33 — These letters were once part of the records of the United States District Court in New Orleans, where they were filed by Lafitte's lawyers, Edward Livingston and John R. Grimes, as documentary evidence for the Lafittes when they were arrested for piracy sorne years after the war was over and the Battle of New OrleftjftAn. From the archives of the court they disappearecLftut turned up years after in a curio store where theyftere iffiWchased by Mr. S. J. Schwartz, of New Orleans, ft whosjfposjession they are to day. "Besides the flattering Hrs HI litters contained, the British officers proceeded tolfttjie upon them by many plausible and cogent argumenTs," Walker writes. "Cap tain McWilliams stated that Lafitte, his vessels and men would be enlisted in the honorable service of the British navy; that he would then receive the rank of Captain (an offer which must have brought a smile to the face of the unnautical blacksmith of St. Philip Street) and the sum of thirty thousand dollars: that being a Frenchman, pro scribed and persecuted by the United States, with a brother then in prison, he should unite with the English, as the English and French were now fast friends; that a splendid prospect was now opened to him in the British navy, as from his knowledge of the Gulf Coast he could guide them in their expedition to New Orleans, which had already started; that it was the purpose of the English Govern ment to penetrate the upper country and act in concert with the forces in Canada ; that everything was prepared to carry on the war with unusual vigor; that they were sure of suc cess, expecting to find little or no opposition from the French and Spanish population of Louisiana whose interests and manners were opposed and hostile to those of the Ameri cans; and, finally, it was declared by Captain Lockyer to be the purpose of the British to free the slaves and arm them against the white people who resisted their authority and progress. "Lafitte, effecting an acquiescence in the proposition, begged to be permitted to go and consult an old friend and associate in whose judgment he had great confidence. Whilst he was absent his men, who had watched suspiciously the conference, many of whom were Americans and none the less patriotic because they had a taste for privateering, proceeded to arrest the British officers, threatening to kill or deliver them up to the Americans. In the midst of this clamor and violence, Lafitte returned and immediately quiet ed his men by reminding them of the laws of honor and humanity which forbade any violence to persons who come — 34 — among them with a flag of truce. He assured them that their honor and rights would be safe and sacred in his charge. He then escorted the British to their boats and, after declaring to Captain' Lockyer that he only required a few days to consider the fkittering proposals and would be ready at a certain t^ft A deliver his final reply, took a respectful leave of hftgue^ts^kept them in view until they were out of reach ofiBJs meiftn shore." Immediately AfteMhe dejBrture of the British, Lafitte sat down and addlesft a : Bg letter to John Blanque, a member of the Houle t»;eit|re*fentatives of Louisiana, which Barataria, 4th September, 1814. Sir, Though proscribed by my adopted country, I will never let slip any occasion of serving her or of proving that she has never ceased to be dear to me. Of this you will here see a convincing proof. Yesterday, the 3d of September, there appeared here, under a flag of truce, a boat coming from an English brig, at anchor about two leagues from the pass. Mr. Nicholas Lockyer, a British officer of high rank, delivered me the following papers: two directed to me, a proclamation, and the admiral's instructions to that officer, all herewith enclosed. You will see from their con tents the advantages I might have derived from that kind of association. I may have evaded the payment of duties to the custom house; but I have never ceased to be a good citizen; and all the offences I have committed I was forced to by certain vices in our laws. In short, sir, I make you the depository of the secret on which perhaps depends the tranquility of our country; please to make such use of it as your judg ment may direct. I might expatiate on this proof of pa triotism but I let the fact speak for itself. I presume, however, to hope that such proceedings may obtain amelioration of the situation of my unhappy broth er, with which view I recommend him particularly to your influence. It is in the bosom of a just man, of a true Amer- eian, endowed with all other qualities that are honoured in society, that I think I am depositing the interests of our common country and that particularly concerns my- * self. Our enemies have endeavored to work on me by a mo tive which few men would have resisted. They repre sented to me a brother in irons, a brother who is to me very dear; whose deliverer I might become, and I de clined the proposal. Well persuaded of his innocence, I am free from apprehension as the issue of a trial, but he is sick and not in a place where he can receive the assist ance his state requires. I recommend him to you, in the name of humanity. As to the flag of truce, I have done with regard to it everything that prudence suggested to me at the time. I have asked fifteen days to determine, assigning such — 35 — plausible pretexts, that I hope the term will be granted. I am waiting for the British officer's answer, and for yours to this. Be so good as to assist me with your judicious counsel in so weighty an affair. I have the honour to salute you, J. Lafitte. ififle Through Mr. Blanque, Lafifte addressed a letter to Gov ernor Claiborne, in which hfttateftfery distinctly his posi tion and desires. He pennft theftllowing : Sir, In the firm persuasion thafl^fe^choice made of you to fill the office of first magistrate of this state was dictated by the esteem of your fellow-citizens and was conferred on merit, I confidently address you on an affair on which may depend the safety of this country. I offer to you to restore to this state several citizens who perhaps, in your eyes have lost that sacred title. I offer you them, however, such as you could wish to find them, ready to exert their utmost efforts in defence of the country. This point of Louisiana, which I occupy, is of great importance in the present crisis. I tender my services to defend it; and the only reward I ask is that a stop be put to the proscription against me and my ad herents, by an act of oblivion for all that has been done hitherto. I am the stray sheep, wishing to return to the sheepfold. If you were thoroughly acquainted with the nature of my offences, I should appear to you much less guilty, and still worthy to discharge the duties of a good citizen. I have never sailed under any flag but that of the republic of Carthagena, and my vessels are perfectly regular in that respect. If I could have brought my law ful prizes into the ports of this state, I should not have employed the illicit means that have caused me to be pro scribed. I decline saying more on the subject until I have the honour of your excellency's answer, which I am per suaded can be dictated only by wisdom. Should your an swer not be favorable to my ardent desires, I declare to you that I will instantly leave the country, to avoid the imputation of having co-operated towards an invasion on this point, which cannot fail to take place, and to rest secure in the acquittal of my own conscience. I have the honour to be Your excellency's, &c. J. Lafitte. This packet of letters to John Blanque, Lafitte in trusted to the keeping of a trusted lieutenant and adviser, Rancher, by name. The latter made all haste to New Or leans, and in person delivered the letters to the member of the Legislature. While Lafitte was thus sending word of the designs of the English to the proper authorities the brig Sophia still — 36 — lay off Grande Terre and to keep the British officers there until he would receive instructions from the Governor the wily pirate leader despatched the following letter to Cap tain Lockyer: The confusion -^fti JJttKailed in our camp yesterday and this morningjM ';j o'^khich you have a complete knowledge, has^pre'wSted rrftwom answering in a precise manner to the object Of yosir mission; nor even at this moment can 1 give you BlBbe. satisfaction that you de sire; however, if yoftouM, grant me a fortnight, I would be entirely at your cHMHn at the end of that time — this delay is indispensable ^5 send away the three persons who have alone occasioned all the disturbance — the two who were the most troublesome are to leave this place in eight days, and the other is to go to town — the remainder of the time is necessary to enable me to put my affairs in order. — You may communicate with me, in sending a boat to the eastern point of the pass, where I will be found. You have inspired me with more confidence than the ad miral, your superior officer, could have done himself; with you alone I wish to deal, and from you also I will claim, in due time, the reward of the service which I may render to you. Be so good, sir, as to favour me with an answer, and believe me yours, &c. J. Lafitte. The contents of the packet Rancher delivered to Repre sentative Blanque evidently created consternation -in the official circles of the city, already apprehensive of a sud den descent of the English forces on the rich and altogether unprotected city, John Blanque at once repaired to Governor Claiborne's offices and the Governor quickly summoned his mili tary and naval advisers to consider the matter in full. They were Major-General Jacques Villere, Commodore Pat terson, of the United States navy and Col. Ross of the regular army. The Governor submitted the letters to his council, asking for a decision on these two questions : First, whether the letters were genuine ? Second, whether it was proper that the Governor should hold intercourse or enter into any correspondence with Lafitte and his associates? To each of these questions a negative answer was given, Major-General Villere alone dissenting. This officer being (as well as the Governor who, presiding in the council, could not give his opinion) , not only satisfied as to the au thenticity of the letters of the British officers but believing that the Baratarians might be employed in a very effective manner in case of invasion. Collector Dubourg, in charge of the customs for the Gov- — 37 — ernment in New Orleans, was particularly insistent that this pirates' stronghold, or smugglers' retreat, be done away with and the more law-conforming merchants of the city were backing him up in his demands that the State assist the Government as it was sworn to do. While Lafitte's proffer of heln tafte constituted authori ties was being turned down, RftchMfthe Baratarian who delivered the letters to John BlanqBrand even the august member of the legislature, were no! unbusy if the public prints of the day are to be believed. Just exactly what were Rarft*ps actions after visiting Blanque at his home are unknoWnT but the day after his arrival the New Orleans newspapers carried the following advertisement : $1,000 REWARD. Will be paid for the apprehension of PIERRE LAFITTE, who broke and escaped last night from the prison of the parish. Said Pierre Lafitte is about five feet ten inches in in height, stout made, light complex ion, and somewhat cross-eyed; fur ther description is considered un necessary, as he is very well known in the city. Said Lafitte took with him three negroes, (giving their names and those of their owners) . The above reward will be paid to any person delivering the said Lafitte to the sub scriber. J. H. Holland. Keeper of the Prison. Together the messenger and the elder Lafitte made their way back to the "Temple," using the light, swift- sailing pirogues for threading the devious waterways of the Louisiana lowlands. Holland, the jailer, being left to wave his thousand dollars' reward around the various coffee houses in Rue Royal and Chartres Street and answer the quips and jibes that the letter-writers of that day furnished the badly-typed columns of the Louisiana Gazette. While Pierre was on his way back to the stronghold Jean intercepted a letter that contained a warning of the British intentions toward New Orleans. This he promptly des patched in a letter of his own to John Blanque, in which he again proclaimed his devotion to his adopted country. — 38 — Grande Terre, 7th. September, 1814. Sir, You will always find me eager to evince my devoted- ness to the good of the country, of which I endeavoured to give some proof in my letter of the 4th, which I make no doubt you received. Amongst other papers that have fallen into my handi I send you a scrap which appears to me of sufficient(^p>oi'j^nce to merit your attention. Since the deparrj^Kofkk s officer who came with the flag of truce, his srWP ¦ r.'^—vc* other ships of war, have remained on the eoa ™ .. IthiAight. Doubtless this point. is considered as import. ft Wfe have hitherto kept on a respectable defensivef'-''"ffto#ever, the British attach to the possession of thift ft the importance they give us room to suspect they TW^^hey may employ means above our strength. I know not whether, in that case, pro posals of intelligence with government would be out of season. It is always from my high opinion of your en lightened mind, that I request you to advise me in this affair. I have the honour to salute you, J. Lafitte. No doubt the "Temple" witnessed the finest celebra tion it could boast when Rancher arrived with the "cross eyed" Pierre. Just what was done — exactly what form of the celebration took will never be known, but in the collec tion of Lafitte letters the following from Pierre, the elder, is found: Grande Terre; 10th September, 1814. Sir, On my arrival here I was informed of all the occur rences that have taken place; I think I may justly com mend my brother's conduct under such difficult circum stances. I am persuaded he could not have made a bet ter choice than in making you the depositary of the papers that were sent to us and which may be of great importance to the state. Being fully determined to fol low the plan that may reconcile us with the government, I herewith send you a letter directed to his excellency the governor, which I submit to your discretion, to deliver or not, as you may think proper. I have not yet been hon ored with an answer from you. The moments are pre cious; pray send me an answer that may serve to direct my measures in the circumstsances in which I find myself. I have the honour to be, &c. P. Lafitte. But the only apparent result of Lafitte's act of loyalty and warning was to hasten the steps that had been pre viously commenced, and which Col. Ross, Commodore Pat terson, backed by the United States collector Duborg, in sisted upon, to fit out an expedition to Barataria to break — 39 — up Laf itte's establishment. In the meantime, the two weeks asked for by Lafitte to consider the British proposal, hav ing expired, Captain Lockyer appeared off Grand Terre, and hovered around the inlet several days, anxiously await ing the answer of Lafitte. At last, his patience being ex hausted, and mistrusting the inteniftns of the Baratarians, he retired. It was about th^_*|-imft'hat the spirit of La fitte was sorely tried by {&¦**» Wgence that the consti tuted authorities, whom he TOc—fflraiied with such valuable information, instead of apprpdHiW his generous exertions in behalf of his country, were sB ftly equipping an expedi tion to destroy his establisbmeS*^ "This was truly an ungrateful return for services, which may now be justly estimated," declares Judge Walker in his excellent history. "Nor is it satisfactorily shown that mercenary motives did not mingle with those which prompted some of the parties engaged in this expedition. "The rich plunder of the 'Pirate's Retreat,' the valuable fleet of small coasting vessels that rode in the Bay of Bara taria, the exaggerated stories of a vast amount of treasure, heaped up in glittering piles, in dark, mysterious caves, of chests of Spanish doubloons, buried in the sand contributed to inflame the imagination and avarice of some of the in dividuals who were active in getting up this expedition. "A naval and land force was organized under Com modore Patterson and Colonel Ross, which proceeded to Barataria, and with a pompous display of military power, entered the Bay. The Baratarians at first thought of re sisting with all their means, which were considerable. They collected on the beach armed, their cannon were placed in position, and matches were lighted, when lo ! to their amaze ment and dismay, the stars and stripes became visible through the mist. "Against the power which that banner proclaimed, they were unwilling to lift their hands. They then surren dered, a few escaping up the Bayou in small boats. Lafitte, conformably to his pledge, on hearing of the expedition, had gone to the German coast as it is called — above New Or leans, his brother with him. Commodore Patterson seized all the vessels of the Baratarians and, filling them and his own with the rich goods found on the island, returned to New Orleans loaded with spoils. The Baratarians, who were captured, were ironed and committed to the calaboose. The vessels, money and stores taken in this expedition were claimed as lawful prizes by Commodore Patterson and Colonel Ross. Out of this claim grew a protracted suit, which elicited the foregoing facts, and resulted in estab-. — 40 — lishing the innocence of Lafitte of all other offences but those of privateering — or employing persons to privateer against the commerce of Spain under commissions from the Republic of Colombia and bringing his prizes to the United States, to be disposed of contrary to the provisions of the Neutrality Act "The charge of pftcy^^jainst Lafitte, or even against the men of the associl_ftHB_which he was the chief, re mains to this day unsupjj Btecftst a single particle of direct and positive testimony.' All that was ever adduced against them, of a circumstantnH < >l inferential character, was the discovery among the gr"^l taken at Barataria of some jewelry which was identified as that of a Creole lady, who had sailed from New Orleans seven years before and was never heard of afterwards. "Considering the many ways in which such property might have fallen into the hands of Baratarians, it would not be just to rest so serious a charge against them on this single fact. It is not at all improbable — though no facts of that character ever came to light — that among so many desperate characters attached to the Baratarian organiza tion, there were not a few who would, if the temptation were presented, 'scuttle ship, or cut a throat' to advance their ends, increase their gains, or gratify a natural blood- thirstiness. "But such deeds cannot be associated with the name of Jean Lafitte, save in the idle fictions by which the taste of the youth is vitiated, and history outraged and per verted. That he was more of a patriot than a pirate, that he rendered services of immense benefit to his adopted country, and should be held in respect and honor, rather than defamed and calumniated will, we think, abundantly appear to the reader," sums up Walker. "But was this loyalty anything more than strategem ?" asks Cable. "The Spaniard and Englishman were Lafitte's foe and his prey. The Creoles were his friends. His own large interests were scattered all over Lower Louisiana. His patriotism has been overpraised; and yet we may allow him patriotism. His whole war, on the main-land side, was only with a set of ideas not superficially fairer than his own. They seemed to him unsuited to the exi gencies of the times and the country. Thousands of Louisi- anians thought as he did. They and he — to borrow from a distance the phrase of another, were 'polished, agreeable. dignified, averse to baseness and vulgarity.' They accepted friendship, honor and party faith as sufficient springs of action, and only dispensed with the sterner question of — 41 — right and wrong. True, Pierre, his brother, and Dominique You, his most intrepid captain, lay then in the calaboza. Yet should he, so able to take care of himself against all comers and all fates, so scornful of all subordination, for a paltry captain's commission and a doubtful thirty thous and, help his life-time enemies to iijyade the country and city of his commercial and social intijnates?" But pirate or patriot, or lmh_i«an Lafitte and his men were on the firing line when England's trained hosts in vaded Louisiana. This, we of Loftknow. His two lieu tenants, Dominique You and BlflK, on January 1st won imperishable fame by the handliflg'of cannon that out-shot the trained artillerists of Pakenham; Pierre Lafitte was given a position of trust the morning of the memorable 8th of January, after the British troops had thrown the Ameri can forces on the right bank of the river into confusion, and last, but not least, when General Jackson was mysti fied as to what direction the invading army would strike the city he was defending, he sent Jean Lafitte to the Bara taria region with a strong force to guard against a rear attack from the Gulf. Here the "corsair", he of the thous and vices but of the single virtue that will never die, under the gnarled oaks that sprouted from the shell mound at the junction of Little Barataria and Big Barataria bayous, lay ready to hurl back the minions of the government that had sought to buy his honor with gold and emoluments, as decisively as the Tennessee and Kentucky riflemen actually did on the plains of Chalmette. "General Jackson, in his correspondence to the Secre tary of War, did not fail to notice the conduct of the 'cor sairs of Barataria'." Major Latour tells us while giving full credit to the services of Jean Lafitte and his band, "they were employed in the artillery service and in the course of the campaign they proved, in an unequivocal manner, that they had been misjudged by the enemy who had hoped to enlist them in his cause. "Many of them were killed or wounded in the defense of their country. Their zeal, their courage, and their skill, were remarked by the whole army who could no longer con sider such brave men as criminals, or avoid wishing their permanent return to duty and the favor of the govern ment. These favorable sentiments were expressed by the legislature of the State, in a memorial to the President, and General Jackson added his and those of the army. The Chief Magistrate of our Government yielded to these inter cessions and issued a proclamation by which he granted full — 42 — and complete pardon to all those who had aided in repulsing the enemy." After the great battle Lafitte and his men practically passed out of the life of Louisiana. On the honors gained by the President's pardon Dominique You settled down to a quiet life, "enjoying the vulgar admiration which is given the survivor of lawlfts adventures," says one writer who evidently never thrifffclrflfcelf over Jean Lafitte and his ¦enwic crew. "It may seem i ^tenjious to add," says this same writer, "that he becaft pleader in ward politics." How ever, in 1830 all thaW 3 mortal of the chief gunner of Jackson's Battery No.^P was laid to rest with military honors, at the expense of the city, and followed on his way by the Louisiana Legion. The visitor to New Orleans to-day may see his tomb in the middle walk of what is known as St. Louis Cemetery No. 3. The tablet bears his name surmounted by the emblem of Free Masonry. An epitaph, in French verse, proclaims him the "intrepid hero of a hundred battles on land and sea; who, without fear and without reproach, will one day view, unmoved, the destruction of the world," being taken from Voltaire's "La Henriade." Of Beluche we only know that after peace had descend ed upon his native city, for he was a Creole, he became the commodore of the navy of Venezuela. Of Pierre Lafitte we know nothing, and of Jean but little more. In 1818 he had a fleet out under the Colombian flag, later he formed a colony on the island now occupied by the City of Galveston, and his name, if not his person, was the terror of the Gulf of Mexico in 1821-22, but his end is lost in a maze of tradition and thus lost to history. His men, the Baratarians, their days of smuggling over, straggled back to their old haunts and became fisher men, crabbers, shrimpers and oyster men. And there to day, in the great lowland sections of Louisiana, their de scendants live on the "chenieres" (islands on which oaks grow) and they will tell you in low musical tones what a great man Lafitte was and how he saved Louisiana by changing Lafitte, the pirate, to Lafitte, the patriot. CHAPTER THREE. JACKSON ARRIVESilr^EW ORLEANS. N NEV ackson idf"lcti Of the mode of General Jftfth's entrance into New Orleans we have a pleasant andHricturesque account from the pen of Alexander Walker, long a distinguished resident of the Crescent City, and author of the little work en titled "Jackson and New Orleans ;" one of the best executed and most entertaining pieces of American history in exist ence. What Judge Walker has told so interestingly and well, need not be told again in any words but his : "The Bayou St. John enters into Lake Ponchartrain at a distance of seven miles from the city. Here at its mouth may be seen the remains in an excellent state of preservation of an old Spanish fort which was built many years ago by one of the Spanish Governors as a protection of this important point, for by glancing at the map of New Orleans and its vicinity, it will be seen that a maritime power could find no easier approach to the city than through the Bayou St. John. This fort was built as the Spaniards built all their fortifications in this State where stone could not be* procured, of small brick imported from Europe cemented with a much more adhesive and permanent ma terial than is now used for building and with walls of great thickness and solidity. The foundation and walls of the fort still remain, interesting vestiges of the old Spanish. dominion. On the mound and within the walls stands a comfortable hotel, where in the summer season (1855) may be obtained healthful cheer, generous liquors and a pleas ant view of the placid and beautiful lake over whose gentle bosom the sweet south wind comes with just power enough to raise a gentle ripple on its mirror-like surface, bringing joy and relief to the wearied townsman and debilitated invalid. "What a different scene did this fort present one hun dred years ago! Then there were large cannon looking frowningly through those embrasures which are now filled up with dirt and rubbish, and around them clustered glit- 43 — 44 — tering bayonets and fierce-looking men full of military ar dor and fierce determination. There, too, was much of a reality, if not of the pomp and circumstance of war. High above the fort from the summit of a lofty staff floated, not the showy banner of old Spain with its glittering and mysterious emblazonry but that simplest and most beauti ful of all national staftards, the stars and stripes of the United States. |^ *% "From the Fort SHft|h^ to the city the distance is six or seven miles. AlH^ftie bayou which twists its sinu ous course like a hugMHrk green serpent through the swamp, lies a good road hardened by a pavement of shells taken from the bottom of the lake. Hereon city Jehus in 1855 exercised their fast nags and lovely ladies took their evening airings. But at the time this narrative commences it was a very bad road, being low, muddy and broken. The ride which (at the time Walker wrote) occupied some twenty minutes very delightfully, was then a wearisome two hours' journey. "It was along this road early on the morning of the 2d of December, 1814, that a party of gentlemen rode at a brisk trot from the lake towards the city. The mist which during the night broods over the swamp had not cleared off. The air was chilly, damp and uncomfortable. The travelers, however, were evidently hardy men accustomed to exposure, and intent upon purposes too absorbing to leave any consciousness of external discomforts. Though devoid of all military display and even of the ordinary equipments of soldiers the bearing and appearance of these men betokened their connection with the profession of arms. The chief of the party, which was composed of five or six persons, was a tall, gaunt man of very erect car riage with a countenance full of stern decision and fearless energy, but furrowed with care and anxiety. His com plexion was sallow and unhealthy; his hair was iron grey, and his body thin and emaciated like that of one who had just recovered from a lingering and painful sickness. But the fierce glare of his bright and hawk-like eye betrayed a soul and spirit which triumphed over all the infirmities of the body. His dress was simple and nearly threadbare. A small leather cap protected his head and a short Spanish blue cloak his body, whilst his feet and legs were encased in high dragoon boots, long ignorant of polish or blacking, which reached to the knees. In age he appeared to have passed about forty-five winters — the season for which his stern and hardy nature seemed peculiarly adapted. "The others of the party were younger men whose A GENERAL MAP OF THE SEAT OF WAR IN LOUISIANA AND WEST FLORIDA. — 46 — spirits and movements were more elastic and careless and who relieved the weariness of the journey with many a jovial story. "Arriving at the high ground near the junction of the Canal Carondelet with the Bayou St. John, where a bridge spanned the bayou *d quite a village had grown up, the travelers halted before an |ld Spanish villa and throwing their bridles to some •^rro boys at the gates, dismounted and walked into the j(fte. On entering the gallery they were received in a va^ftordial and courteous manner by J. Kilty Smith, Esq., tnr"Ja leading New Orleans merchant of enterprise and public spirit. On the bayou in an agree able suburban retreat Mr. Smith had established himself. Here he dispensed a liberal hospitality and lived in such a style as was regarded in those economical days, and by the more frugal Spanish and French populations, as quite- extravagant and luxurious. "Ushering them into the marble paved hall of his old Spanish villa, Mr. Smith soon made his guests comfortable. It Was evident that they were not unexpected. Soon the com pany were all seated at the breakfast table which fairly groaned with the abundance of generous viands prepared in that style of incomparable cookery for which the Creoles of Louisiana are so renowned. Of this rich and savory food the younger guests partook quite heartily, but the elder and leader of the party was more careful and abstemious, confining himself to some boiled hominy whose whiteness rivaled that of the damask tablecloth. In the midst of the breakfast and whilst the company were engaged in discus sing the news of the day, a servant whispered to the host that he was wanted in the ante-room. Excusing himself to his guests Mr. Smith retired to the ante-room and there found himself in the presence of an indignant and excited Creole lady, a neighbor, who had kindly consented to super intend the preparations" in Mr. Smith s bachelor establish ment for the reception of some distinguished strangers and who, in that behalf, had imposed upon herself a severe responsibility and labor. " 'Ah, Mr. Smith !' exclaimed the deceived lady, in a half reproachful, half indignant style, 'how could you* play such a trick upon me? You asked me to get your house in order to receive a great General. I did so. I worked myself almost to death to make your house comme il faut and prepared a splendid dejeuner, and now I find that all my labor is thrown upon an ugly old Kaintuck-flatboatman instead of your grand General, with plumes, epaulettes, long sword and mustache !' — 47 — "It was in vain that Mr. Smith strove to remove the delusion from the mind of the irate lady, and convince her that that plainly-dressed, jaundiced, hard-featured, un shorn man in the old blue coat and bullet buttons, was that famous warrior Andrew Jackson. "It was indeed Andrew Jackson who had come fresh from the glories and fatigue of hisSrilliant Indian cam paigns, in this unostentatious Aanner, to the city which he had been sent to protect from oift the most formidable perils that ever threatened a cojBfciity. Cheerfully and happily had he embraced this awftftesponsibility. He had come to defend a defenceless cityf^tuated in the most re mote section of the Union — a city which had neither fleets nor forts, means nor men — a city whose population were comparatively strangers to that of the other States, who sprung from a different national stock, and spoke a differ ent language from that of the overwhelming majority of their countrymen — a language entirely unknown to the Gen eral — to defend it, too, against a power then victorious over Napoleon, supposedly safe out of mischief on Elba. "After partaking of their breakfast the General, tak ing out his watch, reminded his companions of the necessity of their entrance into the city. In a few minutes car riages were procured and the whole party rode toward the city by the old Bayou road. The General was accompanied by Major Hughes, commander of the Ft. St. John, by Major Butler and Captain Reid, his secretary, who afterwards be came one of his biographers, Major Chotard and other offi cers of the staff. The cavalcade proceeded to the elegant residence of Daniel Clark, the first representative of Louisi ana in the Congress of the United States, a gentleman of Irish birth who had acquired great influence, popularity and wealth in the city, and died shortly after the commence ment of , the war of 1812. Here Jackson and his aides were met by a committee of the State and city authorities and of the people at the head of whom was the Governor of the State who, in earnest but rather rhetorical terms, welcomed the General to the city and proffered him every aid of the authorities and the people, to enable him to justify the title which they were already conferring upon him of 'Saviour of New Orleans.' His excellency, W. C. C. Claiborne, the first American Governor of Louisiana, a Virginian of good address and fluent elocution, then in tlie bloom of life, was supported by the leading civil and military characters of the city. There in the group was that redoubtable naval hero Commodore Patterson, a stout, compact, gallant-bear ing man, in the neat undress naval uniform. His manner — 48 — was slightly marked by hauteur, but his movement and ex pression indicated the energy and boldness of a man of decided action, as well as confident bearing. "Here, too, was the then Mayor of New Orleans, Nicho las Girod, a rotund, affable, pleasant old French gentleman, of easy, polite manners. There too, was Edward Livings tone, then the leading legal character in the city — a tall, high-shouldered man of unjlraceful figure and homely coun tenance, but whose hftlkbrow and large thoughtful eyes indicated a profoundftift powerful intellect. By his side stood his youthful riftt the bar — an elegant, graceful and showily-dressed genWeman whose figure combined the compact dignity and solidity of the soldier with the ease and grace of the man of fashion and taste, and who, as the sole survivor of those named, retained in a remarkable de gree the elegance and grace which characterized his bearing forty years ago to the day of his lamented decease. Wc r**- fer to John R. Grymes, so long the veteran and chief orna ment of the New Orleans bar. "Such were the leading personages in the assembly which greeted Jackson's entrance into New Orleans. "The General replied briefly to the welcome of tlie Governor. He declared that he had come to protect the city and he would drive their enemies into the sea or perish in the effort. He called on all good citizens to rally around him in this emergency and, ceasing all differences and di visions,, to unite with him in the patriotic resolve to save their city from the dishonor and disaster which a presump tuous enemy threatened to inflict upon it. This address was rendered into French by Mr. Livingstone. It produced an electric effect upon all present. Their countenances cleared up. Bright and hopeful were the words and looks of all who had heard the thrilling tones and caught the heroic glance of the hawk-eyed General. The General .and staff then re-entered their carriages. A cavalcade was formed and proceeded to the building, 106 Royal street — one of the few brick buildings then existing in New Orleans, which stood but little changed or effected by the lapse of so many years, until torn down to make way for the new courthouse. A flag unfurled from the third story soon indicated to the population the headquarters of the General who had come so suddenly and quietly to their rescue." Jackson had come! There was magic in the news Every witness living and dead testified to the electric effect of the General's quiet and sudden arrival. There was a truce at once to indecision, to indolence, to incredulity, to factious debate, to paltry contentions, to wild alarm. He JEAN LAFITTE AND HIS LIEUTENANTS. These portraits painted by Jarvis in 18] 2 show Jean Lafitte on the left, his brother Pierre (standing) and Dominique You. The original is owned now by the Louisiana State Museum. (49) 50- had come, so worn down with disease and the fatigue of his ten days' ride on horseback that he was more fit for the hospital than the field. But there was that in his man ner and aspect which revealed the master. That will of his triumphed over the languor and anguish of disease, and everyone who approached him felt that the man for the hour was there. He began his work without the loss of one minute. The unavoidable formalities^f his reception were no sooner over than he mounted J-ffjhorse again and rode out to re view the uniformed comlftfies of the city. These companies consisted then of several mmdred men, the elite of the city — merchants, lawyers, the sons of planters, clerks and others, who were well equipped and not a little proud of their appearance and discipline. The General complimented them warmly, addressed the principal officers, inquired re specting the numbers, history and organization of the com panies, and left them captivated with his frank and straight forward mode of procedure. JACKSON'S HEADQUARTERS IN ROYAL STREET. CHAPTER FOUR. JACKSON'S FIRST "CONQUEST OF NEW ORLEANS. Jackson's first conquest of «l*w Orleans differed so from the conquest that made him president, that it deserves more than a passing mention. Rough of speech, fond of telling stories that would go better around a soldier's camp- fire than in an aristocrat's drawing room, and given to expressing himself in language that shocked the gentle members of his committee of defense, the Creoles of Nev; Orleans, contrary to their usual course of action whenever any person of distinction visited the city, did not invite the gaunt, swearing and crude major general to their homes. Jackson had been planning the defense of New Orleans some days before he made his polite bow to society of the city. Edward Livingston, who was the General's military secretary, learned that his wife, herself a full-blooded French Creole and an acknowledged leader of the society of her Creole city, was to give a dinner to a party of belles of the intimate circle she ruled, told her that he had invited Jackson to attend and that the General had ac cepted. Mrs. Livingston, who had heard some of the many tales of the rough Jackson, as had every first family in town, was dismayed and took her lawyer husband to task for having such a disregard of the amenities as to bring "that wild Indian-fighter from Tennessee to a dinner party of young ladies !" Her husband smiled as he was berated and bidding his wife remain calm until she saw the fire-eater, added, "He will capture you at first sight." Livingston afterwards told the story with great glee. He described how the hero of Horseshoe Bend and Pensa cola clattered up to the Livingston domicile on horseback, and how the party of Creole belles sat stiffly in the drawing room holding their breaths in awe of the contretempts they felt was to follow. "I ushered General Jackson into the drawing room and presented him to Madame who was surrounded by a dozen 51 — 52 — or more young ladies," said Livingston. "The General was in the full-dress uniform of his rank — that of major general in the regular army. This was a blue frock-coat with buff facings and gold lace, white waistcoat and close fitting breeches, also of white cloth, with morocco boots reaching above the knees. "To my astonishment this uniform was new, spotlessly clean and fitted his tall, slender form perfectly. I had seen him before only in the somewhat worn and careless fatigue uniform he wore on dura, at headquarters. I had to con- some-* l*gg.a*l jTrWV fess to myself that the*frfw and perfectly fitting full-dress uniform made almost another man of him. "I also observed that he had two sets of manners : One for the headquarters, where he dealt with men and the problems of war: the other for the drawing-room, where he met the gentler sex and was bound by the etiquette of fair society. But he was equally at home in either. When we reached the middle of the room all the ladies rose. I said: 'Madame and Mesdemoiselles, I have the honor to present Major-General Jackson of the United States Army.' "The General bowed to Madame, and then right and left to the young ladies about her. Madame advanced to meet him, took his hand and then presented him to the young ladies severally, name by name. Unfortunately, of the twelve or more young ladies presents — all of whom hap pened to be French — not more than three could speak Eng lish; and as the General understood not a word of French — except, perhaps, Sacre bleu — general conversation was restricted. "However, we at once sought the table, where we placed the General between Madame Livingston and Mile. Eliza Chotard, an excellent English scholar, and with their as sistance as interpreters, he kept up a lively all-round chat with the entire company. Of our wines he seemed to fancy most a fine old Maderia and remarked that he had not tasted anything like it since Burr's dinner at Philadelphia in 1797 when he (Jackson) was a senator. I well remembered that occasion, having been then a member of Congress from New York and one of Burr's guests. " 'So you have known Mr. Livingston a very long time,' exclaimed Mile. Chotard. " 'Oh yes, Miss Chotard,' he replied, T had the honor to know Mr. Livingston probably before the world was blessed by your existence.' "This was only one among a perfect fusillade of quick and apt compliments he bestowed with charming impartial ity upon Madame Livingston and all her pretty guests. -THE JACKSON PORTRAIT GIVEN LIVINGSTON. This is a Jackson little known. It is engraved from a miniature painted in New Orleans immediately after the battle of New Orleans by Jean Francois Valle, under Jackson's orders. The fac-simile of the note that went with it to Edward Livingston explains itself. This por trait bears very small resemblance to the rest of Jacksonian portraits —all taken much later — by which the inflexible features of the General are imprinted indelibly upon the popular mind. (53) — 54 — When the dinner was over he spent half an hour or so with me in my library when he returned to the drawing room to take leave of the ladies, as he still had much work before him at headquarters that night. During the whole occasion the ladies, who thought of nothing but the im pending invasion, wanted to talk about it almost exclusively. But he gently parried the subject. The only thing he said about it that I can remember was to assure Madame that while 'possibly the British soldiers might get near enough to see the church-spires that pointed to heaven from the sanctuaries of your religion, none should ever 'get even a glimpse of the inner sanctuaries of your homes.' I con fess that I myself more than once marvelled at the un studied elegance of his language and even more at the ap parently spontaneous promptings of his gallantry." It has since been pointed out that Livingston was not the only man in New Orleans whom Jackson puzzled in this respect. Rough as he was, he possessed a trait of gen tle chivalry which only the society of the gentler sex could ever call forth. It was in singular contrast to the senten tious autocracy of speech and manner that so often charac terized his intercourse with men in public affairs. "When the General was gone," Livingston records, "the ladies no longer restrained their enthusiasm. 