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1796-1866
From a portrait by William Garl Broune, 1859, in possession of John Motley
Morehead III, Rye, N. Y., showing the charter of the
North Carolina R. R. in his right hand

John Motley Morehead
and
The Development of
North CaroHna
1796-1866 By
BURTON ALVA KONKLE

AUTHOR OF
"The Life and 'Writings of James 'Wilson,"
etc.

WITH
An Introduction BY
HON. HENRY G. CONNOR, LL.D.
Judge of the United States District Court, Eastern District of
North Carolina

WILLIAM J. CAMPBELL
PHILADELPHIA 1922

Copyright, 1922
By
Burton Alva Konkle

PRINTED IN U.S.A.
PATTERSON A WHITE CO.
PHILADELPHIA

to
Walter Roy Konkle
a
courier to the front lines
IN
THE THIRTY-SECOND DIVISION
AT
CHATEAU-THIERRY

Contents

Chapter

I.

Chapter

II.

Chapter

III.

Chapter

IV.

Chapter

V.

Chapter

VI.

Chapter

VII.

Chapter

VIII.

Chapter

IX.

Chapter

X.

Chapter

XI.

Chapter

XII.

Chapter

XIII.

Chapter

XIV.

Chapter

XV.

Chapter XVI.

Chapter XVII.

A Son of the Piedmont, 1796  1
Under Three Great Teachers, 1811  12
Love as Well as Law, and "Quiescere non
Possum," 1819  36
Lost Atlantis' Legacy of Problems to North
Carolina  SO
Morehead Attacks the Educational and Con
stitutional Problems, 1821  63
Other Problems Follow, 1822  76
Measures for Development and Its Organ, a
New Constitution, 1828  101
Revision of the Constitution and Transfer
of Political Power to the West, 1835. 144
Morehead and the Rise of the Whig Party
in North Carolina, 1836  170
A Whig Leader and Governor and the First
Railways, 1840  199
The Same Continued, 1842  225
A National Whig Leader, a Presidential Pos
sibility and President of the National
Whig Convention, Philadelphia, 1845. 273
His Campaign to Unite East and West
North Carolina by Railroads, 1849... 294
President and Builder of the North Caro
lina Railroad, 1850  308
Building the Eastern Extension and, an
Ocean Port, and Whig Leadership,
1856  324
He Enters the Assembly to Defend and Ex
tend the Railway West and North. A
Great Vision of Transportation, 1858. 345
Defender of the Union in the State Senate
and National Whig Convention, 1859. . 363

Chapter XVIII. The Peace Conference : Governor More-
head's Last Efforts to Preserve the
Union, 4th February, 1861  374
Chapter XIX. In the Confederate Provisional Congress,
Richmond, July, 1861-February, 1862. 386
Chapter XX. The Closing Years of "The Father of Mod
ern North Carolina," 1862-1866  399

Illustrations
I. Frontispiece: John Motley Morehead I.
II. Maps of the Piedmont and Roanoke Valley.. 1
III. Maps of Virginia Counties Created, 1634 to
1675, with Kent Island  2
IV. Maps of Virginia Counties Created, 1671 to
1733  4
V. Maps of Virginia Counties Created 1734 to
1748  S
VI. Lauchope House, Lanarkshire, Scotland  6
VII. "Old South HaU" and Dialectic Society, Uni
versity of North Carolina  24
VIII. Map of North Carolina, with places men
tioned. 1819  36
IX. Archibald DeBow Murphey  42
X. Book-plate of John Motley Morehead  49
XI. Maps Showing the Origin of North Carolina,
1665 to 1695  54
XII. Maps of North Carolina County Development,
1696 to 1749  56
XIII. State Capitol at Raleigh, 1794^1831  64
XIV. Map of North Carolina, showing what is
now Tennessee, 1783  68
XV. Map of North Carolina, showing East-West
and Valley Divisions, 1821  74
XVI. "Blandwood," the Morehead residence,
Greensboro, in 1921  80
XVII. First "Carlton" letter, heading and signature,
1827  92
XVIII. Joseph Caldwell  96
XIX. The Original Cotton Mill of Mr. Morehead
at Leaksville ( Spray) , N. C  104
XX. Map of North Carolina, showing Eastern
Counties that joined the West, 1831  110
XXI. Map of North Carolina, showing vote for,
and ratification of the new State Consti
tution, 1835  168

of James Wilson, and my David Lloyd and the First Half-
Century of Pennsylvania were ready for press and hence
delayed. My George Bryan and the Constitution of Penn
sylvania was then produced, and was issued in the spring
of 1922, while the present volume appears in the following
autumn. It is the purpose of the writer to issue the Lloyd
in the spring of 1923 and a new work Thomas Willing and
the First Half-Century of American Finance the fall of that
year, to be followed by the six-volume Life and Writings
of James Wilson, and following that William Wilkins and
the Rise and Fall of Democracy in Pennsylvania. The
process sounds much Hke a bombardment, which, as the
congestion of issue is due to the great war, may be consid
ered perfectly natural.
In preparing the Morehead and its study of the great state
of North Carolina, many delightful friendships and cour
tesies should be mentioned if they were not so numerous.
A few must certainly be recognized, and first among them
are those of my friend Major John Motley Morehead III,
the distinguished scientist and engineer of the Union Carbide
and Carbon Corporation of New York, grandson of the sub
ject of this volume, who, although not a resident of the state
for nearly thirty years, has become one of her honored sons,
a discoverer of that notable product acetylene gas, as his
equally distinguished father, James Turner Morehead, was
of carbide. Major Morehead issued his own beautiful vol
ume. The Morehead Family of Virginia and North Carolina
in 1921, and his encouragement made the present volume
possible. In Raleigh the helpfulness of Chief Justice Walter
Clark, Professor R. D. W. Connor, Dr. D. H. Hill, Mr. R. B.
House, Col. Fred Olds, Col. J. Bryan Grimes, and others of
the Historical Commission; Marshall Delancey Haywood
of the Law Library; Justice Hoke of the Supreme Court;
Governor Morrison, Judge H. G. Connor of the United
States Court; Col. Samuel A. Ashe, clerk of that Court;
Miss Mary Hilliard Hinton ; Mr. W. D. Self, clerk of the
State Corporation Commission; Mrs. H. S. Gay; and last,
but by no means least. State Librarian, Miss Carrie Brough-
ton, and her efficient and courteous staff to whom the writer

is greatly indebted for aid in his long work in that insti
tution. In Greensboro also the aid of Mrs. Joseph M.
Morehead, her son James T. Morehead, Esq., Mr. Victor
C. McAdoo, John Michaux, Esq., Judge Wm. B. Bynum
and Librarian Nellie C. Rowe and her staff of the Public
Library and former Librarian, Miss Caldwell, must be ac
knowledged; as well as that of Mr. and Mrs. B. Frank
Mebane, and Senator and Mrs. Walker of Spray ; and Mrs.
W. T. Harris of Danville, Va., as also Mr. and Mrs. Lindsay
Patterson of Winston-Salem; John M. Morehead, Esq., of
Charlotte; J. Lathrop Morehead, Esq., and Professor Boyd
of Trinity College, Durham ; Dr. J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton
of the University of North Carolina; William Henry Hoyt,
Esq., of New York; Mrs. J. Allison Hodges; Miss Emma
Morehead Whitfield and Mr. Morgan P. Robinson of Rich
mond, Va., and Mrs. Gen. R. D. Johnston of Winchester,
Va., cannot be passed by. Among these, the writer is es
pecially grateful to Professor Connor and Mr. House for
patient criticism of the text. He has also to express warm
appreciation of the willingness of his valued friend. Judge
Henry G. Connor, to write the introduction — a man of whom
Bishop Cheshire has recently so beautifully said — "He
stands so high that no man can be put above him and few on
his level."
Finally, a word about the maps : These are chiefly new,
prepared by the author from the best available sources, and,
where originals do not exist, by a constructive process based
on the principle that if a county is wholly derived from an
other county the latter must have contained the former — the
only mode by which an approximate map of some counties
can be obtained. The maps are designed for illustration of
the text, however, not as minute and ultimate authorities,
even though they have aimed at accuracy. That some fron
tier counties were created to extend to the Pacific ocean
illustrates the vague notions of geography and the varying
extent of British claims westwardly at different periods,
not necessarily the legal bounds.
BURTON ALVA KONKLE.
SWARTHMORE, 30th January, 1922.

Introduction
As the result of repeated efforts by the people of Western
North Carolina to secure amendments to the Constitution of
1776, a Convention composed of two delegates from each
County, met at Raleigh, June 4, 1835. The members of this
Convention were instructed by the Act, pursuant to which
the people ratified the call, to reduce the number of Senators
to not less than thirty-four nor more than fifty, to be elected
by Districts composed of Counties in proportion to the
amount of public taxes paid into the Treasury of the State
by the citizens thereof, and to reduce the number of the
House of Commons to not less than ninety, nor more than
one hundred and twenty, to be elected by Counties or Dis
tricts according to their federal population, each County to
have at least one member of the House of Commons. The
adoption of other amendments was committed to the dis
cretion of the Convention. The demand for a change in
the basis of representation had, for more than thirty years,
been a subject of deep concern, and at times intense
feeling, to the people of the Central and Western Counties.
The County system prevented making this and other
changes necessary to bring the organic law into harmony
with the growth of the State, and enable the West to
secure a system of Internal Improvement with State aid.
This aroused the fear of Eastern Delegates that plans would
be adopted, fixing upon that Section, where the burden
would be heaviest, taxation for the building of railroads and
highways. A prominent Western delegate said : "If the West had the
power, a system of Internal Improvements would be com
menced which would change the face of things and put at
once a check to the tide of emigration which is depopulating
the State."
A leading exponent and advocate of the Eastern view de
clared that "Highways, or other modes of transportation,
would not benefit the West because nine-tenths of their
land is exhausted and not worth cultivation, contrasted

with hundreds and thousands of acres brought into market
in the Southwestern States."
Swain, Morehead and other Western delegates, with
Gaston from the East, led the contest for the change.
Gaston discussed, with the ability and broad patriotism
which always marked and controlled his course in dealing
with every question, the origin and history of the contro
versy. The struggle of the strong men of the East and the
West, who were called upon to settle this question, the merits
of which are so clear to us now, resulted in the adoption of
the Report, fixing the number of Senators at Fifty, elected
from Districts formed upon the basis of property and tax
ation and the members of the House of Commons at One
Hundred and Twenty, based upon Federal numbers — each
County having at least one member, the remaining members
being apportioned among the larger Counties. This plan was
adopted by a vote of 75 to 52, the negative vote coming
from the East. A sufficient number of Eastern delegates,
under the leadership of Gaston, joining with the West,
carried the question. It is impossible to understand the "de
velopment of North Carolina" from 1835 to 1860, unless we
read the Debates in the Convention of 1835.
Morehead, as the advocate and wise leader of those
policies, was elected Governor in 1840 and again in 1842.
He was among the earliest, most enthusiastic and influential
founders of the movement which culminated in the con
struction of the North Carolina Railroad and' a system of
roads extending from Beaufort to Charlotte and from Salis
bury to the Tennessee line.
The story of the labors of Governor Morehead, to
whom the title has been given of the "Architect and Builder
of Public Works of North Carolina," is intensely interesting
and stimulating to patriotic pride. This story is most inter
estingly told by Mr. Konkle in the following pages.
Recalling the pessimistic utterances of the reactionary
sentiment of members of the Convention of 1835, we see the
reahzation of the vision of Governor Morehead, Gaston and
those who co-operated with them, as eloquently and truth
fully described by one who has made a study of our history :
"The traveler today, along the line of the North Carolina
Railroad, sees the fulfilment of Morehead's dream. He

finds himself in one of the most productive Sections of the
New World. He traverses it from one end to the other
at a speed of forty miles an hour, surrounded by every com
fort and convenience of modern travel. He passes through
a region bound together by a thousand miles of steel rails,
by telegraph and telephone lines and by nearly two thousand
miles of improved country roads. He finds a population
engaged not only in agriculture, but in manufacturing, in
commerce, in transportation and in a hundred other enter
prises. He hears the hum of hundreds of modern mills
and factories operating millions of spindles and looms by
steam, water, electricity, employing more than fifty millions
of capital and sending their products to the uttermost parts
of the earth. His train passes through farm lands which,
since Morehead's time, has increased in value more than
ten fold, producing ten times as much cotton and a hundred
times as much tobacco. From his car window he sees a
thousand modern schoolhouses, alive with the energy and
activity of one hundred thousand school children. He
passes through cities of twenty to thirty thousand and towns
of five to ten thousand inhabitants. Better than all, he finds
himself among a people no longer characterized by lethargy,
isolation and ignorance, but bristling with energy, alert with
every opportunity, fired with the spirit of the modern world
and with their faces steadfastly set to the future. The
foundation on which all this prosperity and progress rests is
the work done by John M. Morehead or inspired by
him." But my office is to introduce the author and invite the
reader, who would know the mental, moral, political and
social qualities and characteristics of the "rare individual,
both architect and contractor, both poet and man of action,
to whom is given the power to dream and the power to exe
cute," of whom Mr. Konkle has made a thorough sympa
thetic study and of whom he has preserved a faithful and
most interesting history to a closer acquaintance with his
hero. Mr. Konkle has, by a careful, intelligent 'study of
our records, made a permanent and most valuable contribu
tion to the history of the State of North Carolina and her
people.
H. G. Connor.

Map of the Piedmont
Prepared by the author

Map of the Koanoke Valley
Prepared by the author

A Son of the Piedmont
1796
If on July 4, 1796, the Goddess of Liberty had already
surmounted the dome of a Capitol and a Washington, yet
to be, on the banks of the Potomac; and she could have
raised to her eyes a seven-leagued field-glass and looked
with superhuman view to the southwestward and beheld a
strip of land about one hundred miles wide, lined with
Appalachian foot-hills on the right and the water- falls of
every river that crossed it on the left, generally about a
hundred miles back from the ocean, and extending through
four states and into Alabama at Montgomery — the capi-
toline deity would have covered in her purview a region
that has a peculiar character and has acquired exclusive
possession of the name "Piedmont."^ And in her fore
ground, her glass would have easily picked out, among more
than a score of rivers that cross it, with their rich valleys,
one among the most rich and most extensive, in its wind
ings, lacing together the two states of Virginia and North
Carolina, prefiguring a time to come when bands of iron
should replace it. This rich region is the valley of the
Roanoke, which lies like a great wallet full of treasures
toward the foot-hills, with its neck ready to pour them
through Carolina into the Albemarle, if she should have a
port to receive it or the water- falls did not choke the passage.
And could so extensive a view permit the Goddess to see
things more minute, she would have witnessed, in the very
heart of the upper part of the valley in the lands between the
lower two of three great tributaries, the Dan and Banister

^ Technically, the name Piedmont is applied only to the western half; but
the line of separation is so indefinite that the name is often applied to the
whole.

2 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
rivers, on a farm in Pittsylvania county, Virginia, near the
Carolina border, the birth of a farmer boy, John Motley
Morehead, destined to be one of the great figures of Pied
mont and national history.
His grandfather, Joseph Morehead, had been attracted
by the fame of the Roanoke Valley, from the ancient home
of the family in the head of the Piedmont, just below the
site of the future national capital, a region that was also the
head of that great peninsula between the Potomac and the
Rappahannock more commonly known by the not euphoni
ous name of "Northern Neck" — a region made famous as
the birth-place of a Washington, Madison, Monroe and a
Marshall. Indeed the great Chief Justice was born only
five years before John, the youngest son of Joseph More-
head, and father of our subject, and equally near in the
same territory in Fauquier county, the latter's birth occur
ring on May 9, 1760. Joseph had named this son after his
aged father, John Morehead I, who had pioneered, like
the Washingtons, with the creation of successive counties
as settlement progressed up the "Neck," from his birth about
1689 in the old original Northumberland county, to, King
George county created in 1720, to Prince William erected
ten years later, and finally tO' Fauquier, created just the
year before his grandson name-sake was born.
The tale of how John Morehead I came to be born at
the foot of the "Northern Neck" is one of the most romantic
in American annals.^ The father of John Morehead I, was
Charles Morehead (or Muirhead), who is said to be a
younger son of David Morehead, or, as he himself spelled
it, David Muirhead, the distinguished London and Edin
burgh merchant and colonizer, who appears, in 1630, to have
sent this son, Charles, over to Charles I's newly organized
colony of Virginia, as a factor at Kecoughtan (now Hamp
ton), where Secretary of State William Claiborne was a most
enterprising figure, and for three years had been officially
designated to explore new lands for colonizing purposes.

^ For fuller detail see the beautiful volume. The Morehead Family of North
Carolina, and Virginia, by Major John Motley Morehead (III) of New "York
City, issued in 1921.

(1)
Counties Created in 1634

"Virginia Counties C(
Prepared |
Kent Island is shown on Msjf

TED FROM 1634 TO 1671
. the author
fo. 1 in Upper Chesapeake Bay

SON OF THE PIEDMONT 3
On one of his exploratory voyages northward, he was at
tracted to the largest island in the Chesapeake as a coloniz
ing proposition and named it Kent Island, then far within
the bounds of that colony and opposite the present site of
Annapolis. Forthwith he went to London and on May 16, 1631,
secured a commission from Charles I, enlisted the capital
of a few merchants as partners, one of whom, Thompson,
had been a factor in Kecoughtan, and one Cloberry owning
most of the stock; and finally Captain Claiborne, later in
May, set out to buy Kent Island from the Indians and begin
settlement. This was the first of many successive expedi
tions to the Kent Island colony; but within a year, Lord
Baltimore, whose St. Lawrence colony had failed, persuaded
His Catholic Majesty, Charles I, to give him the upper part
of Virginia above the Potomac, which, to the consternation
of the Kent Island owners, would place them under Balti
more, or confiscate all their laborious and expensive col
onization. The vacillation of Charles I, which, was to yet
cost him his head, precipitated a contest which covered sev
eral years and made civil war on the Chesapeake between
the Kent Island company and Baltimore's new colony of
Maryland. Merchant Cloberry was the only one of Cap
tain Claiborne's company who was not discouraged at the
prospect, and in 1634, when Baltimore's first colony arrived,
he bought out the timid ones, and found more doughty
partners in David Morehead and one or two others. They
sent one of the partners, George Evelin, over to handle the
matter diplomatically if possible; but Captain Claiborne
was for war, not diplomacy, and the war continued in one
form or another for a dozen years, long after the death of
David Morehead, which occurred in September, 1642. Five
years after his death, however, in 1647, the colony sub
mitted to Lord Baltimore, although echoes of the conflict,
legally, continued down to at least 1677.
Meanwhile the Crown seemed inclined to grant com
pensatory lands in Virginia; and Claiborne and others re
ceived estates in that part nearest the Maryland colony,
namely, in the new county of Northumberland, covering all

4 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
of the "Northern Neck" westward to the Pacific Ocean,
and about half of the next peninsula below the Rappahan
nock, which was created about three years after David
Morehead's death. Just how soon after this Charles More-
head moved up from Kecoughtan to his new lands in North
umberland county cannot be known, because of destruction
of necessary county records in 1711, about six years after
his will was probated by his eldest sons, who became execu
tors, among other children, for his youngest son, John
Morehead I, a child of his latest years, in the region of the
Great Wicomico river near Heathsville.
The Morehead family, therefore, had been in Virginia
for one hundred and sixty-six years, when the birth of John
Motley Morehead occurred on the nineteenth anniversary
of the Declaration, in the second administration of the first
great Piedmont President of the "Northern Neck," George
Washington. But if the tale of their settlement in Virginia was ro
mantic, it was not more so than the career of the family in
Great Britain, whom Sir Walter Scott celebrated in his
Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, the valiant defender of
the King, John Muirhead of Lauchope and Bullis, in the
ballad entitled : "THE LAIRD OF MUIRHEAD
"Afore the King in order stude
The stout laird of Muirhead,
'Wi' that same twa-hand muckle s"word
That Bartram fell'd stark dead.
"He sware he "wadna lose his right
To fight in ilka field;
Nor budge him from his liege's sight.
Till his last gasp should yield.
"Tvva hunder mair, of his ain name,
Frae Torwood and the Clyde,
S"ware they -would never gang to hame,
But a' die by his syde.
"And wondrous weel they kept their troth;
This sturdy royal band
Rush'd down the brae, wi' sic a pith.
That nane could them withstand.

Virginia Counties I
Prepared
Where western limits were indefinite they were ai
according i

-l-lful--^

D FROM 1672 TO 1733
,e author
, and sometimes stated to be to the Pacific Ocean
inial claims

(10)
1741-1748

Virginia Counties Created from 1734 to 1748
Prepared by the author
Halifax, 1752, west of which Pittsylvania was created, and Fauquier, 1759,
are also indicated

SON OF THE PIEDMONT S
"Mony a bloody blow they dealt.
The like was never seen;
And hadna that braw leader fall'n.
They ne'er had slain the King."
The King, in this case, was James IV, and the battle, that
great one on the Flodden spur of Cheviot Hills, of Sep
tember 9, 1513, so graphically described in the sixth canto
of Marmion; while John Muirhead, the Laird of Lauchope
and Bullis, was the officer in charge of the Crown lands of
Galloway and his clan body-guard of the King, and thus
lost his life against the forces of Henry VIII. This Laird's
father, who died seven years before, had been Knighted by
King James IV, Sir William Muirhead of Lauchope, and
his grandfather knighted by Richard III shortly before
1485, the first Sir William Muirhead of Lauchope; while,
during Columbus' voyages, one of the Muirheads, Dr.
Richard, was Secretary of State and, twenty years before,
another was Bishop of Glasgow. The clan began in Clydes
dale before 1122, over four hundred years before the
"Laird of Muirhead" slept on Flodden Field with his King,
and Lauchope House had a new master, and what was left
of the clan, a new head.
Lauchope House, located some eleven miles eastwardly
of Glasgow in Lanarkshire, Bothwell Parish, about a mile
northeastwardly of Hollytown, was rebuilt in the early half
of the nineteenth century, "an old mansion," "elegant" and
"tastefully embellished," "a tower-house with walls of re
markable thickness," "the seat of a very ancient family, the
parent stem of the Muirheads," and "gave refuge on the
eve of his flight from Scotland, to Hamilton of Bothwell-
haugh, Murray's assassin at Linlithgow (1570)" in loyalty
to Queen Mary Stuart, and to the Hamiltons, with whom
the Muirheads inter-married.^ The old Muirhead mansion
is still one of the beautiful country seats of Scotland, as it
was a tower of strength in the days of the Scottish Chief
who fell on Flodden Field.
For when John Muirhead I, of Lauchope died his son
^ Lewis Topographical Dictionary of Scotland, 1846; Groome's Ordinance
Gazetteer of Scotland, 1903; and Muirhead's Life of James Watts. James
Watts, the famous engineer's mother was Agnes Muirhead, before her marriage.

6 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
John Muirhead II became head of the clan and master of
Lauchope House ; but it was the great-great-grandson of the
hero of Flodden Field, James Muirhead II who had oc
casion again to bring disaster on his house and clan by his
doughty strokes as a leader of unsuccessful Covenanter
rebels who were proclaimed exiles in 1579, and thereby
brought practical ruin on the family estates. Indeed he was
so dangerous to the Crown that his son, James Muirhead
III, of Lauchope, and other relatives had to go on his bond
to keep the peace for the remaining thirty years of his life ;
and this son was the last of his direct line to own Lauchope
House. It was a younger son, David Muirhead, born at
Lauchope House, whose grandson, David Muirhead (III)
became the distinguished London and Edinburgh merchant
and colonizer of Virginia lands in the 1630s through his
younger son, Charles of Northumberland county and the
"Northern Neck," and the latter, thereby, brought into
common use the Anglicized form of the name Morehead,
which came to prevail throughout the "Northern Neck" and
the Piedmont.
As in Scotland, the Moreheads inter-married with well-
known Virginia and Maryland families, Charles' grandsons,
Charles and Joseph of Fauquier county, both married
daughters of a revolutionary heroine, Keren-happuch (Nor
man) Turner, who, like Molly Pitcher and Hannah Dustin,
is immortalized in a statue; in her case, it is on the battle
field of Guilford Court House, near Greensboro, N. C, to
celebrate the long horse-back ride from Maryland to act as
nurse to her own and others wounded in that famous action.'
One of her grandsons, under General Greene, was John
Morehead, born in Fauquier county, Virginia, on May 9,
1760, as had been said, and he was married in 1790 to Miss
Obedience Motley, a daughter of Captain Joseph Motley,
a Church of England Welsh planter and trader of Amelia
county, Virginia. Miss Motley, born in 1768, also had heroic
and tragic experiences in that conflict: her father was a
captain under Colonel George Washington in the French

1 It is related of her that she improvised what amounted to the modem ice
pack to keep fever down, in the form of a mode of dripping cold spring water
over the wounded.

.i:''!^,:;:^

Lauchope House in 1921
In Lanarkshire, slightly northeast of Hollytown, Scotland, ancient
seat of the Muirheads

SON OF THE PIEDMONT 7
and Indian Wars, and was present at Braddock's defeat,
while six of her brothers were soldiers of the Revolution.
As a child, she witnessed in the temporary absence of her
father, the treachery of a Tory neighbor, who was leading
a guerrilla warfare, and, deliberately cut an artery in the
arm of her sick mother, lying in bed with an infant, so that
she bled to death before aid could reach her; while some
years later she heaped coals of fire on the head of her
mother's murderer, by nursing him when he was accidentally
brought to her home in a serious illness. She often told
of her old nurse, to whose care this tragedy consigned the
care of the young children: Rachel "had been an African
Princess, and, being sent one day to drive the birds from
the rice fields, was suddenly kidnapped, a bag thrown over
her head, and herself carried away captive and sold as a
slave in America. She was faithful and kind and became
a real mother to the ten children when left to her care.
There was a boy also, from Africa, among the slaves, and
they talked with each other in their language. He often
said he would go back to his people, for whom he sighed.
One morning he was found hanging to a tree in the yard
and Rachel explained that he had gone to his own country.
The children wept for him, and only Rachel, whom they
loved devotedly, could console them. She had flowers
tattooed on her breast for beauty."' Miss Obedience, like
her sisters, learned to spin and weave their clothes and the
household cotton and linen.
It was she who was one of John Morehead's pupils
when, on one occasion, he was teaching the young people
dancing and he was so worried by her that he laid his bow
on her shoulder and remonstrated with her — and made her
his wife. They were a great contrast : he was versatile and
many-sided; could officiate as a squire and marry people,
pray with the sick and dying, preach a sermon of good
Presbyterian doctrine, was a poet, a soldier, a planter, fond
of the chase and social life. He hated slavery and tried
to take measures against it; and has been described as a

^ The Morehead Family of North Carolina and Virginia, by Major John
Motley Morehead of New "Y'ork, pp. 104-5, in the State Library, Raleigh, N. C.

8 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
man far ahead of his times, in morals and intelligence.
Many stories are told of him, even yet. His young wife
was more disciplined and practical; and when he thanked
Providence for whatever was sent, joys or afflictions, and
she remarked she believed he "would thank the Lord if
he broke a leg." "Yes, Biddy," said he with a smile, "I
would, because it wasn't my neck !" His parting benediction
when a child left home was : "Remember, child, death be
fore dishonor." When about eighteen he joined the Revo
lutionary Army under General Greene, and was in the battle
of Cowpens, but was on a war prisoner's detail during the
battle of Guilford Court House. His old wooden cask-
canteen may yet be seen in the Museum on the battle-ground,
now a National Park. It was not until 1790, when he was
thirty years old, that he was married to Miss Motley, who
was herself but twenty-two, and they made their new home
where "Windsor," the home of Samuel Wilson now is near
the Henry County line, not far from the Dan River in
Pittsylvania county, also near the North Carolina line, west
of Danville.^ They lived there but eight years, however,
while daughters came and their first son, John Motley More-
head, was born, as has been said, on July 4, 1796.
Their eyes had been turned longingly to a fertile section
slightly south of them, just over the North Carolina line.
Over a half-century before, in 1733, "Colonel William Byrd
of Westover in Virginia, Esquire," a famous early surveyor
and gentleman of the old school, wrote of it as "The Land
of Eden," in which he had "a fine tract." He tells of cross
ing the Dan river "about a mile and a half to the westward
of the place where the Irvin [river] runs into it," and pass
ing over a barren highland, "on a sudden the scene changed
and we were surpriz'd with an opening of large extent,
where the Sauro Indians once lived, who had been a con
siderable nation. But the frequent inroads of the Senecas
annoy'd them incessantly, and obliged them to remove from
this fine situation about 30 years ago. ... It must
have been a great misfortune to them to be obliged to aban-

1 This location is furnished the writer by Mrs. Joseph M. Morehead of
Greensboro, N. C.

SON OF THE PIEDMONT 9
don so beautiful a dwelling, where the air is wholesome, and
the soil equal in fertility to any in the whole world. The
river is about 80 yards wide, always confined within its
lofty banks, and rolling down its waters, as sweet as milk,
and as clear as crystal. There runs a charming level of
more than a mile square, that will bring forth like the lands
of Egypt, without being overflow'd once a year. There is
scarce a shrub in view to intercept your prospect, but grass
as high as a man on horse-back. Toward the woods there
is a gentle ascent, till your sight is intercepted by an emi
nence, that overlooks the whole landscape. This sweet place
is bounded to the east by a fine stream call'd Sauro Creek,
which running out of [into (?)] the Dan, and tending
westerly, makes the whole a peninsula. I cou'd not quit
this pleasant situation without regret, but often faced about
to take a parting look at it as far as I could see, and so
indeed did all the rest of the company."^
And one of their younger sons, who became a lawyer,
scholar, and poet, years later, celebrated the region they
chose near here in a poem of great beauty, entitled the
Hills of Dan, in one verse of which he says :
"The world is not one garden spot.
One pleasure ground for man;
Few are the spots that intervene,
Such as the Hills of Dan."=
And this spot which they chose, some five miles from
the old home, and not far from the present site of Spray,
Rockingham county. North Carolina, southwestward of Dan
ville some twenty-five miles, they settled upon in 1798 when
their son, John Motley, was a baby of two years.' Here

^ The Writings of Colonel William Byrd, of Westover, in Virginia, Esqr.,
edited by John Spencer Bassett, 1901, pp. 306-7. This beautiful spot, now
called "The Meadows," is part of a large estate of many thousand acres, owned
by Mr. B. Frank Mebane, of Spray, whose wife is a great-grand-daughter of
John and Obedience Motley Morehead.
^ The Hills of Dan, by Abraham Forrest Morehead, 1834, who, as he wished
in the poem, does rest in the little family burial ground a few yards from the
site of the old farm-house in which he was bom, opposite what is now the
Powell Store and "Corners," in Rockingham County, a few miles from Spray.
The old farm-house was burned after his father's death and John Motley More-
head built a new one for his mother, which still stands.
' John Morehead, I am informed by Hugh R. Scott, Esq., of Reidsville,
bought 200 acres on Horse Pen Creek, on May 29, 1798; 100 more the same
year on Wolf Island Creek Fork; 100 more on February 14, 1799; and then
numerous other tracts — all not far from Dan River on these various creeks.

10 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
they reared a family of five daughters and four sons, of
which latter, John Motley was the eldest. Like Presby
terians generally, John Morehead and his family made much
of religion and education. He, himself, built Mt. Carmel
Presbyterian Church near his home and often, as has been
intimated, he also did the preaching. They early determined
likewise that their four boys should have a college education
and then should teach their sisters in return ; and not only
so but that the older boys should aid the younger. It is
doubtful if ever a family were a better example of what
can be done in the home as a nursery of higher education ;
and who can tell how much this plan of John Morehead's
country home has influenced the educational history of the
State ? One need not go much further than this to account
for the educational philosophy and motive that the eldest
son came to have after he had had a share in teaching both
brothers and sisters in it; and the process was certain to
make him not merely senior, but the recognized head of the
family as the children grew to manhood and womanhood.'
While the primary instruction was proceeding in the
home, John Motley had, in 1810, become fourteen years
old, and, as Latin was the Apollyon which aspirants for
higher education must first overcome and no academy
existed in Rockingham county, at the time. Squire Morehead
persuaded his neighbor's son, Thomas Settle, a young man
of nineteen, who had studied Latin and Greek a few months
in Caswell, the county to the eastward, and was just licensed
to practice law in Rockingham, to teach his fourteen year
old son, John Motley Morehead, the elements of Latin, at
least, during 1810 and a part of the following year, at the
county-seat of that county, Wentworth. "And then," said
Hon. Thomas Settle, Jr., "between the teacher and his
solitary student, commenced a friendship and intimacy which
death alone terminated."^ There is no doubt but that this
1 These children were the five sisters and the four brothers, John Motley,
bom in 1796; James Turner, bom in 1799; Samuel, who died in 1828, and Abra
ham Forrest, whose death occurred in 1834. All but Samuel became lawyers,
James Turner being a distinguished one of the State and a Congressman and
State Senator.
^ Address before the bar meeting of Guilford County, N. C, in September,
1866. Justice Settle afterwards became a member of the Supreme bench of the
State for a quarter of a century. His wife was a sister of Hon. Calvin Graves,
of whom the reader will see more anon.

SON OF THE PIEDMONT 11
intimate relation between the young attorney and his Latin
pupil from the Morehead plantation was to have much to
do in determining the choice of profession of nearly all of
the sons of John and Obedience Morehead. Certain it is,
in that period of tutorship, young John Motley showed him
self an apt pupil in the languages and that he got all that
young Attorney Settle had to give and more. This result
convinced Squire Morehead of the wisdom of taking im
mediate measures to put the young fifteen-year-old student
in a proper school of higher learning.

II
Under Three Great Teachers
1811
In the year 1811, in Rockingham county. North Carolina,
no one interested in higher education for his son would, for
one instant, have to speculate where to find the proper
school. Indeed the probabilities are that that very desire
for higher learning in this region was largely due to the
greatness of the primitive institution of Rev. Dr. Caldwell,
not far away to the southward, for here was one of the
greatest natural teachers that America has ever produced;
and his school had been a famous one for nearly a half-
century and that, too, under his own guidance — a North
Carolina Eton or Phillips-Exeter and more, for it was prac
tically an academy, college and theological seminary with
this remarkable teacher as faculty.
Rev. Dr. David Caldwell was eighty-six years old in
1811 and still at work. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania,
in 1725, he graduated from Princeton College the same year
that John Witherspoon became President of it, 1761. Li
censed as a preacher in 1763, he was sent out as a mission
ary, the year of the Stamp Act Congress, into the increasing
settlements pressing southward down the Piedmont to North
Carolina, and settled as pastor of two Presbyterian Churches,
Buffalo and Alamance, in the big county of what became
Guilford, three years before it was created in 1770, and his
home was about three miles northwest of the present site
of Greensboro, which in due time became the county seat.
The young minister, now forty-two years old, had married
Rachel, the daughter of Rev. Alexander Craighead of Meck
lenburg county, and their home became, as has been said,
an academy, college and theological seminary ; while in 1768
he was installed pastor of the two churches, one of the new
12

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 13
school and one of the old school, a relation that continued
for over a half-century. His home, with himself and wife,
became a veritable "seminary" to the whole South; for
with a constant stream of boys from that section of the
United States, always about fifty in number, he is said to
have brought more young men into the learned professions
than any one man of his time — lawyers, judges, statesmen,
five governors, congressmen, physicians, ministers — nearly
all of the Presbyterian ministry of the Carolinas and to the
south and west, for many years, being trained in his school.
Indeed seven of his pupils were licensed by Orange Pres
bytery in one day and only three or four members who
admitted them but were also students of the venerable
teacher. Nor was he merely a teacher and preacher, but
a great man and leader, and he voiced the rising protest
against British injustice and stood for the new principles
of political science being wrought out in colonial aims at
self-government so vitally different from those of the mother
country. His home was in the center of that district which
sought to secure redress of grievances from the notorious
Governor Tryon, under the name "Regulators," and the
Battle of Alamance occurred some twenty miles from his
school. His influence consolidated the Revolutionary Whigs
and he helped frame the Constitution of 1776 at Halifax,
North Carolina. He was an intimate friend of the great
Philadelphia physician-patriot. Dr. Benjamin Rush, under
whom he had studied medicine as an aid to missionary work ;
and at the Battle of Guilford Court House, also not far from
his home and at the edge of the county-seat yet to be created
and named in honor of General Greene, he cared for the
wounded of both sides. Lord Cornwallis considered him so
great a source of inspiration to those who made this battle
so costly that it has been described as having caused the
surrender at Yorktown, that the British general camped
upon his ground, destroyed his property, even his library,
and proclaimed a price of £200 for his arrest. He rebuilt
his home and school when the war closed and his last ser
vice for the state was in the convention of 1788, in which
he opposed the new National Constitution. He was then

14 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
sixty-three years old, and saw the National Constitution
adopted by his state in November of the following year;
and during the next month a charter was granted for the
"University of North Carolina," which had been provided
for in the constitution he had helped make in 1776. That
he should be oflfered the Presidency of this new University
was a matter of course, but he wisely declined it and clung
to the great work of his life — which was not half done —
for he was destined to almost top a century and was in
educational harness until within five of that hundred years.^
That John Morehead and his wife were determined their
first son, John Motley, should have the prized advantages
of training under such a teacher, and that the sixteen-year-
old youth was keenly ambitious to do so, in this year 1811,
is borne out by the facts.^ Years later the boy, then become
famous, described his and his father's first interview with
Dr. Caldwell: "In November, 1811," he writes on August
4, 1852, "my father took me, then in my sixteenth year,
with a good common English education, from his residence
in the county of Rockingham, to Dr. Caldwell's — a distance
of some thirty miles, for the purpose of putting me under
his care and instruction. I had heard so much of him as an
instructor and disciplinarian, that I had conceived of him
as a man of great personal dignity, with a face, the scowl of
which would annihilate the unlucky urchin who had not
gotten his lesson well. So I approached his residence with
^ Dr. Caldweil died August 25, 1824, in his hundredth year, and his re
mains lie in the cemetery of Buffalo Presbyterian Church, of which, with Ala
mance, he was pastor sixty years. An adequate formal life of this great man
is needed and at some point in the state, since there seems to be no portrait
of him, a monument equal to that of any man in the state ought to be erected.
Maj. Joseph M. Morehead in a sketch of Caldwell for North Carolina Day,
issued by the State Superintendent of Public Instruction in 1907, says Governor
Morehead said oi Dr. Caldwell that he was *'a Jack-at-all-trades and good at
all." He also indicates that Dr. Caldwell's course in medicine was a "corre
spondence course," and, as we know, under Dr. Benjamin Rush.
^ A tradition in the family has it that Mrs. Obedience Morehead was the
one determined to educate her oldest son, and through him, the rest, and that
she sold enough produce from the farm to do it. One of the songs she sang at
her loom had these lines; "I raise my own ham
My beef and my lamb.
I weave my own cloth
And I wear it."
It should be added, however, that some attribute most to John's quaUties
and some most to those of Obedience; and as usual both are right. It was the
imagination of the one and the hard sense of the other that made John Motley
Morehead what he was to become.

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 15
fear and trembling. We found, a few hundred yards from
his house, and near a little mill on a small branch — built
rather to serve as a hobby for amusement than for any
more practical purpose, an exceedingly old gentleman, bowed
down by some eighty-six or seven, winters, enveloped in a
large cape made of bear skin, with a net worsted cap on
his head (for the evening was cool), and supporting him
self with a cane not much shorter than his own body — this
was Dr. Caldwell. My fears of him and his authority were
at once dissipated. The moment he was informed of our
business, he remarked that he had long ago abandoned his
school, and had taught but little since, and then only to
oblige a neighbor or two ; that he had no pupil at that time,
and did not wish to engage in teaching again. My father
reminded him of his promise made, many years before, and
while he was not teaching, that he would educate his oldest
son for him. The Doctor replied jocularly that he did not
consider that that promise bound him to live always, that he
might comply with it; and that my father ought to have
presented his son long since. My father made some answer
at which the Doctor laughed heartily, and since in a broad
Scotch accent, which he often assumed when he desired to
be humorous, or to worry a laggard pupil with a bad lesson
— 'Weel mon, we must thry and see what we can do with
the lad;' and turning to myself, said — 'But mon, have ye
an appetite for reading?' To which I replied, 'I am not
very hungry for it.' The answer seemed to please him, and
we then proceeded to his house.
"I took boarding in the neighborhood, and remained
under his tuition until the fall of 1815 (losing a good deal
of time, however, from the school), when I went to the
University of North Carolina, and was admitted a member
of the Junior class. As I had nearly completed the pre
scribed course in the languages under Dr. Caldwell, I studied
no Latin or Greek at the University, with the exception of
Cicero, and that I studied privately.
"I was not long in Dr. Caldwell's hands before I became
satisfied of his remarkable excellence as a teacher. He had
but little to amuse him, except hearing my lessons. I ap-

16 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
plied myself to my studies with great zeal, with which he
was much pleased; and often has he made me recite, from
four to six hours a day, parsing every difficult word, and
scanning nearly every line, when the recitation happened
to be in any of the Latin poets. Indeed you could not get
along with him, with any comfort, without knowing accur
ately and thoroughly everything you passed over.
"The Rules of Prosody and Syntax in the Latin, and of
Syntax in the Greek, with all the exceptions and notes,
seemed to be as familiar to him as the alphabet. His mem
ory had evidently failed to some extent; and I have some
times found him, on my arrival in the morning, when I was
studying the higher Latin and Greek classics, looking over
my lessons for the day. He would apologize for doing so, by
saying that his memory had failed, and he was afraid I
might cork him; meaning that I might ask him questions
that he would not be able to answer. Hard words or diffi
cult sentences in the various authors that he taught, seemed,
for the most part, entirely familiar to him ; and often, when
he would ask me for a rule which I could not give, he would
attempt to give it; and the phraseology having escaped his
memory, he would bother at it, like a man with a tangled
skein, searching for the end by which it can be unravelled,
until some word or expression of his own would bring back
to his memory some part of the rule, and then he would
repeat the whole of it with great accuracy. Sometimes, when
he could not repeat the rule in English, he would say —
'Weel mon, let us thry the Latin;' and the Latin generally
proved to be quite at his command.
"Dr. Caldwell's course of studies in the languages —
Latin, Greek and Hebrew, as well as in the sciences, was
extensive for his day; and the facility and success with
which he imparted his knowledge to others, in such extreme
old age, was truly wonderful. Towards the latter part of
the time I was under his instruction, he had several more
pupils, and among them was a student of medicine; and I
noticed that he seemed just as familiar with that subject as
any other.
"During a part of the time I was with him, he found

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 17
great difficulty in reading, with the help of two pair of spec
tacles ; but his sight returned subsequently, so that he could
read the finest Greek print, without any glasses at all. I did
not, however, observe much change in his intellect.
"In stature I suppose he must have measured about five
feet eight or ten inches ; and in his younger days, he prob
ably weighed from one hundred and seventy-five to two
hundred pounds. He had a well formed head and strong
features. He was an exceedingly studious man, as his great
acquisitions in various departments of learning proved. The
prominent characteristics of his mind were the power to
acquire knowledge and retain it, and the power to apply it
to useful and practical purposes. By some he was thought
to be lacking in originality; but I think this questionable.
He certainly possessed a strong mind; but the late day at
which his education was commenced, the great extent and
variety of his knowledge, and the active pursuits of his life,
gave him but little time for that kind of reflection, without
which originality of thought is not apt to be developed.
"Dr. Caldwell was a man of admirable temper, fond of
indulging in playful remarks, which he often pointed with
a moral ; kind to a fault to every human being, and I might
say to every living creature, entitled to his kindness. He
seemed to live to do good.
"It would be difficult to duly appreciate his usefulness
through his long life. His learning, his piety, and his pa
triotism, were infused into the generations of his day. An
ardent Whig of the Revolution, he taught his people the
duty they owed to their country as well as their God. Well
do I remember, when, in 1814, the Militia of Guilford were
called together in this town [Greensboro] to raise volunteers,
or draft men to go to Norfolk, to have seen the old gentle
man literally crawl upon the bench of the Court House to
address the multitude, and in fervid and patriotic strains
exhort them to be faithful to their country. The sermon
had a powerful effect upon the soldiers. As an illustration,
I may mention that a Quaker lad, who had been strictly
educated in the faith of his denomination, after hearing the
sermon, entered the ranks of the volunteers, served his time.

18 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
returned to the bosom of his own church, which gladly re
ceived him, and lived and died an honored and esteemed
citizen. "From Dr. Caldwell's great age at the time I knew him,
and the consequent failure of his voice (never I think a very
good one), I could not form a very satisfactory opinion of
his merits in the pulpit. All the sermons I ever heard him
deliver were extemporaneous. But, if I were to hazzard an
opinion in respect to him as a preacher, in the vigor of his
manhood, I should say he was a calm, strong, didactic
reasoner, whose sermons were delivered with an earnestness
that left no doubt with his hearers that he was uttering his
own deep convictions, and with an unction that bore testi
mony to the Christian purity of his own heart."^
The young student of seventeen, with his year of Latin
and his experience in teaching his brothers and sisters,
made rapid progress under Dr. Caldwell and was particu
larly good in the languages. He was there from 1811 to
the autumn of 1815— about four years. It will be well to
analyze just what this means, for it does signify a great
deal. First it must not be forgotten that this famous school,
not unlike the log-cabin days of Princeton, which was its
model, had long been, as has been said, "academy, college and
theological seminary" to many great men of the day ; and that
the young University was still a struggling institution, not
quite having "found itself." Young John Motley More-
head and his father looked upon it in its old capacity; so
that when he had Dr. Caldwell's course for 1811-12 and
1812-13, when a one-time lawyer of this general region,
then of Tennessee, named Andrew Jackson, was soon to
take part in the War of that year, he was advanced enough
to have entered the Freshman year at the University. The
decision, however, was to take not only his Freshman, but
his Sophomore also, and even half of his Junior year, under
the venerable and wonderful Doctor of Divinity, Medicine
and Youth, with so wonderful a record as a maker of great
^Annals of the American Pulpit, by William B. Sprague, D.D., 1859, Vol.
Ill, pp. 265-7. The letter closes: "Happy in the opportunity of thus bearing
an humble testimony to the memory of my venerated friend, I remain, your
obedient servant, J. M. Morehead."

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 19
men out of boys. One can imagine both father and son
weighing the pros and cons as to the respective advantages
of taking the rest of the Junior year and the Senior at the
old school or the new one. Nor must it be forgotten that
young John Motley was not many miles from his home in
Rockingham county or that he supervised the studies of his
younger brother, James Turner, and his sisters, in subjects
which he had completed.
As an illustration of what would have been required of
him if he had passed examinations in these classes in the
University, several years before, he would have taken up
preparatory work: Reading, Spelling, Webster's Grammar,
Arithmetic to the Rule of Three, Latin Grammar, Cordery
(a Latin primer), .^Esop's Fables, and Eutropius, Erasmus,
Selectse de Profanis and Vocables, Caesar, Latin Introduc
tion, Sallust, Ovid and Vigil's Eclogues, French Grammar,
French Fables, Telemachus, Gil Bias, Voltaire and Racine;
in Freshman work: Vigil, Latin Introduction, and Greek
Testament or Dialogues of Lucian, and the Odes of Horace ;
in Sophomore work: Cicero, Geography, Arithmetic, Web
ster's Grammar, Syntax and Lowth's Grammar, the Satires,
Epistles and Horace's Art of Poetry ; and half of the follow
ing Junior work : Ewing's Synopsis, Algebra and Ferguson's
Astronomy, or in place of the last mentioned: Junior Al
gebra, Euclid, Trigonometry, Heights and Distances, Navi
gation and Logarithms.^
There were probably other reasons why John Motley
Morehead and his father kept him here so long. The Uni
versity was having a reputation for absence of discipline and
the students a kind of life that was not to be found in this
old school near the scenes of General Greene's and Corn
wallis' conflict. Dr. Caldwell, says Dean Charles Le Raper
of the University Graduate School,^ "was a thorough scholar
and had great tact in managing boys. He knew the correct
theories of life and education and had a wonderful faculty
in imparting instruction. His mode of discipline was very
^ These, according to Battle's History of the University of North Carolina,
were the subjects of those respective examinations about a decade before. Vol.
I, pp. 168-9.
' The Church and Private Schools of North Carolina, p. 42.

20 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
peculiar to himself and very effective. He did not use the
rod, nor is there any record of his ever having expelled a
single student. His scholarship and character commanded
their utmost respect. His disposition was of such a unique
kind that he would give rebukes and corrections never to be
forgotten; and such rebukes never won the ill-will of the
pupil towards him. His countenance and manners, calmness
and humor won their hearts. He knew how to inspire
deep thoughts and great deeds in the boy. This was a
school without a single parallel in North Carolina," and he
adds that he knew of but one other such in the entire
thirteen states. "Think," he continues, "of such a char
acter in a log school house, a double-storied one with a
chimney in the middle, which was built in his own yard,
pouring out his deep life to about fifty boys or young men
in those early times of darkness, and this, too, year after
year for a long while" — practically a half-century, even
allowing for its closing during part of the Revolution. He
was beloved and venerated by every student and more than
one has made a pilgrimage to his grave.
Such was the place that nurtured young Morehead for
four profoundly influential years, when he decided, late in
1815, to go to the University of North Carolina and enter
soon after Christmas in the middle of the Junior year, or
as a "Junior Sophister" half-advanced. This institution,
as the State University, had been provided for in the State
Constitution of 1776, and chartered, as has been said, in
1789, with the adoption of the National Constitution, and
its Presidency was offered to this venerable educator. They
had endeavored to locate it, like they had Raleigh, the capi
tal, as nearly as possible to the center of the commonwealth.
They chose, therefore, a site about twenty-five miles north
west of the capital, "as the crow flies," on an elevation of
Laurentian granite known as Point Prospect, or, more col
loquially, "Piney Prospect," about 500 feet above sea-level
and at the crossing of the old highway from Pittsboro to
Petersburg, Virginia, and the one from Greensboro, through
Raleigh eastward, to Newbern with its river flowing into
Pamlico Sound. It was in an oak forest, with a wealth of

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 21
springs and even the beautiful rhododendron of the moun
tains. At first designing the institution as one long building
facing east — one exactly like the well-known institution on
Dix Hill, at Raleigh — with a broad avenue from its main en
trance to Point Prospect, they first built the north wing,
which, when the Princetonians in the faculty became domi
nant, gave way to the English Quadrangle plan, so that the
north wing became "East Hall," or "Old East," and by
1814 "Old South" facing north on the "Quad," was ready
for students as the main building. Into one of its rooms,
with four in a room. Dr. David Caldwell's half-advanced
"Junior Sophister," John Motley Morehead, a fine big fel
low of eighteen and a half years, with the Scotch sandy
complexion and hair of his ancestry, was to come about a
year or so later.^
When Dr. David Caldwell had declined the Presidency
of the University, the trustees, doubtless hoping that he
might yet be influenced, did not fill the office but gave execu
tive functions to the Faculty, designating one of them as
"Presiding Professor." In the very year that young More-
head was born, the then Presiding Professor Harris, wishing
to be relieved, recommended the calling of a Princeton
college-mate of his, graduated the year before he did, named
Joseph Caldwell, but of no relation to the great Guilford
county teacher. The young Princetonian was a native of
New Jersey, a posthumous child of his Scotch-Irish phy
sician father, and reared by his widowed Hugenot mother,
who saw that he graduated in 1791 with the Latin Saluta
tory. Becoming a teacher, young Caldwell was soon re
called to Princeton as a tutor, meanwhile studying theology,
and securing a license to preach in 1796. He accepted a
unanimous call to become Professor of Mathematics at the
new institution at the cross-roads of Chapel Hill, and buying
a horse and sulky with box under the seat for supplies, he
set out on a trip which was to last a month, coming down
the Petersburg road onto the campus in the woods on Oc
tober 31st, of that year. The primitive conditions dis
couraged him but put him on his mettle, and during the
1 Battle's Hist, of V. of N. C, Vol. I, p. 125.

22 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
following month he took up the work of his chair, and also
succeeded his predecessor as Presiding Professor. Profes
sor Caldwell had experiences in trying to avoid the office of
executive, but his striking ability to meet crises in the grow
ing University was so effective that, by 1804, the trustees
were fully convinced that they had, in Professor Caldwell,
not only a great teacher and an able executive, but, what was
equally to the point, an educational statesman. It was due
to the wisdom of the distinguished scholar, jurist and states
man, William Gaston, and another able trustee, Duncan
Cameron, that this happy result was brought about. The
new office was then first distinguished by the black gown.
President Caldwell rose to the occasion and set before him
self a new North Carolina Princeton, modifying the ten
dencies toward the sciences that had come through influences
of General Davie and from the University of Pennsylvania.
His progress in gathering a strong and permanent faculty
about him was as difficult as the statesmanship that pro
duced the physical side of the University; and the efforts
to establish discipline and custom were no easier. It is
not the purpose to enter greatly into the story of University
development, further than to appreciate the influence of
this great educator upon his new pupil.
One can hardly realize at this distance of time how much
of an influence the French thought of Paine, Voltaire and
others was, that took advantage of the great democratic
movement led by Jefferson. They affected educational,
religious and political theory in everything that came up in
University life. One man at this time claimed that there
was but one or two democrats among thirty trustees. All
of this, however, only served to develop the statesmanship
of President Caldwell, and he held his own with the ablest
opponent. "It is the very nature of a place of public edu
cation," he wrote, "to polish and give play to the springs
of human action, to spread abroad a desire of information,
a spirit of active enterprise, and the instruments of interest,
which must, without it, be buried in some distant part of
the world." And his theory was exemplified in himself and
his policies to a remarkable degree. He had much of the

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 23
modern university spirit, like that of Wisconsin, which
turned trained thought to development of the state in both
theory and policy, and application of the sciences — even
though the school was pathetically small at this time. One
of his graduates of 1799, Archibald Debow Murphy, at this
time a lawyer in Hillsboro, a few miles away, was even then
preparing to lead the state in almost every phase of public
development according to the fructifying principles of Presi
dent Caldwell. The young man was at this very time pre
paring to advocate measures of public advancement in a
multitude of ways; but, of him, more anon. He had re
ceived many of these impulses from his friend the University
President and often longed for the academic shades with
him. And President Caldwell, in 1810, saw that recognition
was given the venerable Guilford county teacher, then
seventy-five years old, by the degree of Doctor of Divinity ;
and it is interesting, though pathetic, to see that the Faculty
consisted of but the President, one Professor and two
Tutors. These were critical days in every way, so much so,
that in 1812, the President insisted on being relieved of the
executive office. At this time, the Raleigh Register described
the institution: "In six months the Principal (South)
Building will be ready for the reception of inhabitants.
There will then be accommodations for eighty students.
There will be separate halls for the Dialectic and Philan
thropic Societies, one for the library, and a Public Hall for
Prayers. Each of the Society libraries contains 800 to 1000
volumes. A society has been recently formed for the study
of sacred music. An organ ordered to be built in New York
is already finished. Public worship is held every Sunday in
Person Hall, which students are bound to attend. The
Faculty consists of a President, three Professors and one
Tutor. . . . The sessions run as follows: The first
from 1st of January to 24th of May. The second from
the 20th of June to the 15th of November." The expenses
of "diet," tuition, room-rent, servant hire, library, washing,
candles and wood, and bed total only $58.50.^
1 Battle's History of the University of North Carolina, Vol. I, p. 230.

24 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
So he became Professor Caldwell again under President
Robert H. Chapman, a "Peace Federalist," who was in
augurated in January, 1813, at a time when the college
students were in no small measure neither "Federalist" nor
tolerant of "peace" with the hated British empire. And
they were for the North Carolina Tennessean who was
then carrying on a campaign with Georgia Indians, who had
been encouraged by the British, and preparing for the ex
pected British attack on the Gulf Coast. The unhappy ex
periences of General Andrew Jackson in the west during
the year did not tend to lessen this feeling, and, just a year
later, January, 1814, the "Anti-Federalist" student element
made mid-night raids on President Chapman's stable, creat
ing for him a horse with hair-less tail, hiding his cart,
over-throwing an out-house, secreting his gates, and finally
tarring and feathering the gate-post, leaving a written warn
ing on the feathery entrance that Toryism in a certain high
officer might be dealt with in like manner!' Ex-President
Caldwell was in no mood to stand idly by and endure this
procedure and he at once, forgeting his legal history, called
into use "general warrants" of the state that struck panic
to the hearts of students and parents alike. All elements
of the student body were examined, most of whom became
famous, among them being John Y. Mason, Francis A.
Thornton, Thomas J. Haywood, Francis L. Hawks, David
F. Caldwell, Charles L. Hinton, Charles Manly, and Willie
(pronounced Wylie) P. Magnum. The drastic action of
Professor Caldwell saved the day and the year. The insti
tution was growing, too, for while the average attendance
of the collegiate department had been but 52 under Presi
dent Caldwell, it was 88 under President Chapman ; and the
graduates averaged respectively 6 and 16. Under the latter
also, the Bible became a required text-book in the courses;
and it was under his leadership that the Chapel Hill Pres
byterian Church was organized. Like Ex-President Cald
well, who lost both wife and daughter during his term.
President Chapman lost his daughter; but he was honored,
1 Battle's Hist, of U. of N. C, Vol. I, pp. 234-5. The British burned the
Capitol at Washington in August following.

Old South Hall
The Morehead room opposite one with last two second floor windows on the right

Dialectic Literary Society Hall, 1922

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 25
during 1815, with the degree of Doctor of Divinity by
Williams College, Massachusetts.
Therefore, the University was, in a sense, in a pros
perous condition in January, 1816, with the stimulus of the
war of 1812-14 to all sorts of activity in education, religion,
internal improvement — especially transportation — and a
post-Revolutionary generation coming to its own, when
young John Motley Morehead, a Presbyterian and a Federal
ist in sympathy, entered the Junior Class "half-advanced,"
and took up his residence in one of the rooms in "Old
South" Hall.' One of the tutors under Dr. Chapman has
left testimony that he had "introduced a most salutary moral
change" into University life,^ and doubtless young More-
head became an attendant of the church the President or
ganized. The new Junior joined the Dialectic Society rather
than the Philanthropic, doubtless because that literary or
ganization was then dominated more by Federalist members.
There was a mutual attraction between him and his Mathe
matical teacher. Professor Caldwell, from the first, and
when the June Commencement arrived he was to see the
degree of Doctor of Divinity conferred on that member of
the Faculty. The graduate of that year to become most
famous was John Y. Mason, who became Attorney-General
of the United States and Secretary of the Navy under
President Polk (who was a student of the University at this
time) and was President Pierce's Minister to France who
became one of the authors, with Buchanan, of the famous
"Ostend Manifesto."
It should be remarked that practically continuous ses
sions of the University, excepting for a brief vacation of
about a month each at Christmas and in June, was due to
the fact that because of primitive transportation facilities
^ The identification of this date has been made diiEcult by confusing and
conflicting statements of authorities, but it is believed this is accurate. The term
"first session" as applied to those beginning in January is also confusing in de
termining the middle of the Junior year, when commencement is held in June;
but the facts work out consistently. He was a Presbyterian adherent only.
The "Old South" is now practically as it was in those days, even while
most of the University buildings are thoroughly up to date and being made
more so under the current administration. The picture of John Motley More-
head's room was taken in 1922.
' Rev. Dr. James E. Morrison, grandfather of President Charles W. Dab-
ney of Cincinnati University.

26 JOHN AlOTLEY ^MOREHEAD
and long distance from home, the student came and staid
continuously for the whole four years. This was, of course,
probably not the case with young Morehead, for his home
was only about fifty miles away, "as the crow flies." Ap
parently his brother, James Turner Morehead, was a Sopho
more the latter part of the year, for he entered in the Class
of 1819; and both were to witness a still more serious po
litical out-break among the students on September 18th, so
serious that it was to lead to President Chapman's voluntary
resignation. A Newbern student, and of a family that wor
shiped at the shrine of the Sage of Monticello, had handed
in an oration with a sentence or so of his "Republican" —
as his party was called then — doctrine. This President
Chapman forbade him to use in his delivery of the oration;
but, on his appearance upon the platform the young Jef-
fersonian defied his Federalist President by using the for
bidden sentences. Thereupon Dr. Chapman ordered him to
sit down, but, encouraged by cries of "Go on!" and his
prompter joining in the insurrection, he finished his speech
amidst applause ; and a large body of students met next day
in the chapel and approved his conduct! Instantly the
Faculty summoned 46 of them, suspended the orator and
his leader, and two others. The rest were permitted to
resume standing on a signed retraction of their offense ; and
among the signers were students who became known to fame
as Chancellor William Mercer Green, of the University of
the South, and Governor Wm. D. Moseley, first chief ex
ecutive of Florida. As in other events of life, John Motley
Morehead seems to have been one among those students
who did not lose his head. He was also a senior, as was the
offending Jeffersonian orator, and, as has been intimated,
was a Federalist, which would probably account for his ease
in retaining his poise. Public opinion, however, was so
divided on the course of the President in carrying out the
Trustees' rule that there should be no political speeches,
that when, during the following month, some student made
a bomb out of a brass knob and exploded it before a tutor's
door, fortunately without injurying anyone although it ex
ploded in the hands of one who attempted to throw it out,

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 27
President Chapman waited until the November meeting of
the Trustees and resigned, the Board making it effective
immediately. The Jeffersonian orator was a member of
the Philanthropic Society, of which society a Dialectic mem
ber wrote at this time: "The poor Philanthropic members
are to be pitied, for they have but thirteen members;" but
another more cautious Dialectic later wrote that the member
ship "though increasing in numbers, degenerates in point
of talent" — which shows that fraternity jealousy, like the
poor, is ever with us.^
The Trustees again turned to Professor Caldwell on
December 14, 1816, and again elevated him to the Presi
dency. This was a critical time, as the last session of young
Morehead's senior year opened on January 1, 1817; but it
was a great time in the commonwealth, for she had in her
Senate one whose statesmanlike reports on plans for both
internal improvement and public education, laid before that
body on the 9th and 19th respectively, of the previous month,
were soon to attract the attention of the whole country, and
even be known abroad, setting up new and high standards
in both, and certain to affect the plans for the University.
This statesman and philosopher, one of the most striking
and cultivated in the Union, was none other than President
Caldwell's old pupil and friend and ablest supporter among
the Trustees, Senator Archibald Debow Murphy. His pro
posals were along the same lines as those which De Witt
Clinton was pressing in New York, state and city, but were
far more scholarly and comprehensive, so far as the state
was concerned; and these reports were only the opening
guns of his campaign. Not less important than these, but
due to the initiative of citizens of Rutherford, a county in
the southwestern part of the state, was his constructive re
port proposing plans for a revision of the state constitution
of 1776, which increasing settlement in the central and
western parts of the state made imperative ; while still an
other proposal of his was the colonization of free negroes,
1 The two societies have come respectively, the writer is informed by Pro
fessor Connor, to be territorial in membership, the "Di" representing the west
and the "Phi" the east. This would appear to the writer to be a natural out
growth of political division of early decades.

28 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHE.\D
who were increasing in number through individual emanci
pation, in some vacant parts of the great west. These papers
were publicly printed and aroused the entire state; but at
this point in this narrati\e only reference to his cooperation
with President Caldwell in planning a more able Faculty
need be considered and his consequent influence on John
Motley Morehead, in the closing half of his senior year.^
The faculty was seriously crippled by the resignation of
President Chapman, leaving it, technically, a University
without a Professor. President Caldwell was of course a
Professor, also; but for that session, January to June, 1817,
his faculty consisted of Principal Tutor AVilliam Plooper,
A.M., destined to become a Professor and college President,
and Tutor William D. Moseley, himself a senior and destined
to be Governor of Florida, and one other during that ses
sion, Robert R. King, but he was unpopular and resigned;
so that during young Morehead's second half of his senior
year, he was under President Caldwell's sole instruction,
as were the other ten members of his class. The President,
in 1815, had a salary of $1200, when Professor Caldwell
had but $1000, and the Principal Tutor $500, with $300 and
board each for the other two Tutors. These were somewhat
increased under President Caldwell, and a search was being
made for new professional timber in which they had their
eyes on two Yale men, Denison Olmsted for the new chair
of Chemistry, and Elisha Mitchell, then a Yale Tutor, se
lections again due to the scholarly Trustee, Hon. William
Gaston. The former, however, was to have a year of further
study, and the latter would not be available before February,
1818, so that President Caldwell and his Tutors constituted
the Faculty the entire year of 1817.
Young John Motley Morehead gave his graduation
oration at Commencement in June, and received his degree
of Bachelor of Arts ; but President Caldwell did not intend
he should leave the institution yet. Principal Tutor Hooper,
at this commencement, was promoted to full Professor of
Ancient Languages, which had evidently been his chief field
1 See Hoyf s The Papers of Archibald D. Murphy, Vol. II, pp. 33, 49, 56,
et seq.; also Memoir in Vol. I, by Hon. WiUiam A. Graham, LL.D.

