Yale University Library 39002002879485 %&$$> &Jr<£) M* " * St? i "I give tht/e Books for: the. founding of a. College in, this Colony" •YAiLH^mviEiasfl'inf- ¦ iLniBis^mr - Bought with the income of the Alfred E. Perkins Fund, 19l<9 as ACTIVE SERVICE ACTIVE SERVICE BY Jno. B. Castleman, §;|;i; Louisville, Kt.: Courier-Journal Job Printing Co., Publishers, 1917 Copyright 1917 Courier- Journal Job Printing Co. Publishers Louisville, Kentucky DEDICATED TO THOMAS H. HINES AND TO GEORGE B. EASTIN AND TO The Boys Who With Them Served And Feared Nothing. PREFACE. Although the writer's endeavors have been varied and experiences unusual, they have in no way justified belief in his fitness to write a book. Many friends have, from time to time in more than thirty years, admonished me that my inditing, in permanent record, incidents which had come within my personal experience and knowledge, was a duty I owed to them, to the public, and to the correct presentation of certain historic data of importance. Henry Watterson, my comrade and life-long and loyal friend, has demanded of me that I "go along and write." My dear old comrades, Thomas W. Bullitt and David W. Sanders, some years ago had an interview with Mrs. Castleman and me, and insisted that, if I failed to "write the book," I should make them my literary legatees, and they would for me fulfil this obligation. Now these able lawyers and gallant men have both gone where good soldiers go , and I am animated by a wish to do what they thought I ought to do. So, with all these combined influences which induced action for which I realized my lack of fitness, I did, in 1908, essay to "write abook." Having produced the result of an earnest effort, I called into service a competent committee of critics, and asked of this committee to consider if, in its judgment, my production was as inadequate as it seemed to me. The committee consisted of my wife and daughters and my son Breckinridge. To these critics I read more than one hundred pages of manuscript, relative to my boyhood and to my observations of that period, and the candor of the committee was so severe and so thoroughly in harmony with my own opinion that I destroyed what I had written, and allowed two years to pass before again undertaking a task which seemed alto gether hopeless. The critics were largely directed by the thought that my boy hood life and that of the neighborhood wherein I was brought up would enlist little interest beyond that of my own family and that of ;my friends. I afterwards set about recasting my work along lines which would avoid the admitted errors of my first result. This was no easy task, for the modest inspiration which stimulated my primary work was not again at my command. It did not seem possible to "come back," yet I did try; but I found that the unfolded memories of more than sixty years of the past seemed to be closed to my vivid recollection, and Life's picture gallery was not easily lighted again, along the walls where boyhood scenes had given pleasure. My friend, Young E. Allison, called one morning at my office, and carried away with him some of the manuscript of the rewritten narrative which then lay on my desk. He returned the following day, and left the subjoined note: "Louisville, July 29th, 1910. Dear General: All the matter in the manuscript is deeply interesting; but I think you ought to enlarge to the extent of fifty pages on: Your boyhood life; the home life you had, in detail; your occupations and sports. How the slave life was ordered, with anecdotes; how folks dressed, visited, entertained, married and died. These are details which will give outsiders a keen preparatory interest in the recollections of your active military and public life. The aristocratic life of the Bluegrass between 1840 and 1861 is a mine of color like that of the old regime in France. I have enjoyed every page and make these suggestions con amore. Most sincerely yours, Young E. Allison." I explained to my very able and good friend that the amplifica tions which he suggested were just what my critics and I had concluded were not worth while, and that 'twas this which had been destroyed. In my second demonstrated ignorance of bookmaking I under took to quote verbatim from official records of the Confederate Com missioners in Canada and from relative papers which related to the Northwestern Conspiracy, following the policy of using as much as possible what others had written as far more interesting than what I might myself be able to write. And now by the counsel of patient, experienced and exceptionally able friends, I have eliminated most of these historical documents, which they determine must find record in a separate small volume, or else must be transferred to custody of the United States authorities for permanent preservation and reference. In writing this narrative therefore I shall be content with quoting occasionally from these records, or relative official papers, and will sometimes make use of fac-similes. Finally, details strongly personal, but relating to public service, will be added without sufficient consideration of the reader, but with the hope that the writer may be forgiven for taking advantage of the opportunity to preserve, in the way of brief addenda what may be of insufficient importance to publish under separate cover. Now, inasmuch as the scope of the narrative following will include a range of experience and observation from near the cradle to near the grave, I have considered it well to make the title elastic, and so am introducing the unfortunate reader to, "ACTIVE SERVICE." Jno. B. Castleman. ILLUSTRATIONS Opposite Page The Author at Twenty-two 8 Castleton 16 Mrs. Virginia Harrison Castleman 18 David Castleman 20 Judge Robert J. Breckinridge 26 General Joseph Cabell Breckinridge 26 Office in which John Breckinridge wrote Resolutions of '98 32 Photographs disinterment of the Breckinridge Dead 40 John Cabell Breckinridge 44 Indian Fort with General Breckinridge Reclining on Blue Grass 48 Mount Horeb Church 48 Uncle Isaac Byrd 52 Henry Watterson ... 64 Abraham Lincoln 64 Jefferson Davis 64 General Simon Bolivar Buckner 72 Captain John H. Morgan 72 Humphreys Castleman 78 George Alfred Castleman 78 Colonel William C. P. Breckinridge 80 General John H. Morgan 96 General Basil W. Duke 104 Lieutenant George B. Eastin at twenty-one 112 John B. Thompson 128 Commissioner Jacob Thompson 136 Reverend Stuart Robinson 162 Judge Samuel M. Breckinridge 178 Captain Thomas H. Hines at twenty-three 192 Ambassador James M. Mason 200 Ambassador John Slidell 200 Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin 200 The Louisville Legion 216 Carolina 216 J. C. W. Beckham 240 Major David Castleman ' 252 Castleman Statue 264 ~J FACSIMILES. Opposite Page President Jefferson Davis' Appointment of Commissioner Thompson 136 Letter of Captain Thomas H. Hines 136 Commissioner Jacob Thompson's letter to Captain John B. Castleman 152 Mutiny notice of the crew Steamer "Philo Parsons" 162 Master John Y. Beall's last letter 162 Letter of James C. Robinson 170 Receipt of W. C. Gowdy 170 Bible brought to Prison 176 Letter from President Lincoln 178 Lieutenant Walter F. Halleck's order 184 General A. P. Hobey's letter 184 Letter from Mason to Slidell 200 Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin's letters 200 Letter from Colonel Andrew K. Long 202 Letter from President Andrew Johnson 206 Letter from General Henry C. Corbin 224 Governor Goebel's Proclamation to Kentucky 238 Governor Beckham's Autograph Appointment of Adjutant-general 238 Governor W. S. Taylor's Proclamation to the General Assembly of Kentucky 238 Captain John B. Castleman at Twenty-two INTRODUCTION By General Basil W. Duke. Few books will be found more interesting than the forthcoming memoirs of General John B. Castleman. They contain much pleasant reminiscence of a nature agreeable to the general reader, and a great deal of information that is novel as well as entertaining. The earlier pages deal with the scenes and recollections of the author's boyhood; the ante-bellum life of the Bluegrass region of Ken tucky. In them we are shown the social habits of a people with whom hospitality and kindly intercourse were estimated among the fore most of virtues and we discern customs inherited with slight modifi cation from a period just succeeding the days of the pioneer. It is all treated in an especially attractive manner. Many inci dents are narrated in such wise as to depict this life with vivid and impressive fidelity and impart to the illustration the force and charm of the reality. In its sketches of rural ease and prosperity; its por traiture of the denizens of this favored land, the personnel on the one hand of the sturdy, somewhat autocratic and assertive, yet withal essentially genial proprietor of the soil, and per contra his humble dependent, the submissive, contented and often jovial black; all indeed of the distinctive features of those idyllic social conditions are admi rably presented. General Castleman was an officer — and justly reputed one of the bravest and most efficient officers — in General John H. Morgan's division of Confederate cavalry. As captain in Morgan's original regiment, the Second Kentucky Volunteer Cavalry, C. S. A. for more than three years of the Civil War and during the most active adven turous period of the career of that exceptionally active command, he had ample opportunity to participate in daring and arduous service, and certainly fully availed himself of it. In th,e course of his narrative he relates, in graphic style, much of this experience, which will be found illustrative of that service and of the mettle of the young sol diers who performed it. The Kentucky reader will also find of interest the account of his experience in the Spanish-American War, during which he acquired the grade of brigadier-general in the Volunteer Army of the United States; and also of his subsequent service as adjutant-general of Kentucky during one of the most trying and excited epochs of Ken tucky's history and when the state even seemed menaced with civil war. The pages which will attract most attention, however, are those in which General Castleman tells the story, never heretofore so fully given the public, of the "Northwestern Conspiracy," as has been designated the efforts of the peace party of the North to compel a discontinuance of the war and policy of coercion. These attempts were more particularly predicated upon political influence and action, but in some instances, upon the part of the more vehement and resolute opponents of the war, by measure little short of armed resistance to the authority of the Federal Government. It may be remembered that in the latter days of its struggle for independent existence, the Confederacy sent to Canada three Com missioners, Messrs. Jacob Thompson, C. C. Clay and James P. Hol- combe, who were charged with a mission requiring the exercise of peculiar and unusual powers. They were expected to look after the welfare of those who were serving the South in other than military and naval capacity, or procuring information for Confederate use, and they were expected to encourage by all means without directly compromising the Canadian neutrality, the recalcitrant and disaffected spirit, already prevailing and constantly increasing among the Northern people, and especially in the states of the Northwest. Finally, when it became apparent that the Federal Government would, under no circumstances, abandon its policy of refusing an exchange of prisoners, the Confederate authorities determined to make a systematic effort to release the Southern soldiers confined in a number of the larger Northern prisons, and to inaugurate this attempt in those prisons located in the states wherein the political discontent was most general and acute. Captain Castleman and Captain Thomas H. Hines, the latter also one of Morgan's best officers, were chosen for this service and certainly no two men could have been selected more perfectly fitted for an enterprise requiring coolness, intelligence and audacity. They were authorized to enlist as assistants a number of others, most of whom had previously been their comrades and whom they knew to be capable and reliable. Visionary and desperate as this scheme may appear, it was in reality very nearly the last hope the South had of prolonging the war. She had exhausted every other means of recruit ing her fearfully depleted armies. Much of her territory had been overrun and no longer furnished either men or supplies to the Con federate cause. Enlistment in the territory still under Confederate control had almost ceased; indeed, the material for it had scarcely any longer existence. The conscription, no matter how rigorously enforced, brought no acquisition to the ranks, simply because it could not find men capable of serving. Nowhere, except among the great army of her veterans cooped up in Northern prisons, could the South find the men who, with their remaining comrades yet in the field and standing desperately at bay, might still fight her battles and prolong the struggle. If, however, an organization could be perfected by which the escape could be effected, if any considerable number of them could be suddenly and promptly released, and means provided by which they might receive immediate assistance, it was thought that perhaps the attempt might become completely successful. Arms might have been procured to make a force so improvised formidable, and, if as largely aided by Northern sympathizers as there was reason to expect it would be, the movement might result not only in returning the prisoners to Confederate service, but in creating wide-spread insurrec tion and consternation upon Northern soil. In pursuance of such a program, Captains Castleman and Hines reported to the Confederate Commissioners in Canada, and were provided with means to execute it and instructed to proceed. General Castleman tells what was done, with whom they conferred, the various plans which were discussed and partially carried into effect, and the ultimate failure. It is a curious and exciting story and had the plot, instead of failing, succeeded, the narrative would have been a valuable contribution to the history of the Civil War, as it is an interesting one. But like the greater part of Confederate effort it ended in disas ter. It was attended with much of romantic adventure. Those actively engaged in its conduct fared better, however, than might have been expected. Hines, when discovered and baffled, although closely tracked escaped when escape seemed hopeless. Colonel Grenfell was arrested, sent to the Dry Tortugas, and while attempting to escape, was drowned. Beall was executed and Castleman was arrested and held in close confinement, until after the close of the war and then banished for life, but was finally pardoned. The greater number of them, however, evaded capture. While this attempt, because so fruitless, may perhaps not be properly included in the category of history, few such enterprises have been fraught with more possibilities of historical importance, or have furnished a wider range of speculation as to "what might have been." Basil W. Duke. Louisville, August 10th, 1914. CHAPTERS AND /OR SUBJECTS. Page Introduction by General Basil W. Duke 9 Castleton 15 My Mother 18 My Father 21 Fort Hill School 23 A Ghost in Mount Horeb Church Graveyard 28 Grandma Blackcap 31 My First Blue Ribbon 33 The Bluegrass Country 35 The People of the Bluegrass Country 37 Preaching in the Bluegrass Country 41 John C. Breckinridge and W. C. P. Breckinridge 44 The Organization of Mount Horeb Church 49 The Slaves of the Bluegrass Country 52 The State of Kentucky 60 Local Military Companies of Lexington 73 Getting Away to War 74 My Mother's Residence Surrounded by United States Troops 78 With Morgan and His Men 79 Baptism of Battle 81 Morgan Leaves Kentucky 93 The Confederate Armies Leave Kentucky 98 Fight at Woodbury 102 Fight at Snow Hill 106 Morgan's Winter Raid— 1863 109 General John H. Morgan — His Ohio Raid and Escape from Prison 113 Morgan's Last Kentucky Raid . 123 John B. Thompson's Account of the Evacuation of Lexington 126 The Northwestern Conspiracy 129 Confederate Commissioners Appointed to Canada 132 President Davis' Suggestions 140 Confederate Prisoners in the Northwest 143 Judge Jerry S. Black 149 On Secret Service in the Northwest 154 Report to the Secretary of War 157 John Y. Beall and the United States Steamboat "Michigan" 161 Dr. Stuart Robinson's correspondence with Reverend Henry J. VanDyke . . . 163 General William Preston's Report of Visit Abroad 166 James C. Robinson Democratic Candidate for Governor of Illinois 1864. . . . 168 In the Shadow of Death 176 Honorable Albert S. Berry 180 Charges and Specifications . . . .» 183 Captain Thomas H. Hines 189 CHAPTERS (Continued.) Page In Exile with Jacob Thompson — Experiences Abroad 196 Commissioner Thompson Makes Final Settlement With Honorable J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State 201 Looking Toward Home Again 203 A Petition from One's Neighbors 204 After Twenty Years 207 Public Services 213 The American Saddle Horse 217 The Spanish War 219 A Tribute from Porti Rico 233 Assassination of Governor Goebel 235 Report to Governor Beckham of Settlement of Goebel troubles 243 Gettysburg Re-union 1913 250 An Equestrian Statue 255 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter I. CASTLETON. I was born in the season of the wild rose and the elder blossom, on the thirtieth day of June, Eighteen Hundred and Forty-One, at Castleton, my father's homestead in Fayette county, Kentucky. Nature's setting about Castleton was of exquisite beauty; nature supplied the undulating lands, the great forest trees which were com mon to the fertile soil, and the varying climate. The master of Castleton harmonized man's work with nature's provision, and planned and planted and cared for what nature had provided and man had added, so as to produce an effect unusually beautiful. The mansion was colonial and commodious. To the west, my mother gratified her taste in gardening, and every rose and plant that the climatic conditions and greenhouse protection justified was found in this beautifully cultivated garden. The blending of colors in that garden has rarely been surpassed; it was the work of a gentle woman of unusual taste. To the north, stretched an avenue containing about fifty acres adorned by continuous grouped plantations of the rarest shrubs and trees as the lines extended to the Iron Works Road. To the east was a well kept lawn of ten acres, flanked on the north by an apple orchard of the olden time varieties which prevailed before the per suasive nurseryman invaded communities with new selections unsuited to soil and climate. On the south were the horse barns and the paddocks, reaching to the boundary of an attractive wooded Bluegrass pasture where grazed the cows which furnished ample milk and butter for a large family, always augmented by a host of guests, the invited friends of the heads of the house and of each of the many children. Where this east lawn connected with the orchard and the cows' woodland pasture, there began the acreage of the well-stocked deer park which was one of my father's interests. No fence, no gate, ever remained long out of condition. Weeds were nowhere tolerated. The farm was everywhere clean. Every thing was in order. The interior of the house was spacious, and convenient for those times. Ceilings were lofty. The hall was fourteen feet wide and 16 ACTIVE SERVICE three times as long. At its end, somewhat recessed, was the spiral stairway which ran from the floor on upward to the skyhght. This stairway was, and is, exceedingly beautiful, built with artistic skill under my father's supervision and was joined without nails or screws by unsurpassed professional- stairbuilders. The spiral railing and treads were mahogany, the banisters and risers cream and all painted woodwork was cream. The hall furniture consisted of two mahogany tables in front, each with folding leaf against the wall and two massive narrow mahog any tables as one approached the stairway, a grandfather's clock, a small mahogany card table near the front door and half a dozen mahog any chairs. The hall was lighted by candelabra of gray and gilt metal, the paper was gray and brown and gold. All lights in those days were candle lights and were held by single candle sticks or by candelabra with from two to six branches. The candelabra were of glass, gilt metal, silver or brass and those of glass and of gilt metal had prism pendants. From the hall four massive doors opened into rooms on either side. On the right side was the drawing room, being a double room twenty by forty with two mantels, two large, plain gilt-framed mantel mirrors ; and, supported by a pier table, there was a pier mirror between the windows which looked out upon the lawn. The paper was cream color and the top and lower borders were pink with shades of warm gray. The furniture was rosewood and the chairs and large sofas were covered with crimson satin damask, while abundant light chairs of gilt and natural wood were distributed about the room. The tables had tops of white marble, black Egyptian marble, or plain rosewood. In the drawing room were glass candelabra on tables, mantels and pier table. All rooms were decorated with appropriate hangings. On the opposite side of the hall were three large rooms on the first floor, on whose walls shades of brown prevailed. In front was a reception room furnished with mahogany upholstered with tan and gray silk brocade. In front was a pier mirror over a pier table and over mantel a massive mirror. The room was lighted from candelabra of gilt metal. Back of this and connecting by folding doors was the library whose furniture was oak and lighted from plain silver candelabra. Beyond was the dining room with mahogany table, sideboard and serving table, rush bottom chairs and high chairs for the smaller children. The dining room was lighted from brass candelabra. Over mantel in library and dining room were mirrors almost the length of mantels and half as wide. Castleton JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 17 Mahogany and rosewood furnished the bedrooms, except in the "boys' " room which was a sort of dormitory furnished with small oak beds and was a scene of good natured and somewhat noisy, but never complained of, hilarity. Children's Uves at Castleton were made bright and happy. At the time of which I write, the black mammy stood next to the mother in care and responsibility for the children. My mammy was "Aunt Hanna" whose husband was Frank Cabell. Frank adopted the name of my Grandmother Harrison's father, from whom Frank was inherited. Aunt Hanna's mother was Aunt Sarah Ross. Aunt Sarah had been the black mammy from 1825, being responsible for the six older children, but when I came along in 1841, the company was too large for one mammy and Aunt Hanna became responsible for dealing with me and afterwards for the four younger ones. In the general organization under my mother's supervision, Uncle Isaac was the head butler; Uncle Ben, the head cook; Aunt BecMe had charge of the dairy; Aunt Susana, the head laundress; Aunt Jemima, the head maid; Uncle Anthony, the vegetable gardener who had "stall" number four in the Lexington Market, which exists now as it did then. An efficient Scotchman by the name of Mr. Lodge was the florist and general shrubbery caretaker; Uncle John, the head coachman. Every child old enough to ride had his horse and his dog, every boy his gun. Castleton was a hospitable, happy home. It was characteristic of the Bluegrass country. 18 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter II. MY MOTHER. My mother was Virginia Harrison, daughter of Robert Carter Harrison and Ann Cabell, daughter of Colonel Joseph Cabell, of Zion Hill, who commanded a regiment in the Revolutionary War. My great grandfather was Carter Henry Harrison, and my great grand mother, Susan Randolph, sister of the mother of Thomas Jefferson. "Grigsby's History of the Convention of 1776" says: "Of all the ancient families in the colony, that of Harrison, if not the oldest, is one of the oldest, and from the year 1645 to this date the name has been distinguished for the patriotism, the intelligence and the moral worth of those who have borne it. " At the time this narrative is written, my loved commander, General Basil W. Duke, is delighting a great army of readers by the publication of his "Reminiscences" and referring to my mother said: "During General Bragg 's occupation of Kentucky, in 1862, every house had its throng of self-invited guests, and none was sent away unsatisfied. There was a certain mansion, however, to which these visitors resorted in numbers that would have embarrassed, if not exhausted, ordinary hospitality. It was the mansion of a beau tiful matron of the olden time, Mrs. David Castleman. She was an intense Southern sympathizer, had three sons with Morgan's Cavalry, the eldest one of his best officers. Any number of soldiers found suffi cient introduction to Mrs. Castleman in saying that they knew any one of her sons. " Now, as I write, my dear mother has for eighteen years been gone away, and the following brief statement, from the Lexing ton, Kentucky, Press Transcript, of June 4, 1895, is published: "Mrs. Castleman was a very remarkable woman, of extraordi nary physical powers as shown by her unusual activity almost up to the time of her death. She was a very beautiful woman, and retained her comely and youthful appearance until late in life. She possessed sterling qualities, was charitable and large hearted, and was gifted with great intellectual vigor. Her life was well lived and fulfilled the splen did promise of her early days." In recalling a lot of incidents in respect to my mother, I am re minded of one that was strikingly characteristic of her life. It was more than fifty years ago. I had, after many years ' absence, returned from Europe, where I was quite involuntarily a sojourner after the war was over, and where I had gone when released from solitary confinement. Going immediately to see my mother who lived near Lexington, I was attracted by repeated pistol firing. This became so continuous that, Virginia Harbison Castleman JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 19 after a time, I ventured to comment thereon; and my good mother said: "My son, I will explain. Charley Brand has challenged Clay Goodloe to fight a duel. They are to meet tomorrow. Charley called last evening, and explained matters to me, and asked if he might be my guest and today practice in the woodland. " " Then, my dear Mother," said I, "you seem to be practicing Charley Brand to shoot Clay Good loe." "No, my son," replied my mother, "it is not that, but it was a principle of your father, and it is a principle of mine, to open the doors of my house to anyone needing assistance. I like both of the boys, and they were both your boyhood friends. Yet, my son, one cannot forget that the Goodloes have been politically most offensive." Finding myself thus greeted after long absence, my embarrass ment was soon augmented by a visit from "my old commander," General Basil W. Duke, the purpose of whose visit is explained by his subjoined letter. It has been well nigh half a century, so I wrote to General Duke, and asked what his recollection of the circumstances which attended my unusual welcome back to my own country and friends; and I am in receipt of the following letter which I copy: "Louisville, February 23, 1914. My dear John: Your letter of the 9th instant came duly to hand, and my sojourn at the infirmary has caused delay in replying. Your recollection of the Brand-Goodloe incident entirely accords with my own. Charley Brand challenged Clay Goodloe, for some reason which I do not now remember, and the challenge was accepted. Brand then requested me to act as his adviser, and, as you state, fearing that 'twould interfere with my law practice, I asked you to be my substitute. I am glad you mention the incident of the pistol practicing near your mother's residence and her remark thereon. It had^escaped my memory, but I recall it now very vividly. Affectionately always, B. W. Duke." I think Charley Brand is long since dead. But Colonel G. Clay Goodloe lives in Washington City and is retired paymaster of the United States Navy, and has most creditably served his country. The experience was very characteristic of my mother. I have many times known of this good woman's fearless aid to those in serious trouble. Thus my revered comrade and old commander was to me trans ferring a responsibility which had his absolute condemnation, and I was assuming, with assured willingness, a burden which elicited my positive disapproval. 20 ACTIVE SERVICE We were both generally familiar with such "wage of battle'* from its origin and knew that adverse opinion had compelled one after another of the civilized countries of the world to prohibit dueling. Discussing the most noted duels in our own country from the early days of the Republic, we admitted that not one was justified, while in many instances fatal results were to be enumerated among the recorded murders. The fatal meeting of Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr in 1808 was without any justification. Hamilton, the great statesman, was impelled by prevailing public sentiment to accept an invitation from the adventurer Burr to a murderous meeting, because Hamilton had criticised the public record of Burr. The deadly duel in 1820 between Commodore Barron and Com modore Decatur was a naval murder, approved by the contemporary and most pernicious prevailing sentiment in the United States Navy. The duel in 1808 between Henry Clay and Humphrey Marshall was because Marshall had spoken in terms of disapproval of Clay's public career; and that in 1826 between Henry Clay and John Randolph was not only without reason but was in a measure puerile. The duelistic murder in 1838 of Jonathan Cilley of Maine by William J. Graves of Kentucky (both members of Congress) had not any excuse and was characterized on the floor of Congress as "without any circumstance of extenuation." So in a wide discussion of the absence of any justification of the practice of dueling, we were nevertheless engaged in promoting a meet ing that had our unqualified objection, but recognizing the sanction of pernicious public opinion that still prevailed in Kentucky, we were weakly yielding to that prevailing opinion and preparing for a meeting under the code duello of two excellent young citizens and quondam friends. We were both old soldiers and accustomed to the dangers of fields of battle, and now that our peaceful avocations had been resumed we were more perturbed than we had been on any field of conflict by finding ourselves promoting a meeting which would hazard the lives of two estimable men. David Castleman JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 21 Chapter III. MY FATHER. My father, David Castleman, was born at his ancestral home, "The Old Mansion," in Woodford county, Kentucky, and was remark able for his intelligence and manliness. My paternal ancestors came to Virginia, about 1760, from Dorsetshire, England. My father died May 23, 1852; and the following is a tribute from the Reverend John G. Simrall: "Died at his residence in Fayette county, Ky., on Sabbath, May 23d, David Castleman, Esq., in the sixty-seventh year of his age, after a protracted illness attended with great suffering. He was, from his earhest manhood, one of the most extensive business men in this region of country — first as a merchant and manufacturer, and, of late years, as a farmer and one of our most useful, enterprising, respected and wealthy citizens. He was a member and, for more than twenty years, a ruling elder in the Presbyterian church at Horeb, of which he was one of the principal founders, and always its most liberal supporter. He has left a widow and a large family of children to deplore a loss as great as could well fall on such a household. He was in many respects a remark able man — endowed with great energy and industry, possessed of a elear and vigorous mind, upright and honorable in all his thoughts and actions; faithful in his friendship, simple in his habits and manners, and humble and unpretending in his religious profession. The state had few citizens who were better samples of the noble class of Kentucky gentlemen. He never sought public office or employment, but dis charged through lif e with scrupulous fidelity, the duties of every private station which falls to the lot of such a man; and died as he lived, un shaken by the most terrible sufferings, and calmly trusting in God. He doubtless had frailties; perhaps made enemies; in the struggle of life erred, no doubt, many times and in many ways. But it is a great thing to lead through a long life a successful, useful and honorable career, and then close it, with a good hope of blessed immortality. Few do it, and their /example is worth recording." "Fayette County, May 30th, 1852." My father was the guardian of Robert J. Breckinridge, and it was said that he was the only one who ever controlled Robert, with the exception of his remarkable mother, who was Mary Hopkins Cabell, eldest sister of my grandmother, Ann Cabell Harrison. Mary Hopkins Cabell married John Breckinridge, a great lawyer and the author of the "Resolutions of 1798." Of him 'tis recorded: 22 ACTIVE SERVICE "He was a profound jurist, a legislator and a statesman. He was the intimate pohtieal and personal friend of Thomas Jefferson, by whom he was appointed attorney-general, which cabinet office he held at the time of his lamentable death." John Breckinridge and his brother-in-law, Robert Carter Harrison, moved to Fayette county, Kentucky; the former in 1793, and the latter in 1806. John Breckinridge's estate was called Cabell's Dale, for his wife. Robert Carter Harrison's estate was called Elk Hill, for one of his ancestral homes in Virginia. Mrs. Breckinridge was left a widow in 1806, when thirty-six years of age, and of her 'twas written: "Wisely and well did this sightless and most remarkable woman fulfill the duties of both father and mother to her six children, the two daughters of great charm and the four sons of wonderful ability." My brother, Robert Harrison Castleman, was killed in June, 1852. He graduated at Cannonsburg in Pennsylvania, and was a classmate of Samuel B. Barton who became bis intimate friend. Mr. Barton visited Robert at Castleton, and was persuaded by my father to become tutor for his younger children. Subsequently Mr. Barton became teacher of the neighborhood school, known as Fort Hill school. Judge Robert J. Breckinridge wrote: "I am glad you are writing something of the old Fort Hill school and of those who passed happy days there. I often think and talk of those times we all enjoyed at Fort Hill, and of the wonderful influence of those boys and girls." JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 23 Chapter IV. FORT HILL SCHOOL. Fort Hill was a country school in the neighborhood of Castleton. The school took its name from its situation near the center of an old Indian fort about one mile in circumference, built by the savages for defensive purposes. The old Indian fort was, in chief part, on the farm of Reverend John G. Simrall, although its circumference went over into Mrs. Dallam's farm and into Cabell's Dale. At the time re ferred to — in 1852 — this fort was sufficiently deep to conceal a man walk ing most of its circumference, but since then cultivation and natural filling have, to a large extent, obliterated its lines. In the days of Fort Hill school the entire circuniference of this fort coursed through woodland bluegrass pastures whose sod had never been torn by a plow and the fort was in its entire circumference dis tinctly preserved. The radius of this mile fort is, however, even now clearly shown where it crossed what is known as the Mount Horeb Turnpike, and rounds through the bluegrass woodland which in the olden time was part of Cabell's Dale and which now belongs to Castleton. When, however, one crosses to the north side of Mount Horeb Turnpike, the former grass lands, which were the playgrounds of the boys and girls at Fort Hill school, have for many years tempted the avaricious farmer, and tillage for half a century has well nigh obliterated the line of the old Indian fort near the center of whose circumference stood our old "Fort Hill school." I am writing of this and another nearby Indian fort to embody here some description of these fortifications, and this description is written because so little is known concerning them, even in the neigh borhood where they have been by the white man known for well nigh one hundred and fifty years. Many modern archeologists class all of these Indian construc tions as "mounds" built by the immediate ancestors of the Indian who were found here by the white man, and that all structures of these ancient Mound Builders were used as sepulchres. But it cannot be that the Indian fort which I now describe and a smaller one of which I will presently briefly write could have been used as sepulchres. There is nothing in their design or their environment which would justify this opinion. There has never been a skeleton found in these Indian forts. But the boys and girls at Fort Hill school frequently found in the forts arrowheads and tomahawks. And, 24 ACTIVE SERVICE indeed, these were always, and now are, found sometimes in many sections of this "Happy Hunting Ground" of Kentucky. It is not known what Indians built these fortifications, but for defensive purposes they were certainly built, and built with forethought and intelligence. The large fort I am describing had in its circuniference three unfailing springs supplying cool, fresh water — so in case of siege this necessity was amply provided. Nearby is a smaller round Indian fort, which is still preserved, being about two hundred feet in diameter, and was in 1850 as much as fifteen feet deep. This small fort was on Cabell's Dale, and is about half mile from the outer line of the large fort. Recent visit has shown that growth of trees, falling leaves, decaying vegetation have in time well nigh half filled this small fort. But it is even now as much as eight feet deep. Its location is on a bluff and immediately against Elkhorn Creek to whose waters, protected by sunken path, "The Braves" always had access, while the eminence on which the fort is built would have made it then, or now, admirable for defense. Both tradition and conjecture have it that these forts were built by the Cherokee Indians, and that their building was induced by reason of the frequent incursion of the Iroquois Confederacy, which latter were strong and warlike and aggressive. But let us get back to Fort Hill school ! Mr. Barton soon became endeared to the people of this remarkable neighborhood. He exemplified Christian character and resolute man hood. He taught a mixed school of unusual boys and girls. Many of the girls become noted women, and many of the boys distinguished men. Among the latter were Robert J. Breckinridge, W. C. P. Breck inridge, Joseph Cabell Breckinridge, John G. Simrall and his brothers, C. C. Moore and others. These boys and girls had respect and affec tion for Mr. Barton, his wishes were acquiesced in, and to disregard the "good teacher" was to excite the common censure. He spared not the rod to the big boy and the small. Steel pens were not used in those days. The goose furnished the quill and man fashioned the feather into a pen. Knowing how to make a pen from a goose quill was an accomplishment as necessary as was the knowledge of Latin and Greek and trigonometry, all of which were then part of the curriculum of the country school. It was interesting to note the dexterity with which Mr. Barton made and sharpened the quill pens used at Fort Hill school. What is still designated as the "pen knife" is a pocket knife with thin, sharp blades designed at that period as most suitable for making pens, and the name of "pen knife" still adheres to this useful bit of pocket cutlery. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 25 My father, himself possessed of great energy, believed that every child should be taught to work. As each of his sons reached ten years of age he was made responsible "for kilhng, curing, and weighing out the meat." This meant taking active part, under my father's supervision of "hog kilhng" — in season — of kilhng, scalding, cleaning, hanging and coohng and trimming, of salting down, hanging up, smoking and curing the bacon — and of weighing out to the negroes and for the "big house" the required rations in the first place, and comphance with the wishes of my mother in respect to the "big house" and in keeping account. This was no sinecure, inasmuch as the "hog kilhng" at Castleton rep resented about two hundred swine, whose kilhng was, for convenience, divided in about fifty hogs at each slaughtering. In this work the beloved teacher, Mr. Barton, was my companion and real co-worker. The cutting in proper lengths of the hickory wood, the smoking and weighing and accounting, were performed by me with the unremitting aid of dear Mr. Barton. This serves as an index to Mr. Barton's energy and courtesy. A Case of Suspended Recollection. While at school under Mr. Barton, I availed myself one day of the customary school privilege and obtained five minutes' recess. My time was overstayed When finally consciousness was recovered, I was lying under a majestic sugar tree into whose branches I had fre quently chmbed. Pulling myself together, I went back to the school house, and presented to Mr. Barton a blood-covered, nose-bleeding, split-lipped and brow-bruised boy. Mr. Barton, taking hold of me in a caressing way, asked concerning my injuries, to which I responded that I thought I had fallen from the sugar tree. Some weeks elapsed, when one day while playing at "general recess," I observed an old gray mare, belonging to Mr. Simrall, grazing in the bluegrass pasture under the sugar tree. The suspended recollec tion about my bloody experience was immediately restored. I sought Mr. Barton, and explained that I remembered that this old mare was standing under the sugar tree and that I had slipped up behind her and cut her with a switch, when she instantly reciprocated my courtesy by kicking me in the face. After two years Mr. Barton left for a professorship at Centre College. The boys held a conference, and agreed that "the rod had gone with the loved teacher," and that it should be used by none other. Its resistance, it was determined, must be individual from both large and small, but should be without exception. To combine would have been to "shut out" the teacher, and the boys determined on personal but unvarying resentment. 26 ACTIVE SERVICE A Mr. Frazier was soon chosen by the trustees from a list of col lege graduates to be Mr. Barton's successor. I was the first offender, and had to stand alone in my resistance. The result was disastrous. The ten-year-old boy suffered sharply under the strong force of the man. My good mother was given a full account, and, for the discipline of the school and the good of the offender, it was ordered that I should apologize and return to school. My dechning to do either led to my imprisonment in a small apartment that had been originally designed for a store room and whose windows had iron bars. It seemed hke a jail room. There I was sentenced to remain till comphance was agreed to, with bread and water for diet. A faithful negro, named Isaac Byrd, was the butler. Through the iron bar in the window, my devoted friend Isaac surreptitiously supplied me with the best food, and kept me advised of the table talk which my obstinate act had induced. For three days the supposed "bread and water" diet continued, and Isaac informed me that my good mother was going to make some excuse to release her "starving and ob stinate boy." Thus, during the forenoon of that day my mother unlocked the prison door and informed me that her conclusion was not to permit me to return to school, but imposed obligations of duty for my daily rou tine, which I took up and performed faithfully. I recognized that this was a sort of "compromise verdict." Successive encounters with the boys at Fort Hill school made Mr. Frazier's continuance impossible, and in one month I was vindicated. Mr. Frazier resigned, and the trustees invited a young man named H. M. Woodruff, a recent college graduate of a high order of intelligence, and a gentleman. He had just completed his course at Yale. We got along well with Woodruff, who was an excellent teacher. Mr. Woodruff was an intimate friend and classmate of the late Whitelaw Reid, recently our distinguished ambassador to the Court of St. James. The boys and girls composing Fort Hill school grew successively to mature boyhood and girlhood, and most of them were sent to col lege, and many of them — many of these boys and girls — became dis tinguished in after life. Learning To Swim. The boys at Fort Hill school were in the habit of going at "big recess" to swim in the "Water Gap Hole" in Elk Horn creek, about half a mile distant from the school house. I had been warned — as are most boys — to "avoid going in the water till I had learned to swim." The smaller boys kept in the shal low part of the stream. Born in 1835. Born in 1842. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 27 One day I was persuaded by my beloved kinsman, Robert J. Breckinridge, to ride on his back while he swam across the creek. When this beautiful swimmer reached the greatest depth he dived. I did not wish to dive, so let go, and amused the other boys by my frantic efforts to reach the shore unaided. I have been swimming ever since. At this time the only known survivors of Fort Hill school are Robert J. Breckinridge, age 80; Joseph Cabell Breckinridge, age 75; and the writer, age 76. The first mentioned are men of great distinction. Robert J. Breckinridge served with abihty as a member of the First Confederate Congress and afterwards as colonel of cavalry in the Confederate Army. In after life he has been a successful lawyer, an orator of distinction, and judge of his judicial district. He was attorney-general of the state of Kentucky at the time of the assassination of Governor Goebel, and in all the excitement of that critical period, he aided me greatly because he was quiet and wise in counsel. Joseph Cabell Breckinridge served with great credit in command of artillery in the United States Army during the War between the States, became inspector-general of the United States Army, and is now major-general, United States Army, retired. The girls who attended Fort Hill school sixty-two years ago are all dead. The photographs of the other two of the only three survivors of Fort Hill school, of the boys who played together in 1852 are subjoined. 28 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter V. A GHOST IN HOREB CHURCH GRAVEYARD. The boys who belonged to Fort Hill school often "ran together" from considerations of congeniality and neighborhood convenience; and on Saturdays, holidays, and during vacation, they found com bined recreation and amusement. They rode and raced and hunted and played. They were wel come guests at any house in the neighborhood, and half a dozen boys and horses would be sure of a cordial greeting anywhere, even though they came unannounced. Breadalbane was the country seat of Reverend Robert J. Breck inridge, and was distant about two miles from Horeb church. One night a squad of these boys had "turned in" at Castleton. About 9:30 Ned, who is still hving, a son of a good negro woman called Aunt Cynthia, was shown by the butler to the boys' rooms, and announced: "Marse Robert Breckinridge done come home and say he is powerful lonesome, and he did wish dat all you boys come stay wid him." A conference was held, and Ned was told to go back and say to his "Marse Robert" that the boys would come. This squad consisted of Charley Moore, Will Nutter, Waller Simrall, Joe Breckinridge, Charley Breckinridge and the writer. We dressed, saddled our horses, and about ten o'clock mounted and directed our course to Breadalbane. The four boys in front preceded Joe Breckinridge and me, for we assumed the responsibility of seeing that the farm gates of Castle ton were closed, as we crossed the cow-pen woodland. After leaving the woodlands at Castleton, the "Big Road" led by Horeb church and graveyard. As we approached the church we wondered at the fast riding of the boys in front, the noise of whose horses' feet we heard. Nearing the graveyard we divined the cause of the boys' accelerated pace, as we were alarmed by discerning a dreadful apparition midst the graves — a ghost, clad in white, mammoth in size, and with blazing mouth and nostrils and ears and hands, was, on the dark night, presented to our disturbed vision. We stopped our horses and were silent and alarmed. Joe Breckinridge, with voice not free from emotion, said "John, do you beheve in ghosts?" I was not prepared to give an unbiased opinion, for before me was a proof of the reality of ghosts. Yet my pride and the calm pres ence of Joe deterred me from deciding according to the evidence. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 29 It was, perhaps, but a minute, but to me it seemed an hour, when I tremulously answered: "No, Joe, I do not beheve in ghosts." The boys possessed a number of pistols, which were then called "pepper boxes" — they would be fairly well represented by the cylinder of the modern revolver, minus the rifled barrel. These shot neither with force nor accuracy, but the "pepper boxes" afforded us practice and fun. After my decision as to non-behef in ghosts, Joe immediately asked: "Have you got your pepper box?" My having my pistol was then to me a strong argument against carrying concealed weapons. I was guilty of possession and answered, "Yes." Then said Joe: "You hold my horse and loan me your pistol." Now, badly scared as I was, I reahzed that the fact of possession carried with it the obligation to use the gun, so I rephed, "No, Joe, you hold my horse, and I will shoot at the ghost." I roUed off my horse, and my hesitating legs climbed the church yard fence. When I reached the ground and faced the ghost, I was scared well nigh to death. I have never since then seen the wonderful Joe Jefferson as "Bob Acres" in the duel scene without thinking of my awful fear as, when on one side of the fence I stood alone, with the ghost less than one hundred feet away, while on the other side was Joe Breck inridge, "watchfully waiting" for the terrible fate that was to come to me. I persuaded my young legs to advance a few steps toward the ghost, and raising my pistol I fired without aim. Somehow the ex plosion brought a bit of composure, as one in after years found to be the experience of soldiers in action, and advancing again I tried to aim, and fired. Then I was conscious that the ghost trembled, and so I advanced again, and aimed and fired. Again the ghost trembled, and I became bolder, advanced, and with some aim I fired my fourth shot. I knew Joe was watching the result. I had two shots reserved, and sense enough to know that I must not get out of ammunition. To my limitless rehef, the ghost fled and bounded easily over the fence which I had found so difficult to climb. And at the fence the ghost abandoned his white robe and his iUuminated head and hands. Joe rode up, and his voice gave me comfort. We discussed the situation, congratulated ourselves, gathered together the ghost's equipment, and with the pride of conquering heroes rode on to Breadalbane. There, to Uncle Robert and the boys, we recounted our wonder ful experiences. The next morning Joe Breckinridge and I rode back to Taylor's Cross Roads, a few hundred yards from Horeb church and graveyard. 30 ACTIVE SERVICE At the Cross Roads was a blacksmith shop, and a good man, by the name of Mclntyre, was the blacksmith. To him we quietly told our horrible experience— and he, taking us into a corner said that he was the ghost! Mclntyre explained that his negro boy, Sam, who was the "anvil striker," habitually hunted coons at night, and nodded over his anvil in the dayhght. Sam was the leader of a party of young negroes in pursuit of the sport of coon-hunting, so Mr. Mclntyre, to amuse him self and stop the coon-hunting habit, had resorted to the impersonation of the ghost, well knowing that the ghost is the greatest terror to all negroes. The blacksmith went on to say that he had heard us coming, and, mistaking us for the negro boys, had moved from behind the church and appeared to rise from the graves — with the result above described. One is reminded of the story of Norvin T. Harris, concerning the Frenchman who was invited to go coon-hunting, and who rephed, with French grace and emphasis: "I tank you; I have beene." JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 31 Chapter VI. "GRANDMA BLACK CAP." One of the highest privileges accorded such of those boys as were kin and lived in the neighborhood, was the honor of occasionally spend ing the night at Cabell's Dale with "Grandma Black Cap" and her dear old sister, "Aunt Lewis." "Grandma Black Cap," be it remembered, was the widow of the Elder John Breckinridge; she was Mary Hopkins Cabell Breckinridge. She was a wonderful woman. A woman of strong affection for those near to her. A woman of great intellectual force and will power. Left a widow at an early age, she continued a widow till, in advanced age, she died, and was then, by her demand, buried, fifty-two years after his death, in the same grave with her lamented husband. ¦ This great woman raised to manhood Robert J., Joseph Cabell, John, and William L. Breckinridge, and to womanhood Ehzabeth and Mary Breckinridge — four unusual men and two remarkable women. The prerogative of spending the night at Cabell 's Dale was often exercised in rotation. The boys eligible to this honor were Robert J. Breckinridge, W. C. P. Breckinridge, Charles H. Breckinridge, Joseph Cabell Breckinridge, the writer of this narrative, and when one of her great grandsons, Cabell B. BuUock, visited the neighborhood, he would share this honor. "Grandma Black Cap," who was sightless, was often led to the family graveyard nearby, which was enclosed by a high brick wall and entered through a pair of massive iron gates; and there this extraordi nary woman would sit on the slab which covered then — and covers now, the grave of her husband. And thence she would be led to her husband's old frame office, not far distant in the edge of the wooded land, and still standing there, although the great owner of that office has been dead now for more than a century. "Grandma Black Cap" was wont to linger here, and sometimes. talked of the past. Very often have I heard her say: "My son, 'twas in this office that my husband would write to Tom Jefferson and to his other friends and it was here that my husband wrote the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. 