'Is this your savage Indian-fighter?' they demanded in a chorus of their own language. 'Is this your rough frontier General? Shame on you, Mr. Livingston, to deceive us so! He is a veritable preux chevalier!' And I must confess that Madame was as voluble in her reproaches as any of the young ladies. I was glad to escape in a few minutes, when I went to join the General at headquarters, where we were busy until near two a. m. with the preliminary work of the campaign." When Madame Livingston's gay guests dispersed that evening, they carried tidings of Jackson's first "conquest" of New Orleans far into the homes of the elete of Creole society. Wonderful stories concerning the suavity and aplomb of the great American general, who was to protect them and their sanctuaries from invasion and rapine, were told — and believed. He captivated the women of the city as successfully as he commanded the men. CHAPTER FIVE. THE BATTLE OF THE GUN BOATS. {December 14. 1814) "A storm on the 9th of December, 1814, greeted the first appearance of the British fleet off the coast of the Gulf of Mexico," writes Judge Alexander Walker in his enter taining "Jackson and New Orleans." "To minds less buoyant and confident than those of the sanguine and hitherto irresistible veterans of that gal lant array of naval and military power this occurrence might have appeared as an evil augury. Soon, however, the storm lulled, the clouds .passed quickly away and the bright sun came forth to cheer the hearts of the crowded crews. A favorable wind bears the squadron rapidly onward in the direction of the entrance of Lake Borgne. The huge Tonnant, the same which was captured at Abouquir in Nel son's great fight, after the gallant Dupetit Thouars had flooded her decks with his noble blood that flowed from a dozen wounds, now commanded by the white-haired British Vice-Admiral, and the gallant Sea-horse, with her cork- legged Captain, lead the van. Behind follow the long train of every variety of sailing craft, from the great ships of war, with their frowning batteries, to the little trim sloops and schooners of fifteen or twenty ton, designed to pene trate the bays and inlets of the coast. "The pilots, who have accompanied the fleets from the West Indies, have announced that the land is not far off and all parties are on deck, eagerly straining their eyes for a view of the desired shore. There, in the distance, they soon discover a long, shingling white line, which sparkles in the sun like an island of fire. Presently it becomes more distinct and substantial and the man at the look-out pro claims 'land ahead'. The leading ships approach as near as is prudent and their crews, especially the land troops, experience no little disappointment at the bleak and for bidding aspect of Dauphine island, with its long, sandy beach, its dreary, stunted pines, and the entire absence of 55 — 56 — any vestige of settlement or cultivation. Turning to the west, the fleet avoids the island and proceeds towards a favorable anchorage in the direction of the Chandeleur is lands, the wind in the meantime having chopped around and blowing too strong from the shore to justify an attempt to enter the lake at night. "As the Tonnant and Sea-horse pass near to Dauphine Island, the attention of the Vice-Admiral is called to two small vessels, lying between the island and the shore. They are neat little craft, sloop-rigged, and evidently armed. They appear to be watching the movements of the British ships and when the latter take a western course, they weigh anchor and follow in the same direction. At night-fall the signal 'to anchor' is made from the Tonnant and the order is quickly obeyed by all the vessels in the squadron. "The suspicious little sloops, as if in apprehension of a night attack of boats, then press all sail and proceed in the direction of Biloxi Bay. They prove to be the United States gunboats No. 23, Lieutenant McKeever, (afterwards Commodore McKeever), No. 163, Sailing Master Ulrick, which had been detached from the squadron of Lieutenant Thomas Ap Catesby Jones (later the Commodore Jones who ran up the first American flag at Monterey, "California, in 1847), who had been sent by Commodore Patterson with six gunboats, one tender, and a despatch boat, to watch and report the approach of the British. In case their fleet suc ceeded in entering the lake, he was to be prepared to cut off their barges and prevent the landing of the troops. If hard pressed by a superior force, his orders were to fall back upon a mud fort, the Petites Coquilles, near the mouth of the Rigolets and shelter his vessels under its guns. "The two boats which had attracted the notice of the British Vice-Admiral, joined the others of the squadron that night near Biloxi. The next day, the 10th of Decem ber, at dawn, or as soon as the fog cleared off, Jones was amazed to observe the deep water between Ship and Cat Islands where the current flows, crowded with ships and vessels of every calibre and description. The Tonnant hav ing anchored off the Chandeleurs, the Sea-horse was now the foremost ship. Jones immediately made for Pass Chris tian with his little fleet, where he anchored, and quietly awaited the approach of the British vessels. "In compact and regular order, the fleet moved slowly through the passage between Cat and Ship Islands and along the east coast of the former island presenting, under a bright sun and cloudless sky, a most impressive marine panorama. Soon, however, the soundings warned the Brit- — 57 — ish that they were getting into shallow water and the line- of -battle ships came to anchor. They were now, however, safe within American waters, almost in Lake Borgne, and preparations were actively commenced to relieve the ships of the impatient and restless mass of belligerent mortality with which they were crowded. The troops were therefore embarked on the transports and smaller vessels. Before, however, the landing could be attempted, it was necessary to clear the lake of the agile and well-managed little Ameri can gunboats, which hovered in their front and appeared ready to pounce down on any smaller craft that might trust themselves too far from the shelter of the batteries of the ships of the line. "Vice-Admiral Cochrane, who directed all the move ments relating to the landing of the troops, proceeded to organize an expedition of barges to attack and destroy the gun-boats. The command of this enterprise was confided to Captain Lockyer, the same naval officer who endeavored to persuade Jean Lafitte to come over to the English, who was presumed to be better acquainted with the coast than any other officer. Captain Lockyer had also commanded one of the sloops in the attack of Fort Bowyer and, no doubt, longed for an opportunity of wiping from the es cutcheon of the British Navy the disgrace of that defeat. All the launches, barges and pinnaces of the fleet were col lected together. The barges had been made expressly for this expedition, and were nearly as large as Jones' gunboats, each carrying eighty men. To these were added the gigs of the Tonnant and Sea-horse. There were forty launches, mounting each one carronade 12, 18 or 24 calibre; one launch, with one long brass pounder; another with a brass nine-pounder; and three gigs, with small arms. There were, therefore, in all, forty-five boats and forty-two can non, manned by a thousand sailors and marines picked from the crews of the ships. "Captain Lockyer was ably seconded in the organiza tion and direction of this formidable fleet by his subordi nates, Montressor of the Manly, and Roberts of the Meteor, both veteran and experienced officers. "On the evening of the 12th the flotilla moved in beau tiful order from the anchorage of the squadron near Ship Island, in the direction of Pass Christian. It consisted of three divisions under the three officers named. Gallantly, and in perfect line, these divisions advanced along the white shores of what is now the coast of the State of Mississippi for a distance of thirty-six miles, the boats being rowed by the hardy sailors, without resting. — 58 — "When morning broke on the 13th, the flotilla had ar rived near the Bay of St. Louis, whither three of the barges were detached to capture the small schooner Sea-horse, which Jones had sent into the bay for the purpose of re moving some stores deposited there. "As soon as the barges came within range of her guns, the Sea-horse opened upon them a well-directed and effec tive fire. At the same time two six pounders, placed in battery on the shore, followed up the discharge of the Sea horse and, striking the barges, wounded several of the men. The barges then drew off towards the main body of the flo tilla when, thinking they had retired for reinforcement and apprehending a renewal of the attack by the whole force of Lockyer, the captain of the Sea-horse blew her up and set fire to the stores on shore, which were entirely destroyed. "But the British commander had no idea of diverting his energies from the serious task before him. The staunch little gun-boat fleet lay just ahead in battle array as if in viting, rather than avoiding the combat. "It is due, however, to Jones' reputation as a good offi cer to add that he had attempted to obey Patterson's order and fall back to the fort at Petit Coquilles. In vain he tried to beat into the Rigolets, against the strong current of that strait. Finally, his vessels were carried into the narrow channel between Malheureux Island and Point Clear on the main land. "There they became unmanageable, several of the ves sels sticking fast in the mud. Then Jones resolved to bide the issue of a fight. "At daylight on the 14th, the flotilla could be seen at anchor nine miles off. The men were refreshing themselves after their severe rowing. Jones called aboard his flagship, a little sloop of eighty tons, all the officers of his Lillipu tian squadron and addressing them in the style of a blunt, sturdy sailor, gave them their several commands and pre pared for a vigorous resistance. His officers were all young men, full of courage, vigor and activity. His orders were to form with their boats a close line abreast across the channel, anchored by the stern, with springs on their cables. At a given signal they were to open upon the enemy with their long guns and, when the barges closed upon them, they were to ply their musketry with all their activity. "The squadron consisted of the following gun-boats: No. 5 with five guns and thirty-six men, commanded by Sailing Master John D. Ferris; gunboat No. 23, with five guns and thirty-nine men, under Lieutenant Isaac McKee ver; gun-boat No. 156, with five guns and forty-one men — 59 — under Lieutenant commanding Thomas Ap Catesby Jones; gun-boat No. 162 with five guns and thirty-five men, under Lieutenant Robert Spedden; gun-boat No. 163, with three guns and thirty-one men, under Sailing-Master Ulrick — total, five gun-boats, twenty-three guns and one hundred and eighty-two men. This was certainly a small force to repel the powerful flotilla which was bearing down upon them, having about 2,500 men. "The morning was bright, cool and bracing. There was not a breath of air to stir the surface of the placid en trance to the lake. The men in the British flotilla took their breakfast as gaily and pleasantly as if it were a sportive occasion and then stood to their arms. The flotilla ap proached with all the precision of soldiers in line; Jones' gunners fixed their eyes steadily upon the imposing array of bristling barges, measuring coolly the distance, in or der to ascertain when they might come in range of their long guns. Just as the Americans are about to level their pieces, the flotilla comes to a grapnel and appears to be deliberating on the expediency of attacking so determined a little squadron. A division of the barges is now detached from the main line of the flotilla, and bears towards the west. The object of this movement is understood in Jones' fleet, when a little white speck is discerned in the distance, which soon assumes the shape of a small fishing smack. This proves to be the Alligator, a little tender, armed with a four-pounder and eight men, under sailing master, Richarr] S. Sheppard. "The Alligator was making every effort to join Jones' squadron to take part in the approaching combat, but the wind had lulled and she could make no progress. Lockyer detached four boats, with nearly two hundred men, under Captain Roberts, to capture this formidable ship-of-war, with her eight sailors and toy gun. It is due to the British Navy to state that they succeeded in effecting this object without much loss. Roberts returned to the flotilla in tri umph with his splendid prize, and was received with three loud cheers. The stout sailor could not, however, suppress a smile when he boarded his capture and ascertained her force and metal. Perhaps, under all the circumstances, Captain Lockyer may be excused for the slight exaggera tion, in his description of this little cockle-shell 'as an armed sloop.' But it is due to history to state, that this high-sounding designation has been conferred on Commo dore Porter's old gig! "Somewhat animated by this little achievement, Lock yer ordered his men to refresh themselves with a hearty — 60 — meal, adding an extra allowance of Jamaica rum, to in crease their appetite for the feast and the fray which was to follow. At half -past ten the flotilla weighed anchor, and bore down upon Jones' squadron in open order, forming a line abreast extending nearly from the mainland to the Malheureux Island. The appearance of the flotilla, as the barges with unbroken front swept rapidly and boldly for ward — the six oars on each side dipping in the water with the regularity of clock-work and glittering in the sunbeams as they rose and fell — the red shirts of the sailors, the shining muskets of the marines, and the formidable car- ronades which protruded so threateningly from the bows of the barges, constituted an impressive spectacle, one well calculated to try the nerves of that heroic band which stood on the decks of those little sloops, with lighted matches and muskets cocked, ready to meet more than quadruple their numbers in deadly combat. "So calm and quiet was the aspect of Jones' fleet that the British believed they were about to surrender without essaying so vain a resistance against an overpowering force. But they were soon aroused from this delusion by the boom ing of McKeever's thirty-two pounder and a shower of grape-shot that carried destruction among the flotilla and seriously disturbed their line. With amazing rapidity this gun continued her fire, and presently the other guns of Jones' fleet joined in. The barges, though evidently crippled and damaged by this heavy fire, pushed steadily forward and began a lively response with their carronades. A brisk firing was continued for some time; but Lockyer soon per ceived that in such a contest the gun-boats had the advan tage and accordingly, he ordered the barges to close in and board. "Owing to the force of the current and the unmanage able state of the boats, Jones' and Ulrich's vessels (156 and 163) had been borne out of the line one hundred yards in advance of the others — Jones' boat was a little ahead. Cap tain Lockyer seeing this, determined to attack the boats in detail. Breaking this flotilla into three divisions he pressed forward with the advance, composed of four barges and two gigs, against the flat boat. He was met by a most destruc tive volley of grape and musketry. Every shot appeared to take effect. Two of the barges were capsized and the men were barely saved from drowning by clinging to the boat's aides until others could come up and rescue them. Nearly all the men on board these barges were killed or wounded. Undismayed by this awful destruction, four other barges pushed forward and renewed the attack and, getting near — 61 — Jones' boat, poured upon her decks an incessant fire of musketry. "Jones, standing on the deck exposed to this fire, de termined to sell his life as dearly as possible and singling out the officer who in the captain's gig appeared to be the most active in inciting the British sailors and marines dis charged his pistol at him and the Briton fell mortally wound ed in the arms of the sailors. This officer was Lieutenant Pratt, the first of the Sea-horse, the same who under the orders of Admiral Cockburn, burnt the Capital and other buildings, at Washington, in the summer of 1814. "The British sought immediate revenge for the fall of their gallant young officer and a dozen muskets were brought to bear upon Jones at once, several balls passed through his clothes and cap — but one struck him in the shoulder, where it remained to his death. "The wound was so painful that he could not stand up under it and was dragged below by his men, crying out, however, to Parker, his second in command: 'Keep up the fight, keep up the fight.' Parker shouted: 'Aye! aye!' but the words had hardly escaped his lips when he was shot down and the British, now closing upon the little boat, clambered up her sides and appeared on her deck in such overwhelming forces as to render further resistance vain. In accomplishing this feat, however, they had suffered most grievously. Lockyer had received three wounds, all severe ; and poor Lieutenant George Pratt, was fairly riddled with balls, yet he continued to fight to the last. The fighting on No. 156 was now over but, strange to say, the stars and stripes still continued to wave at her masthead and so re mained until the fighting was over in the other boats. Per haps, considering the heavy loss they had sustained for so small a capture, the British did not think they were en titled to lower the American flag. Indeed their commander was too sorely wounded and in too great pain, to think of any further action after he had gained the decks of the flag-boat, upon reaching which he fainted from loss of blood, and was taken below and laid by the side of his gallant antagonist. "Meantime, the guns of Jones' boat were turned upon the others, under the direction of Lieutenant Tatnall, a gallant and enterprising officer — the same who had been captured by the French in a bloody naval contest a few years before — who, escaping from a French prison in the guise of a monk, reached the seashore of France and in a small open boat joined the English fleet in the channel. "At the same time, Captain Montressor, with his divi- — 62 — sion of barges, closed upon Ulrick's boat. They were held at bay for some time, but being reinforced by the other division under Roberts, soon succeeded in overpowering the little vessel. The guns of these two boats were then con centrated upon the other gunboats, and particularly upon the nearest one, under Lieutenant Robert Spedden ; but that gallant young officer undaunted by the disasters which had overtaken his companions, returned this fire with an alac rity and vigor which drove the barges to take shelter be hind the two boats that had been captured. Here, combining and arranging their forces into one powerful division, Mon- tressor and Roberts again threw themselves upon Spedden's little craft, with more than a dozen barges, filled with several hundred sailors and marines. Though surrounded, the lit tle gunboat did not yield, but showered her iron hail upon the crowded barges with most destructive vigor. A grape- shot had shattered Spedden's left arm at the elbow. Re gardless of his wounds the brave young sailor held his post, giving orders to his men and cheering them with his words and with a countenance in which gallantry and heroism con quered the agony of a painful wound. Occupying an exposed and conspicuous position on the deck of the boat, Spedden became the target of the British marines for their musket exercise. He noted particularly one fellow in the bow of the nearest barge aiming at him with the coolness and precision of a sportsman shooting a pigeon. He was a good marksman and lodged a musket-ball in Spedden's shoulder which deprived him of the use of his right arm. "He was thus without the use of either arm. Muti lated and covered with blood — his men rapidly falling around him (the other boats being in the hands of the enemy), this gallant young man did not yield until, over powered by numbers, he was forced below by the British, who rushed upon deck and took possession of the boat. The guns of the captured boats were next turned upon Ferri's boat, No. 5, with such effect as to dismount her most effec tive weapon, a twenty-four-pounder, and after this, the barges encountered but little difficulty in boarding and cap turing her. Meantime, McKeever, on No. 23, kept up a brisk fire on the barges with his thirty-two-pounders. But the guns of the other boats were all turned upon him and fur ther resistance became vain — so he surrendered at half- past twelve p. m. "Thus closed this very remarkable and gallant action. It was maintained by both oarties for three hours, with great courage and activity. Both did their duty faithfully. The British, though numerically and in metal vastly superior — 63 — to the Americans, were in open boats, exposed to a heavy fire for some time, without the ability to return it with effect. They certainly displayed great gallantry and deter mination in advancing against such a fire as Jones opened upon them. But the Americans, too, labored under great disadvantages. Owing to the state of the tide and wind, Jones' boat having become detached from the others, the British were able to concentrate upon it a powerful force, and its capture rendered that of the others inevitable. The gunboats could thus be attacked in detail. It was, there fore, really when the close fighting commenced, a combat between one or two gunboats of ten guns and less than a hundred men, and some twenty-five or thirty barges, with more than six hundred men. The other boats, in the mean time, could not take part in the fight when the barges closed upon their companions, as they could not use their guns. Having captured two of the gunboats, the British could turn their own guns on the remaining ones, which lay en tirely at their mercy. "The results will show how severe and gallant an action it was. The Americans lost, in killed and wounded, about one-third their number (according to Jones' official report 6 killed and 35 wounded) . Among the wounded were Jones, Spedden, McKeever and Parker. The British loss was much more severe. Thirteen British ships of war were repre sented in the ghastly heap of killed and wounded that were strewn upon the decks of the gunboats after this severe action. Of these, three midshipmen, thirteen seamen, and one marine were reported dead; and one captain, four lieu tenants, one lieutenant of marines, three master-mates, seven midshipmen, fifty seamen and eleven marines were wounded. Many of the wounded died before they got to the squardon, and not a few were killed and wounded who 'did not figure in the returns. (The official British loss was reported to be 94 and among them were 22 officers.) "It would not be extravagant to estimate the number of those in the British flotilla, placed hors de combat in this action, as fully equal to the whole number of Americans engaged. Of the officers, Captain Lockyer was very badly wounded in several places not, as has been frequently stated, in a hand-to-hand fight on the deck of Jones' flag- boat, but in attempting to bring his barge alongside. Lieu tenant George Pratt, second of the frigate Sea-horse, who was in the same boat with Lockyer, was shot down by his side several times, in attempting to board the gun-boat. Lieutenant Tatnall, of the Tonnant, had his boat sunk, and rescuing himself and his men, succeeded in getting into — 64 — another barge. Lieutenant Roberts, also of the Tonnant, was wounded in closing with the. gunboats. Besides these, there were ten midshipmen killed and wounded. These re sults show that the victory of the British was a costly one. There was not much rejoicing and exultation over it. The groans and cries of the wounded were the prevalent notes in that melancholy squadron as it returned to the anchor age of the British fleet. "And yet their victory was one of great value and im portance. It not only cleared Lake Borgne of all enemies, but supplied Sir Alexander Cochrane with a very import ant addition to his fleet of smaller vessels, so much needed in effecting a landing of the army. It was late in the after noon when the barges and gunboats returned to Ship Island. On their appearance they were loudly cheered by the sail ors and soldiers of the ships; but they were too much wearied and ODpressed by the severity of their loss, to give more than a feeble and faint resnonse. It was more like a wail than a cheer. The wounded were removed to a large store-ship, the Gorgon, where the Americans were attended by the same surgeons who ministered the British. Jones, and Snedden, being very severely wounded, were confined in the cabin for many weary days. Though all that skill and kindness could accomplish was done for them, their con dition was one of nervous anxiety and painful aoprehen- sion for the fate of the city, for whose defense they had so gallantly fought. From the port-holes of the hospital ship thev could perceive the movements going on in the fleet around them, the arrival and desoatch of troops, the hum and buzz of preparations for fhe disembarkation. The agony of their wounds was dreadfullv increased bv the reflection that the city had no means of defense — that it miM inevit ably fall into the hands of their powerful foe. They bad not heard of the arrival of anv trooos there. Jackson had not reached the city when their little fleet left the nort to watch the entrance of the Lake. Nothing, it seemed to them, but ft. miraclp could save New Orleans. "The officers of the British fleet were kind and con siderate to their unfortunate and gallant foes, but even they could not conceal their exultation, their confidence in the complete success of the expedition, and of the measures referring to their comfort and enjoyment which were to follow that event. "Amone- other incidents, illustrative of the confidence of the British and full of painful interests to the wounded prisoners, was the introduction to them of the future col lector of the revenue of his Britannic Majesty in the Port — 65 — of New Orleans, in the person of a tall and gentlemanly individual, who conversed freely with the Americans re specting his future arrangements for the discharge of his duties. How these painful feelings of the young American sailors fluctuated and varied with every indication of the occurrences, which, unknown to them, were transpiring on the mainland — how eagerly they harkened to the distant loar of artillery, kept up continuously for fourteen days — with what agonizing suspense they observed boats return ing to the fleet with wounded men, and reloading with fresh recruits from the ships, including the greater part even of the common sailors, and with large cannon taken from these decks of the ships of war — how they were struck with the silent and changed expression of the British officers, who gave their orders in sharp, angry, anxious tones ; and how, at last, their pains grew lighter, their wounds were for gotten, the groans and dying sighs of those around them were unheeded, when the gloomy portents and signs of the English fleet began to proclaim more emphatically than words could, the astounding and glorious result; and how despite wounds, debility and the presence of their enemies, these gallant sailors could not, even in that awful place, surrounded by the dead and dying, suppress the involuntary cheer of joyful exultation over these proofs of the triumph of American valor and how, then, with a smile on his face, the gallant Spedden submitted cheerfully to the terrible operation of amputation of his arm; and the heroic Jones could regard with pride, rather than sorrow, the mutila tion of the same member, are transitions whose intensity can be better imagined than described, which have been rarely equalled in dramatic effect by any of the realities of history, or the creations of poetry. "As soon as intelligence of the capture of the gallant tars was received in New Orleans, Mr. Shields, a purser in the navy, and Dr. Morrell, were dispatched by Commodore Patterson with a flag .of truce to the British fleet at Cat Island, for the purpose of affording to the wounded prison ers such comforts and necessaries as their situation might demand. On their arrival off Cat Island, they were re ceived by Vice-Admiral Cochrane, and were told that their visit was a very inopportune one, and he should be com pelled to detain them. They protested against such con duct as contrary to the laws of nations, as they came under a flag of truce and merely to relieve the sufferings of their unfortunate fellow-citizens, who had been wounded. Their protest was disregarded, and they were assigned a room in the cabin of the flag-ship, where they were closely guarded. — 66 — Suspecting from the interrogatories of the British Com mander, that every word which fell from them would be eagerly caught up and reported to the Vice-Admiral, Shields and Morrell in their conversations never failed to dwell on the powerful force which Jackson had collected to defend the city, or the myriads of Western riflemen that were flocking to his standard, and the severe chastisement which awaited the British if they dared to advance upon the city. These artful statements produced the desired effect on the minds of the British commanders, and contributed to the deliberation and slowness of movement which marked their subsequent course." The capture of the gun-boats gave the British command of the lake and enabled them to land at any point they desired, without the fear of disturbance, or even detection. GOV. W. C. C. CLAIBORNE, Governor of Louisiana at the Time of the Battle. CHAPTER SIX. THE PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENDING THE CITY. Andrew Jackson had the task of resisting the invasion of one of the finest armies ever sent from England. The city he was to save was absolutely without defenses, save the natural ones the swampy land presented, but he did not bemoan this fact and sit around wishing conditions were different. Figuratively speaking, he threw off his rusty uniform coat and rolled up his shirt sleeves and started to work. What these preparations were are best told by Major A. LaCarriere Latour in his excellent "Memoirs," which must forever remain the text-book of the campaign before New Orleans: "General Jackson was returning from a tour of obser vation to the river of Chef-Menteur when the intelligence of the loss of the gunboats reached him. He immediately ordered the militia battalion of men of color, commanded. by Major Lacoste and the dragoons of Feliciana, to pro ceed with two pieces of cannon and take post at the con fluence of Bayou Sauvage and the river of Chef-Menteur in order to cover the road to the city on that side and to watch the enemy's movements. Major Lacoste was also ordered to erect a close redoubt surrounded with a fosse according to a plan which he drew agreeable to General lackson's orders. "On his arrival in town, the General bent his atten tion to the fortifying of all assailable points, it being im possible to ascertain which the enemy would make choice of, the want of vessels on the lake depriving us of all means of obtaining any certain intelligence of his movements before he could effect his landing. "Captain Newman of the artillery, who commanded the port of Petites Coquilles, which stands at the inner entry of the pass of the Rigolets towards Lake Pontchartrain, was postively ordered to defend his post to the last extremity, and in case of his not being able to hold out, to spike the 67 — 68 — guns, blow up the fort, and evacuate on the post of Chef- Menteur. "Captain Pierre Jugeaut (Jackson's invaluable Choc taw half-breed), was authorized to levy and form into com panies all the Choctaw Indians he could collect. On the 15th the commander-in-chief informed Generals Coffee, Car roll and Thomas of the takings of the gun-boats, by letters sent by express, and urged them to use all possible speed in marching to New Orleans with the troops under their command. General Winchester, commanding at Mobile, was also informed of the loss of our naval force, and it was earnestly recommended to him to use the greatest vigilance in protecting the vicinity of that town, as the enemy might endeavor to make an attack in that quarter. "On the 16th General Jackson wrote to the Secretary of War, apprising him of the capture of the gunboats; he expressed to him his concern fbr the consequences that might attend that event, which he apprehended might hap pen when he wrote to government suggesting the propriety of giving the necessary orders for finishing the block ship then building at Tchifonte, and when he gave orders for supplying Forts Strother Williams and Jackson with six months' provisions. The General apprehended lest the inter ruption of our communications by water with Mobile might be attended with consequences fatal to the safety of the country. He, however, assured the Secretary of War that, should the enemy effect a landing he would, with the help of God, do all he could to repel him. He also informed the Secretary that neithertheTennesseetroopsnor those of Ken tucky had yet arrived but that they were daily expected and that in the meanwhile he was putting the river below the city in the best possible state of defense. He acquainted him with the taking of the post of the Balize (at the mouth of the Mississippi River) with all the pilots and a detach ment of troops that was there stationed, but he informed him at the same time of the establishment of martial law and of the rising of the militia in mass. 'The country,' said the General, 'shall be defended, if in the power of the physi cal force it contains, with the auxiliary force ordered. We have no arms here — will the government order a supply? If it will, let it be speedily. Without arms, a defense cannot be made.' "During the summer while yet among the Creeks, Gen eral Jackson had made a requisition of a quantity of arms, ammunition, heavy cannon, balls, bombs, etc,, to be sent to New Orleans; but such was the fatality that appeared to be attached to all the measures adopted for our defense, that BRIG.