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 29
as Tutor, and the office of Principal Tutor was adolished.^
Tutor Moseley, A.B. (1817), was retained for the next
session and two additional Tutors were appointed by the
President, namely, John Motley Morehead, A.B. (also 1817)
and Priestly H. Magnum, A.B., who, with his brother, Willie
(pronounced Wylie), P. Mangum, A.B., had graduated in
1815.^ Moseley, as Senior Tutor, considered himself a part
of the Faculty proper. Tutors Morehead and Mangum may
have had work with every class, in which case, John Motley
Morehead would have taught James K. Polk, a future Presi
dent of the United States ; William Mercer Green, a future
Bishop of Mississippi, and Chancellor of the University of
the South; Robert Hall Morrison, a future President of
Davidson College ; and eleven other members of that notable
class; but he did have members of the classes of '19, '20, '21
and '22 and preparatory students; and among his Juniors
was his own brother, James Turner Morehead, whom he
had taught with other brothers and sisters in his own home.
His duties as instructor, therefore, were no new thing in
his experience, and the record is that he was an able Tutor
for that session and until the new members of the faculty
were installed at the beginning of 1818.
There is little doubt but that he had long since determined
to make the Law his profession, as his early Latin teacher,
Thomas Settle, Jr., had done ; and now that he was ready to
begin its study, it was perfectly natural for him to turn, for
instruction, to that brilliant Senator Murphy of Hillsboro,
the county-seat not far from the University, whom it will
^ Dr. Battle, in his otherwise excellent History of the University, makes
some very confusing statements about these events, but the facts seem to be as
here stated.
2 The Mangums were prepared for the University by a very talented, edu
cated free negro, named John Chavis, who prepared a considerable number of
sons of wealthy planters. Another free negro of the period. Rev. Henry Evins,
stopped in Fayetteville to do missionary work among the colored people; but
he was such a ctdtivated and powerful preacher that the white people came to
hear him so persistently that he finally organized them into a Methodist Church,
the colored people taking the gallery, and he became their pastor. As he became
old a young white minister became co-pastor and finally succeeded him. It is
said that inter-racial antagonism did not begin until the abolition movement
began; but considerable evidence exists that the real cause of it was the move
ment for independence under 'Toussaint L'Ouverture, some two decades before
this and its influence as an object lesson upon a younger generation of free
negroes and their associates. An uprising in Charleston sometime after this was
directly traced to this influence; and it would be further influenced, no doubt,
by the Bolivar movement in South America at this period, contemporary with
movements to check further emancipation or qualify it by causing them to be
transported.

30 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
be well to note more clearly at this point. The Senator
was probably about forty-one years old, born about 1777 in
Caswell, the county just east of young Morehead's home,
and son of Colonel Archibald Murphy, whose plantation in
the Dan valley was about seven miles from Milton near the
Virginia border. He also was a product of Dr. David Cald
well's school, in which he remained until 1796, when the new
University of North Carolina was started, and graduated
after three years in 1799 with such distinction that he was
made Tutor for one year and then Professor of Ancient
Languages, a chair which he held for two years, during
which incumbency he so perfected himself as a scholar of the
highest character that he became distinguished throughout
the State. He had begun legal study also under the direc
tion of William Duffey, Esq., of Hillsboro, and, resigning,
in 1801, to devote himself wholly to it, he was admitted to the
bar by mere interview on the basis of his general ability.
Notwithstanding he was to cross legal rapiers with such men
as Henderson, Cameron, Norwood, Nash, Seawell, Yancey,
Ruffin, Badger, Hawks and Mangum, he won a place in the
front rank at this notable bar very soon. By 1804 he was
taking such careful notes that he became Supreme Court
reporter and was at this very time unconsciously preparing
for the three volumes of reports yet to be issued.' His par
ticular delight was in equity practice, which he often said
was the application of moral philosophy to the affairs of
men. In this field he had no equal in the entire State. In
1812 he was chosen State Senator from Orange County and
for the next half-dozen years he was easily the leader in
North Carolina government; and his broad and profound
conceptions of public affairs caused him to introduce a new
era in the State. Without doubt no man has greater claim
to the title "Father of Public Improvement in North Caro-
1 Mr. Murphy was clerk of the old "Conference" Supreme Court, and on
May 26, 1819, was ordered by the new Court to deliver the records. Minutes
of the Supreme Court, Vol. 19, of this date. The first North Carolina Re
ports was Haywood's of 1799, chronologically in date of publication; the second,
Taylor's, in 1802; the third, Cameron & Norwood, in 1805; the fourth, Hay
wood, in 1806; then came Editor Gales', The Carolina Law Repository, legal
miscellany, two volumes, in 1814 and 1816; next came Taylor's Reports of
1818; and Murphy's were issued — Vol. 3, in 1821, Vol. 1, in 1822, and Vol. 2
in 1826 — a somewhat confusing arrangement if one is not informed, as they
are not so numbered.

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 31
lina." Governor Graham, a follower of his in later years,
says : "No man has ever brought into our Legislative halls
a more ardent spirit of patriotism, a more thorough survey
and comprehension of her situation and wants, or proposed
bolder or more intelligent measures for her relief.'" His
reports, which as chairman of a legislative committee or of
the Board of Internal Improvement, appeared, one or more
every year from 1815 for the next eight years, covered, in
masterly manner, such various subjects as water and road
transportation, creation of trade centers within the State,
a system of public education covering everything from pri
mary schools and those for defectives, up to and including
the University, and later even the history of the State.
These papers are worthy of the best statesmanship of any
land, and they became a great source of public instruction
and public standards. If they had any fault, it would be
that they were too comprehensive for their times, or that his
was the work of the sower only, and that the executive
reaper was yet among his younger followers.
His influence upon his own profession was scarcely less.
He was a most successful teacher of the law. Thomas
Ruffin, afterward a famous Chief Justice of the State, was
not only a pupil, but a life-long intimate friend, and the
brilliant Bartlett Yancey was another." So, soon after Feb
ruary, 1818, John Motley Morehead gave up his tutorship at
the University and began his legal preparation under the
great lawyer and the distingtiished public leader.' ^\'hether
Morehead lived at Hillsboro or not, is unknown; but it is
^ Mcvivir by Hon. William A. Graham, LL.D., in the Murphy Papers,
Hoyt, pp. J5, 2b.
* Among Murply's later students were: Governor Jonathan Wortli, Col.
James T. Morehead, Col. John A. Gilmer, William J. Bingham (the head-master
of tlie celebrated Binghnm School), Jud^e Henr>' Y. Webb of Alabama, Charles
Pendleton Gordon of Georgia, and Justice Jesse Turner of the Supreme Court
of Arkansas. ' It is interesting to rote at tliis point, that on M.iy S. tliis year, lots were
sold in the new town of Leaksville, Rockingham County — a to\ra in which
young Moroliead was to become greatly interested — to the sum of nearly
i?J5,000, Raleigh Register, current date.
Let it be noted, too, tliat on August 24, of tliis year, the comer-stone of
the new Niitionnl Capitol, to replace the one burned by the British, was laid,
and TnmibuU had his painting, The Declaration of Ituicr-ciiJcucc. ready for ac
ceptance. Only 5 out of 55 of the signers were still alive, and yet the artist
had been able, through himself or other artists, to get all but 10 of the 47 por
traits from life. "The new United States Bank was erecting a building on land,
that," says tlie London Times, "cost SU100 n front footi a cost more than tlmt
of Carlton House, the home ^^t" the then British Prince Regent, or more tlian
tlic Parisian palace of the King of Persia!"

32 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
probable that his work was done in Senator Murphy's
office and fine library, and that he did much of the clerical
work, as was the custom of those days. Near the close of
that year, on the recommendation of Governor John Branch,
there was a reorganization of the Judiciary under the leader
ship of William Gaston, that was to affect both the legal
teacher and his pupil. The Judiciary Act of 1777 had cre
ated a "Superior Court," with six districts or circuits : I.Wil
mington ; 2, Newbern ; 3, Edenton ; 4, Halifax ; 5, Hillsboro ;
6, Salisbury — to which were later added: 7, Morganton,
and 8, Fayetteville ; and it served the purpose of a Supreme
Court until 1799, when a "Court of Conference," made up
of these Judges, was created for Supreme Court purposes,
the Superior Court becoming purely district or circuit courts.
The "Court of Conference," in 1805, was given the name
"Supreme Court," so that these Judges were both "Superior"
and "Supreme" Court jurists — a fact rather confusing to the
uninitiated. This, in 1806, caused the Judges individually
to hold "Superior Courts" in each county twice a year, and
six circuits were created. It was only in 1810 that these
Judges sitting as a Supreme Court were authorized to select
one of their number as Chief Justice, the first one being
Judge John Louis Taylor of Fayetteville, who had been on
the bench since 1798, and a quorum was any two of the
Judges. But during Senator Murphy's last session, after young
Morehead had been with him nearly a year, a real and sepa
rate Supreme Court was organized. "The bill to appoint
three Judges to hold the Supreme Court," wrote the
Senator to his friend. Judge Thomas Ruffin, also of Hills
boro, on December 3rd, "has passed its second reading in
both Houses. In the Senate 42 to 16 and in the Commons 80
to 44. The salary $2500. This will surprise you as it has
everyone. It will probably be read the third time and passed
in each house tomorrow. Tonight the enquiry everywhere is,
who are to be the Judges? — I wish you were here to help
our friend Seawell. I fear his chance is not good; great
efforts are making for Taylor, and don't be surprised if he
be elected. L. Henderson will be one, I believe. I was

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 33
waited upon this evening to know whether my name should
be used. I intend to be governed by circumstances. If I
see my way clear, poorly qualified as I am, I shall enter the
lists. I have been confined to my room constantly and know
nothing but from those who have business with me. James
Mebane tells me that L. Henderson, Gaston and myself will
be elected, if in nomination. He is well acquainted with the
members, and is influential. In all this you will know how
easily we may be deceived. One day more may give a
different aspect to things, and probably will. The salary of
the Circuit Judges will be raised to $2000. I think they will
probably be located. We have a liberal and intelligent legis
lature. When will you be down? No nomination is yet
made to fill the vacancy on the Bench. Nash, Toomer,
Paxton and Miller will all be in nomination. I can't even
conjecture who will be elected."^
The bill passed and on December 9th Senator Murphy
was nominated for the Supreme bench in the Lower House
by Mr. Mebane. The western ticket was : Henderson, Sea
well and Murphy ; but the eastern people, taking Henderson,
caused his election and that of Judge John Hall on Saturday,
the 12th of December, waiting until Monday, the 14th, to
elect the old Chief Justice, John Louis Taylor.^ On the
following day a joint committee was chosen to select Judges
of the Superior Court, and on the 17th the resignations of
the Judges just elected to the Supreme bench were received.
One of the Judges, Lowrie, had died some time before and
the Governor and Council had found great difficulty in se
curing a successor, who was fit for it, the salaries were so
small and the circuit hardships so great. On the 18th
Judges John Paxton, John D. Toomer and Frederick Nash
were chosen to fill the vacancies ; but on the 23rd of Decem
ber Judge Thomas Ruffin's resignation was received and it
became necessary to elect his successor. Ruffin was proba-

I The Papers of Thomas Ruffin, Hamilton, Vol. I, p. 211. Judge Henry
Seawell was a Raleigh jurist of about forty-six; Henderson, of Granville, a
man of about the same age, later became Chief Justice; Congressman William
Gaston, of Newbern, about forty, had a greater national reputation than any
of the rest
' The Papers of Archibald D. Murphy, Hoyt, Vol. I, pp. 122-3.

34 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
bly the ablest Judge in the State and, no doubt, had some
hopes of a place on the highest tribunal of the State him
self. Under the circumstances his logical successor, both
from the point of ability and location, was Senator Murphy,
and his choice was effected on Christmas eve, whereupon he
became Judge Murphy of the Superior Court of North
Carolina.^ Soon after holidays, the Superior Court Judges, ex
cepting Judge Seawell, met and arranged their circuits, and
early in February announced the result, as follows:
1. Edenton Circuit, Judge Daniel; 2. Newbern, Judge Nash;
3. Raleigh, Judge Seawell ; 4. Wilmington, Judge Murphy ;
5. Hillsboro, Judge Toomer ; and 6. Morganton, Judge Pax
ton. The peculiar law that compelled continual change of
Judges from one circuit to another and the varying hardships
and inconveniences a given Judge would find in some of them
gave occasion for heart-burnings, so that the Governor had
to come in, in one case, and decided, about the middle of
February, to send Judge Daniel to Raleigh and Judge Sea
well to Edenton, away from home. It had a political bearing
and Judge Seawell resigned and soon became Attorney Gen
eral. That young Morehead followed Judge Murphy on his
circuit is not probable ; and how long he continued his inti
mate relations with his legal instructor into 1819 is unknown,
because there seems to be no record of his admission.^ It
was probably late in the year, after his preceptor, as former
clerk of the Supreme Court, had been directed, on May 26th,
to deliver the records ; after June 12th, when Judge Murphy
was appointed Reporter for the Supreme Court and to pub
lish the first three volumes, now known as Murphy's Re
ports; and probably after June 21st, when, by authority of
"letters missive" from the Governor, he was appointed to sit
on the Supreme bench, as a Judge of that Court in the
temporary incapacity of any of its members. Judge Murphy
was, therefore, a Judge of the Supreme Court on June 22

^ It is a curious fact that no commission or record of one to Judge Murphy,
as a Superior Court Judge can be found.
^The records of Guilford County Superior Court were nearly all destroyed
by fire in 1870.

THREE GREAT TEACHERS 35
and 23, 1819, on December 13th, 14th, 15th and 17th of
the same year, and also in 1820, the first and only Judge of
this period to be so honored, and could claim the titles of
both "Justice and Judge.'" It was under such auspices
that young John Motley Morehead, now twenty-three years
old, closed his long period of preparation for life and the
practice of the Law.
^ Supreme Court Minutes of these dates.
The room in "Old South" Hall occupied by Mr. Morehead and others after
him, so that it is still known as "The Morehead Room," is on the southwest
corner of the second floor. So late as 1891 the initials of the original occupant,
"J. M. M.," carved by him on the window sill, were plainly read.

Ill
Love as Well as Law
AND
"QuiESCERE NON PoSSUM"
1819
That a young lawyer should settle in the county-seat of
his home county is perfectly natural, and especially if he
should have taken his preliminary Latin under a young law
yer there, who was doing the same thing as young Lawyer
Morehead had. The county was an old one, carved out of
still older Guilford, in 1785, and both county-seat and
county named after that friend of America among English
men, Charles Watson Wentworth, Marquis of Rockingham,
the family name going to the former and the title name to
the latter. North Carolina did not forget the Prime Min
ister who had repealed the Stamp Act and stood for their
liberties, and his death, while again Prime Minister, only
three years before the organization of the county, was fresh
in their minds. Of course, this had been done before young
Lawyer Morehead was born in that Virginia county named
after a man of like character, William Pitt, but both names
showed the keen patriotism of these two counties of the
"Land of Eden," lying side by side in the rich valley drained
by the Roanoke.
In Wentworth was his old Latin tutor, now just elected to
the Sixteenth Congress, as successor to Bartlett Yancey, and
leaving a lot business to his young Latin protege. Congress
man Settle had been in that able Legislature, led by Gaston
and Murphy, while Morehead was in the University. He
was only five years older than his old Latin pupil, and was an
intimate friend, consequently an interesting example of the
lawyer in public life. Mrs. Settle was the sister of a Cas-
36

u

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO 37
well County boy of fifteen, in Bingham School, Calvin
Graves, who was soon to study law under her husband and
was destined to become an important factor in young More-
head's life. Mrs. Settle was to have a son-in-law, in the
same county, now a babe of but six years, bearing the name
David Settle Reid, and destined to become a Governor.
So Lawyer Morehead began his legal life in ^^'entworth,
and made his home with the younger Robert Galloway, "with
whom he lived during his residence here on terms of a per
fect union of hearts," — to use the words of Hon. John Kerr
years later.^ He was but a few miles from his old home,
northward of the newly-projected town of Leaksville, and
his brother, James Turner, graduated this year from the
Uni\ersity and studied law under Chief Justice Ta}'lor and
Judge Murphy .'•'
The two brothers saw much of one another as the years
proceeded and their horses travelled much down into Guil-
fonl County to the region of David Caldwell's scliool, near
the present Guilford Battle Ground National Park, where
these two old students of that school came to know, at
different periods, two young damsels at the small village,
there, of Martinsville, the seat of Justice of that county ; and,
as it provetl in the case of the two young attorneys, the
realm of another blindfolded deity, Cupid, who, like the
fates, were to determine this region as their home in the near
future.* Guilford, unlike Rockingham, was a colonial county.
Its first inhabitants had settled there when it was still a
part of Edgecombe and Bladen Counties, in 1749; and
they were attracted by many things, fine forests, superb
water power, and an excellent diversified soil. Into the
central part that forms the present Guilford County, the
Scotcli and Scotch-Irish came down the Piedmont from
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, and the Lindsay girls
were in this part, near Martinsville or Guilford Court House,

> Oration of Hon. John Kerr on John Motley Morehead, 1866.
'ilHrfky Paffrs. Hoyt, Vol. I. p. 2.'. and Morehead Famity of Xorth
Carv'liiia and Tuvuiid, John Motley Morehead III. p. 52.
• It should be noted that the j-ounger brother s visits and interest were
some >-eaTS later than those of John Motley.

38 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
as it was quite as frequently called. The settlers engaged
in wheat raising and fruit culture, particularly, as did also the
Germans from the Palatinate who settled the eastern part.
The tobacco lands of West Guilford attracted the English
Quakers as well as a band of Welsh ; and others settled in
the cotton country of South Guilford. Presbyterians from
Nottingham, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina settled on the
Buffalo and Reedy creeks, and were "Old School" in belief,
while followers of Whitefield, the "New School," settled on
the Alamance— causing the two churches over which David
Caldwell presided so long. By 1766, Governor Tryon was
able to say of this region: "I am of the opinion that this
province is settling faster than any on the continent. . . .
These inhabitants are a people differing in health and com
plexion from the natives in the maritime parts of the
province, as much as a sturdy Briton differs from a puny
Spaniard."^ He even thought the region as "perhaps the
best lands on this continent." These three elements make
Guilford famous for its impression upon North Carolina.
Governor Tryon was to find it out to his and their sorrow,
in April, 1771, when, led by Guilford county men, calling
themselves "Regulators," they refused to pay illegal taxes,
and brought about the Battle of Alamance, which has
been called the "first battle of the Revolution;" a failure,
too, it was, just as "first battles" sometimes are.
Just ten years later the county was to be the scene of
what has been called "the last battle of the Revolution," be
cause it made that of Yorktown possible. For with the fall
of Charleston in the spring of 1780, and the re-invigoration
of the army by the new bank in Philadelphia, Washington
was able to send General Greene to Charlotte later in the
year, and in January, 1781, the latter's lieutenant, General
Morgan, won the great victory at Cowpens, near the South
Carolina line, and Cornwallis started for Greene's army.
The winter and spring months were an exhausting game of

1 Col. Records, Vol. 7, p. 248. The unpretentious Uttle volume called The
History of Guilford County, North Carolina, by SalUe W. Stockard, A.M., 1902,
is probably the most useful single volume on this county, a volume made pos
sible largely through the interest of Mr. Victor Clay McAdoo, of Greens
boro, N. C.

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO 39
chess on a gigantic board, but by March 14th, the American
general was prepared to give battle near Guilford Court
House, and on the 15th, that celebrated action resulted in a
loss of one-fourth of the British forces, which so depleted
them, that although the Americans had retired, Cornwallis'
broken army had to hasten eastward for protection. Corn
wallis called it a "victory," whereupon his London superior
exclaimed : "Another such victory would destroy the British
Army !" And Yorktown followed a few months later, and
Guilford Battle Ground is now a beautiful national park.^
There had lived at this battle ground since 1772, Alex
ander Martin, a Princeton graduate, and the village at Guil
ford Court House took his name, Martinsville. He had been
in public life since 1774 and was now Speaker of the State
Senate, and upon the capture of Governor Burke, he became
Governor, the first of six successive terms. But, in 1809,
just before young Morehead had entered the Caldwell
school, the county removed the seat of Justice to the exact
center and named the new town in honor of the great Ameri
can general, "Greensborough," which, in later days has been
economized to Greensboro ; and in 1819-20, young Morehead
had cases here in the sessions of the Superior Court, while
in 1821 the new town acquired a newspaper. The Greens-
borough Patriot. One interesting feature of Greensboro
was the fact that it was between the slave-holding eastern
part of the county and the Quaker western part, where the
consciousness of the sin of slavery was increased by the

1 This enterprise was a private one, long before the United States took it
over, and John Motley Morehead's brother, James Turner's son. Major Joseph
Motley Morehead, devoted so much of his life to it that a statue of him has
been erected on the grounds. Scarcely less devoted was his wife, Mrs. May
Christian (Jones) Morehead, a Virginian descendant of a founder of Baltimore,
still resident of Greensboro, N. C. The following poem by him, on one of the
monuments, represents the fine spirit of those who made this park possible:
"Clio
"The Muse of History
"As sinking silently to night
Noon fades insensibly,
So Truth's fair phase assumes the haze
And hush of history.
"But lesser lights relieve the dark,
Dumb dreariness of night
As o'er the past historians cast
At least a stellar light."

40 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
oncoming spirit of the Revolution and independence. In
1774, the Quakers, already the Quaker center of the State,
began freeing their slaves, and the success of Toussaint
L'Ouverture in freeing Hayti, led them to charter vessels to
take the new freedmen there. Slaves were even bought in
order to free them; and the number of free negroes that
voted were not inconsiderable for a dozen years after
this. As has been said, however, the primary interest in the
early visits of the Morehead brothers to the now ten-year-old
county-seat, Greensboro, was in the environs in the home of
the Lindsays, who lived at Martinsville and near Caldwell
School. Of this family, one of the boys of the house
hold, Robert Goodloe Lindsay, wrote, in later years : "Our
great-great-grandfather came to this country from that par-
tion of Ireland known as Scotch-Irish. The Lindsay blood
is decidedly more Scotch than Irish. The Lindsays of
Scotch-Ireland were descendants of David Lindsay, the head
of the Scotch clan of feudal lords in Scotland before the fall
of King James and Bruce, and portions of the family took
refuge in Ireland. Afterwards some of them emigrated to
America, and, with other Scotch-Irish colonists, settled in
the lower part of Pennsylvania and Maryland ; then a num
ber sought new homes farther South. The greater portion
of that number that came to North Carolina settled in Meck
lenburg county, near and around Charlotte. Our grand
father pitched his camp in Guilford, in Deep River, about
twelve miles west of Greensboro as it now stands. He
never left the place he first settled upon, but raised his large
family there, consisting of six boys and two girls: John
settled in Davidson county, and has a large family of descen
dants; Samuel located in the south part of Guilford;
William, near the old homestead; Andrew kept to the old
homestead of our grandfather ; David went to Jamestown ;
and my father, Robert Lindsay, took up his home at Martins
ville, then the county-seat of Guilford county after the
county was divided. He still continued to live at Martins
ville, but did mercantile business at the new Court House,
Greensboro. My mother [Letitia (Harper) Lindsay] con-

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO 41
tinned to live at Martinsville until she married a Mr.
[Henry] Humphries."^
Robert Lindsay, Jr., was a member of the first House of
Commons under the commonwealth in North Carolina and
had died just the year before young Morehead had settled
in practice in Wentworth. Mrs. Lindsay was the daughter
of Colonel Jeduthun Harper, of the Revolution, and was
about ten years the junior of her husband. Her family, in
1819, consisted of Ann Eliza, the eldest, aged fifteen — the
one in whom John Motley Morehead was interested ; a son of
thirteen, another of eleven, a daughter somewhat younger,
a son of nine, a daughter of six, Mary Teas Lindsay, in
whom some years later Attorney Morehead's brother, James
Turner, was to became interested; and finally a baby son,
three years old, who, years later, wrote the above account
of the family. John Motley Morehead, of Wentworth, was
only an occasional visitor, as he was rapidly becoming a very
busy young lawyer in various parts of his circuit, that of
Hillsboro, and was only looking forward to marriage, but
not immediately.
He had begun buying his law-books, and, following the
usual custom, he determined upon a suitable book-plate,
with a motto, which he pasted on the inside of the front cover
of each.^ Such insignia, like a graduating theme, often are
selected with wonderful intuition; and really do represent
the life's chief characteristic in most cases, probably. A
student of the Caldwells and Judge Murphy would be ex
pected to have lofty ideals of life and the practice of the law,
with a high regard for public duty. Judge Murphy at this
very time, by his actual career, was as fine an embodiment
of private and public life as was Cicero in the best days of
the Roman Republic. Something over two years before, as
^ The Morehead Family of North Carolina and Virginia, by John Motley
Morehead III, of New York, p. 95.
^ Lindsay Patterson, Esq., Winston-Salem, N. C, has his Reports coming
down to about 1854. Some of the rest of his library is in the Public Library,
Greensboro, N. C, among these books being a copy of Jefferson's Manual of
Parliamentary Practice for the Use of the Senate of the U. S., 1801, on the
fly-leaf of which it is shown to have been presented by Jefferson to D. W. Stone
and by him to Mr. Morehead on July 5, 1841. Another, Puller's Trials at Nisi
Prius, was first owned by Wm. Fleming and then by Patrick Henry, while
another containing Henry's book-plate is Coleman's translation of The Comedies
of Terence^ illustrated.

42 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
chairman of a House Committee on Inland Navigation,
namely, in December, 1816, which resulted in surveys being
ordered, in which he and President Caldwell took part,
especially the proposal to connect the river transportation
of the Cape Fear river, at head of navigation, with the
Yadkin in the upper country, he produced his first able re
port. It resulted later, too, in his becoming President of the
Yadkin Navigation Company. In this report he had said :
"The true foundation of national prosperity and of national
glory must be laid in a liberal system of Internal Improve
ments, and of Public Education," and intimated these were
reserved for future thought. Following close upon it had
been his report on Education later in the same month, in
which he reviewed the excellent private schools and the
University. "But," said he, "this general system must in
clude a gradation of schools, regularly supporting each
other, from the one in which the first rudiments of educa
tion are taught, to that in which the highest branches of the
sciences are cultivated. It is to the first schools in the
gradation" that he wishes to draw attention and make pro
posals covering every element in the population, even the
deaf and dumb. This resulted in three commissioners as a
board to digest a system of Public Instruction, of which also
he was chairman, and his great report of November 29, 1817,
while Morehead was yet a tutor, covered : 1. The creation of
a fund ; 2. An executive board ; 3. Organization of schools ;
4. Courses ; 5. Modes of instruction ; 6. Discipline ; 7. Pro
vision for poor children ; and finally, 8. A Deaf and Dumb
School. Still later in the same month, as has been noted
elsewhere, as chairman of another committee, he showed
how necessary it was that a new constitutional convention
be called to equalize representation, which the great influx
of population in the west had made viciously unequal. This
proposal was defeated by the eastern members in the Sen
ate, and this action touched probably the most sensitive nerve
in the commonwealth, and it was felt from end to end of the
body politic. About the same time he touched upon another
sensitive public nerve, but with an alleviating hand this time,
namely, with a proposal that might have made a negro State

Archibald DeBow Murpiiey
From an engraving by John Sartain in
the Murphey Papers

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO 43
on the Pacific Coast ; and his resolution was adopted, but as
it was merely a national recommendation it came to noth
ing. It showed, however, the increasing sense of danger
in the growing number of free negro voters.
By the beginning of 1818, Chairman Murphy was able
to report, in an effort to create a fund, that what had been
done in inland navigation had increased the land values more
than ten million dollars. "North Carolina," says The Niles
Register, a national weekly of 19th July, 1817, "seems
roused to a sense of her many natural advantages. . . .
This State owes more to Archibald D. Murphy, Esq., than to
any, perhaps, of her many enlightened citizens. His name,
through his reports to the Legislature, etc., is familiar to our
readers; but he has many associates in his meritorious
labors." Already the several navigation companies had
made such improvements, that the Register announced that
tobacco from the Dan river, or upper Roanoke country, had
reached Norfolk in large amounts for the first time. About
the same time this statesman as chairman of a finance com
mittee, attempted to solve the currency problems of the
State — a legacy of those who refused to re-charter that great
balance-wheel of finance, the Bank of the United States :
"About twenty years ago," he wrote on 17th Dec, 1817,
"we had no bank in this state : but we had a paper currency
issued by the State, supposed to amount to about three hun
dred thousand dollars. Every man whose recollection ex
tends so far back, will admit, that at least one-half, of our
then circulating medium, -was composed of paper currency;
and this fact seems to prove that our circulating medium at
that day did not exceed six hundred thousand dollars.
Until within the last six years, the banks of Newbern and
Cape Fear, were the only institutions of that description in
the state. The capital of both amounted to about four hun
dred thousand dollars, and the notes issued by them, not only
composed almost entirely our circulating medium, but they
overflowed into other states, and became considerably de
preciated. The circulating medium, at that time required
for the state, could not have exceeded one million. When
the State Bank was estabhshed six years ago, with a capital

44 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
of one million six hundred thousand dollars, it was thought
by many that that capital was larger than could be profitably
employed in supplying the circulating medium employed by
the state." He then shows that this State Bank's stock
should be extended for relief in some way as the Newbern
and Cape Fear Banks had, with extended charters, and that
a Branch Bank of the United States Bank, re-chartered in
1816, was also nearly ready to open. Incidentally, he
shows that at the time when banks west and south of New
England suspended specie payments, notes of this State Bank
of North Carolina, in a great degree, became a continental
currency, and left the state dependent on the Banks of New
bern and Cape Fear [Wilmington] ; but now that the
National Bank was re-chartered and furnishing part of the
currency, the outside currency is returning and caution must
be used. His report on this subject of 21st November, 1818,
was no less statesman-like; as was also that as chairman
pro tern, of Commissioners, whose surveys were to connect
up the river systems of the state, dated 28th November, 1818.
Judge Murphy's most elaborate treatment was issued as a
publicist and for information of the Legislature in Nov.,
1819, under the title Memoir on the Internal Improvements,
Contemplated by the Legislature of North Carolina, and on
the Resources and Finances of that State. It covered nearly
a hundred pages, and was reviewed by Jared Sparks in The
North American Revieiv in January, 1821. It is impossible
to speak too highly of this remarkable paper, which was
being read and reviewed throughout 1820 and '21. It is
probably the first statesman-like and adequate analysis of the
fundamental problems of this great and unique common
wealth. It is probably not too much to say that here are the
architectural plans and specifications of the state of North
Carolina, so far as they could be foreseen and provided for
in the second decade of the nineteenth century; and the
architect, scientist and philosopher was Archibald Debow
Murphy one of her own sons and a product of her own
higher education under the two Caldwells.
To the general reader it furnishes probably the best con
ception of the North Carolina structural conditions and

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO 45
world-wide engineering on similar lines, of that day; but,
as it is written for a foreign chief engineer, who had recently
been secured, and also for the North Carolina influential
public in order to secure adoption of the system proposed,
it assumes in them a certain knowledge of the state and the
times which will not be possessed by such a reader. In
order, however, to arrive at that knowledge, it will be well
to note some of the chief characteristics of what he does
present :
He shows, for instance, that, for a State, as well as the
individual. Pope's dictum — "Know then thyself" — was the
beginning of wisdom. North Carolinians had known too
much about her daughter, Tennessee, and the Ohio and
Mississippi valleys, whither she had sent over a half-million
of her population, because she knew not her own great re
sources. The War of 1812-15 had brought on a new gen
eration and made Internal Improvement of resources
the great slogan of the hour. The Legislatures of 1815,
and those since, had awakened to it, but not enough. Two
of the greatest needs were Transportation and home Trade
Centers; and by the former he meant only water trans
portation, with short good roads to it, while, by Trade Cen
ters, he meant a port of sufficient dominance to be a Financial
center. As it was, there was a tendency to go to the Roanoke
and two Virginia ports or the South Carolina rivers and
Charleston, with one-third of her production. This made
out-side financial, as well as trade centers and destroyed the
unity of the state, and raised up no great consuming com
munities. Transportation, trade, manufactures, finance and
banking were different phases of the one unity; and they
were inseparable. He cited Pennsylvania as first realizing
it and acting accordingly with marvelous results. New
York's great canal was a beginning there, and Virginia had
already established a fund. And what is more, Pennsyl
vania had SO profited by her investment that in her returns
from it she had been enabled almost to dispense with tax
ation. He analyzes the unique water-front of North Caro
lina and its problems of engineering, and the efforts to get
a great engineer for whom the demand was greater than the

46 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
supply, and the amateur efforts of home talent meanwhile.
Surveys and maps were needed and settlement of boundaries.
(Mr. Hamilton Fulton, the distinguished young British
engineer, for whom this was, in part, written, had been se
cured in July, 1819.) The river systems are analyzed in
relation to a proposed port, better, if possible, than Wilming
ton, which had great disadvantages ; and a canal connection
of those systems is a prime object. He points out the granite
falls of these rivers at the eastern edge of the Piedmont, and
their obstruction to traffic, in a great northeast and south
westerly sweep just eastward of Raleigh, as the chief inland
problem. Allied to these were connecting roads and drain
age of swamp lands.
These analyses were supported and enforced by excellent
statistical tables : For example, net payments to the national
government, as duties, etc., varied from $16,918.49 in 1808,
the lowest, to $456,478.81 in 1813, the highest. Exports had
ranged from $117,129, in 1808, the lowest, to $1,328,271, in
1816, the highest. For 1816, as an example, Wilmington led,
with $1,061,112; Newbern followed next, with $84,281;
Edenton next, with $71,484; Plymouth next, with $36,314;
Washington next, with $33,933 ; Ocracoke Inlet, with $28,-
165; and finally Camden, with but $12,982. North Caro
lina foreign trade tonnage, registered, varied from 10,167 in
1793 to 26,472 in 1810. Coasting tonnage, above 20 tons,
varied from 2764 in 1793 to 13,184 in 1816. As an example
of chief exports abroad from Wilmington in 1817: cotton
was chief with 438,529 lbs. ; Indian Corn next with 22,588
bushels; turpentine, tar, pitch and rosin next with about
18,000 bbls. ; lard, over 20,000 lbs. ; shingles, over 14,000
thousands ,- over 12,000 lbs. of hams and bacon ; and lesser
exports, the total value of which was $713,961.48. Fay
etteville, at head of navigation on the Cape Fear, handled of
domestic produce from the Pidemont, $621,900 worth of
cotton and $400,000 worth of tobacco; $129,629 worth of
flour; $77,460 worth of flaxseed; $50,000 worth of miscel
lany like bacon, lard, tallow; furs, etc. ; a total of $1,331,398.
The population that produced this, was, in 1810 : — 555,-
500, of which 168,824 were slaves; and they were dis-

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO 47
tributed in leading counties as follows : total population :
1. Rowan, in the central west, had most, 21,543 ; 2. Orange,
near it, 20,135; 3. Wake, where Raleigh is, next, 17,086;
4. Lincoln, western also, 16,359; 5. Halifax, eastern Roa
noke valley, 15,620 ; 6. Granville, another Roanoke county,
15,576; 7. Rutherford, west of Lincoln, 13,202; 8. North
ampton, another Roanoke county, 13,082 ; 9. Chatham, near
Orange, 12,977; 10. Craven, the Newbern port county, 12,-
676 — to name only ten of eighteen counties of above 11,000.
The counties which led in number of slaves were : 1. Gran
ville, in Roanoke county, with 7746; 2. Northampton, also
on Roanoke, with 7258 — exceeding the whites by about 1500 ;
3. Halifax, also on Roanoke, 6624; 4. New Hanover, the
Wilmington county, 6442 — exceeding the whites by over
1400 ; 5. Warren, also on Roanoke, 6282 — exceeding whites
by over 1500; 6. Bertie (accent on last syllable), also on
Roanoke, 6059 — exceeding whites by nearly 1000 ; 7. Wake,
Raleigh county, 5878 — scarcely half of the whites ; 8. Frank
lin next to Warren and practically Roanoke county, 5330 —
nearly 500 above the whites ; 9. Edgecombe, adjoining Hali
fax, 5107, over 2000 less than the whites ; 10. Craven, New-
bern's county, 5050, over 200 less likewise — to name but ten
of sixteen counties having above 3000 slaves. The counties
greatest in white population were: 1. Rowan (also first in
population, but being thirteenth in slaves); 2. Orange
(eleventh in slaves) ; 3. Lincoln (below sixteenth in slave
rank) ; 4. Rutherford (far below sixteenth in slave rank) ;
5. Wake (seventh in slaves) ; 6. Mecklenburg (sixteenth
in slaves) ; 7. Guilford (with 9953 whites and only 1467
slaves) ; 8. Stokes; 9, Burke; 10. Chatham (fourteenth in
slave rank) — naming only ten of eighteen counties with
above 7800, all of which, possibly excepting Wake, the capi
tal seat, being Piedmont or mountain counties, while seven
out of the first ten slave counties were on the Roanoke or
next to them, the exception being the Wilmington, Newbern
and Raleigh counties. The value of all the slaves in 1815
was $40,667,314, almost as much as the land which was for
tax purposes, $53,521,513. In that year there were twelve
counties whose land valuations were above one million dol-

48 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
lars: 1. Rowan ($1,870,142); 2. Halifax; 3. Orange; 4.
Edgecombe; 5. Northampton; 6. Wake; 7. Bertie; 8.
Mecklenburg; 9. Lincoln; 10. Granville; 11. Warren; and
12. Guilford, with 1,042,704. Of these twelve, half are
Roanoke country, four are central western and two western
near the mountains, or, practically half Roanoke and half
western, a fact of great significance. The whole number of
counties at this time was sixty-two.
The 1817 taxes, by counties, with fourteen paying each
above $2000: 1. Orange, with Hillsboro; 2. Wake, with
Raleigh; 3. Granville; 4. Rowan, with Salisbury; 5. Cum
berland, with Fayetteville; 9. Edgecombe, with Tarboro;
7. Caswell; 8. Northampton; 9. New Hanover, with Wil
mington; 10. Warren; 11. Bertie; 12. Halifax; 13. Meck
lenburg, with Charlotte; and 14. Lincoln. Of these, eight
were in Roanoke country; three were Western and Cum
berland and Wake were partly eastern and partly western,
with one being the port county of Wilmington.
The State owned $500,000 in bank stock and $112,500 in
stock of the following navigation companies : Roanoke, Yad
kin, Cape Fear, Neuse, Tar River, Catawba, Lumber River
Canal, Roanoke and Pamtico [Pamlico] and Club Foot and
Harlow Creek. The Treasury disbursements in 1817 were
$207,081.51. By his analysis of revenue and expenditure,
he showed that there would be an annual surplus of $35,000,
which in 1822, would leave in the Treasury $265,234.58.
He then analyzes the statistics to show the state can have
ample funds to carry out this improvement system. The
Cherokee lands of probably "more than a million acres"
and the required loans of the two old banks are added
to these showing that the state, without taxation, had at
her command more than a million dollars. He then treated
in detail how these funds should be managed and pro
posed a Board of Public Works. To these he added a plan
of feeder • roads in the mountains ; and closed with an
analysis of the problems of the formation of alluvial lands
on the coast, with historical treatment from Herodotus down
to Proney, the French engineer, and Cuvier's Theory of the
Earth.

LOVE, LAW AND MOTTO

49

It will thus be seen that North Carolina had great
problems and that, in approaching them, she had a great and
skillful leader in taking the first steps in their solution, as a
publicist and public inspirer and teacher, in this able lawyer,
jurist and statesman, Archibald Debow Murphy, law pre
ceptor and friend of young Attorney John Motley Morehead
of Wentworth, in the county of Rockingham. Is it any
wonder then, that, when the young man chose a book
plate and pasted its impressions on the inside of the front
cover, it should contain a thought from Cicero's De Repub-
lica, and in the language of that Roman lawyer, and should
read:

No.

John M. Morehead
— : o : —
Quiescere non Possum

which latter, being liberally interpreted, signifies that he is
not able to live uninterested in public affairs? As he had
been a disciple of Murphy in law, so he became one of his
followers in statesmanship, destined to surpass his master
in vision and powers belonging to another generation and a
new time.

IV
Lost Atlantis' Legacy
OF
Problems to North Carolina
1821
Attorney John M. Morehead had been in practice in
Wentworth about two years, when his inability to be unin
terested in public affairs — the problems of state — and his
excellent general ability became so evident, that Rocking
ham county, in the summer of 1821, when he was but
twenty-five years old, sent him to the lower house of the
Assembly, then called the House of Commons, as a successor
of his old Latin teacher. Congressman Settle. And he went
as a supporter of the program of Judge Murphy, and was
familiar with his great report on the problems of the com
monwealth. He brought to it a mind quite as comprehensive
as that of his preceptor-statesman, and even more so; but
with that comprehensiveness, he brought not less of theory,
but more of organizing constructive power and a more severe
regard for great realities. A suggestion of the visionary
might characterize Murphy, and his career had failures in it ;
but Morehead's life was not characterized by failure and,
by common consent of all, he was "a man of great vision."
He was a remarkably well rounded man, physically, with
his powerful frame and sandy, Scotch temperament, genial
but serious, magnetic and gentle; intellectually, with the
finest cultivation, a mind open to all sides of Hfe, master of
himself, capable of holding fine ideals in the proportions of
truth, able also to see life whole, a strong writer and a pow
erful speaker; socially, able and inchned to meet pleb or
patrician port to port and as though his vision of manhood
was so keen that he minified the differences ; and, morally,
holding his ideals with a constant aggressive intuitive pur
pose and power to reahze them. While some could hold
50

LEGACY OF LOST ATLANTIS 51
ideals in a speculative way, John Motley Morehead held them
in a process of realization. If his wagon was hitched to a
star, he kept the wheels to a well-paved highway. Vision
and action were undivorced, and he so lived in that kind of
a presence, that it produced the impression of a combined
modesty, boldness and wisdom, that makes him a difficult
character to picture. Not that this ripeness was complete
in this, his twenty-fifth summer, but the foundations were
all there; and he approached the problems of North Caro
lina with this kind of character.
And those problems were unique, among all the common
wealths of the union, and even all countries of the world.
No land in the world had just such a combination of
problems ; and no man was to enter upon their solution with
so great a comprehension, as he came to penetrate into them
more and more from year to year.
Let us see just what they really were — and, it may be
added, still are! And they are wonderfully interesting,
going back to what some have called "Lost Atlantis."
To find the problems of North Carolina, let us go to the
Island of Hayti, and go to the top of Mt. Tina. Here one
stands on the top of a mountain on a mountain, for the
Island of Hayti is itself the top of a submarine mountain,
as are all the West Indies up to the Bermudas — ^mountains
which themselves rise from a submarine continent ; so that,
from the top of Mt. Tina, down its sides and down to its
base in the bottom of the ocean, is a height greater than Mt.
Everest by nearly two miles — about 10,000 feet greater, to
be more exact. The great depths about this submerged
continent, so near to the American shore, and by some sup
posed to be the lost Atlantis, gives a new meaning to that
more than seven-mile depth of waters that stream about its
sides into the Gulf of Mexico, continually acquiring more
head, and passing out along the front of Florida, Georgia
and South Carolina, about thirty miles out, and with a
velocity of about three miles an hour, and with so vast a bulk
that it is itself a feature of continental proportions.
As it reaches the front of North CaroHna and begins
to pass out of the gigantic gateway between it and the Ber-

52 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
mudas, it both spreads out and meets the cold current down
the coast; and the junction of these cold and heated bodies
helps to make the storms of these waters most dangerous,
while in earlier days, before the Stream was understood, its
uncanny power to secretly move vessels out of their courses
contrary to all reckoning, made this region a terror to
mariners. But, if storms were produced by this junction,
the pressure of the opposing streams upon each other and
the coast of North Carolina, for centuries, caused all her
rivers to slow up so much as they entered the ocean, that
they dropped their silt and sand, which their succeeding
waters at first built up into alluvial lowlands ; and then, as
these drew nearer deep water, the Gulf stream built up a
barrier of the most perfect lacery of bars and dunes in
front of the whole state to be found anywhere in the world.
To introduce shifting bars and dunes into this stormy pro
jection into the ocean, and the dark uncannily moving
Stream, was to make this cape, which was given the name
Hatteras, or "Hatteresk," from a tribe of Indians found
there, famous throughout the maritime world as "the grave
yard of the ocean.'" The pressure of the volume of water
1 The following excerpt from ¦» poem by Joseph W. Holden, entitled "Hat
teras," says: "Yon lifeless skull shall speak to me.
This is Golgotha of the Seal
And its keen hunger is the same
In winter's frost or summer's flame."
With this peculiar front on one end of the State, the other end has the
distinction of having the highest mountain peak in the eastern half of the
United States. The artist, Alfred S. Waugh, thus apostrophizes it in The
Greensboro Patriot, 30th Oct, 1836: "mt. MITCHELL
"Proud monarch of a cloud capp'd race.
Why hide from us your royal face
And be but seldom seen?
Why do you thus in sullen mood
Around you dash the vap'ry flood
As if you ne'er had been?
"Why o'er your sides the screen let fall?
Why shroud yourself in mystic pal]
And hide your height from view?
Is it that conscious of your size
You lift your head above the skies
To bid the world adieu?
"Or that you fear the painter's art
Might from you take in whole or part
Your glories newly known.
That thus from public gaze you flee
And show yourself to none but me
From top of yellow Roan?"

LEGACY OF LOST ATLANTIS S3
from the rivers of North Carolina, penned up within this re
markable barricade, was not sufficient to preserve many open
ings or inlets, or keep clear what were preserved ; while it
built more lands and cut out new channels, as though accord
ing to the whim of the moment. It was thus, that Sir Walter
Raleigh's Roanoke Island was formed just within the lacy
barrier, when there was an inlet near it; and it was these
obstacles that finally drove his enterprise to the Chesapeake.
For behind these barriers were two main bodies of water,
one, Pamlico Sound, over half as large as the Chesapeake,
and Albemarle larger than Delaware Bay, both nearly encom
passing a great peninsula containing over 5000 square miles
of heavily over-grown swamp lands, while great flat alluvial
plains stretched back of these, the whole constituting about
two-fifths of the state, back to the falls of the various
rivers. The front entrance of the state, therefore, had been al
most closed by the sinking of lost Atlantis and her watery
offspring, the Gulf Stream. The very best inlet in use in
1821 was that leading to Wilmington, and it had a channel
of but seventeen feet at high tide, and but eleven feet before
Wilmington was reached.' The chief inlet to the Sounds
and their tributaries was Ocracoke, half way between Capes
Hatteras and Lookout, with the pressure of water so great
that there was no perceptible tide; while the bars allowed
vessels drawing only eight feet of water to enter. The in
let near Cape Lookout, at Beaufort, had been held by many
to have the greatest possibilities, as it had fourteen feet of
water and a fine harbor within ; but, to make it useful to the
Sounds, canal connections would be necessary, a not very
formidable undertaking. However, to ask Wilmington, mis
tress of the Cape Fear river valley, to endorse the creation
of this effective rival, or to ask the rich Roanoke planters
to build up a port so far away, when Virginia's Norfolk or
Petersburg were so much nearer, was to ask the impossible,
^ A Memorial from the Inhabitants of Wilmington to the Legislature on
December 3, 1822, says that before "the great storm" of 1763, the Cape Fear
bar allowed twenty feet of water at high tide, but this storm made a "New
Inlet," while in 1813 nearly a mile of the Cape was washed away, since which
the bar is all right, but the flats are worse, and they ask relief. Papers of the
Assembly, 1821-2, Historical Commission, Raleigh.

54 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
especially when the constitution of 1776 left these eastern
leaders dominant in the state.
Herein was, therefore, the greatest peculiar problem of
North Carolina— the obstacles to a great port. Its vital
nature may be realized by thinking of a state's port as her
heart and head. What were Massachusetts without her
Boston ; New York State without her city of the same name ;
Pennsylvania without her Quaker metropolis, Philadelphia ;
Maryland without her Baltimore ; Virginia without her Nor-
folks and Richmonds; or South Carolina without her
Charleston? The metropolitan port is the head, the heart,
the organizing center of finance, and all great enterprise, the
keystone of the state's arch.
As a consequence, when these obstacles drove Sir Walter
Raleigh's enterprises to the Chesapeake, Norfolk became the
port of chief entry into the northeastern corner of the colony
on the northern waters of the Albemarle, and here grew up
the first chief settlements.^ As the grant of Carolina in 1665
stretched from that line below Norfolk down to include all
of northern Florida, and westward to the ocean, there were
some settlements grew up in the Cape Fear region over 150
miles beyond the swamps and penned in waters of the
Sound, which was formed into Clarendon county, most of
which was below Cape Fear. Consequently about 1689, the ^
two settlements became known as North Carolina, mean
ing the Albemarle settlements and South Carolina, those
below and about the Cape Fear river and cape. Some settle
ments began to occur between these on Pamlico Sound, one
at Bath, becoming the center of a new county of the same
name covering all the colony, except the two regions men
tioned ; so that up to 1722, when John Morehead I, was mov
ing up the "Northern Neck" of Virginia, there had been three
counties: 1. Albemarle, covering both banks of that Sound
and the Roanoke and Tar valleys, of which Edenton became
the chief town ; 2. Clarendon, roughly covering the Cape Fear
River valley, but abolished in 1667, of which Wilmington
became the head ; and 3. Bath, the space between, but after
^ It should be added that many settlers in this region, when the boundary
was unsettled, thought they were stiU in Virginia.

Carolina, 1665

North Carolina, c. 1689

Maps Showing Origin of North Carolina
Prepared by the author

Westward extension var

led with variation of British claims

LEGACY OF LOST ATLANTIS 55
1667, covering all the rest of the colony with Washington
town later to displace Bath, and the Neuse with the Ger
man and Swiss settlement of New Bern (later written New
bern) at the head of the estuary as chief inland port, both
dependent on Ocracoke Inlet, with the Swiss town leading.
These two big counties were divided into precincts, which in
1739 became counties themselves, thereby abolishing the two
mother counties and creating fifteen : in old Albemarle, be
ginning at the east were: 1. Currituck; 2. Camden; 3. Pas
quotank ; 4. Perquimans ; 5. Chowan — north of the Sound ;
6. Tyrrell, south of it ; 7. Bertie, westward ; and 8. Edge
combe — extending southward nearly to Raleigh site and west
to what is now Stokes county ; while in old Bath, also begin
ning in the east, were, 9. Hyde; 10. Beaufort; 11. Craven;
12. Carteret; 13. Onslow; 14. New Hanover; and 15.
Bladen — the frontier county extending to the Pacific Ocean.
It will be observed, therefore, that the first eight, or Albe
marle counties are those of the Roanoke and Tar rivers and
Sound valleys and that they thus had a special community of
interest at this early date which they were destined never
to lose; but the latter seven, or Bath counties, were divided
in interest because four of them — Hyde, Beaufort, Craven
and Carteret — were more identified with Pamlico and the
Neuse valley, while Onslow was between them and the
two big counties of New Hanover and Bladen, which cov
ered the Cape Fear River valley, stretching like a wide
ribbon northwestward through the center of the colony
almost to the mountains at the Virginia line. These two
sections, therefore, had no community of interest — indeed,
were essentially rivals.
All three, however, were also cut off, in some measure,
from their back country, by the beginnings of elevation to
what is called the Piedmont Plateau, a line roughly approxi
mating a parallel to the coast, but with slight curve from
near the first shoulder in the South Carolina boundary north
eastward, east of Raleigh site, to somewhat below the Roa
noke crossing of the Virginia line, where are a dozen miles
of rapids. The Tar rapids are more scattered ; those of the
Neuse at Smithfield ; and those of the greater Cape Fear at

56 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Fayetteville, while her tributaries are lined with falls and
rapids. All of which was not designed to encourage early
immigration to these upper territories, by water.
All of this, however, leaves a great triangle, based on the
South Carolina line, between the Cape Fear river ribbon-like
valley and the mountains — almost one-fourth of the colony
— unaccounted for, which is drained by two South Carolina
rivers, the Yadkin and the Catawba, and were consequently
unified in their community of interest with South Carolina,
as much, if not even more than, the Roanoke and Tar valleys
with Virginia — or would be when they came to be much
settled. The mountains, too, "The Land of the Sky," were
always turning their eyes toward the Mississippi valley with
a unity of isolation of their own. And still, while these eco
nomic interests made this and the other divisions of the state
at an early period, and ethnological and religious groups
added to the complexity, a political grouping was to take
place with increased settlement, that was to prove the
more powerful, as shall be seen presently, for it was destined
to unite the whole Piedmont plateau and the mountains as
well, against the ancient eastern alluvial plains.
For Albemarle county was settled chiefly by English,
many of whom were Quakers, while the Newbern settlement
were chiefly German and Swiss, largely destroyed by the
Tuscarora war of 1712-15 ; and the Cape Fear settlers, about
the mouth of that river, were also English. The sturdy
permanent element and larger than the latter two, however,
and later, was first the Scotch Highlanders, who located at
the falls of the Cape Fear, where Fayetteville became their
center, and finally the greatest mass of Scotch-Irish and
Germans, with many English Quakers, came down the Shen
andoah, or the Piedmont, from Pennsylvania and Virginia,
into the Piedmont and with such rapidity and in such num
bers that it almost became like a new colony, encouraged
thereto by the successive Scotch-Irish executives. Governors
Johnston, Rowan and Dobbs.
The estimated population of these fifteen counties in 1739
was probably about 65,000, for the estimate for 1729 was
35,000 and 1752, was 100,000; but it rose to 200,000 at the

The Two Original Counties of 1696 created after and over Original Precincts

The Two Original Counties showing Precincts created from 1672 to 1705, Bath
a Precinct until 1696

The Two Original Counties showing Precincts created from 1705 to 1712,
remainders of Bath and Albemarle serving as Precincts

The Two Original Counties showing Precincts, 1712 to 1722

Precincts (Counties from 1739) : 1. Chow

North Carolina Countv ;

The Two Original Counties showing Precincts created from 1722 to 1729,
Albemarle ceasing to be Precinct

The Two Original Counties showing Precincts created from 1729 to 1734

Map showing all Precincts transformed into Counties, 1739

Map showing all Counties created from 1739 to 1749

ipment from 167'2 to 1749
('to"l729), Tyrrell (from 1729); 6. Hyde (after 1705), Bath (before 1696); 7. Beaufort;
(after 1722): 10. Bertie; 11. New Hanover; 12. Bladen

8. Bath (to

LEGACY OF LOST ATLANTIS 57
time of the Stamp Act, and 250,000 in 1771 — five years be
fore independence and union was declared. And this in
crease, while in a measure general in territory, was es
sentially an extension southward from the rich Roanoke
valley and its tributary the Dan, and that, too, from its
central and upper courses in the Piedmont. This vigorous
element has been said by some to have begun the Revo
lution in the Regulators' war about the time of the Stamp
Act in what was then Orange county — a western sec
tion of old Albemarle and a part of old Bath, extending out
to include what became young Morehead's old home coun
ties — a struggle that lasted six years, and caused a great
exodus to North Carolina's trans-mountain territory to be
later known as Tennessee. It is reasonable to suppose that
the population, by 1774, was nearly 300,000, when a call
came for a Continental Congress and five men, chiefly of that
old Albemarle population, braved the British executives'
wrath and secured a convention even at Newbern, the seat
of his palace, and elected three Continental Congressmen,
one of whom was out of the same old county. Mecklen
burg, Rowan and Orange, in the Yadkin-Catawba triangle,
and upper Cape Fear, westward, were the frontier counties
then, and their capitals, Charlotte, Salisbury and Hillsboro
took famous part when the guns of 1775 began to reverber
ate. And, as has been said previously, it was here the clos
ing conflicts of the Revolution occurred. Here it was, too, at
Hillsboro, after the flight of the British governor, in 1776,
that a provisional government was formed. In this old
Albemarle-Roanoke territory, too, at Halifax, on April 12,
1776, their Continental Congressmen were directed by solid
vote to secure independence and union. At the same place,
too, on December 18th, following, a constitution was adopted
by their convention.
What was done on that day, just a week before Christ
mas, created one of the greatest problems in the state's his
tory ; and it was to take nearly eighty years — the better part
of a century, to secure its solution. The population was so
distributed that the old principle of the Provincial Conven
tion with each county equally represented, with representa-

58 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
tion from each town also, was continued in the new con
stitution of 1776.' No evidence has been found that this
method was considered vicious at that time; but by 1786,
when the population is estimated at 350,000, and, the in
crease was in the west, and the great principles of repre
sentation in a national government were fiercely discussed in
1787, and the immediately succeeding years, the west, or
Piedmont and Mountain region, began to challenge the in
equality. This challenge, demanding new western counties,
of necessity, was met by the east, in an endeavor to retain
her power, by the creation of ww-necessary counties, in her
territory merely as an off -set : if Caswell in the west is cre
ated in 1777, so must Camden be, in the east; and Wilkes
in the west must be off-set by Nash in the east; although
Burke was created in the west with no counterpart in the
east that year. In 1778, however, Gates was created in the
east, also Jones, whereupon Montgomery was erected in the
west. So in 1779, Lincoln, created in the west, was met by
Franklin in the east; and Rutherford and Randolph in the
west by Warren and Wayne, east, with Richmond on the
border. War and its aftermath kept them too busy the next
four years to create counties, but when Moore was created
in 1784, in the west, Sampson was erected in the east; while
the erection of Rockingham in the west in 1785 was balanced
by Robeson the following year. The National Constitution
kept them busy, but in 1788, when Iredell was erected in
the west with a vigorous challenge of this method, caused
by that constitution, no eastern one was created to balance it.
Three years later, 1791, the same thing occurred: the west
secured Buncombe and the east Lenoir, but when the west
secured Person, it was acknowledged a gain. Nothing was
done then for eight years, when, in 1799, the west secured
Ashe, but the east got Washington and Greene, which re
duced the gain in the west. Over eight years passed again,
and in 1808, the east met the west's Haywood with Colum
bus. This was the status in- 1821, when Quiescere non
Possum began to be effective as the motto of young John
1 Free negroes were given the right of suffrage.

LEGACY OF LOST ATLANTIS 59
Motley Morehead, and he was elected to public life from
one of those western counties, that of Rockingham, one of
the westernmost of the old Albemarle-Roanoke group, when
the west began to be restive with a constitution that could
be manipulated in so absurd and unjust a way.
Furthermore, the lower Roanoke and the east were the
region of great plantations and consequently of great slave
population; and yet it was the Quakers in the northeast of
old Albemarle that were the first to give vigor to the emanci
pation movement, which later was pushed with power by
the Manumission Society of the Quakers in Guilford county
in the west, which became Morehead's permanent home ; but
of this theme more anon. The federo-national ratio of
races in voting, intrcxluced with the constitution of the
United States, in 1787, became a new source of complexity
between the east and the west, where the slaves were so
much fewer; and increased the resentments of both. The
federo-national constitutional ratifying conventions of July,
1788, and November, 1789, at Hillsboro and Fayetteville re
spectively, in the first of which it was merely not ratified
and in the second ratified, probably furnished no other
problem, in these earlier years; and yet it was destined to
furnish almost her greatest one. The new political science,
which locates sovereignty in the individual, who creates state
and nation with leased, revocable, limited sovereignty — the
great discovery by America — was not yet generally grasped ;
and it was over a year after this ratification, that it was first
formulated by James Wilson at the National Capital, in
the CoHege of Philadelphia (later the University of Penn
sylvania), in his so-called "Law Lectures" — and then many,
many years before it was widely understood and adopted,
anywhere in the United States. Here again the old Roa
noke-Albemarle country led and prevailed in ratification ; but
young Morehead's revered teacher. Dr. David Caldwell, did
not believe it was "We the people," who made the consti
tution, in which, however, he only represented people in all
the states who had not yet grasped the new political science ;
and stood as much in fear of "consolidation," or elimination
of states, as the extreme Federalists did of anarchy. And
yet, by that great fear the party of Caldwell and Jones, like

60 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
that of Mason in Virginia and Bryan in Pennsylvania, and
all those who wished states equally represented in the upper
house and some pre-cautionary amendments, themselves
contributed one of the greatest elements to the new politi
cal science, namely, protection of the minority by the upper
house, and individuals in ways provided in the first amend
ments. In James Iredell, of Edenton, however, was repre
sented North Carolina's final attitude, and in him produced
the father of one school of constitutional thought, as James
Wilson of Pennsylvania was of the other, until the American
people came to see them as complimentary in a more perfect
political science.^
This is not to say that North Carolina was not divided
between these two schools, as were all the other states ; or
that even the old Roanoke-Albemarle country was not also
divided, for it was ; but the tendency to f edero-nationalism
was led by old Albemarle county at the earher period and
flourished more in the west, when that new population began
to be more vigorous in leadership. Federo-nationalism in
both periods meant primarily union; and union character
ized the dominant element in all the period up to the en
trance of John Motley Morehead into public life from Rock
ingham county.^ It need hardly be said that reference is
1 HoiL H. G. Connor and Mr. W. W. Pierson, Jr., in well-known articles,
have made the point that the idea of independence of states, separately, is illus
trated in the period from March until November^ 1789, after the constitution
became effective, but before the people of Nordi Carolina ratified it; but North
Carolina did ratify it, and at no time rejected it, and was merely in process of
ratification and was a part of United States territory^ nor. exercised any national
functions. The case of Rhode Island even cannot reinforce such an idea, be
cause she also was a part of the territory of the United States, nor exercised
any national functions. One is liable to forget that the Declaration was one of
independence and union; that "the United States in Congress assembled" took
over the imperial or national powers from Great Britain coincidently with the
Declaration and no state liought of such a thing as exercising them alone.
Disagreement with a form of constitution dora not break up the meeting, for
there is an automatic previous order that it becomes effective with a certain
majority. That majority merely patiently waited for North Carolina and Rhode
Island to think it over. Nothing is gained by trying to preserve the half-ideas
that both Federalists and Republicans then had in their groping toward a real
political science. Although James Wilson is mx)re easily the father of the con
stitution than any other man, and has more nearly the right to the title of
father of political science, yet he did not appreciate, until later, the great prin
ciple of m^inority protection through the upper house — a principle, which like
the Federal Reserve System, keeps the nation from being led by an American
Prussia-like majority in the northeast. The devotion to the union in North
Carolina for the first three-quarters of a century is one of the most striking
facts of her history.
^ The term *'f ederal" properly applies to union between states, as such, and
so represents that part of the government called the Senate; but "national" ap
plies to that part resting on "We, the people," etc., namely, the House; the
executive is therefore a combination of the two, as is the judiciary. The more
accurate term to describe our government is "federo-national."

LEGACY OF LOST ATLANTIS 61
not here made to partisan Federalism or partisan Republico-
Democracy ; for in the partisan field, North Carolina joined
most other states in swelling the prestige of the sage of
Monticello and admiring the Hero of New Orleans as he
began to appear at the close of that conflict. In the midst
of these, however, the federo-national tendency still held.
No state was more proud of the union, and it was upon this
foundation that young Morehead based his leadership — the
same basis on which Johnston and Iredell built ; but, as has
been said, this furnished no serious problem at this time.
North Carolina's problems were essentially from within, not
from without.
This political rivalry between the alluvial east and the
uplands of the Piedmont and mountains, was the basis of
most of her other problems: Education, Internal Improve
ment, Geological Survey, Transportation, Finance, Com
merce, Land Reclamation, Agriculture, Manufactures. The
alluvial east with its great slave plantations, and their sim
plicity and self-sufficiency, could not arouse in themselves
an active interest in these great questions, which were a
matter of life and death to the Piedmont and mountains ; and
this sluggishness, which could not be removed but by a po
litical revolution, caused an exodus of vast numbers to the
western and southern states. And still the population in
1790 was 393,751, and at the end of that century, 478,103;
while in 1810 it was 555,500 and in 1820 was 638,829, just
the year before young Morehead entered the Assembly.
Nevertheless the eflfort of the west to induce the east to
provide for these elements of development in the common
wealth, except in a reluctant, meager manner, intensified the
west's political feeling and their determination to go first
to the root of the matter, namely, secure real representation
in the Assembly, such as was had in the National House of
Representatives or most other states. They well knew this
was transferring political power to the west, and with that
power, these things would be added unto them; but it be
longed to them of right ; and the same thing was in process
in the nation at large, where the west was preparing to

62 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
elect a President for the same reason and with the same
phenomena of transfer of political power.^
This picture of the problems of North Carolina, supple
mented by that of Judge Murphy, whom financial failure
had overtaken the summer before, causing him to resign and
return to practice at Greensboro, for a time, is that which
was before the mind of John Motley Morehead, as he was
chosen to go to Raliegh and take part in their solution in the
House of Commons, as the lower house was then called.

' The session of the Assembly of 1819-20 was almost entirely given over to
this fight; and this was taken up again in 1821.