'Twas here that John Breckin ridge transacted his private and public business." Now that I, too, have grown old, these matters are as fresh in my memory as if 'twere yesterday. Not long since I had the privilege of a conference with Honorable Clifton R. Breckinridge, former member of Congress, and under Cleve land's administration, ambassador to Russia. We agreed that it had 32 ACTIVE SERVICE become the fashion to ascribe to others the possible authorship of the Resolutions of 1798-9, and that when one considered the close intimacy between Thomas Jefferson and John Breckinridge it seemed natural that the great pohtieal philosopher and the profound constitutional lawyer should have conferred and should have sought each others' counsel; but that no one could consider it reasonable that Jefferson should either have written the famous Resolutions or have secured their passage by a Kentucky legislature. In the every-day domestic life of "Grandma Black Cap" one recalls a daily occurrence concerning her maid, which was a source of some amusement to the household at Cabell's Dale. Mrs. Breckin ridge always had a negro maid in attendance. The life of the maid was monotonous. In order to insure her wakefulness, Mrs. Breckinridge imposed the pastime of knitting, and required that in each instance where no one was either talking or reading to her, the maid should, to her blind mistress, call "Needle" at the end of each round. Failure to call "Needle" repeatedly was reasonable proof of sleep on post, and invariably Mrs. Breckinridge would call, "Bettie, I fear you are asleep. " Recently Desha Breckinridge, of Lexington, asked me if I knew when the old Breckinridge Mansion of CabeU's Dale was burned. Re ferring to my father's letters to my brother, Robert, I find that the mansion was burned May 7th, 1851. It was an impressive, colonial frame house, with a great square reception haU on whose walls hung numbers of portraits of the members of the family, painted by the old masters, and many of them valuable art treasures. Jouett was the most modern contributor to this rare collection, and most of these were destroyed by fire. This mansion was the gathering place of unusual people, and was the scene of wondrous hospitality, many guests coming hundreds of miles in private coaches. It was the rule in the olden days to build the residence near an unfailing spring, for in those days convenience to nature's provision of water was essential. Artificial waterworks were unknown, and cisterns sup plemented nature's supply. Every mansion had a private icehouse, filled from ice cut from ponds. The Old Office of the Elder John Breckinridge, Built in 1796, in Which He Wrote The Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 33 Chapter VII. THE FIRST BLUE RIBBON. In early boyhood I had already begun to take an intelhgent in terest in the breeding and development of a horse which, in after life, became one of my pubhc interests and personal pleasures, and co-operat ing with others finally accomphshed a result that is now known through out the world as the "American Saddle Horse," an achievement thus referred to by the singularly gifted William R. Goodwin, editor of the Breeders' Gazette, in an article concerning the writer: "As the foremost advocate of the most beautiful creation of the breeder's art — The American Saddle Horse. For nearly a quarter of a century, as president, he has guided the destinies of the American Saddle Horse Breeders' Association, inviting and compelhng attention to the matchless beauty, finish and service of the saddle horse as devel oped under the auspices of that association, and he has hved to see the complete triumph of the type in America." In 1857, then sixteen years of age, I had acquired a three-year-old gelding by "Gaines Denmark" whose dam was a thoroughbred mare by "Boston." This horse was exceedingly handsome, was three-fourths thoroughbred, was tractable, and was named "Lightfoot." Under Isaac Byrd's very early morning criticism, "Lightfoot" was perfectly broken by the writer and unobserved by others. In October, 1857, there was held in Louisville what was designated as the "United States Fair." My mother consented to my going to Louisville to exhibit "Lightfoot" at this Fair. I was accustomed to work, which my father and mother both required, but I was quite inexperienced as a traveler, so horse and boy went under the care of the competent negro Isaac Byrd. I knew a very small amount about the ways of the big world — but I managed to learn how to enter "Lightfoot" for exhibition. The time came for the show. There were thirty-five exhibitors in this "Saddle Class." I rode into the amphitheatre, a green country boy on his first trip from home. The exhibition lasted two hours. I triumphed, and to my amazement, the country boy found, the next day, that he was a famous horseman. Isaac and I sold "Lightfoot" for an unprecedented price; and with a first prize — the blue ribbon, a large check, and "swollen chests," we returned to Castleton, and modestly related to my mother, the family, the neighborhood boys, and to "the hands," vivid accounts of our experiences in the big city. 34 ACTIVE SERVICE Isaac had nearly all the negroes at Castleton, and many of those from round about, to hsten to his account of "how that boy of our'n did ride," and of experiences of this unusual journey of one hundred miles on the railroad. An incident of this, my first experience as a traveler, records the misfortune of one of the best of women, who deserved a better fate. I had made the acquaintance of a number of most dehghtful Louisville boys, but was careful to avoid the girls, none of whom did I wish to know. There was a large amphitheatre occupying part of the site which is now the Louisville Water Company reservoir. This amphitheatre had, above the seats and around its entire circumference, a wide walk or promenade. With the boys I was going around this walk, looking at the mass of people who were then brought out from Louisville by the steam railroad, which provided all sorts of cars with improvised seats and ran from the old depot at Jefferson and Brook streets. A very attractive girl was ascending the stairway of the amphi theatre, and William A. Robinson said: "John, come let me introduce you to one of our girl friends, Miss Alice Barbee." With bashful and boyish assurance of appreciation, I dechned. This very attractive young woman had the misfortune, eleven years afterward, to become my wife, and has tolerated me now for well-nigh half a century; and, aiding me in all things in life, is now helping to patch together this narrative without reasonable considera tion for the unsuspecting reader who will be beguiled into perusal. The faithful servant, Isaac Byrd, was an example of the usual fidelity of the negro to his owner, and the consideration shown to Isaac and his fellow slaves at Castleton exemplified the usual mutual affec tion between master and servant. As these lines are written, Isaac has long since gone to his reward — later on I give an account of his burial — and now the writer is the only surviving soul of those days at Castleton since when more than fifty years have come and gone; the good negroes are all dead, the family all buried; and the boy of that period, by whom inconsequential events are here recorded, is now an old man, who wanders back to the long ago, who dwells upon the far distant time of childhood and boyhood when all was peace and happiness — and when to him there come memo ries of devoted father and mother, of sisters and brothers, and of school mates and playfellows, he finds that those better days lose, in retrospect, nothing of their charm. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 35 Chapter VIII. THE BLUEGRASS COUNTRY. It is probable that if, with Lexington as the center, there should be described a circumference whose diameter averages about fifty miles, one would define a country that, for beauty and fertihty, can hardly be surpassed. Yet in this beautiful country the people of aU degrees have been content with nature's lavish adornment, rarely considering the importance and the duty of applying man's work as a supplement to God's provision. Thus, even to this day one rarely sees much attention paid to embellishment by the use of shrubbery, plants and young trees. Indeed, save at Ashland and at Castleton, where, in my boyhood days, effec tive use of shrubbery, on a hberal scale, could be found, I can recall no instance of a real attempt at artificial adornment. At this late date one still sees winding roads approaching farm houses in the Blue- grass country, sometimes through a bit of land whose timber is fast disappearing, and sometimes through an open lawn without natural or artificial reason for curving. Occasionally one sees, leading to residences, straight roads that are without any adornment whatsoever, unless fringed rows of inferior soft wood shade trees, and where un sightly outbuildings are rarely screened by plantation. The people are seemingly content with the much that God has done, and are slow to reahze that the tree growth is disappearing, either through man's indiscriminate greed or under the blasts of nature's storms. There is no good reason why, under a systematic order, public roads of good width should not be shaded by hardwood trees, but there is none, no not one, in all the Bluegrass country. The Bluegrass country has been greatly favored by nature, for its beauty of graceful hnes and marvelous verdure, under ever- thinning timber, combine to make scenes of wonderfully soft and natural splendor. To the green carpet of that country more than to any land in the world can one apply J. J. Ingalls' Tribute to Grass: "Beleagured by the sudden hosts of winter, it withdraws into the impregnable fortress of the subterranean vitality, and emerges upon the solicitation of spring. It bears no blazonry or bloom to charm the senses with fragrance or splendor, but its homely hue is more en chanting than the hly or the rose." Nourished by the fertile soil, the trees are hardwood varieties, and among these the sugar maple, the hickory, the blue ash, the oaks, and the black and white walnut abound. The varieties mentioned are indicative of good land, while the great beeches and poplars are 36 ACTIVE SERVICE not indigenous, and, although elsewhere found in the best soils, they are considered a reproach to the Bluegrass country. Yet, even this remarkable section is marred by what is reproachfully known as the "Beech Ridge," which is a strip of land, of varying width and some what lacking in fertility, that begins at Union Mills in Jessamine County, stretches across Fayette County, and finally loses itself in the fertile lands of Bourbon County. On this strip of land the beech formerly grew, and from this growth the name was taken. Its blight is trace able throughout its length, from entrance into Fayette County at West Hickman Creek to point of disappearance in what the gifted Colonel W. C. P. Breckinridge described as the "exquisitely beautiful county of Bourbon." From Professor Arthur M. Miller's investigation it is shown that the Trenton (Lexington) hmestone underhes most of the area of the typical Bluegrass section, and that beyond this we find the Winchester hmestone, the latter underlying soil that is less fertile and contains less phosphate; while still beyond is the Eden (Shaley Rock). And thus, with tongues of the Trenton (Lexington) rock penetrating the Winchester and forcing its way into the surrounding Eden shale, we have the Bluegrass formation which, surrounded by an irregular boundary, incites physical development of men and animals, and which is blessed with a soil production that is unsurpassed in all the world. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 37 Chapter IX. THE PEOPLE OF THE BLUEGRASS COUNTRY. In the olden times, before the War between the States, the people of the Bluegrass country were, for that day, rich or were possessed of independent means. They were hospitable, they were democratic, and they were congenial. It is a fact that soil and climate and en vironment attract, and in harmonious hnes develop, men and women. And so, from the people who had grown up midst the surroundings of this notable section, the influence of the Bluegrass country sup plied a remarkable population. Men and women were mentally and physicaUy attractive. They were exceptionally courteous and fair- minded, even though too often prone to resent affront. I knew of but one family who did not habitually attend church on Sunday. The life of the neighborhood was without ostentation and all were given to simple and lavish hospitality. While still a boy I was impressed with the tact shown in the interchange of neighbor hood visits. When visiting those who were less well-to-do, the wealthier neighbors so adapted dress and conveyance as to be in harmony with their hosts. So the handsome carriage, the modest vehi cle, or even the riding horse was used, as seemed suitable to the occasion. It was often the custom of neighbors to "spend the day" with one another, and I have seen two or more neighbors, on horseback or in a conveyance, arrive at Castleton early in the forenoon, bring forth knitting or sewing or a book, and stay until the setting of the evening sun. And it was the common law, strictly observed, that no one should mention unpleasant gossip. Neither theatres, concerts nor lectures were available, but the country church sermons furnished food for continued neighborhood conversation, for, mark you, those pulpits were not occupied by ordinary men. The most animated discussions were in regard to whether immer sion or sprinkling was the means of baptism authorized by the Holy Writ, whether infant baptism was required by scriptural law, and wheth er the Calvinistic doctrines of predestination, election and eternal pun ishment were to be verified by man's experience in the hereafter, all of which were subjects of unflagging interest. Nowadays one sees on church bulletin boards that there will be "Beautiful music tonight," or that "The Rev. Smith of Calcutta, will speak on 'The Indian as a Christian'." But in the olden times in the Bluegrass country, we would find tacked on the church door, a notice that: "Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge will deliver at this, Mount Horeb, Church (Presbyterian) two services on the next Lord's Day. Preach ing at 11:00 A. M. on 'Sprinkling as the Fulfillment of God's Ordained 38 ACTIVE SERVICE Baptismal Sacrament', and at 2:00 P. M. on 'Infant Baptism as a Means of Salvation'." Then we would find at the Cane Run Meeting House (Baptist) the following: "Rev. Dr. Frost will, on Sunday following the next Lord's Day, preach in this church in answer to the Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge, taking as his main subject, 'Immersion for the Remission of Sins', being the Sacrament ordained by our Saviour when there went out, to John the Baptist, Jerusalem and all Judea and the country round about, and were baptized of him in Jordan. And Jesus, when he was baptized, 'went up straightway out of the water'. And in the afternoon of Sunday after the next Lord's Day, Rev. Dr. Frost will prove from Holy Writ that 'Infant Baptism has no Bibhcal Authority'." Although then but a bit of a boy, I well remember that Dr. Frost and Elder Patrick Henry Thompson attended the services when Dr. Breckinridge preached at Horeb, and sitting near them noted that they took copious notes as a basis of answer to the great Presbyterian divine. So, with the Baptists and CampbeUites demanding immersion, and with the Presbyterians, Methodists, Episcopalians, and Roman Cathohcs administering sprinkling as a rule and recognizing baptism in some form to be a sacrament, the question as to Biblical authoriza tion — as to whether either mode did not sufficiently comply with God's word — continued undetermined; and in the interest of eternal salva tion it was thoroughly discussed, inharmoniously by the clergy and harmoniously by the laity, among all the people of the community. The organized churches would not agree on differences which each considered fundamental, and among themselves there were di visions. The Baptists had their church separations, as did the Metho dists. The Presbyterians, too, had their dissensions, and primarily because of the severe tenets of Calvinism, the Presbyterians furnished the material for a "Reform Movement" that finally contended against all organized human interpretation in the way of formulated behef, demanding that every man should interpret the Bible for himself. Barton W. Stone had been a Presbyterian, as was true of all his co-workers. At first these, reformers were called "Stonettes" and "Re formers"— then Stone suggested the name of Christians, because "The Disciples were first called Christians at Antioch." Then came a great Scotch Presbyterian-Baptist preacher in the person of Alexander Campbell, who endorsed this reform movement. In this protest against Calvinism, Alexander Campbell so impressed his wonderful personality upon his followers that they became known as "CampbeUites," a term that even now is often used. As had been the case for many years previous, this was a period of emotional religion, when the individual reahzation of having "got JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 39 religion" was evidenced by various bodily contortions, by fits, by losing consciousness, and by running or shouting. Demonstrable religion was not in favor, and such personal evidence as to the visit of the Holy Ghost was manifested as each individual found consistent with his own experiences. The Shakers worshipped by dancing, and their churches were so arranged as to "clear the floor," while seats ran around the wall. Governor J. Proctor Knott used to tell a story to the effect that, along in the early thirties when Barton Stone was living in Illinois, he was called to a small town nearby, where he had been chosen to settle an acrimonious division in a Reform Christian church, growing out of varied individual interpretations of the Bible. In the town there were four little churches — Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist and Re formed or Christian. When Reverend Stone drove into the town he en countered a lad of about sixteen, to whom he said: "My dear boy, which is the Christian church?" To this the boy replied: "They is all Christians, 'ceppin' them damn CampbeUites — they is all the time a-quarrelling." As time went on and Christian people multiplied, there developed differences, which were well illustrated by a story that Governor Knott used to tell. While making a political campaign in Kentucky, one day, just at dawn, a packet boat landed him at the wharf of the good town of Henderson. He started forth to seek lodging, and, meeting a man who had evidently made a night of it, he thus addressed the in ebriated citizen: "My early-rising friend, will you tell me the way to the hotel?" "Yes," rephed the early riser. "Stick to the street and go straight ahead, but don't get out of the street. I got out of the street last night and been lost ever since. Go right by that building yonder, for that's the Presbyterian Church, North of God; then turn to the right until you pass the Methodist Church, South of God ; you then come to the Campbelhte Church of God — and then you are at the hotel." Under varying methods of organization, "protracted meetings" were usual. The Methodists had "camp meetings," the Baptists had their "associations," and the Presbyterians had their "protracted meetings" at the churches at Mount Hopewell on the Maysville Turnpike, at Mount Horeb near the Newton Turnpike, and on the corner of Castleton. These protracted meetings were occasions of marvelous hospitality, and were tests of physical and mental endurance as well. At these meetings there was, as a rule, a "long prayer," which in itself was, in large part, a declaration to the Almighty of our recognition of his power and achievements, and a patronizing declaration of the preacher in behalf of the elect. Two hymns, usually discordant, were then sung by the congregation; these were followed by a short prayer and another hymn; and the services would close with a sermon 40 ACTIVE SERVICE of an hour's length and "more." The congregation would then serve a most abundant dinner, to which everybody was invited. To these feasts every member of the congregation was privileged to contribute, and no people ever enjoyed better food. There were served delicious meats of all kinds, vegetables of every variety, and profuse selections of the best desserts; and, as these came from people of all degrees, such occasions emphasized the fact that everybody in the Bluegrass country cooked well and lived well. The citizens of this section were generally cultured, they pat ronized good schools that were always conducted by college-bred men and women whose curricula required the teaching of the higher mathe matics and the so-called dead languages. After reaching the highest grade in these schools many of the boys and girls were sent to college, and one has but to call the roll of the leading professional and business men, and of the noted women, of any large community in the United States — to find therein names of men and women who hail from the Bluegrass country. The dress of these people conformed to the requirements of extreme fashion or was simple, as the occasion demanded. The hospitahty of the section was usually informally extended, but large gatherings were frequent. As a rule, weddings were occasions of feasts — a feast of this kind being generally designated as "an infair." The churchyard and the private burying-ground on the farm were the last resting places in those days, for it was not until after the fifties that cemeteries were chartered. After that time the bodies of many of those interred in church-yards and in the neglected private bury- ing-grounds were moved to cemeteries. At Cabell's Dale, the home of the elder John Breckinridge, the older members of the BrecMnridges and some of my own family were buried. Major- General Joseph Cabell Breckinridge and I removed the remains of our dead to the Lexington cemetery. The elder Mrs. Breckinridge (Mary Hopkins Cabell) and her sister, "Aunt Lewis," were buried during the very cold winters of 1856 and 1858 and in metallic coffins such as were used in those days. The coffins had oval glass plates over the face, and these plates were in turn covered by metallic plates. The names of those we disinterred were corroded, and we were obliged to displace the plates over the faces of "Aunt Lewis" and "Grandma Black Cap" — doing this in the hope of identification so that we might accurately replace the slabs over the proper graves. This was in 1884. These two good women had been buried twenty-nine and twenty-seven years, respectively, the interments of both having taken place during extremely cold weather. The frozen bodies had doubtless continued frozen under six feet of earth, for they were in a good state of preservation and each was easily recognized. Disinterment at Cabellsdale, Sept. 3, 1884. Disinterment at Cabellsdale, Sept. 3, 1884. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 41 Chapter X. PREACHING IN THE BLUEGRASS COUNTRY. The preachers in this community were not ordinary men. In deed, it is probable that, from time to time, Mount Horeb pulpit has been filled by some of the ablest church orators in the whole land. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge was, in his day, recognized and desig nated as "The Napoleon of the Pulpit." Whenever it was known that he was to preach, no church where this gifted orator and intense con troversialist spoke could hold the crowds that sought to listen to his persuasive eloquence. In after years this able and many-sided man presided as temporary chairman over the National Republican Con vention that met in Baltimore in 1864 and nominated Abraham Lincoln for a second term. At this very time Dr. Breckinridge had two sons in the Confederate Army and one in the United States Army; and during the war another son died in the United States Army. In 1850, Dr. Breckinridge preached at The Stamping Ground in Scott county, his subject being "Everlasting Punishment." As usual there were throngs of people, and this wonderful orator held, as if in a trance, a great audience, while he demonstrated, upon Biblical author ity, the eternal burning of the non-elect. The precinct of The Stamping Ground was the banner Democratic precinct of Scott county. To the pohtieal workers Democracy was a religion. The Democratic chairman was Mr. Nutter, who sought Dr. Breckinridge, and asked the great divine if he really believed the terrible doctrine he had preached. To this question Dr. Breckinridge replied: "My dear Nutter, 'tis not my doctrine, 'tis that of Holy Writ." The pohtician then announced: "Well, Dr. Breckinridge, I wish to say right now that the Democrats of this precinct will not endorse any such platform." The negroes had attended in large numbers, and the wonderful eloquence of the great divine excited their apprehension. Uncle Jacob Ross, who belonged to the Castlemans, was a good negro preacher, and a large crowd of darkies gathered around him to listen to his elucidation of the remarkable sermon. Josiah, a negro religionist who belonged to the Flournoys, interrupted by saying: "Now I wants somebody to teU me whar does de devil git all de brimstone what he keeps on a-burning folks wid forever and forever." Uncle John Miller, who belonged to the Dukes and- who always assumed an air of general intelligence, answered: "Why, Josiah, you ought to know better dan to ax such a question. All well informed gemmans knows dat de devil has a rule dat evry nigger got to fetch his own brimstone and enough 42 ACTIVE SERVICE to boot for his marster, and if he don' fetch plenty of it den de devil won' let him in." Soon after preaching at the stamping ground, Dr. Breckinridge preached again at Mount Horeb church on "Sprinkling as a Means of Baptism, A Sacrament Ordained by Our Saviour." As usual, a great throng of people attended, and as usual, the negro was well repre sented. After a most eloquent sermon, Uncle Will Lewis, who be longed to the Innis family, approached Mr. John Wallace, an elder of Mount Horeb church, Uncle Will, who was widely known and respected, said: "Marse John Wallace, I tell you for a fac' now, Marse Robert Breckinridge do talk so convincin' dat if you hears him many times you is jess bound to b'lieve him. Marse John Wallace, lemme tell you, I spec sprinklin' is all right for you white folks, but it pintedly won' do fur de nigger. You know Preacher Frederic Braxton, what belongst to de Breckinridge fam'ly, and fur a nigger he do preach mos' wonderful, Braxton am a Baptis', and he tell me dat niggers mus' be 'mersed clar under de water so as to wash 'way de sins clean. You know dat 'tain been long since Bob, what b'longst to Marse Billy Richardson, fit and stabbed Ben Puttoff, and Preacher Wilson done say how dis was 'cause Bob wa'n't baptized right. Dere was anudder baptizin' going on at de Big Hole in Elkho'n, and Preacher Wilson had to go furder up de creek wid his church, by de Indian Fort. De water wa'n't deep enough fur a tall nigger like Bob, he didn't git Bob head and shoulders under, and dat why Bob done backslide. Dey ain't no use talkin', Marse John Wallace, you jess got ter dip a nigger clar under, and de water got ter be runnin' water — den de sins is washed off in de creek, and de creek runs em in ter de Kentucky river, and den de Kentucky river runs 'em in de Dead Sea, and de sins dies. Dat's de reason us niggers don' have no baptizin' in de pon's, kaze if we did de sins don' wash away, and somebody picks 'em up agin." In those days Mount Horeb church had a gallery on two sides, reaching from stairs on the right and left of the front doors, the win dows were square, and the ceiling was arched. The windows were later made Gothic, the ceiling flattened, and the gallery removed. Ruskin's thought, that architecture indicated the religion, the culture and the character of a people, would not have applied to this community. For every church building affected simplicity, and there were usually — perhaps invariably — the square walls and flat ceilings, without any attempt at architecture. I recall that a custom, in the olden times in these country churches, was for the women to sit on the right side of the church while the men sat on the left. This was hard on the boy who went to church with his best girl. There was being held at Mount Horeb, a "revival meeting," and there was much interest. I had listened with an absorbing atten- JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 43 tion. It was not possible for me to understand or to believe in Cal vinism and the expounding of the confession of faith. I felt that I was a free agent. I did not believe in the devil, nor did I believe in God's wrath and in torment in the hereafter. My biblical knowledge was very limited, but I beheved in the love and mercy of God, and that "whosoever hveth and believe th in Me shall never die." And I tried to comfort my bereaved mother with the thought that man, made in God's own image, was immortal and could never die. My father had passed away, and a month thereafter my brother- Robert was killed. My mother was the first consideration of everyone in her household. My thought was to do anything that would give my mother comfort. So I thought of joining the church. During the revival, those who contemplated joining the church were, at each meeting, asked to come to the front seats. It was customary for the pastor, or one of the elders, to examine the religious views of those contemplating "making a profession of religion." The pleasure that my mother would realize came to my thoughts. I was among those responding to the invitation to come to the front seats. I fell to the lot of Elder Thomas Sprake, a good man for whom everyone enter tained great respect. I was asked the customary questions as to my belief, and, in a simple but frank way, gave Mr. Sprake my views about religion — and was disqualified. Thus my unorthodox views kept me from being a member of Horeb church. But, at this writing, I am one of the trustees of the church, and I esteem this the greatest honor I have had. 44 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XI. JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. AND W. C. P. BRECKINRIDGE Major John C. Breckinridge was a son of Joseph Cabell Breckin ridge, and had served creditably in the Mexican War, and afterwards attracted attention at the Lexington bar as a lawyer and as a speaker. In 1851 he was nominated for Congress by the Democrats of the Ash land district, defeating General Leslie Combs. Breckinridge achieved unusual distinction in Congress, and was renominated by the Democrats in 1853. Honorable Robert Letcher had been a most popular governor of Kentucky in the early forties, and to make sure of young Breckinridge's defeat, Letcher was nominated by the Whig party. A joint debate was arranged, to be held at the small Indian fort on CabeU's Dale. Major Breckinridge was a guest at Castleton. He was always kind to me, and took me that day to the political meeting where after careful investigation of preparation for the great dinner that was to come after the speaking, I sat on the edge of the raised platform and listened to the speeches and the cheering. I understood little of the controversy between the Whigs and the Democrats, but was impressed by the enthusiasm of the great crowd and by the wonderful voice and graceful manner of Major Breckinridge. From miles around a great throng of people came to hsten to the debate. Interest in young Breckinridge was remarkable, and to me everyone seemed to favor and to cheer him. When the debate was finished, he held me by the hand, and together we walked through the multitude. He seemed to know almost everyone and to ask about the personal affairs of many to whom he spoke. He seemed to call every one by name and to know who was sick and who was convalescent. No wonder that, when personal association with the electorate was possible, this man was invincible. The speaker's platform was on level ground under shade of the forest trees and near the base of the elevation on whose summit Indians had in the long ago built their small fort. On side of the slope the following photograph, taken in 1884 shows General Joseph Cabell Breckinridge reclining on the luxuriant bluegrass. Here was a natural amphitheatre on which sat vast num bers of interested women and men, a few hundred feet away and on beyond many hundreds of horses were tied to low limbs of the forest trees. These horses had been ridden or driven by the great crowd. South from the speaker's stand, near a smaU stream of good water fed by neighboring springs, there was a long deep and wide trench well filled with live coals over which the neighbors' donations John Cabell Breckinridge JNO. B. CASTLEMAN • 45 of short-horn beef, Southdown mutton and well bred pigs held by iron rods had for many hours been slowly roasting. These meats were watched and turned and salted and peppered, with black pepper and finely chopped red pepper pods. Uncle Ben was chef, and the neighbors in charge of the barbecued meats were Joseph N. Robb and James Frazier. Before the speaking was concluded the meats were removed to long board tables, where each variety was separately carved by the experienced cooks, after being dressed with minced parsley. Facilities for baking bread were limited to numerous large iron skillets whose tops were covered with hot ashes. These skillets usually contained cornmeal bread^memory of whose goodness sixty-five years have not effaced. West from the barbecue trench was" one smaller, over which for many hours the good neighbors, Moses Randolph and Kit Kaiser had directed the slowly simmering burgoo. Nearby stood a farm wagon in whose bed there were heaps of bones of beef, veal, mutton and chickens from which the well boiled meat had been taken and after being cut in small pieces and highly seasoned was returned to the clear soup in large covered kettles to find companionship with chopped potatoes, cabbage, beans, carrots, onions and celery. This was served with tin cups and tin spoons. It all seemed good enough to make amalgamated union of Whigs and Democrats, but mutual courtesy did not remove pohtieal differ ences for each preached his own doctrines, and finally came the Novem ber election when young Breckinridge was re-elected from a Congres sional district which Henry Clay had in his long brilliant pohtieal career made and kept a Whig district and on which Clay's personahty had been so impressed that from the name of Clay's residence the Ashland district was everywhere known. Now-a-days joint pohtieal debates are no more, these ceased with the War between the States, whose asperities made such discussion unpleasant — that between Lincoln and Douglas was the last of the noted joint debates. Before he had reached the age of forty, John C. Breckinridge had become greatly distinguished in both houses of the United States Congress, vice president of the United States, Democratic nominee for president of the United States, major-general in the Confederate States Army and secretary of war for the Confederate States. The photograph herein inserted is of Breckinridge in 1853 in the formal dress of the time, remarkable in appearance, in manly grace, in oratory, and as a very good horseman. As memory runs back more than half a century, there is recalled the majestic appearance of John C. Breckinridge on the battle fields of 46 ACTIVE SERVICE Chickamauga, to visit which I had left my invalid room at Rome and — carrying my crutches — had ridden forty miles. His staff officers present were Theodore O'Hara, (author of the "Bivouac of the Dead") Major Charles Semple, Major Thos. Clay and Lieutenant Cabell Breck inridge. One can never forget the impressiveness of the scene. The "Kentucky Brigade" had been Breckinridge's first command and was most unusual in membership. In the battles of Chickamauga it had been commanded by Brigadier-General Hardin Helm, whose wife was sister of Mrs. Lincoln. With great emotion Breckinridge said, "Helm has been killed, Colonel Caldwell has been wounded, Colonel Lewis commands the Kentucky Brigade. Bear this message to Colonel Lewis. " Looking over his staff officers he said, "Lieutenant Breckinridge carry this message." The splendid O'Hara saluting said, "General, may I not have the privilege of bearing that message?" General Breckinridge rephed, "No, Colonel O'Hara I have further service for you." Thus was the son of the General Officer selected for the grave personal danger. "Louisville, Ky., June 23, 1916. My dear comrade: With interest I have read your sketch of John C. Breckinridge and your tribute to that great citizen and soldier. The war incident you refer to occurred during the last day's fighting of the Battle of Chickamauga. Storms of shell and shot and minnie bullets were rapidly thinning our ranks. I was then sergeant-major of the Ninth Kentucky Regiment of Infantry. My Colonel, John W. Caldwell had fallen, General Helm had been killed. When Lieutenant Cabell Breckinridge reported to Colonel Joseph H. Lewis and rode from the field alive, his escape seemed miraculous. Your comrade, John W. Green." John C. Breckinridge was Representative of a distinguished Ken tucky family whose greatest orator was, William C. P. Breckinridge. Memory goes back to a past midnight scene where Breckinridge spoke to a large delegate Democratic Convention assembled in Louis ville in 1883 to nominate state officers. In the early afternoon, James A. McKenzie had with wonderful eloquence, and favorable reception, nominated the gifted, cultured and lovable J. Proctor Knott for governor of Kentucky. One may find it no less difficult to define poetry than to give definition of oratory with its resultant convincing emotional effect. Perhaps Henry Wat- JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 47 terson was correct when he said that "Oratory is the power to make hearers believe what the speaker says is true even though it be not true." Or if there be accepted any interpretation contemporaneous with Pitt and Fox, or with Clay and Webster, certain it is that no man who has been designated as an orator was more effective than was Breckinridge in demonstration of convincing power of speech. He had voice unexcelled in penetrating musical tone, with flow of beautiful language inexhaustible and persuasive, and manner earnest in gentle vehemence. The midnight hour had passed and the first small hour of the new day had gone. Delegates were weary and drowsy after an all day vigil. It had been known that Breckinridge would speak and a vast audience of citizens had stood in weary waiting. Nomination for superintendent of public instruction was last in accepted order of Convention business. A candidate for the position was"Reverend Joseph Desha Pickett. He was lovable, intelligent and faithful but without political experience. He had sought my advice and been admonished some days before the Convention assembled that he was already de feated by an opponent whose county instructed votes were more than enough to nominate, and that there could be no hope of success unless he were put in nomination by his devoted friend and Confederate comrade, Wm. C. P. Breckinridge. In the alphabetical call of counties, the county of Adair yielded in favor of Fayette from which latter Breckinridge was a delegate. The sound of the speaker's voice awakened and interested the Con vention. The speaker tactfully declined to go to the stage, declaring, with consummate skill and manifest feeling, that he was more at home midst his fellow delegates with whom he always worked for the best interests of Kentucky and for the good of the Democratic party. He described Pickett in the energy, culture, purity and Democ racy of his e very-day life, his manliness and modesty as a citizen, his courage as a soldier, and his fearless service as a chaplain. He mentioned familiar names of many Kentucky Confederate soldiers who had been killed on described fields of battle where in the midst of carnage the chaplain's arm had been the pillow on which the dying soldier had breathed his last, and whose eyes sightless had been ofttimes covered by fragments of the chaplain's well worn uni form. And finally on the battle fields of Murfreesboro, the marvelous speaker presented Pickett under shower of shot and shell by the side of the mortally wounded KentucMan, General Roger W. Hanson whose body he eased to the ground and whose head he pillowed on the folded coat of the faithful chaplain, by the dead horse which Han son had ridden. 48 ACTIVE SERVICE In concluding, Breckinridge made a dramatic appeal to his fellow delegates saying "let us now honor ourselves and our beloved Commonwealth by nominating a man whose worthy life has day by day been an exemplification of the goodness of the Great God Almighty in loaning to Kentucky this man whose personal example has been a glorious benefaction." The great audience was in tears and was silent. Quickly ensued indescribable and spontaneous enthusiam. The irresistible wave of the speaker's eloquence had swept away opposition. The candidate who had an hour before been defeated, was nominated by acclamation. i ¦ .•"-,«-'•.¦•<.-; - * •• •¦ *' ;¦ -.¦'./,' 5£& C^ :^*-?. n'nfgr" • W ,->* if*, ''^^M $j& • %-' '. p t£s^ M L. . v? • !'W ? " *'-'".i!?'- ¦-'."'_ 1' - -r~ -JP > *r-' ' ¦¦¦¦''. : ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦- ¦ 'A-. ¦*-,-Jf- : '. - 1'7^ *;.:.¦ : J|; ' ,- 1 '7K:r '-¦'.$. •>•:'& ¦ ."'"_ - ¦ ..^i ?;;<¦ ' ' ¦' * s &Pf 0&i$feM '; : , '¦'- '"iff J^%9 Small Indian Fort with General Joseph Cabell Breckinridge Reclining on the Bluegrass. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 49 Chapter XII. THE ORGANIZATION OF MT. HOREB CHURCH. Mt. Horeb church was organized at Cabell's Dale, the residence of the late John Breckinridge, on Saturday, April 27, 1827. The organizers were the widow of John Breckinridge — Mary Hopkins CabeU Breckinridge, her son — William L. Breckinridge, her daughter-in-law — Mary C. Breckinridge, who was the widow of Joseph Cabell Breckinridge, her daughter-in-law — Sophronisba Breckinridge (wife of Robert J. Breckinridge), her nephew, Joseph Cabell Harrison, the first pastor of Mt. Horeb, and his wife, Sophia Harrison. In celebrating the eightieth year of founding Mt. Horeb church, the Rev. Dr. Thompson in an eloquent sermon, said: "Consider what a stream of spiritual power came from the family that virtually composed the original church. Mrs. Mary H. Breckin ridge had three sons who were all preachers of marked ability — John, Robert J. and WiUiam L. Mrs. Mary C. Breckinridge had but one son, whom to name will suffice, for his place in the State and in the Nation is too well known to require a comment. Reverend J. J. Bullock and Reverend John C. Young married the daughters of Mrs. Mary C. Breckinridge. "David Castleman honored the office of elder for more than twenty years, nearly all of which time he was the clerk of session. The neatness and accuracy of his clerical work are remarkable after seventy years have passed over them. He gave the lot on which the church stands. He was prominent in the Presbytery and Synod." The men and women of that favored country were self-reliant, just and generous in all things appertaining to their neighbors. I recall an instance which serves at once to evidence the generous thought of the neighbors, and incidentally, to illustrate the futility of attempted interference with the matrimonial intent of a woman. Mr. and Mrs. Joshua Cromwell lived in the neighborhood of Mt. Horeb. Mrs. Cromwell died in the early fifties, leaving a little daugh ter who was named Sue. Thereafter, Sue was chiefly brought up by an elderly and most genteel servant of the family, who was known as Aunt Jane. Sue grew to womanhood, and was beautiful. All the while, this girl was of special interest to every neighbor, under a sort of common, though self-constituted, guardianship. It was rumored that Miss Sue was engaged to be married to Captain Z. M. Sherley of Louis ville, without having consulted her neighborly guardians. The neigh bors got themselves together, and appointed a committee to ascertain from Miss Sue if the rumor were true, and if so, to go to Louisville, 50 ACTIVE SERVICE investigate as to Captain Sherley, and report. The committee re ported that Captain Sherley was a man of wealth, position and influ ence, but that he was too old, and had already two sets of children by former marriages. The neighbors forthwith required Miss Sue to break the engagement. Within a year Miss Sue, without conferring further with the neighbors, married Captain Sherley. The representa tive of this marriage is my gifted friend and the devoted son, George Douglass Sherley. Memory brings back a scene at Castleton, which serves to illustrate the good spirit and tolerance of the Bluegrass women. There were occasional gatherings of the heads of houses for social enjoyment and midday dinner, where the previous Sunday sermons, of any and all denominations, came up for good natured discussion. In the autumn of 1851 there was such a gathering of these admir able women at Castleton. 'Twas a bright Saturday in October, and "we boys" were admonished by Uncle Ben, the excellent chef, and by Frank CabeU, his assistant, that the boys' dinner would be served in the breakfast room, "kaze Ole Miss had comp'ny." The butlers served us a capital dinner at noon — we had, by special request, a big dish of fried pigs' tails, for it was just after "first hog killing" — and we were out of the way. One o'clock was the hour for dinner "for Ole Miss' comp'ny," as Uncle Ben admonished us, and this was the cus tomary midday dinner. In those days everyone served breakfast, midday dinner and supper. We had been complimented by being summoned in the drawing room to speak to the assembled company, for everywhere we were in favor. The courtesy shown us on all sides should have commanded our most considerate demeanor, but the spirit of mischief pervaded the squad, who ranged in years from nine to twelve. We were, that day, Tom McCaw, Charley Breckinridge, John Cooper, Waller Bullock and the writer. Waller Bullock was much the senior but was not able to control the younger boys. One of the boys discovered that both cooks were out of the kitchen, and the temptation to try on them a practical joke was not to be re sisted. We had a quart of blasting powder, and, dampening it quickly, we made what we called "a serpent on the floor," that is, a ridge of pow der which, when lighted, would burn somewhat slowly, and started at the door when the cooks approached, would alarm good Uncle Ben who regarded gunpowder with dread. Tom McCaw had charge of the construction, and the work was well done toward the large kitchen range, when the unexpected return after short absence of Uncle Ben and Frank frightened the boys and caused Tom McCaw to lose his presence of mind. As Uncle Ben opened the door, we bolted through the window, but Tom McCaw threw the remnant, about a pint, of his powder JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 51 in the kitchen range. Pandemonium reigned. The top of the range and the contents of the oven were seriously scattered and destroyed. We secreted ourselves outside the large kitchen porch, and, hidden by the Venetian shutters, regretted the result and awaited developments. We were heartily ashamed of the unintentional disaster. Uncle Ben and Frank considered the situation, and concluded to send for "Ole Miss." My mother answered the summons from the drawing room, and was first indignant and then amused. My mother finally said: "Well, we shall bring all my friends to the kitchen, and let them see for themselves, and we will make the most of it." So, all the "company" were invited to the ruins, and explana tions were made. Mrs. Simrall, a dear good woman, said "Well, you all know boys. I am in favor of forgiveness and making light of it." It was observed that, on the "spit" before the large fireplace, there were a large ham and a saddle of mutton; so it was agreed that, as they had plenty left, they would forgive the mischievous and destructive boys, and think no more about it. I am led to mention this event chiefly to testify to the wonderful poise of these women of the Bluegrass country. 52 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XIII. THE SLAVES OF THE BLUEGRASS COUNTRY. Not only were the white people unusual, but the slaves were exceptional. NumericaUy, the slaves were fewer than on the Southern plantations (those raising rice, sugar or cotton), because the agricul ture did not require so many. These slaves were part of every famny. Their work was not hard, and their hours of leisure were many. On the larger Bluegrass farms, they lived in colonies or cabin settlements, and each fanuly had a home where easy independence prevaUed, and there the head of the home habitually came from work to his meals. Provisions were simple, but ample. A large wood-pUe, common to aU or individual to some, was used always with respect to courtesy and fairness. For those not married, a mess was provided by a good cook. And I remember when "Uncle Jacob cooked for hands," how often W. C. P. Breckinridge, John G. SimraU, Tom McCaw and others used to go to the mess and enjoy, with the negro hands, Uncle Jacob's best cooking. The piece de resistance at the mess was what the negroes called "pot likker," which was a weU-seasoned and rich vegetable soup. I recaU that my mother had, in the "big house" at Castleton, nine thoroughly trained house servants. And in aU departments of labor there was organized and respectable independence. Religion among the negroes was usual. At Castleton Uncle Jacob Ross conducted religious services every Sunday. Uncle Jacob buried the dead and married the hving on many farms. He was a Baptist and beheved in baptism by "dipping under the water, as neces sary to wash away the sins to save the soul of the unrighteous." At their religious meetings singing was a feature. The hymns and the music were familiar, and the hymns were "lined;" and as each line was repeated by the preacher, the words were, in song, repeated by the congregation, and the melody was carried by the singers. Dancing was a pleasure often enjoyed by the younger negroes, but among the older ones there prevaUed a strong belief that dancing with music was a device of the devil and led direct and certain to heU. ("If you dance, you burn.") But, notwithstanding this conviction, there existed among the younger element an irresistible ambition that found frequent expression. The "dancing nigger" was regarded with disfavor, yet he was not thereby deterred from seeking the temporary pleasure and confronting the danger of hell. I recaU a favorite song and dance of the younger negro that ran, "Banjo on de Wall." Isaac Byrd JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 53 Most negroes have some appreciation of melody, and ability to Play on some stringed instrument was a frequent accomplishment among the slaves. So radical was the condemnation of the violin that the "fiddling nigger" was not in good standing with the righteous. An organ in a negro meeting house would have been considered the devil's work, and would have "broke up" the congregation. This prejudice, however, still obtains among sects of the white race, in whose congregational organizations we find occasional divisions on account of church music. But there was in the religious music of the negro a notion that dancing without the sinful device of musical in struments was harmless. And, therefore, the "jig" and the "pigeon wing," accompanied by "patting to mark time," were proper. The Banjo. By a bit of reasoning satisfactory to themselves, the negroes generaUy tolerated the banjo as a musical instrument consistent with rehgion, and not inhibited by God along with the "fiddle" and various other melody-supplying instruments that were considered by them as offensive to the Deity. One, therefore, often heard, emitting from the deftly touched strings of the banjo, such music as seems to have died with slavery. In frequent admonition of the religious sanction of this inspir ing instrument of dehghtful melody, I recall a constantly repeated "Song to the Angels," as sung by Joe Baker, a young negro who be longed to the Wares. One verse of the song ran: "An de very angels from heaven would dance around dis hall, H dey heard dat good ole banjo what I hang up on de wall." Although more than sixty years have passed, with intervening chUdhood joys, boyhood happiness, and manhood pleasures, with two wars, and with vicissitudes and experiences that were unusual, there linger, as if it were but yesterday, recollections of the never-equaled banjo picking of good old Uncle Simon, who had long been numbered among the pensioners. His head was fringed with short white hair, and his cranium resembled a mammoth peeled onion. And Uncle Simon's banjo looked as old as he. But ah, such melody as old Uncle Simon brought forth from that old banjo! By everyone, white and black, he was accorded the first place as a "banjo picker." And along with the unchallenged distinction, Uncle Simon was what the negroes caUed "some on poetry." He was a composer, an improvisator. Familiar and oft-repeated verses of this "poet" I recall as im pressing the fancy of the children, and their repetition was often asked by the admiring httle ones. 54 ACTIVE SERVICE "An de possum in de 'simmon tree, De raccoon on de ground; De raccoon say, You son of a gun, You better shake dem 'simmons down'." And so on without limit, ran Uncle Simon's verses; and with tireless fingers, the old man played and played. Guests at Castleton habituaUy asked for Uncle Simon and his banjo. In 1851 my father entertained a body of Presbyterian preachers (I think 'twas the Lexington Presbytery), and aU the preachers in the community were invited to dine with them. Reverend Mr. Simrall, who was then pastor at Horeb, asked that they might hear Uncle Simon, and, on the spacious porch on the west side of the residence, Uncle Simon played and the others danced. And aU the preachers clapped hands and patted feet, keeping time with the wonderful banjo. Uncle Simon then proceeded with this solUoquy, singing and keeping time with his banjo: "De banjo, de banjo, en dey done heerd de banjo; Gals and boys, ole en young, is dancin' wid de banjo. Now Aunt Sookey, jump up high, and cut de pidgin wing; En Uncle Wilyum, foller her, and beat her if you kin. "De banjo, de banjo, all is dancin' wid de banjo. Now eight's de limit, en you older wait you' tu'n; En if dese preacher gemmans dance, All cleer de flo' for dem. "For dey is de Lord's an'inted, En de banjo is God's app'inted; En all mus' dance what gits de chance; De banjo, de banjo, all mus' shuffle wid de banjo." And so ran Uncle Simon's familiar hnes, accompanied by his tireless banjo picking. Uncle Simon was proud to proclaim that "I come from de Ran dolphs, and my mammy and pappy used to belong to Marse Peter Jef ferson; and many is de time I done wait on Marse Tommy Jefferson, up to de time he got ter be president. Den I belong to Marse Robert Carter Harrison; and come wid him and Miss Ann, when dat chUe (pointing to my mother) was borned at Colonel Lewis' home in Vir- ginny. My mammy and pappy did'n hke to caU me jess Peter, after Marse Peter Jefferson, so mammy call me Simon, and daddy uster caU me Simon Peter, kaze daddy say dat was de name of one of Jesus ' boss men. " I was less than eleven years old when Uncle Simon passed away, and my parents had him buried in the Harrison burying ground at Elk HU1. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 55 "Dem banjos b'longed to by-gone days When times an' chunes was rare, When we was gay as chilluns — 'cas We didn't have a care. But when we got our freedom, we Found projickin was done; Our livin' was to make — you see, An dat lef ' out de fun. We learned to vote, an' read, an' spell, We learned de taste ob tears. An' when you gets dat 'sponsible De banjo disappears." The Negro Estimate of Property. The good Mr. Samuel Laird, a most hberal supporter of Horeb church and the donor of a handsome parsonage, had a valuable negro named Uncle Manlius. In many ways the slaves were allowed oppor tunity to make "extra money." This was, among other means, found in the breaking of hemp, a crop universally raised in the Bluegrass country. When the hemp had ripened and had been cut and rotted (which meant that, from spreading on the ground and exposure to weather, the fibre had relaxed its hold upon the stalk) it was set up in shocks. After this came the breaking, which meant crumbling the stock to pieces and liberating the fibre. The task of the "hand" when breaking hemp was one hundred pounds, and for all broken, each day, in excess of that weight, the negro slave was allowed pay at the rate of one dollar per hundred-weight. And in those days we had no "reaper and thresher" to invade the grain fields, and, with humanized mechanism, cut and tie and thresh and sack the grain. The grain was cut by hand with cradles, and one often saw a score of "cradlers" following their " leader, " across a field. It was a beautiful sight, but it was expensive farming. This was an added means of earning "extra money." So, by utilizing all the opportunities that came to hand, Uncle Manhus accumulated enough money to "buy his freedom." He paid Mr. Laird an agreed sum, and was no longer a slave. One day, while fishing at the water dam of Hoffman's mill, Uncle Manlius fell in the water, and was well-nigh drowned. The next day he went to old Mr. Laird and said: "Marse Sam, ef it don' mek no diffunee to you I 'se gwine git you to gimme back my money en lemme keep on b 'longing' to you, kaze I done fin' out dat a nigger is mighty onsartin prop'ty, en I don' wan' own none. " 56 ACTIVE SERVICE A Negro's Tribute to Yankee Genius. Many years later, Governor Knott told of two negroes' surprise at the result of apphed electrical force. It was the first day that electric cars were started in LouisvUle, and my guest, Governor Knott, stood, a pleased observer, at the corner of Fourth and Green streets. Two negroes, with shovels on their shoulders, came along, and then stopped in amazement and fear. "Bob," said one, "what dat pullin' dat street car?" "Why, Jim," rephed the other, "you knows hit's a mule. Dey ain' nothin' but a mule kin puU a street car." "WeU, " said Jim, "whar's de mule? Now, Bob, I boun you ef it ain't some mo' of dem Yankee doin's. Fore God, Bob, dem Yankees sho is gret folks. Dey come down here in de war and freed de nigger, en now if dey ain' done gone en freed de mule." Reference has hitherto been made to the fidelity and companion ship of good Uncle Isaac Byrd, and now we come to bury him. The account of his burial is taken from the Courier- Journal of June 30, 1904. The Burial of The Former Slave, Isaac Byrd. General John B. Castleman and Mr. Breckinridge Castleman returned yesterday from Lexington, where they attended the funeral of Isaac Byrd, an old family servant, who died Friday night in his ninety-sixth year. The funeral was held in the First Baptist church, and the interment was in the family lot in Lex ington cemetery. General Castleman was greatly moved at the death of the old negro, to whom he was bound by the ties of affection that existed between the mas ter and the slave in Kentucky families. It was an unusual sight to see two men, each engrossed with private business and public duties, leave their affairs to go to another city to attend the funeral of a negro. And yet it is not without parallel, even in the Castleman family, for Isaac Byrd's mother and his sister are buried in the cemetery in St. Louis in the family lot of Judge Samuel Breckinridge, General Castleman's brother-in-law. The occurrence is simply an illustration of the relations existing between the family of a slave-holding Kentuckian and his blacks; kindness and justice on one hand being repaid with loyalty, honesty and affection on the part of the others. A true record of the life of Isaac Byrd would prove a liberal education to many who are seeking a solution of the race problem. Isaac Byrd was born at Elk Hill in 1808, two years after the birth of Mrs. Castleman, the mother of General Castleman. From his birth he belonged to Colonel Robert Harrison, General Castleman's grandfather. When Miss Virginia Harrison married David Castleman, Byrd was given to her to be her coachman, and lived at Castleton, now the beautiful stock farm of James R. Keene, of New York, and the residence of Major F. A. Daingerfield. During the Civil War he was loyal to his master, and, joining the Confederate Army, he fought with Price in Missouri. Since the war he had lived in or near Lexington, and was always polite, honest and faithful — a typical old-fashioned darkey. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 57 Uncle Awes. In the summer of 1892 my family was called to Lexington to attend the funeral of a dear relative. In the afternoon my daughter Elise, Dr. Preston Satterwhite and I drove out to the Castleton neigh borhood to visit an old friend who was named for my father. In re turning from our visit to my very iU friend, David Castleman Vance, we stopped on the Mt. Horeb Road, which runs along-side of a most beautiful Castleton woodland, which, in the olden time, was designated by my father as the "cow pasture." 'Twas the same woodland by whose pond Company D had bivouacked after the fight at Taylor's Cross Roads, just thirty years before. While we stood there, along came an elderly negro man whose face indicated intelligence and good association. Addressing myself to him, I said, "Uncle, do you live in this neighborhood?" When I spoke to him, the old darkey who walked with a hmp, halted and took from his shoulder a hickory cane, on the end of which hung a smaU bundle wrapped in a large plaid handkerchief. He removed the bundle, placed it on the grass, adjusted the cane near his feet, with both hands resting on the handle, and then, raising his head, rephed: "Yassir, I does, an I'se Uved here fur sev'nty-six years. My name is Awes, en dey calls me Uncle Awes." "Then, Uncle Awes, you probably know everybody here." "Yassir, I knows all of 'em what's wuth knowin', en a sight of dem what ain' wuth knowin.' Times, suh, is changed, en heaps of folks roun' here now is diffunt f'om what dey was befo' de war." To the question as to whom he belonged before the war, Uncle Awes rephed; "I use' ter b'long in slave time to Marse Shelton Moore. Den he live' over yonder on de Witherspoon place, whar Dr. Wilyum L. Breckinridge use' ter live, and whar Mis' Mary Moore Brent hves now, en Mis' Mary's husban', Major Brent, en he was kUT in de war wid Gin'l Morgan. En I knows in de ole times de Moores end de DaUams en de Kaisers en de Gorhams en de Brents end de Hughes en de Breckinridges en de Harrisons en de Castlemans en de Cromwells en de Atchisons en de RusseUs, en I knowed ev'rybody, en I'se kep' de run of a heap of 'em en of de chillun." Uncle Awes proceeded to teU of many of the younger generations, showing his unremitting interest. "Well, Uncle Awes, have you walked far?" "Well, suh, I'se walked today 'bout twelve mile. I'se jus' come from Paris. Kaze, suh, I heerd yistiddy dat Marse Charley Moore dun been put in jail kaze he print a scand'lous talk on Brother Sweeney; en Brother Sweeney dun had Marse Charley put in jail for what dey calls hbel. So I walked to Paris yistiddy, en went to de jail en tole Marse Charley 58 ACTIVE SERVICE I wan' help him; en Marse Charley cry, en I cry, en Marse Charley say: 'Dear Uncle Awes, you can' do nuthin' fer me, but I loves you fer comin.' So when I fin' I can' do no good, I come back." Charles C. Moore was then editor of the "Bluegrass Blade," and this editor's pen was sometimes merciless where his criticism was provoked. After Uncle Awes had entertainingly "reminisced" about the olden times, I pointed towards the residence of Castleton, and asked if he could tell me who, in the old days, hved there. The old man's face perceptibly brightened, and he rephed, with evident pleasure: "That, suh, is Castleton, en befo' de war Mr. David Castleman en Mis' Virginny Castleman use' ter live thar, en dat's whar ev'rybody, black en white, had a good time. En I druv Marse Shelton Moore's kerrige to de weddin' of de three young ladies. Mis' Virginny Cas tleman ain' no young 'oman, fer sartin, but all the same she come' back here twice a year, en aU de niggers goes to see Mis' Virginny, en she never fail to have some present fer every one of de ole-time suhvants." Uncle Awes was most enthusiastic when referring to my mother and father and to my sisters. So I ventured to ask concerning the boys of the family. "Well, suh, young Marse Robert got Mil', en he was de bes' of de boys." When I asked about the boy of my name, Uncle Awes surprised me and amused my guests, when he unhesitat ingly replied: "Now, don' talk 'bout dat boy, fer he was de wust boy dat ever was fetched up in dis here neighborhood." Upon asking for a bill of particulars I was somewhat comforted to find that my bad character and the indictment of Uncle Awes, were chiefly based on my mischievous habit of playing practical jokes, a sport in which I had indulged rather freely. Uncle Awes' "Marse Charley," C. C. Moore was a many sided man of ability and courage, with some peculiarities. He was in suc cession a scholar, a traveler, a Campbelhte preacher, an infidel and an editor. He was loyal to Uncle Awes, who, in turn, was devoted to his "Marse Charley." This further testifies to the relation of mutual affection between master and slave. At this writing, Uncle Awes has passed away, and my old friend, Charles C. Moore, when I recalled Uncle Awes' account of our meet ing near Castleton, feelingly referred to by the memory of the faithful servant, told me, with emotion, that Uncle Awes was dead, and that, with his own hands, he had made the coffin, dug the grave, and buried the devoted old slave. Thus did the master love the servant, and the master's trust in the slave is shown by the numberless instances of families and es tates being left in the charge of negroes, while the master, and some- JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 59 times all the male members of the family, fought in the Confederate Army. If this confidence was ever misplaced or the master's trust ever betrayed, the story has never been told. The young slaves were generally the playmates of the white children. The older negroes were the faithful, trusted and often highly trained servants of the master. The interests were mutual, and almost always contentment and happiness prevailed. 60 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XIV. THE STATE OF KENTUCKY. Not from the partial testimony of the writer, not from the tra ditional prejudice that "Kentucky is the best place outside of Heaven the good Lord ever made, " but from the facts of history it is stated that nowhere is found a land with a people more attractive or more loyal. A KentucMan is always a Kentuckian. Kentucky laws have often been defective, courts often faulty in administration of justice, statutes enacted and retained, which were designed to further local interests, have served to promote local violence. The isolation of the mountainous section of the state has had few paraUels. Peopled by Scotch and Irish, with traditional spirit of manliness and womanliness, in a country whose courts were often but a mockery, whose country was fringed by mountains of difficult passage, whose country was penetrated by no railroads, whose counties were subdivided to the prejudice of that degree of conservatism found most often in large populations. A country where politicians prompted multiplication of county governments for the increase of county officials. In such a section of Kentucky where the state had neglected to do its duty, self-reliance took the place of local government. Family and neighborhood affiliation was made necessary by the absence of the law's enforcements. And thus, from individual self-reliance, famUy protection and neighborhood fraternization, there came occasionaUy difficulties which were denominated "feuds. " And the writer knows, from long personal and official identification with these feuds, that to the non-enforcement of the law, to the faulty organization of local government and absence of judicial and official fairness, and not to the fault of the people of Eastern Kentucky, had originated the "feuds" which so long discredited Kentucky. Yet with aU the conditions which made, midst these good people, disorder inevitable, courtesy and hospitahty to strangers were invariable. As adjutant-general of the state in 1883 and after, I felt no hes itancy in going anywhere alone, representing the commonwealth and commissioned by Governor Knott to deal directly, in a spirit of fairness, with any trouble, no matter how serious. Thus, as an example, Andrew Johnson of Bell county had the fifth murder charge against him. The sheriff of Bell county — in 1886 — had asked for troops to compel Andrew Johnson, then supported by a strong, armed posse, to submit to the civU authority. Judge Finley was the presiding judge of the Judicial District. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 61 In an elective judiciary one too rarely finds judicial independence. The element represented by Andrew Johnson was an important part of Judge Finley 's electorate. Judge Finley protested to Governor Knott against sending troops to his district. The judge did not make a favorable impression on Governor Knott. Governor Knott author ized me to send any number of troops to Bell county that would compel respect for the civU authorities. Governor Knott always left to me absolute discretion. I had an intimate personal knowledge of the hospitality, the kind liness and the reasonableness of the character of the people of Eastern Kentucky. I left troops under orders at their posts, and went alone to Bell county. The nearest railroad station then was Woodbine, twenty- eight miles distant from PinevUle, the county seat. From there I rode with G. M. Adams on horseback. Adams was a fine character, an able man, a member of Congress. He was my friend, and begged me not to execute my purpose. I did not agree with Mat Adams, either in respect to any danger or impracticability. I would not even stop at the Democratic hotel (HosMns') with Adams. I went to the Repubhcan hotel (Bingham's) and, by Judge Finley 's invitation, shared Judge Finley 's room. Judge Finley complied with my request to put at my disposal some good citizen with general acquaintance, who would introduce me to everybody. He selected John Marsden. "Every one" was in town to attend "opening of court." John intro duced me to hundreds of people. Where they were obviously intelligent, I sought information concerning conditions that had induced twenty- two felony indictments in a county having a voting population of 1,100. In a few hours I had an accurate opinion of real conditions. Judge Dish man of Barbourville (an eminent lawyer and most agreeable man) and Judge Boyd were Andrew Johnson's attorneys. By the consent of Leander Johnson, I called at his house a conference of Andrew Johnson's two lawyers, of his two brothers, Leander and James, and of "Uncle Rice Johnson," the father. I explained, in a courteous and positive way, that the civil law must be enforced, that I disliked to compel by use of troops, and proposed first to persuade by appeal to reason. To this end I announced my purpose to go that afternoon to James Johnson's house, where I knew Andrew was quartered with his "backers." In four years' service as adjutant-general, and in twenty years ' experience in maintaining order in the state, I never asked others to share my responsibility. I considered carefully and — then acted. I announced that, while agreeing to the reasonableness, from Andrew's standpoint, of his "backers," yet I demanded, as a state official, that I must not see any organized resistance to civil authority. Andrew Johnson was civil but defiant, and surprised at my declaration that I 62 ACTIVE SERVICE never bore arms. I explained that I did not carry concealed and deadly weapons because it was unlawful. The next night Andrew Johnson returned with me to Pineville, and surrendered to the civil authorities. No one could have been more hospitable than were Mr. and Mrs. James Johnson. Memory carries me back to a story told by Lieutenant-colonel William Preston. His regiment — the Fourth Kentucky — had been mustered out after the close of the Mexican War in 1846. All sol diers had been furnished with rations and travel allowance. Colonel Preston stopped in New Orleans and heard that one of his good sol diers, Thomas Harp of Mason county, was in jail for fighting, charged with disorderly conduct. Colonel Preston went to the jail to ascertain if he could serve his comrade. Harp explained that he could not understand why he should have been arrested, that he was on the levee, that he had a dispute with draymen, and picked up a dray pin and knocked five men down, and merely for that he had been arrested. "Well," said Colonel Preston, "what can I do for you, Harp?" The answer of his belligerent comrade was: "Colonel Preston, all I ask is to get out, so I can go back to Kentucky and fight in peace." I quote his eulogy on "Kentucky" from my friend and gifted fel low citizen, Judge James H. Mulligan: "In Kentucky deeds of violence are all too numerous, still the sharp crack of the rifle accentuates the mistaken spirit of independence, seeking individually to redress a real or fancied wrong; these tell the story of a people driven to desper ation by monoply entrenched behind subsidized legislation and placated courts with their cant of patience and jargon of vested rights. It was this spirit which assembled the first public convention that ever as sembled in all the immeasurable vast empire stretching from the Allegheny Moun tains to the blue waters of the Pacific, that same convention from which Clark took his credentials as a delegate to Virginia, disappointed and angry that he was so sent, rather than as the representative of an independent people, as he held the Kentuckians to be; this spirit which fought the disastrous battle of the Blue Licks, that gave the first newspaper, the first novel to the now mighty west, that dic tated the Resolutions of 1798, that manned the cotton bales at New Orleans, that gave more than ninety Kentucky governors to twenty-five other states, with senators and congressmen innumerable. Like a giant aroused by the stinging onrush of the time Kentucky gave Lincoln to the North and Davis to the South, all to end by taking a conspicuous part in a long and bitter contest and to furnish to both sides of the conflict more than her full quota of her sons. And so, as tragedy is inseparably linked with romance, Kentucky is passing rich in inspiring memories and ennobling traditions. Her children carry in their veins the provincialism, the rash impetuosity of the Shannon and the Clyde, the romantic disposition, the poetic instinct, the sentimentality, the spirit of clanship, the generosity that lingers amid the heather on Ben Lomond, that floats sweetly in the mists over the green hills of Ulster." JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 63 Breckinridge Castleman in his address on "Democracy and Ser vice" at Lexington in 1911, said: "The Kentuckian, of all peoples, is the most indigenous that grows. Put him where you will — in the uttermost parts of the earth — and he bids defiance to the influence of alien environment. He cannot be transplanted except in blue- grass soil, and he does not amalgamate but with his kind. If this makes for pro vincialism, it also makes for distinction of type." Kentucky from its admission to the Union of states has been at fault in not being positive in state matters, and in being injudicious in its law's enforcement. Even when came the trying period of determination of the state's attitude in the War between the States, Kentucky was lacking in positive declaration, and resorted to the untenable and not creditable position of "Armed Neutrality." Thus were Kentucky's sons without guidance, and again was their accustomed and obligatory habit of individual action and self-reliance superinduced by a state for which they had loyal affection, but which state had actually compelled the worst Ulustration of Civil War. Thus, in exercise of individual judg ment, households were divided, and in many instances both the Con federate Army and the United States Army had representatives from the same family. Kentucky furnished the heads of both governments in the War between the States. Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis were both Kentuckians. Both were of great ability, but of very different temperaments. Both had served their country in army and in political life. Davis was impetuous and dictatorial, but was brave and loyal to duty. 'Twas Colonel Jefferson Davis of the United States Army, commanding a regiment of Mississippians in the battle of Buena Vista, whose courage and ability saved the United States Army from disastrous defeat. 'Twas Colonel Jefferson Davis who, on that field seriously wounded, refused to leave his command, and drove the exulting and overwhelming Mexicans back and rescued General Taylor's wavering troops and brought victory to United States arms. Abraham Lincoln was tolerant and tactful, and unflinching. It is of small public interest that the writer owes his life to this great man. This will be mentioned further on, and is of no importance other than as exemplification of the greatness of Lincoln in dealing always with the smallest detail which involved the welfare of individ uals, even midst tremendous public responsibilities. Thus did the God-like man brush aside for a moment great public duties and hsten to Mrs. Lurton's story of her young son, Horace, who serving in Morgan's Cavalry, was captured at Buffington's Island, sent to Johnson's Island as a prisoner, and then ill with fever, the 64 ACTIVE SERVICE mother asked that she might carry her boy home to be nursed or to die. Abraham Lincoln, with moistened eye, wrote, "Give this good woman her son." That son was a brave boy in the Confederate Army, and is today an able Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. I am privileged to quote Henry Watterson's magnificent tribute to Lincoln, May 31, 1909, at Hodgenville, Kentucky, at unveiling of Lincoln statue in his native county of Larue. Henry Watterson's Address. "If the wise and good men who made the republic, and the brave and hapless men who fell on both sides in the War of Sections could have survived to this day, they would feel that they have not lived in vain; they would realize that they builded wiser than they knew; beholding a reason for their sacrifices and travail, in the fusion of a huddle of petty sovereignties held together by a rope of sand, into an empire as splendid and as solid as England, and a world power strong enough to stand against the universe." Mr. Watterson sketches the founders of the republic, and the conditions which had provoked the conflict of sections, evolving Abra ham Lincoln out of the primitive elements of American life and thought. Then he continued substantiaUy as follows: "We are assembled today near the spot where Abraham Lincoln was born, to dedicate a memorial in his honor. This memorial is a tribute from the state of nativity. It is a fitting tribute, for it comes ungrudgingly. The men composing a majority of the official body which ordained it called themselves Democrats. He was a partisan Republican. The Republican party and the Democratic party yet abide. They face each other sometimes in angry and always in spirited controversy. How comes it that Democrats find inspira tion in the name of that Republican, who, more than all others, gave life and per petuity to the Republican party, and gather lovingly about the site of the cabin in which he first saw the fight, to join their Republican fellow-citizens in heartfelt homage? The answer to this question discloses a national asset and constitutes a blessed heritage. It is that, underlying the thought of the people, party is second to country; that party lines are not lines of battle, separating hostile armies, but divisions of sentiment and opinion touching exigencies which are constantly shifting; that there is usually a certain amount of truth and error on both sides of our popular contentions; that we strive in the ultimate equation to reach the least objectionable of the sum totals; that, in short, disputing among ourselves as partisans at home, we are instantly ready, when pressure comes from abroad, to unite as Americans; and that, after election, the fight being over, its passions are laid under the genial influence of a political system organically resting upon public opinion and party responsibility. Born, as lowly as the Son of God, in a hovel; reared in penury, squalor, with no gleam of light or fair surrounding; without graces actual or acquired; without Jefferson Davis JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 65 name or fame or official training; it was reserved for this strange being, late in life, to be snatched from obscurity, raised to supreme command at a supreme moment and intrusted with the destiny of a nation. The great leaders of his party, the most experienced and accomplished men of the day, were made to stand aside; were sent to the rear, whilst this fantastic figure was led by unseen hands to the front and given the reins of power. It is immaterial whether we are for him or against him; wholly immaterial. That during four years, carrying with him such a weight of responsibility as the world never witnessed before, he filled the vast space allotted him in the eyes and actions of mankind, is to say that he was inspired of God, for nowhere else could he have acquired the wisdom and the virtue. Where did Shakespeare get his genius? Where did Mozart get his music? Whose hand smote the lyre of the Scottish plowman, and stayed the hfe of the German priest? God, God, and God alone; and as surely as these were raised up by God, inspired by God was Abraham Lincoln; and a thousand years hence, no drama, no tragedy, no epic poem will be filled with greater wonder, or be followed by mankind with deeper feeling than that which tells the story of his hfe and death." I am sure that the tribute to a fallen and beloved leader, uttered by the adjutant-general on the staff of General Simon Bolivar Buckner, and then great as Bishop of Louisiana, would not be inserted here were it not only a very beautiful but a very just tribute. I am sure that this eloquent speech would not here be preceded by the Bishop's comrade and fellow staff officer, Colonel Robert W. Wooley's letter, if that letter were not in itself an eloquent tribute to the great chieftain, and a just expression of admiration and affection for this friend and comrade, then become "the foremost champion of the church militant." GaUeher and Wooley have both passed away as these words are penned, and their going left vacancies in the ranks of the BriUiant that few men could ever fill. Colonel R. W. Wooley wrote of the beautiful tribute found in Bishop Galleher's eloquent words at Jefferson Davis' funeral: "The body of the great chief of the Confederacy lay in state in the lofty hall of the city of New Orleans, guarded by thousands of people to keep it from the claims of other states that demanded the honor of holding the sacred remains. Thousands of men and women came to the street and beautiful park in front to render tokens of respect by their presence and grief. Not a word was uttered. Quiet reigned supreme as on a Sabbath evening, and as pure. In that sorrowing crowd was the soldier who had bent his sword into the shepherd's crook, and had become the foremost champion of the church militant. Silence was gently broken, and the blessing of the good bishop was asked to be offered over the body of the illustrious dead. Slowly mounting the grand steps of the towering portico, the soldier-minister of heaven spoke to the stricken people the words I now send to you." 66 ACTIVE SERVICE The Bishop of Louisiana spoke: "The end of a long and lofty life has come; and a moving volume of human history has been closed and clasped. The strange and sudden dignity of death has been added to the fine and resolute dignity of living. A man who, in his person and in history, symbolized the solemn convictions and tragic fortunes of millions of men, cannot pass into the glooms that gather around a grave without sign or token from the surcharged bosoms of those he leaves behind, and when Jefferson Davis, reaching 'the very seamark of his utmost sail,' goes to his God, not even the most ignoble can chide the majestic mourning, the sorrowing honors of a last salute. I am not here to stir, by a breath, the embers of a settled strife, to speak one word unworthy of him and of the hour. What is writ is writ in the world's mem ory and in the books of God. But I am here to say for our help and inspiration that this man, as a Christian and as a churchman, was a lover of all high and right eous things; as a citizen, was fashioned in the old, faithful type; as a soldier, was marked and fitted for more than fame, the Lord God having set on him the seal of a pure knighthood; as a statesman, he was the peer of the princes in that realm; as a patriot, through every day of his illustrious life was an incorruptible and im passioned defender of the liberties of men. Gracious and gentle, even to the lowliest — nay, especially to them — tender as he was brave, he deserved to win all the love that followed. Fearless and unselfish, he could not well escape the lifelong conflicts to which he was committed. Greatly and strangely misconceived, he bore injustice with the calmness befitting his place. He suffered many and grievous wrongs, suffered most for the sake of others, and these others will remember him and his unflinch ing fidelity with deepening gratitude, while the Potomac seeks the Chesapeake, or the Mississippi sweeps by Briarfield on its way to the Mexican Sea. When on the December midnight the worn warrior joined the ranks of the patient and prevailing ones, who Loved their land, with love far brought if one of the mighty dead gave the challenge: "Art thou of us?" He answered: "I am here." ' " More eloquent than many have spoken is the tribute to both Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis by the Honorable George Baber, in Washington, AprU 7, 1907. Mr. Baber said: "Discarding all partisan or sectional sentiment and contemplating the emi nent relation borne by these illustrious sons of Kentucky to the most gigantic struggle of modern centuries, I am free to say that the impartial historian will, in all coming time, assign to them the most exalted places in the annals of the world's greatest epoch. Their names, though leading opposing forces in civil strife, shall be held always in patriotic reverence by the united American people everywhere." By now going back for a time in the history of Kentucky and Kentuckians, let us recall that in 1778 Kentuckians under George Rogers Clarke drove the Indians and the EngUsh from what are now JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 67 the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and ex tended the boundaries of our country to the Mississippi and to the Great Lakes. Kentucky furnished more than one-third the troops that for the United States fought the War of 1812. Kentucky alone fought and won the Battle of the Thames. Kentucky furnished and mounted Colonel Richard M. Johnson's regiment of cavalry in May, 1813, and in answer to the caU of Governor Isaac Shelby, issued July 31, 1813, furnished August 31, 1813, ten regiments of cavalry, assembled by companies in their respective counties, and rendezvousing at New port, Kentucky, after marching from seventy-two to two hundred miles. And not only this, but these ten regiments furnished their own horses and equipment and arms, bringing rifles where they had rifles, or tomahawks where they had only tomahawks, and it may be correctly said that no volunteers in the army of any country have exemplified so much heroism as did these ten regiments of mounted men who answered the summons of Kentucky within thirty days, ready, with equipment utterly inadequate to demohsh the Indians and to drive the British from the country. Kentucky supphed the volunteers which aided Perry to win the great naval victory of Lake Erie. Kentucky gave to the world Foster, with a musical literature superior to any, creating an atmosphere of simple melody having none to equal. A inusic not of the negro, but coming from environment that made possible: "My Old Kentucky Home," "Old Black Joe," "Come Where My Love Lies Dreaming," "Old Folks at Home," "Nellie Bly," "Massa's in de Cold, Cold Groun." Foster's music breathes a pathos and a charm unsurpassed in aU the music world. Kentucky furnished to the world the greatest surgeon of his time, Ephraim McDoweU, "the father of ovariotomy." Kentucky gave John J. Audubon, the greatest ornithologist who ever lived. Kentucky supphed to the world, through John Fitch, the first steamboats. Kentucky contributed Theodore O'Hara, author of "The Bivouac of the Dead," and in authorship of prose and of poem stands in front with men and women of letters, with orators, soldiers, editors and statesmen. The Kentucky Mounted Gun Men and the Sabine War. By Treaty in 1831, negotiated by Henry Clay, the Sabine River was estabhshed as boundary between Mexico, on the Texas border, and the United States. 68 ACTIVE SERVICE Jackson in 1835 endeavored and faded to acquire by purchase the territories of Texas and California. A large number of Americans settled in Texas and were anxious for annexation. The anti-slave holding states on the one hand — in resentment of what they con sidered a purpose to estabhsh another slave state — and the Mexican Government on the other hand— in resentment of disloyal manipula tion — greatly exasperated these American colonists and they organized in 1835 under Sam Houston and established a provisional government at Austin. It is thought to be true that after falling to obtain Texas and California by purchase, Jackson encouraged on part of the colonists such agitation and resistance to Mexican authority as would — and did — lead ten years afterwards to open rupture with Mexico. The massacre of the Alamo occurred — the battle of San Jacinto foUowed. On January 23, 1836, Lewis Cass, secretary of war, issued the foUowing instructions to Major-general Gaines:"War Department, Jan. 23, 1836. Brevet Major-general Edmund P. Gaines, Memphis, Tenn. Sir: I am instructed by the President to request that you would repair to some proper position near the Western Frontier of the state of Louisiana, and there assume the personal command of all the troops of the United States who are or may be employed in any part of the region adjoining the Mexican boundary. It is not the object of this order to change at all the relations between yourself and the mili tary department under your command, but to require your personal presence at a point where public considerations demand the exercise of great discretion and experience. An order will be issued without delay to the Sixth Regiment to pro ceed to Fort Jessup, and this force together with all the troops in the Western part of Louisiana and in the country West of the Mississippi and South of the Missouri Rivers, will be employed, as occasion may require, in carrying into effect the instructions herein communicated to you. The state of affairs in Texas calls for immediate measures on the part of the Government. It is the duty of the United States to remain entirely neutral, and to cause their neutrality to be respected. It is possible that the course of oper ations may induce one or the other of the contending parties to approach the boundary line with the view to cross it in arms. Should you find that the case, you will give notice to the persons having the direction, that they will not be per mitted to cross into the territory of the United States, and if they attempt to do so by force you will resist them with the means at your disposal. The Thirty-third Article of the treaty with Mexico requires both the con tracting parties to prevent 'by force, all hostilities and incursions on the part of the Indian nations hving within their respective boundaries, so that the United JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 69 States of America wiU not suffer their Indians to attack the citizens of the Mexican States,' etc. The provisions of this Article you wfll cause to be faithfully enforced, and the various Indian agents and the officers of the Indian department in that region will be required to furnish you any information in their power in relation to this matter, and to carry into effect any instructions you may give. You will make known to the various Indian tribes inhabiting that part of the United States the determination of the government to prevent any hostile incursions into Texas, and you will call upon the chiefs to inculcate upon all their people the necessity of carefully abstaining from any violation of the above mentioned engagement, and you will not hesitate to use the force at your disposal for the purpose of pre venting any such designs. Should you be called upon by the civil authority for any aid towards enforc ing the laws having relation to the neutral duties of the United States, you will render such assistance as the laws prescribe. You are requested to communicate freely with the district attorneys of both districts of Louisiana on all points of law connected with the execution of these instructions, and those officers will be desired to give you their opinion. I will thank you to keep us advised of any occurrences in that quarter which it may be important for the Government to know. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, (Signed) Lewis Cass, Secretary of War." Secretary Cass supplemented on May 4th, 1836, with the fol lowing instruction to General Gaines: "War Department, Washington, May 4, 1836. Major-general E. P. Gaines, Fort Jessup, Louisiana. Sir: I have received your letter of the 8th ultimo, and in answer have to inform you that the President will sanction the employment of whatever force may be necessary to protect the Western Frontier of the United States from hostile incursions. This department has addressed the governors of the states of Louisi ana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky and Alabama, requesting them to call into service such militia force as you may find necessary in carrying into effect the instructions heretofore given you. The theatre of operations is so distant from the seat of government that much must be entrusted to your discretion. The two great objects you have to attain, are first, the protection of the frontiers; secondly, as strict a performance of the neutral duties of the United States as the great object of self-defence will permit. You will take care and do no act which can give just cause of offense to any other government, and on the other hand you will not permit the frontiers to be invaded by any forces whatever. I have to request that the militia you may call may not be more numerous than the exigen cies shall seem to require. They ought to be called into service for six months 70 ACTIVE SERVICE if practicable, to be disbanded whenever not wanted, and you will take care that all due economy is preserved as well in your disbursements as in the preservation and accountability of the public property. It is very necessary that you should communicate freely to the commanding officers of any military parties who may approach the frontiers and inform them of that while you have been ordered to that quarter with a view to the execution of the neutral obligations of the United States, you have also been instructed that this duty will be executed under any circumstances that may happen. You will also remonstrate against the employment of any of the Indians. Although the dictates of humanity forbid the use of this species of force which cannot be restrained yet the right of the United States to remonstrate against service rests upon other grounds. From the habits and disposition of the Indians it is well known that the power of employing them cannot restrain them within the legitimate rules of warfare. If they approach the frontiers they will pay no regard to a mere imaginary line but will carry on their depredations and massacres wherever inhabitants can be found and where there is no force to oppose them. It is altogether idle to expect that in such a state of things the frontier settlements of the United States would not be exposed to these calamities. Whoever calls the Indians into service and induces them to approach our border cannot but be aware of the consequences that must ensue. All this you will represent to the proper officers and you will use your best exertions to keep such a force from march ing towards your position, and if they do so, to repel and disperse it. Very respectfully, etc. (Signed) Lewis Cass, Secretary of War." On the same date Secretary Cass addressed the foUowing com munication to the Honorable J. T. Morehead, governor of Kentucky: "War Department, Washington, May 4, 1836. His Excellency J. T. Morehead, Acting Governor of Kentucky, Frankfort, Ky. Sir: I am instructed by the President to request that Your Excellency will call into service of the United States such number of militia, as may be required by General Gaines to whom has been entrusted the command of the forces for the protection of the Southwestern frontier to serve not less than three months after their arrival at their place of rendezvous unless sooner discharged. Very respectfully, etc. (Signed) L. Cass, Secretary of War." On June 28, 1836, General Gaines made requisition on the state of Kentucky for one regiment of mounted men, and this req uisition was promptly . honored and ten companies were mustered into service August 17, 1836. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 71 Quiet was restored on the frontier and this regiment, .known as the "Kentucky Mounted Gun Men," was mustered out of service September 18th following. Leshe Combs was colonel, Thomas A. Russell was lieutenant- colonel, George Boswell was major. The ten companies were com manded by and mustered in as foUows: Captain George B. Crittenden's Company at Frankfort. Captain Humphrey Marshall's Company at Louisville. Captain George C. Dunlap's Company at Versailles. Captain Henry Crawford's Company at Shelbyville. Captain Edwin Carter's Company at Lexington. Captain John E. Walker's Company at Westport. Captain F. S. Coleman's Company at Cynthiana. Captain William Jenkins' Company at Richmond. Captain Silas F. Hunt's Company at New Castle. Captain Burr H. May's Company at Port WUUam. The foUowing certifies from J. M. Bullock, secretary of state, and G. Croghan, inspector general, appear on each of the muster roUs. "Department of State, Secretary's Office, Frankfort, May 2, 1837. I, James M. Bullock, secretary of state of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, do hereby certify that the officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates enrolled upon this roll were called into service and their services accepted by the late executive of this state during the summer of 1836 under a requisition from Major-general Gaines of date 28 June, 1836. In testimony whereof I have here unto set my hand and caused the seal of my said office to be affixed at Frankfort on the second day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand and eight hundred and thirty-seven and in the forty-fifth year of the commonwealth. J. M. Bullock, Secretary of State. The officers, non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates enumerated upon this roll are embraced within the provisions of the Third Section of the Act of Congress of March 1st, 1837, making appropriation for the support of the army for the year 1837, they having been called into service and their service accepted by the late executive of the state of Kentucky during the summer of 1836 under a requisition from Major-general Gaines of date the 28th June, 1836. G. Croghan, Frankfort, 2nd May, 1837. Inspector General." The disturbance which induced the orders to General Gaines seems to have been designated The Sabine War. Under Act of Con gress approved March 2nd, 1837, "One month's pay with all allow ances which they would have been entitled to if they had been in actual service" was allowed and paid. Following the Act of Congress making provision for payment of these troops for service: 72 ACTIVE SERVICE "An Act making appropriations for the support of the army for the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the following sums be, and the same are hereby, appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the treasury not other wise appropriated for the support of the army, during the year one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven; that is to say: Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That the secretary of war be and he hereby is directed to cause to be paid to the volunteers and militia of Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, including the companies in Mississippi, mustered into the service, who were duly called into service, and whose service was accepted by the executive of the state respectively during the summer of the year one thousand and eight hundred and thirty-six, under requisitions from the secretary of war or from generals commanding the troops of the United States, and who were discharged before marching, the amount of one month's pay, with all the allowances to which they would have been entitled if they had been in ac tual service during the period of one month; that the same be paid out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated. Approved March 2, 1837." In some way there has been omitted from all histories any men tion of the events and organizations here related. Men who do service for their country are entitled to recognition. Many of the volunteers who enlisted under the requisition made by the president on the state of Kentucky, became greatly distinguished in after hfe. A number of these had already served in the War of 1812, and among the private soldiers who were afterwards officers of renown in the Mexican War and in the War between the States, the officer and the private who offered his life for his country, deserves to be known to his countrymen — ¦ General Simon Bolivar Buckner. In June, 1860, a great KentucMan — a great citizen of the coun try — a man who had served with distinction in the Mexican War, a man who afterwards became lieutenant-general in the Confederate States Army, and in 1887 governor of Kentucky, Simon Bohvar Buck ner, was then what the statutes of the state of Kentucky designated "adjutant and inspector-general." As such officer he reviewed the State Guard organizations near Lexington, where then was the Fair Grounds, and where now is the State University. General Buckner was a superb horseman. He rode a beautiful chestnut Denmark horse loaned him by Mr. WUham A. Dudley, and no boy who was that day privileged to see that reviewing and inspecting officer ever forgot the appearance and the magnetic influence of General Buckner. General Simon Bolivar Buckner Captain John H. Morgan JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 73 Chapter XV. LOCAL MILITARY COMPANIES AT LEXINGTON. In Lexington we had two local military companies commanded by brothers-in-law, one by Captain John H. Morgan, known as the "Lexington Rifles," and one by Captain Sanders D. Bruce and caUed the "Lexington Chasseurs." Both companies were composed of representative young men; both were weU drilled and efflcient and had had a good deal of military training, especiaUy in tactics. At the inception of the war these companies divided in govern mental allegiance. Captain Morgan went to the Confederate Army, f oUowed by most of the Lexington Rifles and by many of the Lexington Chasseurs, and Morgan became one of the most distinguished cavalry leaders of the war. Captain Bruce went with the United States Army, and was f oUowed by many of the Lexington Chasseurs. Bruce became a colonel of infantry and commanded a brigade with credit. Many of both companies became officers in either army. Two boys, members of the Lexington Chasseurs, who were faithful and ambitious, were made corporals in the Chasseurs after two years' service. One was Thomas J. Bush, who served in the war as aide-de camp with rank of captain on the staff of General Don Carlos BueU, the other corporal went into the Confederate Army and is the writer of this narrative. My material interests were chiefly in Arkansas and there I went to so arrange affairs as to give my hfe to the Confederate cause. Coming back to Bowhng Green I was sworn into service by General John C. Breckinridge, and under his advice returned to Lex ington to raise a company for Captain John H. Morgan's Squadron. I stopped two days as the guest of the Second Infantry, com manded by Colonel Roger W. Hanson, and camped near Munfordville. The ready tact, the thoroughness of this great officer greatly impressed me. His personal knowledge and direction of every detail influenced my whole after hfe. General Simon BoUvar Buckner — while governor of Kentucky, and when young Simon Bolivar was a baby — said to me: ' 'Castleman, you and Roger Hanson are the only men I ever knew that personally saw to every detaU. " Passing through the hnes of the contending armies I returned to Fayette county to raise the cavalry company. One by one recruits were quietly enlisted, recruits whose fidelity and prudence were so posi tive as to justify me in fixing a date for assembly at my mother 's residence, then two miles from Lexington on the Newtown Pike, and almost in sight of a strong force of United States troops. 74 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XVI. GETTING AWAY TO WAR. Everyone was punctual. There were forty-one present. Eleven o'clock at night was the hour for the rendezvous. The boys were weU armed. We had each a minnie rifle and a brace of revolvers, and plenty of ammunition. The minnie rifles were those formerly used by the Lexington Chasseurs. They were taken, "without permission," by my brother, Humphreys and myself, and quietly stored in my mother's house for the use of my comrades. Mr. Thomas Bradley, of Lexington, was most generous in contributing to our armory. My good mother had for each of us a haversack, and plentifully filled by her own hands, aided by perfectly rehable, loyal negro servants, although the servants were not advised of the uses destined in this preparation. But two miles distant from our rendezvous there was at Lexing ton a strong garrison of United States Troops. The chances were that in some way we might be reported. This apprehension induced the thought as to what we might best do in case of attack. There were four alternatives carefully considered. One was to fight from what was then a deep cut which commenced near the Erdman branch, a quarter of a mile towards Lexington, and extended towards my mother's res idence and opposite the present residence of Dr. Norwood. Another, to quietly go out to the Georgetown Turnpike through the Sutton Farm (now leased by August Belmont and known as the "Nursery Stud"). The third was to escape through the McGrathiana farm and to come out to the Newtown Turnpike through William McCrack- en's farm. The fourth was to go boldly out of my mother's front gate, fight with our carefully instructed rear guard, and ' 'trust in the Lord. " We discussed together quickly, the whole situation. To avoid confusion in case of emergency every individual understood in advance as to all details and contingencies and this pohcy was agreed to in respect to future service. We threw out a chain of pickets two hun dred feet apart towards the beginning of the above described cut so that alarm might be quickly passed. It was just at midnight when word came along the picket hne that the tread of cavalry was heard approaching from Lexington. The reserve was quickly assembled. The horses were in charge of number two of each set of fours. The course wisest for us to pursue was debated. My good mother was with us. At the sound of her JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 75 gentle voice there was instant silence, as she said: "Boys, your going has greatly distressed me, but 'tis your duty and I have been glad to aid you. Now there has already come your first terrible trial, you should not allow a Uve Yankee to come through yonder cut." The suggestion from this self-possessed brave woman was accepted as an order. Obedience to such a command was instantaneous. The reserve quickly moved and took up the hne of pickets. Horses were taken to a nearby shelter previously agreed upon. There were thirty of us left on foot. We quietly formed by files on the "left into hne" each to a panel of post and rail fence, the commander taking the first panel. The panel were eight feet. No shot was to be fired untU opened on the left of the hne. Fortunately for us the enemy halted a quarter of a mile away and returned towards Lexington. We found afterwards that it was the mounted guard posting rehef. The foUowing expressions come from one of the best of Con federate soldiers, Honorable Cabell B. Bullock. "Lexington, Kentucky, Jan. 11, 1914. In regard to that very interesting incident connected with the history of a band of young men who afterwards were members of Company D, Second Regi ment of Kentucky Volunteer Cavalry, C. S. A. of which regiment John H. Morgan was the first colonel. The rendezvous by my boyhood friend and kinsman, John Breckinridge Castleman, at his mother's home, almost in sight of the Federal garrison at Lex ington numbering about 3,000 men. I think it deserves much more notice than it has received. General Basil W. Duke in his history of 'Morgan's Cavalry' alludes to it when he says: 'John B. Castleman, who had just come out of Ken tucky (fighting as he came) with a number of recruits, was made captain of Com pany D,' but I am sure that some particular account of the work done by Castle man in recruiting these men, selecting the men in whom he could confide, having them assemble at his mother's home, less than two miles from Lexington with its garrison of Federal soldiers, the enlistment of these gallant young men in Morgan's Cavalry regiment, would not only be interesting, but would be a most valuable contribution to the history of the 'War between the States,' and, more especially, would be important contribution to the local history of Fayette county, and of the boys of the Bluegrass who fought as Confederate soldiers during the days of 1861-1865. At the time I first heard of the brilliant achievement of my boyhood friend and kinsman — then not yet twenty-one years of age — I could scarcely believe it to be entirely true. It required so much prudence, so much dash, so much knowl edge of human nature in order to decide as to whom the organizer of such an ex pedition could trust with his secret, such a cool, wise head, such a stout heart; but it was an achievement conceived and executed most successfully by this young man, with the co-operation of a band of the choice young men of the Bluegrass section of Kentucky." 