-GEN. JOHN COFFEE, Jackson's "right hand," and who commanded the left brigade at the Battle of New Orleans. MAJOR-GEN. WM. CARROLL. Who commanded the detachment of West Tennessee militia at the Battle of New Orleans, and after wards Governor of Tennessee. EDWARD LIVINGSTON, Former Mayor of New York and Jackson's chief citizen aid. MAJ. JEAN BAPTISTE PLAUCHE, Commander of the Famous Orleans Battalion. (69) — 70 — it was not till the middle of January, 1815, that a very small portion of what had been ordered arrived at New Orleans. "A special law of the State had some time before author ized the formation of a battalion of free men of colour. It had already taken the field under the command of Major Laeoste and had been stationed at Chef-Menteur. Colonel Michael Fortier, senior, a respectable and worthy citizen of New Orleans, having the superior command of all the corps of men of colour presided over the levying of a new battalion of the same description formed by the exertions and under the direction of the gallant Captain Savary, who had occupied an honorable and distinguished reputation in the wars of St. Domingo. It was chiefly with refugees from that island that Colonel Savary formed that battalion, whose officers were immediately commissioned by the governor of the State; arid its command was confided to Major Daquin of the Second Regiment of militia. We shall, hereafter, see in the relation of the different engagements that that brave corps realized by a brilliant display of valour, the hopes that had been conceived of it. "The capture of the gunboats was announced to the Senate and House of Representatives of the State by a mes sage from the Governor : T lay before you,' said he, 'a letter addressed to me by Commodore Patterson, announcing the capture of five of the United States gunboats of the New Orleans station by a vastly superior force of the enemy. The length of the combat is a proof of the valour and firm ness with which our gallant tars maintained the unequal contest and leaves no doubt that, although compelled ulti mately to strike, their conduct has been such as to reflect honour upon the American name and navy. The ascen dency which the enemy has now acquired on the coast of the lake, increases the necessity of enlarging our measures. of defense.' "Commodore Patterson addressed a second letter to the governor in which he complained of the want of seamen to man the armed vessels then at New Orleans and requested the support and assistance of the State authorities. This letter was laid by the governor before the Legislature who passed a resolution giving a bounty of twenty-four dollars to each seaman who would enter the service of the United States for three months and to this end placed at the dispo sition of the governor six thousand dollars. The governor forthwith issued his proclamation. Between seventy and eighty sailors received the bounty of the State and' were of the number of those brave tars who by their incessant fire from the ship Louisiana and the schooner Carolina so an- — 71 — noyed the enemy in all his movements and so particularly harassed him on the night of the 23rd of December as will be seen hereafter. "On the 18th of December, General Jackson reviewed the New Orleans militia, the first and second regiments, the battalion of uniform companies under the command of Ma jor Plauche and part of the free men of colour. Addresses were read to them and answered with accalmations of ap plause. My voice is too weak to speak of these addresses in adequate terms ; I leave the reader to form an idea of the effect they must have produced on the minds of the militia, from the impression that the mere perusal of them will make on himself." General Jackson's stirring address to his untried fight ing men was read by Edward Livingston, who was then act ing as the General's chief aid. While this address was evi dently written by Livingston, it is so typically Jacksonian in character as to leave no doubt who dictated it : TO THE EMBODIED MILITIA. Fellow citizens and soldiers! The General-commanding-in-chief would not do justice to the noble ardour that has animated you in the hour of danger, he would not do justice to his own feeling if he suffered the example you have shown to pass without pub lic notice. Inhabitants of an opulent and commercial town, you have, by a spontaneous effort, shaken off the habits which are created by wealth and shown that you are resolved to deserve the blessings of fortune by brave ly defending them. Long strangers to the perils of war you have embodied yourselves to face them with the cool countenance of veterans — and with motives of disunion that might operate on weak minds, you have forgotten the difference of language and the prejudices of national pride and united with a cordiality that does honour to your understandings as well as to your patriotism. Na tives of the United States! They are the oppressors of your infant politica] existence with whom you are to con tend — they are the men your fathers conquered whom you are to oppose. Descendants of Frenchmen! natives of France! they are English, the hereditary, the eternal enemies of your ancient country, the invaders of that you have adopted, who are your foes. Spaniards! remember the conduct of your allies at St. Sebastians and recently at Pensacola and rejoice that you have an opportunity of avenging the brutal injuries inflicted by men who dis honour the human race. Fellow citizens of every description, remember for what and against whom you contend. For all that can render life desirable — for a country blessed with every gift of nature — for property, for life — for those dearer than either, your wives and children — and for liberty, without — 72 — which, country, life, property are no longer worth pos sessing; as even the embraces of wives and children be come a reproach to the wretch who would deprive them by his cowardice of those invaluable blessings. You are to contend for all this against an enemy whose continued effort is to deprive you of the least of these blessings — who avows a war of vengeance and desolation, carried on and marked by cruelty, lust and horrors unknown to civ ilized nations. Citizens of Louisiana! the general commanding in chief ^rejoices to see the spirit that animates you, not only for *your honour," but for your safety; for, whatever had been your conduct or wishes, his duty would have led and will now lead him to confound the citizen unmindful of his rights with the enemy he ceases to oppose. Now, leading men who know their rights, who are determined to defend them, he salutes you, brave Louisianians, as brethren in arms and has now a new motive to exert all his faculties which shall be strained to the utmost in your defense. Continue with the energy you have begun and he prom ises you not only safety but victory over the insolent enemy who insulted you by an effected doubt of your at tachment to the constitution of your country. TO THE BATTALION OF UNIFORM COMPANIES. When I first looked at you on ,the day of my arrival, I was satisfied with your appearance and every day's in spection since has confirmed the opinion I then formed. Your numbers have increased with the increase of dan ger and your ardour has augmented since it was known that your post would be one of peril and honour. This is the true love of country! You have added to it an exact discipline and a skill in evolutions rarely attained by vet erans; the state of your corps does equal honour to the skill of the officers and the attention of the men. With such defenders our country has nothing to fear. Every thing I have said to the body of militia applies equally to you — you have made the same sacrifices — you have the same country to defend, the same motive for exertion — but I should have been unjust had I not noticed as it de served, the excellence of your discipline and the martial appearance of your corps. TO THE MEN OF COLOUR. Soldiers: — From the shores of Mobile I collected you to arms — I invited you to share in the perils and to divide the glory of your white countrymen. I expected much from you for I was not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe — I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst and all the hardship of the war — I knew that you loved the land of your nativity and that like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most dear to man — but you surpass my hopes. I have found in you united to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds. Soldiers — The President of the United States shall be in formed of your conduct on the present occasion and the — 73 — voice of the representatives of the American nation shall applaud your valour, as your General now praises your ardour. The enemy is near; his "sails cover the lakes,;" but the brave are united and if he finds us contending among ourselves it will be for the prize of valour and fame, its noblest reward. (By command) Thomas L. Butler, Aid-de-Camp. These corps had two days before they entered upon actual service and did regular duty like troops of the line. On the 18th Plauche's battalion was sent to Bayou St. John and the major took command of that post. A general order of this day enjoined all officers com manding detachments, outposts and pickets on the approach of the enemy, to remove out of his reach every kind of stock, horses, etc., and provisions, and directed them upon their responsibility to oppose the invaders at every point and harass them by all possible means. It concluded with this animating sentence: "The Major-General, anticipating that the enemy will penetrate into this district in a few days, requests of the people of Louisiana to do their duty cheerfully and bear the fatigues incident to a state of war as becomes a great people, anticipating from the ardour pervading, and the present help at hand, to make an easy conquest of them and teach them in future to respect the rights of liberty and the property of free men." "The garrison of Fort St. John, on Lake Pontchartrain, had been reinforced by the volunteer company of light artil lery under the coriimand of Lieutenant Wagner," Major La tour continues in his excellent narrative, "by an order of the day of the 19th, the commander-in-chief ordered several persons confined in the different military prisons, for hav ing violated the laws of the country, to be set at liberty on their offering to take up arms in defense of the country. "But that favor was restricted to such persons as were within two months of completing the term of imprisonment to which they had been condemned. These and all others not under sentence were, in persuance of that order, set at liberty by the commanding officers at Fort St. Charles, the Barracks and the powder magazine. "The country being now in imminent danger, it became necessary to adopt the most vigorous measures to prevent all communication with the enemy ; and in order that such per sons as might be apprehended for having given the British information as to the situation of the country, its means of defense in troops, artillery, fortification, etc., might not — 74 — escape punishment, General Jackson wrote to the Governor suggesting to him the propriety of his recommending to the Legislature to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. As the danger was daily increasing the General could not without exposing the safety of the country whose defense was com mitted to him, wait till the dilatory forms of deliberation should empower him to take the steps necessary for saving it. Nor did it escape his penetration that the legislature was not disposed to second his views by that energetic meas ure. The hour of combat grew near, that of discussing, de liberating and referring to committees, had gone by. "The time called for action and promptitude, and ac cordingly General Jackson proclaimed martial law and from that moment his means became more commensurate with the weight of responsibility he had to sustain. The object of his commission was to save the country; and this he was sen sible could never be effected by half -measures. It was neces sary that all the forces, all orders, all means of opposition to be directed against the enemy should receive their im pulse from the center of the circumference they occupied. They ought tp be radii, diverging from one and the same point, and not entangling chords intersecting that circum ference and each other. From the moment martial law was proclaimed everything proceeded with order and regularity, nor did any of our means prove abortive. Every individual was stationed at his proper post. The guard of the city was committed to the corps and veterans and fire-engine men who were to occupy the barracks, hospitals, and other posts as soon as the troops of the line and the militia shoul d be commanded on service out of town. "The privateers of Barataria and all persons arrested for or accused of any infraction of the revenue laws, sent to tender their services to General Jackson. Jean Lafitte, adhering to the line of conduct he had marked out for him self and from which he had never deviated from the begin ning of September, when the British officers made him pro posals, waited on the commander-in-chief who, in considera tion of the eventful crisis, had obtained for him a safe conduct from Judge Hall, and from the marshal of the district. "Mr. Lafitte solicited for himself and for all the Bara tarians the honour of serving under our banners that they might have an opportunity of proving that if they had infringed the revenue laws, none were more ready than they to defend the country and combat its enemies. , "Persuaded that the assistance of these men could not fail of being very useful the General accepted their offers. — 75 — Some days after a certain number of them formed a corps under the command of Captains Dominique You and Be- lauche and were employed during the whole campaign at the lines where, with distinguished skill they served two twenty-four-pounders Batteries Nos. 3 and 4. Others en listed in one or other of the three companies of marines, raised by Captains Songis, Lagaud and Colson. The first of these companies was sent to the fort of Petites Coquilles, the second to that of St. Philip, and the third to Bayou St. John. "All classes of society were now animated with the most ardent zeal. The young, the old ; women and children, all breathed defiance to the enemy, firmly resolved to oppose to the utmost the threatened invasion. General Jackson had electrified all hearts; all were sensible of the approaching danger; but they waited its presence undismayed. They knew that in a few days they must come to action with the enemy; yet, calm and unalarmed, they pursued their usual occupations interrupted only when they tranquilly left their homes to perform military duty at the posts assigned them. It was known that the enemy was on our coast within a few hours' sail of the city, with a presumed force of between nine and ten thousand men whilst all the forces we had yet to oppose him amounted to no more than one thousand regu lars, and from four to five thousand militia. "These circumstances were publicly known nor could anyone disguise, to himself or to others, the dangers with which we were threatened. 'Yet, such was the universal confidence inspired by the activity and decision of the com mander-in-chief, added to the detestation in which the enemy was held and the desire to punish his audacity should he pre sume to land, that not a single warehouse or shop was shut nor were any goods or valuable effects removed from the city. At that period New Orleans presented a very effect ing picture to the eyes of the patriot and of all those whose bosoms glow with the feelings of national honour which raise the mind far above the vulgar apprehension of per sonal danger. "The citizens were preparing for battle as cheerfully as if it had been a party of pleasure each in his vernacular tongue singing songs of victory The steets resounded with Yankee Doodle, the Marseilles Hymn, the Chant du Depart and other military airs, while those who had been long un accustomed to military duty, were burnishing their arms and accoutrements. "Beauty applauded valour and promised with her smiles to reward the toils of the brave. Though inhabiting an — 76 — open town, not above ten leagues from the enemy and never till now exposed to war's alarms, the fair sex of New Or leans were animated with the ardour of their defenders and, with cheerful serenity at the sound of the drum, pre sented themselves at the windows and balconies to applaud the troops going through their evolutions and to encourage their husbands, sons, fathers and brothers, to protect them from the insults of our ferocious enemies and prevent a repetition of the horrors of Hampton. "The several corps of militia were constantly exercis ing from morning till evening and at all hours was heard the sound of drums and of military bands of music. New Orleans wore the appearance of a camp and the greatest cheerfulness and concord prevailed amongst all ranks and conditions of people. All countenances expressed a wish to come to an engagement with the enemy and announced a foretaste of victory." GEN. JACQUES VILLERE, Commander of Louisiana Militia, Fath er of Major Gabriel Villere. CHAPTER SEVEN. THE ARRIVAL OF THE INVADING ARMY. To gain a clear and comprehensive idea of part of what happened when the invading army landed and in unfolding the wonderful series of events that followed, as far as pos sible, English officers who took part in them shall tell their side of the history that reads like romance. The writing of "The Subaltern," Robert Gleig, a lieutenant of the Eighty-fifth Light Infantry, whose work, "The British Campaigns at Washington and New Orleans," published at London in 1836, give exceptionally fine descrip tions of all the events in which he participated. This book was held in high opinion by the Duke of Wellington who said : "The Subaltern is excellent, particularly in the Ameri can Expedition to New Orleans. He describes all he sees." "It is impossible," says the Subaltern in writing of the fleet that was to descend on New Orleans, "to conceive a finer sea view than this general stir presented. Our fleet amounted now to upwards of fifty sail many of them vessels- of-war which, shaking loose their topsails and lofting their anchors at the same moment, gave to Negril Bay an appear ance of bustle such as it has seldom been able to present. In half an hour all the canvass was set and the ships moved slowly and proudly from their anchorage till, having cleared the head-lands and caught the fair breeze which blew with out, they bounded over the water with the speed of eagles and long before dark the coast of Jamaica had disappeared. "There is something in rapidity of motion, whether it be along a high road or across the deep extremely elevating ; nor was its effect unperceived on the present occasion. It is true that there were other causes for the high spirits which now pervaded the armament but I question if any proved more efficient in their production than the astonish ing rate of our sailing. Whether the business we were about to undertake would prove bloody or the reverse entered not into the calculations of a single individual in the fleet. The sole subject of remark was the speed with which we got 77 — 78 — over the ground and the probability that existed of our soon reaching the point of debarkation. "It was the 10th of December before the shores of America could be discerned. On that day we found our selves opposite to the Chandleur Islands and near the en trance of Lake Borgne. There the fleet anchored that the troops might be removed from the heavy ships into such as drew least water; and from this and other preparations it appeared that to ascend this lake was the plan determined upon. "To reduce the forts which commanded the navigation of the river was regarded as a task too difficult to be at tempted ; and for any ships to pass without their reduction seemed impossible. Trusting, therefore that the object of the enterprise was unknown to the Americans, Sir Alexander Cochrane and General Kane determined to effect a landing somewhere on the banks of the lake and pushing directly on to take possession of the town before any effectual prepa ration could be made for its defense. With this view the troops were removed from the larger into the lighter ves sels and these, under convoy of such gun-brigs as the shal lowness of the water would float, began on the thirteenth, to enter Lake Borgne." After describing the destruction of the gunboats, "The Subaltern" gives a graphic account of the actual landing. "Having destroyed all opposition in this quarter, the fleet again weighed anchor and stood up the lake," he says. "But we had not been many hours under sail when ship after ship ran aground. Such as still floated were, therefore, crowded with the troops from those which could go no further 'till finally the lightest vessel stuck fast and the boats were of necessity hoisted out to carry us a distance of upward of thirty miles. To be confined for so long a time as the prose cution of this voyage would require in one posture, was of itself no very agreeable prospect, but the confinement was but a trifling misery when compared with that which arose from the change of the weather. Instead of a constant brac ing frost, heavy rains such as an inhabitant of England can not dream of, and against which no cloak could furnish pro tection, began. In the midst of these were the troops em barked in their new and straightened transports and each division, after an exposure of ten hours, landed upon a small desert spot of earth called Pine Island where it was determined to collect the whole army previous to its cross ing over to the mainland. "Than ¦ this spot it is scarcely possible to imagine any place more completely wretched. It was a swamp containing — 79 — a small space of firm ground at one end and almost wholly unadorned with trees of any sort or description. There were, indeed a few stunted firs upon the very edge of the water but these were so diminutive in size as hardly to de serve a higher classification than among the meanest of shrubs. The interior was the resort of wild ducks and other water fowl and the pools and creeks with which it was in tersected abounded in dormant alligators. "Upon this miserable desert the army was assembled without tents or huts or any covering to shelter them from the inclemency of the weather and in truth we may fairly affirm that our hardships had here their commencement. After having been exposed all day to a cold and pelting rain we landed upon a barren island, incapable of furnishing even fuel enough to supply our fires. To add to our miseries, as night closed, the rain generally ceased and severe frosts set in which, congealing our wet clothes upon our bodies, left little animal warmth to keep the limbs in a state of activity and the consequence was that many of the wretched negroes, to whom frost and cold were altogether new, fell fast asleep and perished before morning. For provisions again, we were entirely dependent upon the fleet. There were here no living creatures which would suffer themselves to be caught, even the water fowl being so timorous that it was im possible to approach them within musket shot. Salt meat and ship biscuit were, therefore, our food, moistened by a small allowance of rum; fare, which though no doubt very wholesome, was not such as to reconcile us to the cold and wet under which we suffered. "On the part of the navy again all these hardships were experienced in a four-fold degree. Night and day were boats pulling from the fleet to the island and from the island to the fleet, for it was the 21st before all the troops were got on shore and as there was little time to inquire into men's turns of labor, many seamen were four or five days continually at the oar. Thus, they had not only to bear up against variety of temperature, but against hunger, fatigue and want of sleep in addition; three as fearful burdens as can be laid upon the human frame. Yet, in spite of all this, not a murmur nor a whisper of complaint could be heard throughout the whole expedition. No man appeared to re gard the present whilst everyone looked forward to the future. From the general down to the youngest drum-boy, a confident anticipation of success seemed to pervade all ranks; and in the hope of an ample reward in store for them, the toils and grievances of the moment were forgot ten. Nor was this anticipation the mere offspring of an — 80 — overwhelming confidence in themselves. Several Americans had already deserted who entertained us with accounts of the alarm experienced in New Orleans. They assured us that there were not at present five thousand soldiers in the State, that the principal inhabitants had long ago left the place; that such as remained Were ready to join us as soon as we should appear among them; and that, therefore, we might lay our account with a speedy and bloodless conquest. The same persons likewise dilated upon the wealth and im portance of the town ; upon the large quantities of govern ment store there collected ; and the rich booty which would reward its capture — subjects well calculated to tickle the fancy of invaders and to make them unmindful of immediate afflictions in the expectation of so great a recompense to come. "The enemy's cutters having fallen into our hands, at an early hour on the morning of the 16th the disembarkation of the troops began. So deficient, however, was the fleet in boats and other small craft fit to navigate the lakes, that it was late on the evening of the 21st, before the last divi sion took up its ground upon Pine Island, and even then the inconveniences of descent were not beginning. The troops had yet to be arranged in corps and brigades; to each of these its proportion of commissaries, purveyors and medical attendants, etc., etc., required to be allotted, and some at tempt at establishing depots of provisions and military stores had to be made. In adjusting these matters the whole of the 22nd was occupied, on which day General Keane like wise reviewed the whole of the army. This being ended the force was next distributed into divisions or corps and the following is the order it assumed. "Instead of a light brigade the General resolved to set apart three battalions as an advance guard. The regiments nominated to that service were the 4th., the 85th. Light In fantry and the 95th. Rifles and he selected Colonel Thorn ton of the 85th. as an officer of talent and enterprise to com mand them. Attached to his corps were a party of rocket- men with two light three-pounders, a species of gun con venient enough Where celerity of movement is alone regard ed but of very little real utility in the field. The rest of the troops were arranged, as before, into two brigades. The first composed of the 21st, 44th., and one black regiment was intrusted to Colonel Brook; and the second containing the 93rd., and the other black corps to Colonel Hamilton of the 7th. West India regiment. To each of these a certain proportion of artillery and rockets was allotted whilst the dragoons, who had brought their harness and other appoint- I I'lioto l.y Shinley Cllshy Arthur.) THREE OAKS MANSION. Where the wounded from Jackson's line were treated during the 8th and previous engagements. (ol) — 82 — ments on shore, remained as a sort of body guard to the General till, they should provide themselves with horses. "The adjustment of these matters having occupied a con siderable part of the 22nd., it was determined that all things should remain as they were till next morning. Boats in the mean-time began to assemble from all quarters, supplies of ammunition were packed so as to prevent the possibility of damage by moisture and stores of various descriptions were got ready. But it appeared that even now many serious in conveniences must be endured and obstacles surmounted be fore the troops could reach the scene of action. In the first place from Pine Island to that part of the main land to wards which prudence directed us to steer, was a distance of no less than eighty miles. This of itself was an obstacle or at least an inconvenience of no slight nature, for should the weather prove boisterous, open boats heavily laden with soldiers would stand little chance of escaping destruction in the course of so long a voyage. In the next place, and what was of infinitely greater importance, it was found that there were not throughout the whole fleet a sufficient number of boats to transport above one-third of the army at a time. But to land in divisions Would expose our forces to be at tacked in detail by which means one party might be cut to pieces before the others could arrive to its support. The undertaking was, therefore, on the whole extremely danger ous and such as would have been probably abandoned by more timid leaders. Ours, however, were not so to be alarmed. They had entered upon a hazardous business in whatever way it should be prosecuted, and, since they could not work miracles, they resolved to lose no time in bringing their army into the field, in the best manner which circum stances would permit. "With this view the advance, consisting of sixteen hun dred men and two pieces of cannon, was next morning em barked. I have already stated that there is a small creek called the Bayou de Catiline which runs up from Lake Pont- chartrain through the middle of an extensive morass about ten miles below New Orleans. Towards the creek were the boats directed and here it was resolved to effect a landing. When we set sail the sky was dark and lowering and before long a heavy rain began to fall. Continuing without inter mission during the whole of the day towards night it as usual ceased and was succeeded by a sharp frost which, taking effect upon men thoroughly exposed and already cramped by remaining so long in one posture, rendered our limbs completely powerless. Nor was there any means of dispelling the benumbing sensation or effectually resisting — 83 — the cold. Fires of charcoal, indeed being lighted in the sterns of the boats, -were permitted to burn as long as day light lasted, but as soon as it grew dark they were of neces sity extinguished, lest the flame should be seen by row boats from the shore and an alarm be thus communicated. Our situation was, therefore, the reverse of agreeable since even sleep was denied us from the apprehension of fatal conse quences. "Having remained in this uncomfortable state till mid night the boats cast anchor and hoisted awnings. There was a small piquet of the enemy stationed at the entrance of the creek by which it was intended to effect our landing. This it was absolutely necessary to surprise and, while the rest lay at anchor, two or three fast-sailing barges were pushed on to execute the service. Nor did they experience much difficulty in accomplishing their object. Nothing, as it appeared, was less dreamt of by the Americans than an at tack from this quarter, consequently no persons could be less on their guard than the party here stationed. The offi cer who conducted the force sent against them found not so much as a single sen tinel posted but having landed his men at two places above and below the hut which they inhabit ed, extended his ranks so as to surround it and, closing gradually in, took them all fast asleep without noise or re sistance. "When such time had been allowed as was deemed suf ficient for the accomplishment of this undertaking the flo tilla again weighed anchor and without waiting for intelli gence of success pursued their voyage. Hitherto we had been hurried along at a rapid rate by a fair breeze which enabled us to carry canvas but this now left us and we made way only by rowing. Our progress was, therefore, consid erably retarded and the risk of discovery heightened by the noise that labor necessarily occasions, but in spite of these obstacles we reached the entrance of the creek by dawn and about nine o'clock were safely on shore. "The place where we landed was as wild as it is possi ble to imagine. Gaze where we might nothing could be seen but one huge marsh covered with tall reeds ; not a house nor a vestige of human industry could be discovered ; and even of trees there were but a few growing upon the banks of the creek. Yet it was such a spot as above all others, favored our operations. No eye could watch us or report our arrival to the American general. By remaining quietly among the reeds we might effectually conceal ourselves from notice because from the appearance of all around it was easy to perceive that the place which we occupied had been — 84 — seldom, if ever before, marked with a human footstep. Con cealment, however, was the thing above all others which we required; for be it remembered that there were now only sixteen hundred men on the main land. The rest were still at Pine Island where they must remain till the boats which had transported us should return from their conveyance, consequently, many hours must elapse before this small corps could be either reinforced or supported. If, there fore, we had sought for a point where a descent might be made in secrecy and safety we could not have found one better calculated for that purpose than the present, because it afforded every means of concealment to one part of our force until the others should be able to come up. "For these reasons it was confidently expected that no movement would be made previous to the arrival of the oth er brigades, but in our expectations of quiet we were de ceived. The deserters who had come in and accompanied us as guides assured the general that he had only to show him self when the whole district would submit. They repeated that there were not five thousand men in arms throughout the State ; that of these not more than twelve hundred were regular soldiers, and that the whole force was at present several miles on the opposite side of the town, expecting an attack on that quarter and apprehending no danger on this. These arguments, together with the nature of the ground on which we stood, so ill calculated for a proper distribution of troops in case of attack and so well calculated to hide the movements of an army acquainted with all the passes and tracks which, for aught we knew, intersected the morass, induced our leader to push forward at once into the open country. As soon, therefore, as the advance Was formed and the boats had departed we began our march following an indistinct path along the edge of the ditch or canal. But it was not without many checks that we were able to pro ceed. Other ditches similar to that whose course we pur sued, frequently stopped us by running in a cross direction • and falling into it at right angles. These were too wide to be leaped and too deep to be forded, consequently on all such occasions the troops were obliged to halt till bridges were hastily constructed of such materials as could be pro cured and thrown across. "Having advanced in this manner for several hours we at length found ourselves approaching a more cultivated re gion. The marsh became gradually less and less continued being intersected by wider spots of firm ground, the reeds gave place by degrees to wood and the wood to inclosed fields. Upon these, however, nothing grew, harvest having — 85 — long ago ended. They accordingly presented but a melan choly appearance being covered with the stubble of sugar cane, which resembled the reeds which we had just quitted in everything except altitude. Nor as yet was any house or cottage to be seen. Though we knew that human habita tions could not be far off it was impossible to guess where they lay or how numerous they might prove; and, as we could not tell whether our guides might not be deceiving us and whether ambuscades might not be laid for our destruc tion as soon as we could arrive where troops could conveni ently act, our march was insensibly conducted with in creased caution and regularity. "But in a little while some groves of orange-trees pre sented themselves on passing which two or three farm houses appeared. Towards these our advanced companies immediately hastened with the hope of surprising the in habitants and preventing any alarm from being raised. Hur rying along at double quick time they surrounded the build ings, succeeded in securing the tenants and capturing sev eral horses ; but, becoming rather careless in watching their prisoners, one man contrived to effect his escape. Now, then, all hope of eluding observation might be laid aside. The rumor of our landing would, we knew, spread faster than we could march and it only remained to make that ru mor as terrible as possible. "With this view the column was commanded to widen its files, and to present as formidable an appearance as could be assumed. Changing our order in obedience to these directions we marched, not in sections of eight or ten abreast, but in pairs and thus contrived to cover with our small division as large a tract of ground as if we had mus tered thrice our present numbers. Our steps were like wise quickened that we might gain, if possible, some ad vantageous position where we might be able to cope with any force that might attack us and thus hastening on we soon arrived at the main road which leads directly to New Orleans. Turning to the right we then advanced in the di rection of that town for about a mile, when having reached a spot where it was considered that we might encamp in comparative safety, our little column halted, the men piled their arms and a regular bivouac was formed. "Looking up towards the town which we at this time faced, the marsh is upon your right and the river upon your left. Close to the latter runs the main road following the course of the stream all the way to New Orleans. Between the road and the water is thrown up a lofty and strong em bankment resembling the dykes in Holland and meant to — 86 — serve a similar purpose by means of which the Mississippi is prevented from overflowing its banks and the entire flat is preserved from inundation. But the attention of a stranger is irresistibly drawn away from every other ob ject to contemplate the magnificence of this noble river. Pouring along at the prodigious rate of four miles an hour an immense body of water is spread out before you, measur ing a full mile across and nearly a hundred fathoms in depth. What this mighty stream must be near its mouth I can hardly imagine for we were here upwards of a hundred miles from the ocean. "Such was the general aspect of the country which we had entered ; — our own position again was this : The three regiments turning off from the road into one extensive green field formed three close columns within pistol-shot of the river. Upon our right, but so much in advance as to be of no service to us, was a large house surrounded by about twenty wooden huts probably intended for the accommoda tion of slaves. Towards this house there was a slight rise1 in the ground and between it and the camp was a small pond of no great depth. As far to the rear again as the first was to the front stood another house inferior in point of appearance and skirted by no out-buildings; this was also upon the right, and here General Keane who accompanied us fixed his headquarters, but neither the one nor the other could be employed as a covering redoubt, the flank of the division extending as it were between them. A little way in advance again, where the outposts were stationed, ran a dry ditch and a row of lofty palings affording some cover to the front of our line should it be formed diagonally with the main road. The left likewise was well secured by the river but the right and rear were wholly unprotected. Though in occupying this field, therefore, we might have looked very well had the country around us been friendly, it must be confessed that our situation hardly deserved the title of a military position." CHAPTER EIGHT. THE BATTLE THAT REALLY SAVED NEW ORLEANS. {December 23rd, 1814.) While