V
Morehead Attacks
Educational and Constitutional Problems
1821
On August 9, 1821, the vote cast in Rockingham county
elected Nathaniel Scales to the State Senate and John
Motley Morehead and James Miller to the House of Com
mons. The results were of course not known from all the
county on that day; but probably were within ten days, or
by the 20th. By this time, also, it began to be evident that
the twenty-five-year-old Lawyer and Representative of
Rockingham county was concerned in another inauguration,
namely, in the state of matrimony, for on August 25th, he
went to the Court House in Wentworth, and with a relative
of his fiancee, Jesse Harper, put up a marriage bond for $500
to Governor Jesse Franklin, and as he filled it out, did so
with the usual prospective benedict's trepidation and con
fusion writing "Eliza" first, and then writing "Ann" over it,
adding "Eliza Lindsay," in proper order.^ Two weeks later,
on September 9th, they were married at the Lindsay home
near Greensboro, and the Representative of Rockingham
county, with his Guilford county bride, had the unusual ex
perience of becoming at the same time a resident of another
county than that which he represented, for Mr. and Mrs.
Morehead at once made a home in Greensboro, which was to
prove permanent.
By the time the usual honeymoon was over, say some
two months, or to be exact, on November 19th, Mr. More-
head was in Raleigh and present in his seat in the House
of Commons at the capitol. This building was just two
^ Marriage Bonds of Rockingham County, Historical Commission of N. C,
at Raleigh. 63

64 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
years older than young Morehead, himself, having been
completed under Governor Richard Dobbs Spaight, in 1794.
It was built of local brick and the State Architect, Wm.
Nichols, who was making some changes and additions to it,
had been so perturbed by rumors to the contrary, during
the summer, that, in the Raleigh Register of July 27th, he
had assured the public that all would be ready for the
regular session. Presumably the young representative's
bride joined him in the "City of Oaks," as the capital was
well called in that day— a place of 2674 inhabitants, con
siderably over half colored, namely, 1497, of which about
one-seventh, 177, were free negroes. This left a white
population of only 1177. It was, however, the third city or
town, in size, Newbern being the largest, at 3663, of which
2188 were colored (268 free) ; and Fayetteville a close sec
ond, at 3532, of which 1614 were colored (277 free)—
strikingly different from either Newbern or Raleigh, being
the seat of the Scotch Highlanders who took less to slavery.
The capital was but slightly larger than Wilmington, at 2633,
with far over half colored, 1535 (only 102 free). These
were the larger places, Edenton, Salisbury and Washington
being scarcely more than villages, with 1561, 1234 and 1034
inhabitants respectively ; but of these Salisbury had the most
white people, while Edenton and Washington were con
siderably over half colored, so that Edenton's white popu
lation was only 634. These were the principal towns, so that
Raleigh had a very respectable place as a capital city, when
Representative Morehead of Rockingham, and incidentally
of Guilford, first entered there upon his public career.
The House of Commons represented counties only, not
population— its basis being practically the same as the United
States Senate, except that each of the six chief towns had a
representative, and also Hillsboro and Halifax, except
Raleigh and Washington.' Salisbury and Hillsboro sent
probably the ablest and most influential men, the former
sending Charles Fisher, who was easily the House leader,
while the latter furnished the Speaker, in James Mebane.
^ This representation was specified in the constitution of 1776, when Raleigh
and Washington were not in existence.

Capitol at Raleigh, 1794-1831
Burned in 1831
From a painting by J. A. Marling, 1824, in the Hall of History, Raleigh

CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS 65
D. L. Berringer of Raleigh was also rather prominent, but
Fisher was easily the leader of the House. He was only
seven years older than Morehead, a native of Rowan county
and educated chiefly by Rev. Dr. McPheeters of Raleigh.
Educated for the law also, he was diverted from it, to the
State Senate in 1818 and Congress in 1819-20, but was now
returned to the House of Commons as leader of the west
in their proposed attack on the old constitution, and was
destined to so continue until the fight was won. Young
Morehead enlisted under his banner.
In the organization of the House, young Morehead was
assigned to his first committee on the 23rd of November;
and it was no unimportant one either, namely, that on the
settlement of the boundary between North Carolina and the
states of Georgia and Tennessee, a necessity in the disposal
of the Cherokee lands in that corner of the common
wealth. Four days later he was added to the committee on
Correcting Bills on which day he first had occasion to express
himself on a yea-and-nay question, voting with a great
majority postponing indefinitely a bill relative to slaves exe
cuted for capital offenses. On the 28th, he made his first
motion, namely, that the Judiciary Committee consider in
creasing of penalty on Sheriffs and other officers for fail
ing to make, due returns of writs, etc., and on the 30th pre
sented his first bill, to alter an act of 1741 for restraining
taking of excessive usury, and it passed first reading. The
same day was to witness his first experience on the losing
side, when he voted to postpone indefinitely a repealer of an
act of 1820 providing for payment of costs when a slave
was convicted of a capital crime ; but on December 1st he was
effectively against a bill fixing vacant lands at 5 cents an
acre ; while on the 4th he was one of a committee of two to
join two of the Senate in conducting the election of a suc
cessor to Governor Franklin.^ It was the 6th, before the
gubernatorial deadlock was broken by the election of Gen
eral Gabriel Holmes of Sampson county.
1 It may be noted that as the Governor was elected by the Legislature under
the constitution of 1776 and was given almost no powers, the chief executive
became a mere figure-head and voice of the Assembly, unless, like Johnston,
and Swain, later, he happened to be a strong personality.

66 JOHN MOTLEY M0REHE.A.D
The constitution of 1776 had provided for public edu
cation, but it was so nearly a dead letter, that efforts to make
it effective had been in vain ; but, Francis L. Hawks of New
bern, afterward a minister, after the gubernatorial election
was settled on the same day proposed a resolution for an in
quiry into whether the Legislature had obeyed tlie consti
tution in establishing a public school system, and directing
the formulation of plans, if it had not. Young Morehead's
reputation as a student and teacher, as well as lawyer,
marked him for fourth place, next to Charles Fisher, on a
committee of sixteen. He was, therefore, recognized as a
lieutenant leader in the proposed founding of a public school
system for North Carolina. It was perfectly natural, also,
that this newly bom benedict should, on the same day, pre
sent a bill providing for recording of marriage Hcenses, as
he did, and it passed first reading.
Mr. Morehead was very active. Governor Holmes was
sworn in by Chief Justice Taylor on the 7th in the House,
after which the Rockingham representative was made one of
a committee of five to consider the needs of orphans. The
red-letter day, however, was three days later, December 10th,
for on that day Mr. Fisher, paving the way for the new
educational program, put through a motion to consider the
advisability of creating a fund to be known as "The Literary
and School Fund;"^ while he also put through a resolution
for a vote of the people on a Constitutional Convention on
the federal ratio, white and three-fifths colored." Before
this got into Committee of the whole on the 18th, several
things occurred: Morehead lost his usury bill 100 — to 25;
Fisher got the State Library put in the west wing confer
ence room; Fisher proposed a road throngh the Cherokee
lands to meet one being built in Tennessee; arrangements
were made to receive the new statue of Washington ; Fisher

1 The action on this fund seems to have been precipitated in part by the
question then before Congress of disposing of public lands tor educational pur
poses in each of the states. Maryland and New Hampshire liad approached
North Carolina on the subject and a committee had reported on it. Raleigh
Register, Jan. 4, 1822.
2 This subject had already been introduced in the Senate, but that body
curtly refused to receive it, although they gave it somewhat more courtesy
afterwards.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS 67
and Morehead failed in an effort to make a change in David
son county ; and lost and won in some yea-and-nay votes.
On the 18th, however, came action on the constitutional
question. The chief executive, at this time, might have
used the exact words of another in opening this session,
when, on referring to important subjects before it he used
these words : "Of these, the proposition to amend the con
stitution of this State, first introduced into the General As
sembly, in 1787, and which has continued to command the
public attention for nearly half a century, is regarded as most
prominent. . . . The proposition to change the system in
1787, and the following year, was introduced and sustained
by some of the most distinguished statesmen of that era,
who were also conspicuous members of the Congress which
framed the constitution itself."
It may be explained, before quoting this executive
further, that North Carolina extended to the Mississippi
river in 1787 and 1788, and what is now Tennessee was
nearly covered by six counties, namely, the four shown in
the accompanying map of 1783 : Sullivan, in the northeast
corner of what is now Tennessee; Washington, stretching
from that to the southern boundary ; Greene, paralleling that
across the state; and Davidson, covering somewhat more
than the northern half of the rest of the state to the Ten
nessee river — the rest being unorganized; and finally the
county of Hawkins, carved from little Sullivan, and Sumner,
from Davidson, on January 6, 1787.^^
"It was adopted in both instances by one branch of the
legislature," continues that executive, "and would most
probably have succeeded in the other, but for nearly unani
mous opposition of the members from the counties which
now constitute the state of Tennessee. It was then, as at
present, the source of contention between the populous and
sparsely settled counties, and hence the change was uni
versally desired by the maritime portion of the State. The
cession of our western territory to the general government,
obviated to some extent, the inequality previously com-
1 Colonial Records, Clark, Vol. XXIV, pp. 826 and 830. The accompany
ing map is from one in Vol. XVIII, at p. 496, by E. W. Myers.

68 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
plained of, and restored temporary harmony to our public
councils."^ Governor Franklin, however, did not even men
tion the subject and declined reelection.
The "temporary harmony" referred to, caused by the
cession to the nation in 1790 of what is now Tennessee fol
lowed by its erection as that state in 1796, was only tempo
rary ; for the state's population rose from 393,751 in 1790 to
638,829 in 1820— an increase of 245,078 in thirty years, or
about 25,000 every decade, but an increase that was so
largely west of Raleigh, that the "populous" and "sparsely
settled" portions gradually became reversed in location, the
west becoming relatively more "populous" and the east
relatively more "sparsely settled !" Therefore soon after the
census of 1810 appeared, the west began to want revision
and the east to take the conservative position of the extreme
west, or Mississippi valley counties of 1787 ! And the past
decade, with the census of 1820, had only intensified it and
now the fight was on in earnest with Fisher of Salisbury in
the lead and Morehead as chief lieutenant; and the fray
began in committee of the whole on December 18, 1821.
Mr. Fisher made a very able speech, in which he attacked the
"sacredness" of the work of the Revolutionary fathers in
making the constitution of 1776. "Sir," said he, "the Pro
vincial laws and customs were the materials out of which
the Constitution [of North Carolina] was built, and the
Constitution is little more than a compilation from these
materials." He was ably answered by Mr. Hawks of New
bern — the largest town in the state — and Mr. Alston of Hali
fax.^ Whereupon Mr. Morehead entered upon his defense
and attack on the opposition. This seems to be his maiden
formal effort and is the earliest of his addresses which have
come down to us.
In this debate on December 18, 1821, Mr. Morehead said
this subject was one of great interest to the State, and on the
decision of which no man could feel indifferent. It is a
1 Executive message of Gov. David L. Swain, 17th November, 1834.
^ Hawks was two years yovmger than Morehead and both died the same
year. He had studied law under William Gaston, of Newbern, and was in tlie
Assembly as a lawyer, although in 1827 he was ordained in the Protestant
Episcopal Church and became one of the most distinguished divines in New
York City.

Map of North Carolina, 1783
Prepared by the author
Showing four counties, now Tennessee, that voted against change of State Constitution in 1787-

CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS 69
question which is calculated to call forth that kind of public
feeling \yhich is necessary for the welfare of the republic.
He "was sorry to see anything like party feeling intro
duced into this argument. He must tell the gentleman from
Newbern (Mr. Hawks) that he had misunderstood the re
mark of the gentleman from Salisbury (Mr. Fisher), when
he said we will have a Convention ; it was not the language
of menace, which he used, but of prediction.
"If he could prevail on his friends from the East to
attend dispassionately to a plain statement of facts, he should
have no doubt of convincing them that our present represen
tation is unequal and unjust, though they might still doubt
the policy of the proposed amendment.
"But the gentleman from Newbern has endeavored fo
excite an alarm in the committee, which was calculated to
prevent a fair discussion of the merits of the question.
"The gentleman from Halifax (Mr. Alston) had com
pared some of our large and small counties to the States of
New York and Rhode Island, under the General Govern
ment. [Mr. A. explained.] How are these States repre
sented in Congress? Like the counties in this State in the
General Assembly? No, sir; the United States are each of
them distinct and independent sovereignties,, whereas our
counties are marked out by lines changeable at the will of
the Legislature. Congress cannot divide a State, or inter
fere with it at all. Mr. Morehead hoped, therefore, this
comparison will pass for naught.
"Do we," he asked, "see property represented in the
General Government? No; the Senate is composed of men
representing the sovereignty of the several States. Go,
then, to the House of Representatives. Is there anything
like property there respected? No; nothing but freemen,
with the exception of three-fifths of other persons, which
was a matter of compromise with the Southern States at
the time the Constitution was formed.
"And is there any reason," he asked, "why property
should be represented in this government? If so, how would
gentlemen have property represented? How is the Senate
at present composed? Is it not the representative of the

70 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
landed interests of the country? Is not this a sufficient
representation of property? Would you have your slaves
represented as in the general government ? Would you have
property represented in both houses ? If so, you would put
it in the power of wealth to dispose of the destinies of your
country. "But the gentleman from Newbern says that Mr. Jeffer
son and Mr. Madison, whom he calls the high-priests of Re
publicanism, live in Virginia, where no person unpossessed of
freehold property is permitted to vote for a representative ;
yet he says they do not complain, nor are their unrepresented
people less ready to fight the battles of their country. Sir,
in the late contest with Great Britain we have seen the sturdy
yeomanry of Virginia ordered to Norfolk for her protection;
we have seen them fall victims to the climate and to expo
sure ; and they now lie mouldering in the dust, sacrificed by
the laws of a country in which they had no voice ; sacrificed
by the laws of a State in which they were legislatively anni
hilated." He "admired the character of Virginia ; he rever
enced her sages ; but he hoped he should not be considered as
a political infidel, when he told the committee, he shuddered
to think, that the poor freemen of his State should ever be
excluded from the Legislative councils of the country.
"To whom," he asked, "did this country belong, when it
burst the British fetters and became independent? It cer
tainly belonged to ¦ the whole community, and not to the
wealthy alone. Why, then, should the people be deprived
of any privilege for which they jointly fought and to which
they are justly entitled?"
He "believed, if he could assure himself that the situ
ation of this State would always remain as it now is, he
would not be in favor of calling a Convention ; for no gentle
man of that committee held the constitution more sacred
than he did. He approached it with that awe, with which
Moses approached his God while the thunders of Sinai were
playing around him ; he touched it with that diffidence with
which the Israelites touched the Ark of the Covenant. But
the foundation of our political Fabric is rotting ; we must re
pair it in time, or in time it will tumble.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS 71
"What," he asked, "was the situation of things at the time
when our present constitution was formed? The Eastern
part of the State was almost the only part that was in
habited. The West had but few settlers. But our lands are
now rising in value, and our population is every day in
creasing, while the Eastern part of the State remains much
the same. Take us," said he, "poor as we are, and where
is the boasted superiority of the East?" He apologized for
this remark, but said, the moment this subject was intro
duced, the gentleman from the East made it a party question.
He said, "he had made a few calculations on this subject,
which he would offer to the committee. In this estimate he
had given Granville to the West [north of Wake county, the
seat of the capital] . He had considered Wake as neutral, as
she ought to be. She is as much the darling of the West as
of the East. He had made his calculation first as the gentle
man from Newbern wished it to be, according to Federal
numbers. "The total amount of population (including slaves and
free persons of color) is 658,829. The whole Federal popu
lation of the State is 556,839. The Federal population of
the 27 Western counties is 305,015, which, reckoning 2993
persons to send a member, entitles them to 102 members,
instead of 81, which they now send. The Federal population
of the 34 Eastern counties is 234,100, which entitles her to 78
members only, instead of 102, which she now sends. The
Federal population of Wake county entitles her to six mem
bers. Representation, then, upon the Federal principle,
entitles the West to 21 members more, and the East to 24
less than they now send to the Legislature, and Wake to 3
more. "Go to the next principle of representation : that of free
white population and taxation. The taxes of the whole State
(exclusive of clerks and auctioneers) is $65,735.60. Taxes
of the Western counties are $31,184.09; of the Eastern,
$32,203.41 ; of Wake county, $2348.07. Estimating $353 for
each member the Western counties will send 88 ; the Eastern,
91 ; and Wake, 6.
"Go to the next branch of the principle, that of free white

72 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
population, to which the opposers of these resolutions have
the greatest objection, and the Western part of the State
will be entitled to 31 more members than she has at present,
and the Eastern part to 34 less.
"For the total white population of the State is 419,200,
The Western counties have 253,235, which, allowing 2253
persons to send a member, will give her 112 members. The
Eastern counties have 154,014, which will give to them 68
members. The white population of Wake, being 11,951,
gives to her 5 members.
"So that upon the principle of free white population and
taxation combined, the Western counties are entitled to 100
members, 19 more than at present. The Eastern counties, to
79 members, which are twenty-three less than at present.
Wake county, to 5 members, instead of 3.
"Then compound the representation of the Federal popu
lation, free white population and taxation, and the Western
counties are entitled to 101 members, 20 more than at pres
ent, and the Eastern counties will be entitled to 79 members,
23 less than at. present. So that, upon the very principles
upon which the opponents of the resolutions contend, the
West evidently labor under important grievances. But
wealth is sufficiently represented in the Senate to afford it
self protection. The representation of our State should
be upon the principle of free white population, requiring
certain qualifications in the representatives, and in the elec
tors of one branch of the Legislature, barely sufficient to
protect wealth.
"Wealth fattens on the necessities of poverty; it can
bribe ; it can corrupt ; and whenever it shall have a predomi
nant weight in our government, we may bid farewell to the
boasted freedom of our Republic, and ignominiously sub
mit to the yoke of Aristocratic Slavery.
"The 34 Eastern counties having a free white population
or 154,014, send to the Legislature 102 members ; the 27
Western counties send 81 members, which, in the same ratio
of the East, represent 122,229, leaving a balance of 131,024
free white persons together with all the negroes of the West,
arrayed against the negroes of the East, and unrepresented.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS 73
Add to this. Sir, the vast extent of the West, the health of
the cHmate, the territory acquired from the Indians, the vast
increase of the value of the lands and wealth of the West
from internal improvement; add these to the grievances
under which we labor, and ere long they will become in
tolerable, not only to patriotism, but to patience itself.
"When I predict, under these circumstances, a Con-
ventio^n will be had, can the prophecy be doubted ?
"We have now met the call of the gentleman from New
bern. Here is our grievance, which we wish to be at
tended to.
"No man would be more unwilling," said he, "than my
self to touch the constitution, if I did not think the occasion
called for it, and that the time is peculiarly favorable. The
proposition before the committee ought not to be considered
in the light of a contest for power. We do not ask from our
Eastern brother anything to which we are not entitled. Nor
would we ask for a correction of this grievance, if it were
not constantly accumulating. For, to do our Eastern breth
ren justice, we acknowledge they have wielded their power
with a great degree of justice and moderation, and it is hoped
they will continue to do so.
"It will be to the East, if we are ever invaded. It may
be expected your protection will not be found in your
negroes ; it will be found in yourselves, or in the strength
of the West.
"For equal rights and privileges our fathers jointly
fought, and bled and died, and their bones now lie hallow
ing the soil for the freedom of which they fell a sacrifice.
"But give us these, and when the demon of desola
tion shall hover around your borders, and the tragedy of
Hampton is to be performed on your shores, call on your
brethren of the West, and the mountains will roll their might
to the main, carrying protection to your wives, your children,
your homes and your country."
The speeches of Messrs. Fisher and Morehead were the
objects of Eastern attack, and Thomas W. Blackledge of
1 Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette, 1st Feb., 1822, from "Debate
on the Convention Question," House of Commons, 18th Dec, 1821.

74 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Beaufort was particularly vigorous, complaining that the
westerners brought up this subject every year. Willis
Alston of Halifax tried hard to head off the eastern and
western division that seemed to be becoming more intense
each year, claiming that it was un-natural ; that the natural
divisions were four, not two : 1. The old Roanoke-Albemarle
counties, clear to the Tennessee line ; 2. The Neuse and Tar
valleys up to Wake and New Hanover; 3. the Cape Fear
ribbon valley up to Stokes and Rockingham ; 4. The rest from
Columbus county westward. It was a vigorous fight and it
classified Fisher and Morehead for Hfe, but when the vote
came on the 19th of December it was shelved by a vote of
81 to 47, every one of the counties east of Robeson, Cumber
land, Wake (Raleigh) and Granville being against a con
vention as "inexpedient." Fourteen of these eastern coun
ties paid less than their share of cost of government, while
but five in the west were in like condition. The Senate
treated the subject no better, indeed not so well; for when
Senator Williamson of Lincoln county introduced a similar
resolution, they practically refused to entertain it, although
they reconsidered the next day. The result was that the
great main object of the session was lost, on this 19th day of
December, 1821.
While Mr. Morehead went to and fro in the business of
law-making, he often saw Chief Justice John Marshall, who
was then holding the national Circuit Court of this circuit,
as had Justice James Wilson in the time of Washington.
On the day before Christmas, too, he took part in the recep
tion and dedication of the beautiful statue of the great first
President, by Canova, in the rotunda of the capitol. This
artistic creation from Italy had been made from the artist's
original plaster model, probably the last work he ever did,
for he died the following October. It represented the great
American seated, dressed in the Roman toga, and engaged
in writing his farewell address. It stood high above the
spectator's head, on a large pedestal, on whose sides were
bas-reliefs depicting leading victorious scenes in his life.
It was destined to stand there for only a decade and to be
beheld in admiration by multitudes, among them being

Constitutional Contest Map of North Carolina, 1821
Prepared by the author

= Line dividing East and West
: Lines dividing groups: 1. Roanoke; 2. Pamlico; 3. Cape Fear; 4. Western

{

Paying over share of cost marked 1
Counties in 1832 -| Paying less than share marked 2
Paying about share no mark

CONSTITUTIONAL PROBLEMS 75
Lafayette; for it was calcined in the destruction of that
capitol a decade later.^ Not six months after this day, John
Adams and Thomas Jefferson, as if in premonition of the
deaths on the same day, the nation's natal day, too, ex
changed philosophical letters on the subject of old age. Rep
resentative Morehead and a new generation were coming to
their own.
The session only lasted until the 29th, and but few other
things were done of particular moment to Mr. Morehead,
who fought the big eastern majority. The new Board of
Internal Improvement was chosen on Christmas Day, and
Prof. Denison Olmsted was voted $100 to defray his ex
penses in a voluntary geological survey during the summer —
a field in which this state was destined to take the lead.
And on the next day a Board of Physicians was proposed,
Morehead being one of the committee, but the Senate op
posed both of these latter two projects. He was also in the
majority which tried to create an internal improvement
fund f as he was also on a bill to incorporate the Clubfoot
and Harlowe's Creek Canal Company, a revision of the act
of 1813, which w^s to connect the Beaufort Harbor with the
Pamlico Sound. On the last day he was one of the House
nominees for trustee of the University, but the big eastern
majority refused to elect him; and with the close of the
year 1821 Representative Morehead of Rockingham county,
became for all practical purposes, plain Lawyer Morehead
of Guilford county, his future home.

^ The original plaster model of Canova still exists in Italy, and the Italian
King, in 1909, gave the state a replica in plaster, and it now stands in tlie HaU
oi History at Raleigh. See Bulletin No. 8, N. C. Hist. Comm., by R. D. W.
Connor. * They succeeded in getting the dividends on state stock in the Newbern
and Cape Fear (Wilmington) State Banks to the amoimt of about $25,000,
voted.

VI
Other Problems Follow
Personal, Slavery, Internal Improvement, Judiciary
Criminals and Defectives^ Transportation
Quakers and History
1822
The experience of Lawyer Morehead in challenging
the eastern counties was calculated to give a wise young
man of twenty-five years pause. It might naturally seem
to him that if wealth was so powerful, it might be well for
him to provide himself with it ; even if Guilford county had
not already had able men whom she would see no reason
to displace with a young new citizen from her daughter
county to the north.' So, for the next four years, he de
voted himself to his profession, and to other personal
problems quite as extensive, if not more so ; for John Motley
Morehead's mind teemed with development in every line
that came under his observation, and everything that he
touched flourished. His interests at this particular period
were so many-sided, as they always were, and exact record
of them is so meager, that only general terms can be used
for the most part, at least for this period, even if more detail
in treatment of so public a career were desirable.
His profession as a lawyer, of course, came first and his
practice extended to County Courts; the Superior Courts
created in 1777, and covering the state with eight districts

^ The western members, in 1822, called an extra legal constitutional con
ference to meet in Raleigh on November 10, 1823, and this body formulated
such a constitution as they thought the west would favor, but as Mr. Morehead
liad no part in it, it need not be considered. Its quarrel over white and federal
ratio basis, and the success of the latter, did not appeal to men like Morehead
or his Quaker constituency; for it would have identified the middle with the
east and left political power as it was essentially. They recommended call of
a convention the next year but the Assembly, controlled by the east, ignored it
76

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 77
at this time, his own being the Hillsboro District; the Su
preme Court of North Carolina, which had begun its exist
ence January 1, 1819; and the United States District and
Circuit Courts. There is no record of his admission to the
bar of the National Supreme Court, and it is not known that
he had practice outside of the state. He had a widely-
extended practice within the state, however, and, according
to one authority, was particularly distinguished in criminal
law. The earliest incident discovered is one in which both he
and William A. Graham were associate counsel with his old
preceptor. Judge Archibald D. Murphy, and the writer,
Lyndon Swaim, one-time editor of the Greensboro Patriot,
says it was "near sixty years since" [writing under date
January 19, 1883, in the Patriot] , which would make it near
1823, the period now under consideration. It was in a case
locally known in Randolph county, in whose court the inci
dent occurred, as "The Fishtrap Suit." "John M. More-
head, then young at the bar, and L think also W. A. Graham,
still younger, were associate counsel," says Mr. Swaim.
"The suit made a great noise in the neighborhood, and I
heard the parties, the witnesses, the lawyers, etc., thoroughly
discussed. Though a mere boy, the circumstances and the
personnel made a mOre vivid impression on my mind than
many a more important matter since. Judge Murphy was,
in my eye, the central figure. He was very small of stature,
thin and pale, with a kindly, kindling eye, and a gentleness,
nay sweetness of expression almost feminine. He was
dressed with remarkable neatness, his coat hanging some
what loosely upon his attenuated frame. The lifting of his
hat as he stepped into the bar, his bow to the judge, his greet
ing to every member of the bar and to the officers of the
court — ^nobody was omitted — was such an exhibition of self-
possession and grace as I had never witnessed before, and
such as, I yet verily believe, is seldom seen outside of a
Parisian salon; and the crowning charm was, he made
everybody feel that he was sincere. His hand-shake, even
with a boy, left a pleasant memory. There was no hurry
about it ; he took time to attend to the matter in hand (pardon

78 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the pun) ; the softly repeated pressure and the lingering
glance of his dark eyes were magnetic in eflFect. I have
never seen but one Hkeness of him, an engraving in the
University Magazine, some years ago, probably from an old
family portrait when he was very young. It was Raphael
like in rounded grace of outline and softness of expression.
The matured face that I saw had the harder lines fixed by
time and thought and care — nothing left but the gentle ex
pression. The Fishtrap trial occupied most of the week.
The points are beyond recollection. But I remember an ob
servation made about Morehead. The second day's exami
nation of witnesses was in progress, when Murphy remarked
to Morehead, 'My young friend, you appear to be taking
no notes of the evidence.' 'No, Sir,' he replied, 'I depend
upon my memory.' The senior expressed his apprehension
of the result. But when Morehead came to 'sum up' before
the jury, his memory served him with remarkable correct
ness and particularity. His success in this case laid the first
solid foundation stone in the building up of his reputation
at the bar.'"
"Mr. Morehead," says a member of the Greensboro bar
of 1907, "was greatly devoted to the profession of law, and
while he was eminent in the practice of the civil courts he
was especially great and successful in the criminal courts,
and his practice covered a number of counties. He was an
acknowledged leader in the courts in which he practiced. He
was retained in nearly all the murder cases in the part of the
state where he resided and never had a defendant for whom
he appeared convicted of murder or hanged."''
"When I entered the profession," says another dis
tinguished lawyer of a later date, "I met him here [Greens
boro] at the May term of the County Court, and found him
occupying the position of leader on his circuit. I was pleased
with his appearance, was attracted by his amenity and fasci
nated by his talents. His personal presence was imposing, his
face beamed with kindness, and when he addressed the court

1 The Papers of Archibald D. Murphy, Hoyt, Vol. II, pp. 432-3.
^ Publications of The Guilford County Literary and Historical Association,
VoL I, p. 57, The Bench and Bar of Guilford County by Levi M. Scott

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 79
and jury, I heard him with delight, and was filled with admi
ration.'" On January 17, 1822, he was among those whom conflict
of new dates of the Superior Court, made by the Legislature,
caused inconvenience and loss. Lawyer John M. Dick, of
Greensboro, writing to Thomas Ruffin at Hillsboro, on
the above date says: "You inform me that our legislature
has legislated you out of two courts and express a hope that
you are the only sufferer among your brethren. I am a
feUow sufferer with you, and we are by no means alone, Mr.
Little, Mr. Morehead and several others are much injured
by the changes. I am legislated out of Orange County Court
and the Superior Court of this county will sometimes con
flict with the County Court of Randolph County."''
An eminent lawyer who was admitted to the bar about a
decade later says : "When I was about to start out to prac
tice law, I asked the advice of Judge Mangum. He named
the courts which he advised me to attend. 'But, Judge Man
gum,' said I, 'the oldest lawyers in the State practice in those
courts, and have all the business. And I have neither repu
tation, nor friends, nor money.' 'No matter,' said he, 'go
where there is business ; do not fear competition. The ex
amples of these great men are just what you need. If you
want to find tall trees, you must go among tall trees.' I took
his advice and proved its wisdom. I was soon in full prac
tice; and never met those great men that I did not feel a
longing to be like them — Badger, Nash, Devereux, Haywood,
Graham, Morehead, Norwood, Saunders, Mangum, Waddell,
Gilliam, Bryan, Miller, Iredell — an abler bar than that of the
United States Supreme Court, as I have heard Mr. Badger
say."^ These were the courts in the northern part of the
state — ^the old Roanoke- Albemarle and adjacent territory
south and west. If to this list one adds William Gaston of
Newbern, there were no greater lawyers in the state, in the
period before the civil war, and most of these came to have

'¦ Hon. John Kerr in memorial oration, 26th Feb., 1867, at Wentworth,
N. C. ' The RufHn Papers, Hamilton, Vol. I, p. 261.
' Hon. Edwin Godwin Reade, LL.D., of Raleigh, in an address before the
North Carolina Bar Association on July 9, 1884, p. 12.

80 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
a national reputation. Morehead was recognized by these
men as one of them, probably as early as 1825, and certainly
was recognized as one of them by the profession and people
at large. It was in this latter year that he erected the residence
on an elevation in the midst of an oak grove of the original
forest on the edge of Greensboro, now at the corner
of Washington and Edgworth streets, that became
famous under the name "Blandwood," whose hospitality
was so notable that "mine host" of the various Greensboro
inns and taverns was often piqued at the loss of what might
have been theirs. By the close of this year in the new home,
Mr. and Mrs. Morehead had two children, one Letitia
Harper Morehead, then two years old, while the second
daughter, Mary Corinna, was born on November 27th of
that year.
They had been but a few months in "Blandwood," when
the people of Guilford county, in August, 1826, as though
taking the establishment of that home as evidence of perma
nent citizenship, elected Mr. Morehead again to the House of
Commons at Raleigh during the following summer; There
were five candidates for the two places, Morehead receiving
the highest, 1125 votes, and Francis L. Simpson 867, the
three others falling below 777. The reason for this was
the great questions that were to come up before the Assem
bly, for it was a great time. The rumblings of Jacksonism
had begun to be heard, and North Carolina's attitude at
this time was significant, for when the election was thrown
in the national House of Representatives the previous year,
she was one of the four states which voted for Crawford
[Georgia, North Carolina, Virginia and Delaware], when
seven voted for Jackson and thirteen for Adams.
It will be well to note the significance of this, for it is a
complicated matter, and of great moment to Mr. Morehead
and his constituency: In a certain sense it was a question
of slavery and the Quakers' objection to it. This denomina
tion had petitioned the Fifth Congress against slavery— the
first North Carolina petitioned against it ; and they utilized
it again and again, until it was objected to when John Quincy

^ -3
2; 1-

" o

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 81
Adams defended them. They had exercised manumission so
freely that the large element of free negroes was by some
attributed almost wholly to them.' About 1800 a state law
was passed that no negro should be freed except a bond be
given that he should leave the state. By 1826 Quakers in
North Carolina, led by the three Quaker counties of
Guilford, Randolph and Chatham, which formed one dis
trict, decided on general manumission as far as it could be
effected. On May 30, 1826, the Raleigh Register an
nounced that beside 64 already sent to Ohio and 58 to
Liberia, Dr. George Swaine, of Guilford county, had charge
of over 500 more to be shipped out of the state : about 100
to Indiana and Ohio; 316 to Liberia; and 120 which were
to embark at Beaufort for Hayti, in which colored repub
lic there was great public interest as well as some apprehen
sion. It was this subject also which led so many of the
Quakers to emigrate to Indiana and in due time make it the
greatest Quaker state in the union.
In December, 1823, the western party in the Assembly
tried to instruct Congressmen to oppose the old Jeffersonian
caucus method of nominating President, but the eastern
members rallied and secured the recommendation of Craw
ford to the people. In 1824 the Harrisburg Convention
nominated Jackson and Massachusetts had offered Adams,
while Kentucky offered Clay. Thereupon the three Quaker
counties of North Carolina, above mentioned, held a meet
ing at Greensboro and denounced the caucus, and endorsed
their old defender, Adams, with Jackson as second choice.
On May 3, 1824, Judge Murphy wrote : "I have been grati
fied at the prospects of General Jackson's friends in every
county in my circuit, until I reached Guilford. That county
is divided : Mr. Adams has, I think the majority. Mr. Craw
ford has the next greatest number of friends. Genl. Jack
son has no active friend in the county, except Mr. Morehead.
I do not therefore calculate much on Guilf ord."^ In Novem-

^ Brigadier General Jesse Spaight of Greene County, in a good speech said
Friends were responsible for the element of free negroes that were a source of
so much difficulty. Raleigh Register, Jan. 26, 1827.
2 The Murphy Papers, Hoyt, Vol. I, p. 297.

82 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
ber, however, the western counties were for Jackson, "the
People's" candidate, forty-two of them, except the Quaker
counties and home of Mr. Morehead; these latter finally
joined the twenty-one eastern counties in voting for Craw
ford, in hopes of throwing the contest into the national
House of Representatives and there getting their favorite
candidate, Adams. The electoral vote of the State, when
given on December 1, 1824, was unanimous for Jackson;
but when it was up before the national House of Representa
tives, the North Carolina Congressmen voted an organization
vote : 10 for Crawford ; 2 for Jackson ; and 1, the member
from the Quaker district, had the pleasure of voting for their
favorite, John Quincy Adams, and seeing him elected, and
the old organization receive a stinging rebuke.' Thus Mr.
Morehead's district, in which Jackson, his own candidate,
was second choice, voted for its first choice, Adams ; but Mr.
Morehead, himself, was with the solid west against the east
and for the anti-organization unsuccessful candidate. Gen
eral Andrew Jackson, who was also the Quakers' second
choice. He was consequently in an excellent political posi
tion and a recognized power, to be reckoned with when he
entered the Assembly of 1826.
With this personal political prestige, however, he faced
a great lethargy among the eastern people regarding internal
improvement ; they had transportation ; it was the west that
wanted it, but they had not the political power. Then, too,
the great leader of the internal improvement plans for river
and canal transportation. Judge Archibald Murphy, had lost
prestige through his financial failure, extending even to a
debtor's prison. A few leaders were becoming thoughtful
about a new mode of transportation that was gradually be
coming more and more a subject of experiment in various
parts of the world. This was a mode of making a smooth
road on two wooden or iron rails laid parallel — an improve
ment on the old plank or corduroy roads on which the wood
was laid crosswise, instead of lengthwise. It had been used
of course as early as the sixteenth century, and with the
^ State Rights and Political Parties in North Carolina, Henry McGilbert
Wagstaff, Ph.D., p. 47.

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 83
advance in iron manufacture by 1820, malleable iron rails
had been used very successfully in isolated instances in
Great Britain. The first line in the United States was a short
quarry one near what is now Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, at
the Leiper quarries, in 1809 — a quarry still in operation.
This became the model for heavy carrying and the power
was the horse or mule. In Great Britain some success was
had with steam engines on the common road and by 1814
Stephenson had tried such an engine on the Killingworth
tracks, although they did not supersede the horse; but, in
1825, the year before Mr. Morehead's election by Guilford
county, a success was made on the Stockton and Darlington
Railway in England, who had then about twenty-eight such
small "rail-ways ;" but the idea had not gained much ground
in America except the tramroad like that at the Leiper quar
ries. The earliest note of a considerable extension of this
idea appeared in Philadelphia during the winter previous to
his election : "A great railroad is contemplated from Phila
delphia," says the Raleigh Register of January 27, 1826, "to
Pittsburgh, by way of Lancaster, York and Chambersburgh,
a distance of 340 miles, with a branch from the neighborhood
of Gettysburg to Baltimore, each state to be interested in pro
portion to its wealth and population, to be effected by steam
power. It is calculated that a cargo of seventy-five tons
might be carried on the proposed road, at the rate of six
miles an hour, which would complete the journey in three
days and three nights !'" This was Philadelphia and Balti
more's reply to the success of Governor Clinton's Erie Canal
in gaining western traffic and making New York a rival.
Some of the thoughtful in North Carolina, discouraged by
the attitude of the east toward river improvement began to
be interested in the new method of two parallel rails, with
whatever power, and Morehead and his old University Presi
dent, Dr. Joseph Caldwell, were among the number, though
there was no public discussion at this time.
There was much discussion of another subject, however:
On a certain occasion during the previous year a famous
^ The exclamation point represents contemporary astonishment, although it
may also be utilized for current amusement.

84 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
American said in an address: "It is said, that in England,
not more than one child in fifteen possesses the means of
being taught to read and write; in Wales, one in twenty;
in France, until lately when some improvement has been
made, not more than one in thirty-five. Now it is hardly
too strong to say, that in New England, every child possesses
such means.'" This was published to pave the way for
the reception of the report of the Public Education Com
mittee of November, 1825, composed, among others, of Chief
Justice Taylor and President Joseph Caldwell, who reported
a system of public education for which the Literary and
School Fund was founded. Likewise a committee on in
vestigation of method of caring for insane and defectives
was to report.
Closely connected with and undejlying all of them was
the state financial system. North Carolina, in 1804, had been
among those states that feared the power of the Bank of the
United States, a sentiment that led to the refusal of the
Jeffersonians to re-charter it in 1811. In 1804 North Caro
lina had established two state banks, one at her largest town,
Newbern, and the other at Wilmington, then known as the
Cape Fear. In 1810 "The State Bank" at Raleigh had been
chartered with the expectation that these two banks would
become branches, but in 1812 they asked to be left inde
pendent and enlarged, and in 1813 were. The State Bank
had only been chartered for five years; so in December,
1825, a new one had been created with mother bank at
Raleigh and branches at Edenton, Tarboro, Wilmington,
Fayetteville, Newbern and Salisbury.'' And in these and
the two old banks of Newbern and Cape Fear, the state had
5500 shares, then worth about half a million and yielding
about $60,000 a year. This partial state ownership was like
that of the Banks of the United States and England ; indeed
the custom was general, only about three states having it

^ Daniel Webster, in an address at Plymouth, in 1825.
2 Charles Fisher said on 2nd January, 1829, that the State Bank was or
ganized because the currency was then composed of old Proclamation bills and
Newbern and Cape Fear bank notes, and as the former were legal tender, the
latter banks would use them to pay their own notes and so avoid paying specie.
The State Bank was established therefore to make specie possible, as neighbor'
ing states had complained of the action of the two eastern banks.

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 85
otherwise. The State Bank vs. a Bank of the United States
was coming to divide North Carolina as it was other states ;
and this was a part of the whole question of state vs. nation,
or state fear of national power, complicated by needs of a
national currency system. The tariff of 1824 entered into
the complication.
These were the great subjects that confronted Representa
tive Morehead of the Quaker district, who trained with Pres
byterians, whose pastor had been his old teacher. Dr. David
Caldwell, and usually attended the First Presbyterian
Church of Greensboro, when it was organized on Oc
tober 3, 1824, two years before. The Assembly of 1826 was
differently organized from that of 1821, and the eastern ma
jority put John Stanly of Newbern into the Speaker's chair.
Mr. Morehead's old chief, Charles Fisher, of Salisbury,
was there as before ; but the mountains furnished the great
leader of the session in David L. Swain of Buncombe, his
native county. He had received, like Morehead, such a
private education that he was able to enter the University
in the Junior class in 1821. Studying law under Chief
Justice Taylor, he was licensed in 1822, and in 1825 was
elected to the House of Commons and contributed much to
the great work of the Assembly. He was easily chief of the
Assembly of 1826 also, when Mr. Morehead took his seat on
November 26th, the second day of the session. Governor
H. G. Burton drew their attention to a feature of internal
improvement calculated to increase the available funds of the
state, namely, the drainage and reclamation of swamp lands,
which was destined to be a considerable source of future in
come to North Carolina. The Governor also laid before
them, in more or less indignant terms some resolutions re
ceived from the State of Vermont. It seems that in 1824 the
state of Ohio had proposed to Indiana and other states, and
Indiana had approved a proposal for gradual emancipation
of slaves, somewhat on the Pennsylvania plan of 1780 ; that
Georgia had countered with a proposal of an amendment to
the Constitution forbidding the importation of slaves into a
state contrary to its own laws; and that Vermont had ex
pressed its disapproval of it and willingness to cooperate

86 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
with a proper course in gradual emancipation. This Gov
ernor Burton submitted to the Assembly with his somewhat
indignant comments, to the effect that North Carolina was
well aware of the gravity of the slave problem, quite as much
as states that had no such problem. It should be added that
the Ohio proposal differed chiefly from that of Pennsylvania,
in providing colonization of all free negroes.
On December 27th, Mr Morehead was again put on the
Committee of Education, and on the following day pro
posed a Joint Committee on Public Buildings. After holi
days, on January 2, 1827, he proposed a joint committee to
act on the Colonization Society memorial ; and two days later,
with leave, presented a bill, at the request of the Quakers,
providing for emancipation of slaves under certain con
ditions. On this later day, however, he presented one of his
own, namely, a bill to erect Courts of Equity to be held in
each district by the Supreme Court Judges, taking it away
from the Superior Courts.
On January 5, 1827, Representative Morehead had occa
sion to say something on his profession of the law, when he
advocated a bill safeguarding clients of lawyers under twen
ty-one years of age. He felt "a pride in belonging to the
profession of the law." He said some gentlemen did not be
lieve that there existed a jealousy of the law but he "was of
a different opinion."
On the 8th, he was among those who advocated the legal
date of beginning the legislative session as the second Mon
day in December. On the 13th, Mr. Morehead, in advo
cating the bill to establish Courts of Equity, called it before
committee of the whole and spoke at great length upon it,
after which the tragic incident occurred of Speaker Stan
ly's sudden attack of a stroke of paralysis covering one side
of his body; and the consequent appointment of General
James Iredell as Speaker pro tempore.
Mr. Morehead was very active during this session and
especially on this subject. He spoke at great length on the
16th, especially in behalf of necessity for such courts in the
Hillsboro District. He said that "the white population of
the Hillsboro District was more than one-fourth part

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 87
of the whole state. The whole white population of the state
being 419,200 and that of Hillsboro District 110,000; that
Newbern and Edenton Districts together contained less than
84,000, so that the Hillsboro District contained 26,000
more than both of them, and yet each of the Districts were
allowed the same time for holding their courts with the
Hillsboro District." He also said that the Mountain Cir
cuit contained a white population of 102,000 ; so that the two
western Judicial Circuits contain upwards of 5000 free white
persons more than are contained in the other four Judicial
Circuits ; and the consequence was, from the business neces
sarily arising from such an immense population that no time
was found in those circuits for attending to Equity cases."
He "thought it high time that provisions should be made for
the relief of these sections of country at least." Mr. Stanly
retorted that "If we have not white men [in the east] we
have negroes. We are cursed vdth them" — and again he was
attacked by the same kind of stroke as before. The commit
tee reported it inexpedient to pass the bill — which, as shall
soon appear, was merely one more phenomenon on the way
to revision of the constitution, in the contest between east
and west.
Fortunately a complete speech of Representative More-
head at this time has been preserved and well illustrates
the vigor and ability of this young advocate of the growing
counties of the west. "Mr. Chairman," said he the next
day, "I had hoped. Sir, that some person would offer to the
House some substantial reasons for striking out the second
section of the bill [requiring the Equity Courts to be held by
Supreme Court judges] ; but in vain have I waited to hear
them. Surely no gentleman of this House can doubt the
great necessity of adopting some plan to improve the Equity
system in the two western circuits ; and is it possible that this
House will give a silent vote against the plan proposed, with
out giving even a reason for that vote, or without suggest
ing some other plan that may meet the views of the House
better than the one proposed ? Surely not. Sir. That griev
ances do exist, is not denied; that they shaH be redressed,
certainly this House will not refuse. When, Sir, I arose

88 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
before on this subject, I acknowledged the bill had imper
fections, and asked the assistance of the House to bring it to
perfection ; but this assistance has been refused me, not by a
positive denial, but by being withheld.
"It was said, the other day, by the gentleman from New
bern, our Honorable Speaker [Stanley], whose lamentable
calamity no one deplores more than I do, Mr. Chairman,
that the white population of the different circuits had been
unjustly taken into calculation, without any reference to the
great number of negroes in the eastern circuits, each one of
which may form a separate subject of litigation, and with
out any reference to the great wealth and commerce of those
circuits. "It cannot be denied, that more litigation must necessarily
arise among a population, each member of which transacts
all the common concerns of life for himself, and appeals to
the laws of his country for his protection and for his rights,
than can arise among an equal population, many of whom
are deprived of transacting their own business, and rendered
incapable of making contracts, and whose complaints pass
unheard, and wrongs unredressed.
"But, Sir, if the negro population is to be taken into con
sideration on this question, let us examine the subject, and
see if this boasted superiority of the number of blacks of
the East, over those of the West, does, in fact, exist.
"I will take the Newbern circuit, to which the gentleman
belongs, and compare the slave population of that circuit
with the same population of the Hillsboro circuit, to which
I belong. From the census of 1820, the slave population of
the Hillsboro circuit was upwards of 41,000, and that of the
Newbern circuit only about 29,000; so that if the position be
granted, 'that each of them forms a separate subject of liti
gation,' how satisfactorily does this comparison show that
more litigation will necessarily arise in the one circuit than
in the other. And that the Hillsboro circuit should have more
litigation in it, than the Newbern circuit, is still better ac
counted for, by a comparison of the free white and slave
population of each circuit, that of one being 151,000, while
the other is only about 73,000, a difference of 78,000.

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 89
"I will now examine, Mr. Chairman, the relative wealth
and commerce of the two circuits.
"I know of no way in which this comparison can be
better made, than by the different sums which the treasury
receives from each circuit; and the State should distribute
her favors somewhat in proportion to the bounty she re
ceives. "It will be seen from the Comptroller's last report, that
the amount of taxes and money received of Clerks in the
Hillsboro circuit was about $16,000, while that of the New
bern circuit was about $9000 ; the receipts of the first circuit
being nearly double that of the latter.
"So that if we take, Mr. Chairman, white population,
black population and taxation, and compare them in every
possible variety, as the criteria by which we may judge of
the number of law suits that will probably arise, we must all
come to this conclusion, that if the Newbern circuit requires
a Judge a certain length of time to do the business of that
circuit, the Hillsboro circuit must require the same Judge a
much greater length of time to do the business of that
circuit. We are told, Mr. Chairman, that the dockets even in
these small circuits are larger : if this be a fact, Sir, is there
a gentleman in this House, who can doubt for a moment the
enormous accumulation of business on our Law and Equity
dockets? And yet. Sir, is the relief proposed by this bill
to be refused us, and no other offered ?
"It was further said by the gentleman from Newbern,
that litigation depended much on the habits and morality of
the citizens ; that if the people of the West could quit their
frauds practiced in horse swaps, and would leave off coun
terfeiting bank notes and passing them, that then the dockets
would not be so much crowded in the two western circuits.
If, Sir, this be the true reason, why the dockets in the west
ern circuits are large, then is there the greater necessity of
having justice speedily administered, to redress those frauds
and punish those offenders.
"While human nature remains as imperfect as it now is,
we may expect fraud to be practiced and offenses to be com
mitted; but I do not admit that more frauds and offenses

90 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
exist in the western part of the State, in proportion to its
population, than exist in other parts of the State.
"If we examine this subject, perhaps we shall find the
reverse of this to be true.
"It will be recollected that in 1821, the gentleman from
Newbern himself procured an act to be passed, authorizing
a Court of Oyer and Terminer to be held in Newbern, to
try the various offenders who could not be tried by the regu
lar terms of the Superior Court. Whether these offenders
were persons guilty of frauds, perjuries, counterfeiting or
passing counterfeit notes, I know not ; but if the little county
of Craven, having a white and black population of only
about 13,000 persons, cannot punish offenders in the regular
terms of the Superior Court, but requires a special term for
no other purpose but to punish its offenders ; while the large
counties of the West, some of them containing a population
of upwards of 24,000 have never yet required a special term
to punish their offenders, we must conclude that there is as
much morality in the West as there is in some parts of the
East. And this charge against the West would have come
with as much propriety from any other quarter, as that
from which it was made.
"So that, no matter what may be said to be the causes
of much litigation in the western circuits, every person who
considers the situation of the western circuits, must be satis
fied that the business necessarily accumulates on their dock
ets from the diversified transactions of such an immense
population. "I again repeat, Mr. Chairman, that it will not be im
posing on the Judges of the Supreme Court more duties than
they can well perform. The bill has already been amended
by striking out the 1st and 5th Circuits, because the business
of their courts did not require any alteration. The 2nd cir
cuit can not require this court any more than either of the
others ; and the Supreme Court sitting in this 3rd circuit is
sufficiently convenient to try all Equity suits that may arise
in it; so that one of these Judges can hold three courts in
the two western circuits without employing much of his time,

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 91
and this time would be employed in his term only once in
eighteen months.
"If this plan is adopted, the business of the Supreme
Court will be much curtailed. I have in my hand a state
ment of the Clerk of the Supreme Court, by which it ap
pears that fifty-one cases have been sent to the present term
of the Supreme Court, of which only twenty-five are ap
peals ; the other twenty-six are Equity cases that have been
removed to this Court, because they could not be heard in
the court below.
"I hope, Mr. Chairman, the committee will refuse to
strike out the second section of the bill, unless some gentle
man will suggest an amendment that will better suit the
views of the committee.'" On the 19th, however, it was
voted "inexpedient" 86 to 36, but Mr. Swain secured a reso
lution asking the Judiciary Committee to canvass the subject.
The episode was merely another phase of the great underly
ing constitutional revision contest.
So also was the various phases of the negro problem more
or less part of that contest. From this time on until the
end of the session it came up in one way or another. For
example, on January 23, 1827, a bill for freeing two negroes
was before the House and Morehead voted for it, but it was
lost 79 to 41, nearly two to one. On the 30th he fought a
bill restricting entry of free negroes into the state and with
somewhat the same results; but on February 2nd, he pre
sented by request a memorial on the subject from the
Quaker societies. The French Benevolent Associations of
Jamestown, Springfield and Kennett, which was promptly
laid on the table. On February 8th, his bill for emancipat
ing slaves under certain conditions was finally indefinitely
postponed 59 to 53 ; while on the same day he fought hard to
indefinitely postpone a bill to prohibit trading in slaves, ex
cept under certain conditions named, failing 42 to 64. On
the ninth, the efforts of Judge Murphy in his desire to have
the history of North Carolina written, came to action when
the Hillsboro Representative made a motion to take measures

1 Raleigh Register, Feb. 2, 1827.

92 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
to secure copies of colonial records from London; and the
same day Mr. Morehead made a motion to grant Judge Mur
phy a certain amount to enable him to write a History of
North Carolina ; but it was promptly laid on the table and the
next day he, and others, secured leave of absence for the rest
of the session.
The people of Guilford county, however, sent him back
again by their election of the summer of 1827, for that
summer was destined to be a turning point in the develop
ment of North Carolina and in the career of John Motley
Morehead. But before that occurred Mr. Morehead at
tended commencement at the University at Chapel Hill,
which proved to be a most remarkable occasion in one re
spect, namely, that eleven lawyers, in one block, appHed for
the Master's degree and all received it, among them being
John Motley Morehead, M.A., and William A. Graham,
M.A., two young men who were destined to be closely
connected in the coming years.' About the same date a
prophetic proposal was made by a distinguished engineer
and architect to build a railway down the Piedmont 1050
miles from the national capital to New Orleans, which was
to be a wood rail covered with iron and capable of provid
ing a six day trip, or even four days "under pressure."^
Then, shortly after Mr. Morehead's election in August, at
which he received 1603 votes and Mr. Simpson 1290, there
began to appear in various papers of the state a series of
public letters.
These were headed merely '"Communications," the first
was dated September 1, 1827, and a copy appeared in the
Raleigh Register of September 7th, and was signed "Carle-
ton," the name of the home of the Prince Regent of Great
Britain, "Carleton House." These appeared at close inter
vals to the number of twenty-two and the author spoke of
each one as a "Number." They were afterwards issued in
book form as "The Numbers of Carleton," and had great
power both in serial and in volume form. Following so
closely a great engineer's proposal of what has since become
^Raleigh Register, July 3, 1827.
'Ibid., July 6, 1827.

Communication.

ion THE UALKICH TIKCISTEH.

The people of ?iorti4-Caroii:ia luivc t,„
'for some year? r>H^' ^Ainced a dispdsiiiou
to facilitate ilie mkmh;; of coiumerriul in-
terourse, bolii foreij^u .md d«mestic. It
is an object in wliicli ihey iiave felt thpni-
selves *o deeplj interested, that no 3in..,!
sums have been already ex»"Ti'l«*d for i;,.
accuinr>lishnfient. The rivers Yadkin, Cape-
Fear. N'Use, Tar and Roanoke, all wuiie ^^
by "he works coiiimenced. and tiie nioniea
dV>bursfd, tliat ;-uch a \vi?.li lias been alive
in the ]"ub!ic oiind : and ?(; ucll i^aoui,
lire the many othi.'r attcfilations of i;, tluit
-to bf-|)articii!ar in llieir euutnLTatioti is iki.
necessary. It is practical protif th^tt th; ,
lijve bfeu deeply sensib'e i)f the disadvm;'-
tajrcs of their .tsiluatiim- .-.n,! iIk.v u^.... v.- -

¦ '.¦U'*>*^*» *• ^ '**'

pos^^rble. If we' would arrive ;it the {iiiM:-
e^jjSjfvorfVfourC'.Wn.try, pprs^nal or local m-
ed. ariibition oiU'** not lie %ifiw S'i-
' fisli, bolenllahieiied a.iid ^eM.tl'''^^'*''!'
-and Jfll'Otir'rfi;>r»?^nd res- ari^ji»i«s' b
-fiitlifiiljy ^ntt^-iivti-titly farf>f(f fupun ihe
-dis.i'overy'it>itr'esrabiishhicnt of the tniili.
Could -{Tip fjeojilf of :N.; Carolina, could i^io;
^(ive^tjtjr, niHj^is "r.ilts-, lei;islatt>rs and olL-
cers,4H concur' Jf)on these principles, wlxt
c ndoubl t|j.'ittrom tliat nioioerit ^lu- would
Ue|rHi to grow conspicuously in individual
'|Mj/i.oe^s-, and in strength atid pro,siic:it_v
¦ls;S;'-:.state.- o ¦
?¦.;¦:¦;¦.-,¦¦¦¦, \ CARLTON.
^Septmherlsf. 1827

First Number of the Carlton Letters
Afterwards issued as Numbers of Carlton

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 93
the greatest Piedmont line from Washington south, it was a
modest proposal compared with that, for it proposed a simi
lar line merely from Beaufort Harbor across the central
part of the whole state to the Tennessee line. It was
avowedly presented because "a vast proportion of our enter
prises for internal improvement [by water] have proved
partially or totally abortive.'" It was therefore a substitute
for deep waterways and canals, precisely like the one pro
posed in Pennsylvania, where he had once lived, and rail
way projects, which he had seen in England in 1825, were no
longer an untried thing. For the author of these public
letters was none other than President Joseph Caldwell of the
University of North Carolina, whose last illness was upon
him about the time he closed the series.^
In these letters, he shows how railway experiments have
proven them superior to canals ; and by railways or railroads,
as America preferred to call them, he meant only the road,
not the power, for both horse and steam power were in
use in England, but only horse power in the United States.
They were less costly than canals, and far more reliable the
year around; and, he writes, "It is continually evinced by
present practice, that steam can be employed in transporta
tion by a railroad"— implying if one should desire it, for
horse power was the one in mind for actual use. Indeed he
cites instances where a single horse "drew sixteen wagons,
weighing upwards of fifty-five tons, for more than six miles
along a level or very slightly decHning part of the railway."
He quotes Engineer Strickland of Philadelphia on the
"locomotive," however, as an actual fact in England — a
"gigantic automaton," he calls it. Then he takes up the
cost of a railway commenced at Newbern, extended through
Raleigh through the center of the state to Tennessee, to be
built in seven years, which would require but $100,000 a
year, divided equally between the state and private capital.
He defends Beaufort harbor and the Harlow canal as
terminals, using the tremendous growth of Rochester, N. Y.,
on the new Erie canal as an illustration. He then takes up
> Numbers of Carleton, 1828, p. 3.
= President Caldwell died at Chapel Hill, 24th January, 1835.

94 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
branch Hues to all centers north or south of this railroad,
and the cost of operation in horses, wagons and men, and
foresees trade with all the world. He then tells what a
railroad is, in detail, making much of the Mauch Chunk
railroad in Pennsylvania and the report of the "Baltimore
and Ohio Railroad Company" upon it. He also describes a
Fund and predicts an Atlantic Coast Line from Amboy,
N. J., to Savanah; and warns against Norfolk's efiforts to
get all North Carolina trade. His suggestion that one might
"breakfast in Raleigh, dine in Newbern, and arrive in Beau
fort in less than fifteen hours, including all requisite delays"
had in it a note or triumph. He thereupon proposes that the
next Assembly employ an engineer to canvass a route, and
the people to call for a Z7 cent additional poll tax ; and there
upon quotes engineering authorities. In his issue of No
vember 9th, just before the Legislature convened, he again
defends Beaufort harbor, as if he had aroused a Wilmington
hornet's nest, and shows the harbor to be only 26 miles from
the middle point of the coast line. As this was his last num
ber until spring, attention may now be turned to the Assem
bly and Representative John Motley Morehead's activities
in it. Raleigh capitol witnessed the gathering of the Solons
on November 19, 1827, but two of their leaders were not
present. Indeed this was not a House of a dominant single
leader. Morehead was the equal of any of them and
was no longer a lieutenant of Fisher of Salisbury, who was
present again. James Iredell of Edenton was another until
he was chosen Governor, while Newbern's successor to Stan
ley, William Gaston, was another who had been a member of
both houses before. Swain had not been returned. Mr.
Gaston was a native of Newbern, of Huguenot and English
stock, his mother a Roman Catholic, widowed by the Revo
lution. He was educated at Georgetown, D. C, up to his
Junior year at Princeton, and, graduating with high honors,
studied law under Francis Xavier Martin. He succeeded to
the business of (Chief Justice) John Louis Taylor, his
brother-in-law, and soon entered public life in both Assembly
and Congress, where young Daniel Webster declared him

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 95
the leader in the War Congress of 1813. He therefore came
into the House with the greatest prestige of any of them,
for even Chief Justice John Marshall was to avow in his
old age that if he was assured that Gaston would succeed
him he would resign. He was a man of great purity of
character, and was greatly beloved, but he was no more of
a leader in this session than young Morehead, who was
nearly twenty years his junior.
Mr. Morehead was not present until the 23rd, but he had
already been put on the Standing Committee on Education,
and on that day was also added to the Standing Committee
on Judiciary, which was a most important one this session.
On the 26th he was put on a Committee on Amending the
Treasury Laws, one on connecting Albemarle Sound and the
Ocean and one for a survey of a railroad to connect the Cape
Fear at Fayetteville with the upper Yadkin river, on the
27th. On the latter day he himself presented a bill concern
ing bail and costs which was referred to his Judiciary Com
mittee. On the 29th he was the one who proposed proceed
ing to the election of Governor, and he and others made sev
eral references to the Judiciary Committee. The previous
efforts at gubernatorial selection having failed, Morehead
and Blackledge joined the Senate Committee with no better
success, but later in the day, December 5th, James Iredell
was made Governor and on the following day Morehead
was one of the committee of notification and arrangements.
On this latter day, he was one of three candidates for
Solicitor General. Judge Murphy had written Thomas
Ruffin that Solicitor General Jones had resigned on Decem
ber 8th, and that Morehead was talked of. R. M. Saunders
had also written that the "contest would be between Nash,
Morehead and myself ;" but Morehead did not get it.
The month of December saw the Guilford representative
very active and aggressive. On the 1 1th when a bill came up
somewhat inimical to Quakers, Dunkards, Mennonites and
Moravians, he fought for its indefinite postponement suc
cessfully, 62 to 51. On the following day, Brevard and
Morehead were appointed on the joint committee to arrange
election of a Public or State Treasurer, to succeed the late

96 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Treasurer Haywood, and they were not successful. During
the month an unusual number of references of bills and
resolutions to the Judiciary Committee gave occasion for
Morehead to represent the committee in reporting almost
invariable rejection of them." On the 14th, the Senate re
quested a joint committee on establishment of a penitentiary
and an asylum for insane and idiots, and the House made
Mr. Morehead chairman of their section of it. And when
someone presented a bill for repeal of the Common School
act of 1825, the majority sent it to Morehead's Standing
Committee on Education, where they knew it would be
properly interred. He himself presented a bill providing for
widows when they dissent from their husband's will, and also
a Guilford county bill, while he secured an amendment to
one protecting securities. On the 27th he helped vote down
an appropriation to improve the Cape Fear below Wilming
ton, but voted for it three days later. He also favored the
creation of Macon county in the west and on the 31st had
the pleasure of reporting out rejection of the repeal bill from
the Education Committee, which killed that movement. It
became plain to the public that Mr. Morehead was a defender
of the common schools, of Quakers and like bodies, of
widows, of defectives and insane, of slaves and free negroes,
the West, of the State's history, of judicial justice and exact
legal procedure.
But on January 2nd, they were to learn that he was also
committed to the new project outlined in the Carleton Let
ters ; for on that day, a resolution was offered requesting the
Governor to tell the Secretary of War of the desire of the
Legislature that a corps of United States engineers survey a
railroad from Newbern to Tennessee through Raleigh and
the central part of the state ; and when it was read an im
mediate effort was made to postpone it indefinitely and it
failed 58 to 46 ; but when an immediate vote on passage was
taken that also failed but by only so narrow a margin as 52
to 50. This close vote was largely sectional as usual, but not
so much so as most sectional votes. Mr. Morehead was
^ One of these was a proposition to prervent the education of slaves.

Joseph Caldwell
From engraving by John Sartain of a Bust at the
University of North Carolina

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 97
among the 58 which procured its consideration, and was
among the 50 who voted for its passage. This showed the
influence of the "Carleton" Letters and also both a growing
recognition of the probable efficacy of the new mode of trans
portation as well as discouragement over the failure of the
old method, so far as North Carolina was concerned.
On adjournment on the 7th of January, 1828, Repre
sentative Morehead returned to "Blandwood;" but during
the year the "Carleton" papers continued. In April he an
swered the fear that the very facility of railways would
cause influx and competition, and soon followed this by ex
amination of cost of a level mile, making it $2649. Funds
are the subject of his next and his May numbers enforce the
effect it will have on union; and shows from history how
commerce grows. "We lay like a man of strength tied hand
and foot," he writes. In July he takes up the action of
Maryland, where, on July 4th, ground was first broken for
a canal connecting the Chesapeake and Ohio — a distance of
400 miles — and also the first blow was struck for construct
ing a railway for the same purpose, more than 340 miles
long. South Carolina already proposes three railroads from
Charleston, namely, to Augusta, Columbia, and Camden;
while the Massachusetts Assembly have just taken measures
for a line from Boston to Albany. Here he first calls it
"The Central Railroad," of North Carolina. Then he tells
in detail the history of railroad development up to that time,
and closes with the cry of Themistocles, the Athenian:
"Aye, strike if you will, but Hear!"
Thereupon on August 1, 1828, at Albright's, in Chatham
county, over two hundred citizens of that county, Randolph,
Guilford and Orange met and appointed a committee to
formulate and issue an "Address" to the people of the State
in favor of "A Central Railroad." Mr. James Mebane was
made chairman. The address shows how increased popu
lation and consequently production have made stagnation
because of no outlet or inlet to commerce ; and urges popular
meetings over the state to further the idea, and especially to
ask the next Assembly to make an experimental railway
from the market house in Fayetteville to the wharf a short

98 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
distance below at Campbellton, the port of Fayetteville, head
of navigation on the Cape Fear. Also to ask the Assembly
to provide for survey of "The Central Railroad." This "ad
dress" was prepared by President Caldwell as chairman of
a committee and it embodied in some measure the thoughts
of his main address before this meeting. A committee of
three from each of the four counties. President Caldwell,
chairman, was appointed to carry on a correspondence and
provide promotion of the aims of the meeting. The
"Carleton" papers were continued during the fall, appeal
ing to the farmers and avowing "A Central Railroad" to be
"The Poor Man's Cause." Mr. Morehead would naturally
have been in this meeting, but, if so, he is not mentioned
among those who were active in it. Early in September the
Newbern Spectator announced a meeting to cooperate with
the Chatham meeting, on September 4th, at which meeting
William Gaston was made chairman of the promotion com
mittee. Even the Wilmington Recorder came out in favor
of it and praised the essays of "Carleton." And on Novem
ber 17th, even the chief executive. Governor James Iredell,
in his message, favored it; and in doing so, made probably
the most concise statement of the heart of North Carolina's
problems that has been made :
"There are three great outlets to the ocean," he writes
to the Assembly, "which nature seems to have indicated for
this State: one for the waters of the Albemarle, another
for the waters of the Pamptico [later Pamlico] , and the third
for the Cape Fear. The Albemarle Sound, in length about
seventy miles, with a uniform depth of not less than twenty
feet, receiving into its bosom, besides other rivers of no in
considerable importance, the Roanoke, the noblest river that
traverses our State, finds its communication with the ocean
impeded by a sand bar not eight hundred yards in width.
All the produce which floats on its waters, after coming
within sight of the Atlantic, must seek that ocean by a nar
row strait into Pamptico Sound, through that sound a dis
tance of eighty or ninety miles, over dangerous shoals, and
through the Ocracock [later Ocracoke] Inlet. Nine-tenths
of the navigation of that part of the State (as indeed of

OTHER STATE PROBLEMS 99
every other part) are directed to New York as the best
market ; and, by inspection of the map, it will be seen that,
in passing through Ocracock Inlet and proceeding to New
York, a vessel descending the Albemarle, must sail more
than one hundred miles to reach a point on the coast, not five
miles distant from that at which it was compelled to pass
into Pamptico Sound. The importance of opening a direct
communication from the Albemarle to the ocean, cannot be
urged in a more forcible manner than by stating the extent
of territory which would find a market for its productions,
and a diminished price of transportation through the chan
nel. The Roanoke River is now rendered navigable for
bateaux from its mouth to the Blue Ridge, in Virginia, and
to Leaksville, in this State. In both States its branches are
susceptible of improvement to much higher points. There
is perhaps no river east of the Mississippi, which, in propor
tion to its extent, washes a more fertile soil. The rich pro
ductions of its adjacent territory have become, both in this
State and in Virginia, almost proverbial. In this State
alone, at least eleven counties would find it the most natural
and convenient highway to market. Add to these eight
counties, through which flow the Chowan, the Casbie, the
Perquimans, the Pasquotank, the North, the Scuppernong,
and the Aligator Rivers, each of a depth not less than 12 or
15 feet, which convey the produce of a highly fertile coun
try, and which contribute to form or to swell the current of
the Albemarle ; and you will see that the agricultural inter
ests of nearly one-third of the State is deeply concerned in
the accomplishment of this work. . . ."
He then speaks of the shoal which was the greatest im
pediment to navigation through the Ocracoke, namely, the
"Swash" and government experiments at running it. If
this failed, a ship channel to unite the lower part of Neuse
River with Beaufort Harbor, "perhaps the most commodious
harbor in the State," was the next most plausible project.
The Neuse's improvement almost up to Raleigh, which ren
dered a bateau navigation safe eight or nine months of the
year, was noted. Cape Fear outlet was noted next, and the
fact that all the western counties, that used North Carolina

100 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
ports at all, would use this through Fayetteville, as the
highest point for steamboat navigation nine months of the
year, with bateau navigation still higher, and with Wilming
ton as its port. He notes that the shoals below Wilming
ton are much improved and will soon form no obstacle.
He advocated port perfection first, then river improvement ;
then roads or canals from western counties to Fayetteville
and counties connected with the Roanoke and other rivers.
He spoke conservatively of "Railroads" and experiments
with them, especially the latest one to connect the Ohio with
Baltimore. He favored a similar experiment with a "Rail
way" from Fayetteville to Campbellton, a landing on Cape
Fear River, and he praised the "Carleton" papers.'
But if Mr. Morehead was not active in these prelimi
naries, it was because he was engaged in a far larger game,
through which he would be able, in due time, to lift the
project with greater power, for the gentleman from Guil
ford was then an Elector for General Andrew Jackson.
^Raleigh Register, 21st November, 1828.