76 ACTIVE SERVICE We left our rendezvous at 1:30 a. m. and quietly moved out Newtown Turnpike to a sequestered and pre-seleeted spot only eight mUes from Lexington on the farm of Andy Carroll, than whom a braver or more faithful man never lived. The next night, after all that neighborhood was asleep, we took up our hne of march to Mt. Sterhng, representing to each awakened toll-gate keeper that we were United States Cavalry, thus preventing any comment. Before the night had ended we were the guests of Mr. George Hamilton, near Mt. Sterling, screened from observation in a quiet spot on the farm of a host whose great courtesy none of us ever forgot. We avoided Paris and Mt. Sterhng. We passed on the Flat Rock Road and through private roads and farms where prudence demanded. We left Paris to our right and intersected the Flat Rock Road just beyond Paris on the road leading to Mt. Sterhng, and crossing the Maysville and Paris Road, I think 'twas about two mUes from Paris, finaUy reached the home of our good host who lived on the Owings- viUe Road, about eight miles from Mt. SterUng. We were expected and cared for. We rode this first night about forty miles. Mr. Hamil ton led us across early that afternoon to the road leading from Mt. Sterhng to Jackson. We rode before dayhght of the foUowing morn ing to Jackson, distant from Mr. Hamilton's about seventy-five miles. We were safe and rested during the day and night, then taking up our march next day we traversed the counties in Eastern Kentucky on to the Big Stone Gap and in to Virginia. Jackson In Breathitt County. It was remarkable that in the county of Breathitt my young comrades found their first immunity from danger in 1862, and that in 1878 I should have been called on to suppress, in Breathitt county, the first organized "feud" endangering the peace of the common wealth. McCreary was governor of Kentucky. Sixty men, many of these afterwards distinguished, were sent on three months' active winter service to Jackson. The governor had the indefensible notion that the inexperienced soldier should cook, and by his lack of knowing how endanger the health of others. None knew anything about the culinary art except Sergeant Dr. Ap. Morgan Vance of Company D, Louisville Legion. Vance diminished my apprehension by volunteering to do the cooking for the sixty soldiers and saved the boys' Uves from the menace de manded by the governor's order. Vance gave the boys good food instead of medicine, and while serving as "cook" was commissioned regimental surgeon with rank of major but continued to be cook to the end of the campaign. Vance has since become a great surgeon. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 77 We afterwards passed by the Chnch River on to Bristol, Tenn. We journeyed to KnoxviUe and reported to General E. Kir by Smith, to whom we were able to give detail information that the general admitted was of value in his subsequent move into Kentucky. We were authorized by General Smith to report to Captain John H. Morgan at Chattanooga. We were superbly mounted on Denmark horses, every one of which had stood the march of about four hundred miles in ten days without the slightest detriment. Their condition ehcited the most enthusiastic commendation of Captain Morgan, and of Lieu tenant Basil W. Duke. The same horses made the July raid back into Kentucky two months afterwards, marching continuously for six hundred mUes. My mother asked, when we rendezvoused under her roof, that we should respect her wish to leave Humphreys, her next youngest son, and George, a boy of thirteen, for the time being with her. The good mother expressed a purpose to send Humphreys a little later and George too, if the war continued, and when he grew large enough to carry an army rifle. That morning at four o'clock, being about two and a half hours after the company took up its perilous march, these two boys took seven surplus minnie rifles, and their accoutrements and ammunition, packed them in a "top buggy" and drove to the residence of Dr. Gris- som, who lived near the smaU Indian fort, back of Cabell's Dale. The Grissoms were prudent and very reliable people and took charge of these contraband of war. 78 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XVII. MY MOTHER'S RESIDENCE SURROUNDED BY U. S. TROOPS. After the rendezvous the following night about one o'clock my mother's residence was surrounded, entered and searched by a detach ment of two hundred United States Infantry from Warner's regiment, and commanded by Captain H. K. Milward. My mother, with charac teristic fortitude, offered Captain Milward every facihty for the per formance of a duty obviously not pleasant to him. The captain advised that he was reluctant to arrest Humphreys, but he had to do this. My mother quietly replied: "Captain Milward, you should have come last night, but your command should have been larger. My son John and his comrades would have greeted you." Humphreys was sent to Johnson's Island as a pohtieal prisoner, was enlisted in the Confederate service by Lieutenant-colonel More- head, of Mississippi, answered to a dead soldier prisoner's name, was exchanged and served in Morgan's Cavalry until the close of the war, and was a member of the selected "Advance Guard." These boys, Humphreys Castleman and George A. Castleman, are long since dead. Humphreys Castleman George Alfred Castleman JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 79 Chapter XVIII. WITH MORGAN AND HIS MEN. When we reported to Captain Morgan at Chattanooga, we were designated Company D, being the fourth company that Morgan com manded. Companies A, B and C represented what to that time, was known as Morgan's Squadron, and had won distinction under Morgan and Duke at Corinth, and afterwards had been cut to pieces at Lebanon. At Chattanooga Company "D" was strengthened by the enlist ment of some extraordinary men, among others, Thomas H. Hines, of whom much wUl be said hereafter. This private soldier was afterwards Chief Justice of Kentucky. His younger brother, James M. Hines — an unusual soldier — afterwards in civU life a gifted lawyer and father of Walker D. Hines, who at the time of writing this narrative is one of the greatest railroad lawyers of the country; PhU. B. Thompson, several times a member of Congress from Kentucky, and his twin brother, John B. Thompson, one of the most distinguished citizens of the commonwealth, P. Booker Reed, subsequently mayor of Louis- vUle; and a number of others no less conspicuously brave as soldiers iior distinguished as citizens. It was such men that made up the rank and file of the Confederate Army. Captain John H. Morgan had for distinguished services in the battle of Corinth, been commissioned to raise a regiment of cavalry. With John H. Morgan as Colonel, and Adjutant Basil W. Duke as Lieutenant-colonel the Second Kentucky Cavalry was organized, and together with auxiliaries giving him a total of about eight hundred men, early in July, 1862, Morgan marched on what was known as the "First Kentucky Raid." General BasU W. Duke, in his beautifully written and thrilling history of Morgan's Cavalry, recounted the experiences of this raid. I shall repeat none of those in this narrative, nor write of the events delineated by that gifted writer and remarkable soldier, except where such events relate particularly to Company D, or where they supply the unfortunate omissions of my own unwritten official reports. It may be mentioned here that in a subsequent war, profiting by the recollection of forgotten verbal reports, the writer never failed to make formal official written reports, recording with the War De partment every unusual service of his comrades. When Morgan reached Georgetown, Ky., the middle of July, 1862, all along the road his strength had been so exaggerated as to 80 ACTIVE SERVICE secure him partial immunity from attacks of garrisons that heavily exceeded our actual strength. So daring a raid had then no precedent, and we engaged attention of the enemy to an extraordinary degree. After the close of our first day's rest at Georgetown I had Cap tain Morgan's consent to go to Lexington and ascertain the condition there and at surrounding towns. The trip to Lexington was not with out hazard, but boys think little of personal danger. From rehable sources I learned that at Lexington there were approximately three thousand raw troops under command perhaps of Colonel Leonidas Metcalf, and General Green Clay Smith, and that about one-half of Colonel Metcalf's own regiment of cavalry garrisoned Cynthiana; that Colonel John M. Harlan (afterwards a greatly respected and distinguished Justice of the Supreme Court) was probably at Paris, that there was no garrison at Winchester and that Woolford's Cavalry was at Somerset. To William R. McCaw, an unusually intelligent lad of seven teen, to my exceptionaUy bright brother George, and to Charles Chip- ley, I was indebted for much of the information obtained. I completed a thirty-mile ride while yet 'twas dark and reported the facts to Colonel Morgan and Lieutenant-colonel Duke. The regiment was rapidly recruited at Georgetown and regi mental organization was strengthened. Among other companies then recruited was one to which W. C. P. Breckinridge was elected captain. This gifted man often referred to his experience as "having been an enlisted man, a captain, and as having been engaged in battle aU in twenty-four hours." Breckinridge subsequently commanded the Ninth Kentucky Cavalry of Morgan's Division with unusual distinction, and in civU hfe was remarkable as an orator, a lawyer, as an editor and as a loyal friend. This man, my kinsman, my comrade, my friend through boyhood and manhood, has died before these lines are written, and the tongue is stiUed that moved men as did none other of his time. Colonel Wm. C. P. Breckinridge JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 81 Chapter XIX. BAPTISM OF BATTLE. My First Independent Command and Fight. On the second morning of our rest at Georgetown Morgan's Cavalry was formed in hne, and Lieutenant-colonel Duke ordered me to report to Colonel Morgan, who was in front of the troops. It was seven o'clock. Colonel Morgan explained that he was going to capture Cynthiana and then Paris and to go from Paris to Winchester, that he might be endangered by having his numerical strength con jectured by the enemy; that he must prevent the reinforcement of Cynthiana, and that he relied on me with Company D to accomplish this result. Colonel Morgan explained the situation and ordered me to take Company D and proceed in the direction of Lexington and menace the heavy garrison there; to avoid either being captured or taking prisoners as we were too far from our hnes to be encumbered with prisoners; to save my comrades but to engage the enemy; to exercise my discretion, bearing in mind I would be isolated, to destroy the enemy's communication by wire or by railroad; to report to the regi ment the second day thereafter at Winchester. Company D was moved from the regimental formation and immediately marched on the turnpike towards Lexington. We noticed that the regiment moved at once in column out on the Paris Road towards Cynthiana. The distance from Lexington to Georgetown is twelve mUes. All the roads leading north from Lexington led directly or indirectly to Cynthiana. We needed to promptly ascertain any movement of the large garrison at Lexington. At five miles distant from Lexington the Iron Works Road starts at the MaysviUe Turnpike, then crosses the Russell Cave Turnpike, then the Newtown Turnpike, then the Georgetown Turnpike, and in tersects the Frankfort and Georgetown Turnpike, crossing each turn pike at an interval of about two miles. When Company D reached the intersection of the Iron Works Road crossing the Georgetown Turnpike distant four miles from Georgetown at Donerail they left the road leading to Lexington and moved east on the Iron Works Road and halted. We sent a scout towards Lexington eight miles distant, to run in the pickets and the outposts, encountering these near the tollgate on the Lexington and Georgetown Road, one mile from Lexington. This work was admi rably done with a squad of eight men under command of Lieutenant 82 ACTIVE SERVICE Morris. They traveled fourteen mUes within an hour and drove the enemy's outposts well into Lexington, and as it subsequently developed, caused halt of Metcalf's Brigade, out the Newtown Turnpike. Any body of Morgan's Cavalry was then thought to be the whole com mand. Sergeant J. Lawrence Jones, afterwards a distinguished man in civil life, was ordered to form the company in close column of masses so they might distinctly hear what were our orders and what we were expected to do. Each one of this company was capable of command ing. Attention was caUed to the fact it was clear that the cavalry service demanded individualism, self-reliance, coolness, intelligent action. The boys were cautioned to pay attention, keep in touch and to keep cool. There were eighty-two men, rank, file and officers, present for duty. These men and boys were confident and courageous. Many of them knew every bit of the country in which we were then serving. They were such men as made up Morgan's Cavalry. Mt First Meeting With Basil W. Duke. From where we stood on the Iron Works Road awaiting return of the boys with Lieutenant Morris, there was in plain view the residence of Mr. James K. Duke, uncle of Lieutenant-colonel BasU W. Duke. I explained to Company D that twelve years prior to that time, when I was nine years old, I had gone with my mother to caU on Mrs. Duke, and whUe sitting in the parlor endeavoring to be composed in the presence of two charming old ladies, I was beckoned to by a lad whom I gladly joined. In introducing himself the boy said: "My name is BasU; what is your name?" I said: "My name is John." He took me to a sloping hUlside back of the house and near a spring house which I pointed out in the distance and from whose loft he got a toy cannon, charged it with powder and salt, and amused himself and me by shooting, but not injuring, his uncle's Short Horn calves that grazed near the spring. This was my first meeting with Basil W. Duke. I was by him introduced to miniature artillery ser vice the first time I ever saw the boy who afterwards became great as a soldier and distinguished as a citizen, and ever since has been my good friend and recipient of my sincerest devotion. We marched on the Iron Works Road for nearly two mUes. Our advance was halted about eight hundred yards from the intersection of the Newtown Turnpike, at what was known as Taylor's Cross Roads. We found there at the gate of Mr. William Cooper, three boys. They were WiUiam R. McCaw, Alhe Cooper and George A. Castleman. These boys informed us that less than half a mile ahead of us, at the JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 83 cross roads concealed from us by an elevation midway between us and the cross roads, was a brigade of troops moving slowly from Lexington, commanded by Colonel Metcalf, composed of about two thousand cavalry and one battery, and that the battery was com manded by my friend, Captain Henry T. Duncan. Attention of Company D was called to the fact that it was our duty to drive the enemy back towards Lexington, and we were certain to do this by surprising him. That we had the advantage of knowing how many raw recruits the enemy had and of his not knowing whether the whole of Morgan's Cavalry was upon him, that if we had to charge and follow his column towards Lexington we must come back to the cross roads because for half a mUe there was post and raU fence and stone waU on the south side of the road which could not be hurriedly pulled down. The boys were very quiet and we were within three hundred yards of the enemy before he saw us. We were moving on a dirt road. His advance guard was at the cross roads and some were dismounted. The head of his column had halted one-half mile towards Lexington. We foUowed the enemy's advance guard against the head of his column. We stampeded Metcalf's brigade, and having accomplished our pur pose we withdrew to the Iron Works Road. I subjoin the account of the fight at Taylor's Cross Roads written by eye-witnesses, WUham R. McCaw and Thomas Satterwhite, and have the pleasure of adding correspondence with my old neighbor and boyhood friend, Honorable Henry T. Duncan. Duncan was my friend, a lovable boy and man. He lived only four miles from Castle ton, and here at Taylor's Cross Roads, in sight of my home where we had together played in youth, we exemplified the horrors of a civU war by opposing each other in hostile armies, he with his Parrott guns to defend against the assault of the cavalry led by me, and with me were a number of Captain Duncan's neighborhood boy friends. William R. McCaw's Account of the Fight at Taylor's Cross Roads. "About the middle of July, 1862, the writer, while at Dr. Chipley's on the Newtown Turnpike in the suburbs of Lexington, was aroused one morning before daylight by a knock on the window which Charley Chipley and myseU soon discovered was made by Captain Jno. B. Castleman who told us he had been into Lexington, but came in and spent an hour with us and then left to join his command, which was at Georgetown. Those were times to try men's souls, but boyhke, we saw only the fun in the fight which we thought was bound to come off. So that morning George Castleman and myself got on our horses and rode 84 ACTIVE SERVICE with our friend Al. Cooper down to his father's house on the Iron Works Road, going around the Federal forces which were on the New town Turnpike, leaving our horses at Mr. Vance's back of Castleton, and crossing the roads over to Mr. Cooper's on foot. We learned through Billy Cooper, a member of Castleman's company who had been aUowed to come to his old home in advance of his company, that the company would soon pass by Mr. Cooper's front gate on the Iron Works Road, about six hundred yards from the crossing of the New town Turnpike near Mt. Horeb Church. We at once started for the gate, reaching there in time to meet the company, numbering not more than about eighty men, and telling Captain Castleman we thought the Yankee force consisted of about two thousand cavalry and one battery commanded by Captain Henry T. Duncan, the whole under command of Colonel Metcalf of the cavalry and that an advance guard of about one hundred men had been placed at the Cross Roads, just ahead. With his company he at once moved up the road until he reached the crest of the ridge, about three hundred yards from the cross roads where he could see the Federals had stationed a strong force, far out numbering his own. These he promptly charged, kilhng and wound ing several of them, and driving them at a run towards Lexington until they reached their main force about half a mile back. After throwing these into confusion by his sudden and brave dash he managed to withdraw to Mt. Horeb Church without difficulty, and about five hours later when the Federals sent a body of cavalry into the triangle near the Church Captain Castleman charged them from behind the church, unhorsed several of them and drove the rest away. He then withdrew with his company. AU of this fighting we could distinctly see from our position on the ridge in Mr. Cooper's woods. Boy as I was then, the impression has never left me of that com pany charging down the road. In all my after experiences as a soldier in the "Lost Cause" never did I witness such bravery and gallantry as was displayed by Castleman and his men that day, nor was there ever a nobler charge made in any fight, anywhere, against such odds. In the afternoon MetcaU's command appeared in full force and supposing our party to belong to Morgan's force, at once began firing at us with artillery. We remained in range just long enough to drive Mr. Cooper's cattle and horses in the pasture under the hill out of dan ger. For our officiousness in this affair George Castleman, Al. Cooper and myself were carried to jail in Lexington, where we were kept for a short whUe until released at the solicitation of the Reverend R. J. Breckinridge, Mr. D. A. Sayre and Mr. W. A. Dudley on condition we should stay with Mr. Dudley (who kindly took charge of all of us) on his farm at the head of North Broadway until we had his permission JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 85 to leave. We remained with him, his lovely wife and charming family until about the time of the battle of Richmond when Mr. Dudley, with a twinkle in his eye, told us that as quartermaster general of the state, he had urgent business in Louisville and that we might go where we pleased. We boys took him at his word and returned to our homes, aU of us enlisting in the Confederate Army under General Kirby Smith as soon as he reached Lexington. Strange to say, all of Mr. Dudley's family hving at that time are dead, and aU the boys who were with me that day have answered the last roll caU, leaving me, a grizzled old veteran, fighting the battles over whenever I meet the old comrades who, like myself, are 'only waiting tUl the shadows have a httle longer grown' when we, too, wiU cross the Great Divide, where the 'Why' of the Civil War will be made plain to the men of the Gray and the Blue as it never had, nor ever will be, in this world. William R. McCaw. VersaiUes, Ky., February 1, 1911." William R. McCaw was a good solider, is an estimable citizen and hves now, as these hnes are penned, near Versailles, Kentucky. McCaw's father, John McCaw, Esq., was one of the most respected citizens of Lexington. What Changes The War Brought About. A few hundred yards south of Horeb church was one of the beautiful Bluegrass woodlands of Castleton. It was the "Cowpen Woods," whose gates were closed by Joe Breckinridge and me ten years before, when we encountered that awful ghost. And it was in Horeb church graveyard that we had the adventure with the spirit of the dark night. Now I was in the Confederate Army and with me in Company D were a number of Joe's boyhood playmates. Joe was in the United States Army and we were at war. We had that morning seen Joe's very distinguished brother, William C. P. Breckinridge, ride out of Georgetown as one of Morgan's captains, en route to Cynthiana. And we of Company D were then engaged in a death struggle to prevent a brigade of the United States Army from attacking the main body of Morgan's command. To the Castleton woodland Company D withdrew, leaving a chain of pickets to watch the enemy and report U Metcatf moved again towards Taylor's Cross Roads, for Morgan might not yet be safe at Cynthiana. We had taken the precaution to lay low the rail fence opposite Horeb Church, on the north side of the Iron Works Road. A hne running directly across represented the base of an approximately 86 ACTIVE SERVICE equilateral triangle, whose other two sides were formed by the Iron Works Road and the Newtown Turnpike. Company D rested in the woodland near a pond where our horses were watered and aUowed to eat the nourishing bluegrass, then in fuU seed. While we held the bridles we ate a soldier's lunch, and once relieved our comrades who formed the chain of pickets that ran to Horeb church. About two o'clock the sergeant of the guard reported that about two hundred and fifty of Metcalf's Cavalry were slowly moving out on the Newtown Turnpike. Company D rode up quickly and massed behind Horeb Church, protected sufficiently in moving by favorable undulating land. Six men (two sets of fours), with Private Thomas H. Hines, were sent quietly across the road which ran by the side of Horeb church, and in structed to he down behind the fence in WUson's woodland that ran along the Iron Works Road. They were told that if we should charge the enemy across the triangle to fire instantly one — and only one — - carefully aimed voUey at Metcalf's Cavalry, so as to give us the credit of their unerring aim in alarming the enemy and to fire along the moving column at at least fifty foot intervals, so as to distribute the effect. No one can fire rifles accurately in a cavalry charge. It was understood that we would quickly charge between the six sharpshooters and Met calf's advance, and a second fire would endanger us. These six men were very good shots. They were, in addition to T. H. Hines, J. M. Hines, John AUen, (brother of the distinguished author, James Lane Allen) William Cooper, George Downing and Hiram Dulaney. At that time Taylor's pond extended part of its most shaUow water in between us and the Newtown Turnpike, and the boys knew that if we had to charge the enemy much of the second platoon of Company D would need to charge through a portion of Taylor's pond. Mounted we stood amidst the churchyard graves, where were buried many of our kin and dear ones, my own horse astride my father's grave. Private Dewitt Duncan, with unusual impressiveness, re peated some verses of Gray's "Elegy in a Country Church Yard." One recaUs now: The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, And all that beauty, all that wealth e're gave, Await alike the inevitable hour; The paths of glory lead but to the grave. Perhaps in this neglected spot is laid Some heart once pregnant with celestial fire; Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed Or waked to ecstacy the living lyre. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 87 The advancing Regiment of Metcalf's Cavalry moved very slowly and with evident timidity, and when reaching a point opposite to us, the boys charged from either side of the church and routed the enemy. The accurate fire of the six sharpshooters was of great service to us. The enemy gave the mounted men credit. We then withdrew from the scene, marching through Castleton and through the farms of Cromwell, WaUace, Atcheson, Richardson, the Carter Harrison farm, and that of Colonel Robert Innis (now Elendorf) always avoiding the pubhc roads. From the woodpile of the latter we ' 'borrowed" axes, with which we felled the telegraph poles, and with which we cut kindling to hght the fires that destroyed two small bridges on the Kentucky Central Railroad, and checked the enemy's moving any train towards Cynthiana. After darkness had come to screen us from observation, we marched through farms to that of Colonel Neil McCann, about seven mUes from Lexington and south of Winchester Turnpike. At that hospitable home we bivouacked for part of the night and ' 'man and beast" were well fed. At Lexington the enemy was several thousand strong. Morgan was thirty mUes away. The situation was not altogether comfortable but always we were stimulated by the unfailing "ignorance and au dacity of youth." Just while this narrative is being written the writer has received a letter from a daughter of Colonel Neil McCann, who was a lovely girl and very good to us that anxious night, and from that letter I quote as follows, to-wit "5224 Pitt Street, New Orleans, February 12, 1914. Dear General Castleman: Having noticed in a Kentucky paper that you anticipated writing a sketch of Company D of Colonel John H. Morgan's Regiment, memories of the old days come to me and I desire to write you. I remember, as if it were yesterday, the night you came with your company to my father's house, and with what willing ness my father provided for both men and horses. I was then a girl of sixteen. I remember the jokes of John Hines, Lawrence Jones and others, and how silent you were, for we knew you felt the responsibility of your company, so near the enemy. I felt that night as if I were living in the time of 'Robin Hood' with Company D eating supper in the woodland by moonlight, and how quietly you all rode away. I had many thrilling experiences during the war, but nothing made the impression on my youthful mind as did that incident. Very truly yours, Sally McCann Leach." 88 ACTIVE SERVICE At dawn of the foUowing morning we took possession of Win chester, picketed every road, arrested and destroyed the arms of the incoming volunteers who were assembhng to aid in repelhng "the invasion of Morgan's Cavalry, " and gave notice that hourly we expect ed the arrival of General Humphrey MarshaU's army of six thousand men. This "grape vine" travelled fast to Lexington and secured us from molestation although Marshall probably had no army, and could not have been closer than two hundred miles. Our Winchester camp was just outside the town on the Paris road. On that road James D. Hines was on picket duty and was seen approaching with a man and woman on horseback. Hines advanced and briefly explained that Mr. and Mrs. James P. Gay were coming to town to ascertain the whereabouts of Morgan and they thought that we were United States Cavalry. Mr. Gay rode up and explained that his immediate solicitude arose from his having on his farm four hundred government mules which he wanted to save from the Con federates and was greatly irritated because of our seeming ignorance of Morgan's whereabouts. We finaUy explained to Mr. Gay that we were the horrible people he was trying to evade. His and Mrs. Gay's alarm was diminished by our assurance that we had little use for mules, but that he must hold them subject to our demand. With this comforting assurance Mr. and Mrs. Gay were aUowed to return home. Thirty years after Mr. Gay represented Clark County in the Kentucky Legislature and James D. Hines and I were by him invited to Frankfort. Mr. Gay never grew tired of teUing of his experience with Morgan's Cavalry and the mules. To avoid picketing so many roads, entailing great hardship and danger, we withdrew to the country, picketing only one road and re ported to Colonel Morgan the foUowing morning. But unfortunately we made no written report, we did not then know that verbal reports are apt to be forgotten. Letter From Honorable Henry T. Duncan About The Fight — Fifty Years Ago — At Taylor's Cross Roads. "Santa Barbara Club, Santa Barbara, California. March 9, 1912. General John B. Castleman, My dear friend: Permit me to impose on you for some data in regard to events during the Civil War. I want the date, day of week, and month, when you had the meeting with Colonel Metcalf at the junction of the Iron Works Road and Newtown Road. Would like also to know the number of men under your command. Was it true* that you burned the bridges on the Kentucky Central Railroad at that time? JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 89 Was your command with General Morgan in the Imaginary battle of Paris some days later, and do you know the strength of General Morgan's command? I want, after long delays, to write up my story of 'The Slaughter of Mrs. Cooper's Cows.' As soon as I finish it would like to submit it to you for suggestions. Shall return to Lexington about April 15th. Have had a dehghtful winter here, beautiful weather and no end of social attentions. With renewed assurances of my high regard and friendship. Yours very truly, H. T. Dttncan." My Answer. "Louisville, March 23, 1912. Honorable H. T. Duncan, Santa Barbara, California. My dear comrade : I have the pleasure to own receipt of your favour of the ninth inst., and to comply with your wish. I am going to be Irishman enough to answer your question by asking you one. What did you estimate the strength of Morgan's Cavalry that attacked Colonel Metcalf's Brigade and stampeded his organization? Of course, I realized that Metcalf's material was undisciplined and untrained and I took advantage of that fact. I remain, my dear comrade, Yours most truly, John B. Castleman." Major Duncan's Reply. "Santa Barbara Club, California, April 8, 1912. General John B. Castleman, My dear Friend: Your esteemed favor of March 25th, after several days' delay by the great storms in the West, reached me last Wednesday. I am very glad to answer your question as to my estimate of the strength of your command at the skirmish between you and your command and that of Metcalf. When your cavalry came dashing in pursuit of the pickets of Colonel Metcalf you made a fine showing as you were flanked on both sides by stone walls. Two twenty-pound Parrott guns, loaded with canister, had been placed on the crest of the hill ready to fire, when Metcalf came up and said: .'I do not wish to kill our Kentucky boys in Morgan's Command, and it would be like mur der to fire on them when crowded in the turnpike. I want to take them as pris oners.' I had watched your force very carefully with a field glass and estimated their numbers at not to exceed seventy-five. 90 ACTIVE SERVICE Suddenly you retraced your charge and rapidly retired to the crossing of the roads, then along the Iron Works Road to the old church where you vanished. We afterwards took one prisoner, and Willie McCaw. I hope to reach home about 20th of April. You will kindly write me at Lexington, Yours very truly, H. T. Duncan." "Louisville, Ky., May 30, 1912. Major H. T. Duncan, Lexington, Ky. My dear Comrade: I duly received your last letter from Santa Barbara, and am now comply ing with your request. I am gratified that Colonel Metcalf was so considerate as neither to kill our boys nor to capture us. As a matter of fact, those boys were afraid of nothing and always knew what they were doing. The foUowing wiU give you partial account of what led to and f oUowed the fight at Taylor's Cross Roads. Colonel John H. Morgan had about 850 men. He arrived at Georgetown July 16, 1862. I went into Lexington that night to ascertain what sort of troops comprised the garrison and who were the officers in command. The purpose of my visit was accomplished and next morning I reported the result to Colonel Morgan and Lieutenant-colonel Duke. It was a foolish, haz ardous trip of a boy, but it was successful. In the morning of July 18th the com mand was formed. Mine was Company D of Morgan's Regiment and comprised about 82, rank, file and officers. Lieutenant-colonel Duke ordered me to report to Colonel Morgan who was mounted some distance in front of the line. Colonel Morgan instructed me to move at once, about Lexington, menacing the garrison there. To prevent any troops coming to Cynthiana and to report to him the second morning thereafter at Winchester. Company D went towards Lexington and Colonel Morgan marched on the Paris Turnpike, destined for Cynthiana. Company D halted at Donerail, four miles from Georgetown and the boys were informed what our orders and obhgations were and how we were to accom plish them. A detaU ran the United States pickets into Lexington on the Georgetown Road. We moved west on the Iron Works Road, and two mUes distant we were met by W. R. McCaw, Allie Cooper and George A. Castleman, at the gate of Mr. William Cooper. These intelligent boys informed us that Metcalf was moving with about two thousand men out on the Newtown Turnpike and that the head of the column was halted at Taylor's Cross Roads, about one-third of a mile in front of us, and that in this column you commanded a battery. It seemed to be a fact that our attack on the pickets on the Georgetown Road three miles in your rear had caused Metcalf to halt. I explained to Company D that we would sur prise and charge and rout the column. That Metcalf would reasonably suppose that 'twas the whole of Morgan's Command. But that we would have to retreat back to the Cross Roads because the fencing of stone and post and rail left us no other means of ready escape. They were advised that if we found the head of JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 91 the column at the Cross Roads we would foUow their hving wall of protection and that when we went as far as seemed prudent we would retrace our steps in two files — and keep off the light turnpike road as a moderate protection against ar- tiUery fire. The boys behaved weU. Metcalf's Brigade was stampeded. We lost no one. When we again reached the cross roads we went to Horeb church, and posting a chain of pickets to watch your movements, went into the first woodland at Castleton and bivouacked around the pond. At two o'clock the pickets reported advance of about two hundred and fifty of your cavalry. We moved up and were screened behind Horeb church. Your cavalry were moving with obvious timidity on the Newtown Pike. When they got opposite us and about five hundred yards distant across the triangle, we charged their flank in company line and drove them back with confusion and loss. Honorable Andy Gorham informed me, in after years, that about ten o'clock Metcalf formed in line of battle about six hundred of his demoralized force in the woodland of Alex Brand. About two o'clock we marched through farms till beyond the Maysville Pike, destroyed two smaU railroad bridges, and the telegraph wires. We could then in the distance, hear your battery firing. After night, and under cover of darkness, we marched through farms, and bivouacked for a few hours on the farm of Colonel NeU McCann, seven miles from Lexington. We next morning took possession of Winchester where we reported to Colonel Morgan on the foUowing day. The United States troops saw but they certainly did not attack Morgan at Paris. I remain, my dear comrade, Yours very truly, John B. Castleman." Major Henry T. Duncan was a greatly esteemed citizen of Lex ington; had been mayor and editor, and passed away in 1912. It seems strange now to note that in 1898 in Porto Rico, during the Spanish War, it was my pleasure to have a son of my quondam "friend and enemy," Major Henry T. Duncan, serve for a time under me as acting assistant adjutant-general. This exceptionaUy able officer is now Major George B. Duncan of the Ninth Infantry. At the time my son, Major David Castleman, commanded the Second Battahon of the First Regiment Kentucky Infantry, all of us serving together in the United States Army, wearing the same uniform in the military force of a re-united country. "Louisville, Ky., Aug. 22, 1911. At a meeting of the former officers of the Second Battalion, First Regiment of Kentucky Infantry, United States Volunteers, it was Resolved. That the officers and men of the Second Battalion extend to General John B. Castleman and Mrs. Castleman and family our sincere sympathy in the loss of our former commander, Major David Castleman. 92 ACTIVE SERVICE He was a forceful, capable and efficient officer, a good comrade, a true friend, a soldier and a man. W. A. Colston, Formerly Captain E Company, H. Watson Lindsey, Formerly Captain F Company, Jos. M. Sohan, Formerly Captain G Company, I. F. Shulhaeer, Formerly First Lieutenant M Company. (The Battery) " One of my critics has told me that to our fights with Metcalf "there was given as much space as would describe the Battle of Waterloo." That may be true, but these boys did relatively more to van quish an enemy outnumbering them thirty to one than did Welhngton and Blucher. At any rate they protected Colonel Morgan at Cynthiana and were proud of the result. The average age of these boys was less than twenty. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 93 Chapter XX. MORGAN LEAVES KENTUCKY. When we returned from Kentucky and camped at Sparta, Tenn., Morgan, with little preparation of horse, so far as grain feeding went, determined to capture GaUatin, destroy the L. & N. raihoad and block the two tunnels north of Gallatin. General Duke gives the total of the command making this march as approximately eight hundred. It was most remarkable that after this continuous march of at least ninety mUes in twenty-five hours, not a rider lagged behind. When the column reached GaUatin it was as compact as when leaving Sparta. It must be admitted that passing through the enemy's coun try creates a positive reason for "keeping up with the column." Adding to this long continuous march, Colonel Morgan, with about five hundred men, marched to and attacked Edgefield Junction — twenty mUes distant — while Lieutenant-colonel Duke, with about two hundred men, marched to and destroyed the two tunnels, the north tunnel being twelve mUes distant. Thus five hundred horses, within about thirty hours, marched one hundred and forty mUes, whUe two hundred marched one hundred and twenty-four miles. The American saddle horses, almost all of Denmark blood, that made this march, had shortly before come three hundred miles from Kentucky, and some of them had marched an equal distance into Kentucky, yet no horse was left at Sparta. Every one was serviceable. Of the forty-one horses that had left my mother's residence in April aU save one had gone back to Kentucky, had come back again into Tennessee and had been fresh in making the march on GaUatin, and aU this meant marching of more than fourteen hundred miles in three months. General BasU W. Duke, in writing in 1896, says of the American saddle horse as a cavalry horse: "The saddle-bred horse is very valuable for cavalry service, because of other reasons than merely his superior powers of endurance. His smoother action and easier gaits render the march less fatiguing to the rider; he succumbs less readily to privations and exposures, and responds more cheerfully to kind and careful treatment. He acquires more promptly and perfectly the driU and habits of the camp and march, and his jnteUigence and courage make thim more reliable on the field. When Morgan marched from Sparta in August, 1862, to surprise a garrison at GaUatin, he accomplished j;he distance of fully ninety miles, including detours made to conceal his route, in about twenty-five hours. On the Ohio raid, after more than two weeks of very severe previous marching, his command, then about 94 ACTIVE SERVICE 2,100 strong, marched without halting from Summansvnle, Indiana, to a point twenty- eight miles due east from Cincinnati, a distance which may fairly be estimated as ninety-four miles. This march was accomplished in about thirty-five hours. Many — indeed, the greater number — of the Kentucky horses which had started on the raid performed this march without flinching; and many of them kept on to Buffington, some even bearing their riders across the Ohio River and returning to the Confederacy. The horses which had been impressed in Indiana and Ohio failed in such an ordealjnever lasting more than a day or two, and often succumb ing after a ride of eight or ten hours." In capturing Gallatin the railroad property included four loco motives, and these Colonel Morgan ordered me to destroy. Already we had learned that it was easy to destroy railroads by cribbing ties, pUing raUs across the crib and building a fire, we could ride on with assurance that the heat, doing its work, would bend and make useless the raUs. But we knew little then of the destruction of locomotives. We tried on one axes and sledges, but with unsatisfactory and slow results. We determined then to fire up, open the throttle and let two locomotives attempt, at high rate of speed, to pass on the same track. This scheme was most satisfactory and one locomotive was thus used to further block the South Tunnel which Lieutenant-colonel Duke had already completely obstructed. When this locomotive reached the South tunnel its speed was more than one hundred mUes per hour. Camp at Hartsville. HartsvUle was sixteen mUes distant and here Colonel Morgan withdrew and established camp near an attractive village inhabited by agreeable and kindly people. We rested for one week in this camp when word came that a force of United States troops from Nashville had taken possession of Gal latin, destroyed private property and arrested the old men. Reach ing Gallatin early in the morning the people who had so gladly wel comed us when a week before we had captured there a portion of the Twenty-eighth Kentucky Infantry were now in tears because of the depredations committed and arrests made by the United States troops. The effect on Morgan's Cavalry was very marked. The cries of dis tress coming from women and chUdren whom a week before, had been bright and joyous, very greatly enraged the soldiers who had neither the time nor the opportunity to investigate or reason. Pursuit was vigorous and effective. Quite a number of the enemy were kUled and captured. The citizen prisoners were released and because of return ing with them our welcome back to GaUatin was again dehghtful. We went to camp where one week before we had captured a part of General Boone's regiment. Tired men were aroused before dawn JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 95 with intimation conveyed by a private citizen that a brigade of United States Cavalry, had the evening before seized our Hartsville camp and were then nearingi Gallatin. The First Sergeant of Company D, J. Lawrence Jones, was a lovable man and a good soldier, but unreasonably punctihous in all camp and military order, and especiaUy in respect to details of his personal attire. Other companies had formed, adjutant's call had sounded, and Sergeant Jones was giving particular care to his always faultless dress. Riding over to where the sergeant stood, with a pocket mirror suspended by a pin in the bark of an elm tree, I said: "Sergeant Jones, Sergeant McCann has formed the company, the regiment is moving, the enemy is upon us, we wait your readiness; when you report the company we wiU move." Lawrence Jones put on his finishing touches, deliberately mounted and reported Company D, and we fell in on the left instead of being fourth company in the moving regiment. It was our custom to form alphabetically. The purpose of Morgan and Duke was communicated through out the command. There was always sort of a free masonry, born of close relations between rank, file and officers. It was whispered we were heavily outnumbered and Colonel Morgan would probably move out the Scottsville Road that forked a short distance from Galla tin with the road leading to Hartsville and on which the enemy was rapidly approaching. When, however, we reached this junction we found the enemy in possession of the Scottsville Road. We were formed for battle and were ordered to attack. In the right flank on which Company D was, by reason of tardiness,' happened to our ad vantage. We were under fire of what seemed to be part of a regiment a few hundred yards away. At this juncture we had an added and most striking proof of the influence of personal example of the coolest and always most self- possessed officer that we encountered during the war. We were formed in hne and had there in Company D nearly one-eighth of Morgan's effective force. We had more than one hundred present for duty. Lieutenant-colonel Duke had ridden along the regimental line telling his comrades that we seemed to be outnumbered about two to one, that fight was unavoidable, that victory was necessary and easy, and that when we broke the overlapping line of the enemy he must never be allowed to reform until we drove him into the Cum berland River, adding: "Company D meet the enemy's flank and drive him back, Gano's squadron will help you on the flank." The quiet, confident manner of Lieutenant-colonel Duke was wonderfully effective on the whole regiment, and Company D showed the effect 96 ACTIVE SERVICE of the personal presence and marvelously quiet and confident atti tude of this remarkable officer. The whole of the enemy's hne was quickly broken and never aUowed to re-form. His fatahty was unusual and it developed that Company D had encountered the Ninth Pennsylvania. Cavalry. Ad jutant Wynkoop of the Ninth was numbered among the fallen. P. Booker Reed, a gaUant and always impetuous soldier, forgot the caution to observe the enemy only, and had set a dangerous example by taking a tempting brace of pistols from young Wynkoop's body. This led to a rebuke on the battlefield which my friend and brave comrade was reluctant to forget. James D. Hines had trouble in getting his rifle to fire, and whUe trying it the rifle unexpectedly went off in the air. The commanding officer of the company cautioned the company against shooting with out aim. When the fight was over this very good soldier came to me, saying: "Captain, you did me an injustice on the battlefield in ac cusing me of firing my gun without aim when I was trying to shoot it. My gun was out of order." I responded: "WeU, my good com rade, you are not the soldier I was after." I am now acknowledging for the first time that Jim Hines was the occasion of the caution. The battle of Gallatin was a most attractive fight in that it could be seen aU along the hne and was exclusively a cavalry fight, resulting in capture of General Johnson commanding United States troops and nearly one-half of his command. In ten days Morgan had taken many more prisoners than his command numbered, and captured a regiment of cavalry at Cynthiana, and hah of Johnson's Brigade, and had so far destroyed the L. & N. railroad as to render it impossible of use by General BueU's army retreating from Tennessee. When General Duke was preparing to write his history of Mor gan's Cavalry, he went to the scene of the battle of GaUatin, accom panied by Colonel Bennett. Bennett related with enthusiastic interest his recoUections of this brilliant fight and located General Duke under a large elm tree. When he had concluded General Duke said: "Bennett, you left me under that tree, you must get me away." "No," said Bennett, "you stayed right there." General Duke does not incorporate this episode in his history. Reference has been made above to the extraordinary, cool, de liberate demeanor of Basil W. Duke. I am by no means alone, for 'twas the common sentiment of a body of intelhgent men and dis criminating soldiers, that no officer that any of us ever served under in battle had so wonderful an influence in securing from troops de liberate action. And the more severe the service, the more danger General John H. Morgan on the Battlefield JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 97 involved, the more quiet and composed and undisturbed was this brilliant cavalryman. It is conservative to say that all men seem to be brave in action. Touch of elbow and din of arms make all men fight. But the really efficient courage is that which is demonstrated by composure. It is the dehberate man whose influence with other men is felt in time of danger. In 1898 an experience of General Duke very well exemplified his deUberate composure. In the springtime masked robbers entered and robbed his resi dence. In the autumn of the same year he was again visited by this enterprising class of citizens of whose presence he was admonished by seeing one in mask with revolver leveled on him as he was aroused from slumber and sat upright in bed. The General, reahzing his disadvantage, quietly said to the uninvited guest: "I am very glad to see you. Your visiting me a second time in a few months is a tribute to my wealth which is most gratifying. If I have anything that may interest you by all means take it, and accept my profound apology for not having more that you might con sider worthy your attention. Indeed, my friends, I am reminded of the old story of the man who was asked if he could change a dollar, who replying said: 'No, but I thank you for the compliment.' " The robbers seemed impressed by their dehberate host and im mediately left the house. It is rare that one meets a man more fully illustrating Emerson's tribute to composure when he wrote: "In the supremacy of self-control consists one of the perfections of the ideal man." 98 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXI. THE CONFEDERATE ARMIES LEAVE KENTUCKY. When the Confederate Armies entered Kentucky in 1862, General E. Kirby Smith from East Tennessee, and General Bragg from Middle Tennessee, Colonel Morgan reported to General Kirby Smith at Lex ington. The fame of Morgan's Cavalry made it easy for the brilliant commander to increase his cavalry organization to a strong brigade. Bragg fought the indecisive battle of PerryviUe and commenced to retreat from a state where success at that time seemed to be essential to the Confederate Government. General Morgan obtained authority to move at his discretion to the rear of the Federal Army with his final destination the vicinity of NashviUe, Tennessee. On the 21st of October Morgan camped at Leitchfield, Kentucky. Colonel Shanks was reported as commanding a regiment of United States Cavalry operating from Owensboro, and camped then at Hartford in Ohio County. General Morgan informed me that he intended to go, via Morgantown, in Muhlenberg County, and ordered me to move promptly with Company D to Hartford and drive Shanks back to Owensboro, so as to avoid having him. menace his column. I was instructed to report to Morgantown on the morn ing of the twenty-fourth. We created the impression that we were the advance of Morgan's Cavalry whose entire force was immediately behind. This pretense of strength was always a protection, and we always moved on and out of danger before the enemy discovered our weakness. We scared Shanks out of Hartford. He retreated to Owensboro and burned the bridge over Panther Creek. This course of the enemy brought to us relief because of the increased difficulty of his returning to Hartford. We camped on the road leading towards Morgantown, leaving the town of Hartford and minimizing our picket duty. After mid night of the twenty-fourth we started for Morgantown and ferried Green River at Cromwell in a small ferry boat, "roped across." Crom well was about equi-distant between Morgantown and Hartford, being, as I remember, about twelve miles from either town. The night was cool and when within sight of the camp fires at Morgantown it occurred to us that the fires were too close together for cavalry camp and took means to ascertain definitely. We wakened a citizen near the roadside and asked what troops occupied Morgan- town. He answered, with evident satisfaction, that United States troops from Bowhng Green under Colonel Sanders Bruce (my old JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 99 captain in 1860) were camped ahead of us, and that as they advanced Morgan retreated out the Rochester Road. We explained to our enemy (who mistook us for United States •cavalry) that we feared he was mistaken, and compelled him to mount behind one of Company D and go with us. He expressed himself as laving little respect for our intelhgence or our courage, and suggested that we need not fear Morgan because he was certainly gone. When ~we deemed it imprudent to go nearer to Morgantown, we demanded of our mystified and drafted citizen that he should pilot us across to the Rochester Road over — as I remember he called it — Hog Ridge. He insisted that Morgan was gone and that we need not be scared, and that, at any rate, no one could, in that dark night, find his way across to the Rochester Road. We did, however, manage to reach the Rochester Road, and at daylight moved quickly toward Rochester, about fifteen mUes distant. When we reached Rochester at the mouth of Mud River, and where that appropriately named stream pours into ¦Green River, we were alarmed in finding that Morgan had sunk the smaU flat ferry boats on which he had crossed with his entire force. Half of Company D set about raising one of the little ferry boats, and the other half were on duty watching for the enemy to pursue us from Morgantown. Rochester was naturaUy weU situated for defence. We finaUy crossed Mud River and reported to Morgan at GreenvUle. It did seem strange that the captain of the Lexington Chasseurs, Captain Sanders D. Bruce, and the captain of the Lexington Rifles, Captain John H. Morgan, whose companies, with others of the Ken tucky State Guard, were in 1860 reviewed by General Simon Bohvar Buckner, should have been at Morgantown on the 24th of October, 1862, Colonel Bruce commanding United States troops and General Morgan commanding Confederate Cavalry. Of Mt Young Brother George A. Castleman. In his dehghtful "Camp Fire Stories" General BasU W. Duke wrote as foUows: "On one occasion in the latter part of September, 1862, during General Bragg's occupation of Kentucky, I experienced a surprise stranger than ever happened to me before or afterwards. I was on my way from Cynthiana to Lex ington and was riding with a single companion — Sam Murrell, my chief of couriers. About four o'clock in the afternoon we had reached a point, about five miles from Lexington, whence the pike stretched in front of us for perhaps six or seven Jiundred yards, running between two beautiful woodland pastures. I was well acquainted with the region, but had never seen it look so lovely, nor had I ever gazed on it with so much pleasure. Under the bright sunlight the great trees reared their stately trunks and widely branching limbs in what seemed more than 100 ACTIVE SERVICE usual majesty, and the dense foliage with which they were yet clad, stirred by a slight breeze, showed every shade of green. So far as I could see on either hand, the bluegrass, still retaining, despite the past summer's heat, its freshest and richest hue, gave each undulating hill and verdant hollow some peculiar charm. The white pike appeared in the slanting sunbeams like a broad band of silver. The whole scene glowed with beauty. As we rode along in silent contemplation of this spectacle, a gate, about two hundred yards in front of us, swung open and the figure, seemingly, of a very large man mounted on a very big horse, came out upon the road. Neither Murrell nor I had caught sight of this horseman previously to his advent through the gate, and we could not understand how, in the open glades of the pasture, he could have escaped our observation. His sudden and unexpected appearance, therefore, seemed rather mysterious, and attracted an attention we might not otherwise have given him. He wore a slouched black hat, and a short jacket, the color of which we could not discern; and, as he sat on his horse in erect and military fashion, and was alert and confident in bearing, we took him to be a soldier, probably a Confederate cavalryman. His conduct, however, soon induced us to change this opinion, and suspect him of being a Yankee. He halted for a moment, after coming fairly into view, and then, apparently alarmed at seeing us, made off up the road at top speed. We had watched him closely and when he thus took flight gave chase. Having swift horses, we rapidly gained on him, but neither our calls to him to stop nor our threats to shoot if he did not, had any effect. He neither checked his speed in the least nor even turned his head. We had drawn our pistols and in a few moments more might have fired, when what seemed a marvelous transformation happened. We had gotten within fifty or sixty feet of him, when suddenly, man and horse, which had appeared just before of colossal size, dwindled to the dimensions of a boy of fifteen and a black pony. Some curious mirage effect of sun or atmos phere had wrought the previous deception. We stared in astonishment and could scarcely beheve our eyes. When the httle fellow — he was one of the handsomest boys I had ever seen — looked up at me with a frank, happy smile, perfectly fear less, although confronted by two armed strangers, I really felt abashed. I glanced at the pistol I was holding with a sense of shame, succeeded by one of horror as I reflected that I might have fired upon him. 