the 8th of January commemorates a great battle and the one, in the minds of most Americans, that witnessed the astonishing triumph of untrained merchants and back woodsmen against the veteran soldiery of Europe, the 23rd of December had perhaps far more to do with the driving of Pakenham's legions from our soil than the battle which has gone down in history as our greatest triumph. This fight that occurred two days before Christmas is barely mentioned in most histories, but it was the saving of Louis iana. This is the opinion of Major Latour to whom all historians must go to learn what actually happened in New Orleans one hundred years ago. On the 21st of December General Jackson ordered a detachment of the third regiment of militia to scout along the outlying bayous and waterways lying between the city, English Turn, as the bend of the Mississippi River is known, and Lake Borgne. These militia men were commanded by Major Gabriel Villere, the son of General Jacque Villere who afterwards became the second Governor of Louisiana under American domination, to see that the invading army would not attack the city from below without Jackson's knowing of it. Arriving at his home, the old Villere planta tion, the houses of which are standing in 1915, Major Vil lere sent a detachment of his forces consisting of eight white men under the sergeant, who is believed to have been Bernard Ducros, in a boat to the village of the Span ish fishermen on the left bank of the Bayou Bienvenu, a mile and a half from" its entry into Lake Borgne, for the pur pose of discovering whether the enemy might attempt to penetrate that way and to give notice of such an attempt. The nine white men were accompanied by three negroes. The Bayou Bienvenu has become a matter of great inter est from the fact that the British forces penetrated through it to the dry land below the city, and the description given 87 — 88 — here and the account of the British invasion are taken prin cipally from Major Latour 's most valuable historical me moir. "This bayou, formerly called the river St. Francis, un der which designation it is laid down in some old maps, is the creek through which run all the waters of a large basin, of a triangular form, about eighty square miles in surface, bounded on the south by the Mississippi, on the west by New Orleans, by Bayou Sauvage of Chef-Menteur on the northwest, and on the east by Lake Borgne, into which it empties. It receives the waters of several other bayous, formed by those of the surrounding cypress swamps and prairies and of innumerable little streams from the low grounds along the river. It formerly commenced behind the suburb Marigny at New Orleans, dividing the triangle nearly into two equal parts from the summit to the lake which formed its basis and running in a south-easterly di rection. It is navigable for vessels of one hundred tons as far as the forks of the canal of Piernas' plantation, twelve miles from its mouth. Its breadth is from one hundred and ten to one hundred and fifty yards, and it has six feet of water on the bar at common tides, and nine feet at spring tides. Within the bar there is, for a considerable extent, sufficient water for vessels of from two to three hundred tons. Its principal branch is that which is called Bayou Mazant, which runs towards the southwest, and receives the waters of the canals of the plantations of Villere, Lacoste and Laronde, on which the enemy established his principal encampment. It was at the forks of the Canal Villere and Bayou Mazant that the British ascended in their pinnaces and effected a landing. "The detachment sent by Major Villere repaired in the night of the 21st December to the post assigned, the fisher men's village, consisting of twelve very large cabins, capable of containing from two hundred to three hundred men, and constructed with stakes, thatched and inclosed with pal metto leaves, on a tongue of land on the left bank of Bayou Bienvenu. In these cabins lived about thirty or forty fish ermen, almost all Spaniards or Portuguese. From Lake .Borgne, which being shallow and in their vicinity, afforded them an advantageous fishing ground, they used to convey their fish in pirogues (periaguas) to the extremity of the canal of Laronde's and Villere's plantations, from which place it was transported by wagons to town. The owners of these plantations, Messrs. Villere, Lacoste and LaRonde, permitted these fishermen to enjoy the gratuitous use of their canals, and constantly afforded relief to such of these — 89 — wretches as happened to fall sick, and it will soon appear that in return for the beneficence of those gentlemen the wretches sold the lives and fortunes of their benefactors." Major Latour was not able to discover the names of ali those fishermen, "to consign them to execration and infamy, as I here do the following few who have come to my knowl edge," but said the master fishermen were: Maringuier, Old Luiz, Francisco, and Graviella, and the hireling fisher men were : Antonio el Italiano, El Campechano, Antonio El Portuguez, Manuelillo, Antonio El Mayorquin, Garcia, and others. These are well known to have aided the British in dis embarking their troops, serving as pilots on board their ves sels and boats, and acting as spies for them from the period of their arrival on the coast. It was their practice, when they came to town to sell their fish, to get all the informa tion they could, for the purpose of carrying it to the English when they went out to fish in Lake Borgne. On the 20th of December, the day preceding the arrival of the detachment at the village, the British Captain Peddie had come dis guised, accompanied by the three first named of these fish ermen, as far as the bank of the Mississippi, and had even tasted its water. It was from his report, after having ex amined the country, that the enemy determined to pene trate by Villere's canal, whose banks at the time afforded firm footing from the landing place in the prairie to the river. Peddie was accompanied by the Hon. Captain Spen cer, son of Earl Spencer, on the spying expedition. "When the detachment arrived at the village," con tinues Latour's narrative, "they found only one fisherman, and him sick, all the others having gone the day before, un der the pretence of fishing, to serve as pilots to the British barges. A few men were immediately sent into the lake to discover whether the enemy were already arrived and on their return a sentinel was posted at some distance in advance of the last cabin for the rest of the night. "On the 22nd, by break of day, a reconnoitring party of three men was again sent two miles on to the lake and during that whole day fresh parties were sent out every two hours to discover whether the enemy were approaching. Towards evening three men in a pirogue arrived from Chef- Menteur, who had traversed part of the lake without seeing any enemy. That night a sentinel was again posted in ad vance of the cabins. "Some time after midnight the sentinel having heard a noise, called his comrades, who all instantly seized their arms. By the last gleams of the setting moon, they per- — 90 — ceived five barges full of men, with some pieces of artil lery, ascending the bayou ; on which, thinking it would be imprudent to fire, considering the great disproportion of numbers, they retired 'for concealment behind a cabin. As soon as the five barges had passed this cabin, a party deter mined to attempt to escape by the lake and give information of the arrival of the enemy. With this view, seven men of the detachment had already got into the boat, when one of the barges having perceived them, gave the alarm to the four others, who all made for the boat and became masters of it before it could be got ready to push off. Only four of those in the boat had time to land, and the remaining three were taken, as were two others on shore, so that of. the whole detachment only four escaped, who ran in different di rections into the prairies, and of these four, three individu als, after having wandered a whole day in the prairies, where the height of the grass hindered them from seeing any way to get out of them, happened to fall into the hands of the enemy at the very village from which they had fled. One alone, Mr. A. Rey, more persevering, or perhaps more fortunate, after three days of uncommon fatigue, hardships and perils, over trembling prairies, bayous, lagoons, and through cane brakes,, arrived at the post of Bertoniere on the road leading from Gentilly to Chef-Menteur. "The . enemy having made prisoners of all these men, shut them up in this cabin which they used as their quarters and placed a guard at the door. What further corroborates the evidence of the communication of the fishermen with the British is the precaution that had been taken by the only one of them that was at the village on the arrival of the enemy to shut up in a cabin, that same evening, all the dogs of the village who had kept up an incessant barking during all the preceding night. But this is not all: the British, through a mistake, imprisoned one of the fishermen with the detachment on the morning of the 23rd. This man, seeing a British officer passing by the cabin, called to him, and on discovering himself to him as one of those whom he had frequently seen aboard British vessels, he Was immediately set at liberty. "About an hour afterwards Mr. Ducros, a native of Louisiana, was taken from among the prisoners in the cabin and put on board a boat in which was Captain Spencer of the navy, with the colonel of infantry. The boat proceeded to the lake in which, when they had advanced about a mile, they met the rest of the first division consisting of about three thousand men in eight boats. That division was com posed of the light brigade formed of the 85th and 95th reg- — 91 — iments, Captain Lake's rocketeers, one hundred men of the engineer corps, and the 4th regiment, all under the command of Colonel Thornton. "Captain Spencer announced his prisoner to General Keane and Admiral Cochrane as one of those taken at the village. The admiral then inquired of Mr Ducros what might be the number of the American forces in the city and environs. The answer he received was that there were from twelve to fifteen thousand men in the city and from three to four thousand at the English Turn. The admiral then ordered Captain Spencer to proceed with all speed with the advanced guard and to effect a landing at the point agreed on. The division proceeded accordingly and when it arrived at the village Admiral Cochrane with several other officers went on shore and the division, under the command of Gen eral Keane, proceeded up the bayou. The admiral had the other officers put again to all the prisoners the question they had asked Mr. Ducros, and received from nearly all the same answer in consequence of a conversation the even ing before in which they had made the number of troops already arrived or hourly expected at New Orleans to amount to eighteen thousand men. "The division arrived at the extremity of Villere's canal by four in the morning and soon effected a landing, being almost wholly composed of light troops. After the troops had rested some hours, the British colours were dis played at the top of a tree, while the band played "God Save the King"; and at about ten o'clock they commenced their march towards the banks of the Mississippi, cutting cane as they went along, to facilitate their passage over the prairie and small bayous or coulees. From the mouth of the canal to the skirts of the wood the distance is about a mile, and from thence to the bank of the river nearly two miles. At about half after eleven, the advance arrived at the side of the wood next the river, and immediately extend ed along Villere's canal. They now surrounded the house of General Jacque Villere, in which was stationed a company of the third regiment of militia, whom they made prison ers, and where they surprised Major Gabriel Villere, his son, who, notwithstanding several pistols fired at him, made his escape through a window and got to the river, where finding a pirogue, he crossed to the right bank. Colonel Denis de la Ronde, who on that very night, the 23rd, as in deed throughout the whole campaign, rendered essential services to his country, had also escaped from the enemy and arrived in town by the opposite bank. "The rest of the troops of the division continued to — 92 — arrive at General Villere's house and were on the march towards the higher boundary of the plantation, with intent to encamp there, when they were first discovered. Colonel Denis de la Ronde, who had stationed detachments of his regiment, the third Louisiana Militia, on General Vil lere's and Jumonville's plantations, had, in the evening of the 22nd, sent to inform General Jackson that several sails of vessels had been seen on the point of the three bayous, behind Terre aux Boeufs. The General ordered me (Major Latour) to go, in company with Major Tatum, topograph ical engineer, to ascertain whether this report were true ; di recting us to examine very particularly all the communica tions from Terre aux Boeufs to Lake Borgne. We left town at eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 23rd, and when we arrived at the boundary of Bienvenu's and la Ronde's plant ations we met several persons flying towards town who told us that the British had got to General Villere's house by the canal and had taken prisoner Major Villere, the general's son. "It being of the utmost importance to inform General Jackson of an event no longer doubtful, Major Tatum im mediately returned to town and I proceeded forward as far as over the boundary of Lacoste's and Villere plantations, whence I discovered British troops occupying the ground from the commencement of the angle made by the road in that place to the head of the canal. I approached within rifle-shot of these troops and judged that their number must amount to sixteen or eighteen hundred men. It was then half-past one P. M., and within twenty-five minutes after General Jackson was informed of the enemy's posi tion. "On this the General, with that heroism and prompt de cision which is characteristic of him, and of which he had exhibited such signal instances during the campaign, in stantly said he would go to meet the British, and immediate ly issued orders to that effect. The alarm-gun was fired; the battalion of uniform companies, commanded by Major Plauche, then stationed at the Bayou St. John, was ordered to return and join the other corps with all possible speed, which order the battalion executed by running all the way." It is this run that the athletes of the city of New Or leans have observed nearly every January 8th thereafter. Running the six-mile course that stretches from the old Spanish Fort to the statue of the beloved general in Jackson Square. CHAPTER NINE. THE PART MAJOR VILLERE PLAYED. "One man contrived to effect his escape," says The Subaltern, in that part of his narrative which describes the surrounding of a planter's house near the banks of the Mississippi and the seizure of its inmates. How many a gallant life hung upon the chances of that one man's capture ! How many a wife, mother, sweet heart over the sea had been spared the desolation of their lives had one of the shower of bullets amid which he fled have stopped his flight! How differently it might have fared with New Orleans, with General Jackson, with the invading army, if the news from the Villere's plantation had been delayed but a few hours! The individual invested with such sudden and extreme importance was young Major Gabriel Villere, the son of General Jacques Villere, a Creole planter of ancient lineage upon whose plantation the British were then halting. Ma jor Villere it was who had stationed the picket at the mouth of the bayou by which the English troops had gained the banks of the Mississippi, and stood now upon the high road leading to the prize they were in search of and within a few miles of it. The adventures of this young man upon that eventful day, as gathered from his own lips, have been effectively told by the admirable author of "Jackson and New Orleans." "Secure in his outposts," says the author referred to, "the Major was sitting on the front gallery of the house looking toward the river and quietly enjoying his cigar, whilst his brother Caliste was engaged in cleaning a fowl ing-piece. Suddenly the Major observed some men in red coats running toward the river. Immediately he leaped from his chair and rushed into the hall with a view of escaping by the rear of the house. What were his horror and dismay to encounter at the back door several armed men. One of these was Colonel Thornton who, with drawn sword, called to the Major to surrender. There were no 93 — 94 — braver men than the Villeres; their heritage was one of dauntless courage and chivalry, — but resistance under such circumstances would have been madness. With infinite mortification the young Creole surrendered. Caliste had already been arrested in the yard. "The two young men were then confined in one of the rooms closely guarded, until General Keane could come up. These events occurred at half past ten o'clock on the morning of the 23rd of December. Surrounded and vigi lantly guarded by his captors, Major Villere watched eager ly for an opportunity to escape. He felt that if he should remain imprisoned the columniators of his race would find, in the circumstance, some color for the aspersions of the patriotism and fidelity of the Creoles of Louisiana. To repel so base an inference he determined to incur every peril. "Springing suddenly from the group of soldiers, he leaped through the window of the room in which he was confined, and throwing down several of the British who stood in his way, ran toward a high picket fence which inclosed the yard ; clearing this at a bound in the presence of some fifty British soldiers, several of whom discharged their arms at him, he made for the woods with that celerity and agility for which the young Creole hunter is so dis tinguished. The British immediately started in hot pur suit, scattering themselves over the field so as to surround the fugitive. 'Catch or kill him",' was Thornton's order. "Traversing the field behind the house, Villere plunged into the cypress forest which girts the swamp and ran un til the boggy nature of the soil began to impede his pro gress. He could distinctly hear the voices of his pursuers rallying one another and pointing out the course he had taken. His recapture now seemed inevitable, when it oc curred to him to climb a large live-oak and conceal himself in its thick evergreen branches. "As he was about to execute his design his attention was attracted by a low whine or cry at his feet. He looked down and beheld his favorite setter crouched piteously on the ground, by her mournful look and action expressing more strongly than could the human face or form her sympathy for the perils of her master and her desire to share his fate. This faithful creature had followed her master in his flight. What could Villere do with the poor animal? Her presence near the tree would inevitably be tray him. There was no other hope for escape. His own life might not be of so much value, but then the honor of his family, of a proud lineage, the safety of the city (Photo by Stanley Clisby Arthur.) THE VILLERE PLANTATION HOME. On the gallery of this home Major Gabriel Villere was captured. It was the headquarters for the British army from December 23, 1814, to January 19, 1815. The room in the nearest corner was the one occupied by General Pakenham and the side gallery railing is the one over which Gabriel Villere leaped when he escaped (95) his captors and warned General Jackson. — 96 — of his birth, with whose fortunes those of his family had been so conspicuously associated; the imminent peril in which Jackson and his soldiers would be placed by the sur prise of the city. "These and other considerations, such as should in fluence and control a gallant and honorable man, sup pressed and overwhelmed all tender emotions of pity and affection. The sacrifice had to be made. With a deep sigh and eyes full of tears the young Creole seized the throat of the poor fawning, faithful dog as she cowered at his feet and with his strong hands soon throttled her. Con cealing the dead body, he ascended the tree where he re mained until the British had returned to their camp, and the pursuit was relinguished. He then slipped stealthily down and stealing along the edge of the woods hurried to a plantation below where he found his father-in-law, Colonel de la Ronde, who, hearino* of the anproach of the British, was hurrying up from Terre-aux-Boeufs to join Jackson. "Obtaining a boat, Villere and de la Ronde rowed across the river and reached in safety the plantation on the right bank of the Mississippi of P. S. Dussau de la Croix, one of the Committee of Public Safety of New Or leans. Horses were quickly saddled and Villere, De la Ronde and De la Croix leaping upon them, put spurs in their animals and rode towards the city as rapidly as the swift little Creole ponies could bear them. "Thirty-seven years had passed and the gallant young Creole hero of this adventure, emaciated by long sickness and prematurely old, surrounded by a family of gallant sons and lovely daughters, sat in that very gallery and on the very spot on which he was surprised by the British. and related with graphic distinctness, with kindly eye and voice, hoarse with emotion, the painful sensation, the agon izing remorse which agitated his soul when compelled to sacrifice his faithful dog to prevent the surprise of his native city and save his own honor. A few weeks after, his worn frame was consigned to Ithe mausoleum which incloses the mortal remains of many other members of a family whose name is so highly honored in the annal?: of Louisiana." During all the exciting events of this campaign, Jack son had barely the strength to stand erect without support ; his body was sustained alone by the spirit within. Ordi nary men would have shrunk into feeble imbecils or use less invalids under such a pressure. The disease contract ed in the swamps of Alabama still clung to him. Reduced — 97 — to a mere skeleton, unable to digest his food, and unre- freshed by sleep, his life seemed to be preserved by some miraculous agency. There, in the parlor of his headquar ters in Royal street, surrounded by his faithful and effi cient aids, he worked day and night organizing his forces, dispatching orders, receiving reports, and making all the necessary arrangements for the defense of the city. "Jackson was thus engaged at half past one o'clock, p. m. on the 23rd of December, 1814, when his attention was drawn from certain documents he was carefully reading, by the sound of horses galloping down the streets with more rapidity than comported with the order of a city un der martial law," Judge Walker's account continues. "The sounds ceased at the door of his headquarters and the sentinel on duty announced the arrival of three gentlemen who desired to see the General immediately, having impor tant intelligence to communicate. " 'Show them in,' ordered the General "The visitors proved to be Mr. Dussau de la Croix, Major Gabriel Villere and Colonel De la Ronde. They were stained with mild and nearly breathless with the rapidity of their ride. " 'What news do you bring, gentlemen?' eagerly asked the General. "'Important, highly important!' responded Mr. de la Croix. The British have arrived at Villere's plantation nine miles below the city and are there encamped. Here is Major Villere, who was captured by them, has escaped and will now relate his story.' "The Major accordingly detailed in a clear and perspi cuous manner the occurence we have related, employing his mother tongue, the French language, which de la Croix translated to the General. At the close of Major Villere's narrative the General drew up his figure, bowed with dis ease and weakness, to its full height, and with an eye of fire and an emphatic blow upon the table with his clenched fist, exclaimed: " 'By the Eternal, they shall* not sleep on our soil !' "Then courteously inviting his visitors to refresh them selves and sipping a glass of wine in compliment to them, he turned to his secretary and aides and remarked : " ' Gentlemen, the British are below, we must fight them to-night!' " CHAPTER TEN. JACKSON RALLIES HIS ARMY. Jackson's words, "Gentlemen, the British are below, we must fight them to-night!" decided the fate of New Or leans. "Never was there a bolder conception," claims Judge Walker. "Never was there one which indicated greater courage and resolution. Here was the practiced, profes sional and experienced soldier, who had fought under Aber- crombie, Moore and Wellington, against the renowned vet erans of Napoleon, receiving reproof and lesson of inesti mable value from a farmer-lawyer-general, who had never commanded a regiment of regular soldiers in his life. "Here was a master stroke of a native military genius. Had Keane been a Jackson he would not have waited for the attack the latter now prepared to make upon his camp. Had Jackson been a Keane, or almost any other man, he would as soon have thought of attempting to scale the heavens as of instantaneously marching with his raw and weak forces against the heroes of Vittoria, of Badajoz and Salamanca." To see what forces Andrew Jackson had to oppose the invaders we must go with Walker to Latour and from this engineer's carefully compiled lists enroll the army that marched from the city. On the 18th of December when Jackson reviewed his army he had the Louisiana militia and the regulars, the latter numbering 884 men, including the artillery under Col. McRea. The regulars were the 44th, commanded by Col. Ross and the 7th under Major Peire. From the 18th however, Jackson's "army" increased. First came a troop of horse from the southern part of the Territory of Mississippi, but which included many Louisi- anians, under the command of Major Hinds. Then came the gallant Coffee, Jackson's "right arm," with the Ten nessee troops that had served with Jackson in the Indian wars and which had marched overland from Fort Jackson on the Alabama after the capture of Pensacola, which took 98 — 99 — them around the lake to the Mississippi river just above Baton Rouge. Here a messenger from Jackson had met Coffee commanding him to finish the march at all possible speed, which the Tennessean answered by marching one hundred and fifty miles in two days. Coffee had hardly arrived at the old Avart plantation just above the city where his men went into camp, when the Second Brigade of the Tennessee troops under Carroll ar rived after an exciting journey down the Father of the Waters from Nashville on flat boats; they left the capitol Nov. 19th, arriving in New Orleans Dec. 22nd. Jackson was, in a measure relieved — he had his "dirty shirts." They were, contrary to appearances, admirable soldiers who had been hardened by long service in Indian wars, possessed of remarkable endurance and that useful quality of soldiers of taking care of themselves in any emergency. They were all practiced marksmen, we are told, who thought nothing of bringing down a squirrel from the top of the loftiest tree with their rifles. Their appear ance, however, was not very military. They wore woolen hunting shirts of dark and dingy color and copperas-dyed pantaloons made, both cloth and garments, at home by their wives, mothers and sisters, with slouching wool hats, some composed of the skins of racoons and foxes, the spoils of the chase, to which they were addicted almost from in fancy. About their shirts were belts of untanned deerskin, in which were stuck hunting knives and tomahawks. With their long, unkempt hair and unshorn faces, the Tennessee riflemen were not calculated to please the eyes of the mili tary martinet, but Andrew Jackson heaved a sigh of re lief when they slouched into the city. This was Jackson's whole force when the startling an nouncement came that the British were but a few miles away and when the alarm guns sent forth their re-echoing discharges and the bells in the St. Louis Cathedral pealed their warning notes. This small force was scattered in all directions. Plauche's division battalion was at fort St. John, at the mouth of the bayou of that name, now known as Spanish Fort, six and a quarter miles from headquar ters; Coffee and Carroll were at their camp five miles away; the Louisiana militia and half of the free men of color were out on Gentilly Road, three miles off; while the regulars were at Fort St. Charles, in the city, (where the present mint stands) and in the barracks. Jackson's first act was to send Carroll to the head of Bayou Bienvenu and stop the invaders if they were trying to reach the city by following this water course. Governor — 100 — Claiborne was placed in charge of the state militia and sent out Gentilly Road to guard against attack from that quarter and Coffee's brigade, Plauche's and Daquin's battalions, Hinds' dragoons and the Orleans riflemen were ordered to join the regulars and attack the enemy on the plantations where they had surprised Major Villere. The bells in the Cathedral were striking the hour of three when the first of the troops Jackson's galloping riders had summoned came pouring through the narrow streets in the direction of Fort St. Charles. Although immediate ly after giving his orders the commander had lain down and sought repose, knowing what the night had in store for him, he was the first on the scene when the troops commenced arriving at the general rendevouz and lined up for inspec tion. Jackson's force that engaged the British that night was headed by the 44th regulars, under Captain Baker, number ing 285 muskets. As they wheeled and disappeared down the road that lined the levee the 7th regulars, under Major Peire, and numbering 450 men, followed. The two six-pounders and twenty-two artillerists, under Col. Mc- Rea and Lieutenant Spotts, had already gone forward to occupy the road below the city, and with them were the 66 marines under Lieutenant Bellevue. As the regulars moved off a strange military contin gent swung past the major-general. Its members carried long rifles, some had hunting shirts, but more had the ruffed front and high collar and black stock of the citizen, and nearly all had a citizen's hat of some shade or shape on top of their head. This corps that advanced with unusual vivacity and rapidity was the famous Beale's Rifles, com posed of 60-odd picked men — leading merchants, lawyers and other professional men of the community who had banded themselves together and solicited a post of responsibility and danger in the defense of the city. One of the officers of this corps was Judge Joshua Lewis, of the first Judicial Court of New Orleans, who laid aside the judicial robe to fulfill the duties of the patriot and soldier. Other names on this roster include those of Benjamin Story, for many years one of the most respected and prosperous bankers of the city; William Flower, a leading merchant; John Lynd and Kenny Laverty, well-known lawyers; Dennis Prieur, several times mayor of New Orleans; Alex. McGillivray, a' well-known Scotchman; A. W. Gordon, afterwards cashier of the Bank of Mobile ; John Mitchell and many others. Then came the Tennessee riflemen, the handsome Cof fee at their head, 563 determined men they totaled as they THE OLD PLACE D' ARMES. On the left of the square, now named after the hero of the battle fought January 8th, 1815, ig the Cabildo; in the centre, the old St. Louis Cathedral, and on the right the Presbytere. In the centre of the square is the celebrated Clark Mills equestrian statue of Andrew Jackson. (101) — 102 — swung past the general astride his horse outside the gates of old Fort St. Charles, Behind them marched Captain Pierre Jugeat, Jackson's invaluable half-breed, with his 18 Choctaw Indians. There was a pause in the review and Jackson looked down the street anxiously. Soon, however, Judge Walker tells us, "a dark and varie-colored mass of men was seen moving rapidly down one of the cross-streets. " 'Ah, there come the brave Creoles !' exclaimed Jackson to one of his aids, whose handsome countenance lit up with a proud and joyful expression at this compliment to his own race, one of whose noble traits the gallant and enthusi astic Devezac was a fine embodiment. This was Plauche's battalion, which had run the whole distance from the fort at Bayou St. John to join the column of attack. Many of the battalion were delicate young Creoles, mere boys in age and strength, yet they bore their heavy muskets and knap sacks with as much alacrity as practiced veterans." How long it took this command to run the rough and muddy road that lay between the starting point on the shores of Lake Pontchartrain to the reviewing place history does not tell us, but we can get a fair estimate of the time every 8th of January when the youth of the city replicate that run, starting their race from the old fort and finishing at the square 6 1-2 miles away that honors the name of Andrew Jackson by housing his statue and bearing his name. (A complete roster of this famous New Orleans battalion, made at Fort St. John before their run to the battle ground,' will be found on page 249.) Then came Hinds' Mississippi Dragoons, numbering 107 men, and bringing up the rear were 210 free men of color, preceded by their white commander, Major Daquin. This, according to Major Latour, makes Jackson's force 2,131 men altogether. The Louisiana Gazette of June 10th, 1815, says that the forces were : Army and marines 85 7th U. S 450 44th U. S 285 Tennessee Brigade 850 Orleans Battalion 365 Orleans Riflemen 60 Bayou Sara (Hinds' Dragoons?) . . 55 Colored Battalion 175 i , _ _ 2,325 — 103 — So the defenders of the city left New Orleans not to re turn until they had seen a solid month of the fiercest kind of fighting. "As they advanced along the levee hundreds of snowy handkerchiefs were waved towards them," we are informed by Judge Walker, "and bright eyes from every window and balcony cheered their hearts and warmed their courage. Unlike the females in most beleagured cities, the women of New -Orleans, instead of flying into the coun try for protection and safety against an approaching army of invaders, whose shameful excesses on the Peninsula and the Chesapeake gave but little hope that they would be re strained within any bounds of decency and humanity, re mained at home to share the perils and sufferings of their husbands, sons and brothers, and to give them their aid, their cheering presence and their gentle consolation in the great emergency." "On that very day a number of the ladies of the city met at the residence of Mrs. Cenas for the purpose of ply ing their needles in the noble task pf preparing clothing for the Tennessee soldiers of Jackson's army, many of whom arrived on the levee in a very ragged and destitue condition. While they were thus busily engaged the news was brought into the room that the enemy had just landed and were marching on the city. A message was dispatched by the ladies to the General, inquiring 'what they were to do in case the city was attacked?' 