VII
Measures for Development
AND
Its Organ, a New Constitution
1828
On December 3, 1828, the members of the Electoral Col
lege of North Carolina met in the Senate Chamber of the
old brick capitol at Raleigh. There were fifteen of them,
about one-third of whom were venerable men with three-
score-and-ten to their credit. General Mountfort Stokes
was made chairman, and Hon. Willie P. Mangum was
probably the most distinguished among them; then there
were Edward P. Dudley of Wilmington, Richard Dobbs
Spaight, Jr., both eastern men, and John Motley Morehead
from the west. Four years before young Morehead had
been the only active friend of General Jackson in Guilford
county, and the east had been against this "People's Candi
date ;" but now the state was united on this political Lochin-
var out of the West, and the Guilford county elector saw his
favorite candidate of four years before not only the unani
mous choice of this electoral college, but of that of the nation
as well. The great fact, however, was that the east had
turned and followed the west for the first time, in both state
and nation. These men were the leaders of it in North
Carolina. Morehead and Spaight conducted the balloting
with a solid vote for Jackson and Calhoun. Indeed the state
at large had gone overwhelmingly for the North Carolina
lawyer who had become a Tennessean ; only seven counties
in the whole commonwealth went against him and one of
these was Morehead's own county, Guilford, which went
almost two to one for Adams, the greatest majority that can
didate received.
The contest had been a fierce one all over the land. It
was a period of breaking up, with a new generation coming
101

102 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
to the front. "This country," says the Raleigh Register of
July 22, 1828, "bids fair to contain as many parties in politics
as there are sects in religion. Formerly there were two
national creeds, now we have nearly a dozen; and as they
have multiplied so fast of late, it is impossible to predict
how many there may be a few years hence." The feeling
was intense also: At a Jackson barbecue in Pennsylvania,
in the autumn, a toast was oflfered : "John Quincy Adams —
may he take sick on Monday ! Send for the Doctor on Tues

day !
day !
day 1

Get worse on Wednesday ! ! ! No better on Thurs-
! ! Die on Friday ! ! ! ! ! Be buried on Satur-
! ! ! ! And go to Hell on Sunday !!!!!!!" The
South Carolinians had the same feeling, but, on one occasion,
expressed it more classically : "Adams, Clay & Co. — Would
to God they were like Jonah in the whale's belly ; the whale
to the devil; the devil in hell; and the doors locked, key
lost and not a son of Vulcan within a million .miles to make
another !" There was no such ebullition in North Carolina,
for the revolution there had been so overwhelming that the
result was a great rebuke to the State's Congressmen who
had nullified the vote of their Electoral College of four years
before.' It was also a victory for the western part of the
State and in that much for John Motley Morehead of
Greensboro; and it was prophetic of greater changes to
come. Busy as Mr. Morehead was in his profession, his mind
teemed with all sorts of development; and the interest in
railroads, which President Caldwell in his "Carleton" letters
had awakened, was accompanied by a new belief in manufac
tures. The manufacture of cotton into yarn, at the falls of
the Tar river, was the oldest factory, and it had recently
shipped twenty bales of yarn, according to the Tarboro Free
Press. Another factory was at Fayetteville, head of navi-
^ Hon. Edwin Godwin Reade, in an address before the North Carolina Bar
Association, in 1884, says that in April, 1828, two lawyers were to fight a duel
because one of them had reflected on the character of Mrs. President Adams.
The bearer of the challenge was told his principal was a scoundrel and he
himself could have a fight if he wanted it The bearer accepted it, but was
just then already bound over to keep the peace in another matter, and this
raised the question whether his bond would be forfeited if they went over the
state boundary to fight The two submitted it to Mr. Morehead and his old
Latin preceptor, Thomas Settle, and in a written opinion they said it would
forfeit the bond. The belligerents thereupon subsided.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 103
gation on the Cape Fear, and another in the far west in
Lincoln county, west of Charlotte. On October 14th, the
Greensboro Patriot gave notice of a meeting to organize
manufacturing and to apply for incorporation of a new mill ;
while on November 8th, a Hke meeting was held at Salis
bury, Rowan county, and a similar one for both cotton and
woolen factories in the adjoining county of Iredell, at its
Court House, on the 17th. They cited the successful opera
tion of the Tar river factory, and those at Fayetteville and
in Lincoln county. This had been, in great measure, stimu
lated by Charles Fisher's wool report of January 1st, previ
ously, in which he had shown that the balance of trade for
several years had been so greatly against North Carolina,
that she was probably $10,000,000 behind. Why should she
buy flour in the north ? Why buy pork in New York ? Or
hogs in Kentucky and Tennessee ? Cotton and tobacco were
the only things exported from the west part of the state and
rice and naval stores all from the seaboard. The introduc
tion of the manufacturing systems and railroads, of course,
was the remedy. The state ships 80,000 bales of cotton at
$2,400,000, which, if manufactured, would bring $9,600,000!
— a gain of $7,200,000! It would give occupation, arrest
emigration, and build towns like Lowell, Mass., which, six
years ago, was nothing and now has 6000 population.
John Motley Morehead was also behind this public agi
tation during 1828, and was acting personally, too. Leaks
ville, near his old home in Rockingham county, was the head
of bateau navigation on the Dan-Roanoke and he, his father
and brothers owned land in the region.' He and his brother,
Samuel, established a big combination business there which
developed into various kinds of mills, cotton and otherwise,
general merchandise and supplies of all kinds. He later
had occasion to tell the people the relation of this enter
prise to his temporary retirement from public life in 1828:
"The very extraordinary support which you gave me in

^ This land was first acquired by his father, John Morehead, after Leaks
ville was laid out, on the bdief that this town would become the head of Dan
and Roanoke navigation to a far more considerable degree than it ever has.
Spray was then a part of Leaksville. It was this investment, it is said, that
finally made John Morehead fail.

104 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
1827, after having been representative in 1826, was, to me,
the most gratifying evidence of your approbation of the
manner in which I had discharged the duties with which
your kindness had entrusted me. My removal to Greens-
borough to settle myself among you, and the loss of my
brother, to whose care I had entrusted, almost exclusively,
the management of a considerable mercantile establishment,
the concerns of which devolved entirely upon me after his
death, rendered it extremely inconvenient for me to
solicit re-election in 1828; and which I could not have
accepted without a personal sacrifice not required by my
friends, and which my opponents had no right to demand.'"
This was his brother, Samuel, who died on September 17,
1828. There was one office, however, that, a few months
after his brother's death, Mr. Morehead did accept. His
friends had put him up for this office once before, without
success, as has been seen; but early in January, after the
aged Nathaniel Macon and Archibald R. Ruffin had resigned
as Trustees of the University of North Carolina, the Assem
bly in an election on January 5, 1829, selected Mr. More-
head first among five new trusteees. Almost ten years later,
they chose his brother, James Turner Morehead as Trustee,
also; and the two served together for nearly thirty years,
while John Motley, in serving the rest of his life, was des
tined to aid in guiding the development of his alma mater
for but a dozen years less than a half-century, one of the
longest services in the history of the institution. In that
long period he served with such distinguished men as Archi
bald DeBow Murphy, William Gaston, Dr. Joseph Caldwell,
Dr. James Mebane, Dr. McPheeters, Governor James Ire
dell, Chief Justice Thomas Ruffin, Secretary of the Navy
George E. Badger, Hon. Willie P. Mangum, Hon. R. M.
Saunders, Dr. Francis L. Hawks, Hon. Thomas Settle,
President David L. Swain, Hon. Wm. A. Graham, Bar
tholomew F. Moore, Hon. John M. Dick, Gov. D. S. Reid,
and many others, few or none of whom served so long.
Nor was he a figure-head as a trustee, but for nearly forty
^ A public "address" in the Greensboro Patriot of July 11, 1832.

The Original Cotton Mill
at Spray, N. C.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT lOS
years — over thirty-eight, to be exact— he had a positive in
fluence in the development of this great institution.
All of the general activity in manufactures and banking
in 1829 and on was accompanied by activity in transporta
tion and this centered to a remarkable degree about the
Roanoke valley, of which President Caldwell had occasion
to say, in the Senate of North Carolina late in 1829, while
speaking of the Baltimore and Ohio raiload project, and the
Georgetown and Ohio canal : "If we were to lay our hand
upon the region of our own state, the brightest for affluence
and efficient ability, it would fall upon the Roanoke with the
portion of country that enjoys its privileges and prospects."
And when during March, 1829, Delaware voted a railroad
from New Castle on the Delaware Bay to head of navi
gation on Elk river at the head of the Chesapeake, when in
April Baltimore and Ohio engineers returned from Europe
announcing that steam "locomotives" were built that could
pull up a grade four times any elevation on their survey, and
that the Liverpool and Manchester railroad was to be built
through to London as soon as Parliament passed an act;
that the Baltimore line had experimented with a freight car
loaded to 8260 pounds that one man moved easily ; and that
Massachusetts had in June authorized railroad construction
across the state west and to Providence, R. I., and that 120
tons of railroad iron had just arrived in Charleston, S. C,
for their new fines ; that with the completion of the Dismal
swamp canal, there were now eight vessels on the line be
tween Weldon, at the Roanoke rapids, and Norfolk — then
it was that a Virginia port rival to Norfolk, namely, Peters
burg, on the Appomattox, not far from where it empties
into the James — also a rival to Richmond — began taking
measures to tap this rich Roanoke valley, not with canals,
but with a railroad, and a survey was announced late in Oc
tober, the objective also being Weldon.' This project was

1 Raleigh Register, 3rd November, 1829. A month or so later the Liverpool
and Manchester Railway had offered £500 for the best locomotive and the
"Rocket** won. By tlie following June passengers arrived from Baltimore to
Washington. A single horse drew a carriage weighing more than a ton, on
which were 28 persons and they came at the rate of 15 miles an hour. "This
was done, too, with much apparent ease, for the traces did not seem half the
time to be strained at all.'* Raleigh Register, 3rd June, 1830.

106 - JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
destined to be the most influential event in the transportation
history of North Carolina as well as Virginia; and soon led
the upper Roanoke to demand a canal around the rapids
above Weldon. It was inaugurated the following February.
About the same time, October 28, 1829, a big meeting was
also held in Beaufort to further the project of a ship canal
to connect its harbor with the Pamlico and so with the Albe
marle and Roanoke.'
Virginia was stirring North Carolina vigorously in an
other way, also, for the conservative eastern counties, which
had heretofore quoted the Old Dominion's conservatism in
not touching their constitution of 1776, could do so no
longer. Agitation had begun in the spring and in April the
aged Chief Justice Marshall had agreed to serve in the con
vention, while by June lists of delegates were published and
in October the people of the Old North State began to read
the proceedings of the convention and realize that the old
constitution of 1776 in their sister state must go. Probably
no one event was more calculated to revive the old east and
west division in North Carolina over revision of her own
fundamental law. President Jackson's election might con
solidate the state for the moment, but the deep purpose of
the Piedmont and Mountains to have proper representa
tion was not to be denied much longer. Indeed, by June,
1830, proposals for a Convention were widely discussed, and
the Fayetteville Observer drew attention to the fact that this
ought not to be an east and west division — let it be as it was
in 1787, when a Warren county man proposed it (Philemon
Hawkins), or in 1788 when a Craven county representative,
Richard Dobbs Spaight, urged it.^
This agitation was reinforced by the results of the new
census of 1830, which showed injustice of representation
was greatly intensified. The seven largest counties in popu
lation were all western, if Wake be included, and she often

^ It is startling to most readers to learn that North Carolina had 3100 In
dians within her borders at this time, out of the 312,300 in the United States.
New York had still more and Mississippi had most About 20,200 were be;
tween the Mississippi, Illinois and the Lakes; 94,300 between the Mississippi
and the Rockies, above Missouri, and west of Arkansas and Louisiana; 20,000
in the Rockies and 80,000 west of them.
^ Raleigh Register, June 24, 1830.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 107
was: 1. Orange, the largest, with 23,875; 2. Lincoln;
3. Rowan; 4. Wake; 5. Mecklenburg; 6. Granville; and
7. Guilford— Mr. Morehead's county, with 18,735. Indeed,
excepting Halifax, the next seven largest counties were
western, too: 1. Burke; 2. Rutherford; 3. Buncombe; 4.
Stokes; 5. Iredell; 6. Chatham; 7. Caswell, before an east
ern county is reached. Furthermore, omitting Edgecombe,
Craven and Northampton, the next six largest are also west
ern: 1. Cumberland; 2. Surry; 3. Anson; 4. Davidson;
5. Rockingham ; 6. Randolph. Two more, out of 36, above
10,000, in the whole 64, were western. The increase in
population for the decade had been nearly 100,000 and
mostly in the west. Newbern, 3796, was still the largest
town, and Greensboro came up to 562. There was an in
crease of nearly 5(XX) in free negroes — nearly 20,000 — the
greatest number being in HaHfax, the other counties having
more than 500 each being Pasquotank, Craven, Hartford,
Northampton, Guilford, Martin, Surry, Wake, Granville,
Cumberland, Orange and Robeson. Halifax and Granville
had the most slaves.'
The public mind was awakening to many new ideas : The
confining of capital punishment to first degree murder was
one ; abolition of imprisonment for debt was another ; there
was wide-spread organization for more scientific agriculture ;
new transportation methods have already been noted; also
manufacturing; in addition to these came mining; silk cul
ture was also advocated; the advance of public education
was not the least of these agitations, and colonization of
negroes was an earnest theme. The tariff of 1828 had
already brought much talk of nullification, by South Caro
lina particularly, but North CaroHna had no sympathy with
it. This so incensed the Charleston leaders that one of them
succeeded in attaching the epithet "Rip Van Winkle" to the
"Old North State" soon after; but that state had gone
unanimously for President Jackson and he was not asleep on
nullification. Indeed the North Carolina House of Com-

^By January, 1831, the Quakers had freed and removed 652 slavea with
chUdren at a cost of about $13,000.

108 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
mons, in January, 1831, passed a resolution against "this
unhallowed thing!"
In this latter Assembly, fearing a fire in the old brick
capitol, provision was made to replace the shingle roof with
tin; and when the change was being carried out in June,
1831, the very thing feared, which tinners were at work with
solder to prevent, was, on Tuesday, the 21st, apparently
caused by one of the workmen, and the old brick capitol went
up in flames, destroying the famous Canova statue of Wash
ington in the rotunda. This comparatively insignificant
event was the turning point in the development of North
Carolina, strange as that may seem; and it was because it
again raised the question of location of the state's capital
and opened a Pandora's box of rivalries that were to involve
the most vital questions to the commonwealth. For Fayette
ville, daughter of Wilmington, on the Cape Fear, was am
bitious to be mistress of the state, and Wilmington and the
Cape Fear valley were in sympathy with it and the West saw
in it a mode of furthering her two most important measures :
a new constitution and central railroad. The former once
settled, the latter would follow. The feature which made
this possible was the fact that the capital had been settled
at Raleigh by the state Ordinance of 1788, a convention
measure and hence of the character of part of the consti
tution, which only a new convention could change. The
matter was precipitated in the Assembly of 1831-32, held at
Government House, or the executive mansion, at the foot of
Fayetteville street just outside of Raleigh.
The beautiful chess-like game was as follows : First, on
November 25th, Senator Seawell, of Raleigh, offered a bill
to rebuild the capitol on Unon Square. Then, on December
8th, Senator Martin of Rockingham, 32 to 31, got it post
poned a year. Next, on December 10, 1831, Senator Dis-
hough of Onslow county, on the coast below Beaufort, called
for a joint committee to consider a railroad or railroad and
canal from Old Topsail Inlet, the entrance to Beaufort Har
bor, through the central part of the State to the mountains,
whereupon it was amended to include a Fayetteville-Yadkin
valley road and one from Chatham, southwest to Raleigh, up

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 109
to the Roanoke to join the Pettersburg road when it should
be completed. These were assigned to the joint committee.
On December 16th, James Harper of Greene, an eastern
county, presented a bill in the Commons to rebuild the capitol
in Union Square, Raleigh, and it was referred to the commit
tee of the whole House on the 21st. On this latter day be
fore the Commons proceeded to the capitol matter, William
Gaston, the distinguished Newbern member, reported from
the joint committee bills to incorporate the "North Carolina
Central Railroad Company," Beaufort harbor to Newbern,
Raleigh and the west, and the Cape Fear- Yadkin Railroad.
Immediately thereafter the committee of the whole House
began consideration of the rebuilding of the capitol. It be
gan to be evident that the West, headed by Mr. Morehead's
old district, which was both a Cape Fear valley and a West
ern district, had decided to hold over the East a threat to join
the lower Cape Fear Valley and remove the capitol to
Fayetteville, unless the East joined the West in securing a
new constitution and a central railroad from Beaufort har
bor. Even on the 8th of December, Senator Seawell saw
the combination: "Who," said he, "are the people who
find fault with the constitution? The people of the West,
who want more power; the people of the Cape Fear, who
want the seat of government. The small counties on the
Cape Fear, with a black population, in some instances greater
than the white, are by this compromise to surrender the right
of representation to the West, provided the West will cede
them the seat of government. ... I perceive. Sir, by
the newspapers, that our enterprising brethren of the West
contemplate the project of a railroad from the back country
to Old Topsail Inlet. God speed their undertaking and give
it success." Senator Toomer of Fayetteville, answered him :
"The scepter is passing away from Judah," said he, "empire
is marching westwardly ; in that section population is increas
ing. We have seen the grandeur of the eastern, and enjoyed
the splendor of the meridian sun ; we must now admire his
beauty in the west. Fifty-five years have devolved since the
constitution was formed. During that period many changes,
moral, political, and physical, have occurred in the condition

no JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
of our country, and the character of our people. Yes, a new
country has appeared, and a new population has arisen in
the west." So when it came up in the Commons on the
21st, 22nd, and 23rd of December, William Gaston made
one of the most impassioned pleas of his life for it. He said
there were but 13 smaller Cape Fear valley counties of the
64 that had any real interest in it, but there were 30 that
abhorred it and would not stand for it in the end. He said it
was being done by a dominant Jackson party, upheld by
Crawford adherents — another political combination. He
said these 13 counties were selling their equality of represen
tation, their birthright, for a mess of pottage! And when
he finished, the battle was lost to those who wanted the new
capitol — in Raleigh — 68 to 65. The 68 were : from Anson,
2 ; Ashe, 2 ; Bladin, 2 ; Brunswick, 2 ; Buncombe, 2 ; Burke,
2; Cabarrus, 2; Caswell, 2; Chatham, 2; Columbus, 2;
Cumberland, 2 ; Davidson, 2 ; Duplin, 1 ; Guilford, 2 ; Hay
wood, 2 ; Iredell, 2 ; Lincoln, 2 ; Macon, 2 ; Mecklenburg, 2 ;
Montgomery, 2 ; Moore, 2 ; New Hanover, 2 ; Onslow, 1 ;
Orange, 2; Randolph, 2; Richmond, 2; Robeson, 2; Rock
ingham, 2; Rowan, 2; Rutherford, 2; Sampson, 2; Stokes,
2; Surry, 2; Wilkes, 2; Wilmington, 1; Fayetteville, 1.
The italicized names are those which joined Wilmington and
Fayetteville for the West. This was the first successful
battle of the West, unless the Jackson West's capture of the
Crawford forces could be called the first. It should be ob
served, however, that this 68-to-65 vote was merely negative,
so far as capital removal was concerned; and that Mr. Gas
ton and other eastern men had served a warning on Wil
mington and the lower Cape Fear in the form of a Beaufort
harbor-Central Railroad Bill.
It was now to be a struggle between the Cape Fear and
lower Roanoke for the favor of the West, which boded well
for both a new constitution and a Central Railroad. For
the West had said merely "The capitol question is still open,
so far as the Commons is concerned; we will wait and see
what you will do." Thereupon, they put forth further oppor
tunity of test, when Senator Dick of Guilford county, on
the 28th, presented a preamble and resolutions calling for

Map of North Carolina, 1831
Prepared by the author
Showing eastern counties that joined the west, 68 to 65 votes, Duplin and Onslow divided

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 111
the election of a Constitutional Convention, a chief feature
of which was practical representation according to popula
tion by giving the largest counties four votes each and the
rest graduated down to one each for the smallest. Two
days later the Central Railroad bill was pushed forward
and on January 6, 1832, the main bill was passed, but not the
completed bill. Thereupon the Senator from Granville, on
the 9th, tried to reintroduce the capitol bill and, after a fight
that lasted to the 11th, it was ruled out by but one vote, re
maining postponed until next Assembly. This was the West's
notification that the capitol question must await the out
come of the convention question ; and it was well they did so,
for on January 4, 1832, Senator Louis D. Wilson of Edge
combe made a determined effort to have it postponed in
definitely and succeeded by a vote of 42 to 21. So both
capitol and convention were postponed for another year,
and the honors were even, between the east and the west,
with the West in possession of her railroad bills.'
A curious feature of the situation, however, was the fact
that Raleigh's friends, so confident of keeping the capital,
had anticipated the Fayetteville-Campbellton "Experimental
Railroad" of a mile or so, and in February, 1830, had se
cured incorporation of their own "Experimental Railroad,"
designing to run it from capitol or "Union Square" to the
quarry, a mile or so southeastward, to also haul stone for
the new capitol, when it should be ordered. It went east
ward from the capitol, on Newbern, to Bloodworth, then
south to East Hargett, then east to Tarboro and south
again to the quarry. All railroads were "experimental"
ones ; but by "experimental" they meant not only mechanical
experiment, but psychological and political experiment.
They proposed to have not merely a railroad track and
freight wagons, but "handsome cars on it for such ladies
and gentlemen as may desire to take the exercise of
a Railroad airing," a feature that was accomplished not

^The year 1831 was characterized by slave insurrection to an unustial de
gree. In August there was one in Virginia and m September one in the
counties of Duplin, Sampson, and others near Wilmington were nipped in the
bud. These followed one in Charleston that was apparently started by Haytian

negroes.

112 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
many months later.' This feature was designed to convince
Solons and other Xorth CaroHna visitors to the capital, by
actual experience with a railroad, what a good thing the
North Carolina Central Railroad would be ; for the progress
of the Petersburg and Roanoke Railroad toward the Roa
noke valley, and the effect it was having on the shipments
from the Roanoke, even before it reached there, was causing
intense thought on the subject in the southern part of the
state and in Wilmington especially. Before the close of 1832
Halifax was saying she was getting goods and shipping them
much quicker, even though it was only 30 miles from
Petersburg, and a good way from the Roanoke, yet.
In view of these things, it is not strange that John Mot
ley Morehead's motto, Quiescere non Possum, should be
come acutely active in his consciousness, for by the time
"The Experimental Railroad" was organized in July, 1832,
the friends of President Jackson had nominated him for
Presidential Elector again. Of this The Greensborough
Patriot of July 11, 1832, says of the Jackson connection in
that place, after coming out for that ticket, "then for
dulcifying the pill which the Divil would hate to swallow,
without something to give it a relish, 'a member' very gravely
asserts that John M. Morehead, Esq., stands pledged to sup
port the above ticket. If this pledge was given at all, it
must have been given in confidence, to 'the member' alone,
for we never heard such a thing in these Capes ! It is true,
the gentleman in question has been nominated by the friends
of the present administration, as an elector on the Jackson
ticket; but Van Buren was never named, and only remem
bered to be depised, in the several meetings which made
and sustained the nomination. Mr. Morehead is properly
pledged to support the Jackson ticket, if chosen as an elec
tor; but who ever authorized 'the member' to cram Van
Buren down his throat?"

'^Raleigh Register, 28th December, 1832. The first meeting of stockholders
was on June 29, 1832, and the organization took place at the Ralei^ Court
House on July 6th, with Joseph Gales as President By September 10th, their
iron rails were at Petersburg and by January, 1833, the road was finished, and
possessed two cars and three horses. Minutes of the Managers* Board, His
torical Commission, Raleigh.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 113
On the same day as the above, Mr. Morehead issued a
"Circular to the Freemen of Guilford County," in which he
says: "Fellow Citizens: The very extraordinary support
which you gave me in 1827, after having been your repre
sentative in 1826, was, to me, the most gratifying evidence
of your approbation of the manner in which I had dis
charged the duties with which your kindness had
entrusted me.
"My removal to Greensborough to settle myself perma
nently among you, and the loss of my brother, to whose care
I had entrusted, almost exclusively, the management of a
considerable mercantile establishment, the concerns of which
devolved entirely upon me after his death, rendered it ex
tremely inconvenient for me to solicit a re-election in 1828 ;
and which I could not have accepted without a personal sac
rifice not required by my friends, and which my opponents
had no right to demand.
"Our late worthy Senator having declined a re-election,
I became a candidate to represent you in the next Senate.
I was induced to do so for diverse reasons : — Our next legis
lature will be a very important one ; — Matters in which the
state and yourselves have the deepest interest, will, no doubt,
be agitated. The subject of holding a convention, to revise
and amend our constitution, and remove the seat of govern
ment, if it shall be the people's will ; the establishment of a
bank, by which the interest of the state and her citizens shall
be advanced and secured, and a sound and sufficient cur
rency, now so much needed, be afforded for all commercial
purposes ; — Investments in railroads, on a plan, wild and ex
travagant, or prudent, economical and judicious; and an
appropriation for rebuilding your capitol ; and diverse other
matters of equal or minor importance.
"You who pay the least attention to the interests of our
State, know that the next session will present an important
crisis in our affairs. And you must be satisfied that at no
time, has it been more desirable that the West should send
to our next legislature the whole force of her moral and
intellectual strength. And it is to be lamented that some
of the most efficient, able and distinguished members of the

114 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
last session, from the \\'est, are not before the people for a
re-election. "Some of you, my fellow citizens, as well as some other
citizens of the state, were kind enough to signify to me the
favorable opinion that I could be of ser\'ice to my country
and state in the next legislature, and that I would in some
degree, add to the weight and character of the Western rep
resentation. This favorable expression was accompanied
with a request that I would tender my services to the people.
Believing it the duty of every citizen to render service when
ever required, I came to the conclusion to tender you my
services, however much it might be against my inclinations
and interests, if no other citizen should do so.
"At May term of your court, having understood that it
was probable Jonathan Parker and Francis L. Simpson,
Esqrs., would be candidates in the Senate, I applied in
person to Mr. Simpson, between whom and myself the most
friendly relations have existed from our first acquaintance,
to know whether he had any such designs, at the same time
assuring him of my determination not to become a candi
date, if any other person of respectability did so. Mr.
Simpson replied, that he was determined Mr. Parker should
have opposition if he became a candidate ; and that he would
oppose him unless I would do so. I again stated to Mr.
Simpson that I was determined not to become a candidate,
if himself, Mr. Parker, or any other respectable citizen chose
to do so — as I was determined to have no contest with any
person. To this Mr. Simpson replied, that the friendly re
lations which had existed between us forbade our oppo
sition; and he was kind enough to say, that my becoming
a candidate met his entire approbation. He also assured me
in the most positive and unequivocal terms, that he would
not become a candidate for the Senate if I would tender my
services. I thanked him for his renewed but not unexpected
evidence of his friendship, and assured him that I should
become a candidate, if Mr. Parker, or some other citizen
did not.
"Not until Friday of the same court, did I know certainly

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT US
that Mr. Parker would not offer ; and no other citizen com
ing forward on that day, I tendered you my services.
"And I assure you, fellow citizens, that I should have
been again proud to represent the intelligent freemen of
Guilford, if it had met their approbation — if I would have
done so with honor to myself and usefulness to them. And
as an earnest of the future, I would have referred you to past
services I have rendered you. During the two sessions I had
the honor to represent you, I have not heard the first com
plaint; and I was not, during that time, a mere cypher,
counting only when on the right of a figure!
"Scarcely had my name been announced, when the ever
busy tongue of slander commenced its worthy work. The
public ear was filled with suspicions, jealousies and slanders,
the most ridiculous and unfounded. And there were some,
whose good opinion I desire and respect, affected to give
some credence.
"In all communities there will be a noisy herd, who utter
a senseless clamour and gladly listen to, and circulate every
thing that is destructive of a neighbor's character. If I had
found the opposition to me confined to this class, I should
certainly have disregarded it; but when I find those, whose
good opinion I esteem, attributing to me unworthy and un
founded motives for tendering to them my services, and,
instead of giving me their support, pursuing me with jealous
suspicions — I have for them, too much regard, to any longer
trouble and disquiet them.
"I desire to render services to my state, and the honor
of representing the freemen of Guilford, is, and will be at
all times, to me, a sufficient motive to tender them my ser
vices, whenever I may deem them acceptable. And I shall
deplore the condition of our common country, when the
feelings of patriotism shall become so far extinguished, as
not to be a sufficient inducement to serve the public — and
when, to receive the suffrages of freemen, shall cease to be
an honor."I find myself unexpectedly opposed by Mr. Francis L.
Simpson. This is an opposition which no man could have
anticipated after what had passed between us unless he

116 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
were much better acquainted with Mr. Simpson, than I con
fess I was !
"Whether the idle clamours against me have offered
him temptations he could not resist; whether a fickle
disposition could not bear the yoke an honorable pledge had
imposed; or whether an anxiety to play the bravo, flourish
the candidate a few days and then retire, as on a former
occasion — has been the cause of his course, I know not.
"But whatever the cause may be, I sincerely regret it ; —
not that I could have anything to fear from such a contest.
The language which you have heretofore spoken through
your ballot-box, to both of us, when canvassing for the
same seat, was too intelligible for the most consummate
vanity to misunderstand. And even if anything was to have
been apprehended, in a fair and honorable contest — now,
that apprehension would be certainly removed!
"The same busy tongue which has traduced me, and
abused you, will attribute my withdrawal to an apprehension
of the result of the contest. Can you expect anything else
from that mind, in which a noble emotion never arose — in
which a generous sentiment, a disinterested motive, honest
candour, or veracity has no abiding place?
"I stated to you, my fellow citizens, in my first declara
tion, that I wished not to have a contest for the place — I am
still determined to have none ; and beg you to consider me no
longer a candidate before you.
"To have been your representative by a respectable ma
jority; and yet to have been opposed and suspected by an
honorable minority, would have rendered my seat unpleas
ant, particularly at a time when every Western representa
tive should be untrammelled ; and should unite all our intel
lectual energies and strength for the advancement of our
common good.
"A seat in the legislature is pleasant to him who is con
tent to obtain it by any and every means, however degrad
ing or unjustifiable — who is content to screw himself into
some obscure corner of the legislative hall, equally incapable
of originating or sustaining any great and useful public

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 117
measure, and from his snug retreat, to cry 'Aye' or 'No' to
every question put, regardless of the propriety of the vote he
is giving— but regarding strictly how he thinks it will go
down at home; — who draws his pay — chuckles over it —
returns home — and tells what wonders 'we have done I' — but
never tells that stubborn truth :— '/ got my pay, but I did not
earn it!'
"Far different are the feelings of that honorable member
who takes his seat, deeply impressed with the magnitude of
the responsibility he has assumed — who reflects, under the
obligations of an oath, that he is legislating upon the lives,
the liberties and fortunes of his fellow men ; and that after
ages may be affected by an error in his course — who votes
for the public good, regardless of popular clamour, returns
among his constituents, convinces them of their error,
and again receives their support.
"While a portion of the community remain ignorant and
unsuspecting, for the artful and designing demagogue to
play upon and deceive; and the more intelligent give ear
and countenance to idle clamour and unfounded reports,
you will find your legislative halls filled with the former
class of representatives, while the latter never attempt to
stem that torrent of scurrility which lies between them and
an honorable seat.
"If you have anything on earth to give your children,
vest it in the head — in every sense of the word, it is a life
estate. "If you have talents, wisdom and integrity among you,
and that you have there can be no doubt, I conjure you,
fellow-citizens, if you ever intend to employ them, to do so
now. A more propitious time will never arrive.
"Most joyfully wiU I join with you, to place that one of
you, most distinguished for these attributes, in that seat I so
lately sought to occupy — indulging the fond hopes, that the
able and distinguished individual, who may occupy it, will do
honor to himself and his constituents, and will sustain and
advance the interests of our beloved country.
"Accept, fellow citizens, a renewal of my thanks for the

118 JOHN AIOTLEY MOREHEAD
confidence you have heretofore placed in your fellow citizen
and humble servant. "John M. Morehead.'
"Greensborough, July 11, 1832."
In this address are evidences of the large mould in which
John Motley Morehead was cast. His was the spirit of the
statesman. The West at this critical juncture could not
afford to allow dividing contests, and he personally would
not be the subject of one in the presence of such a great
opportunity to get a new constitution and the lesser organs
of the transformation of North Carolina. On the other
hand, he showed the bold fearlessness of the master surgeon,
probing to the seat of disease and following it with knife
and scalpel. Likewise, as a modern surgeon, he used the
anesthetic of a fine and lofty feeling, gentle humor and good
will. But all his efforts came to naught so far as the Assem
bly of 1832-33 was concerned, for although so progressive
a westerner as Judge David L. Swain of Buncombe was
chosen Governor, when on December 3, 1832, Senator Mar
tin of Mr. Morehead's old home county of Rockingham
presented a preamble reciting people's desire for a new con
stitution, election of Governor by themselves, and a possible
change of the capital from Raleigh, to which was added a
resolution providing for vote on a convention in August,
1833, it did not succeed, while on the 17th, action was begun
on a House bill to provide a new capitol in Raleigh. On the
18th, and on the 20th, fights for and against the latter bill
were made by Senators Leake and Martin, the Raleigh
capitol party winning in each by a vote of 33 and 36, against
27 — the solid new constitution block.^ So when Mr. More-
head, as an elector on the overwhelming Jackson- Van Buren
ticket — again against his own county which went for Clay
and Sergeant — he knew the constitutional contest was again
delayed. When, however, during the Christmas holidays, it was
realized what had happened, the friends of the Convention
^ The result was that Candidate Parker was chosen Senator.
^The defections from the vote of 1831 came from such counties as Bladen,
Duplin, Onslow and a few others.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 119
in the Assembly, met on January 4, 1833, and elected Gen
eral Polk of Rowan chairman, and it became evident they
were there for but one thing, namely, to find a mode for the
people of North Carolina to express themselves on the desire
for a convention. Among them were some eastern men who
realized the gravity of the situation and felt that now the
capitol question was settled, the West's demand for the
North Carolina Railroad, already surveyed from Newbern
to Raleigh by Engineer Francis W. Rawle of Pennsylvania,
and a new constitution were due that section. These were
men like William Gaston of Newbern, David Outlaw of
Beaufort, William H. Haywood of Raleigh, and others.
This unofficial constitutional convention recommended that
election officers take the unofficial vote of the people and for
ward returns to the Governor, and that officer in turn to the
Assembly ; that a committee of four issue an "Address" and
explain the amendments sought and that county committees
of three aid these purposes. The four for the "Address"
were Richmond M. Pearson, Romulus M. Saunders, William
H. Haywood, Jr., and Thomas Dews. The local committee
for Guilford county was Mr. Morehead, George C. Menden-
hall, John M. Dick, and F. L. Simpson; and the rest were
men of like character ; so that it was plain that this unofficial
constitutional convention was not going to be an inefficient
one. ' "«i'"
While awaiting their action preparatory to the August
elections attention may be turned to other momentous events.
One might dwell long on the nullification movement led by
South Carolina but as fiercely and impatiently resisted by
her sister Carolina were is not so well known a part of
national history. The action of President Jackson, in this
matter endeared him to the old North State, even when she
opposed him on other scores; but the subject of railroads
was as much uppermost in men's minds as that of the re
vision of the fundamental law. While in the previous
November, Halifax had said she was getting goods more
quickly than ever because of the Petersburg thirty miles of
railroad that didn't even reach them, and a toll-bridge bill
for the Roanoke at Weldon was passed on January 3rd

120 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
[1833] and the Virginia bill for a Portsmouth and Roanoke
Railroad was also passed to enable it to reach Weldon —
Portsmouth notice of rivalling Petersburg for the Roanoke
valley trade — it was announced on February 15th, that the
Petersburg road was complete, with a locomotive, for 41
miles, and that tri-weekly four-horse coaches from Raleigh
took passengers to it at Belfield. The Raleigh "Experi
mental Railroad" from the new capitol site to the quarry
had been completed on January 4th, at which time Engineer
Rawle's formidable estimate of $5000 a mile for the North
Carolina Central Railroad from Beaufort harbor to Raleigh
and $9000 for the Yadkin line came out as a great dis
courager of the project. This led to the Raleigh Register
proposing an extension of the "Experimental" line to the
Neuse River, and, by March, Granville county held a meeting
at Oxford proposing a railroad through that place to con
nect with the Petersburg and the proposed Portsmouth-
Norfolk road at Weldon. Fayetteville was working hard in
January and February raising $200,000 for the Cape Fear
and Yadkin Valley road ; while in April the Granville people
had another meeting, this time proposing that the line have
Blakely on the Roanoke as an objective, instead of Weldon,
and go westward through Warrenton and Oxford. They
told of how two cars and about forty people were easily
drawn by two horses; how the road across New Jersey,
from the Delaware at Bordentown to Amboy toward New
York, had a locomotive and eleven cars with 200 people car-^
ried at 15 miles an hour! By April the old capitol ruins at
Raleigh were being removed and the "Experimental" Hne
getting ready to haul stones from the quarry. A traveler
visiting Newbern, in June, notes that the Petersburg line has
thoroughly convinced that section of railroad efficiency ; that
in Orange county railroads was the "talk of every third
man ;" that the Neuse people's slowness is forcing the north
ern counties to connect up with the Petersburg road, and
proposes a line from Raleigh to Smithfield on the Neuse, 18
miles, which, if made as cheaply as the "Experimental" line,
at $2800 a mile would cost but $68,000. The Raleigh
Register editor on same date, June 11th, proposes an exten-

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 121
sion of the "Experimental" line to South Washington in
New Hanover county, about 75 miles, and make that the
head of navigation instead of Wilmington.
By this time, the committee of the unofficial constitu
tional convention at Raleigh issued their "Address" on June
18th [1833]. This was a strong presentation: They said
that 33 counties with only 156,000 population elect a ma
jority of the Assembly when 31 have over 316,000 popu
lation; that the 33 have only an $8000 land tax while the 31
have $17,000; that the 33 elect a majority, with all taxes
only $24,000 as against 31 with twice that amount; that half
of the 33 do not pay enough to even pay their own members'
salaries — two-thirds taxed by one-third to pay minority for
controlling the majority! that 40 counties do not pay taxes
to equal their share in public expenses, yet elect two-thirds
of the Assembly! that the 40 do not contain an average
population ; that 46,600 people have ho larger share in gov
ernment than 9000! In 1776 the 36 counties had 115 mem
bers, but in 1833 the 64 counties have 199 — double the size
an Assembly ought to be ; so that there has been an annual
deficit of $12,000 to $17,000 for years! They propose:
1. Reduction in size of Assembly; 2. Biennial meetings
only; 3. Popular election of Governor; 4. No borough repre
sentation ; 5. And a new mode of amendment. They point
out that New York, Virginia, New Hampshire, and Georgia
have already revised their old constitutions.
The main burden of their paper, however, was an argu
ment for a limited convention. Indeed, they distinctly avow
that "no unlimited convention is asked." They remind the
people that the conventions to merely accept or reject the
national constitution were limited ; that the New York con
vention of 1801 was limited ; likewise the Virginia conven
tion and those of New Hampshire and Georgia. The North
Carolina constitution, they say, is silent on a mode of re
vision; but, they add "in this country," sovereignty, "is
lodged with a majority of the people," and these can deter
mine that mode, keeping in view justice to the minority, the
right of the majority, and the interest of both. It was a
most able and disinterested paper and was destined to point

122 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
out the way to final settlement of the generation-long con
troversy.' Coordinate with this and the railroad agitation, was the
establishment of a new Bank of North Carolina provided
for in January [1833] to take the place of the old State Bank
whose charter would expire in 1835. It was to be capitalized
at $2,000,000, one-half of the stock to be taken by the State;
and with a head bank in Raleigh were to be branches in
leading centers over the state — a recurring necessity be
cause of the President's new attack on and final destruction
of the Bank of the United States. On January 8th of this
year. Governor Swain appointed commissioners to take sub
scriptions to the new Bank of North Carolina in the leading
towns, and he made Mr. Morehead chairman of the
Greensboro body, composed of Messrs. Lindsay, Humphries,
MaxweH and Parker. "Senex," whose series of papers
was pleading for the new constitution, incidentally but ably
touched upon the bank question, saying that since the State
Bank was created in 1812, $2,000,000 had "taken wings and
flown away."^
Various matters came to a strategic head on Independence
Day at Raleigh, when the laying of the corner-stone of the
new capitol was also made the occasion of what might be
called a "Transportation Convention,' but was entitled
"Internal Improvement Convention." As the new capitol,
in a very true sense, represents the new North Carolina
of a new constitution and modern development, it may be
well to take more careful note of it, as the corner-stone was
laid on this 4th of July, 1833 : That it should epitomize the
effort to unite North Carolinians in both a constitutional
and transportational way is unique. The Scotch architect,
David Paton of Edinburgh, took charge not long after the
corner-stone was laid and had much to do in determining its
character. It is about twenty feet longer, north and south,
than east and west, so that it can be said to front both east
and west, but the east front is most used as front, at the
head of Newbern Avenue, named for the city whose able
^Raleigh Register, 18th June, 1833.
'Ibid., 11th June, 1833, "Senex** No. IV.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 123
citizen, William Gaston, had so much to do with harmonizing
the conflicting elements which raged around this capitol for
and against a new constitution and some unifying mode of
transportation and trade centers. The greatest height, the
dome, is 97| feet. Built completely of stone from the
Raleigh quarry, it is of Grecian Doric style, copied from the
Temple of Minerva, or Parthenon, of Athens of 500 B.C.,
its octagon tower forming the rotunda and being capped
by a crown similar to that of the Lanthorn of Demosthenes.
The proportions may be realized when it is known that the
columns of the east and west porticos are over five feet in
diameter. The vestibules and corridors are decorated with
Ionic columns, and the rest with groined arches on Doric
columns and pilasters. The Governor's rooms are in the
southwest corner, and the Senatorial and Representative
Halls are in keeping with the rest of this noble Greek struc
ture, which cost the state over a half million dollars — a
capitol of which even the 20th century North CaroHna may
well be proud. But only its corner-stone was finished on
this day by the company which met at "Government
House," as the executive mansion at the foot of Fayetteville
street was then called, and served as temporary capitol.
Governor Swain presided at the function in the morning,
as he did at the more important one at Government House
in the afternoon.
This Convention was a peculiar one, composed of some of
the strongest men of the state, and especially of the east, for
it wae essentially an eastern convention : out of 20 counties
represented, only Chatham, Orange and Wilkes could prop
erly be called western, as Cumberland, Wake, and Granville
were sometimes one or the other. Governor Swain was
properly from the west, though credited to Wake county.
Gaston, of Newbern, was always a great harmonizing force,
and he represented a constituency committed to the North
Carolina Central Railroad and a new constitution, if it could
be wisely done. Raleigh sent George E. Badger, James Ire
dell, Dr. William McPheeters, the Haywoods, Judge Sea
well, Charles Manly, Editor Gales, and others of like stand
ing. Orange, from the west, had such men as Nash, W. A.

124 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Graham, W. J. Bingham, and similar characters. Mr. More-
head and his brother, James T., were there from Greens
boro.' It was as though Newbern, Raleigh, Hillsboro and
Greensboro — the mid-Carolina centers — had got together
to find a golden mean between the desires of the Roanoke,
the Cape Fear, and the Yadkin and Catawba, which were all
fearful lest they be left out in the play for a favorable
seat, when the great new god — the Locomotive — entered
North Carolina with his procession of passenger and
freight cars. Under such circumstances, it required great
skill to find just what they could agree upon. Transporta
tion was the real subject, but they used the term "Internal
Improvement ;" and it was evident that while they saw the
rising tide of sentiment toward railroads — the cry of the
west, they clung to the water side of transportation
tenaciously; that was a fixed quantity, while the railroad
could go anywhere and cause a revolution in the importance
of position on water routes. Almost every community of
any wealth saw opportunity to itself to build a railroad
to its nearest market. Consequently the burden of this
convention was favorable to new transportation ; that funds
should be created by the state for it; that the state should
take two-fifths of the stock of any enterprise in this line
when the other three-fifths were privately subscribed. To
this end an "Address" should be issued ; proceedings should
be laid before the Legislature ; committees of correspondence
be appointed in each county; and a full convention be held
on the fouth Monday of November, 1833. Editor Gales of
The Register thought it "perhaps not going too far to say
that it was the most talented, respectable and dignified body
ever convened in North Carolina for any purpose."^
President Swain made William Gaston chairman of the
general committee of 20, and on July 20th announced his
elaborate committees for each county, in one of which, that
for Guilford county. Senator Parker was chairman and Mr.
Morehead one of the members. Then ten days later the
Gaston general committee issued its address : it dwelt on the
^Greensboro Patriot, Slst July, 1833.
2 Issue of July 9, 1833.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 125
contrast with other states which had surpassed it in develop
ment; "The great wants of our state then are emphatically
good marts of traffic and the means of cheap transporta
tion," said the "Address." Then they showed that natural
water routes could be developed, and when these could not,
the canal and railroad must enter. Sacrifice by individuals
and aid by the state was the slogan ; and a great Convention
in November. It was a strong appeal to forget the mistakes
of the past and move forward, and worthy of the pen of
William Gaston.
Thereupon a movement arose in Raleigh to immedi
ately make an effort to get subscriptions for that section
of the "Central" railroad between Raleigh and Waynesboro
(later Goldsboro) on the Neuse, to be extended later to
Beaufort or Wilmington or both. Governor Swain was
active in it, while Gen. Edward B. Dudley and others of
Wilmington, early in August, secured a public meeting
and appeal to the counties between them and Waynesboro
and Raleigh for subscriptions to a railroad to Waynesboro
to connect with a Raleigh line. They announced that
they already had $173,000 and aimed at $180,000. "Citi
zens of Fayetteville!" said the Observer, "Will not such
facts as these rouse you to action?" Waynesboro and
Pittsboro followed with subscriptions. On August 2nd,
at Smithfield, Johnston county, $22,000 was subscribed
in a mere election crowd. Newbern meetings called a
district convention at Kinston in September, and by
27th August Waynesboro territory had raised $60,000 for
a Wilmington road to Raleigh by way of that place and
Smithfield. This was all voluntary, but stimulated by the
Raleigh Convention of July 4th. A meeting on the
29th of August at Pittsboro, Chatham county, was somewhat
divided, but was for improving the Cape Fear above Fayette
ville; and on the 27th of August Beaufort city's meeting
decided on a railroad from there to Trenton — thus passing
by Newbern — and urging Onslow and Jones counties to aid
them in it. The Wilmington Press, in September, showed
that $400,000 had been subscribed for a Wilmington and
Raleigh Railroad — a port-to-capital road — via Waynesboro,

126 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
already by various interests along the route. The Kinston
meeting, presided over by Governor Swain, late in that
month raised $30,000 for a railroad from Beaufort
to Waynesboro (later Goldsboro). The Wilmington activity,
however, did not satisfy the western people, and the upper
Roanoke country and tributaries began intense activity for a
road from Weldon, to which the Petersburg railroad was
nearly complete, westward by way of Oxford, in a meeting
at Hillsboro on September 9th. The Beaufort and western
idea, represented by Governor Swain, and the Oxford and
western desires, represented by Judge Thomas Ruffin, came
in conflict, when the latter was elected President over the
former by a vote of 26 to 16. The result was the avowal
for such a road and that a charter should be sought en
titled the Roanoke and Yadkin Railroad Company. It is
curious to note that nearly all of these plans wanted Mr.
Morehead to head their committee in Guilford county, as
did this Hillsboro Railroad convention; but there is more
evidence that he was most interested in the North Carolina
Central Railroad plan from Beaufort and in the unofficial
vote for a Constitutional Convention. He was, therefore,
not at the Hillsboro Railroad Convention, although they
appointed him head of their Guilford county committee.
The wide-spread interest in railroads, all over the
United States, was indicated by the appearance this month
of The American Railroad Journal in New York; and it was
proposed to run the New York and Erie Railroad directly
through to Chicago and to complete it in seven years. The
line from Washington to New York was all provided for,
except the part between Baltimore and Port Deposit on the
Susquehanna ; and there was prospect that there would soon
be a railroad from Maine to New Orleans, with branch
lines from it — a great Piedmont line being in view at this
early date. This great movement was taking on so many
complications in North Carolina, however, that it was evi
dent the coming Raleigh November Convention would be a
great battle ground. Johnston county had a meeting favor
ing a road from Fayetteville and Smithfield to Halifax,
which did not look favorable to Wilmington's plans. The

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 127
SaHsbury meeting of October 17th, seemed inclined toward
Fayetteville also, though it deferred to the Raleigh conven
tion of November.
The months of October and November, 1833, were a
pregnant period. The action of President Jackson in
ordering the removal of national deposits from the Bank of
the United States and the use of Roger B. Taney to enforce
it startled the whole union and no part more so than North
Carolina. It meant the flowering of a great anti- Jackson
movement in this state, as vigorous as the anti-Nullification
movement was for him. The Assembly was to meet and it
was to be a notable one, before whom was to be laid the
unofficial vote of North Carolina on a new Constitutional
Convention. In addition to this was the great Transporta
tion Convention to meet in Raleigh. But before turning
attention to these let it be noted, that Mr. Morehead, besides
being a great lawyer in active practice, and the recognized
head of his counties' activities for the North Carolina
Railroad prospects, the Bank of North Carolina subscrip
tions, and a Jackson leader, he was interested in the
Humphrey Cotton Mills at Greensboro, which had just
received a steam-engine from Pittsburgh; had two great
plantations at Leaksville, one of which he farmed under his
own direction; and on October 16th [1833] in the Greens
boro Patriot advertised as one of the firm of Barnet & More-
head, his partner having built the first mill in 1813, a plant
composed of a saw-mill, oil mill, carding mill, cotton gin,
blacksmith shop, general merchandise, and supplies store,
and their own line of boats on the Dan River. These became
his own property later on the death of his partner. And his
devotion to private affairs did not signify that his motto —
Quiescere non Possum hung in any less prominent place on
the walls of his mind. It did, however, indicate that he
realized that there was to be little public progress in other
lines until the fundamental basis of such progress was
secured — namely, a new constitution. This was true, not
only because it was right ; but because, notwithstanding the
few leaders of that section with broad ideas like William
Gaston, the east acted on local interests and were unable

128 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
apparently to grasp the broad unifying conception of the
state as a whole. Mr. Morehead's conceptions were well
known and in no sense vague. As Washington had once
said in the apparently hopeless days of the early 1780s on
the same subject, that the people must suffer still more be
fore they would feel enough to act, so John Motley More-
head might have said in the early 1830s regarding all
questions, and especially the one concerning a new state
constitution. The meeting of the Assembly on November 18th [1833]
gave Governor Swain an opportunity to state the great
questions before the people, but while ably stating the secon
dary ones he was notably silent on the one great primary
one of a new constitution. And this was not because he did
not consider it primary, himself, but because he saw from
the character of the present Assembly, especially the lower
house, that the people had little to hope from it. Further
more, the death of Chief Justice Henderson gave that ele
ment opportunity to remove the great power of William
Gaston from the active arena of public leadership to the
sequestered shades of the Supreme Court. Governor
Swain was re-elected and he dwelt upon what he called the
"excitement" in every part of the state on "Internal Improve
ment," which practically always meant "transportation."
He showed that real improvement had been made since
Murphy's original movement in 1818-19; but asserted that
the railroad would be "the commencement of a new era in
the annals of physical inmprovement." One can feel the
intense jealousy of every corner of the state in his scrupu
lously cautious general territorial terms in reference to it.
To increase the educational Fund he dwells upon the over
2,500,000 acres of fertile swamp land, three-fifths of which
was state property, and the whole was one-twentieth of the
extent of the state and probably one-eighth in fertility urg
ing its reclaimability, and as an educational Fund measure.
The currency and bank questions were acute, and the Bank
of North Carolina charter was not inviting to capital, and
must be made to ; for a bank must not be created to escape
taxation, but to regulate the currency. He dwells also

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 129
upon revision of the statutes from the earliest one of 1235
and the first "revised code" of 1715 and thought almost
everything before 1777 might be discarded — but he said
nothing about a new constitution.
November 25th, however, was the red-letter day of the
session, for on that day the Governor presented to the As
sembly Chairman Thomas G. Polk's report on the results
of the unofficial vote of the people on a Constitutional Con
vention. This report showed "that, in thirty-three counties
in North Carolina more than thirty thousand freemen have
voluntarily demanded of their immediate representatives a
change in our State Constitution." Furthermore, these re
turns "exhibit a vote, which is by several thousand over a
majority of the largest poll ever held in North CaroHna for
the election of a President of the United States.'" A large
majority of the people of North Carolina had therefore de
manded a Constitutional Convention.
On Saturday the Internal Improvement Convention at
Raleigh laid before the Assembly their program: 1. A ship
channel connecting Beaufort harbor with the Pamlico and
Neuse river, to avoid Ocracoke Inlet; 2. A railroad from
the sea to Tennessee ; 3. A Roanoke-South Carolina railroad
above the falls of rivers ; and 4. A canal or railroad from
Edenton to Dismal Swamp canal. This was a $5,000,000
proposition. Four Roanoke counties had voted against it,
but 44 counties and towns had voted for it. It was vague
and was of no value to the Roanoke country, and had in it
nothing to hold them back from connecting up by railroad
with Petersburg and Norfolk ; and it left the Wilmington-
Beaufort rivalry on the door-step in plain sight !
And what did the Assembly do with these two momen
tous programes? It spent the longest period in session in
the history of North Carolina to that date, namely 57 days,
adjourning from Government House, or the executive man
sion, on January 13, 1834 ; and yet the organization of a bank
system and charters for a few privately owned railroad
propositions was all that was done with great questions.

^Raleigh Register, 3rd December, 1833. Letters dated 25th November.

130 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
The transportation program failed because of the fight over
the constitutional question, chiefly. The Senate was in
clined to accept a convention program of a limited kind
and had even passed it on final reading, but the House by
five votes only rejected it. "If the people of the Eastern
counties," wrote Editor Gales of The Raleigh Register,
"knew the excitement which exists in the West touching
this matter — if they were aware, as their representatives in
the Legislature must be, that unless the grievances com
plained of be speedily redressed, the yeomanry of the West
will take the remedy into their own hands — if they were
enlightened as to the defects which exist in our constitution,
and were convinced of the utter hopelessness of achieving
anything for the advancement of the State, while these evils
are without a remedy — if, we say, proper exertions were
made to inform them on these points, they would cordially
sustain the course of those who have 'dared to be honest in
the worst of times.' That the people of the West will ulti
mately obtain the relief for which they are seeking is as cer
tain as that their demand is founded in equity. Then let
us meet our brethren half way — let us arrange our differ
ences in such a manner, as will secure to them their legiti
mate rights, without making us 'hewers of wood and drawers
water."" On the Uth of January, immediately after
the Convention bill was rejected by the House, friends
of the measure held a meeting to provide an organization to
go to the people and urge them to instruct their representa
tives to provide for calling of a convention at the next As
sembly. Senator Robert Martin of Rockingham was, as
usual, active in it; Fisher of Rowan proposed the resolu
tions, and the Executive Committee chosen were Wm. H.
Haywood, Jr., of Raleigh, chairman ; Judge R. M. Saunders
and Editor W. R. Gales of the same city ; Wm. A. Graham
of Hihsboro; James Seawell of Fayetteville; and Wm. R.
Hargrove of Granville county.
As this was destined to be the last reactionary legislature
obstructive of a new constitution, it will be of interest to
'- Issue of January 14, 1834.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 131
note an analysis of it, by occupation: of the 199 members
of the Assembly, 147 were married and 52 single men.
The great bulk of them, 145, were farmers or planters, while
the next greatest single block was 31 composed of lawyers.
Seven merchants came next and six physicians, with six of
no occupation at all, evidently retired. Two blacksmiths,
one tailor, and one tavern keeper made up the rest.
These law-makers were convinced of one thing, however,
and that was the desirability of railroads, as a private enter
prise ; they were not even yet convinced that public money
should be put into them. Speaking of the Raleigh "Experi
mental Railroad," Editor Edmund Ruffin of The Farmer's
Register of Richmond, said on November 26th : "This little
Railroad has doubtless had much effect in promoting the
present zeal for similar and more extensive works. We
are much more ready to be impressed by what we see, even
if we hear truths demonstrated, and made undeniable ; and
very many, who have come to the seat of government from
every quarter of the State, have been first convinced of the
advantages of railways by seeing the enormous masses of
stone conveyed as fast and as easily as the empty cars could
be drawn on good common roads." Consequently they
passed bills to incorporate a "North Carolina Central Sea
port Railroad Company," "The Wilmington and Raleigh,"
and the "Greensville and Roanoke" — a Virginia road to
connect at Belfield with the Petersburg road from a point
above the falls on the Roanoke, later to be called Gaston,
"The Roanoke and Yadkin," "The Campbellton and Fayette
ville" — a short experimental railroad at Fayetteville to her
river wharf, "The Cape Fear, Yadkin and Pee Dee," and the
"Roanoke and Raleigh." These were all to be, like the "Ex
perimental Railroad," at Raleigh, private enterprises, un
supported by the State, and when, in January, 1834, the
Raleigh road declared a ten per cent, dividend, it gave great
encouragement to these various railroad projects. They
were likewise encouraged by progress elsewhere; for ex
ample from Washington to New York there were 37 miles
of the Baltimore and Ohio to Baltimore ; 41^ miles from the
latter city to Port Deposit; then 31i miles of the Oxford

132 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Railroad to the Pennsylvania Railroad ; then the latter road
into Philadelphia at Broad Street for 46^ miles, or 156 miles
from the National Capital to Philadelphia. Then a mile up
Broad Street by the Northern Liberties and Penn Township
Railroad; then 27 miles from there to Trenton; then the
Delaware Bridge and New Brunswick turnpike, 26i miles ;
then the New Jersey Railroad to Jersey City, 30 miles ; and
finally 4 miles across the Hudson— a total of 2444 miles,
very much of which was completed. In England there were
a dozen new roads projected ; next door, in South Carolina,
was a locomotive hauling each way every other day, and the
road was making money.
With all the local projects in North Carolina there was
one region that proposed the Beaufort-Tennessee or "North
Carolina Central Railroad," namely, in 1827 when President
Caldwell, as "Carleton," advocated it, and at Jamestown on
June 28, 1828, in a district meeting urged it, and that was
Guilford county.' From that time to July, 1834, they had
had four meetings of this county Internal Improvement
Convention, but the one of July, whose public address ap
peared in the Greensboro Patriot of July 14th [1834],
signed by Andrew Lindsay and Dr. David Worth, called
upon the people to begin building the railroad from Beau
fort to Newbern and Raleigh by subscribing 3/5 of the
capital ; but also announced that nothing could ever be done
until the constitution was revised, as the East was opposed
to transportation improvement.
This was followed on the 19th, by the appearance in the
Greensboro Patriot of a unique public letter, signed "Clin
ton," referring no doubt to Governor De Witt Clinton of
Erie Canal fame, and purporting to be from Beaufort. It
was the first of a series and is so similar to the style and
ideas of John Motley Morehead that it is given in full :
"Gentlemen: A request has been made to county com
mittees of correspondence and others who feel an interest
^ President Caldwell had spoken in the first of these meetings and he also
spoke in a Hillsboro meeting on May 27, 1834, in which he urged that the State
was without debt, had a capital of $800,000, and even $500,000 after the $300,-
000 bank stock was taken out; so that the State could easily take the two-fifths,
especially when private capital stood ready to take the three-fifths. Raleigh
Register, 10th June, 1834.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 133
in the improvements of the state of North Carolina, to com
municate their plans to the public previous to the next ses
sion of the legislature. I shall therefore submit my plan
to the farmers of North Carolina. If I only inherited one-
half of Girard's fortune I would amuse myself with making
a grand central railroad from the port of Beaufort to the
Tennessee line. In the first place I would employ an ex
perienced engineer: M. Robinson, H. Allen, or A. A. Dexter
might probably be engaged ; and such assistant engineers as
they might deem best qualified to carry on the work. I
would then take them out on Beaufort bar — let them sound
the bar outwards and inwards, and satisfy them that there
was 22 feet [of] water at ordinary high tides. And then we
would sound the channel up to Fort Macon, about two
miles, with from four to five fathoms water, good harbor,
and safe anchorage, as soon as you get within the bar.
From Fort Macon we would sound up to the mainland, near
Shepherd's point, about two miles, by which they would be
satisfied that the lowest cast of the lead in this noble channel
is 22 feet, and near Shepherd's point this channel terminates
in a large harbor or basin, with from four to five fathoms
water, and good anchorage. This harbor is protected by a
powerful port. Here then at Shepherd's point, my engi
neers would commence their level, and proceed in the best,
most practicable, shortest and most level route, to Morgan-
ton in Burke county, and thence by the most practicable
route to the Tennessee line. I shall consult my own interest
in selecting the best and shortest route. I cannot consent
to run this road zig-zag through every little town between
Beaufort harbor and Morganton. The main road must be
as straight as possible, to facilitate the speed of the loco
motive engines and freight and passenger cars. A straight
road will last much longer than one in which there are fre
quent curves. Let all the county towns near the main rail
road make branches into it as soon as possible.
"The more branches, the better for the farmers— and
the merchants, also. Most of the farmers who make small
quantities of produce will sell it to the merchants in the in
terior towns near the railroad. As soon as the engineers

134 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
could get ten miles of the road levelled, I would put it out to
contractors at a public sale, after due notice. These con
tracts should be made with the lowest bidder, fairly and
honestly. And proceed on in the same way as soon as an
other ten miles is levelled. I should proceed a little south
of the lakes, to near the Hne of Onslow county: There
would be a slight curve in the road — and thence straight to
Trenton or near it. By this route I should avoid crossing
Newport river, and also Trent river near Newbern, where it
is navigable. No engineer will attempt to cross a navigable
river, when he can possibly avoid it. The citizens of New
bern could make a short branch railroad to join near Tren
ton. At the close of the first year, say 1835, I would have
the road finished to Trenton, and two Locomotive steam
engines, with a sufficiency of passenger and freight cars
travelling on it. The distance from Shepherd's point to
Trenton is about 45 miles. From Trenton I would run the
road in a straight line to Haw river and cross that stream
by a stone viaduct, near Haywoodborough. From Trenton
to the Haw river is about 100 miles. I would 'go ahead' the
second year, and at the close of 1836, would have the line
from Shepherd's point to the Haw river in operation. The
ground is so favorable in this division of the road and timber
so convenient, that I do not feel a doubt of completing this
division by the close of 1836. In 1837 and 1838 I would
push on the railroad to Morganton in Burke county, about
one hundred and forty-five miles.
"In this division it is necessary to make good stone via
ducts across the Haw, Deep, Yadkin and Catawba rivers.
All these viaducts could be built while the other parts of the
road were in progress. In the year 1839 I would carry the
railroad from Morganton to the Tennessee line, in Bun
combe county, where the French Broad river passes through
the Bald Mountain. When I get to the Tennessee line, I
shall think it is 'glory enough' to have accomplished this
great state — I have a mind to say — national work. "Clinton.'"
1 Whether the series were all written by the same hand can not be known;
indeed the second article, on Oct 1st, avows it to have been written by a resi-

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 135
On October 1st, he writes: "I agree with Dr. Caldwell
in the opinion that a road can be made for five thousand
dollars per mile, including locomotive, passenger and freight
cars. But it is prudent to allow something for contingencies
— say 250,000 dollars — which makes in all the sum of two
million of dollars.
"If I had the funds I would commence the work and only
ask of the legislature the same rates of toll which are re
ceived on the Charleston and Petersburg railroads. Time
would soon demonstrate that I had a fortune equal to any
man in the United States. But, as I have not the honor to
be the son of Girard, how shall the funds be raised? Let
the next legislature authorize the Governor and treasurer
of the State to borrow in London, or elsewhere, one mihion
dollars, redeemable in 25 years. A late number of the
London Mercantile Journal says : 'so abundant has money
become that discounts in some cases have been obtained at
the extreme low rates of IJ per ct. per annum.' The current
rate is, however, 2 and 2^ per cent. Certainly if money is
so plenty in London, it could be borrowed for four cents, in
cluding brokerage and all expenses. The money could be
deposited in the new state bank subject to the order of the
treasurer of the State countersigned by the comptroller.
"The contracts on the railroad when executed and ap
proved by the chief engineer, would be certified by him and
the commissioner or commissioners, presented to the comp
troller and treasurer, who would take receipts and issue
drafts on the State bank for the amount. The engineers
and commissioners to be debarred by severe penalties from
any interest directly or indirectly in any contracts to be exe
cuted on the railroad. The legislature could, by joint ballot,
appoint one or three commissioners to superintend the con
struction of said great central railroad; with such compen
sation as would command men of unquestioned talent for

dent of Beaufort. At any rate the first and second so well represent Mr. More-
head that it is possible it was his custom to spend a part of his summers there;
they serve well for illustration of the best thought of this early period. Dr. J.
Allison Hodges, born on the Lower Cape Fear river, tells the writer that it was
the custom of such families to be at the shore together one month of stmimer
and at the mountains another month, so that it is entirely possible that Mr.
Morehead had "lived" there, in that sense, for many years.