'Bud', said I, 'why did you run away when you saw us?' 'Oh, I didn't see you or think about you at all', he rephed. 'I always run Mollie' — that was the pony's name — 'up this stretchy of pike when I'm coming home from school.' His face seemed familiar, although I was confident that I had never seen him. But Murrell, who had been regarding him intently, asked: 'Are you not a brother of Captain John B. Castleman?' 'Yes', he rephed, 'I'm his youngest brother. My name's George, and I'm going to join his company.' He was as good as his word. His three brothers were in the Confederate Army, two of them in the Second Kentucky Cavalry, which I then commanded. He was the youngest child and his mother's darling, but sore as was the trial she let him go. So in a few days he, too, was enlisted in the Second Kentucky and a mem ber of his brother John's company. He immediately became a great favorite in JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 101 the regiment, and especially so with Lieutenant-colonel John B. Hutchinson, who had him detailed as his orderly. In the subsequent retreat from Kentucky I had another encounter with him, less startling but more amusing than our first meeting. On the afternoon of Oc tober 24th Morgan's command encamped at Greenville, in Western Kentucky, and during the night there was a heavy fall of snow. The men were not provided with tents, but were well supplied with blankets and gum clothes, and wrapping them selves well in these were as comfortable as they would have been under shelter. I rode out early in the morning to the camp of the Second Kentucky, and had some difficulty in finding any one except the camp guards. Inasmuch as we proposed to let them rest that day, the men had not yet arisen, and the level field in which they were encamped was marked by white mounds, under each of which lay one or more sleepers. The field really looked like a graveyard enshrouded in snow. 'Which is Colonel Hutchinson's mound?' I asked one of the sentries, after having admired the scene for a few minutes. 'There it is', he answered, pointing to an unusually large one. I made my way to it as carefully as I could on horseback, and shouted Hutchinson's name at the top of my voice. What followed made me think of the resurrection. On all sides and throughout the encampment the mounds opened, and men sprang up, as one may imagine the dead will rise from their graves on the last day. Hutch inson was a tall and extremely powerful man, and he loomed up bearing George Castleman in his arms, as easily as if he were an infant. When he recognized me he broke into a loud shout of laughter and let the boy drop. George immediately addressed himself to me with his usual courtesy. 'I'm glad to see you at our headquarters, Colonel,' he said, 'but we can't offer you much of a breakfast this morning.' Company D was an unusual company of young men and boys, as good as any but no better than many in Morgan's cavalry. In making inquiry in February, 1914, I could give besides the writer only five of this old company living out of one hundred and seventy-one enlistments. Being in Florida and out of reach of cold weather I ordered these old feUows "to report to me there for pleasure." There were: A. F. Eastin, 80 years. Joseph Robb, 71 years. C. L. Hines, 75 years. M. R. Lockhart, 70 years. A. B. Lancaster, 74 years. Jno. B. Thompson, 70 years. Richard Bacon, 73 years. These are all highly esteemed and "well to do" citizens. The day the dear old veterans were to leave Lexington, Ken tucky, Eastin contracted pneumonia and in two days was dead. M. R. Lockhart is the only one living of the boys who rendez voused at my mother's residence spring of 1862. 102 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXII. FIGHT AT WOODBURY, TENNESSEE. After the winter campaign or raid into Kentucky and after the battle of Murfreesboro, Bragg had estabhshed his headquarters at TuUahoma. Morgan's command was doing outpost duty to the right of the army and the Second Kentucky was posted near Woodbury. Our camp was located so as to protect the intersecting roads two mUes back of Woodbury on the McMinnvUle Road. On the 24th of Jan uary, 1863, Lieutenant Ben Drake was the officer of the guard and was posted in front of Woodbury on the Readyville Road, about a mUe out from Woodbury. Drake reported that he had withdrawn the videttes and had brought his base back near Woodbury because of the advance of Federal troops who seemed to be reconnoitering in force. In answer to the question as to the strength of the enemy he estimated them as about three thousand, composed, as far as he could judge, in chief part of infantry and what seemed to be a battery and a battahon of cavahy. We were mounting the customary morning guard for the purpose of relieving the outpost and the pickets on duty. Lieutenant-colonel John B. Hutchinson was in command of the regi ment. I was second officer in regimental command. After thoroughly understanding Drake's report, Hutchinson said to me: "Castleman,. I'll go out with the new guard and hold the enemy in check until you come." Realizing the importance of the position we occupied on the right of the army and knowing the hopelessness of a conflict with the enemy five or six times our strength, I remonstrated with Hutchinson against putting the regiment in needless action. Turning to me im mediately, with graceful, captivating manner but with very determined demeanor, which was characteristic of this very good soldier, Hutchin son put his hand on my shoulder and said: "My dear Castleman, I have on numerous occasions promised the people of Woodbury that no live Yankee should come into that town unless over my dead body, and I am going to keep my promise." He added: "I understand the force of your protest, but I am not going to consider your advice. Form the regiment and come ahead." In less than thirty minutes the column of the Second Kentucky was in motion. The very good officer had preceded me, as he had proposed to do, with the new guard. Beyond Woodbury I found Hutchinson skirmishing with the enemy and exposing himself by conspicuous and fearless example. Riding back a short distance toward the head of our advancing column it was agreed that I should throw the regiment into action by companies on the right of the road, and this was afterwards done. The horses JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 103 were left over a hill which carefully concealed them. Captain Cooper was instructed to move to the brow of the hill and discover his un- revealed reserve force to the enemy. Under heavy fire the old regi ment moved by company formation with as much composure as if they were going into regimental parade. We had scarcely formed before "dear old Hutch," as we were in the habit of calling him, was kUled. Desiring to carry out as far as possible the last wish of this beloved officer, we continued the fight for an hour, but from the outset it was a hopeless engagement. Hutchinson had given his life in the fulfillment of his promise to the people of Woodbury, and we had lost some good men in a fruitless action. Riding behind the right of Company C and addressing myself to Harry Weissinger, Phil. Bates, Neville Bullitt and other brave fellows who were in the company, I ordered them to move up against a rail fence in front of us and shelter themselves by lying down. Notwith standing the positive order, Harry Weissinger, under heavy fire, but with characteristic habit of disputation, replied "Captain, we've got a damn good pick at them from this point." The range was a long one and the fire from the enemy not agreeable. Just at this time I re ceived a httle wound in my right ankle, a ball which had glanced under my horse's belt, burned his skin and gave me momentary alarm. It was one of those httle punctures which soldiers sometimes get, of which no notice is taken. A year afterward Dr. Paul F. Eve, surgeon in the army, advised me that the bone was a httle injured and might possibly give me some annoyance, if I lived to be an old man, but he thought it would never be a serious matter. As I get older my ex perience with that shght wound brings me into more intimate recol lection of the day at Woodbury. As I rode down the regimental hne, within thirty feet of my right were two men of my own company who were remarkable shots. One was WiU Cooper and the other was George Downing. I called upon Cooper to shoot a United States officer who was exposing himself and setting, what was for us, a bad example to his men. Cooper fired with one of the old minnie rifles that we had carried the night we left my mother's house. The horse of the officer fell. Just then A. F. Eastin was badly wounded near Cooper's side and was afterwards faithfully nursed and, I think, his life saved by the good soldier and good friend, John H. Carter. When we withdrew from the field we took and retained position of our camp grounds. I mention here that five years after this period I was a student at the Law Department of the University of LouisviUe. Stopping for a moment with George B. Eastin in front of the Willard Hotel, some old soldiers were talking of the war, and General Walter Whit- taker was descanting upon the fight at Woodbury. I said to General 104 ACTIVE SERVICE Whittaker: "Were you at Woodbury?" His response was: "Yes, I commanded the Federal forces there." He said "Castleman, were you there?" I said: "Yes, General Whittaker, I commanded the Confederate forces there." I related the story about Cooper's execut ing my order in killing the horse of the officer who was making himself obnoxious on the Federal side. With mingled excitement and laughter Whittaker rose to his feet and said: "Why, my God, Castleman, that was my horse." "Well," said I, "if I had known that, General, I wouldn't have done it, my neighbors should not have been molested." Captain Carter's Account of the Battle of Woodbury. "Battle of Woodbury, Tennessee. (January 24th, 1863.) During the winter of 1863 that body of Confederates known as Morgan's Old Regiment, or Duke's, or "the old regulars," had been camped for several weeks at Woodbury on picket duty against the advance of General Rosecrans, a strong force of whose army was in camp at Readyville, about seven miles below. On the morning of January 24th our pickets reported that a large force of the enemy, consisting of infantry, cavalry and artillery, was advancing. Colonel Hutchinson, then in command of our regiment, contrary to the advice of his best officers, resolved to fight and ordered Captain Castleman to form the regiment and advance beyond Woodbury to meet the enemy, which he did. The men were there dismounted and advanced to the top of a hill just beyond Colonel Orand's house. In front of our position was an open field one hundred and fifty or two hun dred yards wide. On the far side of this was a thick woodland. The enemy soon .-appeared in the edge of the woods and in line of battle started across the open .field, but the rapid fire of our long Enfields soon made them seek the shelter of the -woods. We held them in check for perhaps half an hour when, their whole force iof from four thousand to six thousand advancing, we were forced to retire to our horses. Colonel Hutchinson had been killed and Captain Castleman, in command, led the regiment back to a strong position just this side of Woodbury and formed another line of battle, but the enemy had seen enough of the old regulars and did not renew the attack and the next morning went back to Readyville. This fight at Woodbury has been justly called one of the most stubborn and best managed of any in which the regiment was engaged. The next morning we went back to our old camp with hearts filled with grief at the loss of our beloved colonel, who was the idol of the regiment. Incidents of the Fight. As the command began to fall back a fine mule, saddled and bridled, was seen hitched at an old stable about seventy-five yards from the pike, with no one near him. Captain Castleman suggested to one of the men near him to get the mule. The man hesitated and Castleman put spurs to his horse and in a shower of bullets from the enemy, then within a hundred and fifty yards and rapidly coming on, rode to the mule, and brought him to the command. This cool action raised the General Basil W. Duke JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 105 courage of the men to the highest pitch and the retreat was conducted in good order. Just before the retreat was ordered, A. F. Eastin, one of our very best men, received what was then thought to be a mortal wound. He recovered sufficiently to go with us on the Ohio raid and was captured and kept in Camp Chase and Doug las until near the close of the war, when he was exchanged and returned to his com mand, and surrendered with us at Washington, Ga., on May 10th, 1865, returned to Kentucky where he still lives, honored and respected by all who know him. John H. Carter. Lexington, Kentucky, June 30th, 1884." In August, 1903, I was at Shelbyville, Kentucky, and received cordial greeting from a fine fellow whom I had not seen for nearly forty years. He said: "Castleman, you do not know me, and could not tell on what notable occasion I last saw you." "Yes," said I, "this is my good old, brave comrade, George Keene, and I wUl not forget you at Woodbury, more than forty years ago. I was talking to Colonel Hutchinson on the ReadyviUe Road near the bridge, as I recall it. You were on picket detail. You were by the fence on the right of the road. While talking to him Colonel Hutchinson was kUled and I caUed you and said: ' George, help Charley Haddox put Colonel Hutchinson's body on his horse and carry the splendid fellow back to camp.' " ' 'Yes, that is a true biU, and I told you you would be killed too. " George Keene is a most highly respected citizen and good farmer of Shelby county, Kentucky. 106 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXIII. SNOW HILL. On April 3d, 1863, several regiments of Morgan's Cavalry under command of Gano were on the right of Bragg 's army which continued headquarters at TuUahoma. On the Liberty Road our position was taken at Snow HU1, which was by no means impregnable. I was in command of the Second Regiment in elongation of a hne which was formed by the other regiments and battery on the left of the road. It was on the left that the main attack was expected. The ground about Snow HU1 was irregular and continuity of alignment was impossible. In front of my line of formation was a hill raising well up from a depres sion between that and the one I occupied, and this hill was a menace to our position. To have taken possession of it would have been to push the Second Regiment in front of formation of the other regiments and to have exposed both of my flanks, and although I should have had command of the road it would have been at the sacrifice of safety to the second Regiment. We had sufficient time to prepare an impro vised breastworks for the entire regiment, using logs and rocks and favorable depressions for this purpose. Our horses had been left about three hundred yards back and out of sight and every staff officer was required to remain with them. It is quite usual in all wars for a com manding officer to have to take a position of exposure, even though it be not an agreeable task, but for this he deserves no credit. Some account of the fight is given from the communication of the Honorable Charles Y. WUson, who was himself a fine soldier, a good officer and was commissioner of agriculture for the state of Kentucky under Gov ernor Simon Bolivar Buckner. After the general withdrawal of Morgan's Cavalry, the Second Regiment moved from the field in good order. Company C, under Captain Sheldon, was ordered to a position on the right, which would protect an intersecting road that ran between the hUl we were required, by Gano's orders, to occupy, and the hUl opposite us which commanded the Liberty Road. This detached Sheldon from the regimental line about two hundred feet. Honorable C. Y. Wilson's Account. Veteran C. Y. Wilson tells a story on Colonel John B. Castleman. At the meeting of the Confederate Association of Kentucky last week, in accordance with the request of President John H. Leathers, six members of the Association gave five-minute accounts of the most heroic actions witnessed dur- JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 107 ing the war. Messrs. Davis and Charles Y. Wilson gave graphic'details of how men faced death. Major Wilson told the following: "General John H. Morgan was camped with his command in the vicinity of Snow Hill in DeKalb County in Tennessee, on the 3d of April, 1863, which was Friday. General John M. Palmer, who was in the vicinity of Murfreesboro with a formidable force of cavalry and infantry, came out on the pike passing the httle town of Liberty, and coming in the direction of Snow Hill. His infantry was in wagons in order that they might keep up with the cavalry and capture, if possible, the daring and dashing Morgan, who was a prominent and distinguished leader of the young Confederate blood of Kentucky. Snow Hill from its crest, leading backward, was a level section, going in the direction of Smithville and McMinn- ville. Winding down the side of the hill was a beautiful pike in our front. We were on the crest of the hiU with a deep ravine in the center between two of the range of hills on one side, but in our front was a valley running diagonally across our pike which would enable the enemy to flank us on our left with their entire force of cavalry, leaving the infantry to attack us in front. The enemy's plans were well and judiciously made and came near proving successful. I belonged to Morgan's old regiment, the Second Kentucky Cavalry, but generally known as Duke's Regiment. When we approached thejbrow of Snow Hill, Burn's battery was ordered to a vantage point on the hill so as to command the valley in our front. Colonel John B. Castleman was ordered to take the Sec ond Kentucky Cavalry and go to the right of the pike and occupy that part of the hill and intercept any advance in that direction; we rode down and around the hills on our right and were finally dismounted and ordered just above a ravine. In our front was a high hill with possibly an angle of forty degrees. Colonel Castleman formed his line with instructions to get all the logs in the vicinity and make our head protection with rocks piled on the logs, and not to shoot under any circum stances until orders were given by himself. Of course, we were all in a hurry to fix our breastworks and did so in short order. I well remember that I concluded to get behind a big tree instead of the works. About this time two regiments of infantry appeared on the top of the hill in front and deployed a skirmish line to develop our position. Colonel Castleman was mounted and sitting erect on a blooded iron gray Kentucky mare about forty feet in the rear. The two regiments and the skirmishers kept up a very direct fire at our commanding officer, and, our regiment being almost invisible, the whole fire was directed at Colonel Castleman. During the contest I looked around, expecting every moment to see him fall, as the skirmishers were at that time within sixty or seventy yards of our line. But there he sat, induced by consideration of his duty in keeping in touch with his regiment, as immovable as a statue. Finally his mare was shot, his clothes were shot, and, if I remember right, every leg of the beautiful mare was broken, and she had a large number of bullets strike her in the body. Lieutenant Ash- brook disobeyed his Colonel's orders in attempting to come to his relief and was shot down. Thomas R. Jordan arose from his secluded position and ran to his Colonel's side and fell wounded. Finally the order was given by Colonel Castle man from his prostrate position to "Commence firing," and very few of the Federal skirmishers returned to see the loved ones at home. The Federal flanking column had succeeded in passing up the valley in our front, and a courier coming in great 108 ACTIVE SERVICE haste ordered us to retreat. When I left the tree I had taken as a refuge I passed Colonel Castleman with tears in his eyes looking at the dying struggles of that beautiful Kentucky thoroughbred that had carried him safely in so many contests, he himself lying almost helpless on the ground. Colonel Castleman's action in the fight was one of the most conspicuous evidences of courage I had ever wit nessed in my three and a half years of service in the Confederate Army. Not that he was possibly possessed of more courage than others, but his perilous position made his courage most conspicuous. He had ordered his mounted staff to the rear and was the only mounted soldier visible to the enemy." (From Courier- Journal, Saturday, April 17th, 1897.) Colonel W. C. P. Breckinridge with the Ninth Kentucky was on the left of the Liberty Road. The Second Kentucky was on the right. The subjoined is a tribute from Colonel Breckinridge. "The Herald most cordially congratulates General Castleman upon his richly earned promotion. It greatly desired to see him receive appointment as a general officer when war was declared; but it is a much greater honor to have won it — won it fairly by honest, skilful and self-sacrificing service. It was a just as well as kindly act upon the part of President McKinley and we are glad to have an op portunity to approve this act. One of the most picturesque and striking memories of service in the olden days, when some of us were getting our rights, is of Captain Castleman at Snow Hill holding the Second Kentucky in line and keeping an attacking Federal force in check." (From the Lexington Herald, February, 1899.) JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 109 Chapter XXIV. MORGAN'S WINTER RAID, DECEMBER, 1863. In December, 1863, Morgan made his winter raid on Kentucky. I mention here only one or two personal matters incident to the ex traordinary work accomphshed in this raid by General Morgan. There had been operating about Springfield a body of cavalry under Colonel Hahsey. Stopping one night at Springfield Lieutenant George B. Eastin, of Company D, had the privilege of being numbered among a lot of Confederate soldiers who were enjoying a "square meal" at the hospitable home of Mr. Cunningham. There were present several charming young women. The discussion by the family of the petty tyrannies of Colonel Hahsey was such as to excite the interest of the meal-taking Confederate soldiers. One of the most attractive young ladies made the proposition that she would marry any Con federate soldier who killed Hahsey. Eastin, with his accustomed courtesy, rose from his chair and accepted the challenge. The position in which General Morgan was placed had become dangerous, because of the prevalence everywhere in the vicinity of the Federal troops. We moved early from Springfield. I was field officer of the day. Eastin and Captain Treble asked permission to go a mile off the road to a shoe shop to get a pair of shoes, as they were well nigh barefooted. I cautioned them of the danger which would result from their returning after the rear guard had passed. Promising to look out for them, they went away together. Unfortunately they struck our hne of march behind the rear guard and were given chase by three Federal officers, who were far in advance of their pursuing column. Eastin quickly wheeled his horse into a narrow intersecting road — Captain Treble sped on, pursued by the two leading officers — Eastin met the rear officer and a pistol and close combat ensued and the Federal officer was kiUed. Eastin had killed Colonel Hahsey in un expected comphance with his promise made the night before to his hostess. He took from Hahsey his sword and pistol and continued to wear the sword untU at the time of the Ohio raid we made a detour of LouisvUle under the command of Major William J. Davis. Crossing the Ohio River at Twelve Mile Island, above LouisvUle and finding capture inevitable, he hid the sword under a log where he thought it would not be found, and went to prison under the name of Private George Donald. His reason was to avoid attracting attention on account of a reward having been offered for him because of his having killed Hahsey. Eastin escaped from prison and subsequently did service to which I shall have occasion to refer hereafter. 110 ACTIVE SERVICE The pistol with which Eastin killed Hahsey was left in custody of Mrs. Myers at MeMinnville, and I now have this in my possession. This is a Colt, six-inch barrel, 32 caliber, percussion cap. Chief Justice M. R. Hardin of the Kentucky Court of Appeals was a great admirer of Lieutenant George B. Eastin (who afterwards became a justice of the same court) and in 1867 Justice Hardin wrote the subjoined poem describing the personal combat between the two mounted officers. Colonel Halisey's Last Battle. Morgan's men, with movement fleet, Were marching Southward in retreat, While close upon their chosen course Was pressing hard the Federal force. With numbers great, on flank and rear, Intent on forcing battle where The Rolling Fork and Muldraugh's height Would check the rebel in his flight. The cautious chieftain knew the map Too well to fall in such a trap, And neither man nor horse gave rest Till Muldraugh's Hill was fully passed; And, as along their dangerous route They heard the fire of Federal scout, And saw the forms of men in blue, In martial columns come in view, The coal black plume and glittering blade Of Hahsey were oft displayed. Even danger seemed but to invite The presence of this daring knight, And woe to those who wore the gray, Who, straggling, fell within his way. Fierce, imperious and severe, He sought, as did the man of Gath, In boastful mood and vengeful wrath, Some foeman bold enough to feel His prowess, worthy of his steel; And, often as he thus defied The Southern warrior's martial pride, Was seen to halt and wave his blade A foeman, true as ever laid A hand on hilt or trigger drew For country's cause — and honor's too; But strategy forbade delay, And thus deferred the coming fray. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 111 The sun was sinking fast to rest Behind old Muldraugh's frowning crest; Fatigue and cold had chilled the zeal Which danger makes the soldier feel, And gloomy silence reigned among The retreating and pursuing throng. But Hark! In front is heard a yell Of exultation— "All is well!" The pass is gained, and shouts resound That Morgan holds the vantage ground, And orders are announced at rear To "Halt and rest the Column here." And now is Eastin, for 'twas he, With air of proudest chivalry, That dared defy the Federal knight Who challenge gave for mortal fight Free to go and end this feud By work of death — at least, of blood. The evening sun rays cold and bleak Still shine upon the mountain peak, And mingle in the fitful glare Of Federal camp-fires burning near. The soldiers, long enured to war, Welcome the night with little care For cause of past or present sorrow, Or dangers that await the morrow, And, with songs attuned to softest lays Of love and home in better days, Make^their camp-fires, and prepare To cook and eat their scanty fare. But Eastin hath already gone, And met his vaunting foe alone, Their charges, each a noble steed, Pantingjto witness warlike deed, As if instinctively imbued, With sense of warrior's deadly feud, With arching necks together pressed, Bring the combatants breast to breast. And now, as if Confederate cause Were staked against offended laws, And loving hopes of lady fair Confessed in holy words of prayer, And honor, too, more dear than life, Depended on this deadly strife, Each warrior seems in God to trust, As though he felt his cause was just. 112 ACTIVE SERVICE But, perchance, to breathe one prayer, Or call to mind some memory dear, Or think of loved ones far away, Unconscious of this fearful fray, Or swear to justice of his cause, Each yields a momentary pause. If truce it is, this side of heaven, It is the last that will be given. Now each the other well surveys, Nor thought, nor look of fear betrays, But few and haughty words were those, Which either champion deigns to use. "Traitor, surrender!" the Federal cries, "Your arms, or your life," the foe replies. And instantly does each one place His pistol to the other's face. One second more (How fast it flies !) Ere Hahsey or Eastin dies. Meanwhile, the thoughts of either foe No one but God can ever know. For aught we know, some trace of fear May, for the instant, linger where Nothing but quick and deadly aim Can either from his doom reclaim. 'Tis o'er — the work of death is done, Another soul from earth is gone. Nor need fair rebel lady wail, Her champion's weapon did not fail, But through and through the warlike head Of Halisey a bullet sped. 'Tis o'er — a stifled groan and heavy sound, And clank of sabre on the ground, And death's dreadful portals crost, Halisey's last battle fought and lost. Note:— A distinguished critic commenting on Justice Hardin's poem says: "'Colonel Halisey's Last Battle' by Chief Justice Hardin is worthy of the undoubted genius of its distinguished author. To its structure and easy flow it reminds one of 'The Fire Worshippers,' one of the gems of 'Lalla Rookh.' " Lieutenant George B. Eastin at Twenty-o JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 113 Chapter XXV. GENERAL JOHN H. MORGAN, HIS OHIO RAID, IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE. General Morgan had made his disastrous raid through Indiana and Ohio. General Morgan had undertaken to do with a division of cavalry what, in early stages of the war, he had found it easy to do with a regiment. In 1862 this great officer had found it possible with his old regi ment to pass two hundred miles in the rear of the enemy, destroy public property and transportation lines, capture isolated garrisons, and employ the attention of large forces of United States troops. Gen eral Morgan's cavalry was always weU organized, always efficiently officered, and always remarkably manned and superbly mounted. General Morgan was wonderfully resourceful, quick in decision and accurate in judgment. But cavalry raids had, in the summer of 1863, become less alarm ing to the opposing armies," and more dangerous to the raiders. It developed that the immediate transportation hnes and depots of sup plies for the army represented the interest which vitaUy concerned the enemy. Therefore the raid of a division of cavalry three hundred miles from the Confederate line, and with the Ohio River intervening, more excited the need of combined effort to capture than the thought of great damage to the interests of United States armies in the front. And with combination of overwhelming, avaUable forces of the United States, and with gunboat service on the Ohio, which could move up the Ohio River as rapidly as Morgan's cavalry, could on parallel hnes traverse the roads through the state of Ohio, it became difficult indeed for General Morgan to extricate himself from the enemy's pursuit. So with final capitulation at Buffington's Island, we find this great officer and subordinate officers imprisoned, and of this and his escape the thrilling statement of Captain Thomas H. Hines follows, to-wit: General Morgan's Escape. On the 31st of July and the 1st of August, 1863, General John H. Morgan, General Basil W. Duke, and sixty-eight officers of that command were, by order of General Burnside, confined in the Ohio state penitentiary, at Columbus. Before entering the main prison we were searched and relieved of our pocket knives, money, and all other articles of value, subjected to a bath, the shaving of our faces, and the cutting of our hair. We were placed each in a separate cell in the first and 114 ACTIVE SERVICE second ranges of cells on the south side in the east wing of the prison. These cells were let into a solid block of masonry one hundred and sixty feet long and twenty- five feet thick. They were six feet high, three and a half feet wide, and six feet deep, with iron grated doors, facing a hall twelve feet wide, between the cells and the inside wall of the wing, and running entirely around the block of masonry in which the cells are let. There are five tiers of cells with a narrow platform run ning in front of each tier, and reached by wooden steps running up at the end of the block. General Morgan and General Duke were on the second range, General Morgan being confined in the last cell at the east end of the range, those who escaped with General Morgan having their cells in the first range. The main building, workshops and yard were enclosed by a solid stone wall thirty feet high four feet in thickness, and level on top, so as to form a walkway for the armed guards stationed there during the day. From five o'clock in the evening until seven o'clock in the morning we were locked in our cells, with no possible means of communication with each other, but in the daytime, between those hours, we were permitted to mingle together in the hall twelve feet wide and one hundred and sixty feet long, which was cut off from the other portion of the building. At each end of the hall and within the partitions was an armed military sentinel. I had observed that the floor of my cell was upon a level with the ground upon the outside of the building, which was low and flat, and also that the floor of the cell was perfectly dry and free from mould. It occurred to me that, as the rear of the cell was to a great extent ex cluded from the light and air, this dryness and freedom from mould could not exist unless there was underneath an air chamber. If this chamber should be found to exist, and could be reached, a tunnel might be run through the founda tions into the yard, from which we might 'escape by scaling the outer wall, the air-chamber furnishing a receptacle for the earth and stone to be taken out in running the tunnel. The next morning when our cells were unlocked, and we were permitted to assemble in the hall, I went to General Morgan's cell, and laid before him the plan as I have sketched it. Its feasibility appeared to him un questioned, and to it he gave unqualified approval. If, then, our supposition was correct as to the existence of the air-chamber beneath the lower range of cells, a limited number of those occupying that range could escape, and only a limited number, because the greater the number the longer the time required to com plete the work, and the greater the danger of discovery while prosecuting it, in making our way over the outer wall, and in escaping after getting on the outside. With these considerations in view, General Morgan and I agreed upon the following officers, whose cells were nearest the point at which the tunnel was to begin, to join us in the enterprise: Captain J. C. Bennett, Captain L. D. Hocker- smith, Captain C. S. Magee, Captain Ralph Sheldon, and Captain Samuel B. Taylor. The plan was then laid before them, and received their approval. It was agreed that the work should be begun in my cell, and continue from there until completed. In order, however, to do this without detection, it was neces sary that some means should be found to prevent the daily inspection of that cell, it being the custom for the deputy warden, with the guards, to visit and have swept each cell every morning. This end was accomplished by my obtaining permission from the warden to furnish a broom and sweep my own cell. For a JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 115 few mornings after this permission was obtained the deputy warden would pass, glance in my cell, compliment me on its neatness, and go on. After a few days my cell was allowed to go without any inspection whatever, and then we were ready to begin work, having obtained through some of our associates, who had been sent to the hospital, some table knives. In my cell, as in the others, there was a narrow iron cot, used as a bedstead, which could be folded and propped up to the cell wall. My estimate was that the work could be completed within a month. On the 4th of November work was begun, under the rear end of my cot. We cut through six inches of cement, and took out six layers of brick put in and ce mented with the ends up. Here we came to the air-chamber, and found it six feet wide by four feet high, and running the entire length of the range of cells. The cement and brick taken out in effecting an entrance to the air-chamber were placed in my bedtick, upon which I slept, during the progress of this portion of the work, after which it was removed to the chamber. We found the chamber heavily grated at the end, against which a large quantity of coal had been heaped, cutting off any chance of exit in that way. We then began a tunnel, running it at right angles from the side of the chamber, and almost directly beneath my cell. We cut through the foundation wall of the cell block five feet, through twelve feet of grouting, to the outer wall of the east wing of the prison, and four feet up near the surface of the yard, in an unfrequented place between this wing and the female department of the prison. During the progress of the work, in which we were greatly assisted by several of our comrades who were not to go out, notably among them Captain Thomas W. Bullitt, of Louisville, Kentucky, I sat at the entrance to my cell studiously engaged on Gibbon's "Rome," and trying to master French. By this device I was enabled to be constantly on guard without being suspected, as I had pursued the same course during the whole period of my im prisonment. Those who did the work were relieved every hour. This was ac complished and the danger of the guards overhearing the work as they passed obviated by adopting a system of signals, which consisted of giving taps on the floor over the chamber. One knock was to suspend work, two to proceed and three to come out. On one occasion by oversight, we came near being discovered. The prisoners were taken out to their meals by ranges, and on this day those con fined in the first range were called for dinner while Captain Hockersmith was in the tunnel. The deputy warden on calling the roll, missed Hockersmith, and came back to inquire for him. General Morgan engaged the attention of the warden by asking his opinion as to the propriety of a remonstrance that the Gen eral had prepared, to be sent to General Burnside. Flattered by the deference shown to his opinion by General Morgan, the warden unwittingly gave Captain Hockersmith time to get out and fall into line for dinner. While the tunnel was being run, Colonel C. C. Morgan, a brother of General Morgan, made a rope, in links, of bedticking, thirty -five feet in length, and from the iron poker of the hall stove we made a hook, in the nature of a grappling iron, to attach to the end of the rope. The work was now complete with the exception of making an entrance from each of the cells of those who were to come out to the chamber. This could only be done with safety by working from the chamber upward, as the cells were daily inspected. The difficulty presented in doing this, was the fact that we did not know at what point to begin in order to open holes in the cells at the proper place. 116 ACTIVE SERVICE To accomplish this a measurement was necessary, but we had nothing to measure with. Fortunately the deputy warden again ignorantly aided us. I got into a discussion with him as to the length of the hall, and to convince me of my error he sent for his measuring line, and after the hall had been measured and his statement verified, General Morgan occupied the attention of the deputy warden, while I took up the line, measured the distance from center to center of the cells (all being of uniform size) and marked it upon the stick used in my cell for propping up my cot. With this stick, measuring from the middle of the hole in my cell, the proper distance was marked off in the chamber for the holes in the other cells. The chamber was quite dark and light being necessary for the work, we had ob tained through our sick comrades in the hospital, candles and matches. The hole in my cell during the progressof the work was kept covered with a large hand satchel containing my change of clothing. We cut from underneath upward until there was only a thin crust of the cement left in each of the cells from which escapes were to be made. Money was necessary to pay our expenses of transportation and for other contingencies as they might arise. General Morgan had some money that the search did not discover, but it was not enough. Shortly after we began work I wrote to my sister in Kentucky a letter, which through a trusted convict I sent out and mailed, requesting her to go to my library and get certain books, and in the back of a designated one, which she was to open with a thin knife, place a certain amount of Federal money, repaste the back, write my name across the inside of the back where the money was concealed, and send the box by express. In due course of time the books with the money came to hand. It only remained now to get information as to the time of the running of the trains and to await a cloudy night, as it was then full moon. Our trusty convict was again found useful. He was quite an old man, called "Heavy," had been faithful, and his time having almost expired, he was permitted to go on errands for the officials to the city. I gave him ten dollars to bring us a daily paper and six ounces of French brandy. Neither he nor anyone within the prison or on the outside had any intimation of our contemplated escape. It was our first thought to make our way to the Confederacy by the way of Canada; but on inspecting the time table, it was seen that a knowledge of the escape would necessarily come to the prison officials before we would reach and cross over the Canada border. There was nothing left, then, but to take the train south, which we found, if on time, would reach Cincinnati, Ohio, before the cells were opened in the morning, at which time we expected our absence to be discovered. One thing remained to be done, and that was to ascertain the easiest and safest place at which to scale the outside wall of the prison. The windows opening outward were so high that we could not see the wall. In the hall was a ladder setting against the wall, fifty feet long, that had been used for sweeping down the wall. A view from the top of the ladder would give us a correct idea of the outside surroundings, but the difficulty was in getting that view without exciting suspicion. Fortunately the warden came in while we were discussing the great strength and activity of Captain Samuel B. Taylor, who was very small of stature, when it was suggested that Taylor could go hand over hand on the under side of the ladder to the top and, with a moment's rest, return in the same way. To the warden this seemed impossible, and to convince him Taylor was permitted to make the JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 117 trial, which he did successfully. At the top of the ladder he rested for a minute and took a mental photograph of the wall. When the warden had left, Taylor •communicated the fact that directly South of and at almost right angles from the east end of the block in which we were confined there was a double gate to the outer wall, the inside one being of wooden uprights four inches apart, and the outside one as solid as the wall; the wooden gate being supported by the wing wall of the female department, which joined to the main outer wall. On the evening of the 27th of November the cloudy weather so anxiously waited and watched for came, and prior to being locked in our cells it was agreed to make the attempt at escape that night. Cell No. 21, next to my cell, No. 20, on the first range, was occupied by Colonel R. C. Morgan, a brother of General Morgan. That cell had been prepared for General Morgan by opening a hole to the cham ber, and when the hour of locking up came General Morgan stepped into Cell 21, and Colonel Morgan into General Morgan's cell in the second range. The guard did not discover the exchange, as General Morgan and Colonel Morgan were about the same physical proportions, and each stood with his back to the cell door when it was being locked. At intervals of two hours every night, beginning at eight, the guards came around to each cell and passed a light through the grating to see that all was well with the prisoners. The approach of the guard was often so stealthily made that a knowledge of his presence was first had by seeing him at the door of the cell. To avoid surprise of this kind we sprinkled fine coal along in front of the cells, walking upon which would give us warning. We ascertained from the paper we had procured that a train left for Cin cinnati at 1:05 a. m., and, as the regular time for the guard to make his round of the cells was twelve oc'lock, we arranged to descend to the chamber immediately thereafter. Captain Taylor was the first to descend, passing under each cell to notify the others. General Morgan had been permitted to keep his watch, and this he gave to Taylor that he might not mistake the tims to go. At the appointed hour Taylor gave the signal, each of us arranged his cot with the seat in his cell so as to represent a sleeping prisoner, and easily breaking the thin layer of cement, descended to the chamber, passed through the tunnel, breaking down the thin stratum of earth at the end. We came out near the wall of the female prison — it was raining slightly — crawled by the side of the wall to the wooden gate, cast our grappling iron attached to the rope over the gate, drew up the rope and made our way by the wing wall to the outside wall, where we entered a sentry-box and divested ourselves of our outer soiled garments. In the daytime the sentinels were placed on this wall, but at night they were on the inside of the walls and at the main entrance to the prison. On the top of the wall we found a cord running along the outer edge and connected with a bell in the office of the prison. This cord General Morgan cut with one of the knives we used in tunneling. Having removed all trace of soil from our clothes and persons, we attached the iron hook to the railing on the outer edge of the wall, and descended to the ground within sixty yards of where the prison guards were sitting around the fire, conversing. Here we separated, General Morgan and myself going to the depot, quarter of a mile from the prison, where I purchased two tickets for Cincinnati and entered the car by the side of a Federal major in uniform, and I on the seat 118 ACTIVE SERVICE immediately in their rear. General Morgan entered into conversation with the major. As the train passed near the prison wall where we had descended, the major remarked to General Morgan, "There is where the rebel, General Morgan and his officers are put for safekeeping." The General replied: "I hope they will keep him as safe as he is now." Our train passed through Dayton, Ohio, and there, for some unknown reason, we were delayed an hour. This rendered it hazardous to go to the depot in the city of Cincinnati, since by that time the prison officials would, in all probability, know of our escape and telegraph to intercept us. In fact, they did telegraph in every direction, and offered a reward for our re-capture. Instead then, of going to the depot in Cincinnati we got off, while the train was moving slowly, in the outskirts of the city, near Ludlow Ferry, on the Ohio River. Going directly to the ferry we were crossed over and landed in a skiff immediately in front of the residence of Mrs. Ludlow. We were warmly, received took a cup of coffee with the family, were furnished a guide, and walked some three miles in the country where we were furnished horses. Thence through Florence to Union, in Boone county, Kentucky. We remained concealed at the house of Mr. Corbin until the next night. During this time Mr. Corbin, Mr. Green Smith, Mr. Piatt, Dr. Dulaney and other friends of the cause supplied us with good, fresh horses and a pair of pistols each. Here an incident occurs to me that may account for the delay of the Federals in ascertaining the route we had taken. There lived in Canada West, some fifteen miles below Windsor, on the Detroit River, Mr. Joseph H. Morgan. He came over from Ireland about the time of the rebellion of 1848, where Meagher, O'Brien and Mitchell fled to this country for protection. He was intensely Southern in his sympathies, and made many sacrifices for those who were engaged in the Southern cause. The morning of our escape, November 28th, he happened in Windsor, and, seeing a dispatch announcing the escape, he stepped into the Hirons House and registered "J. H. Morgan," was assigned a room and immediately it was telegraphed everywhere that General Morgan had escaped to Canada. This ruse doubtless threw the authorities off our track for some time, and in that way may have been materially beneficial to us. On the evening of the 29th of November we left Union. Passing through New Liberty in Owen county, crossing Kentucky River at the ferry on the road to New Castle in Henry county, we stopped at the house of Mr. Pollard at 2 a. m. December 1st. Not knowing the politics of Mr. Pollard it was necessary to proceed with caution. On reaching his house we aroused him and made known our desire to spend the remainder of the night with him. He admitted us and took us into the family room, where there was a lamp dimly burning on the cen ter-table. On the light being turned up I discovered a Cincinnati Enquirer, with large displayed head lines, announcing the escape of General Morgan, Captain Hines and five other officers from the Ohio penitentiary. The fact that this news paper was taken by Mr. Pollard was to me sufficient evidence that he was a South ern sympathizer. Glancing at the paper I looked up and remarked "I see that General Morgan, Hines and other officers have escaped from the penitentiary." He responded: "Yes, and you are Captain Hines, are you not?" I replied: "Yes and what is your name?" "Pollard," he answered. "Allow me, then to introduce General Morgan." I found that I had not made a mistake. We assumed the character of cattle buyers, Mr. Pollard furnishing us with cattle whips to make JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 119 the assumption plausible. Our first objective point was the residence of Judge W. S. Pryor, in the outskirts of the town of New Castle, as he was known to be in every way trustworthy. We reached there about noon of the 1st of December, and found Judge Pryor at home, with a number of guests. We were introduced by Mr. Pollard to Judge Pryor and his guests under our assumed names, General Morgan as Hunt, and myself as Williams. Making known our pretended busi ness, we walked out to look at the stock, when our true characters were made known to Judge Pryor; and becoming fully informed as to the price of different grades of cattle, we returned to the house and took dinner, discussing in the mean time in the presence of the visitors the matter of the purchase of the cattle. A price was finally agreed upon to be paid on delivery in Louisville on the following Friday. After dinner Judge Pryor rode with us -and put us in charge of a guide, who conducted us that night to Major Helm's in Shelby county, where we remained during the day of the second. We stopped on the third in the vicinity of Bards- town. The night of the fourth we resumed our journey, and stopped on the morn ing of the fifth at Mr. McCormack's at Rolling Fork Creek in Nelson county, thence through Taylor, Green, Adair, and Cumberland counties, crossing Cum berland River some nine miles below Burksville, by swimming our horses by the side of a canoe. Near the place of crossing, on the south side, we stopped over night with a private in Colonel Jacob's Federal Cavalry, passing ourselves as citizens on the lookout for stolen horses. Next morning, in approaching the road from Burksville to Sparta, Tennessee, we came out by a by-way immediately in the rear of a dwelling fronting on the Burksville-Sparta road, and screening us from view. As we emerged from the woodland a woman appeared at the back door of the dwelling and motioned us back. We withdrew from view but kept in sight of the door from which the signal to retire was given, when after a few minutes the woman appeared again and signaled us to come forward. She informed us that a body of Federal cavalry had just passed, going in the direction of Burksville, and that the officer in command informed her that he was attempting to inter cept General Morgan. We followed the Burksville road something like a mile, and in sight of the rear guard. We crossed Obey's River near the mouth of Wolf, and halted for two days in the hills of Overton county. We moved directly toward the Tennessee River, striking it about fifteen miles below Kingston, at Bridge's Ferry, December 13th. There was no boat to be used in crossing, and the river was very high and angry, and about one hundred and fifty yards wide. We obtained an axe from a house nearby and proceeded to split logs and make a raft on which to cross and by which to swim our horses. We had learned that two miles and half below us was a Federal camp. This stimulated us to the ut most, but notwithstanding our