'Say to the ladies,' Jackson promptly replied, 'not to be uneasy. No British soldier shall enter the city as an enemy — unless over my dead body.' "Never was pledge more faithfully or literally kept. British soldiers did enter the city, but it was in such a plight as gave full employment for the noble charity of these ladies, who nursed and comforted them with the same care and kindness which they extended to their own wounded countrymen." With his troops started, Jackson put spurs to his horse and, accompanied by his aids, Captains Butler, Reid, Cho tard, and the volunteers, Edward Livingston, John R. Grimes, Abner L. Duncan, Auguste Devezac, and P. L. B. Duplessis, galloped rapidly down the road that had been followed by his little army. Undoubtedly he had already planned his attack. "It was simple, judicious and practical/' says Judge Walker. "The Carolina was ordered to drop down the river, gain a position in front of the British camp, and, anchoring at musket-shot, to open her batteries upon them at half-past seven o'clock. At this signal, the right, under Jackson, con^ — 104 — sisting of the regulars, 7th and 44th, Plauche and Daquin's batallions, McRea's artillery and the marines, was to push forward, being guided by Major Gabriel Villere, who volun teered for the occasion, and attack the enemy near the river. While they were thus engaged, Coffee, under the guidance of Colonel De la Ronde, was ordered with his brigade, Hind's dragoons and Beale's rifles, to scout the edge of the swamp and, advancing as far as was safe, endeavor to cut off the communications of the enemy with the lake, and thus hem them in, and, if possible, capture or destroy them." When Jackson arrived in New Orleans he found the military force of the city to consist of two small military regiments and a gallant but weak battalion of uniformed volunteers organized and commanded by Major J. B. Plau che, a firm, sedate, gallant Creole, who for many years lived in New Orleans, respected and honored by all his fellow citizens. This battalion was composed chiefly of young Creoles who were full of military ardor and courage. The companies were variously uniformed and highly disciplined and drilled. They marched with the port and precision of regular soldiers to the music of a fine band. This battalion — ever to be remembered in New Orleans as "Le Battalion d'Orleans," had been formed about a month before the arrival of Jackson. It originated with a company of "Carabiniers d'Orleans," the first independent volunteer corps organized in New Orleans after the cession of Louisiana to the United States, and had been in exist ence, when the invasion came, about two years. When Captain Plauche proposed, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, to form other companies in numbers sufficient to make a battalion, he was elected the major on the 15th of December. Lieutenant Pierre Roche succeeded him as com mander of the Carabiniers. The four other companies organized were the "Hulans," or Foot Dragoons under Captain Henry St. Geme ; "Francs," Captain Jean Hudry; "Louisiana Blues," Captain Maunsel White; "Chasseurs," Captain A. Guibert. The rank and file of the battalion amounted to 372 men on December 20th. CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE FIGHT IN THE DARK. In all the war history of the United States there is no battle that presents so much of the spectacular, so much of the truly dramatic than a recital of the armed encounter that took place a few miles below New Orleans on the night of December 23rd, 1814. As has already been stated there can be no doubt that this terrific hand-to-hand conflict fought on the narrow strip of soggy land that lies close to the levee holding the mighty Mississippi in check, did more to save New Orleans from capture one hundred years ago than the more historic clash of arms on January 8th. In this fight all of the viciousness of human nature came to the fore and men fought as beasts rather than sol diers trained to certain modes of warfare. The members of the invading army were forced to engage in a "rough and tumble," as Captain Cooke, of that army, characterized it, and every individual had to fight for himself. In the morning many a British soldier who was found dead on the field, "with heavy gashes on his forehead or deep stabs in bosom, and who was buried under the con,viction that he came to his death by that military and chivalric weapon, the sword, fell, in fact, beneath those more barbarous in struments — the tomahawk and hunting-knife, wielded by the Tennessee and Kentucky backwoodsmen." Many authors have written of that engagement in the utter darkness, but none have written more graphically than Major A. Lacarriere Latour, in his excellent historical memoir of that war. Aside from being a participant he was Jackson's chief engineer, and what he has written has been accepted as the textbook of that campaign by the British authorities as well as our own. He tells us, when writing of the engagement of Decem ber 23rd : "Governor Claiborne was ordered, with the first, second, and fourth regiments of the Louisiana militia and the volunteer company of horse, under Captain Chauveau, 105 — 106 — to take a position between the Colson and Darcantel planta tions, in the plain of Gentilly, in order to cover the city on the side of Chef-Menteur. "Below the city at about four o'clock a picket of five mounted riflemen, who had been sent to reconnoitre the road, was assailed by a discharge of musketry from a British outpost concealed behind the fence on the boundary of La- ronde's and Lacoste's plantations by which the reconnoit ring party, too weak and too rash, lost a horse killed, and had two men wounded. Colonel Haines, inspector-general of the division, went forward shortly after with one hun dred men to reconnoitre the enemy; but he had no oppor tunity to form a correct estimate of their number which he made to amount to no more than two hundred men ; an error probably proceeding from his having taken the advance on the road for the troops drawn up in column some hours be fore as reported by the officer who had first seen them. "A negro was apprehended who had been sent by the British with printed copies of a proclamation in French and Spanish, nearly in the following terms: 'Louisianians ! remain quiet in your houses ; your slaves shall be preserved to you, and your property respected. We make war only against Americans.' Signed by Admiral Cochrane and Major General Keane. An hour before these papers were seized the British had stuck up the same proclamation on the fences all along the road below Laronde's plantation. "The troops now moved forward, General Coffee took the command of the left composed of a part of his brigade, the Tennessee mounted riflemen, the Orleans company of riflemen under Captain Beale forming the extremity of the left, a part of the Mississippi dragoons, and mounted rifle men amounting in all to seven hundred and thirty-two fight ing men. "Colonel de la Ronde, the owner of the plantation on which the troops were formed, after having about noon escaped from the British at Villere's and crossed the river, had come to town and joined Captain Beale's company as a volunteer. From his knowledge of the ground he was now ordered by General Jackson to accompany General Coffee as a guide. "About nightfall, the left entered on La Ronde's planta tion and took a position in the back of it on its boundary with Lacoste's. The right formed on a line almost perpen dicular to the river stretching from the levee to the garden of La Ronde's plantation, and on its principal avenue The artillery occupied the high road supported by the detach ment of marines. On the left of the artillery were sta- — 107 — tioned the seventh and forty-fourth of the line, Plauche's and Daquin's battalions and eighteen Choctaw Indians, com manded by Captains Jugeaut and Allard, forming the ex tremity of the right wing towards the woods. The superior command of the battalions of militia was given to Colonel Ross. "The boats that had landed the first division of the British troops returned down the bayou and at eight o'clock passed the village on their way to take in the second divi sion which had been embarked in small vessels and was already in the lake. About four in the afternoon that divi sion consisting of the twenty-first, forty-fourth and ninety- third regiments, with a division of artillery in all, two thou sand five hundred men arrived at the village. At half after seven in the evening, they were disembarking when the fir ing was first heard from the schooner Carolina, which now opened on the division encamped on the river bank. "Admirals Cochrane and Malcolm with several officers of the army and navy had remained at the village to hasten the landing of the troops and had there passed the whole day during which time they frequently conversed with the prisoners endeavoring to persuade them that the British army came with no hostile intent against the inhabitants of the country who, being mostly Frenchmen and Spaniards by birth or descent, must naturally prefer the British gov ernment to that of the United States. They told them that their intentions were to obtain and keep - possession of the country and to penetrate far up the Mississippi to make the upper country the theater of war ; that to convince the in habitants of their friendly intentions they had brought with them three natives of Louisiana serving in the troops of his catholic majesty in Pensacola and accordingly those three persons alluded to, Messrs. Guillemard, Regio and Grand Pre were seen shortly after in company with the British officers but fortunately were not able to give them any great assistance. "On the arrival of the second division at the village, the prisoners were embarked on board one of the boats to be conveyed to their own homes. They landed at half past seven with the second division who, on hearing the report of the cannon, made all haste to repair to the scene of action where they arrived in less than an hour, long before the action was over so that several corps of that division were engaged in it. "The first division of British troops having encamped, or rather bivouacked, as I have already observed at the angle formed by the road on the highest part of Villere's — 108 — plantation in irregular order, some on the side of the levee, and others on the plain, out-posts had been stationed at different places in an oblique line extending from the bound ary between La Ronde's and Lacoste's plantations running along the negro huts of the latter on the back of a dwelling house, as far as a cluster of live oaks on Villere's canal near the wood. There was stationed a strong detachment to cover the communication with the rest of the army by the road on the right bank of the canal. Through the plain ran a chain of out-sentries very closely posted. A detach ment of fifty men was stationed at Jumonville's bridge on the border of the canal on the road. One company had ad vanced as far as the bank of the river behind the levee and to the angle forming Mr. Villere's inclosed batture probably in order to prevent all surprise by the river. The detach ment of the rocket brigade was stationed behind the levee to use that diabolical invention against such vessels as might endeavor to annoy the camp. A few pieces of cannon had already arrived and were mounted in the court near Villere's sugar-works. A strong detachment of about five hundred men was stationed on the left bank of Villere's canal near the negro huts. General Keane and his officers, among whom was Colonel Thornton, had established their headquarters in Mr. Villere's house. "The British general, having thus with little difficulty succeeded in bringing his troops to the banks of the Missis sippi and there establishing his camp in the belief that his arrival and position could not be known at New Orleans until late in the night, expected to meet with little or no resistance. Such was the security and confidence of the British army that part of the troops had lain down in their bivouacs, and some pickets of the out-posts had lighted up large fires, at which the men were cooking their suppers, when they were surprised. It appears, indeed, not unlikely that the opinion they had of .their superior military skill, the expectation with which they had been deluded, that the old population of the country would hail their arrival with joy and the cheering thoughts of their having arrived on the banks of the Mississippi within nine miles of New Orleans without having had occasion to fire a musket contributed to make the British believe themselves in perfect security from any attack. "About seven o'clock the Carolina came to anchor on the brink of Villere's batture, opposite the center of the British encampment, within musket-shot. Such was the security of the British that taking that vessel for a common boat plying on the Mississippi numbers of them went on the — 109 — levee to examine her more closely. At half after seven the Carolina opened on them a dreadful fire, which continued for ten minutes before they could recover from the conster nation with which they were struck by that sudden attack ; so that they had not yet run to their arms when the guns of the schooner had already killed or wounded upwards of a hundred of their men. The British at last extinguished the fires in their camp and attempted to answer the schooner with a fire of musketry, from which the crew sustained no injury. Some Congreve rockets were tried with as little effect and those who discharged them were forced to con ceal themselves behind the levee. In less than half an hour the schooner drove the enemy from his camp. "At this moment a company of the seventh commanded by Lieutenant McClelland under Colonel Piatt, quarter master general, advanced from the gate of La Ronde's plan tation on the road to the boundary of Lacoste's at a distance of fifteen paces where the detachment was received with a discharge of musketry from one of the enemy's outposts stationed on the road. Though this outpost consisted of a considerable number of men that gallant company attacked them vigorously and forced them to retire and Colonel Piatt with a few men of the detachment advanced to the ground from which they had just driven the enemy. The latter having received a reinforcement of two hundred men, and being now about three hundred strong, returned to resume their former position and kept up a brisk fire of musketry against the detachment who as briskly returned it. In this affair Colonel Piatt received a wound in the leg, Lieutenant McClelland and a sergeant were killed, and a few men wounded. "Meantime the seventh regiment advanced by heads of companies parallel to the right, appuye on the high road to the distance of 150 yards where it formed in battalion, be fore the enemy with whom it instantly engaged in a very brisk and close fire. The forty-fourth came up at the same time, formed on the left of the seventh and commenced firing. The artillery having now arrived, the two pieces were put in battery on the road, the marines being drawn up on the right of the artillery on the river bank. The engagement now became general on both sides ; the front of the British line greatly outflanked our line on the left and the enemy, seeing that he could not make our troops give way, caused some of his to file off on the old levee by a gate three hun dred yards from the river with intent to turn our flank. The forty-fourth had already been obliged to oblique on the left to avoid being turned when Major Plauche's battalion, — 110 — with that of Major Daquin and a very small number of Indians, advanced at the moment when their left was appuye on the angle of Laronde's garden, and the right a little in the rear of the forty-fourth. The enemy's columns ad vancing silently in the dark to endeavor to turn the troops of the line, fell suddenly almost within pistol-shot of the extremity of Daquin's battalion and instantly commenced a brisk firing. Plauche's battalion now forming the center advanced in close column and displayed under the enemy's fire which was kept up by his whole front from the bank of the river to La Ronde's garden forming an angle or curve in the center. Already had our troops, animated with martial ardour, forced the enemy to give way and they continued to advance keeping up an incessant fire; the cry of "charge! charge! push on with the bayonet!" ran from rank to rank on the left, when the enemy thought proper to retire favored by the darkness which was increased by the fog and by the smoke which a light breeze from the south blew full in the faces of our men. The artillery had all this time been playing upon the enemy who made an at tempt to seize it but the fire from the right of the seventh regiment and from the marines frustrated his intent. At last when the smoke dispersed the enemy had already retired within the limits of Lacoste's plantation." Major Latour's recital can here be interrupted to in sert a more detailed account of the near loss of the two six-pounders in that fight. When the artillery advanced along the road it was covered by the marines under Lieu tenant Bellevue and the men serving it were blazing away at the enemy with great vigor. Jackson, urging his men to the attack, was near the cannon when the British at this point were suddenly reinforced and they made a bold push for the guns. Their heavy fire caused the marines to recoil, and. as some of the horses drawing the artillery were wounded and unmanageable, one of the pieces was upset in the ditch. Jackson, with his staff, rode swiftly to the point of danger, and indifferent to the shower of bullets which whistled around him, the commander cried out — "Save the guns, my boys, at every sacrifice !" Aided by Captain But ler and Captain Chotard of his staff, he succeeded in re pairing the momentary disorder and rallying the marines and a company of the seventh, and soon had the guns safely protected. Jackson used to say, familiarly, when complimented on the gracefulness of his bow that he learned the art on the night of the 23rd of December when, though the British — Ill — thought differently, he never wasted so much politeness in his life as in bowing to their bullets as they whistled around his head. "In the meantime General Coffee's division had ad vanced towards the back of Laronde's plantation in order to fall on the enemy's rear according to the advice of Colonel Laronde, the owner of the premises," continues Major La tour. "General Coffee ordered his riflemen to dismount on the edge of the ditch separating the two plantations where we left about one hundred men to take charge of the horses and have them ready when wanted. The division crossed the boundary line and pushed forward in a direction perpen dicular to that line. Captain Beale's company, which had advanced near the wood within a short distance of one of the enemy's advanced guards, followed the movements of General Coffee who drew up his division almost on the limits between the grounds of Lacoste and Villere. The de tachment of cavalry under the command of Major Hinds, not being able to manoeuvre in fields cut up with ditches at very close intervals, remained drawn up on the edge of a ditch in the middle of the plantation. Coffee's division extended its front as much as possible and the General ordered it to advance in silence and fire without order, taking aim with the utmost skill. Long practice had enabled these riflemen to keep up a very brisk fire the more destruc tive, as not a man discharged his piece without doing exe cution. The division continued to advance, driving the enemy before it, and took its second position in front of Lacoste's plantation, where was posted the eighty-fifth, which, on receiving the first discharge, fell back behind the old levee towards* the camp. Captain Beale's company ad vanced on the left within Villere's plantation almost in the midst of detachments of the enemy incessantly coming up on the side. It was principally engaged with a corps of the enemy near the old levee, which it forced to fall back. About the same time Coffee's division discovered that several par ties of the enemy were posted among Lacoste's negro huts. On this the General ordered his men to move forward to the right to drive the enemy from that position, which was soon effected. "Some British soldiers were killed or taken prisoners in endeavoring to escape towards the woods near the huts in a direction opposite to that of their camp ; so true it is that the British troops were struck with consternation on being attacked that night in so vigorous, judicious and unex pected a manner. "Captain Beale's company, after having penetrated — 112 — into the very camp of the enemy and made several prison ers, pushed forward to the right following the movement of General Coffee ; but unfortunately a party of twenty-two of those brave and most estimable men, through a mistake owing to the darkness, fell among a corps of one hundred and fifty of the British who were moving on rapidly towards the camp, taking them for a part of Coffee's division and were made prisoners." (Twenty-four captured according to one of them, Benjamin Story, in his manuscript of that fight. S. C. A.) "Coffee's division at last took a position in front of the old levee near Laronde's boundary where it continued to keep up a destructive fire on the troops that had been re pulsed towards the right as they were endeavoring to escape. "It was now about half after nine when the enemy, having learned by experience that he could not hope to ob tain any advantage over our troops and persuaded that he would greatly endanger his own safety by continuing the combat in which he had already suffered so much, fell back to his camp where all the troops passed the night under arms and without fire. "During the engagement the second division arrived; and a considerable part of it was in the thickest of the fire. The fear of being cut off from the sole communication which he had with the fleet made the enemy take every precaution to prevent such a disaster. His posts were in continual alarm the whole night and such were his apprehensions that he posted double lines of sentinels so that as the one turned it was crossed by the other walking in a contrary direction. "General Jackson, seeing that the darkness rendered it impossible for him to follow up victory any farther, was forced to content himself for the present with having con vinced the British that Americans were not to be intimi dated by the martial renown of the heroes of Wellington. He, therefore, led back his troops to their former position from the principal entrance to the building of Laronde's plantation where they remained until four in the morning. General Coffee took his position for the night in front of Laronde's garden on the left of the other troops. "From the most accurate information that could be ob tained the enemy lost in this affair 400 men. Their official report acknowledges 310 killed including officers." (Two hundred and seventy-four — 46 killed ; 167 wounded and 64 missing, including officers, etc., were official British re turns. S. C. A.) "The loss on our side was 24 killed, 115 wounded, offi cers included, and 74 prisoners, in all 213 men. — 114 — "The loss of Colonel Lauderdale of General Coffee's brigade of mounted riflemen, was particularly regretted ; he was a brave and accomplished officer ; his death is lamented by all who knew him and their only consolation is that he died at the post of honor, fighting for the defense of his country. "Though the precise amount of the enemy's forces in this action cannot be exactly ascertained, it is well known that half of General Keane's division was encamped on the banks of the Mississippi at the beginning of the attack and that the remaining half of the division which had embarked at the encampment on Isle-aux-Pois in light vessels, several of which had run aground in the lake, had got on board of the barges that returned after having landed the first half and were disembarking when the cannon began to fire ; that the greater part of these troops set out immediately from the landing place two miles and a half from the Mississippi, and ran towards the field of battle where their first platoons had alj-eady arrived before Coffee's division began to fire and where they all successively arrived long before the action was over as it lasted till ten o'clock at night. "That division composed of the regiments we have already mentioned could not amount to less than four thou sand five hundred men, as we know the strength of each regiment. "The first disembarkation consisted of the light brigade commanded by. Colonel Thornton, composed of : Eighty-fifth regiment (part) 650 men Ninety-fifth part of the rifle corps 500 " A detachment of sappers and miners .... 100 " A detachment of the rocket brigade 80 " Fourth regiment 750 " T°tal 2,080 men The second disembarkation consisted of : Twenty-first regiment (Royal North Britain) Fusileers + . . . 900 men Forty-fourth regiment 750 " Ninety-third regiment ; ... 1,100 " A number of artillerists amounting, ac cording to the best information, to . 150 " Inall 4,980 men* * James, (lie English historian, says Keane had 2.IWO "rank and file" • Roose yelt has arrived nearer the true amount when, adding officers, sergeants, etc, he estimates Keane's first landing force to be 2.310 in all Whether the secnnrt detachment was at Villere's in time to Join in the actual fighttn" must always remain an individual opinion. '" g c A ' — 115 — "On the supposition that each regiment left a party on board the vessels to take care of the baggage as is some times the case, there would still remain 4,500 effective men landedon the 23rd before nine o'clock in the evening and indeed several accounts from Jamaica, Providence and Ber muda make the number amount to five thousand." Jackson's force in all, was, as Major Latour estimates, 2,131 men. The Louisiana Gazette (see page 102) says 2,325 men marched to the battlefield ; General Jackson's letter to the Secretary of War says "less than 1,500." "Of this number it is to be observed that the Missis sippi dragoons were not in the action but were, all the time it lasted, in the background of Lacoste's plantation," he says. "Two companies of Coffee's brigade had been left on the border of Laronde's plantation to hold the horses whose riders had all dismounted ; which reduces the number of fighting men to about 1,800 effective men. Plauche's battalion being composed of companies wearing each a dis tinct uniform the enemy took those several companies for so many battalions and represented them as such. I have thought proper to rectify this misrepresentation by stating the number of each particular company. "This inconsiderable number of men, strangers to the art of war and of whom few had even seen an engagement, but animated with that martial ardour which is soon excited in the breasts of men enjoying freedom and indignant at seeing the soil of their country, the land of liberty, invaded by a mercenary soldiery who came to renew in Louisiana the scenes of devastation and pillage recently exhibited on the banks of the Potomac and the shores of the Chesa peake, advanced against the enemy with eager alacrity. Several of the corps, particularly Plauche's battalion, con tinued running as they advanced till they arrived on the field of battle. All impatiently longed to be engaged and all were inspired with an auspicious presentiment of vic tory. In the heat of the action the enemy was making towards the center a movement which seemed to indicate that he designed to charge with bayonets. Instantly the desire of anticipating him electrified our ranks and they all expressed a wish to be ordered to charge. This impetuosity, however, the officers thought proper to restrain. "Major Plauche's battalion of volunteers coming into the line at the moment when the enemy was pressing hard upon the left of the forty-fourth and endeavoring to turn it, proved by two or three brisk and well directed fires that it is worthy to be stationed by the side of veteran troops. This corps, though composed of several independent companies, — 116 — has ever been exemplary for perfect union, harmony and subordination. Several of its officers who had formerly followed the military profession enjoyed the unlimited and well-deserved confidence of their men. These were ready to follow wherever those might lead the way, and to speak to the former (all of whom were citizens of New Orleans) of marching against the enemy, was sufficient to exhilarate their spirits and fill their hearts with exultation. Almost the whole of them were Frenchmen by birth or descent and bore an inveterate hatred to Great Britain from whose gov ernment most of them had suffered wrongs which they wished to avenge. On this trying occasion they flew to the defense of the country which had kindly received them and of which they were becoming citizens with the ardour and enthusiasm so characteristic of the French nation. Per suaded that musketry is often destructive without produc ing any decided effect, the men of this battalion longed to charge with bayonets and they expressed their wishes by loud acclamations. Already had the drums of the battalion begun to beat in compliance with their desire and the men waited only for the word of command to fall on the enemy with their national weapon when Colonel Ross, who had the superior command of the two battalions of volunteers, came up to restrain their ardour. Yet, had that manoeuvre been made, had Plauche's battalion advanced to the charge the enemy's retreat would have been cut off on his right, and he would have been completely surrounded by General Cof fee's brigade which was advancing in his rear, Plauche's battalion on his left, Daquin's in front and Laronde's great hedge of orange trees on the right; so that most of that column would have been forced to lay down their arms. "It would not be proper for one whose name has ap peared in general orders to make particular mention of the several individuals who distinguished themselves on this occasion; he might expose himself to be taxed with par tiality or even to be reproached with injustice. I, there fore, refer the reader for such details to the general orders and to the major general's letters to the secretary of war. "But I cannot decline paying the tribute of justice to General Jackson, to say that no man could possibly have shown more personal valor, more firmness and composure than was exhibited by him through the whole of this engage ment on which depended, perhaps, the fate of Louisiana. I may say without fearing to be taxed with adulation, that on the night of the 23rd, General Jackson exposed himself rather too much. I saw him in advance of all who were near him at a time when the enemy was making a charge on — 117 — the artillery, within pistol shot in the midst of a shower of bullets and in that situation I observed him spiriting and urging on the marines and the right of the seventh regiment who, animated by the presence and voice of their gallant commander-in-chief, attacked the enemy so briskly that they soon forced him to retire." In one way the night battle of December 23rd must be considered a draw, in another it must be considered a vic tory for the Americans. There is no doubt that Jackson's rough blow on the British landing force convinced General Keane that the army defending New Orleans was larger than it really was, and Keane's hesitation at this time to bring up reinforcements lost him his opportunity to fling the force he had into the city before Jackson could erect works to stop him. fW*:*K.* (From an Old Wood Cut) THE MACARTY PLANTATION HOME, Jackson's Battlefield Headquarters. CHAPTER TWELVE. THE ENGLISH SIDE OF THE NIGHT BATTLE. Captain John Henry Cooke, a British officer, who wrote a narrative of this unexampled campaign, gives a lively pic ture of the battle at the time when Coffee was fighting his way across the plain : "Lumps and crowds of American militia who were armed with rifles and long knives for close quarters, now crossed the country," he says, "and by degrees7 now getting nearer to the headquarters of the British they were met by some companies of the rifle corps and the eighty-fifth light infantry, and here again such confusion took place as seldom occurs in war, the bayonet of the British and the knife of the American were in active opposition at close quarters during this eventful night and, as pronounced by the Americans, it was 'rough and tumble.' "The darkness was partially dispelled for a few mo ments now and then by the flashes of fire-arms, and when ever the outlines of men were distinguishable, the Ameri cans called out, 'Don't fire, we are your friends!' Prison ers were taken and retaken. The Americans were litiga ting and wrangling and protesting that they were not taken fairly and were hugging their fire-arms and bewailing their separation from a favorite rifle that they wished to retain as their lawful property. "The British soldiers likewise, hearing their mother tongue spoken, were captured by this deception ; when such mistakes being detected, the nearest American received a knock-down blow; and in this manner prisoners on both sides, having escaped, again joined in the fray, calling out lustily for their respective friends. Here was fighting and straggling flashes of fire darting through the gloom like the tails of so many comets. "At this most remarkable night-encounter the British were fighting on two sides of a ragged triangle, their left face pounded by the fire from the sloop and their right face engaged with the American land forces. Hallen was still fighting in front at the apex. 118 — 119 — "At one time the Americans pushed round Hallen's right and got possession of the high road behind him, where they took Major Mitchell and thirty riflemen going to his assistance. But Hallen was inexorable and at no time had more than one hundred men at his disposal, the rifle men coming up from the rear by twos and threes to his as sistance when he had lost nearly half his picket in killed and wounded, and behind him .was such confusion that an English artillery officer declared that the flying illumina tion encircling him was so unaccountably strange that had he not pointed his brass cannon to the front at the be ginning of the fight he could not have told which was the proper front of battle (as the English soldiers were often firing one upon the other as well as the Americans) except by looking towards the muzzle of his three-pounder, which he. dared not fire, from the fear of bringing down friends and foes by the same discharge, seeing, as he did, the dark ness suddenly illuminated across the country by the flash ing of muskets at every point of the compass." The incidents attending the capture of Major Mitchell are amusingly related by the author of "Jackson and New Orleans." "As the 93rd Highlanders," says this diligent writer, "were expecting every moment to reach the camp, Major Mitchell was strongly impressed with the belief that Coffee's men, who wore hunting-shirts, which in the dark, were not unlike the Highland frock, were the men of the 93rd, and greatly needing their aid, he eagerly advanced. calling out, 'Are those the men of the 93rd?' 'Of course,' shouted the Tennesseans, who had no particular number. Mitchell thereupon pushed boldly forward within a few feet of the men, when Captain Donaldson stepped in front and slapped the astounded Briton on the shoulder, calling out, 'You are my prisoner!' and requested the Major's sword. This request was enforced by half a dozen long rifles which covered his body at every assailable point. With infinite mortification the gallant Major surrendered and with sever al other prisoners was borne off by the Tennesseans. Though at the moment of his capture and subsequently Major Mitch ell was treated with kindness and generosity due to a gal lant foe, he never recovered his good humor and embraced every opportunity of exhibiting his spleen and disgust. The oblique movement of Coffee's brigade to the right produced some disasters which were sorely lamented by the Ameri cans." The Subaltern'*, narrative of this fearful and glorious night is singularly interesting. He says truly that no man could know much of what passed except the event that oc- — 120 — curred in his immediate presence, and therefore he con fines his narrative to what he himself did and saw. "My iriend Urey (Captain Grey of the 85th) and my self haa been supplied by our soldiers with a couple of iowls taken trom a neighboring hen-roost and a few bot tles of excellent claret, borrowed Irom the cellar of one of the houses near. We Had built ourselves a sort of hut by piling together in a conical form a number of large stakes and broad rails torn up from one of the fences, and a bright wooden fire was blazing at the door of it. In the wanton ness ol triumph, too, we had lighted some six or eight wax- candles, a vast quantity of which had been found in the store-rooms of the chateaux hard by and having done ample justice to our luxurious supper we were sittmg in great splendor and high spirits at the entrance of our hut when tne alarm of the approaching schooner was communicated to us. With the sagacity of a veteran, Grey instantly guessed how matters stood; he was the first to nail the suspicious stranger, and on receiving no answer to his challenge he was tne first to fire a musket in the direction of her an chorage. But he had scarcely done so when she opened her oroadside, causing the instantaneous abandonment of tires, viands and mirth throughout the bivouac. "As we contrived to get our men tolerably well around us, Grey and myself were among the first who rushed forth to support the pickets and checK the advance ol tne enemy upon tne right. Passing as rapidly as might be through the ground pf encampment amidst a snower of grape shot from the vessel we soon arrived at the pond, which being forded, we found ourselves in front of the farm-house of which I have already spoken as composing the headquarters of Gen eral Keane. Here we were met by a few stragglers from the outposts who reported that the advance companies were all driven in and that a numerous division of Americans was approaching. Having attached these fugitives to our little corps we pushed on and in a few seconds reached the lower extremity of a sloping stubblefield at the other end of which we could discern a long line of men, but whether they were friends or foes the darkness would not permit us to determine. We called aloud, for the purpose of satisfy ing our doubts, but the signal being disregarded we ad vanced. A heavy fire of musketry instantly opened upon us, but so fearful was Grey of doing injury to our own troops, that he would not permit it to be returned. We accordingly pressed on our men dropping by ones and twos on every side of us, till having arrived within twenty or thirty yards of the object of our curiosity it became to — 121 — me evident enough that we were in front of the enemy. But Grey's humane caution still prevailed; he was not con vinced and till he should be convinced it was but natural that he should not alter his plans. There chanced to be near the spot where we were standing a huge dungheap or rather a long solid stack of stubble behind which we directed our men to take shelter whilst one of us should creep forward alone for the purpose of more completely ascertaining a fact of which all except my brave and noble- minded comrade were satisfied. The event proved that my sight had not deceived me; I approached within saber's length of the line and having ascertained beyond the possi bility of doubt that the line was composed of American soldiers I returned to my friend and again urged him to charge. But there was an infatuation upon him that night for which I have ever been unable to account. He insisted that I must be mistaken ; he spoke of the improbability which existed that any part of the enemy's army should have succeeded in taking up a position in rear of the sta tion of one of our outposts and he could not be persuaded that the troops now before him were not the 95th rifle corps. At last it was agreed between us that we should separate; that Grey with one-half of the party should re main where he was whilst I with the other half should make a short detour to the right and come down upon the flank of the line from whose fire we had suffered so severely. The plan was carried into immediate execution. Taking with me about a dozen or fourteen men, I quitted Grey and we never met again. "How or when he fell I know not but judging from the spot and attitude in which I afterwards found his body I conceived that my back could have been barely turned upon him when the fatal ball pierced his brain. He was as brave a soldier and as good a man as the British army can boast of, beloved by his brother officers and adored by his men. To me he was a brother; nor have I ceased even now to feel as often as the 23rd of December returns that on that night a tie was broken, than which the progress of human life will hardly furnish one more tender or more strong. But, to my tale. . "Leaving Grey — careless as he ever was in battle of his own person and anxious as far as might be to secure the safety of his followers— I led my little party m the direction agreed upon and fortunately falling in with about an equal number of English riflemen, I caused them to take post beside my own men and turned up to the front. Spring ing over the paling we found ourselves almost at once upon the left flank of the enemy and we lost not a moment in — 122 — attacking it. But one volley was poured in and then bayo nets, musket butts, sabers, and even fists came instantly into play. In the whole course of my military career I remember no scene at all resembling this. We fought with the savage ferocity of bulldogs and many a blade which 'till to-night had not drunk blood became in a few minutes crimsoned enough. "Such a contest could not, in the nature of things, be of very long continuance. The enemy, astonished at the vigor of our assault, soon began to waver, and their wavering was speedily converted into flight. Nor did we give them a. mo ment's time to recover from their panic. With loud shouts we continued to press upon them and, amidst the most hor rible din and desperate carnage, drove them over the field and through the little village of huts. Here we found a number of our own people prisoners and under a guard of Americans, but the guard fled as we approached and our countrymen catching up such weapons as came first to hand joined in the pursuit. "In this spot I halted my party, increased by the late ad ditions to the number of forty, among whom were two gaL- lant young officers of the 95th. We had not yet been joined, as I expected to be joined, by Grey, and feeling that we were at least far enough in advance of our own line, we deter mined to attempt nothing further except to keep possession of the village should it be attacked. But whilst placing the men in convenient situations another dark line was pointed out to us, considerably to the left of our position. That we might ascertain at once of what troops it was composed, I left my brother officers to complete the arrangements which we had begun and walking down the field demanded in a loud voice to be informed who they were that kept post in so retired a situation. A voice from the throng made answer that they were Americans, and begged me not to fire upon my friends. Willing to deceive them still further, I asked to what corps they belonged ; the speaker replied that they were the second battalion of the first regiment and in quired what had become of the first battalion. I told them that it was upon my right, and assuming a tone of authority commanded him not to move from his present situation till I should join him with a party of which I was at the head. "The conversation ended here and I returned to the vil lage, when, communicating the result of my inquiries to my comrades, we formed our brave little band into line and de termined to attack. The men were cautioned