136 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
such an important work. Then let the great work be im
mediately commenced, and prosecuted with all possible
energy to its final completion. While it was going on, the
citizens of Wilmington and Newbern, with the aid of two-
fifths subscribed by the state, could push forward their
branches to connect with the central road, probably at Tren
ton. Wilmington, which is the second best sea-port in
North Carolina, would thus by a branch of 60 miles be con
nected with the main road and Newbern by a branch of 20
miles in length. Then would the farmers of our state who
are the main pillars of society have a choice of the markets
of Beaufort, Wilmington and Newbern.
"Beaufort is as healthy as any sea-port in the United
States. In this respect it is far superior to Petersburg and
Norfolk to the north or any sea-port to the south of this."
And he devotes a remarkable paragraph to this feature, after
which he details the profit of the road, the advantages in
fresh foods from a distance, like sea-foods, similar branches
like those to Wilmington and Newbern, the completion of
road and branches as they proceeded westward, the develop
ment of one great port, steamship lines abroad and
consequent commercial development. The two letters are
strikingly predictive of what the Greensboro statesman was
to actually undertake and persuade the state to undertake
also. These July operations were followed on August 13th
[1834] by a discussion at a public meeting in Greensboro
held under the auspices of the Raleigh Internal Improvement
Committee of the previous November, of which Mr. More-
head had been appointed a member, but it was ineffective.
After election, however, a Greensboro meeting was held on
the 15th of August in the Presbyterian Church to listen to
the successful candidates at the late election talk. And
although John Motley Morehead was neither a successful
nor a defeated one, he was called upon ; and it became prac
tically the signal for his re-entry into public life. "He said
he appeared before them in a character different from that
in which his predecessors had presented themselves. He
was neither a candidate elected, nor a candidate beaten,

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 137
but as the town was already sufficiently represented, he had
stepped forward as a candidate for the country. He was
very sorry that questions of importance were always pre
sented to the consideration of the people, when they were
disqualified, by excitement, for deciding correctly. It was
not the proper way for candidates to vindicate their con
flicting sentiments among the people just before the election ;
because each one would have his personal favorites, who
would go for them, principle or no principle. Hence the
result of an election was no test of any principle.
"He maintained that it was not for candidates to say
what they were in favor of ; but it was the proper business
of the people to elect men who were intelligent, firm and
untrammelled; to consult together and determine, among
themselves, what they wanted done, and then command their
servants to perform it! He never had any confidence in
anything that a candidate might say, either about principle or
poHcy — as his object was to say anything that might advance
his hopes of success.
"He therefore, as one of the people, feeling no interest
in the matter but what ought to be felt by every citizen in the
State, called upon them to assemble at the Court House in
this place, on the Tuesday of November Court, to take into
consideration the subject of Internal Improvement; and
either determine upon some plan proper to be pursued, or
else put the matter forever at rest. He said every man who
ever had a dollar, or whoever expected to have a dollar, or
whoever expected his children to have a dollar, ought to at
tend this meeting, that all information on the subject might
be thrown together in one common stock, for the benefit of
all ; and that an aggregate of pubHc sentiment might be made
out as a guide to our Representatives.
"Mr. Morehead was cheered by the people in a spirit
which clearly indicated their hearty approbation of the
course he had proposed, and we hope that every man, rich
and poor, learned and unlearned, will make up his mind to
attend on that day, in order that the question may be
fairly settled, so far as this county is concerned. We know
the question is one of vital importance. If it be for the

138 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
interest of the State to improve it by Railroads, it ought to
be known, and the work commenced; if otherwise, the
project ought to be promptly met and put down.'"
This meeting was held on November 15th, and it was so
well attended and considered of such importance that the
Court adjourned for it. The occasion was one of the most
important in the history of the state, for it virtually became
the announcement of a new leader with a definite program,
from which he was never to deviate and in which he was
destined to lead his state to its adoption. With a long and
powerful address he introduced a set of resolutions de
signed to definitely instruct the representatives of Guilford
county just what to do, as he had proposed doing in the
previous meeting. They are so important that they are
here given in full:
"Resolved, that the spirit of Internal Improvement,
which pervades every State in the Union, should not be
permitted longer to slumber in this State ; and that it is the
duty which our State owes to herself and to her citizens,
forthwith to arouse that spirit, and to put it into energetic
and successful action.
"Resolved, that the State contains within herself the
elements of a great and powerful State, in the mildness of
her climate, the fertility of her soil, the variety of her pro
ductions, the exhaustless stores of her innumerable mines
and minerals, and in the intelligence, industry and patriot
ism of her citizens; and that nothing is wanting to bring
these elements into immediate action, but a system of wise
and liberal legislation, by which the energies of her most
enterprising sons shall cease to aggrandize other States,
by emigration. "Resolved, that this State has one of the best harbors
in Beaufort harbor, south of the Chesapeake; and that a
Railroad, from that place to the city of Raleigh, should be
forthwith commenced by the State herself; that she has
the means to execute this work speedily; that, by the exe-

^ Quoted from the Greensboro Patriot by the Raleigh Register of 2nd
Sept, 1834.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 139
cution of the work, all her citizens — even the most ignorant
and narrow minded — must become convinced of the practi
cability and utility of such improvements.^
"Resolved, that by the construction of this Road, access
will be opened from the interior to our best harbor ; facilities
and powerful inducements will be offered to individuals,
to invest their capital in the construction of lateral roads to
Newbern, Wilmington, and other places, and the extension
of that road westwardly, through the center of the State.
"Resolved, that a steamboat navigation, if practicable,
should be opened through the Club-foot and Harlow's Creek
Canal between the waters of Beaufort harbor and the waters
of PamHco and Albemarle Sounds.
"Resolved, that it is the duty of every State, in all works
of general utility, to execute them at public expense, or at
least, to contribute largely to their execution.
"Resolved, that it is expedient that a general law be
passed whereby the State shall pledge herself to take two-
fifths of the stock in any company that shall or may be
hereafter incorporated for the purpose of internal improve
ment, whenever individuals shall subscribe and secure the
payment of the other three-fifths.
"Resolved, that we view the conduct of the Legislature
of our State, upon the subject of Internal Improvement — by
merely passing acts of incorporation, in which the collected
wisdom of the State refuses to invest one dollar of the public
wealth — as a mere mockery of our wants; and as wholly
impoHtic, unjust and unworthy the State, and contrary to a
wise system of legislation.
"Resolved, that inasmuch as all the funds and revenues
of our State are subject to the disposition of our Legislature,
we deprecate, exceedingly, that Manger policy by which
they are hoarded up, and rendered useless, while the best
interests of the State are starving for want of their judicious
application. "Resolved, That we cannot enough deprecate that system
of demagogical legislation, which proclaims unlimited con-
^ Italics by the present writer.

140 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
fidence in, and friendship for Internal Improvement, mani
fested by acts of incorporation, whereby individuals may do
what the State should do— and whereby a miserly care of
the people's money is attended with the usual concomitants
of all miserly acts — degradation, poverty and suffering!
"Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, if each
American citizen had been permitted to fight just as much
as he chose for his freedom ; and each State had not, in her
sovereign political character, declared her citizens a free
people, we should have continued to be, until now, the sub
jects of Great Britain: — and it is further the opinion of this
meeting, that our citizens must remain the subjects and
slaves of thraldom and poverty, unless our State, herself,
shall again declare them free, by adopting a system of In
ternal Improvement that shall bring into action all her
energies. "Resolved, That a copy of the Proceedings of this meet
ing, and of these Resolutions, be transmitted to our Rep
resentatives in the present Legislature, with a request to lay
them before each House thereof.
"Resolved, That our Representatives be instructed to
vote, on all subjects of Internal Improvement, according
to the true spirit of the foregoing Resolutions ; and that we
shall hold them responsible, without specific instructions,
for the judicious exercise of their votes on all questions
relative thereto.
"Resolved, That the foregoing proceedings be published
in the Greensboro Patriot, and that all Editors in the State,
friendly to Internal Improvement, be requested to publish
them also.'"
This was the signal of preparation for action on the
backbone question of transportation that should follow the
almost certain reference to the people by the next Assembly,
of the question of a constitutional convention. For the
Carolina Watchman, early in July, had said: "If the Gen
eral Assembly does not submit the inequalities of our
Constitution to the people in some formal mode — we of the
1 Reprint in Raleigh Register, 9th Dec, 1834.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 141
West are determined to go to work without the behest of
that body. We admit that the experiment is dangerous — if
the people were less virtuous, it would be imminently so—
but we think the spirit of our fathers which bore them
through the trials of the Revolution, is still sufficiently with
us to secure us against the perils of faction. Mark it, my
dear Sir, cost what it will, the experiment will be made
immediately after the rise of the next Assembly, if some
measure of Reform does not pass. We are determined to
try it before another hot Presidential contest shall come on
to absorb State politics. We say this in the very best
feeling, not as a threat, but as a warning. We would be glad
to avoid the alternative, and it is but right that we should
try to do so — for this purpose, we ask our brethren of the
Press in the East to repeat this caution — for this purpose
an attempt at liberal concession will be made by Western
members at the next Assembly — and then, if the alternative
is forced upon us, we will go ahead !'"
As to the position of the North Carolina Watchman
amongst the press of the commonwealth, let an interesting,
though partizan statement of a powerful journal of that day
in the western part of the state. The Greensboro Patriot, be
given, for Editor Swaim was almost as important a figure in
the state press as Editor Gales at Raleigh. "The Milton
Spectator is already out of the question ;" the statement pro
ceeds, "the Fayetteville Journal is fluttering like a wounded
pigeon — the Rutherfordton Spectator has worked itself into
an interminable fog — the Wilmington People's Press is sort
of Boo! and sort of not Boo! The Newbern Sentinel
CLUCKS now but to hang its wings in despair on the morn
ing of our political resurrection! and the North Carolina
Standard [Raleigh] 'conceived in iniquity and brought
forth in sin' will die a natural death with the extinction of
Col. White's pursership in the navy. Thus, 'we have met
the enemy and they are ours.' On one side stands the
Raleigh Register, venerable for its age and consistency ; the
Star, once in bad company, but now on the side of the
1 Reprint in Raleigh Register, July 29, 1834.

142 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
people and the constitution ; the Oxford Examiner, not to be
sneered at by modern Toryism; the Fayetteville Observer,
an untrammelled asserter of truth and correct principles;
the Western North Carolinian, once tainted with the heresy
of nullification, though now threatening death and desolation
to the usurpers of imperial power ; the Carolina Watchman,
like a faithful sentinel, sounding the alarm at any approach
of danger; and last, though not least, the Newbern Spec
tator, scoring the trammels of party discipline and soaring
high above the temptations which have led the Standard
into ways of error and falsehood, stands like an everlasting
pillar of truth in the midst of a wicked and perverse genera
tion. When to these can be added the Southern Citizen
[Editor Swaim's proposed new periodical], with its twenty-
four ponderous columns, and two thousand subscribers,
the cause of the people must triumph. Jacksonism wih go
down into its socket and disappear ; and Van Burenism will
pass away as a dream in the night.'"
The significance of the political upheaval plainly to be
seen in this picturesque view of the Carolina press is well
expressed by a Beaufort correspondent of the Newbern
Spectator, so highly praised by Editor Swaim: "We are
generally Whigs — or Rebels, if you insist on it, in this county
[Carteret]. We cannot and will not support a collar man
for Congress. We are in favor of Clay's Land Bill — we are
in favor of a National Bank, to regulate the currency — we
are in favor of the cause pursued by a majority of the
Senate of the United States — we are opposed to the Kitchen
Cabinet — we are opposed to the election of Martin Van
Buren to the Presidency — we are opposed to the corruptions
of the Post Office Department — we want to see this Augean
stable cleansed — we are opposed to the usurpation of the
Executive, and his violation of the Constitution and laws of
Congress — we are opposed to the union of the purse and
the sword in the same hand — we are opposed to the practice
of President Jackson of appointing members of Congress
1 Greensboro Patriot, 24th Dec, 1834.

MEASURES FOR DEVELOPMENT 143
to office. This practice, if not rigorously opposed, will soon
destroy what small remains of liberty we possess.'"
This great wave of national political tide was serv
ing to help float both the movement for a constitutional
convention and for railway transportation. And yet it
would be no easy matter, for the alluvial soil of the east
was heavy upon the bottom of the ship of state, and localism
was a barnacle not easily removed. Nor did John Motley
Morehead of Guilford underestimate these difficulties or ex
pect a commonwealth to be remade in a day. However, he
expected it to be rebuilt; and indeed considered the process
was well under way.

1 Reprinted in the Raleigh Register, Aug. 5, 1834.
Probably it ought to be added that Judge Gaston*s elevation to the Chief
Justiceship, as noted in this chapter, was not altogether poUtical, but for the
good of that high bench, as Judge Connor has shown in his address on Gaston.

VIII
Revision of the Constitution
AND
Transfer of Political Power
TO
The West
1835
Probably the earliest reference in the North Carolina
press to a new political uprising in the nation was that on
June 10, 1834, in the Raleigh Register giving an account of
a celebration at Alexandria, Virginia, on the 27th of May of
a victory over the administration party by a combined oppo
sition which everywhere had taken the name of "Whig."
The Alexandrians cheered the "Whigs of '34" as follow
ing in the footsteps of the "Whigs of '76 !" And the name
was commonly used all through the campagn of 1834 in
North Carolina which was to have so much influence on local
questions in the coming Assembly of 1834—35. The Whig
cry was no louder, however, than the Wilmington cry,
through their Committee of Correspondence on June 17,
1834, against the Raleigh Convention program of November,
1833, which favored, as has been seen, the North Carolina
Central Railroad from Beaufort to Tennessee and a
Roanoke-South Carolina line, above the granite falls of
rivers, which offered as great an obstacle to rail grade as to
navigation. This Wilmington Committee defended their
port with some important statistics, and it had among
its members men like General Edward B. Dudley. Their
cry was against a Virginia-South Carolina railroad above
the falls as permitting those two states to "bleed" North
Carolina; "but," said they, "if there is any general plan to
be adopted by the Legislature, and to be preferred above
144

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 145
others, we would advocate the construction of a Railroad
from the port of Beaufort through Newbern to the city of
Raleigh, thence to Fayetteville and Hillsboro, or in any
other direction that may be more favorable, so as to reach
the remote "west." They further add that "after the com
pletion of tliis work," they would support any cross-state
proposition if it were generally desired. This was a great
victory for the North Carolina Central people and was made
possible in some measure, no doubt, by the disaffection of
Johnston county in favor of the above-falls-Fayetteville
line instead of the Wilmington-Raleigh line. By July 15th,
the Raleigh committee directed Gavin Hogg to answer the
Wilmington address and on August 12th, the Wilmington
committee retorted with vigor. This controversy became
essentially a Raleigh-Wilmington one, because the Raleigh
leaders of the November Convention were accepting the
verdict against Wilmington as a possible great port, and had
cast their lot in with Beaufort and were still trying to hold
the Roanoke and Yadkin regions. So that so far as Wil
mington was concerned this question was quite as vital as
the new Whig politics or the new constitutional conven
tion. The election of the new Assembly in August reflected the
political revolution in some measure. The Whigs were
able to elect the Speaker of the House, a western man, but
the Jacksonians elected the Speaker of the Senate. On
November 18th [1834], Governor Swain, in his message,
which was longer than usual, devoted first and chief space
to the constitutional convention, as he said circumstances
were different from those of last year. In a most able, con
vincing historical as well as logical and compromising
treatment, he showed how this system of inequality in rep
resentation inherited from our British Colonial status had
been either abolished or drastically modified by every state
except Maryland and North Carolina and that it did not
appeal to the national convention of 1787. He dwelt on
the desirability of limiting action, but that a wise com
promise would win them "the lasting gratitude of posterity."
Not to do so would leave the baneful spirit among them

146 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
that had defeated all progress in wise and liberal legislation
since the beginning. While giving this subject first place
he reiterated his beliefs regarding transportation and the
port of Beaufort. He also announced the opening of the
-Bank of North Carolina. Probably the best known men
in the House were Graham of Hillsboro, General Dudley of
Wilmington, Wm. H. Haywood, Jr., of Raleigh, M. E.
Manly of Newbern and James Seawell of Fayetteville.
On the 19th of November [1834], the first motion to
refer any subject of the gubernatorial message was that on
convention to a select committee, which was announced
on the 21st as Messrs. Craige of Rowan, Barringer of
Cabarrus, Haywood of Wake, Outlaw of Bertie, and Clark
of Beaufort City, but on the following day Graham was ap
pointed in place of Haywood, resigned, making three
western men to two eastern, showing that Mr. Haywood
declined to play the role of Justice as a representative of the
capital county. The result was as it should be : the west
was to have her Convention, but it would be on as con
servative lines as a compromise could make it. On Novem
ber 24th Mr. Outlaw asked to be relieved and Mr. Potts
of Edgecombe county was substituted, not affecting terri
torial representation. Chairman Craige's committee made
a Convention report on December 4th, which passed first
reading and was made the order of the day for a week
later. On the 9th Mr. Manney of Carteret (Beaufort)
thought this a good time to introduce a bill for a railroad
from Beaufort to the Tennessee line to take the place of the
North Carolina Central bill which had not been effective
thus far. It was referred to the Internal Improvement
Committee, and was a bill "to construct the Central Rail
road," and was evidently along the lines laid down by
President Caldwell at Hillsboro. The political fight over
instructions to U. S. Senator Willie P. Mangum prevented
the ordered discussion of the Convention report, but on the
18th both the Convention and the Central Railroad bills
were set for discussion the following week. It was the
23rd before a discussion in committee of the whole was
secured without definite result, and likewise on Christmas

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 147
Eve ; but on the 26th, it was decided by a vote of 74 to 52
that it should be re-committed to a select committee of one
from each Congressional District— which would be on a
Federal ratio basis. This had been proposed by Mr.
Kittrell of Anson and he was made chairman, with Bar
ringer of Cabarrus, Weaver of Buncombe, Waugh of Surry,
Gotten of Chatham, Poindexter of Stokes, Haywood of
Wake, Dudley of Wilmington, Pugh of Bertie, Bragg
of Warren, Norcom of Edenton, Whitfield of Lenoir, and
Smallwood of Beaufort county. This gave six western
men and six eastern, with Mr. Haywood of Wake, the
capital county, again to be asked to play the role of Justice,
and on the 27th they reported a substitute bill, which was
accepted by a vote of 68 to 61, favored by the west, with a
certain number of harmonizing eastern men. Immedi
ately following this vote the east tried to remove the pro
vision of election of Governor by free white voters, but
it was held in 94 to 35, whereupon they tried to remove
borough representation, but lost it by the practically original
vote of 68 to 60. Thereupon a Brunswick representative
tried to open the capital question by giving it into the Con
vention's hands, but he was promptly overwhelmed by a
vote of 108 to 19. It was finally passed second reading and
ordered printed by a more conservative vote of 66 to 64.
On the 30th, General Dudley offered an amendment to the
charter of the Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad which was
significant. On the 31st, by a vote of 66 to 62, the Conven
tion bill passed third reading and was sent to the Senate.
This was a dangerously small margin.
The Senate had had a bill under consideration but laid
it on the table to receive the House bill on January 1st
[1835] and on the 2nd began its consideration and promptly
made a few slight changes and one important one, namely,
by reducing the House membership limits to between 90 and
120 and leaving the borough representation to the Conven
tion. It was then passed by the narrow margin of 31 to 30.
On January 3rd, third reading was had and after many
efforts to amend it in various ways it was passed by the
same vote, 31 to 30, practically as it was, and returned to

148 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the Commons. The House took up the amended bill on the
5th and after a determined fight by some, which was
resisted by a large majority, the Senate amendment was ac
cepted by the equally big majority of 86 to 36, and the
Senate so informed. The House later wanted to add a sup
plement providing that judicial salaries be not diminished
during continuance in office, and sought a conference com
mittee to which the Senate agreed, and by the 9th the bill
was finally passed and provision made for printed copies of
the bill for circulation; thereupon the Assembly closed its
long session on January 10, 1835.
It win be well to take note of the leading features of
this act, for it determines the essential features of the new
constitution in advance; and what is determined satisfies
neither the east nor the west. Thus it was a compromise
that it soon became evident both east and west would ac
cept as the solution of the half-century old controversy.
After providing for the modes of securing the convention
on a House of Commons basis, it provided that the people
should vote for or against a Convention to be bound by the
foUowing propositions: 1. A Senate of but 34 to 50 mem
bers, elected by taxation districts ; 2. A House of but 90 to
120 members, "exclusive of borough members," which the
Convention may exclude as it will, the basis being the
Federal population, except that each county must have at
least one representative ; 4. Use discretion as to free negroes
voting, the holding of both State and national offices,
equality of capitation tax, and nine other provisions, one of
which was election of Governor by the people, and a mode of
ratification. The supplement provided for Judiciary revision.
The vote was to take place on April 1st and 2nd [1835]
next; and if favorable the Governor should provide for
election of delegates. Twenty days later, as if feeling
that his work was done and that with the coming of the new
constitution all things else would be added unto them, in
cluding "Carleton's" Sea to Tennessee railroad. President
Joseph Caldwell passed away and men said: "A great man
has fallen!" Contemporary with this event, also, the Ala
bama "Whigs" nominated Judge Hugh L. White of

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 149
Tennessee for President against the Tennessee President's
candidate, and the "Whig" movement was abreast of both
constitutional and transportation reform.
While these events were in progress, Mr. Morehead was
leading public action against the Jacksonian Baltimore Con
vention, being the chief speaker in a Guilford county
meeting on May 19th [1835], at Greensboro, which was
thereby led to denounce it by a vote of 93 to 3. During the
meeting he twitted Mr. Shepperd on "Confessing the sin" of
supporting the "powers that be," meaning Jackson and Van
Buren, "as he [Morehead] was himself a sinner of the
same description about that time ; but that since then he had
become heartily penitent." He had already spoken in other
counties with similar results. On May 13th, the editor of the
Greensborough Patriot had said: "We are anxious that
John M. Morehead should be in the Convention by all
means. His interest is identified with the west; and his
ability to defend any proposition he may bring forward to
sustain that interest renders it peculiarly important that he
should have a seat in that body. ... In this case we
need our strongest men — our heaviest metal!"
He was again in public life, and the people knew what
he would do in convention.
The meeting at the Guilford County Court, on the con
stitutional convention, had appointed a committee of ten, of
whom Mr. Morehead was one, to address the public. This
address was issued on February 25, 1835, and among other
things, it emphasized the fact that five western counties
named, with greater white population than nineteen named
eastern counties, had but fifteen representatives, while the
latter had fifty-seven ; that five western counties having more
black than white population than sixteen eastern counties,
had only fifteen representatives, while the latter had forty-
eight ; that Guilford had a greater white population than five
eastern counties, yet she sends but three, while the latter
have fifteen ! Orange county, but slightly less in white and
black population than five eastern counties has but three,
while the five eastern counties have fifteen! Twelve eastern
counties paid only two-thirds of what five western counties

ISO JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
paid the State treasurer. They showed that western coun
ties were actually paying the salaries of eastern county
members! The new convention would make a constitution
based on taxation and federal population; and while the
proposed limitation of the powers of the convention were
not all that was to be desired, yet the proposals were fair to
all, and some things like election of executive by the people
was in line with more direct popular control. "The oppor
tunity is now offered us [on April 1st and 2nd] to put
ourselves on an equality with them [the eastern counties] ;
and to give the west a decided preponderance, which it ought
to have in the legislature."
The April election occurred and with the result not so
unlike the unofficial ballot of near 30,000, namely 27,550 for
and 21,694 against, making a majority of 5856, with every
county voting, and having votes both for and against,
even to a solitary one in Rutherford or two in Rowan against
to so few as four for in both Tyrrell and Greene or five and
six in Hyde and Martin respectively. And the remarkable
feature of it was that this majority vote of 27,550 was given
by 26 counties, while it took 39 counties to furnish the
minority vote, or 13 more than the majority! The location
of them is shown on the accompanying map. The greatest
number against in any one county was that of Johnston,
Edgecombe coming next and Beaufort and Wayne counties
following ; while the greatest for was Lincoln, Orange com
ing next and Rutherford and Surry following. Wake, the
capital county, went over 2 to 1 against. Probably Halifax
gave the greatest number for of any eastern county, unless
Granville be called eastern; and probably Caswell gave the
largest against, among western counties, unless Cumberland
be called western. Guilford was 1271 for to 143 against.
The Governor appointed May 21st for the election of
delegates who were to meet in the capital on June 4th.
Guilford County sent John Motley Morehead and Jonathan
Parker. Government House, the temporary capitol at the foot
of Fayetteville street, Raleigh, was the objective of every
thoughtful man in North Carolina as the new delegates

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 151
gathered there on the afternoon of June 4, 1835. Editor
Gales, of the Raleigh Register, said that "the people, laying
aside political feeling, have in almost every county, selected
their most experienced, most talented and strongest men-
men who would confer dignity and honor on any station."
"It may be said," he asserted in the issue of June 9th,
"without the fear of contradiction, that the Convention, as
a body, will not suffer by comparison with any similar
assemblage in the Union, which has preceded it." Here
came the venerable Nathaniel Macon of Warren, now com
ing probably to his last great public service, as he had come
to his first, when the place was merely "Wake Court House,"
in 1781. Craven sent Judge William Gaston and Greene
sent Richard Dobbs Spaight. Governor John Branch came
from Halifax, General Alfred Dockery from Richmond,
Governor Swain from Buncombe, Calvin Graves from
Caswell, Charles Fisher of Rowan, General Alexander Gray
of Randolph, Judge Henry Seawell of Raleigh, D. M. Bar
ringer of Cabarrus and others of Hke character.
Even before permanent organization was effected. Judge
Gaston, as often before, became the voice of a great
majority, 86 to 22, to enter upon the work in the spirit
of the Assembly's limitations of it, now, by endorsement,
the people's limitations, also. Thereupon the patriarchal
Macon was unanimously chosen President of the Conven
tion. Mr. Morehead's first effort was on June 5th, desiring
to economize in printing, and Mr. Fisher supported him and
he won his point of election of a Convention printer and
Gales and Son, of the Raleigh Register, were chosen. He
then offered resolutions assigning different subjects of the
Act to select committees, but differing ideas upon the
matter led to adjournment and to use of the Presbyterian
Church for a future meeting place. The idea of Weldon
Edwards of a Procedure committee as first in order was
offered as similar to Virginia and New York plans, while
some preferred a Committee-of-the-whole plan used in the
national constitutional convention; but, by a vote of 64 the
Edwards plan failed and Morehead again called up his plan ;
and Judge Gaston again became a decisive factor and actually

152 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
secured the adoption of the Edwards resolution, and More-
head as well as Gaston, Edwards, Fisher and others active
in the matter were appointed on the Congressional District
committee of thirteen. This occurred during the first ses
sion in the Presbyterian Church, a brick structure on the
site of the present one at the southwest corner of Capitol
Square, of which Rev. Dr. McPheeters was pastor.
Before Judge Gaston made the report of the Procedure
committee, some discussion was had on whether visitors
should be allowed elsewhere than in the galleries, then the
report proceeded to provide for committees much as Mr.
Morehead had proposed: 1. On representation in Assem
bly; 2. On processes of amendment, ratification and
ordinances; 3. On borough representation; 4. On vote of
free negroes ; 5. On holding both state and national offices ;
6. On capitation tax of white and slave ; 7. On militia and
local justices' selection and removal; 8. Assembly mode of
election of officers ; 9. On the 32nd article ; 10. Assembly
vacancies ; 11. On frequency of Assembly meetings and elec
tion of Secretary of State; 12. On gubernatorial election;
13. On Attorney General's election; 14. On judicial im
peachment; 15. On local Justices' disqualification; 16. On
judicial disabilities; 17. On judicial salaries; 18. On private
legislation ; and 19. On confining Judges elected to judicial
offices only, while still on the bench. At this point occurred
that invariably interesting pair of proposals: attacking all
subjects alike vs. first selecting the simple great subjects
in committee of the whole. This latter was proposed by
Governor Branch, and others brought up almost all the
various methods so familiar to students of the convention
of 1787. On taking up the first resolution, however, an
eastern member tried to change the Congressional District
basis to a judicial district one, and on Morehead's attacking
it, it was lost 75 to 51, but the committees were doubled
to 26, instead of 13, and Morehead was placed on the Assem
bly representation committee, and his motion to meet at
10 A. M. every day closed the session of Monday, June 8th,
at the corner of Salisbury and West Morgan Streets.
An effort on the 9th to get statistics on the election

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 153
brought out some interesting facts: Among others.
Governor Swain said the April vote, "thin" as it was said
to be, was the greatest in her history, with one exception—
the Presidential vote of 1828, when it was 51,776, while
that of April was 49,244. But on Wednesday, the 10th,
the Committee of the Whole took up borough representa
tion, for which Judge Gaston made the most notable
plea, and as usual Governor Swain brought out some
interesting history, namely, that it was the course of the
borough members which brought this Convention into
existence in the Assembly. He thought the country would
not be just to the towns; and said he had hoped district
representation would take the place of county represen
tation, and so break up, by district lines, an imaginary
line between the east and west. These two probably
strongest, most liberal leaders of the Convention, one of
the east and one of the west, both for borough representa
tion, was a rather remarkable fact, except that one was
from the largest town in the state, and in the east, and the
other from the extreme west, at that time. And when
Fisher of Salisbury confessed his practical decision to vote
for abolition of borough representation had been suspended
by what he had heard, one may know the discussion was a
powerful one ; and his own description of borough election
fights was, unconsciously no doubt, one of the strongest
points against them, for he said it was not true of county
election. His conclusion seemed to favor some eastern
boroughs, but he was against western borough representa
tion, and he was from Salisbury. Meares of Sampson
county made good points for representation of marine bor
oughs — in fact it was Newbern, Wilmington and Fayette
ville, marine towns, which desired separate representation
most. Of course they would be represented in the Senate,
but that was not enough. "The interests" of that day were
in the marine boroughs. Some gentlemen even advocated it
on the old English basis. And then the Roanoke and Albe
marle spoke up through Governor Branch and others, and
they were against the borough. One of them indeed said :
"Halifax, Sir, is gone — Edenton is going— and Newbern is

154 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
not far behind" — so their power to vote did not protect them
as boroughs! Mr. Toomer made a powerful plea for the
boroughs, noting that South Carolina, Virginia, New York
and Massachusetts, in their revised constitution, retained
borough representation. At the end of two days, a vote
on excepting the three marine boroughs was negatived, and
abolition was also negatived, and it was sent, 103 to 23,
to the committee of 26 as it was.
On June 12th, negro voting was taken up in Committee
of the Whole — meaning of course free negroes. Mr. Daniel
of Halifax precipitated the question by a resolution to have
them vote, if with a freehold of $250. The greatest attack
upon it was by Mr. Bryan, of Carteret, who insisted that
freeing slaves did not confer political rights. "North
Carolina," said he, "is the only Southern State in the Union
that has permitted them to enjoy this privilege." He in
sisted that "this is a nation of white people," and, whether
one agreed with him or not, his was a powerful plea. In it
he anticipated almost all the difficulties that have grown out
of this great question. He didn't want North Carolina to
become "an asylum for free negroes." It was finally decided
by a close vote of 61 to 58 to withdraw the vote from free
negroes; and on the following day it was taken up in open
Convention. Here again discussion was able and vigorous.
Mr. McQueen of Chatham, drew attention to the fact
Connecticut gave them no vote, likewise Ohio. Judge Gas
ton favored not removing the vote, and Mr. Morehead
favored voting for Commons alone, with a $100 freehold.
Thereupon a vote was taken, 66 to 61, in favor of abrogation
of the vote, Mr. Morehead being one of the 61 ; and with him
such men as Fisher, Gaston, Branch, Swain, Seawell, and
others of like character. It was plain that the British and
probable French freeing of slaves in the West Indies and
the occasional insurrections had some influence in the settle
ment of this question, as well as some northern movements
of this period — and yet it was done by a narrow margin of
but 5 votes, and the division was not territorial; it seemed
to be wholly an individual sentiment or conviction.
No time was spent on No. 5, as ah were agreed two

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 155
offices should not be held by one person at one time in state
and nation; and No. 6 on equal capitation tax was held in
similar attitude, but it succeeded in bringing out that occa
sional expression of suspicion that suggested an atmosphere
of armed peace between east and west; and thus June 15th
was ushered in with the question of members in each house,
in Committee of the Whole. This was the vital point of the
whole Convention. "It has been said," exclaimed Spaight of
Greene, "that unless the Convention would agree to fix the
number of 120 members for the House of Commons, 50
having been agreed to for the Senate, the West would not
accept of the Constitution. A fair course," said he, "would
be to give the West ascendency in the House of Commons,
and the East ascendency in the Senate." He acknowledged
the right of the majority to rule, but said "there were checks
and balances for the security of the minority ; and when this
should cease to be the case, our Government would be more
odious than the despotism of Europe. In the North," said
he, "they have small Senates and large Houses of Repre
sentatives. In the South the number of the Senate is much
larger, and possess all the legislative power of the other
House." He avowed that emigration was not from North
CaroHna alone, but from all eastern states, and was due to
cheap land sales in the west. He said there was not only
an eastern and a western interest, but a Roanoke, a Cape
Fear and a Neuse interest. Great differences were ex
pressed as to property controlling in the Senate, and popula
tion of some sort — whether white or federal ratio — in the
House. Governor Swain answered him that 120 for the
House and 50 for the Senate was the compromise in view
in the Act— which, by the way, became the Magna Charta of
the Convention— between East and West, and he thought
this Convention had a majority to carry out that compromise
in good faith. This was what it was for. It continued
through the next day, too, and came close to being a question
of Counties vs. Districts. It was bitterly fought on both
sides. Mr. Bryan, of Beaufort city, as usual clarified the
subject, by admitting that the East and property was to
dominate the Senate ; the real difficulty was in the House,

156 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
for any number between 90 and 120, mentioned in the Act,
would give the East power there ; so it was somewhat imma
terial what number between was taken. He praised Judge
Gaston's tabulations, and showed that the plan would give, in
the House, six to eight majority for the West, in the Senate
four for the East and, in joint session, four for the West —
but he wanted three eastern boroughs represented. Presi
dent Macon occasionally expressed himself, but as if fearful
of a new Pandora box. Mr. Fisher of SaHsbury, saw fit to
answer his statement that all changes in government were
"from better to worse ;" after which he reminded the Con
vention most ably, that the assertion, that the West was
pressing for power, was false; they were pressing for a
principle which would operate justly all over the state. He
noted the fact that the West was homogeneous, while the
east had three sections always jealous of one another. He
thought it immaterial, what number between 90 and 120
was taken, so far as a majority to the west was concerned ;
it would go there anyhow, and that was what they were here
for! He believed the east and west division would disap
pear with the new constitution.
The Convention was still engaged in the subject on the
18th, and for the first time Mr. Morehead indicated his deep
interest in keeping at it until it was settled. He was wisely
letting the East have its say, for was he not witnessing a
fulfillment of his demands and predictions of 1821? Was
not the battle already won, and could not the vanquished
wisely be permitted to work out the details? The Magna
Charta Act and its ratification by the people in calling this
Convention were the real Constitution of 1835 ; it was al
ready theirs. Let the East work out the details; and no
man was more influential or able in it than Judge Gaston of
Newbern. He now made his first great address of the Con
vention. He showed how the East- West division had arisen
first over location of the capital, then the Seaboard vs. the
West. This was perpetuated in a new slogan: "A new
Western county, a new Eastern one." Now it must cease,
in a justice to the West, for the People have bound all mem
bers with an oath to do so. "Some things we must do.

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 157
Some things we may do. There are others we cannot do."
He was magnificently interpretative, giving that funda
mental conception of our political science, which is so rarely
appreciated; and yet he showed the deeply rooted English
ideas of the east on property and limited suffrage. Such
studies make one realize how the new American political
science, underlying the Declaration and the Constitution,
had, and still has to fight its way against the antiquated sys
tem of Great Britain. Even so great a man and scholar as
Judge Gaston took it for granted that the Senate should rep
resent property, and the ordinary man had no right to vote
for it. The English term "Freeholder" was more sacred
than the Jeffersonian Declaration as tO' men born free and
equal. He revealed the East's great fear lest the West on
coming to its own, should vote Eastern wealth for transpor
tation. His analysis of the federal ratio, instead of white
vote only, was most able. "Slaves are human beings," he re
minded the West. As the Senate represented mixed property
and person, so the House must represent mixed persons and
property. A slave is both property and a member of so
ciety, he said. Every Southern state had one of the
federal ratio in the national House. How could they want
it less for the State? The opposition to 50 to 120 was
merely because it was slightly different from the old 1 to
2 ; but this was merely because taxation made 50 and popu
lation made 120, if each county was to have at least one
representative. In fact, the excess that 120 is over 65,
is the population basis, and it is a compromise the West
has accepted; the 45 members, only, represent the popu
lation proportion, and it must not be reduced, so long
as the Senate is 50. Those, who would make it 100, would,
if Person and Robeson counties were Western, make the
House stand 47 to 53 ; if neutral 47 to 51 ; if Eastern 49 to
50; but with 120 the first would be 55 east to 65 west— the
second 55 to 61, and the third 59 to 61. To make it so close
as 100 would make it, was not fair to the West or to the
oath of this Convention. This matter was settled and no
half -settlement would answer, nor would it be made.
"Make it right, so that it may last." Wealth had many

158 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
forms, and the West would yet rival the East in its posses
sion. He analyzed the excess-member question ably, but re
minded them that the Act settled the matter that they must
go to counties according to respective numbers; so that he
suggested county election for counties not having excess,
and district for those having excess. Judge Gaston closed
with a beautiful comment on North Carolina, but he made
one statement that showed him not to be the man of vision
that Morehead was : "The laws of Nature forbade North
Carolina from attaining great commercial eminence, or
rivalling in wealth some of the other States of the Confed
eracy." The method he proposed was adopted and reported
to the Convention — the product of two weeks' work, for the
Convention confirmed it. Thus far it was plain that no man
was so nearly the father of the constitution of 1835, as
Judge Gaston, so far as its construction was concerned;
but so far as the voices that represented the demand of the
West was concerned, the fathers of it were Fisher and More-
head in 1821. Nothing had been added in the past fifteen
years to what they had uttered; and this Convention was
constructing what was then asked for, in the main.
The three weeks longer, that it was destined to sit, would
have no such important question to settle, as the one just de
cided ; and yet what occurred was to be a great and plainly
recognized change in the spirit of the Convention. The
chief bone of contention had been removed, and the state
stood upon a new basis. The West had come to her own,
but left the East, or minority, an organ of self-protection
in the Senate, just as had been done in the national constitu
tional convention. North CaroHna had again endorsed the
great American doctrine of minority self-protection. The
final vote on the 120, on the 19th, showed that the Conven
tion stood 75 to 52 for it — a very vigorous majority; and
this was no doubt due chiefly to Gaston, the "Peace-Maker,"
the role he, himself, avowed he wished to play. To rein
force this settlement, a vote of 120 to 4 for holding to 50
for the Senate was had, and all doubt removed as to the
vitality of the settlement.
The biennial meeting of the Legislature was easily

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 159
settled on the 20th to the accompaniment of an interesting
Jeremiad by President Macon, to whose venerable mind the
course of the Convention, and especially of Judge Gaston
were anathema. It was therefore most interesting to see
the new order recognized promptly, on Monday the 22nd,
by making Mr. Morehead chairman of Committee of the
Whole. The biennial matter was again fought when it
was attached to the original resolution on representation,
but again confirmed by a vote of 85 to 35. Then came that
sensitive subject, borough representation, on the 24th, and
it was fought over for two days, but the "Peace-Maker,"
although followed, in wanting representation, by such men
as Fisher and Morehead, lost his battle 7Z to 50^practically
the same majority that settled representation in general.'
Representation was now fully settled, it would seem;
but it was plain that the Convention was in a mood to leave
no dark corner of it uncleansed ; and action to that effect was
precipitated on Friday, the 26th, in taking up Article 32,
namely, the subject of religious disabilities in office-holding
as most thought, of Roman Catholics and other non-
Protestants. Mr. Fisher, of Rowan, was called to the
chairmanship of Committee of the Whole. This Article,
for sixty years, had been essentially obsolete, for Catholics
held both legislative and judicial offices ; indeed the "Peace-
Maker" of this very Convention was a Roman Catholic, and
as some would say, "the noblest Roman of them all;" but,
essentially obsolete as it was, profound sentiment surrounded
it in many quarters. It was a theme for flights of oratory,
and men Hke Weldon Edwards of Warren, Bryan of Beau
fort city, President Macon, Shober (the Moravian) and
Rayner took advantage of it, eloquently. This was the one
theme on which President Macon could see the constitution
changed and not be from "better to worse." To one man
on this floor in the Presbyterian Church at the south
west corner of capitol square, it was a personal question,

^A very interesting suggestion is made by A. B. Andrews, Esq., of
Raleigh, that it was the Roanoke valley — meaning the lower Roanoke-^which
punished the marine boroughs by taking away representation, for aiding the
West to get a new constitution. The favor of such men as Fisher and Morehead
to the boroughs gives ground for its plausibility.

160 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
probably more than to any other — a man now on the highest
bench in the state, the man, who, at this moment, was doing
more than any other one man to construct this new consti
tution, namely, its avowed "Peace-Maker," Judge William
Gaston of Newbern. At the beginning of the fourth day in
Committee of the Whole he began an address that must
ever be considered a classic in constitutional annals. He
showed that the article was inconsistent with the Bill of
Rights and did not forbid Catholics from holding office, ac
cording to the most careful thought of thoughtful men. The
article was not understood, as it was, nor could it be;
let it be made plain, whatever it was to mean, and he would
abide by it. His idea was that its meaning hung on positive
denial of truths of the Protestant religion. It has been held
to disqualify Atheists, Deists, Jews, Catholics, Quakers,
Mennonites, and Dunkards, at least. The Convention is di
rected to make it plain. His historical treatment was superb.
He noted how Maryland, Rhode Island, and Pennsylvania
were "the only countries," before the Revolution, in which
religious equality was established, and the Declaration of
Independence and Union made it all but universal among
the States, North Carolina alone having the sole relic in
Article 32. He insisted that as a Roman Catholic he owed
"no allegiance to any man or set of men on earth, save only
to the State of North Carolina, and, so far as she has parted
with her sovereignty, to the United States of America."
His plea to the West, which stood for equal representation
was most earnest, and he closed with a plea for full free
dom. Many more speakers followed him on July 1st, the
last one, except a word from Governor Swain, being Mr.
Morehead. The Guilford delegate said he should have remained
silent, except that such censure had been passed on all who
would retain the article. "Because we are in favor of re
taining in the Constitution something like a Test for office,
we are charged with bigotry and illiberality. In every
Constitution," said he, "certain qualifications are made neces
sary for office. In the amendments proposed by this
Convention to the Constitution, certain qualifications are

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 161
provided for the members of both Houses, and why not place
some guard against inroads on the religion of our country?
We, the other day, refused to a class of freemen the right of
voting, because the color of their skin happened to differ
from ours. Why was that done ? Not because it was just,
but because it was expedient. But when we prefer keeping
a guard upon our religious rights in the Constitution, we
are called illiberal bigots, fanatics, etc." Mr. Morehead
could not "say he was a Christian, because he made no pro
fession to be such; but he was as free from bigotry and
fanaticism as anyone.  If no care is to be taken to
preserve the sanctity of Religion in our country, why keep
up the custom of administering oaths ? Why administer an
oath to an Atheist ? He would not be bound by it." It had
been said that there were no such beings in the country. He
believed there were many such. He was therefore in favor
of retaining the section in question. If any amendments
were made to it, he should prefer that offered by the gentle
man from Wilkes, and now under consideration. He agreed
with the gentleman from Cumberland (Mr. Toomer) that it
had been settled by the highest authority, that the 32nd
Article did not exclude Roman Catholics from office, since
the General Assembly had recently selected a distinguished
gentleman of that profession to fill one of the highest offices
on our Judicial Bench. He had been admitted to his seat
without a single whisper of objection from any quarter, but
on the contrary, with the general approbation of the whole
country. Mr. Morehead added that he wished every man
in North Carolina could have heard the able defence and ex
planation which the gentleman from Craven (Mr. Gaston)
had given to the Convention, of the Roman Catholic Re-
Hgion. He wished it, because he was satisfied that it had
been greatly misrepresented and misunderstood. He knew it
was generally believed in the part of the country in which he
was best acquainted, that the Catholics here owned allegiance
to the Pope. He was glad to hear this positively contra
dicted by the gentleman from Craven. He would add
another remark in relation to what had fallen from the
gentleman from Buncombe some days ago, in relation to the

162 JOHN :\IOTLEY MOREHEAD
late Rev. Dr. David Caldwell, of his county. Mr. Morehead
said there never was a truer Whig than Dr. Caldwell, nor
one that had the good of his country more at heart. He
mentioned several striking instances of his ardent zeal dur
ing the Revolutionary struggle, in evidence of this fact.
And Mr. Morehead, when it came to a vote on substituting
"Christian" for "Protestant," was in the minority of 51 to
74, along with Governor Branch, General Dockery, Spaight
of Greene County, Judge Seawell, Judge Toomer of Fayette
ville, and others of like standing. Judge Gaston had won
again. Even so, however, Judge Gaston was voting to keep
Jews and Atheists out of office, and it was extremely proba
ble that this would occur to some as unjust, before the
Convention rose.
July 2nd was a scarcely less auspicious day than the 26th
of June had been, for the question was then raised as to
whether the distrust of the people and distrust of the Execu
tive shown in the old constitution was to stand. The annual
choice of Governor by the Assembly indicated a purpose to
center all control in the Assembly, so that the Governor
was merely a species of executive officer dependent on the
legislature. Here again the old British conceptions were in
evidence, as well as repudiation of the checks-and-balance
system between legislative and executive departments.
Vi'^hile it did not affect power between east and west, it was
part of the same political ideas, and was scarcely second in
importance to the future of the commonwealth to that of
proportional representation itself. The West proposed to
elect the Governor in the same way they were to elect the
lower House ; for they purposed having an executive in sym
pathy with measures the House should secure. Not that the
Governor had veto power, for he had not, but that he should,
like the lower House, be the voice of population and, conse
quently, the West. And the curious thing about it was that
it was an eastern — extreme eastern man, Mr. Jesse Wilson of
Perquimans, on the Albemarle, who proposed the resolution.
And the very first speaker said he had heard no complaint
against the sixty-year-old mode of choosing the Governor;
and he was possibly right ; but the call for population repre-

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 163
sentation in the Assembly, which would have given the West
its choice anyhow, carried with it as a corollary, Hke election
of the executive; for both were merely means to an end,
namely, the will of the majority of the people in development
of North Carolina. The defeat of development was the
motive of constitutional revision, rather than any senti
mental or academic political theories of popular equality ; so
great was the hold of the old British conceptions of political
representation upon the people. They were far behind the
new American political science expressed in the national con
stitution, but not so far as Pennsylvania had been before
their constitution of 1790. This latter, the work chiefly of
James Wilson, chief father of the national constitution and
first to present the new political science, as a science, had
been formed on the new science; and all that great body
of settlers in western North Carolina who came from that
state after 1790 had those ideas. That they influenced the
thought of the west there can be no doubt. In this particular
question, however. North Carolina was no doubt somewhat
influenced by her daughter, Tennessee, who had in her recent
constitutional revision done the same thing. Indeed the
first speaker, Mr. Daniel of HaHfax, said he had lately met a
Tennessean "who said that two Candidates were travelling
through the State on an electioneering campaign, at expense
and trouble to themselves, and to the great annoyance of the
People," and he hoped not to see such a phenomenon in
North Carolina. He of course could not know that there
were members present then who should soon be doing that
very thing for the first time in the history of the State. He
cited Pennsylvania, New York and Massachusetts as warn
ings. Others followed : President Macon said that a Governor
that could do no more than a North Carolina executive was
of not enough importance to bother about it ; but if he had
a veto power, as many have, he thought the People ought
to elect him. Some feared that the only question people
would ask would be: "Is he an eastern or a western man?"
Judge Gaston recognized the inseparableness of this and the
new House basis, and its inevitableness. He also noted the

164 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
utter absence of power in the "Old North State's" execu
tive; he was merely and strictly executive, with neither
appointive or veto powers, and so to vote for such an office
was no great privilege, that 60,000 voters should bother
about: it would be different if he had power. He dreaded
the election machinery. He thought it broke the compro
mise between east and west, because it would compel free
white voting, not the federal ratio. Judge Gaston again lost,
74 to 44, almost the usual majority ; and with him were men
like Bryan, Edwards, Macon, SeaweU, Toomer and others of
like standing.
On July 3rd, the Senatorial districts and House election
arrangements prepared by a committee were accepted, and it
was decided to keep at work on the 4th, on which day, the
Volunteer Militia celebrated with noisy procession past the
Presbyterian Church so effectively, that, while it irritated
^Ir. Morehead, who thought it deserved a reprimand, it
actually resulted in persuading the Convention to honor the
day by adjournment, the day being Saturday. On the 6th,
however, the future method of amendment was taken up.
It was natural that the West, which had struggled so hard to
get revision, should want a more easy mode of amendment,
and it was even proposed that only majorities in two suc
cessive Assemblys, the second elected on this basis, could
secure its presentation for ratification by the people. The
Convention's course in turning down Judge Gaston's position
three times was beginning to raise his apprehensions, and
since he was so great an instrument in securing the present
revision, he wanted a conservative amendment process for
the future. "In what sense," said he, "ought majorities to
govern? That the deliberate will of the People ought ulti
mately to prevail, no one will deny; but that the temporary
will of the majority, which may be produced by the efferves
cence of the moment, ought to do whatever it pleases — set up
and pull down Constitution from day to day — no man can
be so extravagant as to desire." In this comment, he ex
pressed the permanence of American institutions — which
makes ours the oldest government on earth. If the West
did such a thing, he considered himself deceived. "There

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 165
are many reasons," he said, "why the claims of the West did
not sooner succeed. He owed it to the East to say, that
never until lately were these claims fairly before the East.
 Sometimes the West connected the removal of the
Seat of Government with their claim for equal representa
tion—and sometimes they advanced their claims in connec
tion with other propositions which actually reflected on the
understanding of those to whom they were addressed." He
said no other state had such loose provisions. In this he
won the day for two-thirds votes in the Assembly, 107 to 17.
Mr. Morehead astonished the Convention by a vigorous
unequivocal denunciation of requiring viva voce voting for
public offices in Assembly, which came up next ; but he was
disagreed with, 82 to 38. He was pleased, however, when,
immediately thereafter, July 6th, Judge Gaston suggested
that since the majority against giving free negroes the vote
was so small, it might be reconsidered. Before the Revolu
tion, he thought there was hardly a freed negro in the State,
and such as there were, were mulattoes, children of white
women, and thereby free. The act of 1777, providing for
control of emancipation plainly noted it as a recent phenome
non. A few days since he had seen the certificate of John
Chavis, a colored minister, that he had taken the oath of
allegiance at Mecklenburg, Va., on December 20, 1778.
Legislative acts entitled freed negroes to all rights of col
ored freemen, i. e., mulattoes, sons of white women. He
therefore proposed an amendment, restricting, but not with
drawing the vote. Mr. Holmes, of New Hanover, cited the
case of San Domingo, where in 1791, slaves who became
free through meritorious services, the removal, some years
later, of the voting rights then conferred upon them was the
chief cause of revolution. A Perquimans member said no
free negro, in his region, had ever been allowed to vote. Mr.
Fisher proposed a less severe amendment. Objection was
made that no free negro was allowed to enter any state,
except he give bond for good behavior, and Ohio forbid
his entrance at all. A vote would cause confusion. The
Gaston amendment was voted down, 64 to 55, and Mr.

166 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Morehead was one of the 55, results not essentially different
from the first vote, but more favorable to the minority.
Judge Gaston made an attempt to reopen the county-
district method of voting for the lower House, but in vain ;
and then Mr. Morehead brought up the impeachment article
which provided that the Chief Justice should preside, as in
national proceedings of like character; but they wanted no
one but Senators concerned in this judicial act. Mr. More-
head did secure one amendment, however, namely, one on
holding state and national offices ; but he failed in another,
namely, the abolition of private laws, and it was Judge
Gaston's influence which defeated him. Mr. Wilson, of
Perquimans, made an impassioned plea to remove the
word "Christian" before "Religion" in Article 32, but in
vain. The general report on form of amendments for
submission was adopted, 81 to 20, on the evening of July
10th. The usual acts of courtesy were performed on the
following day, when President Macon avowed he had never
witnessed such good order and decorum in any body with
which he had been connected, and he expected this to be
"the last scene of my public life." With a closing prayer
by the pastor of the Presbyterian Church, in which this
great act of justice to the West had been consummated,
the Constitutional Convention of 1835, for North Carolina,
ceased to be.
In a word what were the results : 1. Equalized represen
tation ; 2. biennial sessions ; 3. Popular biennial election of
executives ; 4. Attorney General's term to be limited to four
years; 5. No borough representation; 6. No vote of free
negroes; 7. Viva voce Assembly vote for public officers;
8. Removal of Roman Catholic disability to hold office,
definitely; 9. Two-thirds Assembly votes for amendment
process; 10. Mode of impeachment of officers ; 11. Removal
of judges for disabihty; and 12. Restriction on private
laws. The new order of representation provided one mem
ber for each of 9 counties, with less than the federal ratio ;
Brunswick, Columbus, Chowan, Greene, Jones, Tyrrell,
Washington in the east and Macon and Haywood in the
west. The remaining HI members are on a ratio of 5399,

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 167
that gave 32 counties each one member, 17 counties two
each, and 7 counties three each — not allowing for fractions
permitting another member. The latter counties— those
given another member on fractional excess, were 24 in
number: of these 15 went to the 32 with one member,
while 7 went to the 17 with two members, and 2 went to the
7 with three members. These additional members, as be
tween east and west, were not very equal. The two
three-member counties, which thereby got four, were west
ern, Lincoln and Orange. The seven two-member ones,
getting three, were five western — Burke, Chatham, Iredell,
Surry and Stokes — and two eastern — Granville and Hali
fax ; while on the other hand almost all of the 15 given to
the one-member class were eastern. Therefore only Lincoln
and Orange had four members. Those having three were :
Guilford, Mecklenburg, Rowan, Rutherford, Wake, Burke,
Chatham, Iredell, Surry, Stokes, Granville and Halifax.
Those having two were: Anson, Buncombe, Cumberland,
Craven, Caswell, Davidson, Edgecombe, Randolph, Rock
ingham, Wilkes, Beaufort, Bertie, Duplin, Franklin, John
ston, New Hanover, Northampton, Person, Pitt, Sampson,
Warren, Wayne, Montgomery, Robeson and Richmond.
The rest had but one representative. As property was so
largely the basis of the Senate, it was only a question of a
short time when the West would be equally dominant in
that body.
The Convention had barely adjourned when news came
of the death of Chief Justice John Marshall, whereupon
North CaroHna came out boldly and vigorously for the
Roman Catholic "Peace-Maker" of the Convention as his
successor. It was a premature wish, however, for it was to
take over a half-century before the people of the United
States were able to take such an attitude. That the new con
stitution was more his work than that of any other one man
is self-evident. That Mr. Morehead recognized him as leader
is also self-evident, and, as a rule, supported him on the
great committee of which both were members. That More-
head would have gone farther than Gaston is also not to be
questioned, nor that he recognized that Gaston led Cape Fear

168 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
and Neuse sections of the east against the Roanoke, or the
commercial boroughs of the southeast against the planters
of the Roanoke. A sub-conscious, if not conscious, basis
for this, was undoubtedly the Newbern-Beaufort-Raleigh
hope for a Beaufort-to-Tennessee railroad. The Caldwell
idea of the west had become the Gaston idea of the east, the
lever by which the State was to be lifted. That this was
Mr. Morehead's objective, rather than any especially aca
demic ideas in political science, there can be still less doubt ;
for this new constitution was preeminently a means to an
end, just as Judge Gaston himself was. The statesmanship
of the Murpheys, the Caldwells, the Fishers, the Moreheads
and other western leaders, whose eyes were on the building
and development of the commonwealth, were the real cause
of this new fundamental law. They were the designers;
Gaston the chief builder, after their plans — plans which had
been forced upon him and his eastern friends almost at the
point of revolution. And it had been the whole burden of
Morehead's pubhc Hfe, his heritage from his great teachers
and heroes, Murphey and Caldwell. The order for the Con
stitution of 1835 had been given in the West and the general
design made there, but its mechanism was built chiefly by
eastern hands.
Its ratification was not to be voted on until November,
so that the general elections at once overshadowed all else.
The "Whigs of '34" were now merely fuH-fledged Whigs,
and were carrying the banner of Hugh L. White of Tennes
see against "Van Burenism." It was a period of the rise
of the national "West" as well as the State "West;" Ar
kansas and Michigan were asking to become states. The
growth of the Whigs everywhere was amazing. North
Carolina was divided nearly equally between the two — the
idoHzer of General Jackson not long since! General Har
rison's friends were becoming active ; and with this uprising
came also, in the North, aggressive propaganda for the
abolition of slavery. These themes were in the minds of
all in November, when the new Assembly met and the vote
on ratification was taken. This vote of the people was
a magnificent proof of the need for revision, for the tre-

Map OF North Carolina, 1835
Prepared by the author
Showing vote for Constitutional Convention, 27,550 (26 cos.), and against, 21,694 (39 cos.); and ratification
vote, 26,771 for, with 21,606 against, Ashe and Granville changing for, and Moore and Cumberland against

NEW CONSTITUTION AND POLITICAL POWER 169
mendous number of 39 counties were against, nearly 40
against, to 26 for; and yet 26,771 were for and but 21,606
against, making 5165 majority for ratification! The only
difference between this vote and that for calling the conven
tion was that the latter majority was somewhat larger, 5856.
In other words, the two votes for, were 27,550 and 26,771 ;
the two votes against were 21,694 and 21,606; and the
majorities 5856 and 5165. The chief difference was that
several hundred were so sure it would win that they did not
vote, while less than a hundred were won to the eastern
cause. Therefore, on December 3, 1835, Governor Swain
proclaimed the new constitution to be in effect from and
after January 1, 1836.
And what was the immediate result? The Assembly
had its shortest session within memory, adjourning on De
cember 22nd. Their most notable work was to amend the
Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad act of 1832, changing the
line to run direct from Wilmington to the Roanoke, leaving
Raleigh out ; for not only Petersburgh was running trains to
Weldon, below the Roanoke rapids, and, by way of the
Greensville and Roanoke, from Belfield, were running to a
point above the rapids now called Gaston ; but a new "train
of cars" was announced for December 1st on the way from
Portsmouth to its successive termini on the way to Weldon.
Wilmington, therefore, proposed to make haste and take
its share from the rich Roanoke. The Gaston terminus,
therefore, on the Wilmington people's leaving out Raleigh,
caused her to secure incorporation of the Raleigh and Gaston
Railroad Company, and the Raleigh and Fayetteville Rail
road Company. The Weldon Toll Bridge increased its
capital to $75,000, to get ready for the big business. These
were the answer to the new constitution, of the people of
Wilmington and the Roanoke, for they expected the west
to move for the North Carolina Central or Beaufort to Ten
nessee railroad.

IX
John Motley Morehead
AND
The Rise of the Whig Party
IN
North Carolina
1836
Immediately on the close of the Assembly on Decem
ber 22, 1835, the Anti-Van Buren or Whig members met in
the House of Commons hall, at Government House, foot
of Fayetteville Street, and resolved upon organization of a
party ticket to be known as Whig. General Polk, of
Rowan, took the lead in this as in the unofficial constitu
tional convention of 1833, although Col. Andrew Joyner of
Halifax, was made chairman. They nominated White of
Tennessee for President and formed a Whig Central Com
mittee headed by Charles L. Hinton, an address committee
headed by General Polk, provided for county nominations
of a Whig candidate for Governor, and for county com
mittees of five each. When these were appointed the list
showed almost none of the old leaders, except General
Polk in Rowan, Mr. Morehead , in Guilford, General
Dockery in Richmond and a few others, but its organization
was complete in every county.
But whether Whig organization, which was almost as
vigorous in most other states as in Carolina, was more
active, or railroad promotion more so, is difficult to say.
On January 2, 1836, Raleigh held a meeting of all those
interested in a railroad to the Roanoke terminus of the
Greensville and Roanoke Railroad at Wilkins Ferry, now
called Gaston. Judge Cameron, Charles Manly, George
E. Badger and others led the enthusiasm and $150,000 was
170

.PoFt<!>iaB©iat3a <& li©aiioIi.e

^-^..M

!'»

STIHK Public ai-e inrormeJ that Sixty I^lilcs
iA iif tliis Iload are completed and rea<ly t<ir
Uie Traiispoitalioii ot I'ussenger.s and Pi-oduce.
gl ^vMn of ©iTvs

irjZL LEAVE, PORTSMOUTH DAILY,
(commencing' tl\is diiy, Tuesday, the frtt
of December, at 9 o'clock. A, M.) and ariivc at
MAUGARETVILLE, (the present terininatioti
of the road,) lo dinnerj »»'hcnce paasengeta vvill
be conv^'ed in
^ FO§T^ -COACHES
TO HALIFAX, W. cf
Arriving in time % the
j^onthcms»Sa;»s«s, Via Raleigli Sec.