greatest efforts we were three hours in crossing. General Morgan, myself, and four mounted men crossed over a spur of the mountains and descended by a bridle-path to a ravine or gulch upon the opposite side, and halted in some thick underbrush about ten steps from a path passing along the ravine. Not knowing the country, it was necessary to have infor mation or a guide, and observing a log cabin about a hundred yards up the ravine, I rode there to get directions, leaving General Morgan and the others on their horses nearjhe path. I found at the house a woman and some children. She 120 ACTIVE SERVICE could not direct me over the other spur of the mountain, but consented that her ten-year-old son might go with me and show the way. He mounted behind me, and by the time he was seated I heard the clatter of hoofs down the ravine, and, looking I saw a body of about seventy -five cavalry coming directly toward me, and passing within ten steps of where the general and his men were sitting on their horses. I saw that my own escape was doubtful, and that any halt or delay of the cavalry would certainly result in the discovery and capture of General Morgan. Thus taking in the situation, and seeing in an instant that the escape of General Morgan depended upon misleading the cavalry, I lifted the boy from behind me and dashed to the head of the column and exclaimed: "Hurry up, Major, or the rebels will escape!" He replied: "Who are you?" I answered: "I belong to the Home Guard Company in the bend — hurry or they are gone." We dashed on, I riding by the major at head of the column some half a mile, when we came to where a dry branch crossed the road, and, as it had been raining that day, it was easily seen from the soil that had washed down from the side of the mountain that no one had passed there since the rain. Seeing this, the command halted, and the major again demanded to know who I was. I replied that I was a member of General Morgan's command. ' Yes, d — n you, you have led me off from Morgan; I have a notion to hang you for it." "No, that was not General Morgan. I have served under him for two years and know him well, and have no object in deceiving you, for if it was Morgan he is now safe." "You lie, for he was recognized at the house where you got the axe. I would not have missed getting him for ten thousand dollars. . I will hang you for it." Up to this time I had taken the situation smilingly and pleasantly, because I did not apprehend violence; but the officer, livid with rage from disappointment, directed one of his men to take the halter from his horse and hang me to a designated limb of a tree. The halter was adjusted around my neck, and thrown over the limb. Seeing that the officer was desperately in earnest, I said: "Major, before you perform' this opera tion, allow me to make a suggestion." "Be d — n quick about it, then." "Suppose that was General Morgan, as you insist, and I have led you astray as you insist, wouldn't I, being a member of his command, deserve to be hung if I had not done what you charge me with?" He dropped his head for a moment, looked up with a more pleasant expression and said: "By God, boys, he is right — let him alone." I am satisfied that this manner of appeal to soldierly pride is the only thing that saved me. I was placed under guard of two soldiers and sent across the river to camp, while the officer in command took his men over the mountains in search of General Morgan. General Morgan, however, succeeded in making good his escape. The next evening the major returned with his command from his un successful pursuit. He questioned me closely, wanting to know my name; if I was a private in the command, as I had stated to him at the time of my capture. Re membering that in prison the underclothing of Captain Bullitt had been exchanged for mine, and that I had on his with his name on them in ink, I assumed the name of Bullitt. On the evening of the second day in this camp the major invited me to go with him and take supper at the house of a Unionist a half a mile away. We spent the evening with the family until nine o'clock, when the major suggested that we should go back to camp. On reaching the front gate, twenty steps from the front veranda, he found that he had left his shawl in the house and returned JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 121 to get it, requesting me to await his return. A young lady of the family was standing in the door, and when he went in to get the shawl she closed the door. I was then perfectly free, but I could not get my consent to go. For a moment of time, while thus at hberty, I suffered intensely in the effort to determine what was the proper thing to do. Upon the one hand was the tempting offer of freedom, while on the other was the fact that the officer had treated me with great kindness, more as a comrade than as a prisoner, that the acceptance of his hospitality was a tacit parole, and my escape would involve him in trouble. I remained until his return. He was greatly agitated, and surprised undoubtedly at finding me quietly awaiting his return. I had determined not to return to prison, but rather than break faith I awaited some other occasion. Notwithstanding all this, some thing excited suspicion of me, for the next morning, while lying in a tent apparent ly asleep, I heard the officer direct a sergeant to detail ten men and guard me to Kingston, I was taken to Kingston and placed in jail, and there met three of our party who had been captured. After two days' confinement there, we were sent under guard of twelve soldiers to the camp of the Third Kentucky Infantry, under command of Lieutenant-colonel Dunlap. The camp was opposite the town of Lowden, and was prepared for winter quarters. The large forest trees had been felled for a quarter of a mile around the camp, and log huts built in regular hne for the occupation of the troops. We were placed in one of these huts with three guards on the outside, while the guards who delivered us there were located around a camp-fire some ten steps in front of the only door to our hut, and around the whole encampment was the regular camp guard. The next day, as we learned, we were to be sent to Knoxville. We determined to escape that night. It was perfectly clear, the moon about full, making the camp almost as light as day, and as the moon did not go down until a short time before daylight we concluded to await its setting. The door of the cabin was fastened by a latch on the inside. The night was cold. We had only pretended to sleep, awaiting our opportunity. When the moon was down we arose, one after the other, from our couches, and went to the fire to warm. We engaged the guards in pleasant con versation, detailing incidents of the war. I stood with my right next the door, facing the fire and the three guards, and my comrades standing immediately on my left. While narrating some incident in which the guards were absorbed, I placed my right hand upon the latch of the door, with a signal to the other prisoners, and, without breaking the thread of the narrative, bade the guards good night, threw the door open, ran through the guards in front of the door, passed the sentinel at the camp limits, and followed the road we had been brought in to the mountains. The guards in front of the door fired upon me, as well as the sentinel on his beat. Unfortunately and unwittingly I threw the door open with such force that it rebounded and caught my comrades on the inside. Fortunately three of these prisoners, by great daring and cool courage, escaped before they were taken north to prison. All was hurry and confusion in the camp. The horses in camp were bridled, saddled and mounted, and rapidly ridden out on the road I had taken, but by the time the pursuers reached the timber I was high up on the mountain side, and complacently watched them as they scudded by. As I ran from my prison house I fixed my eye upon Venus, the morning star, as my guide, and trav eled until daylight, when I had reached the summit of a mountain, where I found a sedge-grass field of about twenty acres, in the middle of which I lay down on the 122 ACTIVE SERVICE frozen ground and remained until the sun had gone down and darkness was gather ing. During the day the soldiers in search of me frequently passed within thirty steps of me, so close that I could hear their conjectures as to where I would most likely be found. As dark approached I descended the mountain and cautiously approached a humble dwelling, and seeing no one but a woman and some children, I entered and asked for supper. While my supper was being prepared, no little to my disappointment, the husband, a strapping, manly looking fellow, with his rifle on his shoulder, walked in. I had already assumed a character, and that was as agent to purchase horses for the Federal Government. I had come down that evening on the train from Knoxville, and was anxious to get a canoe and someone to paddle me down to Kingston, where I had an engagement for the next day to meet some gentlemen, who were to have horses there, by agreement with me, for sale. Could the gentleman tell me where I could get a canoe and someone to go with me? After supper my hospitable entertainer walked with me to the residence of the owner of a canoe. The family had retired, and when the owner of the premises came out there came with him a Federal soldier who was staying over night with him. This was not encouraging. After making my business known and offering large compensation, the owner of the canoe agreed to start with me by daylight. During my walk down there my guide had mentioned that a certain person hving opposite the place where the canoe was owned had several horses that he would likely sell. I suggested that in order to save time and get as early a start as pos sible for Kingston, that the canoe owner would take me over to see to the purchase of these horses that night. The river was high and dangerous to cross at night, but by persuasive promises of good compensation I was taken over and landed some quarter of a mile from the house. With an injunction to await me, when the canoe landed I started toward the house; but when out of sight I changed my course and took to the mountains. For eight days I traveled by night, taking my course by the stars, laying up in the mountains by day, and getting food early in the evening wherever I could find a place where there were no men. I passed through the Federal Army and reached the Confederate lines on the 27th of December, near Dalton, Georgia. General Morgan in writing January 1st, 1864, to Captain Hinesr father said: "I regret exceedingly to inform you that your gallant son was captured at the Tennessee River upon the 14th ult. We had just crossed when the Federals dashed upon us and succeeded in getting him. To him in a great measure I owe my escape. When captured suppose he did not give his true name. If such is the case he will be taken to some of the military prisons, where he wiU certainly escape." JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 123 Chapter XXVI. MORGAN'S LAST KENTUCKY RAID. After Morgan's escape from the penitentiary, he was accom panied by Thomas H. Hines from the prison through Ohio, through Kentucky and safely to our hne. Morgan commenced re-organizing such fragments of his men as the War Department of the Confederate Government authorized to report back to the good commander. From all sources he had gotten together about 1,800 men, about 600 of whom were dismounted and many of whom were poorly equipped. With this indifferently organized and badly equipped body Morgan de termined to make a raid into Kentucky. Those of us who knew Morgan weU and had the privilege of constant association with him were dis tressed at the change in the demeanor of the old commander. Morgan was low spirited, was embarrassed by misfortune, and unjustly criti cized. He had not the buoyancy, nor the self reliance, which was his wont, and had not any longer his accustomed faculty of inspiring the enthusiasm which combined with his remarkable characteristics, but the loyalty of those who were with him became all the more con spicuous. There seemed to be a general recognition of the change that had taken place in General Morgan, and a determined purpose on the part of each to give him support in every way. I never saw affection more clearly demonstrated and sympathy more pronounced. But through all that foUowed the wonderful judgment and foresight and care in guarding against critical conditions were lessened and few intelligent officers and soldiers of the old Morgan men started on the last raid in Kentucky without the fear that it might be a mistake. Yet our habit of living on the enemy had been a part of the achieve ments of Morgan. The great cavalryman thought he could see, as a result of going into Kentucky at that time, remounts, reinvigorated enthusiasm and a restrengthened column, but only the first of these hopes was ever realized. Under such conditions the latter part of May we left Russell Court House in Virginia, and after passing Gladdsville, moving toward Pound Gap, General Morgan was advised that a regiment of cavalry three hundred strong had passed through Pound Gap and was moving toward him on the Gladdsville Road. He sent Major R. A. Allston with about two hundred well mounted men to make a detour and get in behind this regiment. The enemy had been admonished of Mor gan's advance and we chmbed the hill slopes up to the Pound Gap Road to find that we were too late to intercept the Federal Cavalry. This proved to us a serious misfortune, because the enemy which we had 124 ACTIVE SERVICE faded to intercept moved immediately back to Burbridge's camp at Louisa, and gave Burbridge the advantage of at least two days' earher notice than he would otherwise have had. On the second bf June Morgan passed through Pound Gap destined to reach Mt. Sterhng by the most available road. We had little for man to eat and nothing for horse, except the grazing which the country afforded with a bit of grain now and then to be found. Thus equally poorly rationed, a march of two hundred miles was made with about twelve hundred horse and six hundred dismounted men. Before we reached Mt. Sterling one hundred horses had been exhausted, but not a man left behind. Thus, on this route, the contest between the man and beast, under equal disadvantages, showed the superiority of the endurance of the human being. In five days we were in Mt. Sterl ing. On the eighth Morgan ordered the major portion of the mounted men moved forward on the Winchester Road, reaching Winchester that afternoon. There was a general expression of surprise that the old commander was leaving Martin in charge of the dismounted men at Mt. Sterhng and leaving in a separate camp Giltner, with part of his men, thus dividing the column into two distinct sections, and with out requiring that GUtner should move up and be in touch with Martin. One has rarely seen more heroism than was shown by these dismounted men. They were footsore and tired, and it was on the foUowing morning that these men, exhausted, were attacked in their beds by Burbridge, suffering heavily in kUled and wounded, and res cued under extraordinary circumstances by individual heroism, and by the striking example of Colonel Martin and his Acting Adjutant George B. Eastin. We awaited at Winchester the arrival of the troops which were left at Mt. Sterhng, and then we moved on to Lexington. The column was halted about a mile from Lexington on the Winchester Pike. It was about one o'clock and a very dark night. I volunteered to test the enemy by going into Lexington under a flag of truce, and demand ing the surrender of the place. The explanation was made to General Morgan that such an endeavor made in the dark need not be especially dangerous, if the precaution were taken to cry out repeatedly the words: "Bearer of flag of truce." The escorts to the bearer of the flag were Key Morgan, General Morgan's youngest brother, and Humphreys Castleman, my brother. On the left of Winchester street, as we went in, and not very far from Limestone street, a window was raised and a lady's voice called out, asking if we were not of Morgan's Cavalry. She announced to us that she was Mrs. John George, whose husband was with Morgan's cavahy, and begged that we should not go further because Captain* Hawes' battery was posted a short dis tance ahead of us. Strange to say, we had encountered no pickets. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 125 I advised the boys to quickly pull their horses well up on the sidewalk. and we halted and announced our mission with unusual vehemence. Finally an officer, who proved to be Captain Hawes, came in hearing distance and commanded a halt, and asked that the bearer of the flag of truce should dismount and advance and make known his wishes. Complying, I responded that my instructions were to demand the surrender of Lexington. Captain Hawes responded that he had no such authority, but that he would communicate at once with the com manding officer and let me know the result. In about twenty minutes Captain Hawes returned with instructions to decline to surrender. I had no definite advice as to what General Morgan would do, but detecting Captain Hawes' anxiety I responded to him that the Fed eral commander must then take the responsibility for the destruction of Lexington, which would be burned, if this was necessary to secure capture. I announced: "We have an 'overwhelming strength' and intend to possess this town." Captain Hawes remonstrated against the threat. I reported back to General Morgan the result of my efforts and advised that if he would let me have forty volunteers I would seem to carry into execution our threat to burn, and that I believed that within a short time the town would be evacuated by the enemy, and without destruction of private property. We sent to Dr. Frazier 's wood pile nearby and obtained two axes for the purpose of knocking down fences. As we had passed in with the flag of truce we observed at the end of Winchester Street a large Government corral. To this we im mediately set fire and unintentionally fired Wolff's brewery, which was across the street. We knocked down the fences and soon rode into the old Lexington Association race course grounds. The biggest stable on the grounds was then occupied by Mr. Grinstead. We turned his horses out and fired the stable, and considered that the burning of one there would be sufficient. Our path was lighted all the way by the conflagrations behind us. Opening ways with axes, we took the shortest route to the Kentucky Central Railroad buildings, which stood in front of the Eastern Lunatic Asylum, and back of the residence of General WiUiam Preston. In those days wood was used on railroads for firing locomotives and the wood sheds of the Kentucky Central Raihoad were at that point very large and full of dry wood, thought to contain as much as one thousand cords. The fire made by this excelled in an illuminating capacity any flame I have ever seen, and though we had but four buildings burning they well nigh circled half the town, and the illumination suggested the appearance of a general conflagration. Riding up towards Short street I saw John Cooper, who had been teUer at the bank of David A. Sayre and Com pany. Concealing my face so as not to be recognized, and soon dis- 126 ACTIVE SERVICE covering from his inquiries that John thought, in his exeitement, that we were a body of Federal cavalry, he quickly gave me all the infor mation I needed about the Federal forces. I found that they were rapidly withdrawing to the fort which stood south of the Versailles Turnpike on the edge of Lexington, where the stock yards now are and directly north of the Trotting Association grounds. I made a detail consisting of Phil. Thompson, Henry Sampson and Howard McCann with instructions to ride up Short street to Limestone, and from Limestone to Winchester and out until they met General Morgan's column, and present my comphments to General Morgan and say that the town was evacuated. Just at dawn of day General Morgan entered Lexington. It may be quite well understood that this detail of forty men was not made up of very ordinary soldiers. Among the forty were the Honorable Phil. B. Thompson and his twin brother, the Honorable John B. Thompson, both men distinguished afterwards in pubhc hfe. I subjoin a letter from the Honorable John B. Thompson, giving his recollection of this experience. "Harrodsburg, Ky., March 16th, 1907. General John B. Castleman, Louisville, Ky. Dear General: I have your kind letter of March 14th, 1907, requesting me to trace back my memory nearly half a century to the stirring times of the war, when, but a youth ful soldier, not exceeding eighteen summers, I served with- General John H. Mor gan, the most distinguished cavalry commander in the Confederate service, and to recall and relate some facts connected with those times. While my memory of many of the events that transpired during my four years of service with his command in the Confederate army, from long lapse of time, is dim, vague and shad owy, yet I recall some of the circumstances connected with the midnight raid in June of 1864 around the city of Lexington under your immediate command, in which we destroyed by your orders, quite a lot of property belonging to the Gov ernment, and to the Kentucky Central R. R. Coming in from Virginia on what is known as the last raid in Kentucky, we approached Lexington from the east on the Winchester Pike, arriving near Lexing ton some time during the night. An extremely dangerous and hazardous expe dition was to be led out in the darkness of that night, and volunteers for this peril ous undertaking were called for and such call found a ready response. This de tail was sent out under your command to reconnoiter and threaten the enemy. A consideration of the objects, the purposes and consequences of whatever was done or ordered to be done never disturbed the minds of the men in the least. If it was orders from the commanding officer to do this or that it was done. The command was sufficient to all in General Morgan's cavalry. We burned a corral in the eastern part of the city; I think also a brewery. As I was not at the time nor am I now very well acquainted with the topography of Lexington, I did not know the various places visited on that night or the streets JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 127 traversed. I remember, however, we went across, through the old race track, the fences being torn down for the purpose of permitting our passage and after withdrawing the horses we burned some barns, upon the grounds of the track. Proceeding northward, as it seems now to me, we destroyed quite a lot of supplies by conflagration belonging to the Government and to the railroad, in the neighborhood of the Kentucky Central depot, including a large amount of cord- wood, gathered at that point for fuel for the railroad. The enemy evacuated Lexington and we took possession for the time being. Being young at that time I had little or no acquaintance with the residents of Lexington and did not expect to meet any person that I knew. I was surprised, however, when I did meet Mr. James B. Beck, a friend and acquaintance, and who was afterwards prominent in public life as the distinguished senator from Kentucky in the United States Congress. Mr. Beck was a very prudent man, almost to timidity. He had, however, married a Southern woman and all his sympathy and feelings ran strongly with the cause of the South. Astonished, seemingly at seeing me there, being a close friend to all of our people and struck no doubt, by my worn and hungry look, he asked me for my brother Phil and where we were going to get breakfast. I told him I did not know; that we always got something to eat somewhere, but really I did not know exactly where we would have breakfast that morning. With all the shrewd caution of a 'canny Scot' he said: 'You might get a good breakfast at my house if you would come up there and order it.' I said: 'Good, we will be there.' He replied: 'Now, bring Phil and some of your friends and take breakfast with me, but mind you you are going to demand this breakfast; I am not going to give it to you, nor serve it to you ex cept it is demanded in such loud, boisterous and threatening manner that I and all my negro servants and neighbors will be so alarmed that we will be afraid not to serve it for you and in a hurry too, for I doubt if you have much time. You may leave here yet I shall have to stay, and I do not intend, after you are gone, that these niggers about my house shall report me for having given breakfast to a lot of Confederate soldiers and turn me over to the tender mercies of Steve Bur bridge and the like of him. You must rush in with drawn weapons, making a great clatter of your spurs and dragging them on the pavement and on the floor and with loud voices and boisterous language, including a little swearing, demand that breakfast be gotten for you.' I told him: 'Good enough, we understand the play.' So I gathered together my brother Phil and some other comrades and imparted to them the knowledge that we were going up to take breakfast with Jim Beck; we were going to order it too, and it was going to be a good one. So away we went rollicking up to his resi dence, and with great bravado, loud voices, threatening manner and ugly talk in the presence of the niggers, ordered Mr. Beck to have breakfast for all of us at once. And it soon arrived. What a sorry figure we must have cut, as we ranged ourselves around that breakfast table. Weary from unremitting vigils, exhausted with unceasing conflict, worn out with long and continuous travel, ragged and dusty, unwashed and unkempt, with nothing but our courage, our honor, our cause, our youth and our hope to sustain us, we certainly presented an unusual appearance at a gentleman's breakfast table. Young, sensitive and abashed, you can scarcely imagine our deep humili-- 128 ACTIVE SERVICE ation as we sat at the breakfast table in our rags, ravenous to devour — for soldiers do not eat, they devour — whatever was placed before us, when there appeared the eldest daughter of our host, a young girl just on the eve of womanhood, to assist in waiting on us. Tall with a luxuriant growth of brown hair that seemed to fall in gentle neglectfulness around a face serenely innocent and marvelously beautiful, she smiled beneath "Cupid's perfect bow" at our awkward confusion, conscious that it was the result of her presence, while from the deep azure of her luminous eyes the soul of forgiveness for all our deficiencies passed in merry twinkle to all around the board. I do not believe, after she made her appearance amongst us, there was left in all combined a sufficient amount of courage to have asked her, in the most humble voice, to 'please pass the biscuits.' She waited upon us kindly and smiled on us benignly, and from aught that could be told from her actions, we seemed to be of the very elect. With breakfast over, no thanks were given, no adieus were said. In deep silence we passed out from that hall and out of the gate to resume once more the stern duties of a soldier's life, but whatever in life might after betide, none have ever forgotten the brightness of that vision and the joy of that hour. Very truly yours, (Signed) J. B. Thompson." John B. Thompson JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 129 Chapter XXVII. THE NORTHWESTERN CONSPIRACY. What I have hitherto written bearing on some personal service in Morgan's cavalry and on the more valuable service of those con nected immediately with me, I have been led to write chiefly in defer ence to the wishes of friends who may take the trouble to read what has been recorded. We come now to deal with endeavors of which little has been accurately known, because there were few Confederate soldiers who were active participants at any time and most of these have passed into eternal life. These efforts were inaugurated by the Confederate Government in sending representatives to a neutral country and these representatives found asylum in Canada. After Half a Century. Now, more than half a century has passed. Almost all of the men of that day have gone to the life beyond and one is obliged to reahze that the lapse of time and faUure to accomplish are inscrutable barriers against the penetration of interest in the review of effort. The writer wUl present the adverse conditions which were then tightening from all sides about the Confederate Government. And it cannot be expected that any effort to remove those conditions will by all — or even by a great many — be considered as having been practical. It, however, was at least patriotic, honest and courageous and possible of achievement. It is certain that the Confederate authorities had been compelled to reahze that then, in the fourth year of a war waged against overwhelming odds, difficulties across the path of final success were increasing. It was to the whole world cause of wonder and reverence that one-third of the states composing the United States Government should, by force of arms, in 1861 have enunciated their constitutional rights of states, and without having any of the strength which govern mental organization supphed, should have risked all in maintenance of principle. And the world watched with increasing respect the struggle of the Southern States organized in 1861 as a Confederate Government without a treasury, without an army, without a navy, and continuing in defense of asserted principles without recognition of any European power, and against opposing armies recruited from the world. And after four years, increasing exhaustion became each day more and more emphasized. This exhaustion was not generally ad- 130 ACTIVE SERVICE mitted nor very generally known. Yet it was being burned into the hearts of the mothers who were sending to enhstment the next son who had grown large enough to carry a gun, and who went to the front to take the place in the ranks of the father or the brother who had been killed in battle. Meanwhile, the heroic but bereaved mother stayed on the farm to direct the faithful slaves in raising crops for those who still lived and fought. It was known to the captain who enlisted the young boy to suc ceed the dead father or the brother in the same company in which the boy now elected to serve. It was known to the colonel of the regiment who had come to personaUy affiliate with each one of his comrades. And finally the conditions were known to the commanding gen erals, and to no one better than to General Lee, who, more than any one else, realized that all this meant final exhaustion. General Lee had begun to urge upon President Davis the need of more men to continue the wonderful work of his invincible army whose ranks were being thinned by the experiences of war. He had also urged that better clothing and more food were needed by his beloved followers. General Lee appealed in behalf of exchange of prisoners so that the great Confederate army held harmless in North western prisons might return to duty, and that the vast supply of rations going to the United States soldiers held in Southern prisons might be used to feed the scantily supplied Confederate soldiers. On the contrary, General Grant advised that the armies of the United States would be endangered by release of the Confederates in captivity, and that it should be the policy of the United States Govern ment to hold Confederate prisoners without exchange. Captain E. O. Guerrant was an unusually good soldier in Morgan's cavalry, and for well nigh fifty years after the war was a faithful and influential missionary in the mountains of Kentucky. An experience of his in 1864 while in Southwestern Virginia plainly illustrates the depletion of war men and the faithfulness of the negro slave. Captain Guerrant obtained leave of absence for the day and concluded to explore the country around about. About noon, induced by attractiveness of the farm and hope of a "square meal," he entered the gate leading to a handsome lawn on which stood a spacious house suggestive of pecuniary independence. As he rode in the avenue he observed half dozen negro men en gaged in care-taking. The captain stopped and an elderly negro approached, took off his hat and said: "Sah, my name is Uncle Jerry, and we's glad to see one of our old soldiers; and ole Master and ole Missus and Miss Mary would be powerful glad if you would go to de house and git your dinner." JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 131 Captain Guerrant responded, "Well Uncle Jerry, I am glad to see you and these good men with you. Tell me, Uncle Jerry, who hves here?" "Well sah, Marse John Gillespie and old Missus and young Miss Mary Wallace lives in de big house, and dey aint nobody else on de place seppin we men and de servants at de house, and we stays here and raises craps fur de army whUe de white folks done gone to de war. Ole Miss had four sons in de war. One of dem, young Marse John, done been kUled and just last week Ole Marse and Ole Miss sent httle Bobbie to take de place of his brudder John in General Lee's Army, and Miss Mary's husband, Major Wallace done been killed in Stuart's cavahy, and Jim, dat httle nigger you see workin dar was wid Major WaUaee when he was kUled, and den Jim came back to help de rest of us to wuk for de army." 132 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXVIII. CONFEDERATE COMMISSIONERS WERE AT THIS TIME APPOINTED TO CANADA. Something of their respective unsuitableness for the positions, difficulties encountered and why they faded. Mr. Jefferson Davis in his "Rise and FaU of the Confederate Government" with reference to the political sentiment thought to exist in the Western and Northern states, says: "The aspect of the Peace party was quite encouraging, and it seemed that the real issue to be decided in the presidential election of that year was the con tinuance or cessation of the war. A commission of three persons, eminent in position and intelligence, was accordingly appointed to visit Canada, with a view to negotiate with such persons in the North as might be relied on to aid the attain ment of peace." The commissioners appointed to perform the exceedingly diffi cult task assigned was, Jacob Thompson"of Mississippi, while Clement C. Clay of Alabama, and James P. Holcombe of Virginia were sent in an advisory capacity. The authority of President Davis issued April 27th, 1864 was issued to Jacob Thompson — and aU official communication from all Government Departments were addressed to Jacob Thompson. By instructions of the Confederate Government, Messrs. Thomp son, Clay and Honorable W. W. Cleary, secretary of the commission, started on May 6, 1864, from WUmington, North Carohna, in the Clyde built steamer "Thistle," a fast blockade runner. The "Thistle" steamed down the Cape Fear River, reaching Fort Fisher late in the afternoon, and there anchored tUl darkness freed her from the danger of easy observation. She steamed to sea midst thirteen United States vessels that composed the blockading squadron. The fuel of the blockade runner was anthracite coal, the furnace hooded, the hghts out, and the speed unusual. Blockade runners were painted a color that made them incon spicuous against the sea. Whenever the watch officer observed a steamer ahead, the course of the blockade runner was changed to elude possible pursuit. A steamer following for several hours alarmed the "Thistle" passengers. But finally the captain of the blockade runner comforted aU on board by announcing that he was running faster than his pursuer, and finally arrived safely in the Burmudas, at the Port of St. George. Subsequently the commissioners saUed for Halifax on the British mail steamer "Alpha," and arrived at Halifax on the 19th of May. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 133 Here Commissioner Clay was detained on account of Ulness, and Commissioner Thompson, with Secretary Cleary, set out for Montreal, arriving there on May 29th. Mr. Thompson opened an account with the Bank of Ontario, but found it advisable afterward to make his headquarters at the more conveniently located city of Toronto. Mr. Clay chose St. Catherine's for his place of residence, and the severance of residential locations was fairly indicative of the ab sence of concurrent action which existed from the beginning even to the end of the commissioners' service in Canada. Jacob Thompson was a successful man of business, a politician of unusual ability, had served in the cabinet of President Buchanan as secretary of the in terior, was always a gentleman, but was not a diplomat. Mr. Thompson was somewhat disqualified for the duties of com missioner by being unable to reahze that many men were not as honor able as he. Mr. Thompson, along with Henry Watterson, had seen field service on the staff of General Forrest, and to such counselors General Forrest owed much. Mr. Clay was a man of culture and of some pohtieal experience. He had represented the state of Alabama in both houses of the United States Congress. It would have been difficult for President Davis to have found one prominent in pohtieal life who was more unfitted to perform the duties exacted. He was not a practical man, he lacked judgment and he was in ill health, was peevish, irritable and suspi cious — he distrusted his colleague, Mr. Thompson, and he relied on those who were often unworthy. From the very outset he was out of harmony with Commissioner Thompson; with his residence at St. Catherine's, removed from Mr. Thompson's semi-official residence at Toronto, and demanded and was paid then the sum of $93,000.00 from which he should make such expenditures as might accord with his undisputed judgment. The lack of accord of these two commis sioners might have made success difficult even had the duties exacted been easier of attainment. James P. Holcombe was an accomplished scholar with neither experience nor tact nor knowledge of men, all of which were requisites to deal with the serious questions presented to the Confederate com missioners. The Confederate Commission in Canada would have been more efficient if Thompson alone had represented the Confederate Government. The duties imposed expanded much beyond those first consid ered, and authority respecting such duties was provided for in the elastic verbal instructions given by President Davis. The fulfillment 134 ACTIVE SERVICE of these duties required thorough knowledge of pohtieal conditions and pohticians — of newspapers and of proprietors of these papers — of military conditions and of military men, of discernment of the prob able influence of action. Above aU the duties required an unusual judgment of men. The manifest absence of many of these qualifi cations, and especiaUy of judgment of men, justified at a very early date doubt as to large measure of success. President Davis relied chiefly on Jacob Thompson, and on AprU 27th, 1864, issued the foUowing authority towit: "Richmond, Va., April 27th, 1864. Hon. Jacob Thompson: Sir: — Confiding special trust in your zeal, discretion and patriotism, I hereby direct you to proceed at once to Canada; there to carry out the instructions you have received from me verbally, in such manner as shall seem most likely to con duce to the furtherance of the interests of the Confederate States of America which have been intrusted to you. Very respectfully and truly yours, (Signed) Jefferson Davis." Commissioner Thompson considered it advisable to sojourn tempo rarily at Montreal, not alone to open a bank account for the ample funds at his command, but to carry into effect as far as might seem to be possible, the verbal instructions given him by President Davis. These instructions enjoined the quiet ascertainment of opinions of influential men in the United States as to positive expression of potent opinion hostUe to the continuance of the war. Not alone did there exist the powerful opposition to the continued prosecution of the War between the States because of no constitutional right; not alone the precedent asserted in the earlier history of the country by New England of the absolute right of state goverment; but quite apart from this absolute right of government there had come now to the hearts and homes of aU the people the thought that the war was being waged for the Uberation of slaves, and that for this end hves and property of the white people of the United States were offered in sacrifice. To further crystallize this feehng, and to mould it in some way into hostUe expression was the essential duty of the Confederate com missioner. This could be best effected primarUy by means of the news papers. And this certainly could not be immediately done with hope of widespread influence. The commissioners looked to New York as a necessary starting point. It was not long before there came upon the scene a strong vision ary, persistent man in the ubiquitous George N. Sanders. In my experience of a long hfe, accustomed to deahng with men, I have known no counterpart of this very unusual man. Commissioner Clay soon JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 135 yielded entirely to his influence, most men were swayed by his plausible theories, and he was a constant menace to the interests for which the Confederate commissioners were made responsible. He controlled Mr. Clay, he dominated, while he was there, Mr. James P. Holcombe. Sanders entertained the wUdest views as to what legitimately consti tuted "retaliation," and upon most of the Confederate soldiers who had escaped to Canada from Northern prisons he impressed his wild and impracticable thoughts. He had no influence with Commissioner Thompson, and had none with Hines nor with me. "During the several years prior to and after the Civil War the name of George N. Sanders was daily on the tongues of men of nearly every Christian nation. In Europe he was confidant and companion of such men as Louis Kossuth, Victor Hugo, Ladru Rollin and Garibaldi; while in America he hobnobbed with the presi dent and his cabinet, and was close to all politicians. Questions of eminent national importance were troubling the minds of citi zens of the republic during the decade between 1835 and 1845. Nearly every Ken- tuckian of prominence was interested in the outcome of Texas independence. That state had declared its independence in 1835. In November 1843, George N. Sanders called the first meeting held in the United States for the annexation of Texas. It was held in a little tailor shop at Ghent, Ky., and comprised a baker's dozen of representative citizens of Carroll county, Ky.; Frank Bledsoe was the secretary of the meeting. George N. Sanders drew up the resolutions which were adopted. He was named to correspond with the different candidates for president. This correspondence elicited letters from James K. Polk, Tyler, Buchanan, Wood bury and the widely celebrated Robert J. Walker, on the subject of the 'Annexa tion of Texas.' Mr. Van Buren was the only candidate that did not reply. The deepest national interest was manifested in the replies to which popular antici pation had been directed by the press. In recognition for his services Pierce appointed Sanders consul to London. The Senate at first rejected the nomination, but later confirmed it at the inter cession of Seward, strangely enough, a decided political opponent. Mr. Sanders resided two years in London, where he was known for his boundless hospitality and rabid republicanism. It was there that he gave the famous dinner to Buch anan, then minister to the Court of St. James, and, as the spirit of the occasion, inspired the defiant tone of the after-dinner speeches. It was George N. Sanders who pushed Buchanan and encouraged Soule, at Ostend, to manifest a determina tion to appropriate Cuba at all hazards regardless of international law, Monroe Doctrine, or anything else. It was while consul at London that he entered heart and soul into the dream of Victor Hugo, Ladru Rolhn, Mazzini, and Garibaldi for the overthrow of all monarchies and the establishment of universal republican forms of government. He astonished them with the recklessness of his ambition. A contemporary correspondent of Forney's Press wrote of Sanders: Tie sees everybody and talks to everybody, high and low. He has httle veneration for great men. He would ask Justice Taney to take a drink and criti cize George Washington, were he living, to his face.' 136 ACTIVE SERVICE 'Born in Kentucky and raised in New York, he takes a view of the whole country and is ready to take charge of it too.' 'Sanders became a national character and was considered one of the most adept political wire-pullers in the country when it came to politics.' " It was quite impossible for Mr. Sanders to control his innate activities. He had no authority to do anything, and Commissioner Thompson declined to confer with Mr. Sanders, or to take part in any scheme promoted by him. He knew Mr. Sanders' proclivity for med dling, and his caution was increased by the warning of Captain Hines and myself that this busy man had obtained control of the opinions of Mr. Clay and Mr. Holcombe and might get any one in trouble by his active brain and tireless scheming. Sanders soon assumed the authority to invite Horace Greeley to secure from President Lincoln safe conduct for himself and Commis sioners Clay and Holcombe to Washington in order that they might discuss with President Lincoln the situation of affairs. Messrs. Clay, Holcombe, Greeley and Sanders met at Niagara, when President Lincoln advised Mr. Greeley that he would be pleased to confer with any one having authority to treat of peace on basis of ' 'Integrity of the whole Union and the Abandonment of Slavery." Commissioner Thompson declined to be a party to the conference. Captain Hines and I advised Commissioner Thompson that Sanders had urged that we do the Confederate|Government the service, and ourselves and those we would identify with us the honor to "retali ate" by robbing the banks at Niagara and at Buffalo. We explained that we could easily take possession of the banks at both places, but declined to accede to his views that this would be a legitimate act of war, or that it would be "an honor," or that the Confederate Govern ment could be brought to sanction such action. We explained that such course would violate our obhgations to Canada,, embarrass the Confederate Government and jeopardize the Confederate commissioners who sought asylum in the Dominion. No argument, however, satisfied Mr. Sanders, and we were at aU times very reticent in discussing in his presence any matter of moment, although exceedingly fond of him personally. General Basil W. Duke, writing in 1896, said: "The true character and purposes of the Northwestern Conspiracy have never been understood outside of the ranks of the initiated save by very few; and yet it is a matter of astonishment that it was kept so closely veiled, inasmuch as a vast number of men were engaged in it, and necessarily informed, to a greater or less extent, of its objects. Necessarily the danger attendant upon such a course of action compelled an unusual degree of secrecy and prudence. Every one in any manner connected with it took his hfe in his hand. The Confederate emissaries Facsimile of President Jefferson Davis' Appointment of Commissioner Thompson. Jacob Thompson Facsimile of Thomas H. Hines' Letter JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 137 who planned it, and were most active in enlisting its numerous agents and abettors, would have been shot as spies upon conviction, and the citizens of Northern states who became their allies were liable to trial and execution for treason. How gener ally and unsparingly such punishment would have been inflicted, had suflBcient proof to sustain it been forthcoming, all who remember the temper of the time will realize; how relentlessly such doom was executed in some instances, wherein cases against the accused seemed made out, the friends of the sufferers can never forget. It required no ordinary degree of audacity to conceive such a scheme, and an amount of cool, unflinching nerve to patiently and systematically persist, under all the manifold dangers and difficulties surrounding it, working it up, which is now well nigh incredible. But the kind of men who could plan and execute it are the very men to keep a secret themselves and to teach and coerce silence and discretion to others; and wide as were the ramifications of this perilous business, and tremendous as were the consequences involved in its issue, although its exis tence was discovered, its real policy, its formidable dimensions, and how nearly it reached the accomplishment of its aims, were never known. In the very heat and strain of war the people of the North were startled by learning that while their armies were waging battle in the distant region of rebellion, revolt and danger were at their very doors, and strife might at any hour break out in Northern communi ties direr than that which had desolated Virginia and Tennessee." In 1882 my friend and comrade, Captain Hines again urged me to write an account of the "Northwestern Conspiracy" and addressed me the foUowing letter: "Court of Appeals. Frankfort, Ky., December 6th, 1882. Major J. B. Castleman, Louisville, Ky. Dear Breck: I find it almost impossible to get the time to prepare the promised article on the Western Conspiracy, and therefore write to ask if you will not undertake it? There seems to be a general demand for its production. If you will undertake to write it immediately I will give you all my private papers bearing on the matter, including original orders, etc. What say you? Yours truly, Thos. H. Hines." Fellow Citizens Ask For Permanent Record. Louisville, Kentucky, October 10, 1895. General John B. Castleman, Louisville. We, the. undersigned, members of the Confederate Association of Kentucky, having had. the pleasure of listening to your admirable address, delivered before the Association on the 8th inst. desire to express our thanks to you for the entertain ment given us and to express our appreciation of your efforts to add to the interest of our meeting. 138 ACTIVE SERVICE We believe your address, both in the subject matter and the language with which it was clothed, should be preserved as far as possible, as a part of the rehable history of the late Civil War; and especially those portions which relate to your own experiences and reminiscences, including the original documents read by you. We, therefore, request that you put the address in permanent form, so that the same may be part of the archives of the association, and be read by future generations, as we know of no better and more trustworthy method of preserving the facts of history than to obtain them from one like yourseU, who participated in many of the most interesting events, which occurred in the struggle of the Con federate states for Independence. We respectfully ask your comphance with our request at your earhest convenience. B. W. Duke Thos. W. Bullitt Sam'l Murrell A. E. Richards Thos. D. Osborne Hancock Taylor John H. Leathers Randolph H. Blain D. W. Sanders Abner Harris H. W. Bruce John D. Young John H. Weller John Echols R. C. Davis T. L. Burnett H. L. Stone W. J. Davis Sam. H. Buchanan John W. Green J. T. Ashbrook Geo. G. Norton John B. Pirtle William Lindsay Harry Weissinger Norborne G. Gray Twenty-eight years ago, in 1886 and 1887, I prepared for the Southern Bivouac, a brilliant post-war periodical then pubhshed in LouisvUle by General BasU W. Duke and R. W. Knott, a series of articles, which in a very few instances wiU be quoted here. I wrote these to the joint credit of Hines and myself, or in his name, as I saw fit. The pubhcation of the pfehminary contributions attracted the attention of the Honorable Jefferson Davis. Mr. Davis' characteristic consideration for others, wishing carefuUy to guard the bona fides of every representative of the Confederate Government in relation to anyone whose co-operation had been obtained, wrote to General BasU W. Duke, asking that there would not be pubhshed the name of any one who would be embarrassed by the pubhcation. Sufficient time seemed even then to have elapsed to make such pubhcity of names a matter of no special personal embarrassment, for it was then twenty-one years after the war had closed. Yet, in defer ence to Mr. Davis' wish, names were withheld and we had the prelimin ary treatment of "plays without actors." Now the lapse of time has been doubled. Half a century marks the distance back to the close of the war. Public opinion has changed. The right to individual action is more determinedly recognized. Differ ences of opinion as to the propriety of the War between the States is more respected. It has come to be, therefore, that one sees in the opinion of a man hving either south or north of the Mason and Dixon line reason for respect and commendation. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 139 Yet during the war preponderance of sentiment in communities North or South was intolerant of all difference of thought. The ques tion of slavery, the question of the rights of the individual states divided the opinions of men and had done so since the very formation of our government. Opinions vehemently expressed by New England in the early history of the country were entertained later by other sections of the country, and by certain elements of communities in all sections at the time the War between the States was being waged and people who thought thus were conscientious in their purpose to do what they might to stop a war which was being conducted along hnes not sup ported by their convictions of governmental right. Thus the people in the Northwestern states, just as the people in aU sections of the country, entertained, and, in a timid way, manifested their opposition to the continued prosecution of war. This was not disloyalty to the government, but loyalty to their own conviction of right, and it is a credit rather than a discredit to show that these men, to a certain extent at least, and within the range of prudent and justified action, did what they could or what they dared to do, animated by a hope that they might be instrumental in stopping a war which had not their sympathy. Responsibility for military results in an undertaking prompted by an almost forlorn hope of the Confederate Government, was in trusted to Captain Thomas H. Hines and to myself, as will be herein after shown, and in addition to that already written concerning this intimate friend and comrade, I shall have much to recite. Hines enhsted under me at Chattanooga, Tenn., in May, 1862, as a private soldier. One may understand the merits of Thomas H. Hines when it is reflected that in civU life he became Chief Justice of the AppeUate Court of the State of Kentucky. As a soldier I have known few men hke Tom Hines. With the exception of General BasU W. Duke, I knew in army life no man so resourceful and so composed in aU difficulties. Running through this narrative I shall have occasion to mention more than one instance showing the personal coolness and readiness in decision of this very modest and very re markable man. 140 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXIX. PRESIDENT DAVIS' SUGGESTIONS. The following correspondence wUl explain Mr. Davis' attitude in 1886 in respect to the publications which have been referred to: "Louisville, Ky., July 10th, 1913. General Basil W. Duke, Louisville, Ky. My very dear old Commander: In 1886 you were editor of the Southern Bivouac published then in Louisville by yourself and R. W. Knott, Esq. In that year you editorially announced that in Decemberjf ollowing you would begin pubhcation of papers from our comrade, Capt. Thos. Henry Hines and my self, concerning what had become designated as 'The Northwestern Conspiracy.' The former beloved Chief Executive of the Confederate States, Honorable Jefferson Davis, was then living, and your editorial came under his observation. Mr. Davis wrote you a letter most courteous and considerate, in which he expressed the hope that there would not be included in the contemplated pubhcation the names of any Northwestern sympathizers who had aided us and whose identifi cation with such 'Northwestern Conspiracy' might to them be embarrassing. You brought this letter to me and Mr. Davis' wishes were respected and a few chapters dealing generally with the situation were prepared with elimination of the names of the actors. It seems to be now a duty to write the truth of these events, even though they may have been inconsequential. My dear comrade, Captain Hines, after wards chief justice of Kentucky, is dead, and the responsibility devolves on me to perform what was then a divided duty. I am, therefore, asking that you will furnish me the original or else a statement of your recollection of Honorable Jefferson Davis' letter. I remain, my dear old commander, Yours most sincerely, John B. Castleman." "Louisville, Ky., July 12, 1913. General Jno. B. Castleman, Louisville, Ky. My dear Comrade : I am just in receipt of yours of the 10th inst., asking that I send you the letter written me by Honorable Jefferson Davis in regard to the publication in 1886 in the Southern Bivouac — of which I was one of the editors — of papers furnished by Judge Hines and yourself in relation to the 'Northwestern Conspiracy,' with which you and Judge Hines were connected in an effort to liberate the Confederate prisoners then confined in the prisons located in Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio. I re gret very much that I cannot comply with your request. That letter, with other JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 141 letters from Mr. Davis, was in some manner mislaid and I have never been able to find it. I regret this more because of the characteristically earnest and generous feeling which evidently actuated Mr. Davis in what was an effort upon his part to protect our friends in the states mentioned from disclosures which might have proved embarrassing to them. I am glad to know that you propose to publish this narrative, which I am sure will prove very interesting. Sincerely your friend and comrade, Basil W. Duke." When in 1886 and 1887 there began to be pubhshed in the Bivouac the papers whose matter respected President Davis' wish to avoid names as heretofore explained, Honorable Emmet G. Logan, the very brilliant editor of the Louisville Times, printed an editorial at that time which dealt frankly, though not very considerately, with his friends, as foUows: "Disappointing War Articles. Anything like a vivid or valuable narrative of an episode which might have exercised such a tremendous influence on this government as the one being dis cussed is impossible when dummies are substituted for men. That a movement was planned, organized and partially executed which in scope was of gigantic and far-reaching dimensions has been a matter of common knowledge ever since its miscarriage, but the men through whose sympathy and aid only could it have been consummated succeeded in withdrawing themselves behind a veil of ob scurity which the most curious gaze has failed to penetrate. The gentlemen who have undertaken to contribute this portion of the war's history have simply excited a legitimate curiosity without in the slightest degree allaying it. They offer the strongest of all sentimental considerations, honor, as the plea for the unfinished and fragmentary character of their story, but in acknowledging this obstacle at the outset they admit their disqualification as historians. Of course, they must be the judges of what they consider binding obliga tions on themselves, but from a disinterested standpoint no tenable reason exists why the names of their Northern associates should be withheld. True the es timation in which the loyal people of the North held the Sons of Liberty for some years after the close of the war, while the passions were still inflamed and reason relegated to an unconsidered station, was such as would have condemned them to ostracism, disgrace and danger. But that time is passed. A man may now declare that he acted conscientiously during the distressful period with some hope of being believed, and since a man's moral status must be purely defined by his intentions, if these were honest and sincere, his character cannot suffer. So the large number of men north of the Ohio who were convinced of the justice and righteousness of their course in coming to an agreement with the Confederate commissioners are today beyond reach of serious influence from it. Clement 142 ACTIVE SERVICE Vallandigham was a despised and detested name in 1870, if he were living today the obliquy would have disappeared. Therefore, Messrs. Hines and Castleman should have told their whole tale. For instance, the February paper stated that a candidate for governor in 1864 made his canvass on money furnished by Jacob Thompson and his fellows. What a colorless, insipid passage this is, and how it would have been vitalized and illum inated by telling who this man was. And the same objection holds with regard to the other characters. Frankness compels the charge that this delicacy on the part of the authors has very much impaired the quality of their recital. In addition, while keeping this alleged faith with their sensitive co-conspira tors, they have broken it with the large pubhc to whom the most unqualified promises were made before the publication of the articles that names, dates and particulars would be given. A very widespread interest was aroused under false pretenses, and if this was not deliberately done, then as soon as it was discovered that such serious objections to fulfilling these promises existed, they should have announced the fact and withdrawn the publication." My dear friend, Emmet G. Logan, the exceptionally able editor, was not informed of the consideration for others which had induced the suppression of names. Logan was quite right in the opinion that he twenty-seven years ago expressed concerning the flatness of a history without identifica tion of men, but the deference shown then for ex-President Jefferson Davis' views of what he construed as good faith with people of the Northwestern states has at no time been regretted. This editor of unusual briUiancy has gone now to the other side, and is not here to be further disappointed in a narrative whose incomplete outlines at one time induced his expression of disapproval. In dealing with this question one is confronted by embarrassment due to the fact that much has been already pubhshed. That is say, publication of formal proceeding of contemporary military and civU trials, every one of which has been discredited by false testimony bring ing out in a general way a vast amount of testimony relating to the matters which must herein be considered, albeit much of this testimony was suborned, and some emanating from men who had been trusted by those acting under direction of Confederate authorities. It is the writer's purpose— even at the risk of not here reproduc ing many detaUs of importance — to avoid the repetition of these formal statements and facts, and to endeavor to treat briefly of events and of men whose acts and personal identification may be of advantage in making record of what are important historical transactions. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 143 Chapter XXX. CONFEDERATE PRISONERS IN THE NORTHWEST. In 1864 Confederate prisoners held by the United States num bered a force well-nigh equal to the efficient numerical strength of Lee's army. It was in the face of these conditions that in 1864 the Confederate Government sent commissioners into Canada clothed with sufficient and with elastic power and supphed with ample means, in the hope that through their instrumentality something might be done to advance the realization of an honorable peace. The Confederate Government was limited to the resources and men found within its own territory, and the supplies produced each year became more narrowed as the producers were lessened by calls to arms, and as the fields of growing crops were trampled by contending armies. And the waste of hfe in field and camp weakened annually the efficient fighting strength of the patriot armies till 'twas plain to be seen that food and clothing and men must waste beyond the point of efficiency. The United States had vast producing territory whose tillage was undisturbed by contending armies, and all the world contributed to the ranks where hberal bounties offered inducements to soldiers of the old world. Added to these conditions there was prevalent a repetition of history in the combined influence of transportation companies, manu facturers, contractors and financiers opposing cessation of war which brought to them pecuniary advantage. Already, as never before that time, these combined influences had taken a hand in governmental direction, a powerful influence in control of Congress. These powers cared nothing for country, nothing for waste of property and hfe, but solely for the gain which to them came from continued sacrifice of people whose destruction was aug menting vast wealth, for those who sought to promote personal fortune by sacrifice of hves of their countrymen. Authentic history of this period of effort is shown with incom plete accuracy by the brief records, accounts and letters in my pos session and in many essential details cannot be known from other sources. These records include the "Official Journal" or minute book of the Confederate commissioners in Canada, and of various relative papers and letters. These records are brief and the relative papers and letters are not numerous, but they combine to somewhat elucidate 144 ACTIVE SERVICE the history of an effort to aid in securing the hberties of a people who were sacrificing themselves for governmental principle. These records, accounts and letters came to me in chief part from and because of my intimacy with Jacob Thompson, a lovable man, to whom I was personally greatly devoted, and with whom I hved, studied and traveled for a time abroad, and in some part from Mr. Cleary, secretary to the Confederate commissioners. In one instance three leaves have been cut from the "Official Journal" and in a few cases hnes have been blotted out so as to entirely obscure, what has been written, obviously and admittedly because these leaves and these hnes were thought by the Confederate Commissioner Thomp son to contain compromising record which in some cases would, if known, have furnished sufficient proof of the disregard of right of asylum, and good ground for extradition. I afterwards mentioned to ex-Commissioner Thompson that it seemed that he had not made, or caused to be made preliminary tran script and then after editing this transferred to permanent record in the "Official Journal." But that with preliminary entries in the Offi cial Journal he had repeatedly made corrections and erasures. After Commissioner Thompson had on May 30th, 1864, opened a bank account with the Ontario Bank in Montreal, he set about se curing interviews with prominent Northern and Eastern men, so as to ascertain in as direct a way as was possible, what was the probable feehng of leading men in those sections in respect to discontinuing the war. This wish was accomplished primarily through the assistance of Mr. Melville of New York City. It soon became obvious to Commissioner Thompson that the very potent men of the North and East who were growing rich because of the war commanded an influence which would neutralize any effort to discontinue prosecution of hostilities. In summing up the great morning daiUes of New York, it was advised that the Tribune could not be approached, that the Herald "had lost influence" and that the World "was already bought up by the McClelland interest." Commissioner Thompson concluded that httle was to be hoped for immediately from the North and East, and determined to, and did organize an effective move to cause gold to be bought and with drawn from the market, and thus to depreciate the inflated currency of the United States Government. Commissioner Thompson left Montreal early in June and by appointment visited at Windsor, Honorable Clement L. Vallandigham who explained the numerical strength and what he thought to be the effective power of the "Sons of Liberty" of which he was "grand com mander," giving the enrolled strength of that order as 85,000 in Illinois JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 145 50,000 in Indiana and 40,000 in Ohio and reported an efficient organi zation in Kentucky, — everywhere animated by hostihty to the war, founded upon the principles of the Resolutions of 1798-1799 and pledged to offer in support "their hves, fortunes and sacred honor." Mr. Vallandigham introduced and in a most unqualified way endorsed James A. Barrett of St. Louis as the "grand lecturer" of the order, or what would correspond with the duties of adjutant-gen eral. Mr. VaUandigham advised purchase of arms for the Sons of Liberty, expressed the opinion that judicious expenditure of money would vastly increase the efficiency of this order; but declined to personaUy distribute proffered funds. Mr. Vallandigham favored the formation of a "Western Con federacy," and Mr. Barrett was charged with the duty of ascertaining and reporting promptly the views of prominent men of the order, and of inviting personal conference with Commissioner Thompson, who had agreed on Mr. Vallandigham's recommendation to supply arms and funds. Mr. Vallandigham not only favored, but was confident in behef of, the power of the organized "Sons of Liberty" to displace the governing officials in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and Kentucky. Commissioner Thompson went to Niagara Falls on the 13th of June, to confer with ex-Governor Washington Hunt of New York. Commissioner Thompson had a visit from Charles Walsh of Chicago who advised that in Chicago he had two "organized" regi ments practically armed, for the ostensible and legitimate purpose of protecting the building in which 'twas proposed to assemble the National Democratic Convention, which was to be held in Chicago. Mr. Walsh was supplied with arms for his regiments that after wards proved as most others similarly "organized for service" to have been those whose chief efficiency consisted in lists of men and the imagination of commanders. Mr. Vallandigham's most unqualified endorsement of his execu tive official associate, James A. Barrett, led Commissioner Thompson to supply Mr. Barrett with ample funds to purchase arms and perfect organization wherever required by the Sons of Liberty. For same purpose funds were liberally supplied by Commissioner Thompson to General John C. Walker of Indiana. The demand for arms came from Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and Kentucky, Amos Green commanding in Illinois, H. H. Dodd in Indiana, T. C. Massie in Ohio and Joshua F. Bulhtt in Kentucky. At the same time arms purchased by W. W. Cleary in New York were shipped direct to Canada. Commissioner Thompson, in sending his first official communica tion to Richmond, addressing the Honorable Judah P. Benjamin, secretary of state, set forth to him the impressions which in five weeks 146 ACTIVE SERVICE he had gained. These impressions came largely through interviews with Honorable Clement C.Vallandigham, and his associates, whose opin ions were honest, but very often not practical. Mr. VaUandigham had a positive confidence in the activities of men who were merely theorists. Mr. Vallandigham and his patriotic associates could not then beheve that well nigh quarter of a million men belonging to a patriotic order and entertaining correct views of limited powers of government could not, by their ipse dixit, overturn a solidified govern ment, organized in every way and with powerful armies in the field, but this neither Mr. Vallandigham nor his officials of the Sons of Liberty seemed able to understand. They seemed to consider that public sentiment was tantamount to pubhc achievement. Opposition to further enforcement of conscription was increasing throughout the United States, and even in New York the adverse feehng was so in tense that New York City not only threatened to resist further draft but to "secede" if effort were made to enforce conscription. Fernardo Wood was mayor of New York and was an able and determined man. It proved to be not easy to immediately secure the aid of any of the metropohtan press. New York daUy papers under the influ ences directing their support of the war's continuance could not be quickly diverted. Honorable Ben Wood was the proprietor of the New York Daily News. On the 10th of August he was supphed with $25,000 to "pur chase arms" and subsequently with $5,000 and on the 26th of August Mr. Wood arranged with Commissioner Thompson for an interview following the National Democratic Convention to be held in Chicago so as to determine the pohcy of his paper in event of McCleUand's nomi nation. In harmony with Mr. Vallandigham's opinions, the Sons of Liberty had confident visions about seizing the state governments of IUinois, Indiana and Ohio, and in Ueu of the then state officials they proposed to inaugurate and sustain such provisional governments as the Sons of Liberty might elect to instal. To accomplish this am bitious undertaking they came to reahze that military force was essen tial — for it was quite well understood that not by mere theory could such revolution be made effective. Practical consideration as to the means necessary to effect this ambition led finally to the conclusion that the liberation of Confederate soldiers could alone supply the basic power for such undertaking. With Southern soldiers released from Camp Douglas and Rock Island in IUinois, from Camp Morton in Indiana and from Camp Chase in Ohio, armed at each point and directed by veteran and competent officers — the nucleus of armies could be supplied, rallying bases could be secured and made strong, and state government could be controUed. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 147 To do this, even a smaU percentage of the numerical strength of the "Sons of Liberty" would suffice, but this strength needed to be efficient, and was required to be upon a reasonable military footing. The Confederate commissioners had furnished money to buy arms and to provide transportation. The Confederate commissioners had done that which Mr. Vallandigham, the grand commander, and what Bar rett and Green and HoUoway and Welsh and Dodd and Walker and Bowles and Massie and Churchill and Long and Bulhtt considered to be the only thing necessary to the definite success of a "Western Con federacy." Animated by confidence born of theory and deadened by danger of action, either initial or co-operative movement of the offi cials of the Sons of Liberty was not rehable. An army of enlisted men — enroUed in a semi-mihtary order designed to promote well con sidered patriotic convictions could not be made immediately effective as a military force. And even though many of the rank and file were willing to make aggressive move in furtherance of the principles, inculcated by the Sons of Liberty, we could only form opinion as to the probable common sentiment by contact with officials who were supposed to reflect the general feehng. Judging, therefore, from this standard, it seemed to be that an organization of more than two hundred thousand men doubtless patriotic in feehng, doubtless inimical to the continued prosecution of the war, were yet not ready to act with violent hostihty against the forces of organized government. We knew that any hostUe move of commanding strength would compel onward action. But there were lacking in the order of the Sons of Liberty leaders who dared to lead. Thus it was that movement by them agreed for the fourth of July, 1864, for the 16th of July, for the 20th of July aU ahke induced obvious timidity. Hines and I were obhged to conclude that any date of agreed action would be generaUy thought by them to be "premature" and we were compeUed to determine that even though every request for means which Mr. Vallandigham and his associates had made had been met promptly by Commissioner Thompson, we had nevertheless to face the fact that small reUance could be placed upon such an organization if needed for military activites, the real scope of whose co-operation seemed to be limited to governmental theories. Hines and I knew that we could not succeed without the aid of Northwestern men. We had learned to know that this aid was not to be certainly rehed upon. We were obhged to know that to some men Commissioner Thompson had entrusted funds for specific purposes whose specific aim had not been attained, to some distribution of arms 148 ACTIVE SERVICE had not been free from justified criticism, and that in very few cases were the leaders of the Sons of Liberty reaUy competent and daring. Specific information as to their armed bodies was not to us satisfactory. It seemed to us to be the presentation of leaders, some of whom were honest and brave, yet even the best of whom lacked the capacity for organized direction of incomplete forces. Under aU the circumstances we were obliged to make effort to secure such overt action on part of these irresolute men as would render retreat impossible and hostUe aggression a necessity. To this result we directed our course, and thinking that a vast number coUeeted in one community offered our only hope, we advised Commissioner Thompson to acquiesce in the expressed opinions of the officials of the Sons of Liberty, who favored the time of holding the National Democratic Convention in Chicago, on the 29th of August, 1864, as the occasion for general movement which would have as its foundation armed hostihty to the continuance of a war waged by the sacrifice of the white man's life for the abohtion of the black man's slavery. We knew that a large number, at least fifty thousand men who were members of the Sons of Liberty, should be gathered at the National Democratic Convention in Chicago on the 29th of August. We, indeed, demanded that the transportation fund provided by Commissioner Thompson for this purpose should be used to this end, and that as many as possible of these Sons of Liberty armed for the avowed purpose of resenting any execution of repeated threats that the Democratic Convention should not be held in Chicago. We endeavored to impress the officials of the Sons of Liberty with the actual necessity of this course. A number of prominent men from the Northern and the Eastern States seemed to make convenient to visit the FaUs and to stop at the Chfton House on the Canadian side. It was easy thus, by seeming accident or by actual appointment to be brought into interview with the Confederate commissioners or with those close to these commis sioners. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 149 Chapter XXXI. JUDGE JERRY S. BLACK. On the 14th of August, Judge Jerry S. Black came to Toronto to visit Commissioner Thompson. These two men were close personal and pohtieal friends and between them there existed unqualified per sonal confidence. Judge Black stated that he came at the instance of Honorable E. M. Stanton, President Lincoln's secretary of war — to ascertain if he could negotiate terms of peace without the condition of independ ence of the Confederate States Government and final separation. Judge Black stated that Stanton considered the re-election of Lincoln doubtful unless something were done to crystallize in Lincoln's favor pubhc opinion which then was divided as to the wisdom of continu ing the war, and that if Mr. Lincoln should be defeated, the cabinet officers would be treated with indignity and subjected to personal danger. Judge Black was anxious to secure such adjustment as would protect rights of property and person — provide protection against sectional agitation in the future, but not with any thought of final separation. Commissioner Thompson replied that he was not authorized to make reply — that the Southern States were only contending for constitutional rights and that they asked now the right of self-govern ment — freed as they were from any obligation to any foreign country. Commissioner Thompson caUed Judge Black's attention to the humUiation of the United States by both England and France, recalhng as to England the Trent affair, and as to France the trampling under foot the cherished Monroe Doctrine by the then occupation of Mexico and the ruhng of MaximUian. Notwithstanding the tactful but very positive opposition of Hines and myself Judge Black was allowed to return to Washington without encouragement. The Confederate commissioners in Canada reflected the phantom of foreign recognition which had from the beginning animated and embarrassed the Confederate Government. From all the adverse conditions which were presented to the consciousness of the Richmond authorities; from the diminished resources and weakened armies there seemed to be hope of relief through the obtaining of recognition sought from England or from France. In failing to take advantage of the opportunity to negotiate an honorable peace along reasonable hnes of suggestions intimated by Judge Black as emanating from Mr. Lincoln's secretary of war, and allowing Judge Black to return without definite encouragement to 150 ACTIVE SERVICE Washington, the Confederate commissioners failed to foresee that within five months President Davis would himself be instituting through Hon orable F. P. Blair of Washington, inquiries as to the terms on which an honorable peace might be secured. But when Mr. Davis on the twelfth of the foUowing January wrote to Mr. Blair, the presidential election had been held. Mr. Lincoln 's war pohcy had been endorsed by the people, and Mr. Stanton was no longer apprehensive. So, following the ignis fatuus of recognition rather than the substantial negotiation for peace, the Confederate commissioners had sent Honorable James P. Holcombe abroad on the 23rd of August to confer again with, and to bear an official communication from the commissioners to, Messrs. Mason and ShdeU, the Confederate ministers to London and Paris. The demands for an honorable peace were now immediate and urgent. The possible benefits to accrue from mere recognition were remote and indefinite, but the hope for the latter had hitherto triumphed over the advantages of the former. More than a month had passed since Commissioner Thompson sent his first official communication to the Confederate Secretary of State — Honorable Judah P. Benjamin — reciting his impressions of the feehng of the people of the United States and a very positive and unwarranted confidence in the representation of those whose agency circumstances had induced him to rely on. And when on the 23rd of August Commissioner Thompson wrote to our representatives in England and France and sent Commissioner Holcombe as a special delegate to present remarkable theories of govern mental conditions both in the Confederate States and in the United States, Commissioner Thompson said in conclusion: ' 'After these matters are fairly presented to the courts of England and France, I should be pleased to know what we are to expect from them. My advice to the government at Richmond wiU be modified by your reply." Prior to the appointment of the Confederate commissioners to look after the interest of the Confederate States from Canada, Captain Thomas H. Hines had been commissioned by Secretary of War, James A. Seddon, under authority which was as foUows: "Confederate States of America, War Department, Richmond, Va. March 16, 1864 Captain T. Henry Hines:. Sir: — You are detailed for special service to proceed to Canada, passing through the United States under such character and in such mode as you may JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 151 deem most safe, for the purpose of collecting there the men of General Morgan's command who may have escaped, and others of the citizens of the Confederate states wilhng to return and enter the military service of the Confederacy, and arranging for their return either through the United States or by sea. You will place yourself, on arrival, in communication with Honorable J. P. Holcombe, who has been sent as special commissioner to the British Provinces, and in his instructions directed to facilitate the passage of such men to the Confederacy. In passing through the United States you will confer with the leading persons friendly or attached to the cause of the Confederacy, or who may be advocates of peace, and do all in your power to induce our friends to organize and prepare themselves to render such aid as circumstances may allow; and to encourage and animate those favorable to a peaceful adjustment to the employment of all agencies calculated to effect such consummation on terms consistent always with the independence of the Confederate states. You will hkewise have in view the possibility by such means as you can command, of effecting any fair and appropriate enterprises of war against our enemies, and will be at hberty to employ such of our soldiers as you may collect, in any hostile operation offering, that may be consistent with the strict observance of neutral obligations incumbent in the British Provinces. Reliance is felt in your discretion and sagacity to understand and carry out as contingencies may dictate, the details of the general design thus communicated. More specific instructions in anticipation of events that may occur under your observation cannot well be given. You will receive a letter to General Polk in which I request his aid in the transmission of cotton, so as to provide funds for the enterprise, and an order has been given to Colonel Bayne, with whom you will confer, to have two hundred bales of cotton purchased in North Mississippi and placed under your direction for this purpose. Should the agencies you may employ for transmitting that be unsuccessful, the same means will be adopted of giving you larger credit, and you are advised to report to Colonel Bayne, before leaving the hnes of the Confederacy, what success has attended your efforts for such transmission. Respectfully, James A. Seddon, Secretary of War." Instructions were also forwarded to Lieutenant-general Leonidas Polk, as foUows: "Confederate States of America War Department Richmond, Va., March 16, 1864 Lieutenant-general L. Polk, Commander, etc., General : I shall have occasion to send Captain T. Henry Hines, an enter prising officer, late of General Morgan's command, who was so efficient in aiding in the escape of that general and others from the Ohio penitentiary, on special service through the lines of the enemy. To provide him with funds for the ac complishment of the purpose designed, it will be necessary that I shall have trans ferred to Memphis some two hundred (200) bales of cotton, which I have ordered an officer of the bureau to have purchased at some convenient point in North Mississippi. 152 ACTIVE SERVICE Captain Hines will himself arrange the agencies by which the cotton can be transferred and disposed of, so as to place funds at command in Memphis, and I have to request that facilities, in the way of transportation and permission to pass the hnes, may, as far as needful, be granted him and the agent he may select. You will please give appropriate instructions to effect these ends to the officers in command on the border. Very respectfully, James A. Seddon, Secretary of War." It will be observed that the instructions furnished Captain Hines by the secretary of war authorized him to make requisition not only upon men of Morgan's cavahy, but all other Confederate soldiers whom he might find in the British Provinces, for such service as was within the scope of his commission; and that it was expected he would attempt military operations, leaving to his judgment and discretion the means to be employed for "effecting any fair and appropriate enterprise of war," and "consistent with the strict observance of neu tral obhgations incumbent in the British Provinces." In pursuance of these instructions Captain Hines immediately proceeded to Canada, making his way through the United States, and carrying with him $300,000.00 which, from Baltimore, he sent to the ambassadors in London and in Paris. Subsequent to the appointment of Honorable Jacob Thompson as Confederate commissioner, President Davis modified the authority of Captain Thomas H. Hines so as to make the control of the Confederate commissioner absolute. The modified appointment reads as follows, to-wit: "Confederate States of America War Department Richmond, Va., May 27, 1864 Captain T. Henry Hines of the Army of the Confederate States will report to and confer with Honorable Jacob Thompson,special commissioner of the Confederate States Government in Canada, and be guided by his counsel in his proceedings and action on his present service. He may consider his instructions for this department subject to modification, change or revocation by the said commissioner, and will take further direction from him. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War." John B. Castleman was commissioned by Commissioner Thomp son to co-operate with Captain Thomas H. Hines, and final formal authority was presented just prior to active operation in the Northwest, and reads as follows, to-wit: "Toronto, C. W. August 24, 1864. John B. Castleman, Captain, C. S. A., By virtue of the authority vested in me, and having confidence in your courage and fidelity, you are hereby appointed to special service and made re- ji_ '& .- ^«->7 *&<••('. '±^p- yi HLe*s*}rJV % 0ZEZZZS ¦ **<* -¦ - t*%'rt> ¦ 'l^f ,*.* «^ / i.U c / t •'fc. «4-i MttZ-^/r,^ ?-y(yu- m>4 jiiajUnt- &t CtAvt t, }yr7vw /fa/fn. (Uum IyV' H^ii. JfrxJ- 0 m, ^/~ frf£ 4vy tiff! {l}ttf the martyrs is the seal of the Church.' 164 ACTIVE SERVICE Providence seems to have opened the door to me for my next movement on the Yankees. Last Sunday night coming to the Slavery Feature in the Civil Code of Moses in the course of my lectures, I concluded to attend to the subject fully, as a thorough dose would not make these British a bit more furious than half a dose. So I made special preparation, and gave them the Southern view of the Bible from one end to the other. The house was jammed, and in ten minutes I noticed pens and pencils flying in all directions. It seemed to electrify them, and, to my sur prise, on Monday morning I was clamorously urged by many leading Canadians to publish on the ground, as they assigned, that they discovered the British people knew nothing about the subject. It occurred to me at once, here is just the op portunity I have been looking for ever since my letter to Lincoln. If I can treat my Yankee friends to a British-endorsed argument on slavery, what can I do better? So I have agreed to furnish to Rolph & Adams the lecture, with ample notes appended, to be published as a small book. They will print it in New York City, and arrange with their friends, the book-sellers there, for circulating a large edition in the United States, thereby avoiding the duty. Of course I will not only pack the little book with the argument in the strongest and most impressive form I can put it but take occasion to tell my British brethern, in the notes, something about their Yankee allies that will edify the latter. Davidson writes me that the letter to Lincoln is, he thinks, so 'tight a boot' that the President and his friends cannot 'get used to it.' The speaker of the House of Congress, or the clerk, has written to our printer for a copy of my article exposing Dr. Breckinridge in 1862. Whether they are plotting something against me, or going to make a move against Stanton for his high-handed villainies, he cannot tell. Hope to hear from you. Yours truly, Stuart Robinson." Mr. Van Dyke's reply. "Brooklyn, February 26, 1865. My dear Brother: You will be glad to hear that I had a long private interview with Captain BeaU on Thursday, the day before his execution. That interview I shall never forget. I found him to be all that you had described him, and much more. He was confined in a narrow and gloomy cell, with a lamp burning at midday, but he received me with as much ease as if he were in his own parlors; and his conver sation at every turn revealed the gentleman, the scholar and the Christian. There was no bravado, no strained heroism, no excitement in his word or manner; but a quiet trust in God, and a composure in view of death, such as I have read of but never beheld to the same degree before. He introduced the subject of his approach ing end himself, saying, that whUe he did not pretend to be indifferent to life, the mode in which he was to leave it had no terror or ignominy for him; he could go to heaven through the cross of Jesus Christ as well from the gallows, or from the battlefield, as from his own bed. He died in defense of what he believed to be right, and so far as the particular things for which he was to be executed are con cerned, he had no confession to make, no repentance to exercise. He did not use one angry or bitter expression towards his enemies, but calmly declared his conviction that he was to be executed contrary to the rules of civilized warfare. He accepted his doom as the will of God. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 165 He had been for many years a member of the Episcopal Church. When called upon for a more particular account of his religious views and prospects in view of death, he said — and these, as near as I can remember, were his very words: "I believe in God and in Jesus Christ; in God as my Creator and supporter, and in Jesus Christ as my Savior. He is the savior of all sinners; I am a sinner, and he is my savior individually. I believe this sincerely in my heart and without any pretense." At another time in the conversation he said, "I do not expect to be saved through any church, or from any worship, but only through Christ." When I began to quote the latter part of the eighth chapter of Romans he took up the passage, and in a half whisper, as though unconscious that he was speaking, re peated ahead of me; smfling at the conclusion, saying that the passage had been often in his mind. His knowledge of Scripture was familiar. In the course of our talk he quoted several hymns; the one beginning "How Firm a Foundation ye Saints of the Lord" he said was a favorite, but "Rock of Ages, Cleft for Me" was a great comfort to him. He quoted the whole verse beginning "Should my tears forever flow," as the sum of his creed and hope for eternity. The intelligence of his views, the sweet simplicity of his manner, mingled with his sublime firmness and composure, delighted and astonished me, and I left his cell, saying, "The chamber where the good man meets his fate is privileged beyond the common walks of life, etc." and I could not forbear to add the reflection, "If this is a speci men of the people it is proposed to subjugate, it wUl require more gallows than can be erected in fifty years to accomplish the object." "My soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, 0 mine honor, be not thou united!" If it had been required of me, I would cheerfully have attended the martyr till the end; but other arrangements having been made before I could attend him, I was glad to escape the horrors of the last scene. I sincerely hope the government at Rich mond will not retaliate; such executions accomphsh nothing but to bring guilt and shame and a curse from God upon those who perform them. "Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord." The country that does such things is on the broad road to ruin, and the church which sanctions them is apostate from God and from the spirit of the blessed gospel. I have written this much hastily, thinking it wfll interest you and those friends at whose request you wrote to me. Yours truly in Christ, Henry J. Van Dyke. Reverend Stuart Robinson, Toronto." On the day prior to his execution Beall wrote the following digni fied and manly letter to Mr. Thompson, asking only that his memory be vindicated against any charge of improper conduct. The cool deliberate courage of BeaU is shown by this letter. "Fort Columbus, February 21, 1865. Colonel J. Thompson, Confederate Commissioner. Sir: Perhaps I should have written to you sooner, but I knew that you were not inappreciative of my situation, and I hope^that you did not slacken your 166 ACTIVE SERVICE efforts on account of the reprieve of six days. You may not succeed in your efforts, but I do expect you to vindicate my character. I have been styled a pirate, robber, etc. When the United States authorities, after such a trial, shaU execute such a sentence, I do earnestly call on you to officiaUy vindicate me at least to my countrymen. With unabated loyalty to our cause of self-government and my country and an earnest prayer for our success as a nation and kindest feelings for yourself. I remain truly your friend, John Y. Beall." One will note that this cool, brave man, on the day before his execution, with perfect composure, wrote to Commissioner Thompson asking only that "when the United States authorities, after such a trial shaU execute such a sentence, I do earnestly call on you to officiaUy vindicate me at least to my countrymen." This history of a lovable, fearless and able man is most pathetic. John Y. Beall was extraordinary. He was weU educated, manly, brave, and had the faculty of at once commanding the respect and confidence of all of any age who came in contact with him. Those who had the privUege of knowing him wiU testify that he was even more than deserving the encomiums of the Reverend Mr. Van Dyke. His character was more that of the age of chivalry than of this modern world. Romantic courage, unshrinking devotion, and splendid self-abnegation appeared in his every act. His love of country was idolatrous. That South to which he turned his face, with a last look and last prayer, just before his death on the scaffold, should never forget him. His courage and fidelity are examples to all men of all times. With the failure of BeaU's enterprise, all effort to conduct bellig erent operations on the Lakes was abandoned. The intense desire of the Confederate Government to secure "recognition" from France and England was evidenced again by send ing to these two governments General WiUiam Preston, who had been sent by the Confederate Government as a special ambassador to Eu rope. General Preston stopped in Canada and sent the subjoined note to Commissioner Thompson: "Montreal, St. Lawrence Hotel, September 7, 1864. My dear Sir: I learn you are at Toronto with the Honorable Mr. Clay. I arrived here night before last from England and it would afford me great pleasure to see you before I leave Canada for the West Indies. My stay wfll be short and hastened or prolonged by the news I expect by the next steamer from England. I saw Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell a fortnight ago. Matters in Europe re main almost unchanged. The public opinion grows hourly stronger in our fav- JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 167 or, but England and France exhibit the same apathy, if fnot hostUity, in the action of their governments that marked their course when you came out. The "Rappa hannock" is detained at Calais yet. There is, however, a vacation in public mat ters, as the officials according to usage are on the Rhine or at different summer resorts, at this time of the year. Let me know if you wiU probably be in this part of Canada during the next ten days, or at Toronto or Niagara, as I desire to ar range to meet you. With kind remembrances, beheve me, Yours truly, W. Preston. Honorable Jacob Thompson." 168 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXXV. JAMES C. ROBINSON. The Democrats of Illinois had nominated, as an opponent to Richard Yates, James C. Robinson. Robinson was recognized as a resolute, determined man of ability, and a peace Democrat. The Democratic organization needed campaign funds, and pecu niary aid was sought from the Confederate commissioners. On the 24th of October, 1864, a delegation of Democrats, coming in person or representing others, called on Commissioner Thompson, and the subjoined note is made from the Official Journal of the commissions. "When Mr. J. A. Barrett of IUinois and B. P. Churchill of Cincinnati visited Mr. Thompson, bringing a letter from Honorable Alex Long, and assurances from Messrs. Vallandigham, Develin of Indiana, Green and Robinson of Illinois, and others, that it was of the last importance to secure the election of Mr. Robinson as gover nor of Illinois, and asking that money should be advanced for that purpose, stating that Robinson had pledged himself to them, that if elected he would place the control of the militia and the 60,000 stand of arms of that state in the hands of the order of the Sons of Liberty. Mr. Thompson agreed that whenever proper committees were formed of responsible persons to use the money effectually and in good faith to secure that end, that he would furnish the money." At this meeting of the Confederate Commissioners the following letter was submitted: "Cincinnati, October 22nd, 1864. B. P. Churchill, Esq., My dear Sir: That you may fully understand the importance I attach to the state election in Illinois, permit me to say that I look upon it as offering the only practicable and substantial good to be hoped for in the election on the 8th of November. I know James C. Robinson well enough to warrant me in saying that, un like Governor Seymour of New York, he will not disappoint the expectation of their personal and political liberty against the encroachment of despotism. The state government in his hands will mean something, and in my humble judgment if it can only be secured Illinois will for the next two years stand amid the states hke an oasis in the desert. You know my opinion of the presidential contest and in looking over the whole field the only ray of hope I see presenting itself is in Illinois, and were it not that I know James C. Robinson to be a man for the times, I would see no en couragement even there. I am Very truly yours, Alexander Long." JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 169 The opinion of Mr. Long represented the general estimate in which James C. Robinson was held. ''Proper Committees" were at once designated by the Democratic Central Committee for the distribution of campaign funds, and there was supphed, not alone the amount necessary to reimburse, through payment made to WilUam C. Gowdy, the $20,000 borrowed on the faith of Confederate aid, but a large sum in addition. The names of these "proper Committees" and to some extent the accounts of sums distributed by them in their respective counties are in my possession. J. R. DiUer was chairman of the Democratic State Central Com mittee of IUinois — and the "proper committees" were Messrs. Clark Melveny, Bessett and Bond distributers for the counties of Waite, Randolph, Marion, Fayette, Pope, Johnson, Bond and Christian. Messrs. Varrell, Morrison, Motley and Armstrong, for the coun ties of Frankhn, Wayne, Alexander, Nassac, Galatin, Hardin, Union, Monroe, Jefferson, Williamson and Hamilton. Messrs. Prettyman, Perry, Judd and Hall for the counties of Adam, Fulton, Brown, Schyler, Pike, McLean, Livingston, Logan, Woodford and Tazewell. Messrs. Starne, Brown, Honosby and Perry for the counties of Cap, Menard, Hancock, Mason, Sangamon, Morgan, Scott, Green, Jersey, Maconpin, Colbonn and Madison. Messrs. Green, Bishop, Briscoe and Doulan for the counties of Clark, Edgar, Effingham, Shelby, Moultrie, Douglas, Champaign, Cumberland, Vermillion, Jasper, Lawrence, Wabash, Clay, Rechland, Ford and Montgomery. Messrs. Johnson, Borges, Sheban and Gowdy for the counties of La SaUe, Cook, Jo Daviess, Peoria, Warren, Knox, Henderson, McDonough, and Rock Island. Among the memoranda of Captain Thomas H. Hines written in comment on the papers in our possession, I find in pencil in handwriting of my comrade, the following: 1. Letter of James C. Robinson, date November 7th, 1864. "Robinson was the Peace Democracy Candidate for Governor of IUinois. Application had been made to the Confederate commissioners for funds to carry on the canvass. Desiring, before giving pecuniary aid, some written evidence and as surance as to the course Mr. Robinson would pursue if elected, this letter was written to satisfy the Confederate commissioners on that point. Verbal as surances from Mr. Robinson, fully committing himself to our movement, had already been had. A large amount of money was furnished on these assurances." As the election drew near added funds were greatly needed, and while the committals of James C. Robinson were not quite as positive 170 ACTIVE SERVICE as Commissioner Thompson would have preferred, additional sums were supphed on the assurances contained in the foUowing letter from the gubernatorial candidate: "Home, November 7th, 1864. Gentlemen : Your letter of enquiry came duly to hand and its contents noted. In reply I would state that if elected governor of the state I will see that its sovereignty is maintained, the laws faithfully enforced and its citizens protected from arbitrary arrest, and if necessary for these purposes will, after exhausting the civil, employ the entire military force of the state. I wiU also be happy to avaU myself of the counsel and aid of the executive committee of the Peace Democracy in the conduct and organization of the muitia of the state, recognizing the fact that a well organized militia is necessary for the maintenance of state rights as weU as the liberties of the people. Hoping that the Democracy may be successful in the great contest and that Constitutional liberty may again be reinstated in the fuU plentitude of her power, I remain, Yours truly, James C. Robinson." Messrs. Green, O'Melveny and others. The foUowing are facsimUes of receipts for the initial $20,000 paid in respect to the campaign of James C. Robinson, and this expen diture was followed by more than $20,000 additional: Receipt of James A. Barrett for $20,000 to reimburse for advances made for Democratic campaign fund in state election, Illinois, 1864: "Received Toronto Canada November 15th, 1864, of Jacob Thompson Twenty Thousand Dollars to pay a note executed by the Central Committee for expense incurred in election. James A. Barrett." Receipt of W. C. Gowdy for $20,000 reimbursing campaign advances: "Received of James A. Barrett Twenty Thousand DoUars to pay note to C. H. McCormick signed by him and others. W. C. Gowdy of Central Committee. Chicago, November 17, 1864." Letter of Major D. W. Sanders of Louisville in respect to W. C. Gowdy: "LouisvUle, Ky., July 15th, 1907. Gen'l John B. Castleman, Louisville. My Dear General: Mr. W. C. Gowdy of Chicago in his lifetime was a lawyer of high standing and distinguished ability in his profession. He was one of the foremost Ifp-ut-o (/fh- 7 « / .•- few lZ.^f/t/j yi-£r z-t-e ~-l /^>~t/p-*t.-i,~, ^(1^/^ /(/^a, m£m.<£~ 'j7r?Sf tCAti&tocJ ^^ /£ *2cStse2s*& ^mj&v ,-C^c/C / ? -t — / /// / J jO • ^ Facsimile of Letter of James C. Robinson. iAf &z-1^s?*¦¦ s; ^ M £ >,! ^ JUDGE SAMUEL MILLER BRECKINRIDGE JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 179 I did not know untU 1877 that in November, 1864, Judge Breck inridge had, in my behalf, made a visit to President Lincoln. It was then brought to my knowledge that on the 29th of November, 1864, Judge Breckinridge caUed at the White House and apprised Mr. Lincoln of the cause of his coming. The president made an appointment for him to return to the White House the following morning at eight o'clock. Both of these men possessed unusual coUoquial powers. I was informed years after wards that Mr. Lincoln seemed reheved to get his mind off of public affairs, and talked dehghtfuUy of Kentuckians, 'till finally observing that it was a quarter of ten, said: "Well, well, Sam, I have so much enjoyed having you with me that I have been glad for the time to forget grave questions that beset the country, but we have neglected the interest that brings you here, and have seemed to forget Castleman. In fifteen minutes we have a Cabinet meeting and I will give you now in the strictest confidence a note only to be used in case of emergency. Meantime, from what I learn, it would be best to have that boy's attorneys endeavor to postpone the trial, for those young Confederates have caused the government annoyances and expense." AU this had been to me unknown untU my very devoted kinsman told me this thirteen years afterwards when he came to visit me in Louisville and brought me the autograph letter which Mr. Lincoln then wrote, and which I now have. "Executive Mansion, Washington, November 29, 1864. Major General Hovey, or Whomsoever may have charge: Whenever John B. Castleman shall be tried, if convicted and sentenced, suspend execution until further order from me, and send me the record. A. Lincoln." The body of this as well as the signature is in the handwriting of President Lincoln. General Duke wrote on June fourth, 1865: "We do not know what pohcy wUl be inaugurated toward the paroled Confederates." Afterwards he decUned the proffered position of Federal judge of the district court of the state of Kentucky, and now holds a life appoint ment under the United States government. This furnishes in respect to a greatly distinguished soldier of the Confederacy a striking exemplification of the liberality of our Government. A prison letter that gave me great pleasure. "Lexington, June 4th, 1865. My dear Castleman: One of the most unpleasant features of a return to Kentucky which, except that it places me with my family and enables me to see many old freinds, I have not 180 ACTIVE SERVICE found particularly agreeable, has been the knowledge that you were in prison and that you were subject consequently to annoyance if not danger. I was led to be lieve (and still hope) when I first arrived that you would soon be released and the impression here is that you will be with us sometime during the summer, but I do not at all like such a result to your difficulties being at all problematical. I saw your mother and George on yesterday and learned that all of your family were well. I do not yet know what policy will be inaugurated towards the paroled Confederates, under the late proclamation, but have found much less bitterness of feeling here than I had expected, although the situation is not a pleasant one. The best part of my brigade has returned and none has, so far as I have heard, been in any way molested. Your friends are all greatly interested in your welfare and exceedingly anxious that your imprisonment shall terminate. I will not venture to write a long letter, but will assure you that if any effort of mine, small as my influence of course is, can avail you, it shall be made. Let me hear from you soon. Mrs. Morgan and Mrs. Duke desire to be warmly re membered to you. Yours truly, B. W. Duke." Finally came the spring of 1865 and with General Grant, General Lee had negotiated my exchange. I reached Fortress Monroe, and there were at that point a number of Confederate officers. While we were there the world suffered loss by the assassination of President Lincoln. Assembly was sounded; the officers formed, my name was caUed, and the fine dismissed. I learned that Governor Morton of Indiana had taken the trouble to express indignation that I should have been sent away without trial, and influenced an order for my return. For the night I was locked in casemate of Fortress Monroe. I was taken next day to the Old Capital prison at Washington City. Honorable Albert S. Berry seems, on June 23, 1890, to have referred to this episode. Twenty-six years after the War, Berry was in Congress from the Sixth Congressional District of Kentucky, and following is a copy of an interview with this good Confederate soldier: "Berry's Tales." "How the Colonel first entered Washington. It was as a prisoner during the war. He and Curtis Reminisce. "Washington, June 23, 1890. There are two men in the House who are conspicuous for their great height, as well as other qualities. These two giants in stature are Colonel Albert Berry, who represents the Covington-Newport dis trict and General Martin Curtis, of the Twenty-second New York district. 