to preserve a strict silence and not to fire a shot till orders were given, and they observed these instrutcions and with fixed bayonets and cautious tread advanced along the field. As we drew (Photo by Stanley Clisby Arthur.) THE DE LA RONDE OAK ALLEY. This magnificent double row of oaks stretches from the ruins of the de la Ronde mansion to the river. Among these trees part of the night battle of December 23rd was fought and beneath these branches Pakenham's dead (123) body was carried on January 8th. — 124 — near I called aloud for the commanding officer of the sec ond regiment to step forward, upon which an elderly man, armed with a heavy dragoon saber, stepped out of the ranks. When he discovered by our dress that we were English, this redoubtable warrior lost all self-command; he resigned his sword to me without a murmur and consented at once to be lieve that his battalion was surrounded and that to offer any resistance would but occasion a needless loss of blood. Nor was he singular in these respects; his followers, plac ing implicit reliance in our assurance that they were hemmed in on every side by a very superior force, had actu ally begun to lay down their arms and would have surren dered in all probability at discretion, but for the superior gallantry of one man. An American officer, whose sword I demanded, instead of giving it up, as his commander had done, made a cut at my head which with some difficulty I managed to ward off and a few soldiers near him, catching ardor from his example, discharged their pieces among our troops. The sound of firing was no sooner heard than it became general, and as all hope of success by stratagem might be laid aside we were of necessity compelled to try the effect of violence. Again we rushed into the middle of the throng and again was the contest that of man to man, in close and desperate strife, till a panic arising among the Americans they dispersed in all directions and left us mas"-, ters of the field. "In giving a detail so minute of my own adventures this night I beg to repeat what has been stated already, that I have no wish to persuade my readers that I was one whit more cool or more daring than my companions. Like them, I was driven to depend from first to last upon my own en ergies, and I believe the energies of few men fail them when they are satisfied that on them alone they must depend. Nor was the case different with my comrades. Attacked unex pectedly and in the dark; surrounded, too, by a numerous - enemy and one who spoke the same language with our- ' selves, it is not to be wondered at if the order and routine of civilized warfare were everywhere set at naught. Each man who felt disposed to command was obeyed by fti&ke who stood near him without any question being ask.ed as Jo his authority, and more feats of individual gallantry were. performed in this single night than many regular 'cam paigns might furnish an opportunity to perform. • "The night was far spent and the sound "of firing^had begun to wax faint when, checking the order "of our brave followers, we collected them once more together and fell back into the village. Here, likewise, considerable numbers from other detachments assembled, and here we learned that — 125 — the Amreicans were repulsed on every side. The combat had been long and obstinately contested; it began at eight o'clock in the evening, and continued till three in the morn ing, but the victory was ours. True, it was the reverse of a bloodless one, not fewer than two hundred and fifty of our best men having fallen in the struggle; but even at the ex pense of such a loss we could not but account ourselves for tunate in escaping from the snare in which we had confess edly been taken. "To me, however, the announcement of the victory brought no rejoicing, for it was accompanied with the intel ligence that my friend was among the killed. I well recol lect the circumstance under which this sad news reached me. I was standing with a sword' in each hand, my own and that of the officer who had surrendered to me, and, as the reader may imagine, in no bad humor with myself or with the brave fellows about me, when a brother officer stepping forward, abruptly told the tale. It came upon me like a thunderbolt, and casting aside my trophy I thought only of the loss which I had sustained. Regardless of every other matter, I ran to the rear and found Grey lying behind the dung-heap motionless and cold. A little pool of blood which had coagulated under his head pointed out the spot where the ball had entered and the position of his limbs gave proof that he must have died without a struggle. I cannot pretend to describe what were then my sensations but, of whatever nature they might be, little time was given for their indulgence; for the bugle sounding the alarm I was compelled to leave him as he lay and to join my corps. Though the alarm proved to be a false one it had the good effect of bringing all the troops together, by which means a regular line was now for the first time since the com mencement of the action formed. In this order, having de filed considerably to the left, so as to command the high way, we stood in front of our bivouac till dawn began to appear, when, to avoid the fire of the schooner, we once more moved to the river's bank and lay down" (under the proctection of the levee, doubtlessly.) "Here, during the whole of the succeeding -day, the troops were kept shivering in the cold frosty air without fires, without provisions, and exhausted by fatigue, nor was it till the return of the night that any attempt to extricate them from their comfortless situation could be made." CHAPTER THIRTEEN. JACKSON'S FAMOUS DITCH. When daylight came after the fearful battle in the dark it found Jackson's meager handful of fighters drawn up in line along the boundary of the Chalmette and Rodriguez plantations. This was -marked by a long-abandoned canal, scarcely more than a shallow depression in the earth, extend ing from the levee at the river to the impassable swamp land about a mile away. Jackson's keen eye at once recognized the value of this strip of firm land, that it was the narrowest that lay be tween the city and the place where the British had landed, and with a bulwark of some kind in front, the swamp on one end and the river on the other, would keep the enemy from executing any flanking movement. Jackson and his staff, including of course Major Latour, walked along this "ditch". As the story goes, Jackson turned to his advisers and aids, and pointing fo the canal said: "Here we will plant our stakes and not abandon them un til we drive these red-coat rascals into the river or the swamp !" However, exactly what did occur must be told later by Major Latour who, as chief engineer, directed the construc tion of what earthworks Jackson's forces fought behind during the whole campaign. But what is more to the point in this century-after recital of what occurred during that memorable time, is the fact that while Jackson was ordering up the earthworks that proved the undoing of England's gal lant array of invasioa, eight men in the Hotel des Pays Bas, Ghent, Belgium, were affixing their signatures and seals to a document of considerable length. These eight men were Admiral Lord Gambier, Henry Goulbourn, M. P., William Adams, doctor of civil laws ; John Quincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russel and Albert Gallatin, and the document they were signing and sealing in triplicate was the Treaty of Ghent. As to whether the two countries were actually at peace at this time will be dealt with more fully in a later chapter, 126 (Photo by Stanley Clisby Arthur.) JACKSON'S "DITCH" IN 1815. A shallow, weed-grown depression at the foot of the levee is all that remains of Jackson's famous entrenchment. (127) — 128 — so we will turn again to Latour's admirable recital of the field activities and learn of the construction of the earth works that have gone down in history as the "immortal ditch" of Chalmette. "Before I proceed to relate the event of the 8th of Jan uary, a day of ever-glorious memory in the annals of Amer ica, and especially in those of Louisiana," Major Latour tells us, "I think it not unseasonable here to describe those lines, before which was performed the most important military exploit of the whole war and, considering local circum stances and the respective forces contending, that which re flects on America the highest glory. "Jackson's lines, within five miles of the city of New Orleans and running along, the limits of Rodriguez's and Chalmette's plantations, formerly the property of the United States, were but one of those ancient mill-races so com mon in Louisiana, extending from the bank of the river to the cypress swamp. Owing to the form of the soil in Lower Louisiana and from its shelving from the river to wards the swamps when the Mississippi is swelled to its greatest height, the level of the surface of its waters is some feet above that of the contiguous soil and from twelve to fif teen feet above that of the prairies and bayous, which at these periods receive the water flowing from the river. To add to the mass and the force of the water, the planters dig canals a few feet deep, throwing the earth on both sides so as to afford a mass of water from eight to eleven feet deep ; and at the head of these canals, which are commonly twenty- five feet wide, are constructed saw-mills. "The canal on which Jackson's lines were formed had long been abandoned, having no longer any mill to turn, so that its banks had fallen in and raised its bottom, which was covered with grass, presenting rather the appearance of an old draining ditch rather than of a canal. On the 24th of December General Jackson had taken this position ; and that it was well chosen will sufficiently appear on an inspection of the map (Page 181) . I will only observe that those lines leave the least possible space between the river and the wood, and that from the lines to Villere's canal the depth of the high-land continually increases, and is at Laronde's plantation nearly three times as great as at the lines. As soon as this position was chosen, the troops began to raise a parapet, leaving the ditch as it was, except that by cut ting the road it was laid under water, as there was then a temporary rise of the river. Earth was fetched from the rear of the line and thrown carelessly on the left bank, where the earth had been thrown when the canal was orig- — 129 — inally dug. The bank on the right side being but little ele vated above the soil, formed a kind of glacis. All the pales of the fences in the vicinity were taken to the line parapet and prevented the earth from falling into the canal "All this was done at various intervals and by different corps, owing to the frequent mutations in the dispositions of the troops. This circumstance, added to the cold and in cessant rain, rendered it impossible to observe any regular ity as to the thickness and height of the parapet, which in some places was as much as twenty feet thick at the top, though hardly five feet high; whilst in other places the enemy's balls went through it at the base. On the 1st of January there was but a very small proportion of line able to withstand the balls ; but on the 8th of January the whole extent, as far as the wood, was proof against the enemy's cannon. The length of the line was eight hundred and fif teen toises, or about a mile, somewhat more than half of which ran from the river to the wood, the remainder ex tending into the depth, where the line took a direction to wards the left, which rested on a cypress swamp almost impassable. On that part of the line which was in the wood, the breastwork was not thicker than was necessary to resist musketry; it was formed of a double row of logs, laid one over the other, leaving a space of two feet, which was filled up with earth. Along one part of the line ran a banquette (sidewalk) ; in some parts, the height of the breastwork above the soil Was hardly sufficient to cover the men. The earth thrown up to form the breastwork had been dug out at various intervals and without any order, the rainy weather not admitting of the work's being carried on with regularity, as observed before." CHAPTER FOURTEEN. THE COTTON BALE QUESTION. For almost 100 years the question, "Were cotton bales used as breastworks by Jackson's forces?" has been argued pro and con by historians, military experts and many others who have written of the battle of New Orleans. To say that cotton bales were not used would be wrong, but to say that cotton bales were used in the battle of January 8th, known as the battle of New Orleans, is also an error. The truth of the matter is, cotton bales were used and they were not. To prove this we have two historians who are fighters more than writers ; both took an active part in the defense of the city over 75 years ago; they cleared this beclouded ques tion conclusively; but histories, particularly those used in schools, have trained the average American mind to believe that cotton bales formed the sole breastwork for Jackson's ragged army, when they were merely an incident of the general defense. Vincent Nolte, a German cotton merchant, who was the principal exporter of this commodity in New Orleans in 1815, as the representative of an English firm, wrote an interesting memoir some time afterwards, entitled, "Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres." This author served in the battle of New Orleans and the parts of his book dealing with this conflict abound in curious and not ill-told anec dotes. As Partem says, the book has but one fault — you can not believe a word it says, that is, implicitly. Nolte exagger ates and perverts and takes great joy in dwelling on the bravery of those who were his friends and supporters in a business way, and charges those who were in competition with him in the business life of the city with every brand of cowardice known. That part of his memoir must neces sarily be taken with a plentiful supply of salt. However, Nolte was the principal buyer and shipper of cotton then in New Orleans, so what he says regarding the use of cotton bales we must accept, and a perusal of the newspapers of that date bears out to a great degree what he says : 130 — 131 — "The use of cotton bales as an adjunct of field fortifica tion was a failure," wrote Nolte. "Jackson adopted that plan because he was anxious to lose no time. He knew that in the city he could procure plenty of baled cotton for seven or eight cents a pound, the market then being at a stand still on account of the blockade and lack of freights. But it would take a day or two to bring it from the city. He was informed that not far from the camp, just in the rear of his position, lay a bark in the stream laden with cotton from Havana. The name of this vessel was the 'Pallas.' " (Nolte was in error here, newspapers of a later date, giving an account of a lawsuit, name the vessel as the "Sumatra.) "Her cargo consisted of 245 bales which I had shipped just before the invasion, and sixty-odd. bales belonging to Senor Fernando Alzar, a Spanish cotton merchant of New Or leans" (277, as was brought out in the court proceedings) . "The first I knew of the seizure was when the bales be gan to arrive at camp and were ordered to be placed on the redoubt, and the shipping-marks on them struck my atten tion They were my own property. Adjutant Livingston, who was my usual legal counsel in New Orleans, that same evening inspected Battery No. 3, where the men were plac ing some of my own bales. And I, too, was in charge of the working party! "Somewhat vexed at the idea of the General taking the best sort of cotton, worth ten or eleven cents a pound, out of a ship already loaded and on the point of sailing when a lower grade and not loaded on board ship could be had for seven or eight cents a pound, I said as much to Mr. Living ston. He, who was never at a loss for repartee, said, laugh ing: 'Well, Nolte, old fellow, if this is your cotton, I don't know of anyone better able to defend it!' "This incident gave rise to the story afterwards widely told, that Jackson, when a merchant complained to him of the seizure of his cotton, ordered a sergeant to place a rifle in the gentleman's hands, with the remark: 'No one can defend those cotton bales better than their owner can. I hope you will stand by them !' "But the cotton bales, in lieu of earth-filled gabions, did not meet the General's expectations. At their first exposure to cannonade (January 1st) the balls from the British bat teries knocked them about in all directions. Some were set on fire by the wads of our own guns or by the blasts of flame from their muzzles and fell in the ditch outside, where they smouldered with much smoke and most annoying stench. After that bombardment all the bales were taken away from the works and thrown in the rear, where they — 132 — were broken open by the men to make beds on the ground, and all was ruined. "Mr. Livingston mentioned our little conversation to the General, who assured him he would see to it after the thing was over that his client, as he called me, 'suffered no loss.' But I did, nevertheless." After the battle Nolte tells us he found the General a hard man to deal with. "My claim," says the German mer chant, "was a double one ; first, for seven hundred and fifty woolen coverings, taken out of my warehouse; second, fo/ two hundred and fifty bales of cotton, taken from the brigan tine. For the first I received the price that was cur rent on the day that the landing of the English was an nounced — eleven dollars per pair. All settlements required the General's ratification* and signature. On this occasion he gave both, but with the remark that as my goods had been taken to cover the Tennessee troops, I should be paid in Tennessee bank notes, upon which there was a discount of nearly ten per cent. I was silent." But with regard to the price of the cotton, Nolte and the General could not agree at all; Nolte demanding the price the cotton was worth then, the General offering only the price at which the cotton was held when it was used in for tifying the lines. "I made a written protest," says Nolte, "but the General would not notice it. Then I determined to call on him in the hopes of awakening a sense of justice in him. He heard me, but that was all. 'Are you not lucky,' he asked, 'to have saved the rest of your cotton by my de fense?' 'Certainly, General,' I said, 'as lucky as anybody else in this city whose cotton has thus been saved, but the difference between me and the rest is, that all the others have nothing to pay and that I have to pay all the loss.' " 'Loss !' said the General, getting excited, 'why, you have saved all!' I saw that argument was useless with so stiff-necked a man and remarked to him that I only wanted compensation for my cotton, and that the best compensation would be to give me precisely the quantity that had been taken from me and of the same quality ; that he might name one merchant and I another, who should buy and deliver to me the cotton, and that he should pay the bill. 'No, no, sir,1 he answered, T like straightforward business, and this is too complicated. You must take six cents for your cotton. I have nothing more to say.' As I again endeavored to ex plain, he said : 'Come, sir, come — take a glass of whiskey and water ; you must be damned dry after all your arguing.' " Happily, the other writer and fighter of that period who gives us the answer of the cotton-bale question is a min- — 133 — ister of the Gospel. He was John Richard Ogilvy, a student of Transylvania College when the Indian wars started in 1811. He enlisted with the volunteers from Kentucky, under the leadership of Adair, fought at Tippecanoe and the rest of Harrison's campaigns in the Northwest. When the call to New Orleans came, he again joined Adair's command. After the war he became a Presbyterian clergyman and in 1838 he wrote in his pamphlet entitled "Kentucky at New Orleans" : "A great deal has been said about the defensive quali ties of cotton-bales since the battle of New Orleans. An at tempt had indeed been made to use them, but it proved a failure, and by the time we got there" (The Kentuckians under Adair did not begin to arrive until nightfall, January 4) "all had been taken off the works and thrown in the rear, where the men broke them open and used the layers of which they were composed for mattresses. They were by no means a failure for that purpose, as I know from experience, hav ing curled up many a night with one of them between my body and the wet ground and nothing between my sleeping form and heaven except a well-worn blanket, which, if it had possessed ears, might have heard the yells of Tecumseh's savages three years before at Tippecanoe. "But the joke was not all upon our side. Our British friends made an equally amusing blunder. They tried to use hogsheads of sugar for a similar purpose, of which they found abundance on the lower river plantations. In the bombardment our cannon-balls knocked many of these hogs heads open and then the constant drizzling rain dissolved their contents, making where they lay, soft, sticky and sweet mud-holes. "It may be positively asserted that cotton bales cut no figure in the defense of our soil in the great battle of Jan uary 8th." So, while we may say with truth and assert as positively as did Ogilvy that cotton bales cut no figure in the defense of New Orleans on the battle of January 8th, it would not be fair to assert as positively that cotton bales were not used during that campaign. The Americans used one of the great staples of the South when cotton bales were tried and found wanting. The British, not satisfied with the "Gumbo" soil they found on the ground alongside of the river, used another great staple of the South — sugar — for their embankments. Both were doomed to failure, and only went to prove things that are great in peace and necessities to humanity, have no place in war. When the British began the planting of their bat teries they could not dig without encountering water with- -134 — in two feet or so of the surface, and for this reason the de fenses, or "Epaulements," for these batteries were mostly made of hogsheads, some of them filled with earth, but most of them with sugar, which the British soldiers, . with almost incredible toil, rolled into position over the damp and spongy ground covered with cane stubble and ridged with the planting-rows. "The Subaltern" computed that sugar to the value of many thousand pounds sterling was thus dis posed of. "But it did not meet our expectations," said he, "the hogsheads filled with sugar proved to be of little or no value as defenses against cannon shot." Not only did the hogsheads of sugar fail to stop the American shot, but it did a duty as valuable as that done by the Creoles behind the earthworks. The soldiers of the English army encamped on a land that did not, much to their surprise, provide them with great quantities of fresh provisions, ate freely of the sweet substance contained in the hogsheads, and many of them became very sick, incapacitat ing them from active service for days. Of the cotton that was used there were 277 bales taken from the Sumatra. The court that settled Nolte's claim re viewed the evidence that 230 bales were used in the con struction of a powder magazine in the garden of the Ma- carte home. It was near this magazine Judah Touro re ceived his wound, as will be told later. The remaining bales, which could only number 47, were divided one part on each end of the line and the rest on what was called the half-moon battery. Latour does not even mention cotton bales; General Jackson, in a personal letter to President Monroe, say only earth and logs were used ; Ogilvey and Nolte, in what has been recounted above, are quite definite in what they say. Lacotte, one of Latour's engineers, however, show them as composing the whole scheme of entrenchment in his draw ing, which is reproduced on page 175, and this we know is absolutely wrong. CHAPTER FIFTEEN. CHRISTMAS DAY ON THE BATTLEFIELD. On December 25th, Christmas Day, the headquarters of General Jackson were at a mansion-house about two hun dred yards behind the American lines, the plantation home of Augustus Macarty. From an upper window of this house, above the trees in which it was embosomed, the Gen eral surveyed the scene below; the long line of men at work upon the entrenchments ; Hinds' dragoons maneuvering and galloping to and fro between the two armies ; the Carolina and Louisiana in the stream vomiting their iron thunder upon the foe. With the aid of an old telescope, lent by an aged Frenchman, which appears to have been almost the only instrument of the kind procurable in the place, he scanned the British position anxiously and often. He was surprised, puzzled, and perhaps a little alarmed at the enemy's prolonged inactivity. What could they be doing down there behind the plantation house? Why should they, unless they had some deep scientific scheme on foot, quite beyond the penetration of a backwoodsman, allow him to go on strengthening his position, day after day, without the slightest attempt at molestation ? If was not in the nature of Andrew Jackson to wait long for an enemy to attack, Partem tells us in his excellent life of this great American. Too prudent to trust his raw troops in an open fight with an army twice his number, it occurred to him, on the afternoon of the 24th, that there might be another and a safer way to dislodge them from their covert; at least, to disturb them in the development of whatever scheme they might be so quietly concocting. He sent for Commodore Patterson. Upon the arrival of the Commodore at headquarters a short conference took place between the naval and the military heads. Then the gal lant Commodore hurries off to New Orleans. His object to ascertain whether a few of the merchant vessels lying idle at the levee cannot be instantly manned and armed each with two thirty-two-pounders from the navy yard and, if possible, set them floating down the river toward the British 135 — 136 — position where, dropping anchor, they shall join in the cannonade, and sweep the plain from side to side with ex ploding cannon balls. No plantation houses, no negro huts, no shallow ditches, no attainable distance will then avail the invading host. Commodore Patterson could not succeed in his errand in time. But he bore in mind the General's hint, and, in due time, acted upon it in another way with most telling effect, as shall shortly be shown. There was generalship in Jackson's idea. If it could have been carried out that night the enemy's position would have been utterly untenable. With the dawn of the 27th, instead of doing what they did, they must have either ad vanced upon the lines and taken New Orleans or beaten a swift retreat to their shipping. Captain J. H. Cooke, in his involved, half-comic manner, remarks: "General Jackson, throughout the operations displayed the art of the engineer, combining at the same time the talent of the wary politician and the polish of the finished negotiator, wielding the weapons of war with vigorous decision and with his pen finally transmogrifying an after defeat to his own advantage. He had amused the British generals for the space of four days and nights with the blus tering fire from the sloop, he had turned every moment to his own account, brought up cannon to the barricades, and caused planking to be laid down for heavy artillery behind the ditch. And, although the profile of the crescent bat tery and the long line of the naked barricade and its rough exterior face was not chiseled by the mason, and might have been laughed at by Vauban, yet the sight of its smoking face caused the British general to halt." All was bustle and animation along Rodriguez Canal — what were the spirits of the invading hosts on the day of "peace on earth, good will toward men"? The light of that Christmas morning found the English army disheartened, almost to the degree of despair, we are told. "I shall eat my Christmas dinner in New Orleans," Admiral Cochrane had said on the day of the landing. The remark was reported by a prisoner to General Jackson, who allowed himself the luxury of a grim smile. "Perhaps so ;" he said to this aid, "but I shall have the honor of presiding at that dinner." As usual when affairs go wrong, the Gen eral in command was the scapegoat. By every British campfire, in every hut, at every outpost the conduct of Gen eral Keane was severely criticized. Why hadn't they pushed right on to New Orleans? Why this delay in the wet sugar fields of Villere's plantation? MAJOR-GENERAL THE HONORABLE SIR EDWARD MICHEL PAKENHAM. G. C. B. The commander-in-chief of the British Army of Invasion before New Orleans. This is the only existing portrait of the English general being a water-color drawing by T. Heaphy, executed in 1815, and be longing to the Dowager Lady Longford, London. (137) — 138 — "Why, Wilky," asked an officer, who arrived Christ mas day — some days after the landing of the British ad vance — "why, Wilky, hew is it that you have not provided us with good quarters in New Orleans, as we expected? Why, what the devil have you been about?" "At this question," says the British Captain Cooke, who tells the story, "Wilkinson looked exceedingly vexed and, clapping his hands to his forehead and coloring up deeply, he turned away, stamping his foot, according to his usual custom when put out, and giving his arm a peculiar swing, answered : " 'Oh ! say no more about it.' "And then, placing his arm within mine, we paced up and down for a long time, when he opened such a budget of astounding information, concerning the hesitation shown for the previous days, as to make the very military blood curdle in one's veins. And, on being further questioned by myself as to the great stoppagej answered : " 'Bullets stopped us — bullets — that's all !' "But he declared that the lines in front were not grown formidable and the only chance of taking them was by a well-concerted and simultaneous rush when, should the ditch prove too deep in front of these lines, short-planked ladders would be the only means to cross the ditch and then for the assailants to run over them." Though this was the habitual feeling of the British troops from the night of the twenty-third until the end yet an event on this Christmas morning occurred which, for the time, dispelled the prevailing gloom. This was th». sud den arrival in camp, to take command of the troops, of Major Sir Edward M. Pakenham, and with him, as second n com mand, Major General Samuel Gibbs; besides several staff officers of experience and distinction. In a moment hope revived and animation reappeared. General Pakenham, the brother-in-law of the Duke of Wellington, a favorite of the Duke and of the army, was of North of Ireland extraction, like the antagonist with whom he had come to contend. Few soldiers of the Penin sular war had won such high and rapid distinction as he. At Salamanca, at Badajoz — wherever in fact, the fighting had been fiercest — there had this brave soldier done a man's part for his country, often foremost among the foremost. He was but thirty-eight years of age and the record of his bright career was written all over his body in honorable scars. Conspicuous equally for his humanity and for his courage, he had ever lifted his voice and his arms against those monstrous scenes of pillage and outrage which dis- — 139 — graced the British name at the capture of the strongholds of Spain; hanging a man upon one occasion upon the spot, without a trial of law thus, according to Napier, "nipping the wickedness in the bud." Surely this young captain, whose name is associated with victory, will speedily relieve his troops from their uncom fortable position. Like so many other British soldiers, his ruling idea of warfare was to close with the enemy at the first moment possible and achieve everything by that "simul taneous rush," of which the irate Wilkinson spoke and in which, a few days later, he lost his life being one of the very "few hostile Britishers to reach the American embankment. "The British service seems to develop every high and noble quality of man and soldier, except generalship," says Parton in comparing the two commanders. "Up to the hour when the British soldier holds an independent command he is the most assured and competent of men. Give him a plain, unconditional order — 'Go and do that' — and he will go and do it with a cool, self-forgetting pertinacity of dar ing that can scarcely be too much admired. All of the man, below the eye-brows, is perfect. The stout heart, the high purpose, the dexterous hand, the enduring fame, are his. But the work of general in command demands a head, a cool, calculating head, fertile in expedients ; a head that is the controlling power of the man. And this article of head, which is the rarest production of nature everywhere, is one ¦which the brave British soldier is apt to be signally wanting in; and never so much as when responsibility rests upon him. To such men as Andrew Jackson, responsibility is in spiration — to others it is paralysis." General Pakenham inherited General Keane's erroneous information respecting Jackson's strength. Keeping this fact in view, his first measure seems judicious enough. Let us quote the Subaltern's account of Christmas day in the British camp: "Hoping everything from a change of leaders," says this entertaining soldier-writer, "the troops greeted their new leader with a hearty cheer ; whilst the confidence which past events had tended in some degree to dispel returned once more to the bosoms of all. "It was Christmas day and a number of officers, club bing their little stock of provisions, resolved to dine together in memory of former times. But at so melancholy a Christ mas dinner I do not recollect at any time to have been present. We dined in a barn ; of plates, knives and forks, there Was a dismal scarcity, nor could our fare boast of much either in intrinsic good quality or in the way of cook- — 140 — ing. These, however, were mere matters of merriment; it was the want of many well-known and beloved faces that gave us pain; nor were any other subjects discussed besides the amiable qualities of those who no longer formed part of our mess and never would again form part of it. "A few guesses as to the probable success of future at tempts alone relieved this topic, and now and then a shot from the schooner (the Carolina) drew our attention to ourselves; for, though too far removed from the river to be in much danger, we were still within cannon-shot of our enemy. Nor was she inactive in her attempts to molest. Elevating her guns to a great degree, cannon balls contrived occasionally to strike the wall of the building within which we sat ; but the force of the ball was too far spent to pene trate and could, therefore, produce no serious alarm. "Whilst we were thus sitting at table, a loud shriek was heard after one of these explosions, and on running out we found that a shot had taken effect in the body of an unfortunate soldier. I mention this incident, because I never beheld in any human being so great a tenacity of life. Though fairly cut in two at the lower part of the belly, the poor wretched man lived for nearly an hour, gasping for breath, and giving signs of pain. "But to return to my narrative: as soon as he reached the camp, Sir Edward (Pakenham) proceeded to examine with a soldier's eye every point and place within view. Of the American army nothing whatever could be perceived except a corps of observation, composed of five or six hun dred mounted rifle-men, which hovered along our front and watched our motions. The town itself was completely hid, nor was it possible to see beyond the distance of a very few miles, either in front or rear, so flat and unbroken was the fact- of the country. Under these circumstances, little insight into the state of affairs could be obtained by recon- noitering. The only thing, indeed, which we could learn from it was, that while the vessels kept their present sta tion upon the river, no advance could be made, and as he felt that every moment's delay was injurious to us and favorable to the enemy, General Pakenham resolved to re move these incumbrances, and to push forward as soon as possible." To blow the Carolina out of the water, then, is the British commander's first resolve. Until that is done he thinks no movement of the troops is possible. His orders go back to the ships beyond the swamps and with incredible toil, nine field pieces, two Howitzers, one mortar, a furnace for heating cannon balls, and a supply of the requisite im- — Im plements and ammunition, were brought from the fleet and dragged to the British camp. By the evening of the 26th they have all arrived and are ready to be placed in position on the levee as soon as darkness covers the scene of opera tions and silences the Carolina's exasperating fire. The little schooner lay near the opposite shore of the river, just where she had dropped her anchor after swing ing away from the scene of the night action of the 23rd. There she had remained immovable ever since, firing at the enemy as often as he showed himself. A succession of northerly winds and dead calms rendered it impossible for Captain Henly to execute his purpose of getting nearer the British position, nor could he move the vessel higher up against the strong current of the swollen Mississippi. In a word, the Carolina was a fixture, a floating battery. But what is very remarkable, considering the great annoyance caused by the fire of this schooner, she had but one gun, a long twelve, as Captain Henly reports, which could throw a ball across the river! GOLD MEDAL GIVEN GENERAL JACKSON BT CONGRESS. On one side of the medal is a profile of the bust of Jackson, and on the other a figure of Victory seated, supporting a tablet before her with her left hand in which is also a laurel wreath. She is making a record of the triumph on the 8th of January. She has written the words "Orleans,' when she is interrupted by another figure, personating Peace, who holds an olive- branch in her right hand. With her left she points to the tablet as if di recting Victory to record the peace which had already been agreed upon by the belligerents. Victory is in the act of listening. CHAPTER SIXTEEN. THE LAST OF THE CAROLINA. On Dec. 27th it was all over with that glorious little ves sel, the Carolina. At dawn of that day the American troops were startled by the report of a larger piece of ordnance than they had yet heard from the enemy's camp. The sec ond shot from the great guns placed by the British on the levee during the night, white hot, struck the Carolina, pierced her side and lodged in the main hold under a mass of cables, where it could neither be reached nor quenched. And this was but the prelude to a furious cannonade which sent the bombs and hot balls hissing and roaring about her, penetrating her cabin, knocking' away her bulwarks, bring ing down rigging and spars about the ears of the astonished crew. Captain Henly replied as best he could with his sin gle long-twelve, While both armies lined and thronged the levee, watching the unequal combat with breathless interest. No; not breathless. As soon as the schooner was hit cheers from the British troops rent the morning air; and whenever a well-aimed shot from the Carolina drove the British gunners for a moment under the shelter of the levee, shouts from the Americans applauded the devoted crew. General Jackson was at his high window spying the com bat. Perceiving from the first how it must end, he sent an emphatic order to Lieutenant Thompson, of the Louisiana, to get that, vessel out of range if it was in the power of man to do it. General Pakenham stood on the levee near his guns cheering on the artillerymen. Half an hour of this work was enough for the Carolina. "Finding," says Captain Henly, in his report to Commodore Patterson, with the blunt pathos of a sailor mourning for the loss of his vessel, "that hot shot were passing through her cabin and filling-room, which contained a considerable quantity of powder, her bulwarks all knocked down by the enemy's shot, the vessel in a sinking condition, the fire in creasing, and expecting every moment that she would blow up, at a little after sunrise I reluctantly gave orders for the crew to abandon her, which was affected with the loss of one man killed and six wounded. A short time after I had 142 — 143 — succeeded in getting the crew on shore I had the extreme mortification of seeing her blow up." The explosion was terrific. It shook the earth for miles around; it threw a shower of burning fragments over the Louisiana, a mile distant ; it sent a shock of terror to thou sands of listening women in New Orleans; it gave a mo mentary discouragement to the American troops. The Eng lish army, whom the schooner's fire had tormented for four days, raised a shout of exaltation, as though the silencing of that single gun had removed the only obstacle to their vic torious advance. Captain Hill of that army tells us that "among the crowd of spectators collected to witness the at tack on the schooner were the Indian chiefs, who appeared deeply interested in the proceedings ; and no sooner was the destruction effected than the prophet, in a fit of inspiration, commenced a palaver with his countrymen, foretelling the complete success of our pale faces on the following day. This was soon made known to us by Colonel Nicholls, who endeavored to impress upon us that we might depend on the prediction of this gifted seer." "But the Louisiana was still above water," writes Par- ton, "and apparently as immovable as the Carolina had been. Upon her the British guns were immediately turned. To avail himself of a light breeze, or intimation of a breeze, from the east, Lieutenant Thompson spread all his sails. But against that steady, strong, deep current it availed not even to slacken the ship's cable. Red-hot balls fell hissing into the water about her, and a shell burst upon her deck, wounding six of the crew. 