First Picture of a Train in a
North Carolina Paper
Raleigh Register, 15th Dec, 1836

RISE OF THE WHIGS 171
subscribed, whereupon the President of the Petersburg
Railroad announced that he was authorized to put down
$150,000 for citizens of his city. This made immediate
organization possible; but the Wilmington people were
equally in earnest and at the same time announced a sub
scription of $200,000 for their road. The Gaston road
organized on February 4th. Five days before, on January
30th, Raleigh Whigs started the local nominations for Presi
dent, Vice-President and Governor and determined on Hugh
L. White, a native of North CaroHna; John Tyler of Vir
ginia, and for Governor, General Edward B. Dudley, of Wil
mington. A general understanding existed among the Whigs
of the State that there should be unity on these men, so that
the campaign should be wholly against Van Burenism and
Jacksonism, whose ticket was headed by Spaight, both
eastern men, and designed to divide the east, prospects of
which was almost certain.
On February 16th, General Dudley accepted and
slightly less than a month later, 14th March, he was also
chosen President of the Wilmington and Raleigh Railroad
Company. The success of the Raleigh-Gaston organi
zation seems to have made the board change its policy
and go to Raleigh, for this meeting decided to at once
begin work at both ends, Wilmington and Raleigh. The
Raleigh-Roanoke road, designed to go to Weldon from
Raleigh was active but not so far successful; so that the
commitment of the Raleigh people to the Gaston, or above-
falls route, no doubt temporarily influenced Wilmington
to go to Raleigh, with an idea of heading off any Raleigh-
Fayetteville alliance. The decision did not last long, how
ever, chiefly, it is said, because Johnston county would not
subscribe. This course was stimulated, too, by the Raleigh-
Gaston line calling in 8% on its stock on June 7th and
actually getting to work on the Gaston end; and also be
cause the Raleigh-Fayetteville road was becoming active,
while the Richmond and Petersburg and Richmond and
Fredericksburg roads were building so fast, that Wilming
ton feared lest the through line plight be diverted west of
her by Raleigh activities. The fact that stocks of all com-

172 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
pleted roads in the United States were above par served to
make them attractive investment as well as public improve
ment. The Hartford and New Haven was to begin opera
tion on August 15th; and 48 miles of the Richmond and
Fredericksburg was in use in November, with only 16
miles more to complete. The Raleigh-Gaston road had
35 miles out of Gaston contracted for by October and
would have 50 before the end of the year. By November
the Wilmington- Weldon route was settled and 30 miles sur
veyed and 35 under contract. They took over the Halifax
and Weldon road as part of this line. Then came a new
idea from Virginia, not unlike the Greensville-Gaston
branch of the Petersburg to tap the upper Roanoke above
the falls. This was to tap the still farther upper Roanoke
and Dan valleys from Portsmouth to Danville, paralleling
the Roanoke, under the name Roanoke, Danville and Junc
tion Railroad proposed in December — a project that was to
appeal greatly to Mr. Morehead's district, because it would
be their nearest line, although it would bind them com
mercially to Virginia. By this, the latter state, which
was capturing the lower Roanoke already, would capture
the back country to the north, as South Carolina was al
ready capturing it to the south by water and proposing to
do by rail. Indeed so early as 1833 a North Carolina
convention proposed a line to Louisville and Cincinnati
through the mountains and now Charleston was actively
at work on the Louisville, Cincinnati and Charleston Rail
road and was at this very time, through her agent, attempt
ing to enlist North Carolina in it, showing that the Yadkin
road, from Fayetteville to Beatties Ford, would make it as
much a Wilmington as a Charleston road, in the east, and
be a great thoroughfare for the west. The agent's letter to
the Governor noted the increase of commerce that was
bound to come with passenger travel. "Before the rail
road," said he, "was made between New York and Phila
delphia, about 80 or 100 passengers daily was the usual
number; now it has increased to between 1500 and
2000. . . Between Charleston and Augusta, a single
stage three times a week, was more than sufficient for the

RISE OF THE WHIGS 173
transportation of passengers. Since the estabbshment of
the railroad, the average of passengers to Charleston has
gone as far as 500 per week.'" This was something that
would sooner or later awaken Wilmington to the mere first-
aid nature of her Weldon line, as a state measure.
During the summer, however, politics grew, what might
be cabed, "White Hot;" for, as Tennessee had been the
first to champion her and North CaroHna's son, Jackson,
and North Carolina and Pennsylvania had been first to
second that cause ; so now Tennessee was first to turn from
him to her and North Carolina's other son, Hugh L. White,
and again the same seconds followed her! The Whigs
were growing as fast as the new Washington monument
plans, under the leadership of ex-President James Madison,
who died on June 28th in the midst of them ; and the stars
in the national flag, which would increase to just double
the original number, with the transformation of Arkansas
and Michigan from territories to States. And John Motley
Morehead, twice a Jackson elector, now became in July a
White, or Whig elector from the Sixth District, and with
him were, for the most part, a nev^r set of leaders, Judge
Toomer of Fayetteville, Charles Manly of Wake, John
Giles of Rowan, Dr. James S. Smith of Orange, and others
equally new, so that Mr. Morehead was probably the best
known among them. And the August election gave Guil
ford's vote to General Dudley for Governor, 1145 to only
475 for Governor Spaight, the administration party candi
date. It was typical, for 32 counties, both east and west
almost equally, gave Dudley 31,829 votes, or 5007 majority
over Governor Spaight, with 26,822 votes.^ The east and
west seemed broken up forever! They were both divided:
the coast counties from Carteret to Camden went Whig
almost without exception, and even Halifax and Northamp
ton. The central part, Warren to New Hanover, went for
the administration, as did the Charlotte country, three
^Raleigh Register, 3rd Jan., 1837.
-Technically, when official count was made, 62 counties gave Dudley 33,993
and Spaight 29,950, Chowan, Gates and Burke not counted, for various reasons.
So that Dudley's technical majority was 4043. If they had been counted, it
would have been 4729. The 5007 figures were the actual, but not technical
votes; so that the map has been made from it, as truer to the movement.

174 JOHN MOTLEY AIOREHEAD
mountain counties, and three upper Roanoke ones on the
Virginia line. Judge Gaston's county went with them. The
Whig gubernatorial victory was so great that, when it
came to the ' Presidential vote, many took it for granted
and didn't vote at all!' Over 10,000 Whigs did not, and
nearly 2000 Democrats, so that White lost, 21,218 to 24,878,
a difference of 3660. The House of Commons was simi
larly affected, the Whigs securing 59 members and the
Democrats 61, so that here, too, the east and west lines were
broken up. As Judge Gaston had predicted, the national
lines in politics had overshadowed state lines. For, strange
to say the Whigs secured a majority of four in the Senate,
so that with the Senate and Governor and joint ballot, the
Whigs were victorious; and there was even a good chance
of a tie in the House. Surely 1836 was a year of revolution
in the politics of North Carolina ! Mr. Morehead's brother,
James T., was made a Senator.
When it came to organization of the Legislature in
November, 1836, it is interesting to see how east and west
still persisted, but under political names of "Van Buren-
ites" or Democrats and Whigs ; for that central bulk of
Democratic territory eastward from Raleigh was leader of
the one, and that central bulk of territory west of Raleigh
led the Whigs. And, although the state went so largely
for the Whig Governor, General Dudley was an eastern
man; and the smallness of the margins in both Senate and
House enabled the east to utilize various influences to their
advantage. For example, speakership candidates in the
Senate were an eastern Democrat and a western Whig ; and
with only 48 present, the two candidates not voting, gave
24 for the Whig and 22 for the Democrat, electing the
Whig, and with one vacancy to be filled, the Senate then
stood, 25 Whigs and 24 Democrats! The House margin
was not quite so small, but nearly so, properly 61 Demo
crats and 59 Whigs, and yet when the Whigs put up Wm.
A. Graham of Hillsboro, the west, against Mr. Haywood of
Raleigh, the east, they lost S3 to 60, showing that some
1 Even so the opposition majority to Van Buren, in the nation was over
18,000, which was significant for the future.

Map or North Carolina, 1836
Prepared by the author

Showing first Whig votel^"^^™" ^^^^^ (named counties), 31,829; opponent (unnamed counties), 26,822
[President, White (marked 1), 21,218; opponent, 24,878

Not voting

fWhig, 10,611
(Democrat, 1944

RISE OF THE WHIGS 175
in both cases, merely joined the majority. The Whig Sen
ate leaders were Polk, Morehead (J. T.), Dockery, Bryan of
Beaufort city and a few others, while the House Demo
cratic leaders were equally new men. The result was that,
on joint ballot the parties were so equally balanced that
anything might happen — with a Whig majority of two in the
Senate, as there finally came to be, and a Democratic ma
jority of two in the House. And yet, while such a con
dition favored the east, it was a tremendous party revolution
for North Carolina that promised much for the future ;
and was an equally wonderful eastern victory in the midst
of a sectional state revolution in which the east was prop
erly a loser! The activities of the old legislative election
of Governor were now transferred to the election of
United States Senators; and the small margin let loose
an amount of contest of seats on various grounds and resig
nations and apparently even death, that characterized this
Assembly above probably all its predecessors. The result
was that a Democratic United States Senator, Judge Strange,
was chosen, by a majority of four votes ; and the new Sena
tor would be asked to act on the proposition of the Minister
from the Republic of Texas, just arrived in Washington,
that that republic become a state in the American union, to
become the only state that ever exercised national sover
eignty as a commonwealth. And, as Mexico proposed
forcibly to resist this course, the new Senator was destined
to help sow the seeds of a foreign war.
The cap-stone of Whig, though not unmixed Western
victory, was the inauguration of Governor Dudley at Gov
ernment House, foot of Fayetteville street, on January 1,
1837, at noon, in the House of Commons Hall. The noble
new capitol at the other end of the thoroughfare was in
course of construction, but it was not destined to be ready
for the first Whig executive; and in this hall which was
properly the Executive Mansion, he outlined his policies.
They noted that the state, fifth in population among the
twenty-six, needed all manner of internal improvement,
from education to transportation. With only a third of the
banking capital of neighboring states to the south, they

176 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
need more, as the root of progress. The new distribu
tion of federal surplus promised nearly two millions and
would be an aid, but his main idea was increase in capital
of the present banks; for he was not in favor of State aid
in transportation; in which respect he was thoroughly east
ern, and thereby laid foundations for a new determination
in the west. Governor Dudley was a very high type of
man — a moderate and a harmonizer, but he was by no
means designed to carry out the purposes of the west.
Under his influence, the Assembly was almost wholly
occupied with financial measures, reorganization of State
finances, in which Representative Wm. A. Graham led.
The session was 64 days long — one of the longest and most
important in results, for it adopted the two-fifths state-aid
plan for the following railroad projects: Cape Fear and
Western (Fayetteville-Yadkin), the Wilmington and Wel
don, the North Carolina Central (Beaufort harbor, to go to
Fayetteville) ; and adopted reorganization of the education
board on the basis of reclaiming swamp lands and bank
stock; redemption of State paper money of 1835, revision
and publication of code modified, new assessment law,
militia self-election, abolition of imprisonment of honest
debtors, and some others. The favor to the Louisville-
Charleston Railroad project was marked and banking
facilities were granted to it. Meanwhile, the legislature
had also incorporated a Raleigh southwestern road as ex
tension of the Gaston road, which latter line was making
great progress in construction, 50 miles having been located
and nearly all under contract, with a force of seven hun
dred laborers. With its new extension it desired to tap
a region midway between Charlotte and Fayetteville,
going through Anson county, its name being the Raleigh
and Columbia Railroad. These things put vigor into Wil
mington, and by March, she had won the two-fifths state
aid; had one locomotive and another on the way from
England, expecting to have 30 miles completed at the south
end before the end of the year, 85 miles to Waynesboro
(Goldsboro) graded, and 20 miles completed at the Weldon
end. By April trains on the Virginia Hne to Gaston were

RISE OF THE WHIGS 177
running— and bridges were building over the Roanoke both
at Gaston and Weldon. By July (1837) the Gaston road
had 70 miles surveyed to within 15 miles of Raleigh, 60
miles under contract, 50 miles to be ready for rails in No
vember, and the first 10 miles out of Gaston to be laid at
once, while the laborers had increased to about 1200. The
Portsmouth road was ready to send its cars over the Wel
don bridge as soon as it was completed and the same road
was able to announce an accident in which two were killed,
while Supreme Courts were locating responsibility and
damages. In the midst of all this the Newbern Spectator,
in Judge Gaston's town, was calling vigorously for the state
to note great improvement in Beaufort harbor and to
undertake a sea to Tennessee railroad. The quarry road at
Raleigh and the Petersburg road had served a good pur
pose; the railroad in North Carolina was an accompHshed
fact, and the gold at the end of the rainbow was the riches
of the Roanoke valley ; but it will be observed all of this rail
activity, except that proposed by South Carolina was almost
wholly eastern and southern; not in the great central west
that had brought about this revolution, at all. Indeed it
seemed to cover almost every part of the state but their
own, and to deHberately share their trade with other states,
when it was not a desperate effort merely to save a share
for themselves. This was because the time was not ripe
for leadership of that great central west to lay down its
program. The coming leader was himself growing in power and
wealth. John Motley Morehead was forty-one years old,
and about him at "Blandwood," in Greensboro, was growing
up a numerous farmily : his eldest child, Letitia, was a girl of
fourteen, and, Hke his father, he desired for his family a
higher education, and it was time his eldest child was
entering upon it. His next child, however, was also a
daughter, Mary Corrina, a girl of twelve years, likewise
almost ready ; while Ann Eliza II, his third child, named for
her mother, and but a couple of years behind at the age
of ten years, Mary Louise, seven years of age, and Emma
Victoria, a babe about one year old, convinced him that

178 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
whatever his plans for higher education of his girls might be,
they must necessarily be large plans, and plans for female
education, rather than male, since he had but one son, a
child of four years, John Lindsay.' For the son, Caldwell
Institute, estabhshed by Presbyterians, of whom President
Caldwell of the University was a leader and named for him,
had been opened in January, the previous year, and had
just been chartered by the Assembly and was already most
successful. There had been a small private girls' school in
Greensboro for a number of years, and, during the previous
year, a talented lady, Miss Mary Ann Hoye, had had
charge, and he had placed four of his daughters under her
guidance. But this was not the advanced education he had
in mind. There were large ideas abroad in Greensboro at this time :
The editor of the Patriot was working out plans for a
southern periodical as ambitious as Morris' and WilHs'
New York Mirror. The Moravians had a girls' school of
higher education at Salem, a few miles westward, and the
Friends had a Boarding School at New Garden to the
eastward ; while the Methodists, with a little school for chil
dren at Greensboro, had, during the previous January, ap
plied, with others, not only for a new North Carolina Con
ference, but for a female school of higher education for it
at Greensboro as a Female College. Mr. Morehead decided
he himself would take Miss Hoye as a nucleus and create
a school of higher education, not only for his own daugh
ters, but for the girls of the South as well.^ He had
become interested in the fact that the novelist, Maria Edge-
worth, had done so much for Ireland that she had become
the inspiration of Sir Walter Scott in doing the same for
Scotland in his Waverley novels, the books of both authors
being great favorites in his home and town; and he chose
as a name for the proposed institution, Edgeworth Female
Seminary.^ As his plans were on a large scale it required
1 The daughter named for his wife was born February 8, 1827, and died
Oct. 7, 1876.
^ The girls' school in which Miss Hoye taught, however, continued for some
time after she left it.
^ Miss Edgeworth was still living, although Scott had been dead for five
years, and the novels of both were "best sellers" of the day.

Edgeworth Female Seminary
Greensboro, North Carolina
From an old woodcut

RISE OF THE WHIGS 179
the next three years to get ready for the opening. He pur
chased a large tract of land from his home, "Blandwood,"
north to West Market Street, to what became the site of
the Methodist Female College. At his own expense also
he erected the seminary itself, a large four-story brick
structure, and laid out the grounds in picturesque design.
It might well look as though the spirit of an Edgeworth, that
inspired a Scott, might be preparing decades later to in
spire an "O. Henry," who was also to sit at the feet of a
woman teacher of Greensboro who was herself an Edge-
worth graduate. This will indicate the kind of vision,
ability and wealth that John Motley Morehead was to
bring to public affairs when the time was ripe.
One reason for this delay was the sudden announcement
in Washington on May 12th, that the banks of New York,
Philadelphia and Baltimore had suspended specie pay
ments, and the panic was so great in New York, that two
regiments of soldiers were caUed out to preserve order.
Said one witness of it in New York : "I have witnessed ex
citement and distress produced by Yellow Fever, Cholera,
and the great Fire, and I assure you, if they were all con
centrated and caused to take place in one day, the excite
ment and distress would not equal that now felt in New
York every day!'"' There was no doubt in the minds of
men like Mr. Morehead and other Whigs, that this was the
natural result of the Jackson destruction of the regulatory
financial system of which the United States Bank was the
head and had been, with its predecessors, the first Bank of
the United States and its predecessor (the present oldest
institution of the kind in the nation. The Bank of North
America, both of Philadelphia) for over a hal f -cen tury ;
nearly ever since the Yorktown surrender, except for an
interregnum of four years, 1811-16, the President of the
first two banks, Thomas Willing, being known, for this
period of about thirty years, as "The Old Regulator" of
American finance. This system, designed by James Wilson,
and adopted by both treasury heads, Robert Morris and
^Raleigh Register, May 16, 1837.

180 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Alexander Hamilton, was built up by that remarkable man,
Thomas Willing, the only man ever compared to Wash
ington, and that, too, by no less a man than the great
lawyer, Horace Binney. The destruction of that system,
without offering any regulatory system in its place, may be
compared to what would happen at the present day if Presi
dent Harding were to destroy the Federal Reserve system.
The State banks tried to bear the burden, but were unable
to do so, and legislatures everywhere were hastily sum
moned. The Bank of North Carolina, which had super
seded the old State Bank, held out until May 19th, when it,
too, suspended specie payments. Currency and even gov
ernment drafts had no value. "So much," said the Raleigh
Register of May 23rd, "for this grand 'Experiment' with
the curency, which, it was ever and often promised, should
fill the purse of the poor man with Benton yellow boys, and
supersede altogether those dirty rags, called paper money."
The Whigs held that it all came about from President Jack
son's demand that the Bank of the United States remove
a man from one of its branches who was opposed to his
election and the Bank refused ; whereupon in 1834 he began
his attacks upon it, which, in three years, had destroyed
it and the financial system, with these lamentable results.
The Democratic leaders held otherwise and spoke of the
"money power," as later generations speak of "the inter
ests" or "corporations." And yet the American system
was like that of every other great country in the world and
had made American money respected everywhere, as it is
under the Federal Reserve system today; but the difficulty
was that "The Old Regulator" was not replaced by a new
regulator of some kind.
Nothing could have happened more fortunate for the
immediate future of the Whigs, either locally or nationally.
On July 4, 1837, the Whigs of Ohio called for a national
convention in June, 1838, at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, and
the Whigs of North Carolina put up William A. Graham
for Congress, for election on August 10th, while other dis
tricts put up Whigs also and Stanly of the Third was
elected on July 27th, Whigs everywhere made great gains

RISE OF THE WHIGS 181
upon the administration members, which, among them
selves, were divided into conservative and what was called
"Loco Foco" wings. It was September before a Bank Con
vention was proposed to consider resumption of specie
payments; and President Van Buren ready to propose a
Sub-Treasury system, while postage and duties were de
manded in gold by the national government, which enabled
them to pay members of the national government in specie.
Upon which the Whigs exclaimed : "Gold for the Govern
ment! Rags for the People!" Thereupon the President's
state. New York, went bodily for the Whigs ; and on the 8th
of November, at Alton, Illinois, occurred the first bloodshed
of the Abolition movement, in the death of Rev. Owen P.
Love joy in a riot. The bankers' convention in mid-winter
did not think it advisable to set a date for resumption,
which set it forward at least until their next meeting in
April, 1838. The administration charged this action to
another Philadelphia state bank, the Bank of Pennsylvania,
which had become the leading one — said to have more
specie in its vaults than all the New York banks put to
gether; but the real reason seems to have been an inability
to support such a movement, in parts of New England.'
At any rate the critical situation remained and contributed
to the Whig cause, while the growing acuteness of the
Abolition movement in both Whig and Democratic ranks in
the north, involved the situation still more. The aggressive
ness of the latter movement made a new self-consciousness
in both North and South, so that hereafter they should be
spelled with capital letters; and a like aggressiveness was
in the slave-holding states, determined to hold their present
standing by securing a new Southern State in the South for
every new one in the North.
And these midwinter national phenomena of 1837-8 were
accompanied by significant local ones in North Carolina.
On December 5th, the Wilmington & Raleigh (as its

i New York quotations on bank notes of exchange on other cities, in Jan
uary 1838 are interesting: The lowest rate was that for Philadelphia and
Charleston, IJ to 2. The next closest to these was Boston, If to 2i. Balti
more foUowed with 2 to 2^. Richmond and New Orleans had next place with
2i to 3. Augusta and Savanna had 3 to 3i; Cincinnati had 5 to 6, and Mobile,
5J to 6. It is difficult to realize these relations today.

182 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
corporate title still stood) or Wilmington & Weldon Rail
road, which had taken over the HaHfax & Weldon Hne,
announced that "The Engine with Train of Coaches and
Cars" was now leaving HaHfax every morning, going by
way of Weldon to Portsmouth to meet the boat for the
national capital. This was the first regular train to run any
material distance in North Carolina. The Wilmington road
had advertised her port business in May, previously, show
ing that 152 vessels to foreign ports and 150 coastwise ports
had taken out nearly a million dollars' worth of exports
in the previous six months — $999,937.16, to be exact. To
see such progress in transportation as this from Wil
mington, Weldon, Raleigh and Gaston, and prospects at
Fayetteville, Yadkin and the Louisville, Cincinnati &
Charleston, affecting nearly every part of the state but her
own, it was not strange that, in January, 1838, the Patriot
of Greensboro, should be the first Whig organ to announce
that Governor Dudley would decline re-election, and to
issue a call for Guilford county Whigs to hold a conven
tion to nominate a Whig successor, whose plans of progress
covered the great central west. The call alarmed the Whig
Register of Raleigh, which could not believe that Governor
Dudley would decline: "We would therefore say," wrote
Editor Gales, "to the Guilford Whigs (whose name is
legion) bide a bit!"^ And by February 19th, the Whig edi
tor at the capital was able to announce that Governor Dud
ley would run again. On January 30th, Governor Dudley
had written Ex-Governor Swain, then President Swain of
the University, asking his advice on standing for a second
term, saying he did not want it, but "had never given
authority for any such announcement." Some of his friends
thought he could not retire "with safety to the party,"
although he himself believed "any other Whig candidate
would unite the same vote."^ On his announcement through
the Raleigh Register that he would stand again, the Stand
ard of the same city, the Democratic organ, plainly said they
would hesitate to put anyone up against him. The reason
1 Raleigh Register, January 22, 1838.
' Swain Papers, Hist. Comm. of N. C.

First Picture of a Raleigh i Gaston Railroad Coach
May 30, 1838

RISE OF THE WHIGS 183
for this, though not stated, was plainly that the lower
Roanoke and Cape Fear valleys were holding together in an
eastern combination against the west; and Governor Dud
ley's letters to President Swain soon after, trying his best to
get the latter to become President of the Fayetteville and
Western Railroad project, shows the strong hand that Wil
mington is playing, with Fayetteville as her partner and
sub-port feeder from the west. In keeping with this
purpose, was the effort to swing the Beaufort-Newbern-
Waynesville "North Carolina Central" south to Fayetteville,
instead of to Raleigh and the west. In short, Wilmington
was striving to unite the conservative east with railroads,
and the lower Roanoke was willing that she should. When
Governor Dudley consented to stand for a second term,
it was a matter of course that he would be elected: in the
west, because he was a Whig, and in the east, because he
was an eastern conservative in state matters, or sufficiently
so to develop the east through railroads, as he was President
of the largest road designed to bind the east together. It is
well to take careful note of these circumstances, for they
not only present the occasion for Guilford county's haste
to get rid of their present Whig executive, but also the large
size of the contract before them when they should suc
ceed.' This haste in Guilford was not looked upon indiffer
ently by the east. Contemporary with it was a plea in the
Newbern Spectator that a British vessel had passed out of
Beaufort harbor in thirty-five minutes in "twenty-three feet
of water on the bar!" The writer deplored the neglect of a
great railway effort to utilize this great port. On May
12th, the Raleigh and Gaston road made an announcement
more notable than that of a train to Portsmouth, namely,
that trains were now running from Littleton in Warren
County, over the Gaston bridge and to Petersburg, connect
ing with trains by way of Richmond and Washington for
New York, the "Great Mail Route," in 39 hours — or 48 in-

1 The Raleigh Standard, Democrat, says on December 4, 1839, that a
Whig caucus, during this Assembly of '38-'39, agreed on Mr. Morehead as the
next candidate for Governor, and that "everybody knows it." No public ex
pression of it occurred, however, until the following August at Greensboro.

184 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
eluding all stops. Travellers from Greensboro and the
west are assured that this line lands them in Washington
24 hours ahead of any other line. Then about June 1st, a
writer in the Fayetteville Observer, who avows his belief
that Wilmington should be made the importing center of the
State and that a railroad should be built from Fayetteville
to the west, calls for a "commercial and agricultural" con
vention at Greensboro on July 4th next. Thereupon, on
June 12th, the Raleigh Register notes that The Carolina
Watchman describes a considerable public sentiment in the
west in favor of extending the Raleigh and Gaston from
Raleigh westward. By June 18th, Wilmington had had a
meeting to promote it and called upon Raleigh, Newbern,
Halifax, Fayetteville, Salisbury and all the other leading
towns to cooperate. The Wilmington Advertiser taunts the
Raleigh Register with hesitation which Editor Gales is com
pelled to deny, but qualify, in favor of certain "local" predi
lections, well understood; but, on June 25th, he caHs a
meeting to forward it. Then The Western Carolinian
presents some inviting manufacturing statistics of great
moment to railroads to the west: Cotton factories now
actually in operation number practically a dozen, nearly all
in the west, namely (passing by the oldest one at Tar River
falls in Edgecombe county), one near Lincolnton owned by
John Hoke; one at Fayetteville owned by Mr. Mallet; and
another there owned by Benbow & Company; one in
Greensboro, steam power, owned by Mr. Humphreys; one
at Milton owned by a company; one at Mocksville owned
by Thomas McNeely ; one or more in Orange county owned
by companies; one at Salem, steam-power, owned by a
company ; one in Randolph owned by a company, and one at
Lexington, Davidson county, ow^ned by a company. Be
sides there are over a half-dozen more now building — all in
the west; one at Rockfish, near Fayetteville, owned by a
company; one in Richmond county owned by a company;
one near Leaksville, on Dan river, a stone building, owned by
John M. Morehead, Esq. ; one in Surry county, on Hunting
Creek, owned by Mr. Douthet; one in Montgomery county
owned by a company; and one, ten miles northeast of

A Georgia Train of 1838
From a five-dollar State bank bill

RISE OF THE WHIGS 185
Salisbury, owned by Fisher and Lemly. There were rumors
of three or four others projected. Three years before great
quantities of cotton yarn came from the north; now, not
only did "not a hank" come in, but North Carolina was
already beginning to ship out, even to New York; and un
doubtedly coarse cotton fabrics would soon rival the north.
And then came the Greensboro Convention on July 4th,
with Governor Dudley presiding. Again they covered up
the word "transportation" with "Internal Improvement."
Wilmington, Fayetteville, Guilford, Chatham, Randolph,
Davie, Salisbury, Lexington, Hillsboro, and Rockingham —
those in italics being towns — were represented, Mr. More-
head being one of the Guilford delegation, the strongest
present. It is notable that Governor Dudley did not put
Mr. Morehead on one committee, and that he advocated
the Fayetteville terminus. It is notable that to the Gover
nor's general committee was assigned the canvassing of the
best route for the "Central Railroad." The only specific
thing decided upon, however, was a Raleigh Convention
for the second Monday in December next.
Contemporary with this event was the announcement
that Philadelphia banks would resume specie payment on
August 1st; and that the Democrats finally decided to put
up a candidate for Governor, Ex-Governor John Branch;
but it was done with so little enthusiasm that the result was
a foregone conclusion. Governor Dudley was good enough
for the east, even if he was a Whig. For, under his in
spiration, Wilmington was making tremendous efforts to
make herself the acknowledged commercial center of the
state. They showed that Wilmington's total outgoing ton
nage surpassed even Norfolk by about 5000 tons ; that
North Carolina's entered tonnage was nearly 5000 above
Virginia; and that Wilmington owned more tonnage than
Richmond, Petersburg or Edenton by about 2000 above the
highest, Richmond. And in August, the Railroad Presi
dent Governor of Wilmington was re-elected by the tre
mendous majority of 17,041 votes! Wilmington stock
was rising and her two wings were Whigs and Railroads,
with a powerful rudder named East; but there was a very

186 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
evident apprehension that Guilford county was liable to
puncture the aeroplane's gas tank — to use a figure not, of
course, current then ; and that one never could tell what
Raleigh might do. In October the Raleigh and Gaston
people were trying to borrow money in New York to com
plete their road ; and they also announced that their Raleigh
and Columbia road had enough subscriptions to get a char
ter. The Greensboro Patriot at the same time announced
that place's purpose to establish a bank, and Fayetteville
was to put in the same town a branch bank. In November
"Mentor" in the Raleigh Standard, Democrat, fought the
Columbia road idea, in favor of Wilmington, of course,
while "Rip Van Winkle," in the Register, fought him, and
incidentally dropped these illuminating sentences : "To the
West," said "Van Winkle," "this matter presents itself with
peculiar force, and if they do not arouse themselves at this
attempt, by a sectional interest to force them into sectional
measures, it may be too late. They have been trifled with
long enough, and it is time their hitherto neglected claims
should be listened to and complied with ; and I hope every
county west of Raleigh will be fully represented in the pro
posed Internal Improvement Convention, about to be holden
in this place."
As that meeting was to occur during the Assembly, it
was a comforting fact that that body had a comfortable
Whig majority: "We hail the triumph of the Whigs," wrote
Editor Gales of the Register on December 3 [1838], "as the
triumph of Republican principles, as the prostration of men
who have made themselves odious by their persecution,
their exclusiveness, and their political imbecility." He be
spoke Whig generosity to the foe, however. Seven days
later, the 10th, thirty-eight counties' delegates — some coun
ties like Cumberland, Beaufort, Guilford, Randolph, Wake
and Wayne having as many as a dozen members — gathered
at the Methodist Church in Raleigh as successor to the
Greensboro Convention — but Mr. Morehead was not one
of them. It was an able convention, compared favorably
with that of 1833, and Hon. Romulus M. Saunders was
chosen President. Needless to say every section asked for

RISE OF THE WHIGS 187
its favorite water or land transportation, all of which were
referred to a general committee of thirteen, which reduced
them to a minimum and adopted a program of liberal state
aid to the two railroads in process of construction — the Wil
mington road and the Gaston — and the projected enter
prises: the Fayetteville-Western, the Nags Head Inlet,
Beaufort Harbor to somewhere on the Wilmington- Weldon
(incidentally praising the harbor as unrivalled, as was
shown by its use in the late war of '12), which would be
cabed major projects, and such minor ones as a Raleigh-
Fayetteville, and a Waynesboro (Goldsboro) -Raleigh rail
road and a Neuse river improvement above Newbern.
Various efforts to change this were made, among them to
the first class, a State-built turnpike to Greensboro, but this
last was reduced to a survey. The financial side was taken
up and a loan of $3,000,000 was recommended to carry out
the plan, and a committee ordered to present the matter
to the Whig Assembly. If Mr. Morehead balanced his
national Whig principles against this local Eastern pro
gram, as he of course did, the explanation of his absence
from this Convention is not far to seek. The east had
actually captured the Whig organization through the course
of Governor Dudley's Wilmington-Fayetteville and western
program, with an Albemarle-Nags Head Inlet and Beaufort
Harbor-Raleigh bait! It remained to see what the Whig
Assembly would do with it. That can be told in few words :
Nothing; except the loan to the Raleigh & Gaston Railroad
— a loan, because its state stock-holders were made liable.
The redeeming feature of the Whig Assembly, however,
was its presentation to the School districts of a constructive
common school program for their acceptance, which seems
to have been largely the work of President Swain of the
University. An incident occurred before the Assembly adjourned
which showed the Democratic, or Van Buren party, antici
pating the logical next step by Guilford county, began the
attack on Senator James T. Morehead. They found in the
Quaker Memorial against slavery, which was presented
by request by Senator James T. Morehead of Greensboro,

188 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
a morsel of great sweetness, and in this difficult fight against
the Senator's brother's undoubted candidacy for Governor
they made continual use of it. In defending both More-
heads The Greensborough Patriot of February 18, 1839,
described the authors of the Memorial : "in much the larger
portions of the State the peculiarities of the Society of
Friends are not understood, nor even known. Their princi
pal settlement is in this county, and we are well acquainted
with their manners, habits and modes of thinking.' They
are a peculiarly quiet, unobtrusive, orderly and intelligent
people, and have their distinctive traits, which they have
sustained for ages. They refuse the fashionable modes of
speech and dress ; support their own poor ; celebrate their
own matrimonial rites according to the simple forms of
their own society only; pay particular regard to the rights
and influence of women ; are forbidden in their discipline
to hold public office ; interfere with the rights of no person,
and refuse to wage war, even in self defense. They own
no slaves. They are opposed to slavery. To use a phrase
of their own — they bear a continual testimony against it.
Yet they are not Abolitionists, in the sense in which the
term is taken in the South. They would be as far from en
couraging disobedience or rebellion among slaves, or from
consenting to their sudden and unprepared liberation, as
the most devoted advocates of 'Southern rights.' They
have been in the habit of petitioning the legislature for the
'termination of slavery,' for a series of years past. The
representatives of the people of Guilford have uniformly
presented their memorials, knowing at the time that their
prayer would be utterly fruitless — unheeded — forgotten —
yet they discharged their 'bounden duty' to a respectable
part of the constituency. Judge Dick (who, before he
accepted the judicial bench, was the champion of the Van
Buren party in this county), when a representative, pre
sented these memorials — and would, we doubt not, do so
again under the same circumstances." This indicated the

1 They centered about "New Garden," now Guilford College, the seat of
the Quaker institution of that name about a half dozen miles west of Greens
boro, as it is now spelled.

RISE OF THE WHIGS 189
feeling on every hand that Guilford was to furnish the
next gubernatorial candidate; for with all the Whig Con
gressional conventions during the spring, no candidate for
Governor was named.
This was due in some measure to the Whig fight for
Congressional seats, which was most successful; but the
first to enter the gubernatorial field was, as before, old
Guilford county. She even anticipated the call for a state
convention for that purpose. At her county Whig con
vention on August 20, 1839, it was "Resolved, that we
esteem our fellow-citizen, John M. Morehead, Esq., as a
republican in manners, in conduct and principle; a gentle
man and citizen of pure and elevated character — a states
man of eminently practical mind, and of enlarged and liberal
views of public policy — a patriot devoted to the welfare of
the State, and identified in all his interests with the honor
and prosperity of North Carolina ; and that we recommend
him to that convention and to the people of the State as in
every way worthy to be her Chief Magistrate," while they
yielded to the decision of the convention.'
Orange county followed. Moore county, on the 31st,
said: "He is a patriot and statesman of generous and en
larged views of public policy, and closely associated in all
his interests, with the honor and prosperity of North
Carolina," and so they recommended him to the coming
convention. Cumberland Whigs joined with them. Whigs
of Surry followed. The Newbern Spectator said the East
was falling in line : "Mr. Morehead has a large stake in the
welfare and prosperity of the State. Its interests are his.
He owns many slaves, is deeply embarked in manufacturing
and mining, and possesses talents and acquirements fully
adequate to the duties of the high station to which the
people seem inclined to call him. He is besides, a Western
man, and justice demands that we support a gentleman of
that section, in reciprocation of its recent aid in electing
a citizen of the east." Indeed the Spectator went so far as
to say the east would be disappointed if Morehead were
1 The Greensborough Patriot, 27th Aug., 1839.

190 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
not nominated.' Stokes County Whigs joined them on Oc
tober 8th and Caswell on the 1st, and indeed by this time
forty counties had acted. Rockingham, the county of his
boyhood, on the 29th went so far as to speak of him as
"a native of Rockingham, whose plain repubHcan manners,
superior intellect, political honesty and practical talent as a
statesman, eminently qualify him for chief executive of our
State."^ Then came the State Convention of November
12th, which, "having been inspired with a deep and lively
sense of the eminent practical vigor, sound Republican
principles, unblemished public and private virtues, ardent
patriotism and decided abiHties" of Mr. Morehead recom
mended him to the people of the State. This followed the
recommendation of the committee whose "attention has been
forciby engaged by the practical energy, the sound Republi
can principles, the distinguished intellectual vigor, and
fervid patriotism which are embraced in the character of
our cherished fellow-citizen, John M. Morehead of the
county of Guilford. Born, reared and educated among the
honest yeomanry of North Carolina, all his heartfelt sym
pathies are with the people of this State. Severely dis
ciplined by a constant performance of the practical business
of Hfe, possessed of enlarged and Hberal views of the policy
of the State, and having inflexibly adhered to the principles
of the republican creed of faith in every political emer
gency which has thus far passed over the State, we
recognize in John M. Morehead a citizen in every view of
his character, whom we deem eminently acceptable to the
people of North Carolina as a candidate for the office of
Governor of the State."^

1 The Greensborough Patriot, 8th Oct, 1839.
'Ibid., 12th Nov., 1839.
^ Both the Rockingham and State Whigs of course made the natural error
of not knowing that he was two years old when he came to that county, and was
bom in Pittsylvania County, Va. Indeed the North Carolina "wish, father to
the thought," to have his birthplace in the Old North State has its adherents
even to this day, and even among some of his relatives 1 Unfortunately, unlike
Homer, the facts place him in Virginia by birth.
As the Raleigh Standard, Democrat, of December 9, 1835, says, no other
candidate was offered, although it intimates that some would liked to have been.
It is in form of innuendo, however. The Star, a Raleigh Whig paper, of ilth
December, '39, says Mr. Morehead was spoken of as far back as the Legisla
ture of November, 1838, because of universal western enthusiasm for him and
this was what decided tlie Raleigh convention — namely that no one else would
satisfy the west.

RISE OF THE WHIGS 191
Mr. Morehead was notified by letter dated November
13th, and on the 25th he penned his letter of acceptance as
follows : "Gentlemen : Your communication of the 13th
instant has been duly received, announcing to me, that the
Convention of Delegates of the Whig party, assembled in
the City of Raleigh on the 12th inst., has unanimously se
lected me as the Candidate of the Whig party for Governor
of the State, at the ensuing election.
"This flattering testimonial of respect, emanating from
so respectable a source as that Convention, does not fail to
impress me with a lively sense of the honor done me by that
body; and, if there were no other reasons to influence my
course, the respect I have for the wise heads, the pure
hearts, and the well-established Republican principles of
those who composed that Convention, would make me hesi
tate long before I would gainsay their wishes.
"But I know I shall be pardoned by that Convention,
when I say that considerations, higher than those already
suggested, combine in making up the decision to which I
have come.
"I view the Convention as emanating directly from the
people, and as reflecting their wishes and their will. They
have found themselves grossly deceived by those in whom
they heretofore placed confidence. They were promised
everything, every thing, that the simplicity, purity, honesty
and economy of our Republican Institutions could require.
Instead of finding those pledges fairly redeemed, they have
witnessed with mortification and regret, the Federal Ex
ecutive, repeatedly endeavoring to fix upon them the compli
cated machinery of his Sub-Treasury and that, too, after
they have repudiated his notions and rejected his scheme.
From manifestations in the late Presidential Tour, we may
again expect the wishes of the people to be set at defiance,
and another attempt made to force this scheme upon them.
"If this attempt is again made, the issue will be fairly
made up between the President and the People— to say
whether he or they shall govern.
"On the one hand we shah behold the President and his
official myrmidons, greedy for the onset, with their banner

192 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
unfurled, bearing the insulting inscription — 'To the Victors
belong the Spoils' — on the other, we shall see the People —
Freemen — the sons of the Whigs of the Revolution, who
knew no 'Victors' and who offered no 'Spoils,' but the havoc
committed upon invading legions.
"If the same spirit now burns in the bosom of the sons,
that animated the sires, the issue cannot be doubtful. The
star-spangled banner will be thrown to the breeze, and the
glorious motto — 'E Pluribus Unum' — shall float in triumph ;
and the minions of power and of corruption will vanish
before the blazing indignation of an injured people, like the
morning mists before a glorious sun.
"The People were promised by the last administration,
in the footsteps of which the present was to tread, the
cleansing of the 'Augean stable,' and the same purity that
characterized the purer days of the Republic. In the days
of Washington, Jefferson and Madison qualifications for of
fice were honesty and capacity. 'Is he honest?' 'Is he
capable?' — and office-holders were strictly enjoined from
becoming political partisans, and from interfering in elec
tions. In the present day, behold the melancholy contrast!
The qualifications now are, if we judge by the result,
unquestionable dishonesty, utter incapacity to discharge the
duties of the office, but extraordinary capacity to serve 'the
Party;' entire unwillingness to pay the people their money,
but great readiness to pay the levies made upon salaries and
embezzlements for the support of 'the Party.'
"Posterity will certainly do the present Administration
the justice to say, that no prior one has manifested more
signal ability in the selection of its officers for the purposes
of the office, than the present has manifested in the selec
tion of its officers for the purposes of the party. And if
there be any doubt upon this question, reference to the ex
traordinary abstractions from the Treasury, and to the
nuisances committed in most civil communities by official
political brawlers, will certainly remove that doubt.
"The People were promised honesty and strict ac
countability from the Officers of Government; and by way
of earnest in redemption of that pledge, one Tobias Wat-

RISE OF THE WHIGS 193
kins, a defaulter of some $4000 under the Administration
of Mr. Adams, was ferreted out, hunted down and incar
cerated; and the people well hoped that ab other public
swindlers would be dealt with in like manner.
"They have been told again and again, 'by Authority,'
that 'all was well' — that the Government was greatly
blessed in the ability and faithfulness of its Public Officers ;
but recent investigations have brought to light corruption,
dishonesty, and official dereliction, that are truly startling
and alarming. And the people, to their sorrow, have learned
that a falsehood 'by Authority' is more pernicious to
their interests, than a falsehood 'without Authority.' And
they verily believe, if they shall ever be so fortunate as to
have another Administration, that will bring defaulters to
justice, all the Penitentiaries attached to the Sub-Treasury
Bill will not hold the Tobiases that will then be discovered.
"Economy is a word that seems to have been stricken
from the nomenclature of the present Administration. It
has become a bye-word and a jest. The Expenditures of
the Government, increased from thirteen to thirty odd
millions, show what the party in power mean by the word.
An empty Treasury and a bankrupt Government tell the
people how grossly they have been deceived.
"The people are at length awakened from their lethargy
and security, and aroused to their danger. They no longer
regard glossy messages and partizan demagogues. They
have have determined to think and act for themselves.
They are moving in their primary Assemblies. They
are determined, by united action, to put an end to
that misrule, which has bankrupted the Government, cor
rupted its Officers and brought universal distress upon
every class of the community, except embezzling Office
holders. "Your Convention was the offspring of that determina
tion ; and no person can unite with the people more
heartily than I do 'in the great struggle' for correct prin
ciples, which the Whigs are now endeavoring to maintain.
"At no period of my life, could this call have been made
with more inconvenience to myself, than the present; but

194 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
as it is the wish of the people that I shall be their Candidate,
I 'accept the nomination.' And, for this expression of their
kind consideration, I pledge them whatever of ability and
of zeal I possess, in the noble cause in which we have em
barked. "Before closing this communication, I desire to sub
mit a few remarks in relation to two subjects in which
North Carolina has much at stake. I allude to the Public
Lands, and to the subject of Abolition.
"North Carolina ceded to the United States a large
Territory. She is equally interested, with the other States,
in all the Public Lands. Her interest in these Lands is
worth mibions upon mibions; and if she could receive her
share of the proceeds of those Lands, every poor child of
the State could be educated, and every work of Internal
Improvement successfully prosecuted. The President has
left us nothing to hope from that quarter, and it remains
for the people to say whether his will shall govern them,
or their will shall make him cease to govern — whether he
shall be sovereign, or they shall be sovereign. As a North
Carolinian, I will never consent to surrender this ample
patrimony of our old North State.
"On this subject of our domestic institution of Slavery,
I should suppose there could be but one opinion in the South,
among men who have capacity to think.
"The emancipation of our slaves among us would lead to
consequences too direful for contemplation. And no man
will meet with more uncompromising hostility, than I will,
the very first fanatical or unconstitutional aggression made
upon this institution, guaranteed to us by our Federal
Compact. "The people's attention should be drawn to the fact,
that some rickety understandings, and hypocritical poli
ticians, are continually conjuring up the awful charge of a
union between the Abolitionists and the Whigs — not be
cause they have such apprehension, but to prevent the dis
covery of an actual union and cooperation of the Abolition
ists with the present Administration, ever since they re
ceived that withering rebuke at the hands of Mr. Clay.

RISE OF THE WHIGS 19S
"For weal, or for woe, my destiny is fixed in North
Carolina — my prospects for future prosperity are attached
to her soil — and whatever I now have, or ever expect to
have, will be protected by her institutions.
"For your kind expressions of regard towards me, ac
cept, gentlemen, individually, my sincere thanks, and for
the distinguished honor done me by your Convention,
accept collectively, and in their behalf, the profound ac
knowledgment of your most obt. serv't "John M. Morehead."
There was an absolutely clear expression on every
national subject for which the Whigs and Mr. Morehead
stood. His attitude on slavery, at least on its abolition, could
not be more explicit. His record as to free negroes voting
had been unequivocally and vigorously in favor of it, as it
had been for the education of the negro. He had slaves;
but he had, like his brother, and Democratic representatives
like Judge John M. Dick of Greensboro, presented the usual
Quaker memorials against slavery, when requested by that
part of his constituency. Like multitudes of Democrats, as
well as Whigs, Mr. Morehead did not believe in slavery;
but it was a system entwined in our institutions, even in the
national constitution; therefore, he was likewise neither
for wholesale abolition. In short, he was for the con
stitutions of state and nation and American institutions as
they were and had been from the beginning, and consider
ing slavery a curse to the American people, but an existing
fact. Such a position was not to be understood, however,
either by defenders or by attackers of slavery; the pro-
slavery Southerner or the Abolitionist Northerner; and he
was not the only leader who was destined to be misunder
stood ; who was to hold to the constitution until it should be
properly amended. Such men, however, were liable to be
between the hammer of the Abolitionist and the anvil of the
large Slave-holders; those far away from slaves, but mad
for their freedom, and those in the midst of a slave popu
lation, often larger than their own, and fearful of a holo
caust — an uncontrolled Frankenstein. Mr. Morehead held
the same position as the man who, as President, refused to

196 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
touch slavery so long as the constitution was preserved;
and who, as aU students of history now know, was himself
between the same hammer and anvil: between those who
were able to call the constitution a league with the Devil and
a covenant with Hell, and those who so far agreed with them
as to be ready to join in breaking it. On these points his
position was unmistakable. That he was for a national regu
latory bank was no less certain ; his language was too vivid
on that point to be misunderstood, as it was on the personal
government of Jacksons and Van Burens.
On the state issues, however, there was a possibility of
his being misunderstood. He was a western man, to be
sure ; but he was not a man merely for the west. Localism,
or sectionalism, had prevailed in North Carolina since the
death of Murphy and President Caldweb; even a Gaston
was unable wholly to cast off its shackles, and a Swain stood
helpless against it. Mr. Morehead's first entry into the
arena of the commonwealth was as a disciple of Murphy,
and his second as an advocate of the measures proposed by
"Carleton," the pseudonym of President Caldweb. He
carried their banners boldly — so boldly indeed that he had
been a marked man ever since. Theirs was not a benumb
ing localism or sectionalism, but a statemanship for the
whole commonwealth ; and not merely for the whole, as
superior to a part; but for the organic nature and stature
of a state with a unifying development. The vision of a
Murphy and a Caldwell seemed to have been forgotten in
the sectional struggle for dominance, or the desperate ef
fort to staunch the flow of Carolina's commercial blood into
the arteries of neighboring states. There was an instinct
among some of the people that this builder of factories,
opener of mines, developer of farms, advocate of justice,
friend of both races, and creator of a school of higher edu
cation for women was the man tO' turn to at this juncture.
Three weeks after the new Whig candidate for Gover
nor penned his letter of acceptance, and white common
schools were preparing to open all over North Carolina, Mr.
Morehead, on December 16th, issued an announcement,
which appeared first in the Patriot, that "Edgeworth

RISE OF THE WHIGS 197
School," as he then called it, would open for the first time
on January 1, 1840, with Dr. S. P. Weir as Principal and
Miss M. A. Hoye, late of Princeton, vice-Principal, former
Principal of the "Greensborough Female Academy." It
was designed to be a school of higher education for young
women throughout the South, and was soon destined to
have pupils from West Virginia to Texas. In an announce
ment of 29th October, 1839, he says the Edgeworth grounds
contain about twenty acres adjacent to his own residence,
and that he designs it to be "a school of the first class — and
it shall be such — or it will be abandoned."
When "Edgeworth School" had been in operation about
a month, the editor of the Patriot had the following to say
of it — the only description of the interior known. "The
building occupies a retired, though not remote situation,
on a gentle rise of ground, at the western part of the vil
lage. It is of brick, fifty-six feet long by thirty-eight in
width ; two stories, with a basement and attic ; covered with
tin. The cornices, doorways, and attic windows (which lat
ter stand out to the view with good effect) being finished
in a chaste and uniform style of architecture — a stately
and feminine appearance is imparted, which strikes the
passer-by as peculiarly appropriate. The interior is ar
ranged and fitted up in a style of neatness and elegance,
and with a view to the health, convenience and comfort of
the pupils. Each of the principal stories is divided by a
spacious passage, containing a flight of stairs. On the left,
as one enters from the street, are the recitation rooms ; and
on the right, rooms of the same size, yet having large folding
doors between them, which, when thrown open, give to both
apartments the advantage of a spacious hall. The attic story
is occupied as a dormitory, and its spacious dimensions, and
airy situation adapt it well to its purpose. Connected with
the main building, is a smaller one, containing an apartment
for the sick, a dining room, and other apartments necessary
for a domestic establishment. When the extensive grounds
surrounding the School shall be enclosed, and improved as
contemplated, by the laying out of walks, and pruning the
native growth — it will make a temporary home for the pupil.

198 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the recollection of which will be called up with pleasure in
all her after Hfe." He then adds: "Success to it! — success
to the Caldwell Institute ! — Success to the contemplated Fe
male Collegiate Institute ! and last, but not least, success to
Common Schools in our County and our State !" This might
be considered an omen of a new period to be ushered in by
the new State leader, candidate for its highest office, a
Whig — and much more.

XA
Whig Leader and Governor
AND
The First Railways
1840
The newly nominated Governor, John Motley Morehead,
the candidate of the Whig west, was not a member of the
Harrisburg Convention, or more serious effort would have
been made to nominate Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky
instead of General Harrison and John Tyler of Virginia, at
the December meeting, 1839. And he had not long to wait
to know whom the Democrats would name to join him in
the first state canvass in the history of the commonwealth,
like had already been begun in Tennessee; for in January
his rival to be, Hon. Romulus Mitchell Saunders of Caswell
county, also accepted a nomination. Judge Saunders should
have been a Whig, as he studied law under Judge Hugh L.
White of the Tennessee Supreme Court. He was five
years older than Mr. Morehead and was about that length
of time ahead of him in pubbc life in both houses of the
Assembly and in Congress. He was Attorney General in
1828, but on his appointment in 1833 by President Jackson
to the French Claims Commission, resigned; while on his
completion of that service in 1835 he became a Judge of the
Superior Court. He therefore came into the campaign
with great prestige, and the forthcoming canvass was bound
to be a most remarkable contest.
While preparations were making for entering upon it,
however, some great events were introductory and destined
to be a considerable aid to it as well. These were the com
pletion of North Carolina's first two railroads in March,
199

200 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
when the first train passed over the whole Wilmington and
Weldon Railroad on the 7th of that month.' Closely fol
lowing this event, on the 21st of that same month, the
first train from the north over the Raleigh and Gaston
Railroad steamed into the capital, to rival in interest the
little "Experimental Railroad" to the quarries which had
served so well to convince the state of the feasibibty of these
larger ones. The Raleigh Register of 24th March, thus
celebrates it: "Phizzz — zzz — zzz"
"This is as near as we can come in type towards express
ing the strange sound which greeted the ears of the
assembled population of our city on Saturday evening
last. About 6 oclock of that day, the first steam loco
motive that ever snorted amongst the hills of Crabtree
reached the limits of our city and was enthusiastically
welcomed with every demonstration of joy. The bells rang,
the artillery roared and the people cheered. Huzza!
Huzza!! HUZZA!!! The Raleigh and Gaston Railroad
is completed and no mistake. The passenger cars are ex
pected here tonight, and we jolly Cits can now amuse our
selves with Railroad incidents until the Assembly meets.
'Last bell. Sir, last beb! Hurry, Sir; hurry. Ma'am!' —
'Where's my trunk ? I carn't go till I see my trunk — a round
top, kivered with flowered paper.' 'Ab safe. Ma'am! — all
in the baggage car.' Phizz-zzz-zzz — ding, dong, bell —
ding, dong, bell. 'Make haste, make haste !' 'Oh my ! Mr.
Zeigenfuss, I've dropped my bag!' 'Get in. Ma'am!'
'Gracious, you've almost jerked my calash off my head.'
'Please Mr. Zig' — Phizz — clack-clack-clack — lack-lack-
lack — ack-ack-ack — ck-ck-ck — K-K-K — Away they go !
"Magnificent enterprise! We have now actual demon
stration of that, which no man would have believed thirty
years ago to be within the compass of human power. Truly
has it been said, that the last few years have unfolded more
"^The last nail was driven at 12.00 noon and the first train from Wilming
ton reached Weldon a 9 P. M. The road was 160J miles long, the longest road
then in all the world. For a town of but 3500 people, Wilmington's achieve
ment was most remarkable.

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 201
that is novel, vast and wonderful, than the whole eighteen
centuries of the Christian era.
"The Raleigh and Gaston Railroad is 86 miles in length,
and has been constructed altogether by individual stock
holders, the State having uniformly declined embarking in
the enterprise. More than usual difficulties have presented
themselves in the progress of the work, over and above the
natural obstacles, but they have all vanished before a de
termined purpose and never-tiring energy. The whole line
is now finished, is said to be admirably built, and reflects
high credit on the President, Engineer, Assistants, and in
deed, all connected with its construction. We hail the
rumbling of the first locomotive as the glad omen of future
prosperity to our city and country, and feel that we shall
not be disappointed."'
It was natural that Wilmington and Raleigh should
formally celebrate these events, and the President, Dudley,
should invite his successor to join them at the former city
on April 15th. Mr. Morehead would have entered upon
his campaign sooner had it not been for a critical illness of
his wife, but when the crisis was passed, she insisted that he
proceed on his duty. He had accepted the Wilmington in
vitation and was speaking on April 7th, at Germanton, in
Stokes county, where he himself was temporarily ill. By
the 15th, when he was at Wilmington he had issued the
following eastern itinerary: I.Waynesboro, the 18th; 2.
Kinston, 20th; 3. Trenton, 21st; 4. Newbern, 23rd; 5.
Washington, 27th; 6. HaHfax, 30th; 7. Jackson, May 1st;
8. Edenton, May 4th ; 9. Hartford, 6th ; 10. Elizabeth City,
7th; 11. Camden C H., 8th; 12. Currituck C. H., 9th; 13.
Windsor, 12th; 14. Williamston, 13th; 15. Nashville, 16th;
16. Louisburg, 18th ; 17. Oxford, 20th ; and Raleigh, May
22nd. The address at Wilmington in connection with the

'^ Raleigh Register, March 24, 1840. The Wilmington & Weldon road was
161 miles long and at their celebration which began on the 9th and lasted sev
eral days a gun was fired for each mile. Water from the Roanoke, Tar and
Neuse Rivers were brought and formally mixed and Wilmington was elabor
ately illuminated at night. This was then the longest completed road in the
world. The Raleigh and Gaston road had four engines, its largest one, "Tor
nado," was made in Richmond, weighed 6i tons and hauled 30 loaded cars.
The Raleigh people celebrated, in a splendid three-day session, both the
completion of flieir railroad and the new capitol, beginning on June 10, 1840.

202 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
celebration was not replied to by Judge Saunders, who had
sent his regrets; but it became a most auspicious opening
of the Whig campaign.
One of the best contemporary pictures of the Whig
gubernatorial candidate, was that of a correspondent who
witnessed the forensic battle between Judge Saunders, his
Democratic rival, and himself at Snow Hill in Greene
county on May 14, 1840. "This has been a great day for
Snow Hill," he writes. "Never since the days of the
Giants, have our white sand-banks been the arena of so
great intellectual war, as we have witnessed today." Then
describing how the two rivals came in after a 56-mile ride,
while the Presidential-Elector, James W. Bryan, was speak
ing, he shows Mr. Morehead opening the debate, which
"continued until candle-light." "As a Whig," the corre
spondent explains, "I may be pardoned for believing that
Mr. Morehead bore away the palm. His broad good-
humored countenance, lighted up with perfect good humor,
is occasionally irresistible. He has winning ways to make
men love him. The strength and energy and unwavering
directness with which he marches up to, and attacks the
positions of his adversary, levelling stroke after stroke in
precisely the right place, tell with tremendous effect. The
caution and care with which he fortifies his own positions,
make it no easy matter for him to be out-generalled. The
indignant denunciations which he pours out upon the powers
that be, for their mal-practices, falling upon minds, believing
or strongly suspecting them to be true, uttered with an air
of honest scorn, which his hearers are convinced cannot be
assumed, create an impression hard to be removed. But
he who supposes that General Saunders is but a play-thing
for Mr. Morehead, or for anybody else; he who thinks he
cannot and does not ably defend himself, have mistaken the
man. Some parts of his speech were truly eloquent, and
worthy of a better cause; and none will more cheerfully
say so than the Whigs. In his youthful days. Gen. S. was
a patriotic Whig, and so deeply imbued with good feelings,
that even his connection with this blighting administration
has not been able entirely to destroy them. They occasion-

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 203
ally burst out even now, and, like the verdant spots in the
desert, are welcomed with heart-felt pleasure in proportion
as they are unexpected and rare. The debate was conducted
with fairness — and, with a single exception, with courtesy
and kindness, that exception, I know, a cause of regret to
both of those gentlemen, as it is to their friends. 'It was
a hasty spark, and soon was cool again.'
"On one subject, however. Gen. Saunders did not give
satisfaction, even to his friends. Mr. Morehead stated that
he had heretofore called on his competitor to say what were
his views in relation to the Public Lands, and that he had
declined to give them. He today called emphatically for
his opinion on the subject, but, like the spirits from the vasty
deep, they would not come. He did not and would not,
though repeatedly asked to do so, say one word about the
matter, only 'that he had not time to talk about it.'
"If we can judge from the deportment of the two com
petitors, the Whig cause must succeed. Mr. Morehead is
certainly buoyant with hope. General Saunders may hope,
too, but if he does not carry about him a somewhat dejected
air, there is no truth in Physiognomy.'"
Of Mr. Morehead, The Carolina Watchman had re
cently said : "There are few men who can combine so many
popular qualities as John M. Morehead. Highly gifted by
nature, he has acquired much scientific and practical infor
mation. With an eloquence, strong, clear and convincing,
he combines the rare qualities of genuine wit. He is hon
orable to the 'minutest tittle — brave, manly, generous and
affable. His morality has never been questioned. His
social qualities would be a hindrance to almost anyone else
in their march through life, but no blandishment of pleasure
— no allurement of ease can stay his progress when business
or duty calls. He is such a man as we delight to honor,
and such a one as the people are always willing to advance.
But such as he is, it must be said to his honor, he has made
himself. He was once a poor boy on the banks of the Dan
River, working to get a little money to enable him to go to
1 The Raleigh Register, May 19, 1840.

204 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
a Latin school. Now he would confer distinction on the
office for which he is presented to the public. We, there
fore, say that in this, as well as in many other things, the
Convention has done well.'" Among other things said of
him were the following: "Without fear and without re
proach;" "carries his recommendation in his countenance;"
"perfect gentleman, able civilian and sound politician;"
"shook hands with the unwashed;" "the plow-boy of Guil
ford," and the like.
Without attempting to follow the details of the canvass,
a few instances may be used as illustrations:
The gubernatorial canvass in Granville county seat,
Oxford, May 20, 1840, is thus described: "The discussion
of the candidates lasted till night. We were all delighted
beyond our calculations. Judge Saunders opened the de
bate, spoke three hours and a half, and delivered a speech
that did him much credit ; for a Van Buren man, it was can
did and open. We were somewhat uneasy, and began to
think his ingenuity could not be successfully answered.
But, soon after Mr. Morehead rose to reply, we found our
fears were groundless. His speech was admitted, on all
hands, to equal, if it did not surpass any speech ever deliv
ered here. At times, his audience were enchained by his
eloquence, and then again amused, beyond expression by
the introduction of humorous caricatures of the Powers
that be. In his replies to some of the remarks of Judge
Saunders, he was very caustic and severe, which produced
some interruption by the Judge. But nothing was gained
by it, as Morehead's facts were so strong, and illustrated
by so much good temper and good humor, that they could
not be successfully resisted."^
A little later, on Friday, May 22, 1840, they met at the
capital city and spoke in the old Baptist Church. Here
"Mr. Morehead opened the discussion," says the editor of
the Register, "and exposed in a masterly manner the cor
ruptions and extravagances of the Administration — the dan
gerous features of the plan reported by the Secretary of
1 March, 1840.
'Raleigh Register, 26th May, 1840.

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 205
War, for establishing a Standing Army — which plan, ob
noxious as it was, received the approbation of the Presi
dent. He pronounced it a fit instrument to make slaves
of us all — particularly when united with the Sub-Treasury
— a measure which struck at the very root of our credit
system — reducing all prices to a specie standard, and en
abling the President, by an increase of his already immense
patronage, to exercise an improper and corrupting influence
over the elections. He exposed with great ability the mal
feasance of the Secretary of the Treasury in permitting
defaulters to continue in office, after the heaviest defalca
tions, in some instances, without even requiring bond for
the security of the public revenue. He replied in the most
indignant terms, to the charge of being an AboHtionist,
which was brought against him by a certain leader of the
Van Buren party, in a meeting held in this place a short time
after his nomination, and reminding 'the Party' that the
same process by which this Orator sought to prove him an
Abolitionist, would fix it on nearly all their own leaders
in the Convention. Messrs. Branch (who was run for Gov
ernor by the Van Buren Party), Marsteller (Collector of the
Port of Wilmington), Daniel (Judge of the Supreme
Court), Parker (late Van Buren elector), Quinn, Graves,
Morris (run by 'the Party' against Mr. Deberry), Mont
gomery (Representative of 'the Party' from this District),
Kimbrough Jones (who was presiding at the very meeting
the Orator was addressing), and many others, 'good and
true' men to the Administration, gave the same votes that he
(Mr. M.) did. Many parts of Mr. Morehead's address
were truly eloquent, and frequently his caustic sarcasm
and pleasant humor elicited the applause even of those who
were opposed to his political principles. We do not recol
lect ever to have listened to a more powerful and interesting
political speech. The open, candid countenance of the
speaker, the earnestness of his manner, united with the
strength and clearness of his arguments, were calculated to
produce conviction on the minds of ab who were not blinded
by prejudice." Judge Saunders' speech is then described, after which.

206 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"Mr. Morehead rejoined briefly, when a humorous sparring
between the candidates, producing much amusement, con
cluded the conflict of the day.'"
In June he began his western itinerary in the county next
north of Guilford.
A good description of Mr. Morehead's style in speak
ing, during the gubernatorial campaign, has come down to
us from an "Observer," who happened to hear the two at
Wentworth, Rockingham county, the boyhood home of the
Whig candidate: "Mr. Morehead is more rapid in his
speaking, yet his enunciation is equally distinct and impres
sive as his opponent's. His language is strong and forcible,
and never wanting at his caU; — unlike the spirits of Hot
spur — the words will 'come at his bidding.' By his great
command of language, with the fact of his speaking more
rapidly than Mr. Saunders, he is enabled to say much more
in a given time. His gestures are better, more varied, and
more energetic than his competitor's ; and on the whole he is
a more interesting speaker : but decidedly his superior in the
opposite qualities of pathos and humor. Indeed these last
seem to be totally without the range of Judge Saunders,
whether from choice or necessity, I know not : while Mr.
Morehead is peculiarly happy in both. Each of them
spoke about three hours. . . . Mr. Morehead made an
able reply; in which it appeared, as the Danville Reporter
remarked — he had Morehead, a better head, and a better
cause, than Judge Saunders. . . . and the denouement,
when he spoke personally of himself, was truly pathetic.
He is, I understand, a native of this county, and resided
at this place when, poor and friendless, he commenced the
practice of law; and in alluding to this circumstance and
other personal circumstances, he could not well have been
surpassed. It is said that one 'cannot speak eloquently of
selff but in the face of this maxim, I say he was truly elo
quent; never were my feelings so completely carried with
another's. He conformed, too, to the Horatian precept in
the 'Art of Poetry,' 'Si vis me fiere, delendum est, primum
^Raleigh Register, 26th May, 1840.

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 207
ipsi tibi,' 'if you would have me weep it behooves you first
to weep.' Mr. Morehead did actually shed tears, and the
sympathetic tears stood in the eyes of many of the audience.
The effect was electric ; and I will venture to say there
was scarcely one who did not feel the force of this eloquent
appeal.'" By the midde of June, the Guilford Tippecanoe Club had
built a portable "log cabin" with "Hard Cider" attachment
and were familiarizing themselves with such songs as the
following, as were all other Whig districts in the state :
"Harrison and Tyler for the Union
AND
"Morehead for the 'Old North'
('Rosin The Bow')
"Old Rip will fight under this banner.
With the pluck of a soldier that's true.;
He'll not be the hindmost in battle
With him of old Tippecanoe.
"Old Rip will soon wake from his napping.
And make every spoiler look blue.
With a hearty hurrah for Jack Tyler
And a round for old Tippecanoe !
"Old Rip will call at his log cabins.
And rouse out the voters a few.
Whose thunder will tell next November
For the hero of Tippecanoe.
"And when he's fixed up in the White House,
The farmer and patriot true, —
We'll drink in the mug of hard cider.
The health of old Tippecanoe.
"Then, adieu to your Swartnants and Prices,
And little leg-trousers, too !
He'll sack every rogue of a spoiler —
He sacked 'em at Tippecanoe.
"In the halls of our wise legislators.
To his country he ever proved true;
At Meigs, at the Thames and the Raisin,
And also at Tippecanoe.
^Greensboro Patriot, 16th June, 1840.