'I shall never forget the first time I was in Washington,' said Colonel Berry. 'It was just before I met you, Curtis. We had been cut off at Sailor's Creek on our retreat from Richmond. With several others I arrived at the Capital the JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 181 morning after the assassination of President Lincoln. We were met on the out skirts of the city by an infuriated mob, which mistook us for Lincoln's murderers. We would have been lynched then and there had not the officer in charge fully demonstrated to the crowd that we were merely prisoners of war. It was an event ful day. I shall never forget the march up the avenue to the old Capital Prison. Fully 8000 men and women followed us up the broad thoroughfare, hooting at us and crying that we should be shot on general principles. We were thrown twenty in a room together, a horrible place it was, too. I only knew one of the men confined with me, Colonel McCree of St. Louis. It sounds mean now to say it, but I was dehghted when, about three days later, John B. Castleman, of Louisville, was thrown into the cell where I was confined. He was with us for two days only, and I never saw a finer specimen of man. He never complained of our quarters or the food, and showed no signs of weakening . On the stroke of twelve the second night he had been confined, a guard entered and called the name of Castleman. As he passed out I grasped his hand, as I then beheved that it was the last time I would ever see him. We all beheved that he had been called out to be shot. He had been with Morgan and his bravery had caused him to be greatly feared.' " Lieutenant Walter F. HaUeck of the United States Army com manded the guard that Berry describes as having caUed at the mid night hour to pay respects to me at the Old Capital Prison. It appears that in 1886 when the Southern Bivouac announced the intended pubhcation of some of the papers which were then pro duced, Lieutenant HaUeck was apprised of the announcement, and wrote the subjoined note, sending copy of the order executed the night that Berry refers to. I take the liberty of being amused at the closing paragraph of Lieutenant HaUeck' s letter. He was a wonderfully courteous officer, and seemed to see merit in a prisoner. "Talamanco, N. Y. "Editors 'Southern Bivouac', December 25, 1886. Louisville, Ky. Dear Sir: As you will see by the enclosed copy of S. O. No. 86 Hd. Qrs. Dept. of Washington, April 29, 1865, it was my pleasure to have met that courteous gentleman and gaUant soldier, Major J. B. Castleman, of Kentucky, over twenty- one years ago. Well do I remember our trip to Indianapolis, our night in Pitts burg. Do me the favor to forward to him the enclosed order, and if he should want the original he can have it. I am sure his articles will be interesting and valuable. Major Castleman in his trying position was about the coolest man I ever met, during or since the late war. Very truly yours, Walter F. Halleck. U. S. Army." 182 ACTIVE SERVICE "Headquarters Department of Washington Office of Provost Marshal General, Defense North of Potomac Washington, D. C, April 29, 1865. Special Order No. 86. {Extract.) Lt. Walter F. HaUeck, 10th Regt. Vet. Res. Corps, with four (4) Guards wiU take in charge Major J. B. Castleman (rebel spy) (now in O. C. Prison) and proceed to Indianapolis, Ind., and dehver him to Bvt. Gen'l. A. P. Hovey, commanding at that place, take receipts therefor and return to these Head quarters without delay. The Quartermaster's Department will furnish the necessary transportation. By Command of Major General C. C. Augur. Geo. R. Walbridge. Captain and Asst. P. M. G. Dept. N. of Potomac. A true copy of the original 'Order' now in my possession. Walter F. Halleck, 1st Lieut. United States Army." But his saying "about the coolest man I ever met, during or since the war," reminds me of a story Bishop Dudley of Kentucky used to teU on himself. There was a German named Studenberg who, with his elderly wife, were greatly devoted to the bishop. Mrs. Studenberg was supposed to be dying and their dear^friend, the bishop, was sent for. But before the bishop arrived Mrs. Studenberg had died. With voice and manner replete with sympathy the bishop put his hand on the shoulder of Mr. Studenberg and said: "My dear friend, I hope your good wife was content to go." To this Mr. Stud enberg rephed: "Vot vas dat you ask, Bishop?" The Bishop repeated his sympathetic inquiry, when Mr. Studenberg looked up with surprise and said: "Why mein Gott, mun, she couldn't hep herself." So it is with aU men. The fact of inability to "help himself" makes the man "cool," no matter what the fate that awaits. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 183 Chapter XXXVII. CHARGES AND SPECIFICATIONS. The foUowing charges and specifications seem to have been sent by General A. P. Hovey, commanding district of Indiana to the headquarters of the armies at Washington, shown as follows: "Headquarters, District of Indiana. Indianapohs, May 25th, 1865. "Colonel: I have the honor to forward herewith a copy of the charges in the case of John B. Castleman in accordance with communication dated Headquarters, Army of the United States, Washington, D. C, May 21st, 1865, together with a copy of communication in reference to said case by Captain J. D. Taylor, Judge Advocate, District of Indiana. The facts stated in Captain Taylor's communica tion are no doubt susceptible of proof. Major John B. Castleman (or Captain J. B. Castleman) is a young man of fine abihty and would have proven a very dangerous enemy if his schemes could have been consummated. His family con nection, as far as I have any knowledge of them (with the exception of Judge Breckinridge, who is a loyal and true man) sympathize with the rebellion. From the facts presented I cannot but regard Major Castleman as a dangerous and dar ing spy. There can be no doubt that he was connected with the contemplated burning of property in the North. I am constrained to recommend that he be tried or banished from the country. I am, Colonel, Very respectfuUy, Your obedient servant, Alvtn P. Hovey. Brevet Major General. Brevet Colonel E. S. Parker, Military Secretary, Headquarters Armies of the United States, Washington, D. C. United States." Military charges and specifications are tedious and formal and replete with repetition. Copies are as follows: "Extract. Judge Advocate's Office, District of Indiana, May 24, 1865. Major J. W. Walker, Assistant Adjutant General. Major: I send you herewith, as requested, copy of charges and specifications against Major John B. Castleman. Proof of first charge is, briefly: Castleman 184 ACTIVE SERVICE came to Chicago under the name of Clay Wilson, with other rebels and despera does engaged for an expedition to that place. The original plan failed. Many of the men returned and engaged in other raids. Castleman, in citizen's dress, visited Marshall, Illinois, St. Louis, Missouri, and Sullivan, Indiana, in September, spending most of his time at Marshall, a section of the state notorious for disloyal organizations. He was arrested at Sullivan and brought to this city. Among papers found were letters purporting to refer to purchase of wheat, written by the Grand Seignior of the Sons of Liberty at Chicago, maps of prisons, letter warning him that he was risking his life, list of disloyal men, account showing receipt and disbursement of $20,000 received from Jacob Thompson, and from Barrett of the Sons of Liberty. Castleman's memorandum book shows payment of expenses of seventy men from Canada to Chicago and return. Also expenses of special messengers at various times in September. The testimony of John Maughan, his special messenger and cashier, before the Military Commission which tried the Chicago conspirators is very full in regard to Castleman. The testimony of T. M. Stone in trial of St. Alban raiders at Montreal is that seventy Confederate soldiers were in Chicago in August, and among them were the five men then on trial. They were collected for the purpose of releasing prisoners at Camp Douglas and several depots of arms were then at Chicago for use. Jacob Thompson and C. C. Clay selected Castleman, in connection with Captain Hines, to release prisoners and inaugurate revolution in the Northwest and Castleman's arrest checked this scheme. The tenor of military authority is conclusive as to the status of Castleman. Holleck, Holt, Lieber, all concur in denying such men any right as prisoners of war. The same justice which required the trial and execution of Beall and Kennedy demands that Castleman, whose daring, ability and resources are much greater, should be held for trial, instead of being shielded from a fate which he knows is inevitable. I have the honor to be Very respectfully yours, J. D. Taylor, Captain 88th 0. V. T. and J. A. Dist. Ind." Note : — It will be observed in the charges and specifications that Maughan and one other, turned State's evidence afterwards to convict the boys who had seemed to trust and who had been associated with them. None was amazed at this, for there existed positive opinion that these two comrades whom the confiding commissioners in Canada, not so well versed in judgment of character as we were, had sent to Chicago to report to Hines and me, were two traitorous scoundrels. We were convinced in this opinion as soon as we talked to them, for it is found always that where very shrewd closely observant men are in association, and especially where great mutual danger exists, a correct measure ment in respect to character is formed, and we knew that eight trustworthy men were always in danger by reason of the presence of these two traitors. When we left Chicago and went to Southern Illinois I elected to take these two men, for we did not dare turn them loose in Chicago, and the least { .-,f : £'" IStai iinarh'p;, lUprfnunf d %MjH$\hi$hn, s IV Office of Provost Marshal General, Defences Worth of Potomac ¦~1 Wv&yla*. €/'. rf.. e^rz'<: &f* s/>< r 76< fl J (A ¦¦¦¦ ¦ ;/ //. ' r y/7^ 7^~J/ ,/ WM^U//??Xfy &* g, o .y | u -y i*P~ %, '/-; ,>'„ y i /yy*' c tea. 9*A**~s£ ^^yyy ::¦ .^ t^/^r, , ^B— ^z; fy r>. 2li<3 A. //"¦ y /' y r yr '7 , <- <^3g rA y -#* Facsimile of Lieutenant Halleck's Special Orders No. 86. m^ A-,,w y y / €r ¦.¦cyy 'i- 6/, ¦¦ yy-t-/ k / ' y /• / ' ,-y>- y y / e ¦ y- -y Vu. C.yyc J &,eu J / fry, yy &%>:¦/., %*+&* Vy^&/ «J, A#,/ <£/<¥- -, 'f$J?. & yy< Z&£ ^l-l a. (y .Ay^.,^.,,:,^yy\. y. aJuLc* jLwaJj . oatt/ yy r faatt. *ycr'.: \/.y<- yt^Pi/ & J ' / ' y x • - -y . y/ y .,-- ,'-..-/ . , • y ,y'r, ,-;- y, ¦. ¦ yj. ly/ . ' r, itZW iT'-? ya Kjf, yy?~: yi/c''.,) £& y<- /£/t?z&?i. ^ ».v.*-.--z.' yy /W-/'~ y>y~ty — r y ¦'/ ¦?'/ /y ty'•¦ *y> Facsimile of General A. P. Hovey's Letter of May 25, 1866. A //. c 9 y/. yy **4d& iyy - ¦ -.- yy, yyvyy t-i-yu'y , cy .-:¦ i ' / '•' '" y.:t - y c ' y yy uy y-y-yty S f ¦ T '¦><.' ,,, :v,y^4- /6y,, 0/Jfr, £y.-. L frTr-ii. /.J. 12 Facsimile of General A. P. Hovey's Letter of May 25, 1866. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 185 danger was in taking them and observing them. In a number of instances the eight faithful fearless men, applied to me for authority to lose, in self-defense, men who would, if opportunity presented, destroy them, but I counselled always in lieu of this, close vigilance. "Charges and Specifications Preferred Against John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Cavalry of the Rebel Army. Charge 1st: Lurking And Acting As a Spy. Specification 1st: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, did, on or about the 26th day of August, 1864, secretly, in disguise and under false pretenses, enter and come within the lines of the regularly authorized and organized military forces of the United States, and within the states of Michigan, Illinois, Missouri and Indiana, and did secretly and covertly lurk and travel about as a spy in the dress of a citizen, and under an assumed name, and did seek information with the in tention of communicating it to the enemy, and remained within said military lines untU arrested as a spy at Sullivan, Indiana, or or about the 30th day of Septem ber, 1864. AU this within the states of Michigan, Illinois, Missouri and Indiana, during the months of August and September, 1864, and within the military lines and the theater of military operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States. Specification 2nd.: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, was found lurking and acting as a spy in the state of Michigan, at or near the city of Detroit, on or about the 26th day August, 1864, within the military lines, and the theater of military operations, of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States. Specification 3rd: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, was found lurking and acting as a spy in the state of Illinois, at or near the city of Chicago, on or about the 28th day of August, 1864, within the military lines and the theater of military operations of the Army of the United States at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States. Specification 4th: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, was found lurking and acting as a spy in the state of Illinois, at or near Marshall, on or about the 6th day of September, 1864, within the military lines and the theater of military operations of the Army of the United States at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States. Specification 5th: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, was found lurking and acting as a spy in the state of Missouri, at or near the city of St. Louis on or about the 14th day of September, 1864, within the military lines and the theater of military operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebeUion against the authority of the United States. 186 ACTIVE SERVICE e Specification 6th: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, was found lurking and acting as a spy in the state of Indiana, on or about the 20th day of September, 1864 within the military hnes and the theater of mihtary operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebeUion against the authority of the United States. Specification 7th: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, was found lurking and acting as a spy in the state of Indiana, at or near Sullivan, SuUivan county, on or about the 30th day of September 1864, within the military hnes, and the theater of mihtary operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States. Charge 2nd. Violation of the Laws of War. Specification: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, having escaped from Kentucky to Canada, on or about June 1st, 1864, did come within the lines of the lawfully authorized and organized mUitary forces of the United States, and within the states of Michigan, Illinois, Missouri and Indiana, which were then threatened with invasion and armed insurrection, and did lurk and travel about within said military hnes, in the garb of a citizen, and under an assumed name, without surrendering himself to the mUitary authorities of the United States, and without having re newed his aUegiance to the Government of the United States, until arrested at Sulhvan, Indiana, on or about the 30th of September, 1864. All of this within the states of Michigan, IUinois, Missouri and Indiana, during the months of August and September, 1864, within the mihtary lines, and the theater of mihtary operations, of the Arjny of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States. Charge 3rd. Conspiring in Violation of the Laws of War, to Release the Rebel Prisoners of War Confined by Authority of the United States at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, Illinois. Specification: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, did, in violation of the laws of war, unlawfully! and secretly conspire and agree with Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Jr., James A. Barrett of Illinois, Charles Walsh of Chicago, Illinois, John C. Walker of Indiana, Captain Hines of the Rebel Army, and others unknown, to release the Rebel prisoners of war, then confined by the authority of the United States at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, IUinois, by suddenly attacking said camp, overpowering the guard and removing all obstructions to the successful escape of said prisoners confined within its limits. This on^or about the 30th day of August, 1864, at or near Chicago, in the State of Illinois, within the military lines, and the theater of military operations, of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against. the authority ofjthe United States. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 187 Charge 4th. Conspiring in Violation of the Laws of War to Lay Waste and Destroy the City of Chicago, Illinois. Specification: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, did, in violation of the laws of war, unlawfully and secretly conspire and agree with Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Jr., James A. Barrett of Illinois, Charles Walsh of Chicago, Illinois, John C. Walker of Indiana, Captain Hines of the Rebel Army, and others unknown, to lay waste and destroy the city of Chicago, Illinois, on or about the 31st day of August, 1864, by capturing the arsenal in said city, cutting the telegraph wires, burning railroad depots, taking forcible possession of the banks and pubhc build ings, and causmg the city to be sacked, pillaged and burned by the rebel prisoners of war confined at Camp Douglas, near Chicago, IUinois, which prisoners were to be forcibly released and armed by them, on or about the 31st day of August, 1864. This at or near Chicago, in the state of Illinois, within the mUitary lines, and the theater of mihtary operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebellion against the authority of the United States, and on or about the 31st day of August, 1864. Charge 5th. Inciting Insurrection in Violation of the Laws of War. Specifications: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, having entered the military hnes of the United States in citizen's dress and under an assumed name, did leave Chicago, Illinois, on or about the second day of September 1864, to proceed to, and did proceed to, southern Illinois, southern Indiana, and other places unknown, to organize, arm and drill disloyal men, members of disloyal secret organizations, and deserters from the Army of the United States, for insurrection against the lawfully constituted authorities of the United States, then engaged in pulling down an armed rebeUion, and that the said Castleman did meet and confer with disloyal men, names unknown, for such purposes, until arrested at Sullivan, Indiana, on or about the 30th of September, 1864. AU this within the states of Indiana, Dlinois and Missouri during the months of August and September, 1864, within the military lines, and the theater of mihtary operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebeUion against the authority of the United States. Charge 6th. Conspiring to Destroy Government Property in Violation of the Laws of War. Specification: In this, that the said John Breckinridge Castleman, Major of the Second Regiment, Kentucky Rebel Cavalry, did, on or about the 26th of August, 1864, enter the states of Illinois, Missouri and Indiana, in pursuance of an agreement with Jacob Thompson, Clement C. Clay, Jr., James A. Barrett, Captain Hines, and others unknown, to burn and destroy government arsenals, depots, and storehouses, and steamboats in government employ, and incite others thereto, with the purpose and intent of hindering and impeding the efforts of the lawfuUy constituted authorities of the United States in suppressing an armed rebellion against its authority. 188 ACTIVE SERVICE This at or near Chicago, IUinois, on or about the 30th day of August, 1864, within the mihtary lines, and the theater of mihtary operations of the Army of the United States, at a period of war and armed rebelhon against the authority of the United States. (Signed) J. D. Taylor, Capt. 88th Ohio Vols, and J. A. Dist of Ind." It would be difficult to conjecture why General A. P. Hovey considered the prisoner as being a person of any special importance. But he and the assistant judge advocate seemed to think it well enough to magnify the propriety of extending unusual severity to a Confederate officer of modest rank. It is not contended that this officer deserved to be numbered among the saints. But the war ended, and there was no precedent for banishing one from the United States. Yet the parole to leave and never return was exacted and given and was far better than CeU Number 3, and when removed from the prison and put across the river at Detroit, the sense of rehef was not without pleasure, albeit the realization of exile was depressing. Incessant use of tobacco had brought its punishment. My health was shattered. The prison treatment was better than deserved. I was the recipient of sufficient courtesy. But realizing that I had poisoned myself with nicotine, I left the smoking habit in the prison, and never again used tobacco. Arriving at Toronto from Windsor I was greeted by two most intimate friends, Captain Thomas H. Hines and Lieutenant George B. Eastin (both afterwards on the Kentucky appeUate bench). We kept house together at No. 10 Hayden street, and went to Trinity College, studied French, and had the honor of having Gen eral John C. Breckinridge supervise our law studies. JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 189 Chapter XXXVIII. CAPTAIN THOMAS H. HINES. Hitherto it has been stated that Thomas H. Hines enlisted in Company D, Morgan's Regiment of Cavalry. He was about five feet nine, and weighed about one hundred and forty; eyes recessed under a heavy brow and remarkably pene trating. He was modest, courteous and imperturbable, with voice as soft as that of a refined woman. In service Hines was resourceful, and quick in action. In Morgan's Cavahy the private soldier of unusual merit was as well known as the officer. Everyone knew Tom Hines. It was indeed the usual experience that a body of men not fighting in compact formation, but in open order, compelled the development of individuahsm. General Duke frequently in his charming writings refers to distinguished private soldiers. In September, 1862, when Captain W. C. P. Breckinridge was authorized to raise a regiment of cavahy, while the Confederate Army, under General Bragg, occupied Kentucky, it was my privilege to pro mote Tom Hines' modest ambition to be a captain by transferring to him from Company D, the nucleus of his own company. On Morgan's raid through Indiana and Ohio, Hines, with his distinguished chief, was captured at Buffington's Island, and confined, with General Morgan and his brother officers, in the Ohio penitentiary. Hines soon devised and accomplished a scheme of escape. His own detailed account of the escape and experiences subsequent has herein been pubhshed. One cannot read that account without being im pressed with the genius, composure, the integrity and unselfishness of Hines. But for Hines' quick decision and willing self-sacrifice, General Morgan would have been again captured at Bridge's Ferry on the Tennessee River, where Hines met the advancing cavalry of the enemy, and, with impetuosity, led them on by the road on which General Morgan was traveling, and seemed to pursue the general till Morgan had time to ride beyond danger, and then Hines surrendered himself as a captive. But for Hines' great sense of honor, he would have made his own escape from the United States officer whose prisoner he was, and by whom he was being treated as a guest. Hines rode back with his host to his camp prison, rather than seem unworthy of unusual confi dence. He elected, rather, to defy his prison guards and regimental sentries and outposts and run the gauntlet of their continuous fire in escaping from Dunlap's regiment at Lowden. 190 ACTIVE SERVICE General Morgan was not advised of the circumstances of Hines' recapture, nor did he, for some weeks after, know of Hines' second escape. The General, therefore, had written to Hines' father: "Your gallant son was captured on the Tennessee River when the Federals dashed upon us and succeeded in getting him You can well imagine my deep regret when I tell you that to him in great measure I owe my own escape." General Morgan did not then know that the resourceful officer' who had released him from the Ohio penitentiary had rescued him from a second recapture and sacrificed himself. Hines had the utmost reverence for General Morgan, and writing of him in 1865 said: ' 'General Morgan's brilhant service in more than a hundred fields of battle, and in marches having no paraUel in cavahy, established his military genius. The failures that mar his record are easily traceable to the negligence of others. At Lebanon, Tennessee, May 5, 1862, 'twas the neglect of an adjutant that caused his defeat. At Buffington's Island July 19th, 1863, a sudden rise in the Ohio River brought disaster to Morgan. At Greenville, Tennessee, Sept ember 4th, 1864, the great cavahy leader lost his life through neglect of an adjutant. " The Secretary of War, Honorable James A. Seddon, impressed by his unusual record, became convinced of Hines' exceptional ability. Mr. Seddon informed Hines that he had repeatedly conferred with officers who theorized about conditions in the Northwestern States, and the importance of the release of prisoners whose services were needed in the Confederate armies. But that he had not before discussed the interests involved with any officer who had comprehensive appre ciation of conditions, and who wished personaUy to incur the danger of such service. Mr. Seddon manifested strong feehng because of the United States Government having violated the cartel, and expressed the hope that a practical method might be devised for securing freedom to our imprisoned soldiers. So on the 16th of March, 1864, Secretary Seddon issued to Cap tain Hines the broad authority which has been already herein published. On April 27th, 1864, President Davis appointed the Confederate commissioners to Canada, and May 27th the secretary of war issued modified instructions to Captain Hines so as to secure harmonious direction of all the influences which needed to be controlled by the Confederate commissioners. Captain Hines accordingly reported to the commissioners and acted by their authority. While myseU aiding Hines in every possible way, and co-operating with him, always I recognized that with him was primarily lodged authority and there was never between us one JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 191 particle of friction about anything. We always agreed as to men, and we agreed always as to measures. Hines was not surprised at the failure of the chief officials of the Sons of Liberty to supply to us the promised forces at Chicago August 29th, 1864. He was not surprised that the vast amount of funds supphed for distribution to the mihtary side of the Sons of Liberty had not produced sufficient manifest result. We both so thoroughly knew men, that we had watched with most earnest care and judged with reasonable accuracy the transactions of the leading officers of the Sons of Liberty. And while we were not then wilhng to question the integrity of men who had received the unqualified endorsement of Mr. VaUandigham, and who, therefore, had been trusted by Com missioner Thompson, we certainly had limited confidence in much real result from their methods. After the Chicago disappointment and the apologies and ex planations which ensued, we agreed that in the future we must get away from the officials who were too frequently impractical dignitaries, and get in touch with subordinates who were often in real earnest. In subsequent operations we never relied on the chief commanders. It is not to be understood that many of these men were not reli able, though some of them certainly were not. It is not to be understood that many of these men were not practical, though most of them certainly were not. But where rehable, the machinery was too complicated, and forces too large, for their grasp. So we concluded to depend on under- officials of whom we could accurately judge by our meetings with them in Chicago. Into the details of Hines' transactions, besides liberal distribu tion of campaign funds in the interest of James C. Robinson, the Demo cratic nominee for governor of Illinois, I shall not here venture. We knew that the theories about seizing the state governments of Illinois, Indiana and Ohio were not to be of practical realization, except through the exercise of force. And we knew that actual force must be founded on basis of hberated prisoners. We knew that the hberation of the Confederate soldiers in any prison would furnish a nucleus bound to be augmented by enthusiastic and ambitious sympathizers, and that once alhed with such move retracing would be most difficult and onward movement essential. It was known that 'twould be easy to destroy transportation hnes which, if not interrupted, would quickly bring reinforcements of United States troops against an army of hberated prisoners and alhed forces, and this had been amply provided for through one man here and there who would apply the torch and axe when press dispatches announced any accomplishment. Dynamite was not then known, 192 ACTIVE SERVICE but other destructive forces were always at hand. There were plenty of available arms and equipment, and a commissariat could be readily established, for United States depots were at all centers. It was with this contemplation that Captain Hines, determined to make a second effort to release the Camp Douglas prisoners, went with confidence to Chicago a week prior to the National election of November, 1864. We depended on local forces, but unfortunately Captain Hines had with him a small number of Confederate soldiers, who had been sent to him by the Confederate commissioners. These re-inforced the faithful and fearless who had been with us in southern IUinois. Hines stayed at the residence of a loyal sympathizer Dr. Edward W. Edwards, who resided No. 70 Adams Street. (It is barely possible that I may be incorrect as to the first name of Dr. Edwards.) The night before the election Dr. Edwards was aroused by the step and voices of troops surrounding his house. He quietly awakened Hines without disturbing one of the commissioners' "highly connected" soldiers who had been sent to Hines and slept in the same room. His name was Marmaduke. Explanation as to the danger was made to Hines by Dr. Edwards. Hines, thinking quickly, said quietly: "Dr. Edwards, have you in this house a spring mattress?" The spring mattress of 1864 was a cumbersome box surmounted by cross-ribbed steel slats, leaving space equal to the depth of the supporting box. "Yes," said the doctor, "one on the bed in Mrs. Edwards' room; she is ill, but will leave it." "By no means," said Hines, "let her remain in bed if you wish to save me. A spring mattress is big enough to hide a man of my size if I can only get into it." So it was arranged in a moment. Hines ripped open the mat tress with his knife, passed in his pistol, his clothes and himself, having cut between the steel ribs. When he had crawled in the mattress he stuck holes in the bottom through the ticking through which to breathe, and then the bed was rearranged for Mrs. Edwards, who, from sheer nervousness, became very seriously ill. By this time the soldiers were impatiently demanding entrance, declaring they had orders to search the house and arrest two Con federate spies. Hines' less resolute roommate was easily secured and taken to prison. Then the most thorough search was begun, Dr. Edwards making only the mildest remonstrance, the roommate him self not knowing what had become of Hines. Baffled, the officers were not convinced, so the house was placed under guard. Captain Thomas H. Hines at Twenty-three. (Afterwards Chief Justice of the Kentucky Court of Appeals.) JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 193 When it was evident that there was to be a regular siege estab lished, Hines suggested that Dr. Edwards pass the word to his friends that Mrs. Edwards was dangerously ill; which he did. Friends began in large numbers to call to inquire how she was. The number of callers increased during the day. When the caUers were most numerous, Hines left his hiding place, locked arms with one of his friends, begged for the shelter of his umbreUa, which protected from a falling rain, and made his way to the raihoad depot. There he purchased a ticket for Cincinnati, where he had friends, and where by treachery he was again betrayed to the authorities — but that is another story. That Hines had been betrayed and his plans and whereabouts in Chicago revealed by a brave Confederate soldier who was in the class of "Idle Talkers," there is no doubt. I have before me a long letter from this soldier afterwards ac cused of "fatal talking." He was a brave man, but imprudent talker. He enlisted with Tom Hines in Company D, and respecting him I have his photograph and have had since 1862. This letter is dated Quebec, March 12th, 1865, and is addressed to Captain Hines. I hesitate to name the accused soldier, for 'twill accomphsh nothing, but on the back of the seven pages of letter from the accused soldier, wherein he essays to refute the accusations, Captain Hines, in his own handwriting, endorses: "You wUl see from this note that Bettersworth attempts to justify his con duct at Chicago, and in my opinion makes his case worse than has been charged against him by our friends. It grieves me much to state it, but my conviction is firmly established that he did reveal the whole plan to Detective Shanks while under the influence of liquor." In Cincinnati, as one drives from the "Little Miami" — or the Pennsylvania— depot to Fourth Street, on the left of what I remember as Lawrence Street is a small triangle. At the base of this triangle where, as I recaU the change a number of years ago, there has been erected a modern brick building. Fifty years ago there stood where now is this brick building an old fashioned double brick residence with heavy walls, and in whose bedrooms on either side of a massive chimney were the then customary "clothes closets." This old residence was occupied as the dwelhng of Mr. and Mrs. Sam P. Thomas. Sam Thomas was a perfectly rehable man. He was an intense Southerner, and was a trusted friend of Captain Hines. To this house of his friends Hines went when he arrived in Cincinnati. Hines had experienced, under the very trying circumstances which surrounded, so much of either vicious or foolish betrayal, that he grew to be aware of need of provided protection. 194 ACTIVE SERVICE A mighty trustworthy man from Lexington, Kentucky, by the name of Dan Weil was then the guest of Sam Thomas. Weil was a mechanic. Hines at once arranged with Thomas and WeU to aid in providing for his safety. Hines had examined the construction of the olden times clothes closet, and he and Weil and Thomas removed the shelves and boards in the back and took out from the wall enough brick to make a recess for Hines to stand in. Fortunately Hines was a slight man. This being done, the boards were restored in the back, which were upright, and not so close as to exclude the admission of a reason able amount of air, and the shelves were then restored and following was readjustment of "things on the shelves." Hines and his faithful friends "practiced" the removal of the simple shelves and back — the concealing of Hines — restoration of the closet, and quickly the pro cess became easy and effective. It was agreed that so long as Hines was in the house either Sam Thomas or Dan Weil would be present. Espionage was everywhere. The United States Government had an army of detectives, and it was not impossible that someone had seen Hines come, or that he, by some unknown "friend," might be betrayed. On the day following, and while Dr. Edwards' house was yet guarded at Chicago for the capture of Hines, whose whereabouts the, perhaps, drunken brave Confederate soldier had revealed to Detective Shanks, Sam Thomas' dwelhng at Cincinnati was surrounded and a search made for "lurking spies." When troops commenced surrounding the residence Hines re paired quickly to the "hole in the wall," the door bell was answered and Mr. and Mrs. Thomas invited the soldiers in and asked as to their wishes. The hosts were informed that a search had been ordered, and with the assurance that Mr. and Mrs. Thomas and Mr. Weil consti tuted the family, the troops were asked to search the building. The investigation was thorough but fruitless. Subsequently my good comrade, weary of contending against odds which he was powerless to overcome, and at a time when my own imprisonment denied me the privUege of aiding him, he went through the enemy!s lines, and reported to the secretary of war at Richmond. To the authorities at Richmond Hines recounted faUure, but having the undiminished confidence of the Confederate Government was sent back to Canada. It was however too late to do effective work, and with heavy heart he saw the light of the Confederate Government go out, and took up studies which fitted him for a public career, iwent, after awhile, JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 195 back to his native state, and Kentuckians made him their chief justice. God bless Tom Hines, and the men who with him risked life every day in performance of duty. All honor to George B. Eastin, John M. Trigg, John T. Ashbrook, Theodore Schultz, Henry Sampson, and to all the fearless little company. 196 ACTIVE SERVICE Chapter XXXIX. IN EXILE WITH JACOB THOMPSON. EXPERIENCES ABROAD. As soon as reasonably well enough to travel I left for Europe. My parole prevented my entering the United States, and there fore the Liverpool ships sailing from New York and Boston were not available. The St. Lawrence was closed with ice, and the AUen Line suspended for the winter. The Cunard ; Line then saUed fortnightly from Boston and touched at Halifax. I had recourse to the port of Halifax. But this could, then, be reached only by sleigh from Riviere du Loup, a distance of more than five hundred miles. Even to an Ul young man, full of energy, this hardship was no bar. So through the Boston office I took passage in the "Africa" and gave myself eight days to meet the ship at Hahfax. My friends Hines and Eastin were horrified at the suggestion. Dr. L. P. Blackburn — afterwards governor of Kentucky, was our physician, counsellor and friend. My housemates sent for our counsellor and friend. He said that I could not go because I could not endure the hardship of the five hundred mUes sleighing in the open-box mail sleigh. I reiterated that I intended to go. So the next day I left by rail for Riviere du Loup and there took and kept with the mail sleigh over a snow-mantled country for all that long journey. The severe cold made this a trying experience, but we went, and the intense discomfort did me no harm. Our route then was a large measure over the road where now is the Intercolonial RaUway. When we reached Moncton, the capital of New Brunswick, I received the chilling information that 'twas forty degrees below zero. But I went on with the mail sleigh, now well nigh fifty-one years ago, and was not sorry to arrive at Halifax. There the townspeople were mortified to know that the almost unprecedented cold had frozen the harbour, and when the S. S. "Africa" arrived an iceboat had to cut the channel. Our friend, Dr. Blackburn, had the previous year arrived at the Bermudas at a time when he was able to serve Her Majesty's sailors, and this brought him through appreciative testimony of the British squadron to the notice of the Lords of the Admiralty, who had asked Rear Admiral Hope, then commanding Her Majesty's fleet off Halifax, JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 197 to request Dr. Blackburn to accept from their Lordships some testi monial. So I was charged with this, my first, diplomatic service. How to reach the Court of Admiralty, I surely did not know. Honorable James M. Mason, ex-ambassador from the Confederate Government, was in London. To him I presented my youthful em barrassment and inexperience, coupled with the announcement that I intended to do as Dr. Blackburn wished. Mr. Mason relieved the situation by giving me a note to Mr. Romaine, who was an official of the Court of Admiralty. But I had a harder task than this before me. Colonel St. Ledger Grenfell, English soldier of fortune, had served with Morgan, and at least somewhat through my instrumentality had seemed to be a participant with Hines and me in the Northwest. Grenfell was a fearless man, who had served from the Crimean War to the War between the States, was impetuous and had not been re strained by the warning of the British Government. He had been arrested, tried, unjustly convicted by a military court at Cincinnati, and sentenced to the Dry Tortugas United States military prison off the southern coast of Florida. I concluded that if Honorable John Bright would ask the United States, through its minister at London, Grenfell would be released. With the confidence so often not justified in youth, I obtained from Mr. Mason a note of introduction to Mr. Bright. Mr. Bright was so courteous, manifested so marked a personal interest in me, that I felt sure of success. I proceeded to briefly present a pathetic, condensed story, and was pohtely but positively met by the response: "Mr. Castleman, the government wiU not intervene for any British subject who has violated Her Majesty's proclamation warning her people not to take part in the War between the States." I concluded that my youthful confidence was not warranted. My experience as a diplomat was not successful. My expressed purpose to live for a time on the continent led Mr. J. M. Mason to offer me letter of introduction to ex-Minister John SlideU. Recalling that these two diplomats accredited by the Confederate Government respectively to London and to Paris were in 1861, taken by U. S. Man-of-War from Her Majesty's S. S. "Trent" and that their subsequent release was required by the British Govern ment, makes the letter one of interest and, it is perhaps the only existing letter from Mason to Slidell. I am, therefore, reproducing the fac simUe. The anticipated pleasure of meeting Honorable Jacob Thompson in Paris hastened me to the French capital where together we studied French, saw the sights and went nightly to the opera, while, to secure 198 ACTIVE SERVICE more occupation, I became a medical student — learned very httle — and^attended lectures every afternoon at the Sorbonne and the CoUege de France. When the summertime came Mr. Thompson and I concluded to travel in Great Britain and Ireland. We went to London and equipped ourselves to read something of the history and much of the romance and poetry of the country in which we intended to travel. I think 'twas in 1859 that the young Prince of Wales (afterwards King Edward VII.) under the companionship of the Duke of Newcastle, visited America. 'Twas during the presidency of James Buchanan and Jacob Thompson was a cabinet officer. The young prince found Mr. and Mrs. Thompson most agreeable and during the several days he visited Washington City much of his time was spent under their hospitable roof, where aU restraint was removed and the young prince was made to feel at home. The Prince of Wales was so delighted with this experience that he exacted from Mr. and Mrs. Thompson promise that if they, or either of them, came to England he was to be informed and aUowed the privilege of entertaining them, and of introducing them to his royal mother. Now that we were in London, and being famihar with the facts T I suggested to Mr. Thompson that 'twas due that he fulfil his promise to His Royal Highness. Jacob Thompson was one of the most considerate of men. He said that the courtesy which he was sure to receive from the Prince of Wales might, with his Confederate record, in some measure embarrass Her Majesty's Government. Remonstrance was vain. This was the fixed opinion of Jacob Thompson, the gentleman. He said: "Castleman, I have a solution. It has been six years since I saw the young fellow. I would love to see him again, but I will not accept any civility from him, nor will I embarrass him by declining. I am determined to see how the lad has developed into manhood. The town residence of the Prince of Wales, I am informed, is Marlborough House and that he habituaUy drives in the afternoon, I will ascertain the hour and you and I will go to Marlborough House, take our stand in the street with the other common people, and I wUl thus have the very great pleasure of again seeing the young man, who was my most welcome guest in Washington City.' ' We pursued this course, "stood in waiting," saw the Prince of Wales drive out of the palace gates. The man of affairs, whom His Royal Highness had asked to be permitted to entertain, saw again his former guest, commented on his JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 199 development to mature manhood, turned away and walked back to the Royal Hotel. This Prince of Wales was afterwards King Edward VII. When Jacob Thompson and I left London we went first to the EngUsh lakes. We hngered there and read the Lake poets. Jacob Thompson had told me of the pleasure it gave him and Mrs. Thompson to know and entertain Miss Harriet Martineau in Washingtpn, and how earnest she had been in the wish to show both or either of them some courtesy in England. As I recall now Miss Martineau 's residence was near the banks of Lake Windermere. I suggested to Mr. Thompson the propriety and possibly the duty of sending to Miss Martineau his card. This he was reluctant to do but agreed that we should at least go to her grounds and if not objected to that we would stroU through Miss Martineau 's garden. We were soon met by a polite head gar dener to whom Mr. Thompson said: ' 'We are two American gentlemen who are admirers of Miss Martineau and if perfectly agreeable to her we should enjoy the privilege of strolling through the beautiful grounds." The gardener asked that we would be seated on a bench while he conveyed the message to Miss Martineau. In a few minutes the gardener re turned and answered that ' 'Miss Martineau, sirs, prefers not to be disturbed. " The considerate, modest gentleman walked from the grounds and we quietly made our way back to the hotel. From there we went to Melrose Abbey, hngered at the home of Scott and read his novels. We were in no haste and the fascination of the place dehghted us for two days, when we went to the good old town :of Edinboro and from Prince Arthur's seat we read the "Heart of Midlothian." Jacob Thompson read aloud with ease and pleasure and emphasis. Prison life and coal oil light had not benefited my eyes and I was a happy listener. When we left Edinboro we went to Stirling and to the Scotch highlands and by slow stages as far north as the quaint town of Inver ness. A population was there whose extraordinary dialect interested us but we did not Unger long enough to understand this dialect more than we would have understood the language of the Arabs. We came down the Caledonian Canal and enjoyed sojourn at the Scotch Lakes, where we read Scotch poetry which these lakes had inspired. Then to the land of Burns whose poetry gave us infinite pleasure, and across to Ireland and to the Causeway, thence by slow stages to KiUarney. In boating on Lake KiUarney Jacob Thompson was immensely amused at a humorous Irish oarsman. We happened to be in a boat with four travehng American women. One was nervous and asked the boatman, whose name was Murphy, if any one was ever lost while boating on the lake. "No, indade, Madam," said Murphy, "it was of a truth only last year when I rowed in this very boat four beautiful 200 ACTIVE SERVICE American women hke your good selves and the boat capsized. But we found the last one of those beautiful women, sure not one of them was lost." Through Ireland we traveled with Tom Moore and directed our steps again towards the continent, after well nigh two months spent with Coleridge and Wordsworth and Shelley and Walter Scott and Burns and Tom Moore read aloud along the leisure of travel by a plain, unpretending, considerate gentleman and good friend, companion and compatriot, Jacob Thompson. It was when we reached Glasgow that I received and answered the letter from Colonel Andrew K. Long, secretary to President Andrew Johnson, that was the initial move in revocation of my parole of exile, and this will be inserted hereafter. When we reached Paris we resumed our accustomed occupations and again I followed the French students of medicine under the special chaperonage of Velpeau, the most distinguished French surgeon of his time, to whom I was introduced by my friend and comrade Dr. D. W. Yandell of Louisville, which effort gave me occupation, agreeable society and some knowledge of language, but no acquaintance whatever with the science of medicine, about no branch of which great profession could I boast of having learned anything at all. It was while thus agreeably occupied' that I received the executive order date June 29th, 1866 signed by President Johnson removing aU barriers to my returning home, and being again with a mother who had tolerated without criticism the many short-comings of my matured boyhood and early manhood, who had helped me and my comrades in early soldier life, who had without seeming emotion seen me under the shadow of death, and patiently and without criticism, followed me in aU vicissitudes every way. . -„ljJ- yf^ / /'. ¦; £*c*y . -« 1,'yc^y, ..ts M .yyz*~ /:*. y- ty: fyy,y*^ A^0C^£^yt^J y / / if/yyy 6*+cas £,yy".^yy j^-..yy yyy.ytf . t^^&yy /^Ay.j>yy & ..<- y^c - yy y / y ¦y f '/n ^^\ J <£-y<-y -Z-t^ f-*/'— ^ y/' y£?k =2t. -.., "'> &.~.4e. <^*« '/ 7 ' ,y- y^ y. yy ,->-^..^ i 7- yf • she ...... *y.t_. A-xt^XTZC y^, a _ *..-.* 4*- A*yy- {^y L' Facsimiles of Mr. Benjamin's Letters and Receipts. c^^, yj> "f^CrCst- /fvS i Facsimiles of Mr. Benjamin's Letters and Receipts. Facsimiles of Mr. Benjamin's Letters and Receipts. „, — , — y— i— Facsimiles of Mr. Benjamin's Letters and Receipts. Judah P. Benjamin Secretary of State for the Confederate States JNO. B. CASTLEMAN 201 Chapter XL. COMMISSIONER THOMPSON MAKES FINAL SETTLEMENT OF ACCOUNTS WITH HONORABLE J. P. BENJAMIN, SECRETARY OF STATE. FoUowing are pubUshed letters from Benjamin touching the question of financial adjustment. It wiU be observed that the theater of concluding operations is transferred from Richmond, Virginia, to London, and to Paris, and there Mr. Thompson pays over to the ex-secretary a balance of twelve thousand pounds and receives receipt in full. One must experience emotions of sadness, even after the lapse of half a century, to read in Mr. Benjamin's letter the words: "I am endeavoring to gather all the remnants of the funds for the purpose of paying the most sacred claims against the Government, among which the first and most pressing is that of the President and family, as I know Mr. Davis was utterly destitute of resources when I left." Facsimiles of Mr. Benjamin's letters are published here because they are important and because their record is due to the memory of Jacob Thompson. Secretary Benjamin's Letter from London. "London, 3rd September, 1865. My dear Sir: I shall have the pleasure, I hope, of seeing you in Paris next week and talk ing over all our matters. In the meantime I am very busy herein settling up the affairs of the department with its different agents and shall leave this evening for Liver pool to close the account with Fraser, Trenholm & Co. I am endeavoring to gather all the remnants of the funds for the purpose of paying the most sacred claims against the government, among which the first and most pressing is that of the president and family, as I know Mr. Davis was utterly destitute of resources when I left. I write now to beg that you will make up your account with the depart ment, so that I may make use of any unexpended balance in your hands. In doing so I recognize in advance your right (and the propriety and justice of your exer cising it) to retain such amount as shall be necessary to your own maintenance while proscribed by the Federal Government for your action as a servant of the Confederacy. We will talk over all matters, however, when we meet. I am not at all sorry to learn that you suspended your remittances to Fraser, Trenholm & Co., for reasons which I shall give you when we meet. Yours very truly, Hon. Jacob Thompson, J. P. Benjamin. Hotel Castighone, Paris." 302 ACTIVE SERVICE Secretary Benjamin's Letter from Paris. "Paris, 13th September, 1865. Dear Sir: I have been in Liverpool and Messrs. Fraser, Trenholm & Co. refuse to pay the draft of £25,000 drawn by me as secretary of state in favor of John K. Gilhat & Co. although they admit receiving remittances from you of more than £103,000 sent from Canada in compliance with my instructions to you in March last. They base their refusal on the ground that the treasury department was indebted to them and that they had the right to retain the whole sum received on account of the state department as an offset, although this remittance was made specially to cover the bill for £25,000. I learn, however, from them that you did not remit the entire sum in your hands as directed, and this is very fortunate for the balance can be applied toward the payment of the bill of exchange held by Gilliat & Co. as was directed from Richmond. I therefore request that you will hand me over the balance of the funds you were then ordered to remit, that they may be applied as then ordered to satisfy as far as possible the claim^of Messrs. Gilliat & Co. If you prefer making the remittance direct to those gentlemen, it will be equally agree able to me, as my only desire is to see the funds reach the hands of those who are entitled to them. I am very truly yours, J. P. Benjamin. Hon. Jacob Thompson, Paris." Secretary Benjamin's Receipt for Funds, ln Settlement. "Paris, 13th September, 1865. Received from Honorable Jacob Thompson twelve thousand pounds sterling as follows, viz: in his bill of exchange for said amount drawn in my favor on Glyn, Mills, Currie & Co. of London, and made payable sixty days after sight. The above sum of twelve thousand pounds is to be apphed to the partial payment of a biU of exchange for twenty-five thousand pounds, now in the hands of John K. Gilliat & Co., and for which the said Jacob Thompson was directed to make remittances to Fraser, Trenholm & Co., the drawees, by letter addressed to him from Richmond in March last, by the undersigned secretary of state of the Confederate States. The payment now made is in full of all claims of the Con federate Government on account of the undersigned as secretary of state of said government against the said Jacob Thompson for money deposited in his hands- as agent of said government. J. P. Benjamin." s¥J?.A '¦< / yxy*>zy Hyj 7 yy £ 7/ V yyfcy fetyc c /* /:e^ yiy~ y^ yytZyyc-cyj yyy, TT^yy^ty CO^y Zl I £y:*ry c5&>~ ^S <=^ *