'Man the boats !' thundered the commander. A hundred men were soon tugging at the oars, struggling, as for more than life, to tow the ship up the stream. She moved, the cable slackened and was let go. She moved slowly, steadily and, ere long, was safe out of the deadly tempest at anchor under the western shore op posite the American lines. "Then it was the Americans' turn to lift the exulting shout and cheer upon cheer saluted the rescued ship. The English soldiers heard the cheers as they were 'falling in,' three miles below. Every trace of discouragement was gone from both armies. The British now formed upon the open plain, without let or hindrance. The Americans could coolly estimate the success of the cannonade at its proper value. They had lost just one available gun and saved a ship which, at one broadside, could throw eight twelve- pound balls a mile and a half. That was the net result of a cannonade for which the British army had toiled and waited a day and two nights. — 144 — "If the English had directed their fire first upon the Louisiana they could have destroyed both vessels. How as tonishing that any man, standing where General Pakenham stood that morning, could have failed to perceive a fact so obvious ! The Louisiana had only to go a mile up the river to be out of danger. Half a mile made her comparatively safe. The Carolina was fully two miles below the point of safety. The half hour expended upon the schooner would have blown up the ship and then, at their leisure, they could have played upon the smaller vessel. And even if Captain Henly had slipped his cable and dropped down the stream past the British camp, the vessel would have been as effec- ually removed as she was when her burning fragment floated by." After the excitement of the morning the 27th of Decem ber was a busy day in the American lines. They were still far from complete and every man now felt that his strength would soon be put to the test. In the course of the day a twelve-pound howitzer was placed in position, so as to com mand the high road. In the evening a twenty-four was established further to the left, and early next morning another twenty-four. The crew of the Carolina hurried around to the lines to assist in serving these guns ; and on the morrow the Baratarians, under Dominique You and Bluche, were coming down from Fort St. John to lend a powerful hand. The two regiments of Louisiana militia were added to the force behind the lines. All day long the shovel and the spade are vigorously plied ; the embankment rises ; the canal deepens. The lines nearest the river are strongest and best protected, and, be sides, are concealed from the view of an approaching foe by the buildings of the Chalmette plantation, a quarter of a mile below them. These buildings which have served hitherto as the quarters of Hind's dragoons, will protect the enemy more than they protect "us, thinks General Jackson, and orders them to be fired when the enemy ad vances. It was a mistake and the order, luckily, was only executed in part. Far to the left, near the cypress swamp, the lines are weakest, though there Coffee's Tennesseeans had worked as only Coffee's Tennesseeans could work, to make them strong. But there is a limit to the powers of even such stalwart and indomitable heroes as these and there may be trouble to-morrow at the extreme left. How it fared with the English troops that day, and dur ing the night that followed, the graphic and modest Sub altern shall relate: "Having thus removed all apparent obstacles to his fu- Kt rosrat.fftTR.tj. — 146 — ture progress, General Pakenham made dispositions for a speedy advance. Dividing the army into two columns, he appointed General Gibbs to the command of one, and Gen eral Keane to the command of the other. The left column, led on by the latter officer, consisted of the ninety-fifth, the eighty-fifth, and ninety third, and one black corps ; the right, of the fourth, twenty-first, forty-fourth, and the other black corps. The artillery, of which we had now ten pieces in the field, though at present attached to the last column, was designed to act as circumstances and the na ture of the ground would permit; while the dragoons, few of whom had as yet provided themselves with horses, were appointed to guard the hospitals and to secure the wounded from any sudden surprise or molestation from the rear. "But the day was too far spent in making these arrange ments, and in clearing the way for future operations, to permit any movement before the morrow. The whole of Dec. 27th was therefore spent in bringing up stores, am munition, and a few heavy guns from the ships, which be ing placed in battery upon the banks of the river, secured against the return of our floating adversary. All this was done quietly enough, nor was there any cause of alarm till after sunset ; but from that time till towards dawn we were kept in a constant state of anxiety and agitation. Sending down small bodies of riflemen, the American general har- rassed our pickets, killed and wounded a few of the senti nels and prevented the main body from obtaining any sound or refreshing sleep. Scarcely had the troops laid down, when they were roused by a sharp firing at the out posts, which lasted only till they were in order and then ceased; but as soon as they had dispersed and had once more addressed themselves to repose, the same cause of alarm returned, and they were again called to their ranks. Thus was the entire night spent in watching, or at best in broken and disturbed slumbers, than which nothing is more trying, both to the health and spirits of an army. "With the pickets, again, it fared even worse. For the outposts of an army to sleep is at all times considered as a thing impossible; but in modern and civilized warfare they are nevertheless looked upon as in some degree sa cred. Thus, while two European armies remain inactively facing each other, the outposts of neither are molested, un less a direct attack upon the main body be intended; nay, so far is this tacit good understanding carried, that I have myself seen the French and English sentinels not more than twenty yards apart. But the Americans entertained no such chivalric notions. — 147 — "An enemy was to them an enemy, whether alone or in the midst of five thousand companions; and they there fore counted the death of every individual as so much taken from the strength of the whole. In point of fact, they no doubt reasoned correctly, but to us at least it ap peared an ungenerous return to barbarity. Whenever they could approach unperceived within proper distance of our watch fires, six or eight riflemen would fire amongst the party that sat around them, while one or two, stealing as close to each sentinel as a regard to their own safety would permit, acted the part of assassins rather than that of soldiers, and attempted to murder them in cold blood. For the officers, likewise, when going their rounds, they constantly lay in wait, and thus, by a continued dropping fire, they not only wounded some of those against whom their aim was directed but occasioned considerable anxiety and uneasiness throughout the whole line. 'Having continued this detestable system of warfare till towards morning the Americans retired and left us at rest. But as soon as day began to break our pickets were called in and the troops formed in order of attack. The right column, under General Gibbs, took post near the skirts of the morass, throwing out skirmishers half way across the plain, whilst the left column drew up upon the road covered by the rifle corps which, in extended order, met the skirmishers from the other. With this last divi sion went the artillery, already well supplied with horses, and at the signal given, the whole moved forward." CHAPTER SEVENTEEN. GENERAL PAKENHAM MAKES A GRAND RECON- NOISSANCE. {Dec. 28, 18 1 4.) The morning of the 28th of December was one of those perfect mornings of the southern winter, to enjoy which it is almost worth while to live twenty degrees too near the tropic of Cancer. Balmy, yet bracing; brilliant, but soft, inviting to action, though rendering mere existence bliss. The golden mist that heralded the sun soon wreathed it self away and vanished into space, except that part of it which hung in glittering diamonds upon the herbage and the evergreens that encircled the stubbled covered plain. The monarch of the day shone out with that brightness that neither dazzles nor consumes, but is merely beautiful and cheering. Gone and forgotten were now the lower ing clouds, the penetrating fogs, the disheartening rains, that for so many days and dreary fearful nights had hung over the dark Delta. The river was flowing gold. "The trees," we are told in Alexander Walker's enjoyable his tory, "were melodious with the noisy strains of the rice- bird, and the bold falsetto of that pride of southern ornith ology, the mocking-bird, who, here alone continues the whole year round his unceasing notes of exultant mockery and vocal defiance." "It was one of Homer's mornings, or Boccaccio's or Tasso's, or Shakespeare's, who all so loved the dawning day and wrote of it with its own diamond-drops and sun beams and let the morning air blow over the page which it still exhales," writes Parton. "Fly away, noisy rice-bird, and defiant mocking-bird. Music more noisy and more defiant than yours salutes the rising sun — the rolling drum and ringing bugle that call twelve thousand hostile men to arms. This glorious morn-. ing General Pakenham is resolved to have at least one good look at the wary and active foe that for five days has given pause to the invading army and has not yet been so much 148 — 149 — as seen by them. With this whole force he will march boldly up to the lines and, if fortune favors and the pros pect pleases, he will leap over them into New Orleans and the House of Lords. A grand reconnoissance is the order of the day. "The American General has not used his telescope in vain; he is perfectly aware that an early advance is in tended. Five pieces of cannon he has in position. The crew of the Carolina, under Lieutenant Crawley and Lieu tenant Norris, Captain Humphrey and his artillerymen, are ready to serve them. Before the sun was an hour on his diurnal way, Jackson's anxious glances toward the city had been changed into expressions of satisfaction and con- ifidence by the spectacle of several straggling bands of red- shirted, bewhiskered, rough and desperate looking men, all begrimmed with smoke and mud hurrying down the road towards the lines. These proved to be Baratarians under Dominique You and Bluche who had run all the way from the Fort St. John, where they had been stationed, since their release from prison. They immediately took charge of two of the twenty-four pounders. And what is of as much importance the Louisiana, saved the day before by the resolution and skill of Lieutenant Thompson, is ready at a moment's warning to let out cable and swing round so as to throw her balls obliquely across the plain." And all this is hidden from the foe, who will know nothing of what awaits them till they have passed the plan tation houses of Chalmette and Bienvenu, only five hun dred yards from the lines ! General Jackson was not long in suspense. The spec tacle of the British advance was splendid in the extreme. "Forward they came," says the author of "Jackson and New Orleans," "in solid columns, as compact and orderly as if on parade, under cover of a shower of rockets and a continual fire from their artillery in front and their bat teries on the levee. It was certainly a bold and imposing demonstration, for such as we are told by British officers, it was intended to be. To new soldiers like the Americans, fresh from civic and peaceful pursuits, who had never wit nessed any scenes of real warfare it was certainly a for midable display of military power and discipline. Those veterans moved as steadily and closely together as if marching in review instead of 'in the cannon's mouth.' Their muskets catching the rays of the morning sun nearly blinded the beholder with their brightness, whilst their gay and various uniforms, red, gray, green and tartan, — 150 — afforded a pleasing relief in the winter-clad field and som ber objects around." Thus appeared the British host to the gazing multi tude behind the American lines ; for the author of the pas sage quoted learned his story from the lips of men who saw the dazzling sight. The Subaltern tells us how the American lines looked to the advancing army and what re ception greeted it. "The enemy's corps of observation" (Hind's dragoons) "fell back as we advanced without offering in any way to impede our progress and it was impossible to guess, igno rant as we were of the position of the enemy's main body, at what moment opposition might be expected nor, in truth, was it a matter of much anxiety. Our spirits, in spite of the troubles of the night, were good and our expec tations of success were high ; consequently many rude jests were bandied about and many careless words spoken; for soldiers are, of all classes of men, the freest from care and on that account perhaps the most happy. By being contin ually exposed to it, danger with them ceases to be frightful ; of death they have no more terror than the beasts that perish, and even hardships such as cold, wet, hunger, and broken rest, lose at least part of their disagreeableness by the frequency of their recurrence. "Moving on in this merry mood we advanced about four or five miles without the smallest check or hindrance when at length we found ourselves in view of the enemy's army posted in a very advantageous manner. About forty yards in their front was a canal which extended from the morass to within a short distance of the high road. Along their line were thrown up breastworks, not completed, but even now formidable. Upon the road and at several other points were erected powerful batteries whilst the ship with a large flotilla of gun-boats flanked the whole position from the river. "When I say that we came in sight of the enemy, I do not mean that he was gradually exposed to us in such a manner as to leave time for cool examination and reflec tion. On the right he was seen for some time; but on the left (near the river) a few houses built at a turning in the road entirely concealed him;* nor was it till they had gained that turning and beheld the muzzles of his guns pointed towards them that those who moved in this direc tion were aware of their proximity to danger. But that danger was near they were quickly taught, for scarcely had the head of the column passed the houses when a dead ly fire was opened from both the battery and the shipping. — 151 — "That the Americans are excellent marksmen, as well with artillery as with rifles, we have had frequent cause to acknowledge; but, perhaps on no occasion did they assert their claim to the title of good artillerymen more effect ually than on the present. Scarce a ball passed over or fell short of its mark but all striking full into the midst of our ranks occasioned terrible havoc. The shrieks of the wound ed, therefore, the crash of firelocks, and the fall of such as were killed, caused at first some little confusion and what added to the panic was, that from the houses beside which we stood bright flames suddenly burst out. The Americans expecting this attack had filled them with combustibles for the purpose and directing against them one or two guns loaded with red-hot shot in an instant set them on fire. The scene was altogether very sublime. A tremendous can nonade mowed down our ranks and deafened us with its roar whilst two large chateaux and their outbuildings al most scorched us with the flames and blinded us with the smoke which they emitted. "The infantry, however, was not long suffered to re main thus exposed, but being ordered to quite the path and to form line in the fields, the artillery was brought up and opposed to that of the enemy. But the contest was in every respect unequal since their artillery far exceeded ours, both in numerical strength and weight of metal. The conse quence was that in half an hour two of our field-pieces and one field-mortar were dismounted, many of the gunners were killed and the rest, after an ineffectual attempt to silence the fire of the shipping, were obliged to retire. "In the meantime the infantry, having formed line, advanced under a heavy discharge of round and grape-shot till they were checked by the appearance of the canal. Of its depth they were of course ignorant and to attempt its passage without having ascertained whether it could be forded might have been productive of fatal consequence. A halt was accordingly ordered and the men were com manded to shelter themselves as well as they could from fhe enemy's fire. For this purpose they were hurried into a wet ditch of sufficient depth to cover the knees where leaning forward they concealed themselves behind some high rushes which grew upon its brink and thus escaped rr>any bullets which fell around them in all directions. "Thus fared it with the left of the army whilst the right, though less exposed to the cannonade, was not more successful in its object. The same impediment which checked one column forced the other likewise to pause and after having driven in an advance body of the enemy and. — 152 — endeavored without effect to penetrate through the marsh it also was commanded to halt. In a word all thought of attacking was for this day abandoned and it now only re mained to withdraw the troops from their present perilous situation with as little loss as possible. "The first thing to be done was to remove the dis mounted guns. Upon this enterprise a party of seamen was employed who, running forward to the spot where they lay, lifted them in spite of the whole of the enemy's fire and tore them off in triumph. As soon as this was effected, regiment after regiment stole away, not in a body but one by one under the same discharge which saluted their approach. But a retreat thus conducted necessarily occupied much time. Noon had, therefore, long passed be fore the last corps was brought off and when we again be gan to muster, twilight was approaching." Our lively friend Hill adds a few curious and interest ing particulars to the British version of this affair. The unfortunate blacks forming the West India regiments suf fering most dreadfully from the change of climate and al terant of fare they were positively not only useless, but ab solutely in the way. Several of these poor devils were ob served huddled together and exposed to fire ; they were de sired to get under cover, to which they replied. " 'No, tank you, massa, rader stay here and get killed at once; never see de day go back to Jamaica, so me die now, tank you. No stand dem d — n cold and fog — no house to lib in — not warm clothes, so poor nigger him die 'ike dog!' "There was too much truth in these words; it was an absolute cruelty to bring them on such a service, and evinced little judgment on the part of the adviser of such a measure. "The troops were ordered to retain the line they now occupied and no further demonstration of advance was made. Close to the left of our line stood the house and plantation of Monsieur Bienvenu. It was an elegant man sion ; much of the furniture had been removed but enough remained to mark the taste of the proprietor. In the hall, which was floored with variegated marble, stood two mag nificent globes and a splendid orrery. One room contained a vast collection of valuable books. On entering a bedroom, lately occupied by a female of the family as was apparent by the arrangement of toilet, etc., I found that our advance had interrupted the fair one in her study of natural his tory, a volume of Buffon was lying open on her pillow ; and it was evident that her particular attention had been di- — 153 — rected to the domestic economy of the baboon and monkey tribe, slips of paper marking the highly colored portraits of these charming subjects for a lady's contemplation. "In spite of our sanguine expectation of sleeping that night in New Orleans, evening found us occupying our ne gro hut at Villere's, nor was I sorry that the shades of night concealed our mortification from the prisoners and slaves. As for our allies, the Indians, they had not increased in number; the countless tribes promised by Colonel Nicholls had not yet appeared, the five or six red skins I have al ready named still hung about headquarters. The prophet to avoid censure at the fallacy of his predictions, contrived to get gloriously drunk nor was the king of the Muscogies in a much more sober state; his majesty had consoled him self for the ill-fortune of the day by going from hut to hut imploring rum and asserting that he, 'hungered for drink.' " What a day for the heroes of the Peninsula and the stately 93d Highlanders; lying low in wet ditches some of them for seven hours under that relentless cannonade and then slinking away behind fences, huts, and burning houses or even crawling along on the bottom of ditches, happy to get beyond the reach of those rebounding balls that "knocked down the soldiers," says Captain Cooke, "and tossed them into the air like old bags." And what a day for General Jackson and his few thousand who saw the magnificent advance of the morning, and not without misgivings, then behold the most splendid and imposing army they had ever seen sink, as it were, into the earth and vanish from their sight! This reconnoissance cost General Pakenham a loss of 59 killed and wounded. The casualties of the Ameri can side were nine killed and eight wounded. The ship Louisiana was the immediate cause of this day's signal triumphs, claimed Commodore Patterson, who gave a simple but interesting account in his dispatch to the Secretary of the Navy of what transpired on board : "At twenty-five minutes past 8 a. m., the enemy opened their fire upon the ship, with shells, hot shot and rockets," wrote the commodore, "which was instantly returned with great spirit and much apparent effect and continued with out intermission until one p. m., when the enemy slackened their fire and retreated with a part of their artillery from each of their batteries, evidently with great loss. Two attempts were made to screen one heavy piecee of ordnance mounted behind the levee with which they threw hot shot at the ship and which had been a long time abandoned be fore they succeeded in recovering it, and then it must have been with very great loss, as I distinctly saw, with the aid — 154 — of my glass, several shot strike in the midst of the men (seamen) who were employed dragging it away. At 3 p. m., the enemy were silenced ; at 4 p. m. ceased firing from the ship, the enemy having retired beyond the range of her guns. Many of their shot passed over the ship and their shells burst over her decks which were strewed with their fragments; yet, after an incessant cannonading of upward of seven hours, during which time eight hundred shot were fired from the ship, one man only was wounded slightly by the piece of a shell, and one shot passed between the bow sprit and heel of the jib-boom. "The enemy drew up his whole force evidently with an intention of assaulting General Jackson's lines under cover of his heavy cannon ; but his cannonading being so warmly returned from the lines and ship Louisiana caused him, I presume to abandon his project as he retired without mak ing the attempt. You will have learned by my former let ters that the crew of the Louisiana is composed of men of all nations (English excepted) taken from the streets of New Orleans not a fortnight before fhe battle, yet I never knew guns better served, or a more animated fire than was supported from her. Lieutenant C. C. B. Thomp son deserves great credit for the discipline to which in so short a time he had brought such men, two-thirds of whom do not understand English." At the extreme left of Jackson's lines, a mile away from the river where the ditch could be leaped and the embark- ment easily surmounted, there was a moment which rightly improved what might have given a different issue to the day. Upon getting sight of the rude line of defense, Gen eral Gibbs, instead of ordering the "simultaneous rush," which would have carried them, was obliged to remember that the affair was only a reconnaissance, and so halted his eager column. A detachment under Colonel Rennie ad vanced, however, drove in the American outposts, and drew up in a sheltered position one hundred yards from General Carroll's division. Carroll's men clamoring for a share in the day's work, their General permitted Colonel Henderson to lead a column of two hundred Tennesseans along the borders of the swamp, with the design of getting to the rear of Rennie's detachment and cutting it off. The attempt failed. A body of British troops concealed in the woods, opened fire upon the column, killed Colonel Henderson and five of his men, wounded a few more, and compelled the rest to retreat behind the lines in confusion. At this mo ment, when Rennie, elated by the result, was advancing on Carroll's division and about, to close with it, an imperative — 155 — order from General Gibbs obliged him to retire. It is be yond question that a vigorous attack upon the left at that time would have given General Jackson more serious trouble than he had yet experienced during the campaign. "It was in the midst of the confusion and alarm caused by the retreat of the Tennesseans and the threatened ad vance of Colonel Rennie," writes Parton, "that a circum stance occurred which greatly added to the prevailing ex citement and had a lasting effect upon the fame and peace of General Jackson. "It was not to be expected in any circumstances that such a body of men as the Legislature of Louisiana would stand very high in the regard of such a man as Andrew Jackson and the less since he derived his impressions of their character from men who were opposed to them politi cally and otherwise. To save Neiv Orleans seems to have been the ruling desire of a majority of that body, whereas Jackson's first and great concern was to defeat and destroy the British expedition, even though that should involve the total destruction of the city. " 'What did you design to do,' Major Eaton once asked the General, a year or so after the battle, 'provided you had been forced to retreat?' " T should have retreated to the city,' replied Jackson, 'fired it and fought the enemy amidst the surrounding flames. There were with me men of wealth, owners of con siderable property, who in such an event would have been among the foremost to have applied the torch to their own buildings, and what they had left undone, I should have completed. Nothing for the comfortable maintenance of the enemy would have been left in the rear. I would have de stroyed New Orleans, occupied a position above the river, cut off all supplies, and in this way compelled them to de part from the country.' "This being the temper of the General he had given a somewhat rough welcome to a committee of the Legislature, who had visited him a day or two before, to ask what course he intended to take in case he were compelled to retreat. " 'If,' replied the General, T thought the hair of my head could divine what I should do, forthwith I would cut it off! Go back with this answer; say to your honorable body that if disaster does overtake me and the fate of war drives me from my line to the city, they may expect to have a very warm session !' "Such an answer could not be satisfactory to the more conservative and timid members of the Legislature. Still, it lead to no action on their part, nor even remonstrance. — 156 — Indeed, there had been no session of the Legislature since the 23rd, or, if any, only a meeting of a few members fol lowed by immediate adjournment. In a conversation in a private house where seven or eight members chanced to meet, the speaker of the House openly said, that for his part, he thought the arrival of General Jackson a calamity. " 'He seems to me,' added the speaker, 'to be a despera do, who will war like a savage and bring destruction and fire on the city and its neighboring plantation,' Chas J. Ingersoll claims in his pamphlet, 'Gen Jackson's Fine.' "In such exciting times as these rumor is busy enough ; nor at any time does she need a better foundation than this for the most extravagant arid incredible tale," continues Par- ton. "And so it happened that on this morning of thunder and alarm (Dec. 28th) one of Rumor's thousand tongues whispered it into the ear of a certain Creole, Colonel De- clouet, that the Legislature were meditating a scheme for surrendering the city to the enemy! Pale with excitement Colonel Declouet rushed to the field, and there meeting Mr. Abner L. Duncan, a Philadelphian who was one of the nu merous corps of Jackson's volunteer aids, told him the dread news and entreated him to lose not a moment in informing General Jackson. " 'It cannot be possible!' exclaimed Duncan, aghast at the thought. "Declouet solemnly repeated his statement; declared that he would be personally answerable for its truth, and urged Duncan for God's sake to tell the General. Duncan then advised Colonel Declouet to go to the General himself, and offered to accompany him. " 'No,' said Declouet ; T will go to town and inform Governor Claiborne. Do you go and tell the General.' "Whereupon he put spurs to his horse and rode away towards New Orleans, having imparted to Duncan all his own excitement and alarm. Duncan had already met on his way from New Orleans people hurrying from the camp to the city with the news that the lines had been forced and that the enemy were gaining the day. Distracted with the double apprehension of treason and defeat, he hastened to headquarters before which he found Major Plauche posted with his battalion of uniformed companies. Running up to the major, he asked with frantic eagerness : " 'Where is the General ?' "Major Plauche, alarmed at his manner, asked him what was the matter. To which Duncan replied that he had just been told the Legislature were abodt to capitulate. ~ — 157 — "Tt is impossible!' cried Plauche, as he pointed out the General riding swiftly along the lines. "Jackson was just returning from ordering General Coffee to strengthen the extreme left, where, the disorder had occurred. As Duncan ran up, the General perceiving his agitation, and supposing he brought important news of the enemy's movements, reined in his horse when the follow ing conversation, as far as can be gathered from the various depositions, occurred between them : " 'What is the matter, Colonel Duncan?' cried the Gen eral. " T am the bearer of a message from Governor Clai borne,' said Duncan, 'to the effect that the Assembly are about to give up the country to the enemy !' " 'Have you a letter from the Governor?' inquired Jack- s*on. " 'No, General,' replied Duncan. " 'Who gave you the intelligence?' Jackson asked. " 'Colonel Declouet,' was the reply. " 'Where is Colonel Declouet?' asked the General. 'He ought to be arrested, and, if the information is not true, he ought to be shot. I don't believe it.' " 'Declouet is gone back to New Orleans," said Duncan. 'He requested me to give you the information.' "Upon hearing this the General loosed the reins and was about to gallop on. Duncan called out to him, 'The Governor expects your orders, General.' "Whereupon the General said as he rode away, T don't believe the intelligence ; but tell the Governor to make strict inquiry into the subject and, if they persist, to blow them up!' "The soldiers standing near caught the last words and the shout ran along the line 'Blow them up !' "The cannonade continued and the General thought no more of the Legislature until the retreat of the enemy gave him leisure for further reflection. He then wrote a hasty note to the Governor directing him to observe closely the movements of the Legislature and the moment any project of capitulation should be disclosed to place a guard at the door of their chamber. 'My object in this,' Jackson after wards explained to his friend Eaton, 'was, that when they would be able to proceed with their business without pro ducing the slightest injury; whatever schemes they might entertain would have remained with themselves, without the power of circulating them to the prejudice of any other in terest than their own. I had intended to have had them well treated and kindly dealt by ; and, thus abstracted from every- — 158 — thing passing without doors, a better opportunity would have been afforded them to enact good and wholesome laws.' "Governor Claiborne, however, misunderstanding Gen eral Jackson'-s communication, and perhaps not unwilling to silence a body that had not shown itself very complaisant to his wishes, placed a guard at the door of the chamber before the Legislature met; and thus, instead of shutting them in, shut them out. The feeling of an august Legisla ture can be imagined when, on approaching the door of their chamber, they found their entrance opposed by armed men who, on being interrogated by them, gave rude and un compromising replies. This was the beginning of General Jackson's long embroilment with the Legislature of Louisi ana. Originating in the casual conversation of a group of members, magnified in the excited imagination of Colonel Declouet, misrepresented in the bewilderment of the moment by Mr. Duncan, misunderstood by Governor Claiborne, the affair grew into importance and had results, the last of which was not reached until General Jackson was on the brink of the grave. "Leaving the Legislature bandying loud epithets with the uncivil guard, we returned for a moment to the scene of conflict. The exultation, the gay confidence of the American troops at the close of this day was beyond description. The enemy was feared no longer and the rest of the campaign was but a kind of keen, exciting sport." His plan of frightening the "civilian general" and his amature soldiers by a great show of trained force failing, the commander of the invading army was forced to figure a new scheme of operation. This planning was done with due deliberation and four days elapsed before the next attack and fifth battle for the capture of New Orleans waged. There was little activity in either camp for the soldiers. While the British lay on their arms, the restless Americans left their camp for what fighting was waged, as the next chapter will explain. CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. "HUNTING PARTIES." From ihe day that Pakenham "tried out" Jackson's earthworks on the 28th of December, there was a season of inactivity for the British forces. On the American's side there was no lying on arms and waiting for something to turn up, but the Indians, the frontier fighters of Tennessee and Kentucky, who by nature were bush-fighters, and who were habituated to the Indian mode of warfare, kept the Veterans of Wellington from any feeling of ennui. "These wily frontiersmen never missed a chance of picking off the straggler or sentinel," Walker tells us. "Clad in their dusky brown homespun, they would glide unper ceived through the woods, and taking a cool view of the enemy's lines, would cover the first Briton who came within range of their long, small-bored rifles. Nor did they waste their ammunition. Whenever they drew a bead on any ob ject it was certain to fall. The cool indifference with which they would perform the most daring acts of this nature was amazing. "One of these bush-fighters, having obtained leave to go on a 'hunting party,' one night, stole along towards the British camp, over ditches and through underwood, until he got near a British sentinel, whom he immediately killed, and seizing his arms and accoutrements, laid them at some distance from the place where the sentinel had stood, and then concealing himself, waited quietly for more game. "When it was time to relieve the sentinel, the corporal of the guard finding him dead, posted another in his place, which he had hardly left, before another victim fell before the unerring rifle of the Tennesseean. Having conveyed his arms and accoutrements to the place at which he left those of the first victim, the remorseless hunter took a new position and a third sentinel, posted in the same place, shared the fate of the two others. At last the corporal of the guard, amazed to see three sentinels killed in one night, at the same spot, determined to expose no more men in so dangerous a spot. The Tennessean, seeing this, returned to — 159 — — 160 — camp with the spoils of the slain, and received the congratu lations of his comrades on the success of his night's hunt. Many instances of a similar character, illustrative of the daring, the skill, and love of adventure of these hardy rifle men, are related by the survivors of that epoch. Indeed, the whole army, after the events of the 23rd, 25th and 28th, seemed to be animated by a spirit of personal daring and gallant enterprise. "In these little 'hunting parties' Jugeat's Choctaws naturally excelled. One of them, a half-breed named Poin- dexter, being authentically credited with tha killing of five British pickets in three nights. The Subaltern says, that 'Not less than fifty British soldiers were killed, and many more severely wounded, by this method of assassination." Ogilvy in his pamphlet devoted quite a little space to the half-breed Poindexter, and says: "Poindexter was the ob ject of great interest when he came up into the main camp after the great battle. He was a slender, wiry fellow, a little above medium height, nearly white, and unlike the other Choctaws, wore his hair quite short, and dressed like a white hunter. His features were youthful and he did not look to be over twenty years old. He was the son of a trader whose name he bore and his mother was said to be the daughter of a chief. Young as he was, he had been through the Creek war and in the expedition to Pensacola. His visit to the main camp was for the purpose of selling two rifles he had taken from British riflemen whom he killed on picket-post, with some other small articles of plunder. When asked what he had done with their scalps he replied most seriously in perfect English : 'Captain Ju- geat has forbid scalping," as if that was the only reason why he refrained. "The British rifles he had for sale were different from ours. They were short, only thirty inches in the barrel, with round barrels quite thick and -heavy and they carried a ball 22 to the pound or three-quarters of an ounce. One of our fellows, looking them over, remarked that 'it would be mighty hard luck to be killed with a blunderbuss like that!' Some of the officers bought Poindexter's trophies, giving him among other things, a small flask of whiskey and he went back to the swamp rejoicing— no doubt intent on resuming his pleasant pastime of still-hunting for British pickets." CHAPTER NINETEEN. THE BATTLE NEW YEAR'S DAY. The second Sunday of this strange mutual siege had come round. The light of another New Year's day had dawned upon the world! The English soldiers had not worked so silently dur ing the night upon their new batteries but that an occa sional sound of hammering, dulled by distance, had been heard in the American lines. The outposts, too, had sent in news of the advance of British troops, who were busy at something, though the outposts could not say what. The veterans of the American army, that is, those who had smelt hostile gunpowder before this campaign, gave it as their opinion that there would be warm working again at daybreak. Long before the dawn the dull hammering ceased. When the day broke, a fog so dense that a man could dis cern nothing at a distance of twenty yards covered all the plain. Not a sound was heard in the direction of the ene my's camp, nor did the American sentinels nearest their position hear or see anything to excite alarm. At eight o'clock the fog was still impenetrable and the silence un broken. At late even as nine, the American troops saw little prospect of the fog's breaking away, still less of any hostile movement on the part of the foe. The veterans be gin to retract their opinion. We are to have another day of waiting, think the younger soldiers ; the gay Creoles not forgetting, be it known, that the day is the first of a new year. The General — conceding soihething to the pleasure- loving part of his army — permitted a brief respite from the arduous toil of the week and ordered a grand review of the whole army on the open ground between the lines and his own headquarters. Today too, for the first time in several days, the Louisiana remained at her safe anchorage above the lines and a large number of her crew went ashore on the western bank and took post in Commodore Patterson's new battery there. But this was not for holiday reasons. 