208 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"Then, success to the Son of old Guilford !
The old Rip, ever faithful and true;
'Old Virginny,' success to thy Tyler!
And triumph to Tippecanoe !'"
Guilford sent a fine delegation on July 4th, to the great
Whig celebration at SaHsbury, composed of the Guilford
Tippecanoe Club and the Gmlford Guards, who, at 6 A.M.
of the 2nd, with their Log Cabin on wheels and about 2000
people went to Edgeworth School, where the ladies of the
School, headed by Miss Hoye, presented the Club witb a
beautiful banner, on one side of which was a Log Cabin
with "Republican Simplicity vs. Loco Foco Arrogance" and
on the reverse side a barrel, presumably of hard cider,
surrounded by a green wreath and thirteen stars, with
"Once more to the rescue, dear friends, once more;" while
the staff was surmounted by a model of a plow. The pro
cession then stopped in front of Dr. Mebane's, where the
Guards were likewise honored with a banner, presented by
Miss Mary Corinna Morehead, as the work of herself, her
sister and Miss M. E. Mebane. It had on a white field an
American Eagle, with a scroll in its beak — "On to Victory,"
and on the reverse the legend "Merit Wins the Prize" en
closed in an elaborate wreath. The presentation address of
both Miss Hoye and Miss Morehead were responded to by
Mr. Ralph Gorrell and Mr. John A. Gilmer, respectively.^
The procession contained the Log Cabin, drawn by six white
horses, and the chimney was made to emit smoke, while a
barrel marked "Hard Cider" was strapped on behind and
the cabin draped with deer skins, raccoon skins, buck horns,
and many relics of Guilford battle ground, from which the
poles of which the cabin was made were cut. They also
had a canoe drawn by four white horses. Other Whigs
followed with large blue silken sheet variously inscribed
on one side: "The Sons of Old Gmlford," "Against the

1 Clippings in possession of the Misses Caldwell, Greensboro, N. C. "Old
Rip'* of course is "Rip Van Winkle," Senator Preston's (S. C.) jeering name
for North Carolina when she refused to endorse nullification.
' Greensboro Patriot, 14th July, 1840. These flags are now in possession
of the Greensboro Public Library. Miss Mary Corrina Morehead was but fif
teen years old and her sister, presumably Miss Letitia Harper, was two years
older.

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 209
Standing Army," "Against the Sub-Treasury," "Against
Van Buren;" and on tbe other "The Sons of Old Guilford,"
"For Harrison and Tyler," "For John M. Morehead,"
"For Retrenchment and Reform." This was the spirited
part they took in the great Salisbury celebration of about
12,000 people on July 4tb. They were helping transform
the Van Buren Baltimore Republican sneer, that if the
Harrisburg nominee. Gen. Harrison, "had a barrel of hard
cider and a pension of $2000, he would sit the rest of his
Hfe contentedly in a log cabin," into a slogan of victory!
And tliis was a sample of what was occurring in most coun
ties of the nation!
On Mr. Morehead's return from his mountain canvass
on July 6th he answered some detractors as to his vote on
the laws prohibiting immigration of free negroes into the
State, in 1826 ; he said he voted against the bill first because
of the 5th section, but on third reading he succeeded in get
ting that removed and another Wilmington man secured
the removal of three other sections, whereupon be voted
for the bill as it was passed into law. Incidentally, he
said the Salisbury meeting was the largest meeting ever
held in the State and never had such enthusiasm pervaded
the Whigs.'
Then on August 13th, came the state elections, and, said
The Patriot: "The Old North State Greets the Union
With the Thrilling Forces of Triumph ! !" "To the
eminently practical mind and eloquence of John M. More-
head, our distinguished Countryman, more than to any
other man in the State, is to be attributed this triumph of
TRUTH — of Principle — of THE PEOPLE!" Guilford
went 1742 majority and the state went 8080 majority for
him, or 44,508 votes with both houses of the Legislature.^
Thereupon bis old county of Rockingham on September
19th announced a festival in honor of their old-time son
1 The Patriot, Aug. 11, 1840.
' On the day of his election a second son, James Turner Morehead, named
after his brother, and bearing the same name as his distant cousin, Ex-Governor
James Turner Morehead of Kentucky, was born.
Governor-elect Morehead stimulated almost every enterprise he came in
contact with. Amongst multitudes of enterprises he had a share in was the
Greensboro Tannery, owned by Morehead & Willis, who on Sept. 8, 1840, ad
vertised for an expert in that line.

210 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
and invited all tbe surrounding counties' Whigs to join them
at Wentworth on the 29th of October. The Caswell County
Whigs announced a similar program for October Ist, and
the Patriot and other papers which had headed their
columns with: "For Governor, John M. Morehead. For
President, William Henry Harrison. For Vice-President,
John Tyler," now headed them only witb the Presidential
names in preparation for the November election; and on
October 5th, the Whigs held a great convention in' Raleigh
in which delegations from the counties vied each other in
its most picturesque banners and emblems. "Whig in 1776
and Whig in 1840" was one of the most common. On the
second day of the Convention it was that there was sung
a song, written to a favorite concert air of several young
ladies who requested it of Judge Gaston, the now famous
song of the commonwealth, "The Old North State Forever,"
which was thereupon first published in The Raleigh
Register: "The Old North State Forever
"Carolina I Carolina ! Heaven's blessings attend her I
While we live, we will cherish and love and defend her;
Tho' the scomer may sneer at, and witlings defame her,'
Our hearts swell with gladness, whenever we name her.
Hurrah ! Hurrah ! The Old North State forever !
Hurrah ! Hurrah I The good Old North State !
"Tho' she envies not others their merited glory.
Say, whose name stands the foremost in Liberty's story?
Tho' too true to herself, e'er to crouch to oppression,
Who can yield to just rule more loyal submission?
Hurrah I &c.
"Plain and artless her sons, but whose doors open faster.
At the knock of the stranger, or the tale of disaster?
How like to, the rudeness of their dear native mountains.
With rich ore in their bosoms, and life in their fountains?
Hurrah ! etc.

^ This doubtless referred to the gibe of Preston of South Carolina, who was
incensed because North Carolina wouldn't follow his own state in nuUifying
measures a half dozen years before and called her "Rip Van Winkle."

Map of North Carolina, 1840
Prepared by the author
_, . ., t , -.-.Tt . (Governor Morehead (named counties), 44,508: opponent (counties not named), 36,428
Showmg railroads and Whig vote -^ t» .. ^ tt • / j ^- •. a^ ^'^o . ^ .- . i^ -, , -.^^
[President Harrison (named counties), 46,628; opponent (counties not named), 34,168

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 211
"And her daughters, the Queen of the forest resembling.
So graceful, so constant, yet to gentlest breath trembling.
And true lightwood at heart, let the match be applied them.
How they kindle and flame ? Oh none know but who've tried them I
Hurrah ! etc.
"Then let all who with us, love the land that we live in,
(As happy a region as on this side of Heaven)
Where Plenty and Freedom, Love and Peace smile before us.
Raise aloud, raise together, the heart-thrilling chorus —
Hurrah I Hurrah ! The Old North State forever !
Hurrah ! Hurrah ! The good Old North State !
The big Wentworth festival followed and it was here
that Governor-elect Morehead explained why, although he
had canvassed tbe state "from the mountains to the sea,"
he did not set out on the campaign as early as be expected
to do, the reason being that she who was dearer than life to
him "was sick unto death;" that as soon as the physician
said she might live, and before she could turn herself in bed,
she said to him: "Go and do your duty to your country!"
Thereupon the people enthusiastically gave three times three
cheers for Mrs. Morehead. Again, like Homer, Rocking
ham tried to claim him as ber native son — which he was, es
sentially, since he was but a two-years-old babe when bis
family moved across the river a few miles into another
state. Tbe fame of tbe new Governor-elect spread over the
country and an elegant new steam-boat launched at Cin
cinnati, was christened "Gov. Morehead" in his honor.^ At
a dinner to Secretary of the Navy Badger, in Raleigh, Con
gressman W. P. Mangum's Washington letter was read and
it contained a toast to "John M. Morehead — the able and
patriotic Executive; his friends will not forget him — his
enemies cannot." To this Governor Morehead responded in
a happy vein, a part of which was prophetic, namely, when
be said be "trusted that be should in his effort to direct
Internal Improvements of the Old North, and to cultivate
1 Greensboro Patriot, 8th December, 1840. This may be true; but when
one knows that Kentucky had Governor James T. Morehead from 1834 to 1836,
only four years before, one wonders whether it might not be named for him,
especially as he was slated for the U. S. Senate as colleague of Henry Clay, at
that time.

212 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
its intellectual condition, so entitle himself to their respect,
that neither they, their children, nor their children's chil
dren could forget him."^ And he might have added —
"posterity." Following these festivals came the national election in
which "Old Guilford," "The Old Dominion," as it was often
called by the Whigs, even increased the Harrison vote to
1886, or 144 more than for Morehead. The Whigs swept
the land. At the Assembly in Raleigh, which then met,
Mangum and Graham were made national Senators. The
electoral college of the State gave all fifteen votes to Har
rison, the majority in the commonwealth being 12,594. The
new Whig Assembly was the first to meet in tbe new
capitol and the new census appeared, showing North Caro
lina with far the smallest increase in population since 1790,
namely, but 18,469 — about one-fifth of that of the preceding
census, one-fourth of that of 1820 and nearly the same ratio
for those of 1800 and 1810. The increase in slaves
was but 455 ; while there were 22,724 free persons of color.
The white population was 487,298 and the slave population
246,917 — a total of 756,939.^ The financial disorganization
of the past decade and the attractions of the west accounted
for this meager increase; and consequently the great Whig
revolution and the great impetus to the railroad movement.
This was the condition that accompanied tbe Guilford
county Governor-elect and his family at the close of 1840,
when they arrived in Raleigh to locate in the renovated and
restored "Government House," at the foot of Fayetteville
Street, used for the past decade by the Assembly, since the
destruction of the capitol in 1831, and now to again become
the Executive Mansion. For the new Whig Assembly.
whose session was now nearly over, had moved up to capitol
^ Greensboro Patriot, 23rd Nov., 1841. The Governor's salary at this time
was $2000 only. The Justices of the Supreme Court received $500 more. The
free white population of North Carolina at this time was 484,870 and tlie free
colored population, 22,732, a rather strikingly large number, while the slaves
numbered 245,817 — practically half of the white number. The total of all was
753,419. '^ North Carolina's increase was 2%, the same as Virginia, South Carolina
and Delaware. Marj-land was still lower and Connecticut lower than Maryland.
These were lowest of all the states. The great increases were in the west and
the greatest in the northwest, Michigan being as high as 590%, altho* Arkansas
and Mississippi were very high.

. '¦- k^ '^-^'

The Governor's Mansion, 1840
at the foot of Fayetteville St., Raleigh
Drawing .by Miss Emma Morehead Whitfield, Richmond,
photograph in the Hall of Histoi-y, Raleigh

Va., fr

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 213
square in preparation for their new Governor. Nor did
tbe Greensboro Patriot think much of the work of that As
sembly ; but spoke of it as an "honorable, dignified, fidgety,
diddling, do-nothing assemblage," whose greatest achieve
ment was adjournment. It did, however, come to the relief
of Governor Dudley's railroad witb a $300,000 loan and
support of the credit of tbe Raleigh & Gaston; created
three new counties in tbe west ; improved the school laws ;
provided for a State Library, and last, but not least, im
proved the incorporation act of 1836 of the North Caro
lina Railroad Company, providing for individual subscrip
tion of $1,000,000 to bmld a railroad from Beaufort Harbor
to tbe Wilmington road presumably at Waynesboro
(Goldsboro). Tbe asylum acts — orphan and insane — did
not pass. But, all this was under the close of Governor
Dudley's term.
The new capitol, the stately Greek temple that still
stands stained with over four-score years of time, was so
nearly complete that not only the new Whig Assembly was
the first legislature to meet in it ; but on January 1, 1841, at
high noon, the ancient oaks of the original forest which
surrounded it witnessed the gathering in the hall of the
House of Commons, Governor Dudley leading, in which
the first inauguration of the chief executive was to take
place. Chief Justice Ruffin, whose bronze statue now graces
the Supreme Court building, administered the oath to the
second Whig chief of the state, whereupon Governor
Morehead delivered a brief inaugural.
"Gentlemen of tbe Senate and House of Commons," he
began, "In obedience to the requisition of tbe Constitution,
I have appeared before you and have taken the oath pre
scribed, before I enter upon the duties of the Executive
Office, to which I have been called by my fellow citizens of
North Carolina.
"I assure you it is with unfeigned diffidence that I enter
upon the discharge of these high duties; and if I may not
hope to bring as much ability into the Executive Chair as
now leaves it, I will yet endeavor, in the discharge of my
oflficial duties, to rival the zeal of him whose seat I am now

214 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
about to occupy: And I shab be more than fortunate, if
at the expiration of my term of service, it may be said of
me, as it may be well said of him, 'Well done thou good
and faithful.'
"I desire to discharge my duties as it becomes tbe Gov
ernor of the State, and of the whole State; I desire to be the
Executive of the People, and of the whole People; and it
shall be my constant endeavor so to discharge those duties,
that the laws suggested by your wisdom — and by the wis
dom of those who have gone on before you — shall be so
administered that all the beneficial results anticipated may
be fully realized.
"I shall be happy to cooperate with you in bringing into
active operation all the elements of greatness and of useful
ness with which our state is so abundantly blest.
"Other States have outstripped us in the career of im
provement, and in the development of their national
resources — but North Carolina will stand a favorable com
parison with most of ber sister States, in her national
advantages — her great extent of fertile soil — her great va
riety of production — her exhaustless deposits of mineral
wealth, her extraordinary water-power, inviting to Manu
facturers — all, all combine to give ber advantages that few
other states possess.
"Whatever measures you may adopt to encourage Agri
culture, to induce the Husbandman, while he toils and
sweats, to hope that bis labors will be duly rewarded;
whatever measures you may adopt to facilitate Commerce,
and to aid Industry in all the departments of life to reap
its full reward, will meet with my cordial approbation.
"And I am happy to find that the action of one of your
bodies has anticipated a suggestion that I had intended to
make: I allude to the subject of opening Roanoke Inlet.
This is a work, if practicable, of the first importance to
North Carolina; it is a work in which the State is deeply
interested — recent surveys, conducted by scientific skill,
have shown that the work is practicable, and if so, it should
be certainly executed.
"The Commerce and Navigation of the Nation would

The Capitol
Raleigh, North Carolina
as it is today, unchanged since 1S40

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 215
be greatly benefited by it — and if there be any work which
the Federal Government ought to execute, and which steers
clear of all Constitutional objection, this is the work.
Thousands of dollars are yearly spent to improve the navi
gation of rivers within the limits of some of the States,
whilst this would be an improvement by which the Atlantic
itself would be introduced within our borders.
"If tbe General Government cannot execute a work of
tbis description, or if it can and will not, then do we derive
but little advantage from our Federal association; we
should not ask the execution of this work by the General
Government as a boon, but demand it as a right, and I hope
the time is not far distant, when the application of North
Carolina to the General Government for her rights, will not
be disregarded; therefore, whatever duties you may choose
to assign me, to bring this subject to the attention of the
General Government, will be most cheerfully performed.
As there may be another session of Congress before our
legislative body may meet again, and as is probable no
action will be taken on the subject at this session of Con
gress, I would respectfully suggest that any communication,
which you may direct to be made, sbould be made to the
next session of Congress as well as to this.
"It is equally our duty, fellow citizens, to attend to our
moral and intellectual cultivation, for upon this depends
our continuance as a free and happy people. Our State
possesses in her University, an institution that will com
pare favorably with any other in the Union, at which a
portion of our youth can be well educated — we have a num
ber of Academies and other high Schools at which another
portion can receive excellent educations; but it is to our
Common Schools, in which every child can receive the rudi
ments of an education — that our education should be mainly
directed. Our system is yet in its infancy — it will require
time and experience to give to it its greatest perfection ; our
Literary Fund should be carefully husbanded and increased,
and I doubt not, in due time, tbe Legislative wisdom of the
State will perfect the system as far as human sagacity can
do it. And no part of my official duty will be performed

216 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
with more pleasure than that part, which may aid in bring
ing about that happy result.
"Nothing so surely indicates the happiness and pros
perity of a people, as numerous School-houses well filled,
during the week; and Churches well crowded on the Sab
bath, and the latter is sure to follow the former. If we
desire to perpetuate our glorious political institutions, we
must give to all our people moral and intellectual cultivation
— that man who improves his intellect for six days of the
week, and, on the seventh, endeavors to give it the proper
direction, from the precepts of our Holy Religion, who
learns to do unto others, as he would they should do unto
him — that man will never become a Tyrant — and he can
never be made a slave.
"Believing, as I do, that comity and good feeling should
exist between the General Government and all the members
of the Confederacy — I shall endeavor, while I have the
power to preside over North Carolina, on every occasion
that may offer, to meet them with that courtesy to which
they are justly entitled — and which a due self-respect and
the dignity of our State require should be shown.
"1 will cheerfully yield to the General Government all
the powers to which it is entitled, from a fair and proper
construction and interpretation of the Constitution — while,
on the other hand, I shall carefully maintain, protect and
defend the rights which pertain to our own State.
"I shall be extremely careful to see that North Caro
lina, when she speaks in her sovereign character, has a
right to speak — and when she does so speak, through her
great seal — the emblem of her sovereignty — while I have
the honor to control it — it must be — it shall be respected^
"The days of our political existence, under our present
happy form of government, are numbered, when States shall
permit their sovereignty to be contemned and their great
seals to be scoffed at and disregarded.
"In a word, fellow-citizens, whatever measures you may

1 These expressions were due to many acts of Presidents Jackson and
Van Buren, which were the cause of the Whig uprising.

--'^..?

Governor John Motley Morehead
in 1841
From a print in possession of Lindsay Patterson
WinstOH-Salem, N. C.

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 217
adopt to advance the prosperity of our State, and the happi
ness of our citizens, will meet witb my hearty cooperation.
"I cannot conclude my remarks without congratulating
you and myself, upon the time and place of our meeting.
This splendid edifice bas nearly approached its completion.
You are tbe first legislative body that ever bad the honor
to assemble in its splendid Halls. I am tbe first Executive
that ever bad tbe honor to be installed within its durable
walls. It will endure as a monument, for ages to come, of
tbe munificence, liberality and taste of the age in which we
live. There is a moral effect produced by the erection of
such an edifice as tbis — it will serve, in the chain of time, to
link tbe past witb the future. And if ever that proud spirit
that has ever characterized us — which bas ever been ready
to assert its rights and avenge its wrongs — which exhibited
itself at tbe Regulation Battle of 1770 — which burnt with
more brilliance at the Mecklenburg Declaration of Indepen
dence in 1775 — and which totally declared for Independence
in 1776 — even if that proud spirit shall become craven in
time to come, and shall not dare animate tbe bosom of a
freeman — let it look upon this monument — and remember
the glorious institutions under which its foundations were
laid, and the noble people by whom, it was reared — and
then let it become a slave if it can.
"May it endure for ages to come — may it endure until
time itself shall grow old — may a thousand years find these
Halls still occupied by Freemen, legislating for a free and
happy people.'"
The new Governor in a new capitol, representing a new
political life in tbe state, was now about to fulfil so far as
was in his power, the ideals he had voiced in this body in
tbe old capitol twenty years before, with such vigor and
determination that he was now tbe first choice of that west
as soon as it found a voice. He had been twenty-five years
old then ; now he was forty-five, and was a national figure.
His predecessor, while a Whig, was essentially a compromise
eastern man; but John Motley Morehead was no compro-

'^ Raleigh Register, 5th Jan., 1841, and elsewhere.

218 JOHN MOTLEY IMOREHEAD
mise candidate. He had won North Carolina, as a Whig
and man of the west, in the greatest political contest ever
waged in the commonwealth. Not that he was the first
chief executive from the west; for six western men bad
been Governor of North Carolina before him, out of the
twenty-six under the commonwealth. "Old Guilford" had
furnished one of them, Alexander Martin, whose home was
its first county seat, and he had served twice and was a
Federabst; but Governor Morehead was the first western
man since Governor Martin, who had not been chosen as a
Democrat, or, as they were often styled in earlier days,
"Democratic Republican." His election, therefore, was
more of a revolution in North Carolina than any event since
the era of independence began ; and this was what attracted
national attention to him, and likewise gave him a new
prestige over other executives of the state, because it made
him the recognized political leader as well as Governor. A
North Carolina chief executive was severely an executive,
with almost no other powers; the receptacle of power was
in the Assembly. As also a political leader, however.
Governor Morehead acquired more power potentially than
previous executives ; and to this was added the force of his
unique personality and his infectious enthusiasm. Since this
Assembly would not meet again, and the next in two years
might not be Whig, his duties for that period would be
purely executive, and he was handicapped at the beginning.
One of the most interesting of these latter, was a requi
sition on him from Governor A. G. McNutt of Mississippi,
first presented to him while he was attending the inaugu
ration of President William Henry Harrison at Washington
on March 4th. He then drew attention of the Mississippi
agent to grave defects in the requisition for a man charged
with stealing and carrying off a slave, such as no copy of
an indictment nor the use of the state seal as required by
national law. The requisition was dated February 10th,
and on March 17th it was again sent by the agent with the
defects still existing, whereupon Governor Morehead made
a detailed reply on these points and sent them to Jackson.
From that time on no less than twenty papers and letters

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 219
passed between tbe two executives. On October 7, 1841,
Governor Morehead said, in a letter : "Therefore tbe Execu
tive of Mississippi has no right to make the demand, nor
have I the right to make the arrest." For as the case pro
ceeded it became evident that not only were tbe papers
defective, but that it was a case of persecution for another
cause. Tbe matter covered almost a year, and while it was
in course Governor Tucker became the Mississippi execu
tive, and in a letter of January 31, 1842, announced the
voluntary surrender of the man Sanders which closed the
incident. The case was discussed in the Senate of Mis-
sisippi during that long period, when Senator Ives of that
state, in defending the course of the North Carolina execu
tive, said that he had tbe honor of a personal acquaintance
with him and that if the Whigs recovered their ascendency
of early 1841, Governor Morehead "might yet preside over
a republic as well as a state!" This seems to have been
the first suggestion of his name for the Presidency of the
United States, but it was by no means to be the only one.
This, however, was some time after his inauguration in
January, 1841.
Witb this latter event came news in February, that specie
payments would be resumed in North Carolina and her
sister states northward, Maryland taking the lead, as if to be
ready for the inauguration of President Harrison in March.
This was hardly disseminated, when reverse news came
that the United States Bank of Pennsylvania had suspended
specie payments which would cause suspension in all states
southward — a course that was charged to New York banks.
North Carolina was cheered, however, by news of Mr.
Badger's selection as Secretary of the Navy in the Har
rison cabinet, a Newbern and Raleigh jurist recognized as
one of the greatest lawyers in the United States, and in the
same class as his fellow townsman. Judge Gaston. This
was a Morehead year, for besides a Governor Morehead
and Senator Moreland in North Carolina, Kentucky sent,
as successor to Senator Crittenden, who became Attorney
General at Washington, a western representative of the
family, Ex-Governor James T. Morehead, so that there were

220 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
two Senators James Turner Morehead, at this time. But
it was also a year of blasted hopes for every Whig every
where, for on April 4, 1841, President Harrison's death
was announced, and President Tyler's first announcement
of his policies left one subject as a source of apprehension
to every Whig, namely, his attitude toward restoration of
the United States Bank to regulate the currency. To test
that apprehension, Henry Clay, as chairman, reported a
bank bill and by August 6th it had passed and been sent to
President Tyler. Ten days later the Whigs of America
received a shock more vital, if possible, than the death of
their late President, for it was the announcement of the
political death of President Tyler in his veto of tbe Clay
bank bill! The act was softened slightly, however, by his
signature of the repeal of the Sub-Treasury bill but be
again irritated them by vetoing a somewhat similar bill for
a "Fiscal Corporation" on September 9th, when they knew
they had no longer a Whig President, and began to suspect
him of creating a "third party." Then came the resig
nations of his Whig cabinet, except Secretary of State
Webster, and formal Whig denunciation of Tyler as their
President. The next logical step was for a sentiment to
spring up for Henry Clay as the next Whig leader, because
of his bank bill to cure the financial ills from which the
country had suffered so long.
While these events were in progress in April, Governor
Morehead was at Greensboro arranging the removal of his
family to Raleigh and installing them in the Executive Man
sion at the foot of Fayetteville Street, where he bad made
such improvement as he was accustomed to have at "Bland
wood." And among his improvements was an ice-bouse,
which, because of the want of more serious issues, his
political opponents were to make locally famous ! The
Governor's family now consisted of eighteen-year-old Miss
Letitia Harper Morehead, "sweet-sixteen" Miss Mary
Corinna Morehead, and fourteen-year-old Miss Ann Eliza
(II), with a boy of eight, John Lindsay Morehead, named
for the Governor's father and Mrs. Morehead's family, a
girl of five, Emma Victoria Morehead, and the election-day

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 221
babe-in-arms, James Turner Morehead, named after tbe
Governor's younger brother. Senator James T. Morehead of
Greensboro. The older daughters, of course, spent the
school year at Edgeworth Seminary. The Executive Man
sion was placed in as attractive condition as the Governor
had been accustomed to keep "Blandwood," which was one
of the notable residences of the state ; and his life now was
spent at both ends of Fayetteville Street. In tbe Executive
office at the southwest corner of the first floor of the new
capitol. Governor Morehead had inherited froth his prede
cessor a free colored messenger and' attendant, Lunsford
Lane, who had purchased his freedom of Mrs. Sherwood
Haywood of Raleigh, and who, after six months with Gov
ernor Morehead, found it necessary to leave the state be
cause of general feeling against free negroes, and he
became a well-known lecturer in the Abolition agitation in
the north." Tbe Governor and his family spent three weeks
in August at his old home.
His first aggressive work was in connection witb the
reclamation of Swamp lands in the Sound peninsula.
Governor Morehead's appointment of Ex-Governor Dud
ley to this service, although he soon resigned, led to their
personal examination of those lands, and on Wednesday,
June 16, 1841, the borough of Washington, Beaufort county,
gave them a complimentary dinner at which Major Thomas
H. Blount presided. Among the toasts was one — "Our dis
tinguished guest. Governor Morehead: He has introduced
into the administration of the state, the 'go ahead' principles
which have illustrated his private life." In his response he
showed that glowing faith in the possibilities of North Caro
lina for which, be was so well known, dwelt upon the im
portance of the reclaimed swamp lands, credit for which he
gave to his predecessor as a bold and original conception,
designed to raise the common school system through its
wealth.^ By September the Governor was able to advertise
50,000 acres of swamp lands on the watershed of Hyde
county between the two sounds, into which two canals six
^ Lunsford Lane, by Rev. Wm. G. Hawkins.
' Washington Whig.

222 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
miles long drained them. They were to be sold at auction
on the Pungo canal on November 30th — at which, it may
be added, none were sold because no bid was equal to the
required minimum. His interest in this, however, was
bound up in his interest in the common schools, because it
was the basis of funds for that purpose. He therefore put
able men on this board and that on common school funds as
well, and gave both his personal attention.
He was at Chapel Hill at the University Commencement
as President of the Board of which he had been a member
for over a dozen years and during the summer issued, as
President of the Literary (or Common School) Fund, the
county incomes from it — a total of $54,608.99, from which
such counties as Orange, Rutherford, Guilford and a few
others received largest amounts. It was this fund the Gov
ernor was trying to increase in sale of reclaimed swamp
lands. It was expected that the next one would be twice
that amount. Indeed Governor Morehead's stimulating
suggestive spirit unconsciously permeated every department
of the state's thought and activity. He spent two weeks in
October in Greensboro and on his return early in November
attended a meeting of the Wilmington and Weldon Rail
road, representing the state, and a public dinner to Ex-Sec
retary of the Navy, Mr. Badger, at Raleigh, in which he
responded to a toast to himself. About this time the effect
on agriculture and commerce for about fifty miles each
side of the new railroads was beginning to be so noticeable
that some leaders like Mr. Gales of the Raleigh Register be
gan advocating a turnpike from Raleigh to the Tennessee
line. The enthusiasm over the growth of public schools
was so great that it was believed this new era would stop
the great emigration and produce immigration also. At the
Badger dinner Governor Morehead offered the toast:
"The physical and intellectual resources of North Carolina.
Her citizens have long esteemed the one — the Union now
esteems the other." This was typical of tbe new spirit in
the entire state.
Early in December the Whigs in Orange county started
tbe ball rolling for the next Presidential and Gubernatorial

WHIG GOVERNOR AND FIRST RAILWAYS 223
elections, by nominating Henry Clay for President, and
Governor Morehead to succeed himself, saying: "That we
heartily and cordially approve of the Administration of our
able and patriotic Governor, John M. Morehead." Early in
January, 1842, soon after be had presided at the Bank of
North Carolina board meeting, whose condition was excel
lent, the Democratic Convention met, determined to take
advantage of the anomalous Whig situation — having a
President who was no President ! — , and nominated a Fay
etteville man, Louis D. Henry, who might be thought of as
so near the eastern and western line as to be of both sections.
Tbe contest against Governor Morehead was avowedly be
cause he was a Whig. Late in the same month news came
of the failure of the Girard Bank, Philadelphia, one of the
greatest in the Union — and every such event was bound to
be disastrous to the party in power. Governor McNutt of
Mississippi was issuing public letters glorying in that
state's repudiation of her debts. The situation was so grave
that during the previous summer various Governors were ad
dressed by a W. A. Kentish of London, asking their consid
eration of a plan to make one bead state bank to function
like the Bank of England, for each state, and then these to
cooperate to secure uniformity. As a result the Democrats
were encouraged and the Whigs had a tremendous fight on
their bands. County Whig conventions were wide awake
during the winter and spring endorsing Clay and Morehead,
and the Democrats were, if anything, even more active, the
Raleigh Standard leading tbe attacks on the Governor, all
of them almost as significant as the ice-house episode and
all, even though insignificant, proven false. Candidate
Henry began bis operations even as early as March, 1842 ;
and in desperation the Standard began to speak of "John
Moonshine Morehead."
On April 4, 1842, the anniversary of the death of Presi
dent Harrison, the Whigs held their State Convention in the
Hall of tbe House of Commons, Raleigh ; and the Register,
of that city, said "It was the largest and most imposing
political assembly ever convened in North Carolina with the
exception of the mass convention of 1840." It avowed itself

224 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
for Clay for President and Morehead for Governor, the
"whole official conduct" of the latter meeting their "hearty
approval" and "his integrity, intelligence, impartiality, dili
gence and economy in administering the offices of the State"
winning their desires "with one heart and one voice" that be
be re-elected. While admitting that a canvass by a Gover
nor for re-election was not ordinarily advisable, they thought
the needs of the present in public affairs so important that
his opponent ought not to be allowed to preempt the field
and thought Governor Morehead ought, in this instance, to
make a canvass. Governor Morehead was called from his
office on the first floor to the Hall of the Commons on the
second.

Mrs. John Motley Morehead
From a portrait by WiUiam Garl Broune, 1855

XI A
Whig Leader and Governor
AND
The First Railways
(Continued) 1842
In response to his re-nomination Governor Morehead
said: "Mr. President — I should be wanting in candor to
myself, were I to say that the Resolution just read is un
expected to me. I could not feel. Sir, that I was an indiffer
ent spectator to the proceedings of my fellow-citizens
throughout the State in the numerous primary meetings
which have been held for the purpose of appointing Dele
gates to this Convention. But a few short weeks have
passed, since our opponents held a similar meeting in this
place, and I was denounced as having done nothing to
meet the approbation of the people. And, I did therefore
look. Sir, with interest and anxiety, to see what verdict the
great body of my fellow citizens would pass upon me. At
every meeting. Sir, since held, my conduct as Executive of
the State has been cordially approved, and the judgment of
these meetings, I am proud to perceive from the Resolution
just read, is endorsed by this highly respectable body.
"When, Sir, I entered upon the duties of my Office, as
Governor of North Carolina, it was witb a determination to
deserve the confidence of tbe whole people; and so far, as
I had the ability to do so, my conduct has been rigidly
shaped to produce that result. From that desk. Sir (point
ing to the president's seat), when I took the oath of office,
I declared my intention to be the Governor of the State, of
225

226 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the Whole State, and not of a Party; and I have not only
endeavored to act up to that declaration, but think I have
done so. And, notwithstanding the harshness with which I
have been denounced, I am still resolved to be the Governor
of the State, and not of a Party. It is true, that the posi
tion, in which I am now placed, may compel me, of neces
sity, to mingle in the party politics of the day — I cannot
be the candidate of a party, and not show some party
feeling — but such feelings shall never enter into the dis
charge of my official duties.
"It would, Mr. President, be extremely gratifying to me,
if canvassing the State could be dispensed with, and I am
pleased to find that the Convention deprecate in their Reso
lution, as a general rule, the example of an incumbent of
the Executive Chair conducting the canvass in person.
But, Sir, I am also gratified to perceive, by the terms of the
Resolution, that while the example is deprecated, the
Whig party have no idea of chaining down their candidate,
while hosts of writers, belonging to the opposition, are
poisoning the public mind, and even their Candidate is
traversing the State, engaged in the same work. The
people of Old Notth Carolina go for fair play. Sir;
they will never consent, that in a contest of this kind, one
man shall hold my feet, another my hands, and a third stand
by gouging all the time ! No, Sir ; but when such foul play
is shown, they will come to the rescue.
"Sir, after the manifestations of confidence which I have
received at the hands of the Whigs, as well as in primary
meetings, as from this Convention, I should not deserve
the name of a true Whig, if I did not cheerfully accept
the nomination. When, in 1840, the banner was committed
to my hands, bearing the glorious name of Harrison, and
those of Tyler and Morehead, and when. Sir, was run up
the last gaff, I took especial care it should never be lowered
until victory had crowned our efforts. But, Sir, a shadow
has passed over the flag of our prosperity, and the most
brilliant name on it bas been erased. In its place is left
the shadow of Abstraction — I should rather say of distrac
tion; but if my own humble name be tbe only one which

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 227
shall be emblazoned on its folds hereafter, I will again bear
it aloft in triumph from ocean wave to mountain top. No
man deserves the name of Whig, who suffers himself to
despond. Though death has stricken down our glorious
old Chief, and his substitute bas deserted our colors, we
should never despair. Our Revolutionary fathers waged
a seven-years' war to accomplish American Independence,
and they would have fought seven times seven years, be
fore they would have given up the Ship. And shall we,
their degenerate sons, feel that the measure of our glory
is full, because we are called on to labor two short cam
paigns? If, Sir, there is to be found such a thing as a
wavering Whig (though I have never seen or heard of one),
I would address him in the language of Bruce to bis
Soldiers — "Wha can be a traitor knave?
Wha can fill a coward's grave?
Wha so base as be a slave?
Traitor ! Coward ! turn and flee.
"Sir, there is no mistake about North CaroHna, or her
political position. I predicted the success of the Whigs
in 1840, and I predict a still more brilliant victory in 1842.
I was no false Prophet then — I shall not, I am confident,
prove one now. We have resolved again to deliver our
country; but if, by any possibility, we fail, then we shall
have only ourselves to blame. We have a decided majority
in the State, and our good old mother expects every Whig
to do his duty!'"
As the Convention closed General Alfred Dockery, the
President, said this presidency of a convention that nomi
nated Henry Clay for the national executive and John
M. Morehead for that of the state was the greatest legacy
he could leave to his children. In the evening the Governor
gave a reception to tbe Convention members and to leading
citizens. He at once began to form his itinerary : May 3rd,
at Greenville; May 10th, at Snow Hill; 16th, at Waynes
boro; 18th, at HaHfax; 19th, at Jackson; 24th, at Smith-
'^ Raleigh Register, 19th April, 1842.

228 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
field ; 27th, at Hillsboro ; and Fayetteville on June 7tb. On
May 17th The Register said in predicting a brilliant victory
in August: "All eyes are now turned on North Carolina;
and the Whigs throughout the Union regard her as the
Gibraltar of sound principles, and as again destined to stop
in its mad career tbe ball of Loco Focoism." This was
reinforced by the election of a North Carolinian, Senator
Mangum, as President of the National Senate. Governor
Morehead's speaking at Hillsboro brought him near the
University, where he again performed his duties as Presi
dent of its governing board.
The most notable debate of the whole gubernatorial
campaign of 1842, was when Governor Morehead went di
rectly into the enemies' camp, Fayetteville, the home of his
rival, Louis D. Henry. "We have just witnessed the great
est intellectual contest that has ever occurred in North
Carolina," says the Fayetteville Observer. "The candidates
for the office of Governor have been engaged for ten hours
and thirty-five minutes, without any intermission, in a most
animated discussion of all those points of national and state
politics which divide the two great parties whose repre
sentatives they are. Commencing at eleven o'clock A.M.
Mr. Morehead spoke for two hours, when, agreeably to
arrangement, he gave way to Mr. Henry, who spoke for
three hours and ten minutes (the last hour and ten min
utes by the courtesy of Mr. Morehead and his friends, the
agreement having been that each should speak but two
hours at a time). Mr. Morehead rejoined for two hours
and forty minutes, Mr. Henry two hours more, and Gov
ernor Morehead forty-five minutes; — closing the debate at
35 minutes past 9 o'clock at night — Mr. Morehead having
occupied 5 hours and 25 minutes and Mr. Henry 5 hours and
10 minutes. "There were hundreds of persons present, many of
whom never left the ground to get a mouthful to eat during
the whole of the protracted period ; many of whom stood for
hours together in one spot; and many of whom closed their
stores and workshops, so that there was a general sus
pension of business. A number of gentlemen were bere

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 229
from Robeson, Moore, Richmond, Bladen and Sampson
counties, whose chief business in town was to witness tbis
first meeting of the rival candidates.
"And what a glorious meeting it has been for tbe Whigs !
Never party had a more honest, a more gallant, a more
able, or eloquent leader than John M. Morehead ! And never
leader bad more unequivocal marks of the enthusiasm witb
which be inspired his auditory. He received tbe warm con
gratulations of a large number of his friends, who accom
panied him to his lodgings, at the victory, which their joy
ful faces, not less than the woe-begone countenances of a
few of his opponents who were to be seen, so plainly told
him that he had gained. It was indeed a victory; a vic
tory not won without a struggle, a powerful struggle, main
tained with all the ardor, all the eloquence, all the tact, all
the art, for which bis adversary has gained no little repu
tation. Tbe collision was conducted witb fairness on both
sides, as well by the candidates as by the people ; for which
all parties deserve great credit.
"It is not possible that we should give our readers any
more than the outline of the debate. The Governor com
menced by defending himself from the various charges
which have been made against him, as well by bis opponent
as by the press. The charges of his having proscribed
public officers for opinion's sake be met fully and satis-
torily. So far from proscribing any such persons, he had
re-appointed Democrats to office whenever he had found
them in office. The two Democrats to one Whig, whom
he found in the Literary Board, he re-appointed. One of
them declined to accept, because of his private business.
The other did accept, and held the place till he was about to
remove to Baltimore, when he resigned. He filled the
vacancies with the most proper persons he could find (ex-
Governor Dudley and Mr. Gales) — gentlemen who could
advise with him usefully in regard to the duties of the
Board. Neither had he proscribed tbe Democrat who be
longed to the Improvement Board — he bad re-appointed
him also. He bad been bitterly assailed by Mr. Henry
and bis party organs for proscribing for opinion's sake, a

230 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Democrat from the little office of keeper of the public
buildings at Raleigh. He showed in reply to this charge,
that there was no such officer known to the law till the last
act of the Legislature, under which he made the first ap
pointment; consequently, that there could be no proscrip
tion from an office which had no existence. That, more
over, the 'proscribed' man who had possession of the Keys,
before the office was created, was intemperate; and above
all, the Governor was informed that he was a Whig! — and
had voted the Whig ticket. So that in no particular was
the charge true.
"He stated fully his disposition of the money appropri
ated by the last Legislature for furniture and repairs of
the Governor's house. How he bad to expend some of his
own money to complete the furnishings of the house; how
he had used but $1200 of the $3000 which a committee of the
Legislature, with a Democratic member from this county
at its head, had reported as necessary to repair the house,
fences, etc.; how he had expended the enormous sum of
$75 to build an ice-house on the lot ! (His own ice-house at
home had cost him twice as much. )
"Having disposed of these and other equally important
charges with which he had been assailed, he passed to an ex
amination of Mr. Henry's letter of Acceptance, and of his
political tergiversations, at the close of which he read from
the letter a passage declaiming most strenuously on the im
propriety of tarnishing the public credit, and the duty of
every man to maintain that credit at all hazards. As a fit
commentary on these fine sentiments — on paper — the Gov
ernor stated that he was informed, and gave Mr. Henry
the name of his informant, that at the close of his service
in the fat office which Gen. Jackson bestowed on him, he,
Mr. Henry, had had the Government draft for bis pay
protested — the credit of his own friends and favorite ad
ministration tarnished — and for what ? Why, that he might
thus make his draft receivable for public dues at New York,
sell the exchange on New York thus created at a premium,
and thereby add to bis salary of $3500 a year, the additional
sum of one or two or 300 dollars ! So much for Mr. Hen-

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 231
ry's patriotic regard (on paper) for the public credit! Mr.
Henry entered into a long explanation which amounted to
an admission of tbe fact, justifying it on the ground that
he was entitled to good money (hard money) for his pay,
and as well as we could hear, stating that as far as be could
recollect he bad only made about $30 by the operation. Such
is the measure of his patriotism! Weighed against $30,
the public credit, tbe credit of his own friends, by whom he
had been most liberally rewarded, kicks the beam !
"In his reply, and indeed throughout both his long
speeches, the burden of Mr. Henry's song was, tbe glory
of Gen. Jackson's services, and a denunciation of Banks of
all sorts, State and National. He lugged in Gen. Jackson
on all occasions. Never did little Van hang on to the Gen
eral's tail with firmer grasp than Mr. Henry! He bad
never differed from Gen. Jackson on but one point, and
that was upon the Deposit Act (an act under which
North CaroHna has received upwards of fourteen hundred
thousand dollars). He blamed the General for that act.
But everybody knows that the General made a merit of ne
cessity in that case. He saw that an overwhelming ma
jority of Congress would pass it in spite of his veto.
"But the Banks, Mr. Henry said, were corrupt; they
were 'manufactories of rogues and swindlers ;' they were
rotten ; political machines ; lending their money to effect
political ends ; he himself had 'fallen among thieves' in
having anything to do with them. Most effectually did
Governor Morehead turn these charges against their maker.
He said that for his part he didn't know much about Banks ;
he had but little to do with them. But Mr. Henry seemed
to him to be very fond of the company of these 'thieves,
rogues and swindlers,-' for after having been a stock holder
in the old State and Newbern Banks; after having served
as a Director and Attorney in one of these for many years,
be goes right off in 1834, when the new Bank of the State
was chartered, and subscribes for some thirty shares of its
stock, and again consents to become a partner witb these
'thieves,' to become Attorney for this 'manufactory of
rogues and. swindlers,' and to participate in the profits of its

232 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
'roguery.' [This was a deserved rebuke for such vilely false
charges against the Banks. We say vilely false; for it is an
imputation upon those who are directors of tbe Banks, and,
as one, we repel the imputation. Whether true of himself,
when he was a director, we know not, nor care not. We
have served in that capacity witb an honorable man of Mr.
Henry's own party, and we are willing that he should say
whether he believes or knows that political feeling ever
infiuenced the conduct of himself or his associates.]
"The Governor extorted from Mr. Henry tbe admission
that he was in favor of the U. S. Bank up to the veto Mes
sage in July, 1832. He then asked him how be could be
favorable to it, if it had done all the mischief that he had
attributed to it in 1819-20, 1828-29, etc., and bad never
regulated the currency nor done any other good thing?
Mr. Henry replied that he did not know of these things
till after the veto. What! not know of the Bank's evil and
corrupt conduct, when one of its branches was located at
his own door? No, he knew nothing of them. Well, you
surely knew, asked the Governor, that it was breaking down
the North Carolina local banks in 1827-28, as you say in
your letter? Y-e-s, he did know that. How, then, de
manded the Governor, could you favor the re-charter of the
Bank which was carrying ruin in its course through the
State? This was a poser.
"On the subject of public expenditure, and the relative
economy of the late and present administrations, each of
the candidates had, of course, a good deal to say. Our
readers may judge of the result in this particular, when we
inform them, that Mr. Henry actually stated that the present
administration had bad, in the space of fifteen months, not
less than fifty-one millions, on which to administer the gov
ernment! When Gov. Morehead got him to read his
bill of particulars, behold, this enormous 51 millions was
composed in part of the loan of UJ millions, and the
sum of five millions, which it is estimated Congress will add
to the tariff! And these sums, not one dollar of which has
come into the treasury, are figured by Mr. Henry as com
posing a part of Whig expenditures for the last fifteen

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 233
months ! ! The Governor did not admit that this was a Whig
administration, but he showed the humbuggery of tbis pre
posterous statement of Mr. Henry's.
"On the subject of Internal Improvements, the Gover
nor arraigned his competitor. The whole tendency of the
Letter of Acceptance was to throw odium on Internal Im
provements, the 'gambling debts' of the States, created for
the prosecution of wild schemes of Improvement, etc. The
Governor showed that Mr. Henry had gone as far as the
farthest, not in investing his own money, but in recommend
ing tbe investment of the people's money, and the creation
of these 'gambling debts.' At one time be was for the
State borrowing five millions, and at another three millions,
and even from British bankers (of whom he now affects
such a horror) ; then he was in favor of the State taking
two-fifths of the stock in any works where individuals
would take three-fifths, and to crown all, be was of opinion
the state ought to undertake certain great works on ber own
hook, witb her funds alone, not asking the people's aid at
all. Pressing Mr. Henry to know what be was now in
favor of, he procured from him the avowal, that though
he had gained wisdom by experience, and was not in favor
of tbe five million loan, yet be was still in favor of, and
would stand or fall by the recommendations of the
Raleigh Convention of December, 1838. The principal
recommendation of that body, which he thus adheres to,
was that tbe State should borrow three millions of dollars
to invest in works of Internal Improvement. At a moment
of greater leisure, we propose to look into this matter, and
let our readers see what a magnificent system of 'gambling
debts' Mr. Henry is now in favor of, after all his denunci
ations of Whig madness on the subject.
"Mr. Henry, in turn, demanded to know of the Gover
nor, whether he was not indebted to the Banks, as had been
charged and not denied; arguing that if he was, his judg
ment in regard to those institutions might be biased by his
interest. Tbe Governor's reply carried consternation to
bis catecbist and his party. He did not owe any Bank one
dollar, so far as he knew. He was not a borrower from

234 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
them. His only dealings with them were to sell them his
bills of exchange when he had such in the course of his
business. It was possible that one such draft, accepted by
him, had been discounted by some bank, but if it was, it was
not done for his accommodation, but for that of the holder
of the draft.
"He asked Mr. Henry, since he had answered this ques
tion, to inform him how he had invested the wealth of which
he was the reputed possessor. Mr. H  repbed that he
had some real estate, some negroes, some 12 or $15,000 of
Ohio State Stocks, some Louisiana Bank Stock, some
Raleigh and Gaston Railroad bonds, guaranteed by the
State, some Cape Fear and Bank of tbe State Stocks, but
the chief part of his means was loaned out on bonds in the
counties of Franklin, Warren, Cumberland, Sampson, etc.,
etc. The Governor thereupon closed the discussion with a
most eloquent description of the effects of breaking down
the Banks and resorting to a hard money currency, which
seemed to be the result aimed at by Mr. Henry and his
party. They had created the Banks, and the people had
gone in debt for property purchased at high prices. Strike
down the Banks, and the creditors would swallow up all the
means of the debtors. A debtor would have to give 100
days' labor to pay for a cow that he could have paid for in
ten days when he bought her. 100 bushels of wheat would
realize the farmer no more hard money than 10 bushels
under the paper money system. It behooved the debtor
portion of the community to look well into these matters.
They would be at the mercy of the money lenders — such
men as Mr. Henry. For his own part, all that be bad (and
he had made it all by the strong arm, the stout heart, and
what Httle of intellect Providence had blessed him with)
was invested in the industrial pursuits within the good old
State of North CaroHna. He neither sent it out of the
State for investment, nor loaned it at interest. He had
invested it in manufacturing, mechanical and farming
operations, by which he afforded employment to many of
his poor neighbors, mechanics, etc.
"This is a hasty, a very imperfect outline, from memory.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 235
of the sayings of this most interesting day. It is written be
tween midnight and morning, under feelings of the strongest
elation, it is true, at the triumph of our cause, and its able
advocate ; but, as far as it goes, we have endeavored to make
it fair. We only regret that we have not time to make it
more fuU."'
In starting his western tour, the Governor spoke at
Greensboro, as be had not done in 1840. Greensboro, as it
was in 1842, has been pictured in verse by tbe Principal of
Edgeworth School, Miss M. A. Hoye, just before her
death : "This thriving village, I am told
Is but a score and six years old.
It sprung as if by magic stroke
Amid the shade of pine and oak:
For here it may be plainly seen
By trees of light and darker green
That there is a dividing line —
One side is oak, the other pine" 
and boys were boys and girls were girls then as now, for
she says : "The Edgeworth roof attracts my eye;
I fain would pass this building by.
For it may seem against good rule
To mention first of all my school;
But what comes first we all agree
Must first be served. What's this I see?
The gateway open, I declare.
And gate unhinged, and gone — gone where?
Ah, that's the secret — 'tis fine fun
To steal a gate at night and run
And hide it in some secret place :
The genus of greatness I can trace
In minds so eminently wise
That can such wond'rous schemes devise
And execute so valiantly !
1 Raleigh Register, 14th June, 1842. This reference to educational insti
tutions in Greensboro serves to recall the fact that Virginia, North Carolina and
Soutli Carolina had, at this time, the fewest persons who could read of all the
states of the Union; and that they had the smallest number of newspapers to white
population. North Carolina having far the fewest of the three, with only one
to 17,500 white people, Virginia coming next with 14,125, and Kentucky and
South Carolina following, in that order. North Carolina had no daily, and but
one semi-weekly, althouh it had 26 weeklies, and two periodicals. In weeklies,
only Virginia, Tennessee and Mississippi surpassed her and the last by only
one.

236 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Why they in very troth will soon
Equal, if not superior, be
To cunning fox or sly raccoon
Which love at midnight hour to stray
Upon their predatory way!"
And doubtless there is a case of consequences and cause
in the jirxtaposition of the following:
"Hark! With the music of my strings
A distant bell in concert rings.
It is the Caldwell bell, it calls
The students to its classic halls :
It is the hour for evening prayer,
A hundred noble youths meet there
With holy shepherds there they meet
To worship at Jehovah's feet.
Are they not safer, far, the flock
Whose guides are faithful, wise and good?"
She also "sings" the two other schools, tbe factory, and
mill, newspaper, the Guards and all the rest that made up
"happy Greensboro.'"
About 1805-7 there was an agitation to remove the court
bouse from "battle-scarred Martinsville" to tbe "Center"
of Guilford county and the two parties took these names.
The party of the first part shrewdly secured the decision of
the County Court to put up a new building, presumably at
their town; but this only put the "Center" people on their
mettle and they won. Forty-two acres were secured and
the town plan named after the famous Revolutionary hero.
General Nathaniel Greene. The deed is dated March 25,
1808. Among forty-six lots all but two were taken and
among owners one notes the name of the Rev. Dr. David
Caldwell, the famous teacher and divine.^
Greensboro met tbe Governor with a demonstration
on Friday, 24th of June, 1842, a mounted company greeted
him over a mile out of town, and their spokesman, among
other remarks, said: "We welcome you as the champion
of Whig principles, who bore the Whig flag triumphantly
1 The Patriot, 6th Sept, 1845.
'Ibid., 16th May, 1846.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 237
from the ocean wave to mountain tops and crowned it with
glorious victory in 1840, and who, we believe, at tbe sacrifice
of your own ease and domestic comfort will bear it again to
victory in 1842." Tbe Governor responded witb deep
emotion and tbe procession passed on up to tbe home of
Senator James Turner Morehead, his brother, where was
held a reception. The Masons were celebrating St. John's
day and he became their guest and listened to an address
at tbe Presbyterian Church by Rev. Mr. Kerr. The next
day a stage at the side of tbis church was prepared and at
one o'clock Governor Morehead addressed a multitude for
about four hours. He recalled how, in 1840, they endorsed
him witb over 2200 votes, a result that made Guilford looked
upon as the Gibraltar of Whig principles in tbe state. A
witness said : "He spoke witb all tbe freedom and fearless
ness of one conscious of having done his duty." He at
tacked Tyler and disclaimed him as a Whig. He said that
this period under Tyler were not "Whig times," but "a con
tinuation of Democratic times." He closed with an appeal
and a hope that "we should yet see that greatest statesman
of the age, Henry Clay, at the helm, when all will be well."^
After he left, on his western tour, great news came of his
progress. "He does not taunt nor insult his opponents,"
said one account, "but addresses them as brothers, and in
such a persuasive manner, that makes bis appeal almost
irresistible." At Asheville there was a great barbecue;
here he followed Mr. Henry's visit, and held undiminished
attention for over three hours. He discussed the banking
systems and advocated a National Bank and the "spider
web structure" of Mr. Henry had no show before the
"heavy battle axe of John M. Morehead" — to quote one
enthusiastic Whig. He showed how every President, while
President, from Washington down to just before Van Buren
had admitted tbe constitutionality of the National Bank, and
"Bank vs. No Bank" was the issue. "The apostle of liberty
has visited us,'' said another paper. "In good faith," said
the Greensboro Patriot, "we say what we believe, when we
1 Greensboro Patriot, 28th June, 1842.

238 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
assert that no other county can produce his bke." "None
but his powerful frame, animated with a spirit that never
for an instant flags — a soul fired with the most highly hon
orable personal ambition and the truest love of country,
could endure the fatigue of such a canvass. His country —
his whole country — calls for bis powerful efforts; and the
best interests of that country, to all human appearance, at
this moment hangs on his success! . . . Prepare for
another peal of Guilford Thunder, that shall fill the ears
of all the people, re-echo from the mountains along her
smiling plains, until its reverberations shall mix with the
murmurs of her seas.'"
The appointments in July were as follows : 13tb, Ruther
fordton; 15th, Shelbyville; 16th, Lincolnton; 19tb, Mor
ganton; 21st, Statesvble; 22nd, Mocksville; 23rd, Sabs
bury ; 2Sth, Reid's Store ; 26th, Charlotte ; 27th, Concord ;
28th, Stanly ; 29th, Lawrenceville ; and 30th, Flat Swamp.
By the time the Whig Candidate reached Shelbyville, Mr.
Henry bad withdrawn from the canvass, as he said, on ac
count of his health, no doubt having political health some
what in mind. And his instinct was sound, for with the
August election, whose returns were about a month in
arriving at official totals, it was discovered that he was 4592
votes behind the Governor, who received 39,586 votes and,
in so much, preserved the Whig character of North Caro
lina. In these campaigns he won the sobriquet "Glorious
Old War Horse."
Now attention can be turned to a unique feature of
Governor Morehead's first administration: He was in
augurated on January 1, 1841, just as the Whig Assembly
was closing its session, not to meet again during his term.
So that during his first term he had no Whig legislature;
and at this election of 1842, that body was carried by the
Democrats, so that for his whole two terms, unless tbe elec
tion of 1844 should produce another Assembly of Whigs, he
would not have any law-making body to cooperate in bis
plans. What then, up to this time, was the character of his
1 The Patriot, 30th July, 1842.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 239
infiuence as a governor ? First, it was the asset of his per
sonal character stimulating every enterprise with which be
came in contact. In September he issued the common school
fund statement and showed it to be $135,699.05, as indicat
ing development along that line. Secondly, as Whig leader
of a naturally Democratic state whose election occurred in
August, he became a marked national figure in a Whig
administration. Thirdly, his personal example, as be said
at Fayetteville, in investing all he bad "in the industrial
pursuits within the good old state of North Carolina," in
"manufacturing, mechanical and farming operations," was
a great object lesson in the fact that the way to develop was
to develop. Fortunately, his liberal, constitutional views,
opposed alike to Abolitionist and great Slave-holders, and
his liberal attitude to the colored race, likewise gave him
a unique place as a national force, and in that way gave
new prestige to North Carolina in national politics. It was
in these respects, and not in his great measures carried
through a Whig legislature that his two terms as executive
were strong. When the Assembly met on November 21st,
1842, however, witb a Democratic majority, his message
to them showed what would have been done bad he had
one of his own party in either term, as shall now appear.
The position of North Carolina as a leading Whig state,
the position of Governor Morehead as a re-elected Whig
executive, and the fact that it was done by the same people
who elected a Democratic Legislature, made his first mes
sage to that body of more than local significance. It is so
perfect an expression of both Governor Morehead and tbe
state, as well as his times, that it is given in full :
"Gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Com
mons : The periodical assemblage of a portion of the people,
selected for their eminent qualifications, for the important
trusts confided to them — to enact laws by which they, as
well as their constituents, are to be governed — is an oc
casion interesting to the philanthropist, cheering to the
friends of rational liberty, and an able commentary upon
the excellence of our political institutions.
"To that Department of the Government, assigned to

240 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
superintend the due execution of the laws, this assemblage
should always be acceptable, as affording an opportunity
to show how the duties of that Department have been dis
charged — to point out defects of the laws, which experi
ence has proven to exist — and to suggest such amendments
and enactments as the good of the community may require.
"Such is tbe interesting occasion, fellow citizens, which
brings us together; and, in the name of our common con
stituents, I cordially greet you, and tender you my hearty
cooperation in the adoption and execution of , all measures
that may redound to the welfare of the community.
"Since the last meeting of your Honorable body, al
though portions of our State have been visited witb afflic
tion, and witb physical causes destructive to the hopes and
labors of the husbandman' — yet the general health of the
land and the bounteous productions of the soil have been
such as to elicit the most profound gratitude towards that
Author, from whom all blessings flow, and to whose superin
tending Providence we are indebted for all we are, and for
all we hope to be. And it is our especial duty, as it is that
of every Department of every American Government, ear
nestly to solicit a continuance of those peculiar favors, which
have rendered the American people the blessed of the earth.
"Within the same period, an event has taken place, in
the death of our lamented Chief Magistrate, which, while
a grateful people has mourned their bereavement, and a
suffering country felt the affliction, yet has it proven the
foresight of our Revolutionary sages, in the adoption of our
Constitution, and bas tested its wisdom and stability. A
similar event, in most other countries, would have been
followed by a resort to force, or, at least to extraordinary
legislation to establish succession. Witb us, the successor,
already indicated by the people themselves, glides into the
Chief Magistracy, with an ease and quiet on his part, and
an acquiescence on ours, that proves how fortunate it is
for the human family, when, in the establishment of their
forms of Government, they select Wisdom, instead of Am-
1 Reference is to the cyclonic storm over the lower Roanoke Valley, de
stroying the crops of that rich section.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 241
bition for their counsellor. And, it is to be fondly hoped,
that every future test, bke tbis, will assure the friends
of our form of Government, of its strength, and its enemies,
bow delusive the hope of its destruction.
"The result of the late treaty witb Great Britain, gives
us pleasing prospects of continued peace; and, however
widely some of us may differ from the President, as to
the manner in which be has discharged a portion of bis
duties, yet the meed of praise is due to him, for his earnest
and success fuJ efforts, sustained and carried through by the
eminent abilities of bis distinguished Secretary, to adjust
our difficulties with that Power upon principles of Honor
and of Justice. Nor is it to be believed, that the good aris
ing from this adjustment, will be confined to the parties
immediately concerned.' The noble example, set by two
of the most powerful, intelligent and honorable nations
of the earth, in adjusting their difficulties by a resort to
argument, instead of arms, will be worthy tbe imitation of
every member constituting the great family of nations.
"The history of nations ought to have taught, and it is
hoped bas taught tbe present generation, that that good
which arises from tbe guidance of reason and the dictates
of justice, is more beneficial and permanent, than that which
results from the most brilliant triumph of arms, victorious
over right and justice.
"In inviting your attention to such matters as ought to
engage your deliberations during your present Session, I
refer you to tbe first Article of our Constitution, as amended,
whereby it becomes your duty at this Session, to lay off the
State into Senatorial Districts, and to apportion the repre
sentatives in tbe House of Commons among the several
Counties of the State. Tbe rules, by which you are to be
guided in the discbarge of your duties, are so explicitly laid
down in the Constitution itself, as to preclude all suggestions
on the subject.
"At the last Session of Congress an Act was passed to
apportion the Representatives among the several States, ac-
^ The Webster-Ashburton Treaty defining the northwestern boundary be
tween Canada and the United States, proclaimed about ten days before.

242 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
cording to the Sixth Census. By this Act the number of
Representatives, to which North Carolina is entitled, is re
duced from thirteen to nine. It therefore becomes your duty
to lay off the State into nine Congressional and eleven
Electoral districts. In the discharge of this duty justice to
the citizens of every part of the State demands that the dis
tricts shall be laid off as nearly equal in Federal Population
as it is practicable to make them, and that they shall assume
such shape as shall be most convenient for the voters and
candidates of every district. Indeed, the principle, that in all
popular elections, every citizen should have tbe full political
weight to which be is entitled by the Constitutions and Laws
of the country, is so obviously just and undeniable, that it is
deemed scarcely necessary to suggest its adoption for your
guidance in the discharge of your important duties.
"By an Act of Congress, approved the 4tb of September,
1841, entitled 'An Act to Appropriate tbe Proceeds of the
Sales of the Public Lands, and to Grant Pre-emption Rights,'
a payment became due to North Carolina at the public Treas
ury, on the 1st of July last. On the 24th June preceding,
a communication from the Treasury Department was ad
dressed to this Department, requesting that an Agent sbould
be designated to receive the payment. I forthwith appointed
Charles L. Hinton, Esq., Public Treasurer, the Agent of this
State, to receive the payment ; who proceeded to Washington
for that purpose, but the amount was not then paid, for the
reason, as it was alleged, that the net amount for distribution
had not then been ascertained. On the 4tb November, the
Acting Secretary of the United States, informed me that the
accounts had been adjusted, and the sum of $22,917.97 was
found due this State, of which the Treasurer was informed,
and he forthwith requested the Department at Washington
to forward him a draft for the amount. Tbis draft is daily
expected. It becomes your duty to apply this Fund to such
purpose as your wisdom may suggest.
"The Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Company availed
themselves of the Act of the last Session, entitled — 'An Act
to secure the State against any and every liability incurred
for the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Company, and for

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 243
tbe relief of the same,' — by accepting the benefit of the Act,
and giving the Executive notice of the acceptance within
the time therein prescribed. Tbe Deed of Mortgage, and
Deed of Pledge, required by said Act, have been duly exe
cuted and registered, and Bonds to the amount of $500,000,
conditioned as required, have been executed and debvered
to the Treasurer, signed by obligors whom, I believed at the
time, to be able to pay and satisfy said Bonds. The Treas
urer endorsed $300,000 of the Bonds of said Company, as
directed by the said Act to do, and delivered them to the
Company; and having therefore, under a former Act, en
dorsed $500,000, the State stands responsible for the Com
pany, now, to the amount of $800,000. As yet, I am not
aware that the Treasurer has been required to pay anything
for any responsibility incurred by tbe State for this corpo
ration. "At the same Session, an Act somewhat similar, entitled
'An Act for the Relief of the Wilmington and Raleigh
Railroad Company,' was passed. That Company availed
itself of the benefit of the Act, by fully complying with its
requirements, in giving the security, and their Bonds, to the
amount of $300,000, have been endorsed by the Treasurer,
as by said Act he was directed to do. I am not aware that
any demand has been made upon tbe Treasury, for any
liability incurred for this Company ; and I am informed that
tbe Company has discharged $50,000 of said Bonds, as
required by the Act. Besides the interest, which the State
should feel, from pride and utility, in the success of these
two noble enterprises, there is an additional interest, which
invites your serious attention. For the first of these Roads,
we have seen that the State is bound as security for $800,000
— for the latter, she is bound as security now for $250,000,
besides being a stock-holder in the same to the amount of
$600,000. The first, and most important consideration then,
is — How the Roads can be enabled to meet their liabilities,
and thereby secure the State. The embarrassment of the
country has been, for some time past, and is likely to be for
some time to come, so extraordinary, that travel, the most
profitable source of revenue to Railroads, has decreased

244 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
exceedingly, and the productions of industry are so low,
and the profits of merchandise so reduced, that tbe income
from heavy transportation bas greatly diminished. No
doubt is entertained but that both Roads would speedily
extricate themselves from debt, and make their stock
profitable, could they have full employment. Any Act of
legislation that can aid them, in procuring additional em
ployment, without incurring additional responsibility on the
part of the State, wib certainly be wise and prudent.
"It is more than probable that application will be made
to charter a Company to construct a Railroad from some
point on the Raleigh and Gaston Railroad, to Weldon, the
point where the Portsmouth and Roanoke and Wilmington
and Raleigh Railroads meet; thus connecting, by a con
tinuous Railroad, our seat of Government witb our own
excellent Port of Wilmington, on tbe one band, and with
one of the best sea-ports in the world on the other. No
valid objection to granting this charter is perceived, while
there is much to sustain its propriety Tbe distance is short,
some fifteen miles, the ground is favorable, and the usual
expense of Depots and Cars can be dispensed with, by the
use of those belonging to the Roads so greatly interested in
this connection. Besides tbe advantage of transferring
heavy articles and such as are inconvenient to handle, di
rectly from the Vessels to the Cars, that will deliver them in
Raleigh, and vice versa, it will cheapen and quicken trans
portation, by competition, shorten the route by Railroad to
Wilmington, and give us the means of offering our products
in the rival markets of Petersburg, Norfolk and Wilming
ton, within a few hours after leaving the city of Raleigh.
"The next inquiry is, by what means the vast produc
tions of the fertile West can be made to travel Eastward,
and reap the advantages of these Railroad facilities. From
personal observation, I have found the Roads, leading from
Raleigh Westward, for the distance of fifty or sixty miles,
and those passing over similar Geological formations, which
range from Northeast to Southwest, across the whole State,
separating the rich valley of the Yadkin from Fayettevibe,
decidedly the worst in the State. Thus we find the pro-

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 245
ductions of tbis range, often seeking a market much more
distant than our own, because more easy of access; the
towns of Cberaw, Camden, Columbia, and in the far West,
Augusta and Charleston are much more familiarly known
than even Fayetteville or Raleigh; much less, those Towns
farther Eastward; and tbis grows out of tbe impractica
bility, in a great degree, of passing over our Roads with
heavy burdens at that season of tbe year, most convenient
to take our products to market. The remedy for these
evils is believed to be in good Turnpikes — improvements
more within our means and therefore more likely to be
made, and answering every desirable purpose. I therefore
recommend that a charter be granted, to make a Turnpike
Road, from tbe city of Raleigh to some point Westward,
selected witb a view to its ultimate continuance to the
extreme West, requiring the corporations to commence
operations at Raleigh, and to finish specified sections of the
Road, within specified periods, and making it forfeit its
charter as to all that part of the contemplated Road, which
is not finished in the time prescribed, but granting the
privilege to charge Tolls on all such parts as are completed,
having a due regard to the citizens of the counties through
which tbe Road may pass, so that they shall not be
harrassed by unnecessary exactions on those parts of tbe
Road lying in tbe counties where they reside. Such a
charter would hold out inducements to capitalists to embark
in tbe enterprise, as they could abandon it whenever they
found it was likely to be injudicious, and yet retain what
they had finished. Should this Road be continued to
Waynesboro, which might be done at comparatively small
expense, the Farmer would have the choice of markets, of
Wilmington by the Railroad, or, Newbern by the river
Neuse. This Turnpike, it is confidently believed, would
aid greatly to sustain the Railroads, and, at the same time
to give Industry facilities to which it is now a stranger.'
"In connection with these Roads, I will again invite your
attention to the facibty with which the State can be called
^ Here is evidence of his thought along the line of a Central railroad.