161 — 162 — A deserter came in the night before and informed the Com modore that the enemy had established two enormous how itzers in a battery on the levee, where balls were kept red-hot, for the purpose of firing the obnoxious vessel the moment she should come within range again. So the Com modore kept his vessel safe, landed two more of her great guns and ordered ashore men enough to work them. Toward ten o'clock the fog rose from the American position and disclosed to the impatient enemy the scene behind the lines. A gay and brilliant scene it was, framed and curtained in fleecy fog. "The fog disappeared," re marks the British Captain Hill, "with a rapidity perfectly surprising; the change of scene at a theater could scarcely be more sudden and the bright sun shone forth, diffusing warmth and gladness." "Being at this time," says the Subaltern, "only three hundred yards distant, we could perceive all that was going on in the American lines with great exactness. The differ ent regiments were upon parade, and being dressed in holi day suits, presented really a fine appearance. Mounted of ficers were riding backwards and forwards through the ranks, bands were playing, and colors floating in the air ; — in a word, all seemed jollity and gala." General Jackson had not yet appeared upon the ground. He had been up and doing before the dawn and was now lying on a couch at headquarters before riding over to review the troops. "In a moment how changed the scene !" exclaims Par- ton. "At a signal from the central battery of the enemy, the whole of their thirty pieces of cannon opened fire full upon the American lines and the air was filled with the red glare and hideous scream of hundreds of Congreve rock-its ! As completely taken by surprise as the enemy had been on the night of the twenty-third, the troops were thrown into instantaneous confusion." "The American ranks were broken," continues the Subaltern, "the different corps dispersing, fled in all direc tions, while the utmost terror and disorder appeared to prevail. Instead of nicely-dressed lines, nothing but con fused crowds could now be observed; nor was it without much difficulty that order was finally restored. Oh, that we foi.'d charged at that instant!" "The enemy, having learned which house was the head quarters of the General," Parton goes on to tell us, "direct ed a piodigious fire upon it and the first news of the can nonade came to Jackson in the sound of crashing porticoes and outbuildings. During the first ten minutes of the fire one hundred balls struck the mansion but, though some of MAJOR-GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON. This portrait by John Vanderlyn hangs in the City Hall, New York, and represents him on the field of Chalmette. — 164 — the General's suite were covered with rubbish and Colonel Butler was knocked down, they all escaped and made their way to the lines without a scratch. "The Subaltern is mistaken in saying that the troops fled in all directions. There was but one direction in which to fly either to safety or to duty; for, on that occasion, the post of duty and the post of safety were the same, namely, close behind the line of defense. For ten minutes, however, the American batteries, always before so prompt with their responsive thunder, were silent, while the troops were running in the hottest haste. to their several posts." Ten guns were in position in the American lines, be sides those in the battery on the other side of the river. Upon Jackson's coming to the front he found his artillery men at their posts, waiting with lighted matches to open i'ire upon the foe, as soon as the dense masses of mingled smoke and mist that enveloped their batteries should roll avay. "Jackson's first glance," as Mr. Walker informs us, "when he reached the line, was in the direction of Humphrey's battery. There stood this right arm of the artillery, dressed in his usual plain attire, smoking that elerral cigar, cooly leveling his guns and directing his men. " 'Ah !' exclaimed the General, 'all is right ; Humphrey is at his post, and will return their compliments presently.' "Then, accompanied by his aides, he walked down to the left, stopping at each battery to inspect its condition, 'and waving his cap to the men as they gave him three cheers. " 'Don't mind those rockets, they are merely toys to amuse children,' said Jackson as the fiery Congreves -took the air." Colonel Butler, whom the General had seen prostrated at headquarters, came running up the lines covered with dust. "Why, Colonel Butler," roared the General, "is that you ? I thought you were killed." "No General ; only knocked over." "Captain Humphrey soon caught a glimpse of the Brit ish batteries," continues Walker, "structures of narrow front and slight elevation, lying low and dim upon the field ; no such broad target as the mile-long lines of the American position. Adjusting a twelve-pounder with the utmost ex actness, he quietly gave the word. '"Let her off!' "And the firing of the American lines began. The other batteries instantly joined in the strife. Ere long the British howitzers on the levee and the battery of Commo- — 165 — dore Patterson on the opposite bank exchanged a vigorous fire. For the space of an hour and a half a cannonade so loud and rapid shook the delta as had never been heard in the western world. Vain are all words to convey to the unwarlike reader an idea of this tremendous, scene. Imag ine fifty piece of cannon, of large caliber, each discharged from once to thrice a minute; often a simultaneous dis charge of half a dozen pieces ; an average of two discharges every second ; while plain and river were so densely covered with smoke that the gunners aimed their guns from recol lection chiefly and knew scarcely anything of the effect of their fire. "Well aimed, however, were the British guns, as the American lines soon began to exhibit. Most of their balls buried themselves harmlessly in the soft, elastic earth of the thick embankment. Many flew over its summit and did bloody execution on those who were bringing up ammu nition, as well as on some who were retiring from their posts. Several balls struck and nearly sunk a boat laden with stores that was moored to the levee two hundred yards behind the lines. The cotton bales of the batteries nearest the river were knocked about in all directions and set on fire, adding fresh volumes to the already impenetrable smoke. One of Major Plauche's men was wounded in try ing to extinguish this most annoying flame. A thirty-two pounder in Lieutenant Crawley's battery was hit and dam aged. The carriage of a twenty-four .was broken. One of the twelves was silenced. Two powder-carriages, one containing a hundred pounds of the explosive material, blew up with a report so terrific as to silence for a moment the enemy's fire and draw from them a faint cheer. And still the lines continued to vomit forth a fire that knew neither cessation nor pause, until the guns grew so hot that it was difficult and dangerous to load them. And after an hour and a half of such work as this no man in Jack son's army could say with certainty whether the English batteries had been seriously damaged." Vincent Nolte, the New Orleans cotton merchant, was behind the lines during this desperate cannonade and favors his readers with his recollection of it. "The largest British battery," says Mr. Nolte, "had directed its fire against the battery of the pirates Domi nique You and Beluche, who had divided our company into two parts and were supplied with ammunition by it. Once, as Dominique was examining the enemy through a glass, a cannon shot wounded his arm ; he caused it to be bound up saying, T will pay them for that!' and resumed his — 166 — glass. He then directed a twenty-four pounder, gave the order to fire, and the ball knocked an English gun car riage to pieces, and killed six or seven men. "Our company lost that day but one man, a French hatter, called Laborde. For predestinarians I would men tion that the young notary, Philippe Peddesclaux, was standing exactly in front of Laborde, and the latter would not have been hit had he not been bending forward at the moment to light a cigar by my neighbors, St. Avit's. When the latter turned he saw Laborde's scattered brains and prostrate body. The flash of a gun reaches the eye long before the report gets to the ear and thus the ball can some times be avoided. I have watched both the flash and the report and I have seen the best tried soldiers, both officers and men, even the utterly fearless Jackson himself, getting out of the way of the Congreve rockets, which were sent in great quantities from the British camp. Others, again, either actuated by a different principle, or less prudently observant of danger and less anxious to avoid it, like my friend St. Avit for instance, remained confident in their fate in the same position, and stood quietly as if all the roar of the cannon and the hissing of missiles about their ears was entirely without interest to them. "On this day, which saw our whole line except the bat teries exposed to fire, my worthy friend, Major Carmick, who commanded the volunteer battalion and was near the pirates' battery, was struck by a Congreve rocket on the forehead, knocked off his horse and had both his arms in jured. I asked leave to accompany him to the guardhouse and as we reached the low garden wall behind Jackson's headquarters, I saw, to my great amazement, two of the General's volunteer adjutants, Duncan, the lawyer, and Dis trict Marshal Duplessis, lying flat on the ground to escape the British balls. Livingston was invisible — writing and reading of proclamations kept him out of sight. The Gen eral during this cannonade was constantly riding from one wing to another, accompanied by his usual military aids, Reid and Butler and the two advocates, Grymes and Dave- zac. The munitions were in charge of Governor Claiborne, who was so frightened that he could scarcely speak. On the 1st of January ammunition was wanting at batteries Nos. 1 and 2. Jackson sent in a fury for Claiborne, who was with the second division, and said to him, 'By the Al mighty God, if you do not send me balls and powder in stantly, I shall chop off your head, and have it rammed into one of those field pieces !' " Of this tale of Nolte's the reader may believe as much — 167 — as he thinks fit. The General, Parton reminds us, did not mount his horse till the fortune of the day was decided. To have done so would have been simply suicidal. And Gov ernor Claiborne was with his detachment out Gentilly road. While the first cannonade was still at its height, word was brought to Jackson that a body of the enemy was ap proaching the left of his line along the edge of the swamp. Coffee was upon them while they were struggling with the difficulties of the ground and drove them back to the main body. It was nearly noon when it began to be perceived that the British fire was slackening. The American batteries were then ordered to cease firing for the guns to cool and the smoke to roll away. What a scene greeted the anxious gaze of the troops when at length the British position was disclosed! Those formidable batteries, which had excited such consternation an hour and a half before, were totally destroyed and presented but formless masses of soil and broken guns ; while the sailors who had manned them were seen running from them to the rear and the army that had been drawn up behind the batteries, ready to storm the lines as soon as a breach had been made in them, had again ignominiously "taken to the ditch." "Never," remarks the author of "Jackson and New Orleans," who obtained his material first hand from eye witnesses and participants in these events, "was work more completely done — more perfectly finished and rounded off. Earth and heaven fairly shook with the prolonged shouts of the Americans over this spectacle. The British infantry would now and then raise their heads and peep forth from the ditches in which they were so ingloriously ensconced. The level plain presented but a few knolls or elevations to shelter them and the American artillerists were as skillful* as riflemen in picking off those who exposed ever so small a portion of their bodies. Several extraordinary examples of this skill were communicated to the writer (Judge Walk er) by a British officer who was attached to Pakenham's army. A number of the officers of the 93d having taken refuge in a shallow hollow behind a slight elevation, it was proposed that the only married officer of the party should lie at the bottom, it being deemed the safest plaice. Lieu tenant Phaups was the officer indicated and laughingly as sumed the position assigned him. This mound had attract ed the attention of the American gunners and a great quan tity of shot was thrown at it. Lieutenant Phaups could not resist the anxiety to see what was going on in front and peeping forth, with not more than half of his head ex- — 168 — posed, was struck by a twelve-pound shot and instantly killed His companions buried him on the spot on which he fell in full uniform. Several officers and men were picked off in a similar manner." Those hogsheads of sugar were the fatal mistake of the English engineers. They afforded absolutely no pro tection against the terrible fire of the American batteries ; the balls going straight through them and killing men in the very center of the works. ' Hence it was that in little more than an hour the batteries were heaps of ruins and the guns dismantled, broken and inmovable. The howit zer, too, on the levee, after waging an active duel with Com modore Patterson on the other side of the river, was si lenced and overthrown by a few discharges from Captain Humphrey's twelve-pounders. Nothing remained for the discomfited invading army but to make the best of their way to their old position and, so incessant was the Ameri can fire during the afternoon, that it was only when night spread her mantle over the plain that all the army succeed ed in withdrawing. "Once more," says the Subaltern, "we were obliged to retire, leaving our heavy guns to their fate, but as no attempt was made by the Americans to secure them, work ing parties were again sent out after dark and such as had not been destroyed were removed. "Of the fatigue undergone during those operations by the whole British army, from the General down to the meanest sentinel, it would be difficult to form an adequate conception. For two whole nights and days not a man had closed an eye, except such as were cool enough to sleep amidst showers of cannon ball and during the day scarcely a moment had been allowed in which we were able so much as to break our fast. We retired, therefore, not only baf fled and disappointed, but in some degree disheartened and discontented. All our plans had as yet proved abortive; even this, upon which so much reliance had been placed, was found to be of no avail ; and it must be confessed that something like murmuring began to be heard through the camp. And, in truth, if ever an army might be permitted to murmur it was this. In landing the soldiers had borne great hardships, not only without repining, but with cheer fulness; their hopes had been excited by false reports as to the practicability of the attempt in which they were em barked and now they found themselves entangled amidst difficulties from which there appeared to be no escape ex cept by victory. "In their attempts upon the enemy's line, however, — 169 — they had been twice foiled; in artillery they perceived themselves to be so greatly overmatched that their own could hardly assist them; their provisions, being derived wholly from the fleet, were both scanty and coarse and their rest was continually broken. For not only did the cannon and mortars from the main of the enemy's position play unremittingly upon them both by day and night, but they were likewise exposed to a deadly -fire from the oppo site bank of the river, where no less than eighteen pieces of artillery were now mounted, and which swept the entire line of our encampment. Besides all this, to undertake the duty of a picket was as dangerous as to go into action. Parties of American sharpshooters harrassed and disturbed those appointed to that service from the time they took possession of their post until they were relieved; whilst to light fires at night was impossible,, because they served but as certain marks for the enemy's gunners. I repeat, therefore, that a little murmuring could not be wondered at. Be it observed, however, that there were not the mur murs of men anxious to escape from a disagreeable situa tion by any means. On the contrary, they resembled rather the growling of a chained dog when he sees his adversary and cannot reach him, for in all their complaints no man ever hinted at a retreat, whilst all were eager to bring mat ters to the issue of a battle — at any sacrifice of lives." Another British officer writes: "Five guns were left behind" (which afterwards fell into Jackson's hands) , "ren dered useless, it is true, but it cannot be said that the Brit ish army came off without the loss of some of its artillery. During three days and three nights I had never closed an eye. My food, during all that space, consisted of a small quantity of salt beef, and a sea biscuit or two, and a little rum; and even that I could hardly find time or leisure to consume. When pork and beans ran short, it was no un common thing for both officers and men to appease the cravings of hunger by eating sugar out of the casks and moulded into cakes." The British loss on the 1st of January was about thirty killed and forty wounded ; the Americans, eleven killed and thirty-three wounded. Most of the American slain were not engaged in the battle, but were struck 4own at a con siderable distance behind the lines, while they were looking ¦m as mere spectators. Jackson at this time had but 16 guns, on both sides of the river, while the British had, according to James and Gleig, between 20 and 30. Jackson's long guns were one 32-po'under, four 24-pounders, one 18-pounder, five 12- — 170 — pounders and three 6-pounders, throwing in all 224 pounds of shot. The British had ten long 18-pounders, two long 3-pounders and from six to ten long 9 and 6-pounders, throwing between 228 and 258 pounds of shot. Of the smaller guns, General Jackson had one howitzer and one carronade to oppose 4 carronades, 2 howitzers, two mortars and 12 rocket guns ; so, in both number and weight of guns, as Roosevelt points out, the British were greatly superior. Among the wounded there was one whose memory the author of "Jackson and New Orleans" has nobly embalmed in his excellent work — Judah Touro, the far-famed and far- beloved philanthropist of New Orleans, who on this day served his country in a capacity much more daring than that of combatant. "After performing other severe labors as a common soldier in the ranks, Mr. Touro, on the first of January, volunteered his services to aid in carrying shot and shell from the magazine to Humphrey's battery. In this humble but perilous duty he was seen actively engaged, during the terrible cannonade with which the British opened the day, regardless of the cloud of iron missiles which flew around him, when many of the stoutest-hearted clung closely to the embarkment or sought some shelter. But in the dis charge of duty this good man knew no fear and perceived no danger. It was while thus engaged that he was struck on the thigh by a twelve-pound shot, which produced a ghastly and dangerous wound, tearing off a large mass of flesh. Mr. Touro long survived this event, never marrying because of this wound, living a life of unostentatious piey and charity, and setting an example of active philanthropy which merited the fervent gratitude and warm affection in which he was held by a community, which justly regarded him as the patriarch — the 'Israelite without guile.' "No charitable appeal was ever made to him in vain. His contributions to philanthropic and pious enterprises exceeded those of any other citizen. The same patriotism which prompted him to expose his life on the plains of Chalmette dictated that handsome donation of ten thousand dollars for the completion of the Bunker Hill Monument and had characterized a thousand other deeds of like liber ality, performed 'by stealth', which were no less commend able for their generosity than their entire freedom from sectarian feeling or selfish aim. "An incident illustrative of the beauty of friendship and gratitude, the noble and gentle traits of humanity may serve an agreeable relief in this narrative of strife and bloodshed. — 171 — "Judah Touro and Rezin D. Shepherd, two enterpris ing merchants, the one from Boston and the other from Virginia, had settled in New Orleans at the commencement of that century. They were intimate, devoted friends, who lived under the same roof and were scarcely. ever separated. When the State was invaded, both volunteered their ser vices and were enrolled among its defenders. Mr. Touro was attached to the regiment of Louisiana militia and Mr. Shepherd to Captain Ogden's horse troop. "Commodore Patterson, who was an intimate friend of Mr. Shepherd, solicited General Jackson to detach him as his aid and assist him (the Commodore) in the erection of his battery on the right bank of the river and in the defense of that position. It was while acting as Patterson's aid that Mr. Shepherd came across the river on the 1st of January with orders to procure two masons to execute some work on the Commodore's batteries. The first person Mr. Shepherd saw, on reaching the left bank, was Reuben Kemper, who informed him that his old friend Touro was dead. Forgetting his urgent and important mission, Mr. Shepherd eagerly inquired whither they had taken his friend. He was directed to a wall of an old building which had been demolished by the British battery in the rear of Jackson's headquarters, and on reaching it found Mr. Touro in an apparently dying condition. He was in charge of Dr. David C. Ker who had dressed his wound, but who, shaking his head, declared that there was no hope for him. Mr. Shepherd, with the devotion of true friendship, deter mined to make every effort to save his old companion. He procured a cart and, lifting the wounded man into it, drove to the city. He administered brandy very freely to his fainting and prostrate friend, and thus in a great degree kept him alive. (The good man used to say afterward that this was the only time he ever drank to excess.) On reach ing the city, Mr. Shepherd carried Touro into his house, ob tained the services as nurses of some of those noble ladies of the city, who devoted themselves with so much ardor to the care and attendance of the sick and wounded of Jack son's army, and, seeing that Touro was supported with every comfort and need, Shepherd hastened to discharge the important duty which had been confided to him, and which he had nearly pretermitted, in responding to the still more sacred calls of friendship and affection. "It was late in the day before Shepherd, having per formed his mission, returned to Patterson's battery. The cloud of anger was gathering on the brow of the Commo- — 172 — dore when he met his delinquent or dilatory aid, but it soon dispersed when the latter promptly and frankly exclaimed, " 'Commodore, you can hang or shoot me and it will be all right, but my best friend needed my assistance, and nothing on earth could have induced me to neglect him.' He then stated the circumstances of Mr. Touro's misfor tune and the causes of his dilatory execution of the duty assigned to him. Commodore Patterson' was a man — he appreciated the feelings of his aid and thought more of him after this incident than before. They continued warm friends throughout the campaign and ever afterwards. "Shepherd and Touro, with a friendship thus tested and cemented, were ever afterwards inseparable in this world. Death alone could sever them and tlien only in a material sense. Such fidelity deserved the rich reward which fortune showered on them. They became millionaires and, as the most valuable of their possessions retained the esteem and regard of the community of which they were patriarchs." Mr. Touro died in 1854, leaving one-half of his im mense estate for charitable purposes, and the other half to the friend to whom he was indebted for his life on the 1st of January, 1815. GENERAL DAVID B. MORGAN. Commander of the American forces on the right bank of the river. CHAPTER TWENTY. READY FOR THE FINAL STRUGGLE. "In order to give a correct narrative of the affairs of the 8th, I must previously make the reader acquainted with the respective position of the different corps stationed at the lines; that he may perceive, that if a considerable part of the troops exhibited no active valor, it was owing to the attack's not being made on their position; for had it been general, there can be no doubt but all would have equally vied in ardour and bravery." writes Engineer Latour. "The artillery was distributed on the lines in the follow ing manner. On the soil of the road within the levee was Battery No. 1, commanded by Captain Humphreys, of the United States Artillery. It consisted of two brass twelve- pounders, and a six-inch howitzer, on field carriages ; these pieces enfiladed the road towards that side where the enemy was posted, and their fire grazed the parapet of the flank of redout, towards the right. Battery No. 1, was seventy feet from the bank of the river. The two twelve- pounders were served by soldiers belonging to the regular artillery and the howitzer by dragoons of Major St. Geme's company. "Battery No. 2, which had a twenty-four-pounder, was commanded by Lieutenant Norris of the navy, and served by part of the crew of the late schooner Carolina ; its dis tance from No. 1 was ninety yards. This battery was the most elevated above the soil. "Battery No. 3, commanded by Dominique You and Beluche, commanders of the privateers, had two twenty- four-pounders, which were served by French mariners ; its distance from No. 2 was fifty yards. "Battery No. 4, commanded by Lieutenant Crawley, of the navy, and served by part of the crew of the Carolina, had a thirty-two-pounder; its distance from No. 3 was twenty yards. "Battery No. 5, commanded by Colonel Perry and Lieu- 173 , — 174 — tenant Ker of the artillery, had two six-pounders; its dis tance from No. 4 was one hundred and ninety yards. "Battery No. 6, commanded by General Garrigues Flau- jeac, and served by a detachment of the company of Francs under the immediate command of Lieutenant Bertel, had a brass twelve-pounder; its distance from No. 5 was thirty- six yards. "Battery No. 7 had a long brass eighteen-pound culver- ine, and a six-pounder, commanded by Lieutenant Spotts and Chaveau, and served by gunners of the United States artillery; its distance from No. 6 was one hundred and ninety yards. "The 8th battery had a small brass carronde which rendered very little service on account of the ill condi tion of its carriage; it was commanded by a corporal of artillery, . and served by militia-men of General Carroll's command ; its distance from No. 7 was sixty yards. "Next to this piece the line formed a receding elbow, as laid down in the draught of the affair of the 8th — enor mous holes in the soil made impassable by their being full of water from the canal, rendered this bend in the line unavoidable. ("See map, nage 181.) "From this bend, where the wood began, to the ex tremity of the line, the eround was so low, and so diffi cult to be drained, that the troops were literally encamped in the water, walking knee deep in mud, and the several tents were pitched on small isles or hillocks, surrounded with water or mud. "It was here that the brave troons of Generals Carroll and Coffee, from the 24th of December. 1814, and part of those of Kentucky from the 6th, until the 20th of January, 1815, gave an examnle of all the military virtues. Though r-onstantlv livine-, and even sleeping, in the mud those worthy sons of Columbia never uttered a complaint, nor showed the least symptoms of discontent or impatience. Those who have not seen the ground, cannot form an idea of the de plorable condition of the troops encamped on the left of the line. But it was necessary to guard that quarter against the attacks of the enemy ; it was necessary that troops should be stationed there, to reoulse him on the edge of the breast work, if, under cover of the bushes, he advanced to our in- trenchments. Those brave men suoported all their hard ships with resignation, and even with alacrity. The safety of the country was at stake, and their desire to chastise insolent invaders, operated too strongly on hearts inflamed with patriotic ardour, to suffer them to perceive the un- comfortableness of their situation. Such conduct is so much THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. Drawn on the field of battle and painted by Hyacinthe Laclotte, architect and assistant engineer in the Louisi- ,,„-. ana! Army- From an engraving in colors belonging to T. P. Thompson, New Orleans. (175) — 176 — superior to any eulogy I could bestow on it, that I must be content to admire it in silence. "The redoubt on the river, in front of the extremity of the line on the right, was guarded by a company of the Seventh Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant Ross. The artillery was served by a detachment of the 44th, under the command of Lieutenant Marant. Within the line, at the ex tremity of the right, between Battery No. 1 and the river, was stationed the New Orleans volunteer company of rifle men, under Captain Thomas Beale, about thirty men strong. "The 7th regiment covered from that battery to Battery No. 3, taking in the powder-magazine, built since the 1st of January, as also Battery No. 2, commanded by Lieutenant Norris. This regiment, four hundred and thirty men strong, was commanded by Major Piere. "The interval between that battery and No. 4, command ed by Lieutenant Crawley, was occupied by Major Plauche's batallion of volunteer uniform companies, and by Major Lacoste's battalion of Louisiana men of color. The former was two hundred and eighty-nine men strong and the latter two hundred and eighty. "From Battery No. 4, to Colonel Perry's, No. 5, the line was defended by Major Daquin's battalion of St. Domingo men of color, one hundred and fifty men strong, and from that out by the 44th, two hundred and forty men strong, commanded by Captain Baker. All the corps, from the 7th regiment to the 44th, inclusively, were under the command of Colonel Ross. "Two-thirds of the remaining length of the line, were guarded by the troops commanded by Major-General Car roll. On the right of Battery No. 7, commanded by Lieu tenants Spotts and Chauveau, were stationed fifty marines, _ under the command of Lieutenant Bellevue. "On the preceding day, part of the Kentucky troops un der the command of General Adair, had gone to re-enforce that part of the line. The order in which they were ranged may be seen on the plan (page 181). All those troops formed a force of about sixteen hundred men. "The troops under the command of General Coffee occupied the rest of the length of the line, as also that part which turned off towards the left into the wood ; their num ber was about five hundred men. "Captain Ogden's company of cavalry was stationed behind headquarters, and a detachment of the Attakapas dragoons was posted within the court-yard, together about fifty men strong. "During the attack, Captain Chauveau's company of — 177 — horse volunteers, about thirty men strong, hastened from town and drew up in the same court-yard, to be ready for a sortie, should it be thought expedient. "The Mississippi calvary, commanded by Major Hinds, one hundred and fifty men strong, was encamped in the rear, on Delery's plantation. Our outposts extended about five hundred yards in front of the line. "Different detachments, making an aggregate of two hundred and fifty men of Colonel Young's regiment of Louisiana militia, were stationed at convenient intervals, on the skirts of the wood, behind the line, as far as Piernas canal. "Four hundred yards behind the line, a guard was posted on the road to prevent anyone's going out of camp ; and a line of sentinels extended from that post to the wood for the same purpose. "Although the above details show the number of our troops to have amounted to about four thousand men, in cluding one hundred artillerists who did not belong to any corps, it is nevertheless true that General Jackson's line was defended by only three thousand, two hundred men, the remaining eight hundred having been distributed into vari ous detachments, and posted behind to guard the camp, for the defense of the Piernas Canal, and on the outskirts of the wood." So waited Jackson and his force of citizen-soldiers for the attack that was to come — the supreme endeavor on the part of the invaders. On the morning of the 4th of January the whole Ameri can army had exhibited signs of high elation at the news of the arrival of two thousand, two hundred and fifty Ken- tuckians under Major-General John Thomas and Brigadier- General John Adair. But when tne ragged, foot-sore back woodsmen limped into Jackson's camp below the city the cheers melted into groans of apprehension. Of these fight ers but 550 of them were properly armed ! Not only were these long-looked for Kentuckians with out arms but they were practically destitute of clothing. Again was the commander-in-chief left upon his own re sources and his rough but ready genius. The invaded state and the women of the city were with him, however, at this crisis for the legislature appropriated a sum of money for the purchase of blankets and woolens which were dis tributed among the women of the city to be made into clothes. Swiftly the needles were plied and within a week twelve hundred blanket coats, two hundred and seventy — 178 — waistcoats, eleven hundred and twenty-seven pairs of pan taloons, eight hundred pair of shirts, together with shoes, mattresses, and other apparel were distributed among the men lined behind the mud earthworks waiting the final desperate attack. Pakenham, for the final movement, had decided upon naked steel and while he spent the intervening week be tween the day of the disastrous artillery duel and the ever- to-be-remembered Eighth arranging for the charge he hoped would overwhelm the gallant defenders he also ar ranged for a flank movement on Jackson's lines. Like Jackson, he too, had received reinforcements for Major General Lambert with a whole ship-load had disembarked — these men, however, were all well armed and clothed. Pakenham's flank movement was very well planned in theory — botched in its execution. It was to throw a force across the river, . where it was surmised (or known, for that matter), that Jackson's forces were not entrenched and this position gained the American position in front of the main British army could be raked from end to end. To put a force there the Villere canal, the one that al lowed the invaders to reach the banks of the Mississippi from the lake, was extended into the river itself. To ac complish this the canal swarmed with sailors and soldiers, who with the greatest of toil prepared a water-way deep enough to make a passage for the boats of the fleet. But the soil through which the canal was dug continually caved and the boats had to be dragged by main force. Some stuck fast in the muddy bottom and those that reached the Mis sissippi were not sufficient to carry the original force Pak enham intended to throw over on the other side under Colonel Thornton (who proved, by the way, to be the ablest commander the British had in point of accomplishment). Curtailed to six hundred men and eight hours late in getting started, Thornton's force still had to reckon with another unlooked for factor — the swift current of the Mis sissippi. Instead of rowing directly across, as Pakenham had planned he should do, Thornton finally landed his sol diers almost a mile lower down, at daybreak instead of the middle of the night, after the main battle had started. CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE. "THE BATTLE OF NE^ORLEANS." {lanuary 8,(18^ /