246 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
upon for payment. If either of these Companies shall
fail 'to pay the principal and interest as it accrues, the Public
Treasurer is authorized to pay the same, out of any money
in the Treasury at the time,' and for this the faith of the
State is pledged. By reference to the amount of semi
annual interest, and annual payment of principal, which are
required to be paid, it will be seen, that it is not probable,
nor indeed it is necessary, that there should be in the Treas
ury at all times, an amount sufficient to meet these contin
gencies, which, it is to be hoped, will never happen. Yet,
as they may happen, and as the pledge of the State must be
kept, under all circumstances, inviolate, and its faith sus
tained, I recommend that the Treasurer have authority to
borrow, from our Banks, a sum not exceeding, at any one
time, the amount which the State may be required to pay
between the sessions of the Legislature, and that these loans
be contracted only as the demands are made, and after the
funds belonging to the Treasury are exhausted.
"By a Resolution of the last Legislature, the Treasurer
was directed to borrow, from the Literary and Internal
Improvement Funds, such sums as might be necessary to
defray the expenses of the State, until the 1st Nov., 1842 —
'he, at no time, borrowing more than is required for the time
being,' and tbe officers, having charge of these Funds, were
directed thus to loan them. The inconvenience of this plan,
to supply the wants of the Treasury, is experienced in this:
A large amount of these funds have to lie idle in tbe Treas
ury, to be ready when the Treasurer may wish to borrow.
The Boards, having charge of the funds, are thereby re
strained from seeking for them permanent investments,
and the profits, which ought to arise from so large an
amount, is greatly diminished, as it is not presumed the
Legislature contemplated paying interest on any more than
was actually used.
"As these liabilities of the Treasury are to continue for
years to come, it is the part of prudence to make provision
to meet them promptly, no matter how sudden and unex
pected the call.
"I would respectfully invite your attention to the Public

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 247
Highways generally. In tbe Eastern section of the State,
the variety of navigable sounds, rivers and streams, and the
excellent adaptation of the face of the country, to good
Roads render Legislative negligence on these subjects less
oppressive. But from Fayetteville, the highest point of
good navigation Westward (and only tbe navigation in our
own State, in that direction, except the slight batteau Navi
gation of the Dan, as high as the county of Rockingham)
to the Buncombe Turnpike, a distance of some two hundred
and fifty or three hundred miles, what navigable Stream,
Railroad, Turnpike, or McAdamized highway gives to the
laborer facilities of transportation? None — literally, none!
This vast extent of territory, reaching from the Blue Ridge
in the West to the alluvial region in tbe East, and extend
ing across the whole State, it is believed, will compare witb
any spot upon tbe globe, for the fertility of its soil, the
variety of its productions, tbe salubrity of its climate, the
beauty of its landscapes, the richness of its Mines, the facili
ties for Manufactures, and the intelligence and moral worth
of its population. Can another such territory, combining all
these advantages, be found upon the face of the whole
earth, so wholly destitute of natural or artificial facilities
for Transportation?
"I direct your attention to the wants of this portion- of
the State — it is the business of your wisdom to supply them.
Fayetteville seems naturally to invite the commerce of the
West. Her river affords as good and durable navigation
as most rivers in the South ; ber exporting port of Wilming
ton is superior to those of Petersburg, Richmond and many
other important towns ; and the wisdom of a previous Legis
lature thought the necessities of this region demanded the
advantages which a Railroad could afford. Tbis scheme
having failed, it is believed, from the pressure of the times,
the next inquiry is — What scheme, that is practicable, will
afford the desired facilities?
"Next to Navigation and Railroads, Turnpikes afford
the best means of taking produce to market. I therefore
recommend that a charter be granted to make a Turnpike
from Fayetteville to the Yadkin river, at some point above

248 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the Narrows, or, if deemed most expedient, to some point on
a similar road leading from Raleigh, Westward, thus giving
the West the advantages of both markets ; with such favor
able conditions in the charter, as heretofore suggested, that
Capitalists will be induced to embark in the enterprise.
And surely this scheme cannot fail for want of means.
Labor will be an excellent substitute for money, and labor
cannot be difficult to obtain, in a region now growing Cotton
at six cents per lb., corn at one dollar per bbl., and wheat so
low that it takes one-half to transport the other half to
market. Should this Road ever reach the Yadkin, no doubt
is entertained of its continuance across the Catawba, west
ward — thus giving to this Road the advantages which will
arise from the navigation of these two noble rivers, from
the Falls on the Southern border of the State, now wholly
obstructing their navigation for a greater distance towards.
their sources.
"The Western portion of tbe State, comprising what
may be termed the Mountain Counties, is a vastly interesting
region, and invites your due regard. To make them more
interesting, we only have to make them more accessible.
The sublimity and beauty of its Mountain Scenery, the
purity of its waters, the buoyancy and salubrity of its at
mosphere, the fertility of its valleys, the verdure of its
mountains, and, above all, its energetic, intelligent and hos
pitable inhabitants, make it an inviting portion of the State.
The face of the country necessarily makes the construction
of Roads very difficult and expensive, and the sparseness of
the population, in many places, forbids the imposition of a
duty so onerous upon them. These Mountain Roads are
made, at an expense, much less than might be supposed;
and, when well made, are very firm and easily kept in re
pair. The rapid descent in the Streams forbids much hope
in Navigation, and, therefore, renders their claim upon the
liberality of the Legislature, to aid them in these Roads
more just and meritorious. When good Roads shall be es
tablished in that region, it is believed the population will in
crease witb rapidity, agriculture improved, grazing will be
extended, and Manufactures and the mechanic Art wib

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 249
flourish in a location combining so many advantages and
inviting their growth. Tbe improved highways will be ad
ditional inducement to the citizens of other sections of our
State, to abandon their usual Northern Tours or visit to tbe
Virginia Watering places for a Tour much more interesting
among our own Mountains, much cheaper and much more
beautiful — a Tour in which they will inspire health in every
breath, and drink in health in every draught. Tbe large
amount of money paid, and to be paid, into tbe public
Treasury, from that quarter, for Vacant and Cherokee
Lands, would seem to give stronger claims to aid from tbe
Treasury. It is, therefore, respectfully recommended, that
you give to that section of the State, such aid, as in your
wisdom its condition may require, and tbe condition of the
public Treasury may justify.
"The Buncombe Turnpike, in which the State is a
stock-bolder, shows tbe great advantages arising from such
improvements, and its profits, of twelve to fifteen per cent
per annum, prove the great use of it.
"There is another inconvenience to which this section of
tbe State labors, and to which I deem it proper to call your
attention. This extensive Territory is wholly destitute of
Banking facilities, although it is so large that the County,
which once embraced nearly the whole of it, was frequently
dignified with the appellation of a State. When it is
recollected, the large amount that is due to tbe State, for the
sale of Cherokee Lands, it becomes a matter of public
interest, that the debtors who reside mostly in that quarter,
sbould have a currency among them in which to make pay
ment. "Turning our attention to the Eastern part of the State,
two improvements, said to be practicable, assume an im
portance that renders them National in their character. I
allude to tbe opening of Roanoke Inlet, and a connection of
Pamlico Sound, by a Ship Channel, with Beaufort Harbor.
Frequent surveys of the first of these proposed improve
ments, made by scientific Engineers, and, more particularly,
one latterly made under the authority of this State, by
Maj. Walter Gwynn, whose qualifications, endorsed by

250 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the General Government, are equalled only by his practical
skill, establish the feasibility of this work. The advantages,
arising from the improvement to our Commerce, are too
obvious to need pointing out. But the view to be taken
of its vast importance, is, in the protection it will afford to
our shipping, and the lives of our seamen. The difficulty
and dangers often encountered at Ocracoke Inlet, render
the connection between Pamlico Sound and Beaufort Har
bor of vast importance to the convenience and security of
our Commerce and Shipping. It will be an extension of
that inland navigation so essential to us, in time of war,
and give access to one of the safest harbors on our coast,
and one from which a Vessel can be quicker at sea than
from any other, perhaps, on our Continent. In these im
provements the Commerce of tbe nation^ is interested; it
becomes the duty of the nation to make them, if they be
practicable and proper. I therefore recommend, that you
bring the attention of Congress to the subject, in the manner
most likely to effect the object. Tbe attention of Congress
has been repeatedly drawn to the first of these objects, but
nothing is yet done. We should assert a continual claim
to our right to have this work effected by tbe General Gov
ernment. It is beyond the present abibty of tbe State' to
execute it, and if it were not, it so appropriately belongs
to the General Government' to execute it, that it might be
considered an infringement of its rights for the State' to at
tempt it. You would be saved the trouble of this appeal,
if the nation' could witness one of those storms so frequent
on our coast- — could witness the war of elements which rages
around Hatteras, and the dangers which dance about
Ocracoke — could witness the noble daring of our Pilots,
and the ineffectual, but manly struggles, of our seamen —
could see our coast fringed witb wrecks, and our towns
filled with widows and orphans of our gallant tars. Justice
and Humanity would extort what we now ask in vain. If

JThese several references to "State," "General Government" and "na
tion, occurring in this paragraph, especially in the use of capital letters, are
unique as an illustration of Governor Morehead's invariable accuracy in the
use of capital letters according to the rules of the day, and as illustrating the
attitude of mind of the day, also, in his section of the land.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 251
one tithe of tbe destruction, which happens on our coast,
were to happen in Delaware Bay or at the entrance of Bos
ton or New York Harbors, the sensibilities of the whole
nation would be aroused, and if its recurrence could be
prevented by human means, such appeals would be thun
dered into the ears of Congress, as would afford the pro
tection desired, regardless of the appropriation. But in
stead of giving us the protection we so much need, a beg
garly sum is doled out to North Carolina, to repair a dilapi
dated Fort, or protect an abrading sand-bank.
"On tbe South side of tbe Cape Fear, is a considerable
extent of Country, watered by the Lumber River and its
tributaries, which is heavily timbered, and would become
very valuable if accessible to a good market. That river
is now used to carry lumber to Georgetown in South Caro
lina ; but tbe navigation is somewhat obstructed and difficult,
and so distant is the market, that the business is not found
profitable. It is suggested, by those better acquainted witb
the geography of that region than myself, that Lumber
River can be very easily connected witb the Cape Fear by a
Canal — that tbe expense of tbe Canal, and of opening the
river to improve its navigation, will be inconsiderable, com
pared with tbe advantages derived from the improvement.
I therefore recommend, that a survey be ordered, to ascer
tain tbe practicability of uniting these rivers by a good
navigable Canal, and that an estimate be made of its proba
ble cost.
"The Judicial Department of our Government bas been
administered with promptness, fidelity and ability; but I
cannot forbear to call your attention to the frequent acts
of violence and force committed upon our Jails, whereby
prisoners, charged witb the highest crimes, are released,
rescued, or escape. To such an extent bas tbis been carried,
that open force has been used, and that, too, I believe, in
tbe presence of the Jailor to break tbe Jail, seize tbe prison
ers, and inflict on them summary punishment, for real or
supposed offenses. In other instances, tbe prisoners have
been aided in their escape, by external force, clandestinely
used. In others, by the use of instruments furnished them

252 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
in prison. Whether these frequent and repeated offenses
against tbe due administration of Justice, arise from the
cowardice, connivance or negligence of Jailors, or from the
delinquency of the Magistrates in not building sufficient
prisons, are questions submitted for your consideration,
with the hope that you will apply the corrective, if tbe pres
ent Laws be insufficient.
"There is another matter connected witb the due ad
ministration of Criminal Law, that deserves attention.
Criminals have been permitted to go at large, and finally to
escape, after it has been notoriously known that they have
committed offenses. If the present Law on that subject can
be improved, I recommend that it be done. Nothing affords
such ample protection to tbe Innocent, as the certain punish
ment of the Guilty.
"The President and Directors of the Literary Fund
will lay before you, in due time, a detailed Report of their
Proceedings, and tbe state of the Fund, and of the extent
of their operations in draining the Swamp Land. It will be
your duty, as it is tbe desire of tbe Literary Board, to insti
tute the most rigid examination and scrutiny into the man
ner in which the pecuniary affairs of tbe Board have been
managed. It is due to the People to know how they have
been managed ; and it is due to the Board, if they have faith
fully discharged their duties, that their Fellow Citizens
should know that also.
"And, in connection with this examination, I would
recommend a scrutiny into the affairs and condition of the
University of our State. It is the child of the Constitu
tion, and should be watched over witb Parental care by your
Body.. It is believed that due attention is not paid to that
important Institution by the Legislature. Such Reports and
examinations are not made as will give the Public full in
formation in relation to its management and utibty; and
thus Demagogues sometimes make it tbe bobby, upon which
they ride into public favor, by making tbe grossest misrepre
sentations. "Tbe Report of tbe Board of Internal Improvements
will be laid before you during the present Session, which

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 253
does not promise to be very interesting, as the Board has but
little under its charge at tbis time, besides the small Fund
under its control, into which they invite tbe strictest scrutiny;
"By virtue of tbe Act authorizing me to appoint an agent
in tbe County of Macon or Cherokee, for tbe purposes there
in specified, I appointed Jacob Siler, Esq., who gave tbe
Bond and Security required, and entered upon tbe discbarge
of bis duties. His communications to tbe Treasury De
partment will give you the information as to bis progress.
Tbe general pecuniary pressure, tbe scarcity of circulating
medium in the Western part of tbe State, tbe want of suf
ficient Roads to carry Produce to Market, and tbe outlays
necessary to settle a new Country, all combine to make it
extremely difficult to pay tbe debt due the State upon the
Cherokee Bonds, and it is believed if payments thereon be
rigorously exacted, tbe result will be, in many instances,
ruin to tbe debtors and loss to tbe State ; but if reasonable
indulgence be given, it is probable that most of the debts
will be collected. Tbe high price, for which these Lands
sold, would seem to justify all reasonable indulgence.
"A Resolution of last Session having authorized me to
employ Counsel to defend the Titles of Purchases of Lands
in Cherokee County, I engaged the services of Thomas L.
Clingman, Esq., who, I presume, will make a Report, during
the Session, upon tbe subject, which will be laid before you.
"The progress of civiUzation, sustained by the dictates
of humanity, would seem to appeal to public liberality, for
tbe establishment of Asylums for the use and benefit of the
Deaf, Dumb and Blind, and for tbe protection of tbe un
fortunate Lunatic. The helpless and suffering condition
of many of these afflicted creatures, have long since and
often appealed to tbe public charity of a Christian com
munity. It is referred to you to say how unheeded has
been that appeal. It is likewise referred to you to say how
much longer we shall manifest our gross ingratitude to Him,
who showers upon us, witb the band of profusion, all the
choice blessings of life, while we withhold a beggarly pit
tance from His afflicted Children.
"The establishment of a Penitentiary, in this State, has

254 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
long been a matter of discussion, and it is probable,
by this time, that Public opinion has determined upon its
expediency. I therefore direct your attention to the sub
ject. Long experience in tbe practice of the Criminal Courts
has satsified me, that offenders are often permitted to escape
from a laudable humanity in Jurors, who look upon the
severity and ignominy of the punishment that awaits the
culprit, upon a verdict of Guilty, until their kindlier feelings
conjure up doubts enough to justify a conscientious acquit
tal. It is believed that a few years apprenticeship in a
Penitentiary, substituted for the present mode of punish
ment, would cause many a verdict to more nearly approxi
mate the truth.
"Whether it be expedient to establish these institutions,
and if expedient, whether this is a proper time to do so —
whether you will embark the Funds of the State, in any
of the schemes of Internal Improvement heretofore sug
gested — are matters for your consideration.
"To you, the consideration of these matters appropriately
belongs — in you, the powers of taxation and appropriation
are constitutionally vested. You are fresh from your Con
stituents, and doubtless well advised as to their wishes and
wants — to them, you are responsible for the manner in
which you shall discharge the high trusts confided to you,
and therefore to you are these matters most respectfully
referred. "I would recommend, that whatever schemes of ex
penditure you may embark in, that you keep within tbe
means at the command of tbe State; otherwise, the People
must be taxed more heavily, or the State must contract
a Loan. The pressure of the times, forbids tbe former —
the tarnished honor of some of the States should make us,
for the present, decline tbe latter.
"The mania for State. Banking, and tbe mad career of
Internal Improvement, which seized a number of the States,
have involved them in an indebtedness, very oppressive, but
not hopeless. American credit and character require that
the stain of violated faith should be obliterated, by our hon
est acknowledgment of the debt, and a still more honest

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS-CONTINUED 255
effort to pay it. I therefore recommend tbe passage of
Resolutions, expressive of the strong interest which the
State feels in the full redemption of every pledge of Public
faith, and of its utter detestation of the abominable doctrine
of Repudiation. That State, which honestly owes a debt,
and bas, or can command the means of payment and refuses
to pay, because it cannot be compelled to do so, bas already
bartered Public Honor, and only awaits an increase of price,
to barter Public Liberty. This recommendation will come
with peculiar force from you. North Carolina has been
jeered at for sluggishness and indolence, because she bas
chosen to guard her Treasury and protect her Honor, by
avoiding debt, and promptly meeting her engagements.
She has yielded to others tbe glory of their magnificent
•expenditures, and will yield them all that glory which will
arise from a repudiation of their contracts. In the language
of one of ber noblest sons, 'It is better for her to sleep on
in indolence and innocence, than to wake up in infamy and
treason.' "But when Public Honor is at stake, or Public Liberty
endangered, she will shake tbe poppy from ber brow ; and
then, for her bigh-souled patriotism, for her unwavering
devotion to the love of Liberty, for her loyalty to the Union,
and for ber stern integrity, the proudest sister of the Re
public may well desire to be ber rival.
"Tbe Civil commotion, which has lately disturbed the
patriotic State of Rhode Island, is deeply to be regretted,
and its termination in a conflict might have been attended
with serious consequences to other States.' Aside then
from mere sympathy, we cannot be indifferent spectators.
Inequality in tbe right of suffrage is the ground upon
which resistance to tbe constituted authorities and overt
acts of rebellion are attempted to be justified. Without
passing upon the merits of the issue between the parties, in
that State, I am constrained to say, that there is a spirit
too often manifested in our country, to enforce our sup-

^ "Dorr's Rebellion" to secure revision of the constitution, which later was
secured in 1842.

256 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
posed rights, or to redress our supposed grievances, by ap
peals to open resistance, rather than to Law, to reason,
and to a returning sense of Justice. It is not every griev
ance, under which a people may labor, that justifies a
resort to force for redress; nor is it believed, that in any
portion of our enlightened country, in tbis enlightened age,
wbl a course of policy be persisted in, that is grossly unjust
and oppressive. The steady appeal to right and reason, is
sure in due time to procure the appropriate remedy. The
example of our own State, in her steady efforts to reform
her representation, by appeals to the justice of her claims,
and the success which eventually crowned those efforts,
is proof of the wisdom of that policy. I therefore deem it
the duty of all friends of social order, to rebuke, on all
occasions, that spirit which is every ready to light tbe torch
of civil discord, and revel in the blood of a brother.
"Our Banks resumed specie payments during the past
summer, and it is believed will be able to sustain themselves
in future. But, while they afford us a sound Currency,
it is to be regretted, that they are not enabled to extend their
accommodations, and increase circulation, to that extent the
necessities of the community require.
"North Carolina, although an Atlantic State, is to a
great extent, in the condition of some of the interior States.
She has no large commercial mart, from which is shipped
the principal productions of her industry. These- are
shipped mostly from the Ports of Virginia and South Caro
lina. The balances against ber at the North, contracted
for the immense quantity of merchandise purchased there,
have to be paid in cash. Our Bank notes have to supply
this cost, either by being presented at once for specie, and
that taken to the North, and there shaved to the Brokers at a
discount (which a prompt redemption in specie cannot pre
vent), who forthwith present them at Bank for payment in
specie, or its equivalent. Thus, the perpetual flow of our
Bank notes Northward, to pay balances against us, is met by
a counter-current of the same notes Southward — not to pay
balances in our favor — not to be thrown again into circula
tion by the purchase of our produce — but to stop them from

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 257
circulation, by pushing them into tbe Banks and drawing
out tbe specie from them. The only means of protection
against these continued drains, which our Banks can resort
to, is to curtail their circulation — tbe very thing that oper
ates against tbe community, but the only thing which can
prevent them from being driven again into another suspen
sion. If we had a National Currency at par in every part
of the Union, by which to pay these balances against us,
that Currency would never touch the bands of tbe Broker.
It would be thrown into circulation in every direction,
instead of being thrown back upon tbe Bank that issued it.
Our own notes would remain among us — there would be
little demand for specie, as but few would return upon
the Banks, and they would thus be enabled to throw a much
larger amount in circulation, without the risk of their sud
den return for specie, and without the risk of being driven
again into another suspension. The hopes of having Na
tional Currency has been twice thwarted by tbe President's
Vetoes upon Charters for National Banks. Whether he
will continue regardless of tbe will and of tbe sufferings of
tbe people, time will disclose. Whether the examples of
Washington and of Madison are unworthy of his imitation,
be must decide. One thing we all know — from the time
of the first establishment of the first National Bank, to the
present time, whenever we have been without that Institu
tion, our pecuniary affairs have been greatly deranged. In
tbis State, tbe issue of a National Bank bas been fairly sub
mitted to the people by the rival candidates, in the two last
gubernatorial elections. Tbe result, each time, proves the
majority to be in favor of such an Institution. It is,
therefore, respectfully submitted, whether you ought not
to aid, by all the means as your command, to carry out this
expressed will of your Constituents.
"The disease, under which the National prosperity
labors, is the want of facility in Exchanges and a sound
uniform National Currency. Tbe remedy, resorted to in
some of the States, is the establishment of State Banks,
which throw in circulation a supply of notes, which for a
moment seems to give relief, but these notes have only

258 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
to take a turn or two Northward, and back again, to be
redeemed with specie, and the vauks are empty — the Bank
suspends — the notes become valueless, and tbe remedy turns
out to be a wretched quackery, that aggravates the disease.
Banks owned by States, so located as to be subject to these
continued drains of their specie, cannot withstand tbe oper
ation, any more than those owned by individuals.
"The passage of a new Tariff of duties, at the last Ses
sion of Congress, it is hoped, will rebeve the nation from the
temporary shifts of issuing Treasury notes, or of resorting
to loans to meet its current expenses, and to pay its debts.
Already its effects are visible in the increased activity of
American Industry, and in the growbng tone of some of the
European Journals, and in due time, it is believed, wib be
visible in the increase of our Revenue. But scarcely has the
law gone into operation, before we bear its repeal threat
ened, because its object is something besides raising Reve
nue. It is high time, the principles, under which duties
may be imposed, should be settled and adhered to. The
principle being settled, the extent to which the power may
be exercised then becomes a matter of expediency. All
agree that duties may be imposed to raise Revenue, but
some contend that they can be imposed for no other object.
If this latter doctrine be true, then are we shorn of some of
the most important prerogatives of a sovereign People — then
may we be subjected to the most abject commercial Slavery.
If it be admitted that Europe can pour into our Country
the excessive productions of her pauper labor, whenever
she chooses, and can exclude our productions from her
Markets, or tax them so high as to be ruinous to us, and
that we have no power to protect ourselves against tbe influx
of the one, or to counteract tbe oppressive exclusion, or
heavy exactions of the other — then, indeed, are we in a
helpless condition. The avowal of tbis doctrine is well cal
culated to invite Foreign Powers, who are so inclined to
forget right, to impose ab such tyrannical restrictions upon
our commerce, as their cupidity may suggest. Indeed, for
some time past, we have been approximating tbis condition.
Europe has been flooding our Country with tbe products of

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 259
her labor, at a tax of some 20 per cent, while tbe produc
tions of American Labor have been either totally excluded
from ber markets, or taxed from 50 to 2500 per cent. Her
writers upon tbe wealth of Nations descant to us upon tbe
beauties of Free Trade. Her political Orators and Jour
nals shout to us, across the Atlantic — 'Free Trade' — and
tbe glorious privilege of buying from whom you please.
"Some of us re-echo Free Trade, and the glorious privi
lege of buying of whom we please. But from none of these
do we hear the shout of Free Trade and the glorious privi
lege of selling where we please and to whom we choose.
It is as important to us to have the privilege of selling,
without exorbitant exactions, as it is to buy without them.
If every facility and inducement to purchase the industry
of others are opened to us — but every facility and induce
ment to sell tbe products of our industry are obstructed or
closed, then must we become, most surely, a ruined people.
This sentiment was uttered by one of our most distinguished
Presidents, in 1824, in relation to a Tariff, and at that time
when be was before the people as a candidate for that high
office, is fully sustained by eighteen years of subsequent ex
perience. He said — 'In short. Sir, we have been too long
subject to the policy of British Merchants. It is time we
sbould become a little more Atnericanized, and, instead of
feeding the paupers and laborers of Europe, feed our own;
or, else, in a short time, by continuing our present policy,
we shall be rendered paupers ourselves.' The policy then
recommended by him has not been pursued, and bow truly
be shadowed forth our present condition. Let us resist
the policy of British Merchants; let us become a good deal
more Americanized; let us feed our own paupers and
laborers, instead of feeding those of England ; let us aban
don that policy which leads to Pauperism, and adopt that
which will raise paupers and laborers to competency and
independence. Let us declare our Commercial Indepen
dence and proclaim to the world, we have the power not
only to raise Revenue by imposing duties, but that we have
the power, by imposing them, to protect American Industry
against European Industry, and to counteract by our Legis-

260 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
lation any foreign Legislation hostile to our interests. But,
at the same time, let us invite all nations to a commercial
intercourse with us, upon terms of the most extended liber
ality, but, they must be terms of equality and reciprocity.
"That the General Government bas power to impose
duties for the protection of American Industry, against
European Industry, and to counteract foreign legislation
hostile to our Interests, I think can admit of no doubt.
When the States became independent, they bad the power
unquestionably. All their powers to impose duties, they
transferred to the General Government by the adoption of
the Constitution. They then ceased to have the power;
and, if the General Government has it not, then the power
is extinct. Is there an American willing to admit this?
"I do not wish to be understood as advocating a high
Tariff. I contend for the power to impose it, if we think
our interests require it. I advocate the doctrine of Free
Trade, as far as it is practicable; but when it ceases to be
practicable, unless at a ruinous sacrifice to us, I abandon it,
and say to the world — 'We will do unto others as they do
unto us.'
"I have thought it proper, on tbis occasion, to say thus
much on this important subject. Tbe American people
ought to know the general opinion of tbe Union upon it;
that they may make some calculation what is likely to be the
course of policy pursued for tbe future. Frequent legis
lation on the subject, from one extreme to another, defeats
the best devised plans, baffles the wisest calculations, and
often destroys hopes well founded. The suspense in which
the people are kept, checks their energy, curbs their enter
prise, and kills their prosperity.
"I had long entertained the hope, upon tbe payment of
our National Debt, the proceeds arising from the sales of
Public Lands, would be distributed among tbe States, to
which they so justly belong. Tbis Fund would aid the
States greatly in the Education of their Youth, and in their
schemes of Improvement. But if we wish to expend more
than the means now at our command, we shall have to resort
to an increase in Taxes upon our citizens. Tbe President

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS-CONTINUED 261
has thought proper to interpose himself between us and our
just rights and deprive us, for tbe present, of tbe Funds
arising from that source. He had tbe power to do so, and
we must submit until tbe time shall arrive, for us to exercise
the power vested in us, by removing tbe obstruction, and
taking possession of what is so justly ours.
"Tbe President having called an extra Session of Con
gress in 1841, prior to the regular Congressional Elections
in our State, it became my duty to order an Election for
Members of tbe present Congress, by Proclamation.
"In tbe death of the Hon. Lewis Williams, the late Rep
resentative in the thirteenth Congressional District, the
House of Representatives was deprived of its oldest, and
one of the most efficient Members, tbe State one of its ablest
and most faithful Representatives, and the community, of
one of its best, most honored and most esteemed citizens.
A Writ of Election was issued to supply the vacancy, which
resulted in tbe election of the Hon. Anderson Mitchell, of
Wilkes. "By the death of Alexander Troy, Esq., late Solicitor
of the fifth Judicial Circuit, the State was deprived of an
excellent officer, and of a most estimable citizen. A tempo
rary appointment, by tbe Presiding Judge, of Hon. Robert
Strange, was made to fill the vacancy. It will be your duty
to elect bis successor. Solicitors for the second and fourth
Judicial Circuits are likewise to be elected.
"Tbe Report of the State and progress of Common
Schools is necessarily too long for tbis Communication, and
will constitute a part of tbe Report of tbe Literary Board.
"Having received the resignations, in file AJ, of Wilbam
B. Sbepard, Esq., the Senator elect from the first Senatorial
District ; of Elisha Bostick, a member elect of tbe House of
Commons, from tbe County of Richmond ; and of Robert T.
Paine, a member elect of the same House, for the County
of Chowan, I issued Writs of Election to supply these vacan
cies. "The accompanying File, marked B, contains tbe resig
nations of Justices of the Peace, made since tbe last Ses
sion.

262 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"Tbe accompanying File C, contains Resolutions passed
by the Legislatures of the following States, viz.: Maine,
Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New
York, New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Vir
ginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Ten
nessee, Kentucky and Indiana. These Resolutions refer to
tbe following subjects:
"The death of the President and tbe donation to his
Widow ;
"The amendment of the Constitution as to tbe Veto
Power, and the Presidential term of service, and the pas
sage of a Law, requiring Electors for President to be elected
on the same day throughout the Union;
"The Revenue and Tariff, protective and discriminating;
"The Public Lands, and the distribution of the proceeds
of the sales thereof ;
"The demand of fugitives from justice, embracing the
demand of persons, charged with Negro stealing and the
correspondence on the subject;
"The Northeast Boundary ;
"The admission of Texas into the Union;
'"The U. S. Bank, or Fiscal Corporation;
"The Bankrupt Law;
"The Sub-Treasury;
"The Repudiation of State debts ;
"The surviving Soldiers of tbe Revolution ;
"The Military Academy at West Point;
"The Loan Bill and One Hour rule of the House of
Representatives. "The term of service of Hon. William A. Graham, a
Senator of the United States from this State, expires witb
the present Congress. You will supply the vacancy.
"During the past Spring, I received the Standard Yard
Measure and Ounce Weights furnished by the General
Government. I advertised for a Contract to make dupli
cates thereof, to be furnished to the several Counties agree
ably to Act of Assembly. Having received no bid, through
the agency of a gentleman travelling Northward, I endeav
ored to get a contract to make them in that direction. A

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 263
proposition has been received, to execute the work in a
style so superior, and at a price so far above anything con
templated by the Legislature, that I did not feel warranted
in accepting the proposition. The capacity measures, in
tended for Standards, were not then ready, and have not
been received.
"By a Resolution of tbe Last Session, I was directed to
cause tbe 1st Volume of tbe Revised Statutes, to be dis
tributed to such Magistrates as had been appointed since
1836. I have caused all the copies at this place, except such
as are required to be retained, to be distributed ; and it is be
lieved, a few Magistrates are not yet supplied. There were
a few extra copies in some counties, from which I have en
deavored to supply those who were not supplied.
"In conclusion, Gentlemen, should the wisdom of your
Counsels tend to elevate the moral character of our State,
to enlighten its youth, to rebeve the helpless, to reform of
fenders, to protect tbe innocent, to improve our physical
condition, to aid tbe debtors, to reward industry, and to en
courage honesty, integrity and morality, none will be more
grateful to you for the essential services, than
"Your Fellow Citizen
"and bumble Servant "J. M. Morehead.'"
No more statesman-like executive message ever issued
from any gubernatorial chair in the United States ; and, in
its national and international aspect, it is worthy of any oc
cupant of the Presidential chair. It was widely circulated
and its principles are still advocated and sometimes bas been
quoted by his successsors down to the present generation.
Here is a conception of transportation that was to become
his chief theme for tbe rest of his life; and his latest suc
cessor, as this is written, is still carrying them out to their
logical conclusion. The Whigs were of course finding it
the produest day of their lives in North Carolina.
Among expressions outside of tbe State concerning the
Whig executive's message was a notable and typical one
1 Raleigh Register, 25th November, 1842 ; and oiScial reports.

264 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
from tbe Alabama Times: "The Message we have read
with great pleasure. It is the Message of a Whig Governor
to a Loco Foco Legislature. It will be remembered that Gov.
Morehead was re-elected in August last, over his Loco Foco
opponent, Louis D. Henry, of Fayetteville, by tbe same voters
that elected a Loco Foco majority in the two bouses of the
Legislature. The language of tbe Message is marked
throughout with a bold and fearless spirit worthy of tbe hon
ors the Old North State bas bestowed upon its author, and
well worthy of being made an example by older heads than
Gov. Morehead's. Governor Morehead we view as one of
the Old North State's most promising sons. He may be
termed a young man, his age being between 40 a:nd 45. He
is a fine orator, a good scholar, and is justly considered a
man of fine talents. There is something noble in his
ordinary appearance, bis private conversation is always re
markably interesting; and when speaking his fine appear
ance, his manners and gestures are well calculated to make
an impression on all present that he is no ordinary man."^
Still further abroad, in the London Sun, bis vigorous
sentiments on public credit and honor attracted attention.
After expressing itself upon repudiation by certain of the
states, it said : "Witb tbis view we republish tbe following
extract from the Message of the Governor of North Caro
lina ;" and, following the extract, continued : We hope to see
more and more of the same kind of language in the speeches
of American statesmen. The stain produced upon their
character by tbe repudiating doctrines of the notorious Mc
Nutt [of Mississippi] sticks so thick over them, that it will
require a great deal of active honesty to wash out the filth.
A few such men as Governor Morehead of North Caro
lina, might do much to restore the lost credit of the United
States in the European money market."^
The Natiotial Intelligencer of Washington quoted from it
liberally and said it "is very justly commended for its wis
dom and its patriotism ;" while tbe Richmond Whig in com
plimenting it, said : "Upon tbe whole, we must say that the
1 Raleigh Register, Jan. 3, 1843.
"Ibid., 10th Feb., 1843.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 265
Government of North Carolina is obviously in a most un
democratic state. It is not in confusion ; it is not in debt ;
its monied institutions are somewhat more than so-called.
Its public honor seems unshaken, tbe authority of its laws
gently but firmly maintained over an orderly and moral
people; there is no talk of either Repudiation or Rebef;
and such, in a word, is the whole condition of tbe State,
that tbe Governor is able, through his Message generally,
rather to propose meliorations and plans of Improvement,
than to offer idle projects for averting the ruin which bad
Legislation and Public Immorabty have, in many States,
pulled down, in hideous overthrow, upon the whole com
munity." What tbe Democratic Assembly did witb bis suggestions
is best told in the words of a Raleigh Whig editor: "The
Session Has Been the Longest Ever Held in North
Carolina! It commenced on Monday, the 21st of No
vember, 1842 — and ended on Saturday, tbe 28tb day of
January, 1843 — a period of sixty-nine days! Tbe people
wib scrutinize tbe captions of tbe acts passed, which we
publish today, in vain, if they expect to find any equivalent
for the time wasted, or money squandered ! They will pore
in vain over tbis 'beggarly account of empty boxes,' if they
hope to find any realization of the splendid promises made
by tbe Loco Foco Candidate, whilst canvassing tbe State.
No provision bas been made for tbe public necessities — noth
ing, ABSOLUTELY NOTHING has been done to promote the
common interest. Witb a majority of thirty, or thereabouts,
on joint ballot — with the numerical strength to pass any
measure — the Loco Foco Legislature adjourned, without
HAVING MATURED ONE SINGLE PROPOSITION TO BETTER THE
CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE."^ One reason for tbis was the
very radical reapportionment made necessary by the new
census — always a very difficult matter. Three new western
counties were created also; and there were seventy-six pri
vate acts. Another feature was the Democratic agitation
against tbe State banks, but when the State Bank itself
1 Raleigh Register, Slst Jan., 1843.

266 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
asked to be allowed to close up its affairs, the gage of battle
was not accepted; and also much time was spent in trying
to instruct Whig national senators by a Democratic Assem
bly. This is of course the Whig attitude at this time, an
attitude which is necessary to the understanding of this
narrative. The whole internal improvement plan was
turned down on the ground that the railroads, private cor
porations, had to call for help from the state, in these
financially difficuk years. Senator William A. Graham,
Whig, was replaced in the national Senate by a Democrat,
which at once made him a favorite candidate to succeed
Governor Morehead, even as early as March, 1843.
This situation made it unnecessary for Governor More-
bead to say much at his second inauguration on January 1,
1843, but one may see what he thought of his oath of office,
in a letter of December 17tb previously to Chief Justice
Ruffin concerning the oath of office where be says he ex
pects to qualify on tbe 31st, and also says: "I look upon
the installation of the Executive as anything else than a
mere empty pageant or idle show, at least so far as he is
concerned. Although the powers of the Executive of our
State are very limited, and but little room is left for the dis
cretionary exercise of them — which is the evidence of the
excellence of our institutions, which regulates by law every
thing so far as it is practicable — it becomes the more im
portant to watch over that excellence. The solemnity of the
obligations, which the Executive assumes when about to
enter upon the discharge of his duties, is well calculated to
strengthen that frailty to which poor human nature is too
often a victim, and to nerve that firmness necessary to a
faithful discharge of those duties. I think there is great
propriety in the oaths of office being administered to the
. Executive by the highest officer of the Judicial Department,
in the presence of the Legislature. And it will be additional
gratification to me to have these Oaths administered by the
high Judicial Officer in the person of yourself."^
The amount of detailed purely executive business that
1 The Ruffin Papers, Hamilton, Vol. 2, p. 212.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 267
comes before a Governor is startling to one who has occa
sion to see it for tbe first time. It was not less so with
Governor Morehead. One of tbe few times in bis life, he
was ill for several weeks in the summer of 1843, so that
on August 24tb, be left for a vacation in tbe old home of
his boyhood in Rockingham county where his mother was
still living. His health was restored and he was back in
Raleigh by tbe middle of September. Tbe Whigs had be
come very active again and by October, the Oxford Mercury
urged that tbe national ticket be "Clay and Morehead," and
recalling bow Washington and the world had been im
pressed by tbe Whig Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Badger,
exclaimed : "Let John M. Morehead be made Vice-President,
and tbe world will find there are more where Mr. Badger
came from." The Whig State Convention of 7tb Decem
ber, 1843, which nominated Clay for the Presidency, sent
Dudley and Badger to tbe National Convention and nomi
nated Graham for Governor, also said : "that the Executive
Administration by bis Excellency, John M. Morehead, has
been marked by uniform intelligence and dignity, by un
rivalled firmness and perfect integrity: And this Conven
tion, upon a review thereof, cannot forbear to express their
high gratification that the Whig party bas furnished to
North Carolina such a Governor." Upon invitation, the
Convention was entertained at "Government House" in tbe
evening by Governor and Mrs. Morehead.
During the spring of 1844 when the Whigs of North
Carolina were looking forward to a visit from Henry Clay,
still more suggestions of Governor Morehead for Vice-Presi
dential candidate were made. In tbe Register for February
9th, "A Whig of the West" says he bas beard of but one
name for that office ; "But we have an individual of our own
state, who would not only do the citizens of the Old North
State great honor, but the American people generally — I
allude to His Excellency, John M. Morehead. He is natur
ally, a great, and, I may say, a good man ;" and he shows
what need had been shown for a strong man as Vice-
President. North Carolina should have the place and
"Clay and Morehead" would sweep the land. He urged

268 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the delegates to see to it. On the 27tb still another, sug
gested by the former, made a plea : "I have known Gov.
Morehead ever since he was a collegian, and as your corre
spondent justly remarks, he is a great and good man; and I
can say with all sincerity, I have never met bis superior.
Take him altogether, be is one of Nature's noblest sons ; no
man has a greater reputation among his acquaintances for
native intellect." He then compared him to Gen. Harrison.
While these events were in progress a school for the
Deaf and Dumb was opened in Raleigh in May, 1845,
through the efforts of Governor Morehead, who had said on
November 4th, previously: "Impressed witb a desire that
something should be done for tbe afflicted children of Provi
dence, I directed the attention of the last Legislature to the
subject, but had the mortification to see the recommendation
wholly disregarded." This was in a letter in regard to an
offer of William D. Cooke of Staunton, Virginia, to under
take a school for Deaf and Dumb if encouraged, since he
had observed that the census gave North Carolina as having
82 deaf mutes under 14 years of age, 80 between 14 and 25,
and 118 above 25. It finally resulted in the establishment
of one in Raleigh. Mr. Cooke's results on a deaf mute of
Greensboro, Daniel Albright, bad great influence in bis
success. The school opened in Raleigh tbe following May.
This was due to an appropriation of tbe late Assembly of
$5000 a year from the School Fund for tbe education of
the deaf, dumb and blind, and provision for county tax of
$75 a pupil.^
The great event of the spring of 1844 was the visit of
Henry Clay to North Carolina's capital on bis own birthday,
April 12th. Ten to fifteen thousand Whigs received him —
it even surpassed the Convention scenes of 1840. He was
the guest of Governor Morehead at tbe executive mansion
at the foot of Fayetteville street on tbe night before, and
with a great procession headed by an open landau, drawn by
four gray horses, in which were tbe Governor and his

1 In 1843 Governor Morehead had offered Mr. Cooke a large tavern house
and out-houses at Leaksville for such a school, offering it free the first year and
at a very moderate rental afterwards.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 269
famous guest, be was introduced at tbe capitol grounds and
made a great speech. After be was presented witb a silk
vest made by a Granville young lady, tbe barbecue was an
nounced. Speeches fell upon Raleigh's multitude like leaves
of Vallombrosa, and cheers were elicited for "Clay, More-
bead and Graham," as though that were the next ticket to
be voted for. But when tbe National Whig Convention met
in Baltimore on May 1st, it was from Mr. Van Buren's
state that a Vice-Presidential candidate was taken, Theo
dore Frebngbuysen. To face these the Democrats again
went to Tennessee and secured James K. Polk, and chose a
Pennsylvanian, George M. Dallas, for second place. But
the annual elections in tbe "Old North State" showed that
tbe Whigs bad learned a lesson, namely: "Get out and
vote!" For, while they gave Graham but 3441 majority —
over a 1000 less than they gave Morehead the second time
and over 4500 less than tbe first time, still they not only
elected a Whig Executive but a Whig Senate witb 2 ma
jority and a 22 majority in a Whig House. Surely North
Carolina was tbe Whig state, par excellence!'^ And Gov
ernor Morehead was to have a Whig Assembly of his own
after all ! And tbe totals were scarcely all in on September
9tb, when Death, to show that he was no respecter of parties,
claimed tbe defeated Democratic gubernatorial candidate.
Col. Michael Hoke! The prestige of North Carolina rose
over the United States even more, if possible, than under
the victories of Morehead. Naturally, in November, she
went for Clay even more vigorously, but — in vain! Still —
the new President, James K. Polk, was a son of North
Carolina, not only by birth, but by education, and was not
only a fellow-student at tbe University with Governor
Morehead, but while the latter was one of its instructors.
North Carolina was mother of at least two Presidents.

1 North Carolina was the only southern state to cast her electoral vote for
Henry Clay. The Abolition vote of about 60,000 was taken from the Whigs;
and if it had not been, it would make enough to elect Clay, so far as popular
vote is concerned. So that the Whigs lost through the Abolitionists, and the
Democrats did not really gain. President Polk was a minority executive, owing
his election to the Abolitionist defection. There was also a Whig Senate.
There were twelve Whig Govemors: Georgia, Tennessee, North Carolina, Ken
tucky, Oliio, Delaware, Maryland, New Jersey, Connecticut, Rhode Island,
Massachusetts and Vermont; but there were fourteen Democratic ones.

270 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
This event occurred at almost tbe same time as the
meeting of the new Whig Assembly, and as Governor More-
head's, previous message, containing his ideas, bas been
presented in full, the present one need be merely outlined.
As to the finances, he objected to tbe habit of falbng back on
the common school fund for aid, and measures should be
taken to prevent it. In dealing witb tbe railroad debts, he
drew attention to the purchase of mortgage on the Ports
mouth road, now in the courts with some of its tracks torn
up, and noted the possibility of that course witb the Raleigh
& Gaston road. He felt that what the roads needed was
more business, which could be met by a connection of the
latter witb the Wilmington at Weldon by a road about a
dozen miles long, which he had urged before ; and the various
internal improvements be had urged, especially a system of
locks at falls and ship canals at Nag's Head and Beaufort
Harbor. He proposed an Agricultural professorship or else
a school and model farm ; also proposed surveys : geological,
mineralogical and agricultural, with a department of sta
tistics. He noted that only Edgecombe and Rowan counties
had not adopted the common school system provided, and
proposed a state superintendent and better organization.
Again he urged asylums or schools for the deaf, dumb,
blind and insane or defective; and likewise a penitentiary
and revision of tbe criminal code. Again also be urged more
copying of North Carolina material in British archives.' He
suggested an enclosure for the new capitol grounds; and
noting the fact that no swamp lands had been sold, said it
was because of the national financial depression, and that
they were growing in value. He touched upon free trade as
a "humbug" and said a tariff was settled national policy;
and again expressed bis belief that the national land fund
should be distributed. In closing he expressed bis only
regret, since bis term would soon end, namely, that the leg
islative department "did not assign to me, during my admin
istration, tbe execution of some work of great and per-

1 On December 21, 1844, he asked that the executive office might take meas
ures to collect and preserve legislative documents of the revolution and it was
granted, and his successor at once took it up vigorously.

GOVERNOR AND RAILWAYS— CONTINUED 271
manent public utibty, whereby, in tbe faithful and zealous
performance of the duty, I might manifest to the people of
North Carolina, tbe profound gratitude which I feel to them
for tbe confidence they have reposed in me, and for the
kindness with which my official acts have been received by
them." The Whig Assembly only sat 52 days, adjourning on
January 6, 1844, just five days after Governor Morehead
was succeeded by the new executive. The same editor who
almost consigned the former Whig Assembly to perdition,
praised tbis as tbe most arduous and laborious legislature
be had ever known. He considered the most important
measures to be : 1. The act to prevent imprisonment of hon
est debtors ; 2. The one in favor of poor debtors ; 3. Au
thorization of foreclosure of the Raleigh & Gaston Railroad
for reorganization; 4. Popular vote on building a peniten
tiary; 5. Surveys for a turnpike west from Raleigh and
Fayetteville to tbe Georgia line;^ 6. Making Sheriffs and
Constables liable for debts uncollected through lack of dili
gence; 7. Consolidation of Common School code; 8. Ap
propriation and tax provision for rebef and education of
Deaf, Dumb and Blind f 9. To prevent fraudulent voting ;
and 10. For more speedy administration of justice. The
amount of humanitarian and educational measures is most
striking ; while the survey of a western road was a first step
in what was to prove probably bis greatest life work.
Governor Morehead and bis family awakened public
pride in and affection for them. Farewells began as early
as December 7th, when, in tbe evening, Stith's Cavalry
Corps arrived at the executive mansion at tbe foot of Fay
etteville street for that purpose, whereupon he gave them a
military order to dismount and attack his refreshments. The
Raleigh Guards came in the afternoon a week later on tbe
same errand and with like results. It was on that evening
that Governor Morehead presided at an exhibition of results
accomplished in deaf, dumb and blind students which influ
enced the appropriation that made a school possible. It was
1 He came near getting the turnpike itself.
' Guilford, the Governor's county, was the first to vote a tax for it

272 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
on New Year's Eve, however, that a unique farewell dinner
was given him and his family by tbe members of the As
sembly, in which all party differences were forgotten. Tbis
was the eve before their departure and Editor Gales voiced
public sentiment when be said a few days later: "They
came amongst us four years ago, strangers — they depart,
bearing with them the deep regrets and cordial good wishes
of the entire population.'"

¦^ A playful pretty incident was part of the welcome of Henry Clay at the
Executive Mansion, mentioned on page 268 : When they reached the recep
tion room. Governor Morehead placed his four-year-old, red-headed soUj James
Turner Morehead, in his pink silk dress, upon the table, and the child pro
nounced the welcome to the famous Kentuckian and said he would be the next
President, proving that the bump of prophecy is not fully developed at that
tender age!

XII A
National Whig Leader
A Presidential Possibility
AND
President of the National Whig Convention
Philadelphia 1845
"The passing from office of such a man as Governor
Morehead," said the editor of The Fayetteville Observer in
a letter of January 1, 1845, "might be deeply regretted, if
we did not feel that he is succeeded by one altogether worthy
of tbe high honor, and that he himself cannot be permitted to
remain in retirement, so long as eminent talents and unsul
lied public and private character continue to be appreciated
in this good old state. There afe few such men in the United
States as John M. Morehead, and none better calculated to
command respect and to win esteem. I hope to see him
adorn a higher station than that from which he now retires
witb so well deserved a reputation."
The Hillsboro Recorder said : "Governor Morehead re
tires from bis post, having lost nothing of the respect and
esteem of those who placed him there. He has served out
the time limited by the constitution, with a faithfulness and
ability worthy of all commendation ; and be will carry with
him in his retirement the best wishes of his constituents.
May be have a long life of happiness, prosperity and useful
ness." This Hillsboro emphasis on his retirement, however,
came from Governor Graham's home, and while these two
splendid Whigs were so different as hardly to be compar
able, they were liable to be so close together in Whig opera-
273

274 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
tions as to be objects of a choice between them. Hence tbe
Hillsboro editor's more easy acceptance of the idea of the
Ex-Governor's retirement than that of the Fayetteville
editor. After some visiting, Governor Morehead returned to his
old home, "Blandwood," in Greensboro, on January 9, 1845,
and that was made a gala day. They were met by the
Greensboro Guards and officials and proceeded to the east
front of the old Court House, where he was officially re
ceived. The Governor spoke feelingly of bis experiences and
at length. "I have returned among you, my fellow-citizens,
of Greensboro and Guilford, with a bosom thrilling under
emotions of inexpressible pleasure. I am among my early
friends and shall in ab probability spend here the remainder
of my days. I love old Guilford. Why should I not love
this beautiful and pleasant spot, consecrated to my heart
with the most cherished reminiscences of my life? It is the
birthplace of my wife — the birthplace of my children — the
scene of my early public efforts — tbe place where my re
mains will repose when it shall please the Almighty to call
me hence. And what do I owe to you, my neighbors and
fellow-citizens — you who have so often endorsed me to the
State and to the world witb a cordial unanimity almost un
exampled in the annals of free elections? The position of
Guilford is an enviable one. Let her ever maintain that
proud position which she has achieved in the scale of intel
ligence, and the good influence of ber moral and steady
habits. Let us still join and continue our efforts to spread
intelligence, morality and religion among all people ; and
never cease while anything good is left for us to perform."'-
And he came home in the spirit of a Cincinnatus, for he who
served the commonwealth now served as presiding Judge of
Guilford County Court, in which capacity one of the char
acteristic things he did was to build a humane Poor House,
whose humane features secured for it among opponents of
it the epithet "Morehead's Folly," just as his Democratic
opponents were driven to tbe desperate expedient of chang-
'^ Patriot, Jan. 11, 1845.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 275
ing his name to "John Moonshine Morehead." "Such is the
excellence of our institutions," said Editor Swaim of The
Patriot in reference to it, "no matter what honors a man
may have acquired, they are not detracted from, but rather
increased, by being useful in any station."
The Whigs of Montgomery county were not inclined to
allow him to retire and nominate him for Congress. "We
have no idea that the Governor will accept," said tbe
Raleigh Register, "but if be would, what a leader tbe Whigs
could boast of in tbe lower House!" Other counties took
it up with such seriousness, that on May 5, 1845, Governor
Morehead felt compelled to address a letter to tbe Ashe-
borougb Convention, in which after he expresses his grati
tude for their confidence, be adds : "But after an absence of
so great a length of time from my private and complicated
affairs, devoted wholly to the public service, I find it abso
lutely necessary to devote a portion of my time and services
to tbe regulation of my private affairs. And I feel confident
that I have no friend who would not willingly excuse me
from this service, if he were aware of the sacrifice that I
sbould necessarily suffer, if I were tbe successful candidate
in tbe next election."
However, be presided at a meeting on May 19tb, called
to condemn the Sub-Treasury bbl just passed by tbe lower
House of Congress and "spoke of tbe existing war witb
Mexico, condemning most unequivocally the President's pol
icy in bringing on the war ; but none would be more ready to
sustain the President than himself, in prosecuting this war,
now that we had gotten into it, with vigor and energy, that
it might be brought to a speedy and honorable termination."
He eulogized Webster and condemned Webster's enemies.
Development was contagious wherever Governor More-
head was: In May a new High School was opened in
Greensboro with forty-five to fifty pupils, and the Methodist
Female College buildings were completed. At the Univer
sity commencement on June 5tb, he again presided at tbe
Alumni Association of which be bad been chairman or
President since its formation on May 31, 1843. He was also
chosen to deliver its address in 1846, which was described as

276 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"a fit model for all to come afterward."^ As a member of
the Trustees be joined in conferring the degree of LL.D.
"upon the just" Whig, late President of the Senate, pro tern.,
Mangum, and "the unjust" Democrats, President Polk and
Attorney General Mason, the latter of whom had been bis
fellow-students at the University.
The annexation of Texas on July 4, 1845, was looked
upon as almost certain to produce war with Mexico, and the
Whigs expected the Democrats to repeal tbe Tariff, pass the
Sub-Treasury bill — all of which made financiers and po
btical leaders apprehensive. Governor Morehead came to
Raleigh on January 5, 1846, to attend the stockholders' meet
ing of the Bank of North Carolina, whose President, Judge
Cameron, was seeking to resign. Governor Morehead took
the lead in expressing warnings as to probable financial con
ditions of the banks of the land ; and now as the Bank of
North Carolina was so ably managed and so prosperous, let
it be kept so by relieving President Cameron of non-essential
duties in order that he might be retained. His ideas were
adopted and Governor Graham, himself and Judge Settle
were made a committee to confer with the President and
convince him — ^whicb they did — and the bank continued its
prosperous career.
A few days later, on January 12th, tbe Whig State Con
vention at Raleigh re-nominated Governor Graham, and one
of the interesting speeches was by Hon. Edward Stanly:
"In 1840," said he, "they [Democrats] placed in tbe field a
man of talents — well and favorably known in every portion
of the State — to oppose our own noble-hearted Morehead.
After a thorough canvass, he was found in a minority of
about 8000 votes. In 1842, they selected, to oppose the
incumbent, a gentleman distinguished for his great powers
of imagination and for his fluent declamation, and he was
informed by some 5000 of these 'Sheep-stealing Whigs' that
he could not be allowed to 'organize and convene' himself
into the gubernatorial chair." He then referred to tbe cam
paign of 1844 when their candidate was beaten by over 3000
1 Battle's History of the University gives no further information as to
when he ceased to be President of the Alumni Association.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 277
votes. Governor Morehead's brother. Senator James Turner
Morehead, was active in this convention, but he himself was
not present.
His proposals for a penitentiary were tbe chief subject
of newspaper epistolary discussion during the winter of
1845-6, nearly all of it favorable. And the results of bis
Deaf, Dumb and Blind school were heralded and praised in
scarcely less degree. Governor Graham being one of those
who made an address on the subject. Another feature was
tbe sale and re-organization of the Raleigh & Gaston and
Portsmouth railroads and tbe comparative prosperity of the
Wilmington road. There was at tbis time in tbe United
States 3787 mbes of railroad, which cost $113,208,367. The
longest was the "Central " [Georgia] witb 190 mles ; tbe next
the Baltimore & Ohio with 188 miles ; next tbe Wilmington
& Raleigh [Weldon] witb 161 miles; next the Western of
Massachusetts with 156 miles — the shortest being tbe West
Stockbridge [Mass.] with but 3 miles. Tbe most costly one
was tbe Philadelphia & Reading, with but 94 miles, costing
$9,457,570. Next to these came tbe Western and B. & O.
roads. Of these roads, tbe North Carolina railroads
totalled 245i miles at a total cost of $3,160,000— a most
reasonable cost compared witb any of the rest — not counting
the few miles of the Petersburg & Roanoke, Greenville &
Roanoke, and the Portsmouth & Roanoke on North Carolina
territory to reach tbe Roanoke river. Tbe campaign di
vided the interest of the state during tbe summer of 1846
with tbe call on North Carolina for a regiment of infantry
for the Mexican war, and tbe news of progress of that
conflict. From public expressions so far away as Raleigh, Edge-
worth Seminary was making excellent strides in develop
ment. It inspired one of the examining board to write of its
excellence, especially in tbe higher branches of Latin,
Algebra, Geometry, Mental Philosophy, Evidences of Chris
tianity and other subjects. At the same time, tbe first week
in June, Governor Morehead was at the University Com
mencement, as a Trustee and President of the Alumni Asso
ciation, before whom he gave the annual address, of which

278 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
one editor said : "We happen to know, that, four days be
fore the delivery of this address, pen had not been put upon
paper, in relation to its subject matter. And yet, for useful
information, graphic delineation, highly seasoned wit and
humor, it has not been our lot to witness a happier effort.
The Governor ought to adopt as tbe motto on his shield:
'Semper Paratus'."
The August elections and the old Whig general, "Rough
and Ready" Taylor's victories in Mexico restored Whig
prestige with a vengeance! Governor Graham, a Whig
Senate and a Whig House by large majorities won in North
Carolina, which meant two new Whig national Senators.
Thereupon the west began to make a demand for Governor
Morehead for the United States Senate, and the eastern
Whigs wanted Edward Stanly; others wanted Badger or
Osborne. The Raleigh Register said Morehead was the
North Carolina "Rough and Ready." When November
arrived and the Assembly had made Stanly speaker of the
lower House and Senator Mangum was willing to accept re
election, Ex-Secretary of tbe Navy Badger was rewarded
for his resignation in protest against President Tyler and
sent to the Senate. Later Mr. Stanly was elected Attorney
General of the State. The Whig victory did not carry
Governor Morehead's penitentiary proposal, however.
This political situation was accompanied by a movement
to extend tbe Raleigh & Gaston line southward through
Fayetteville to Camden, South Carolina. The Post Office
department bad diverted the big mail of the state from the
Wilmington route to the Raleigh line and Fayetteville had
long been determined on this road. A Railroad Convention
was therefore set for November 4, 1846, and wide-spread
interest was shown in it even outside the state. This body
recommended the building of tbe road as the metropolitan
north and south line; that it is feasible and attractive to
capitalists ; asked the legislature to charter the North Caro
lina section of it; appointed a preliminary committee to
canvass cost and the like.
On Governor Graham's organization of his second term
early in 1847, he did as his predecessor had done before him.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 279
placed bis own predecessor at tbe head, next himself, of tbe
Literary Board, as the Common School board was called;
Governor Morehead, Charles Manly and Editor Weston R.
Gales constituting tbis body. This was in March, 1847, and
at once a sale of Swamp Lands was ordered for May 20th
to the amount of 50,000 acres. On April 13th, a meeting
was held at the Yarborougb Hotel, Raleigh, to arrange to
secure an office or "station" there on the new "Magnetic
Telegraph" line ; and it was at this time that Governor More-
bead's board decided to build tbe Deaf and Dumb School on
Moore's Square, Raleigh, while the streets resounded and
sparkled witb tbe celebration of Taylor's victories at Vera
Cruz and Buena Vista, in which the people called for Taylor
as Presidential candidate in 1848. This sentiment was gen
eral: Philadelphia Whigs nominated him in town meeting
on April 10th. Then, on May 1st [1847], Mr. Webster and
bis wife, got off the Raleigh & Gaston train, on his Southern
tour (but not as Senator Clay had done) and was the guest
of the Governor and attended Christ Church on Sunday.
Still tbe journey of such a Whig giant through tbe South at
this time might easily suggest another Presidential candidate
besides tbe hero of Buena Vista. And while Governor
Morehead, in May, was at tbe sale of Swamp Lands, in
which they sold enough land to open a road into the vast
tract, from Plymouth, President Polk had promoted one Col.
Jefferson Davis of Mississippi to be a Brigadier General.
But this was hardly over, on the 29th, when President Polk
and his suite followed Mr. Webster in a visit to Raleigh, in
this case, however, to attend the Commencement of bis
alma mater at Chapel Hill. With him was bis Secretary of
the Navy, John Y. Mason, whom Governor Morehead, as
President of tbe Alumni Association, introduced as the
orator of the day before that body, and who induced that
body to erect a monument to tbe late President Caldwell, the
old teacher of both of them. President Polk bad appointed
four of this Association as ministers to France, Spain,
Portugal and Italy. But he was hardly back in Washington
before North Carolina was ablaze witb Whig Taylor meet
ings, and the Whig papers were publishing a letter of Gen-

280 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
eral Jefferson Davis, in praise of the great hero of the Mexi
can war, and northern Democrats were intimating that North
Carolina's Whig Governor had not been as cordial to the
Democratic President as he should have been, because he
bad Webster at the mansion at the foot of Fayetteville
street and did not have tbe President as bis guest also —
which appeared to be true. Thus does the loom of events
weave so strange a tapestry! North Carolina seemed to
be an unusually beautiful belle to attract such distinguished
political admirers.
And then just as the state election was occuring in Au
gust, the first telegraph poles, or "posts," as the press then
called them, had been set up as far as Raleigh and tbe wires
were rapidly being bung. And the news said that six out of
nine North Carolina Congressmen were Whigs — reversing
the current number there! And this was typical of the
whole lower House of Congress, now returned to the Whigs.
As a consequence the Democrats were at sea, with a half-
dozen candidates to succeed President Polk and the Whigs
were more joyously acclaiming but one, witb every new
victory in Mexico, notwithstanding the fact that Henry Clay,
while the returns were coming in, concluded to visit the sea
shore at Cape May, but stopped long enough in Philadelphia
to receive what amounted to a national demonstration. Then
came James Buchanan's letter saying that the Wilmot Pro
viso of 1820 saved the country, therefore let its line be
projected from the Missouri boundary to tbe coast in 1848
and again save the country — and it lifted him out of the
dead level of the half-dozen Democratic candidates.
During this autumn the people of Charlotte were taking
measures to secure a railroad into South Carolina, while
those of Richmond and Danville were seeking to construct
one between those two places. Meanwhile the road from
Raleigh southward was not prospering as it was hoped, but
efforts were making to reorganize the Portsmouth road and
get it in successful operation again. The purchase of a new
locomotive by tbe Raleigh & Gaston road as well as news
from the Wilmington railway indicated that these roads were
succeeding. Tbe Common Schools fund was growing also.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 281
being $101,775 in 1847, tbe largest figure yet reached ; and
at tbis time there appeared a novel, Alamance, from the pen
of a talented young man of the state who was soon to fill an
office recommended by Ex-Governor Morehead, as head of
the Common School system of the State, namely, Calvin H.
Wiley, a native of Guilford county and educated there and
at the University.
The campaign of 1848 was officially started in Washing
ton, D. C, by Whig members of Congress on the evening of
January 27tb at a meeting over which Senator Mangum of
North Carolina presided, and it was determnied to hold a
Whig National Convention. On February 5tb, they decided
to hold it in Philadelphia at Independence Hall on June 7tb.
Thereupon tbe North Carolina counties began to elect dele
gates to the State Convention to be held in Raleigh on Wash
ington's Birthday; and it was notable that some of them,
like Rockingham county, tbe old home of Governor More-
bead, announced themselves for Henry Clay instead of Gen
eral Taylor, and that some, like Anson county, were silent
on the subject, while some otliers, like McDowell county,
were for the hero of Buena Vista. When the State Conven
tion met, however, and had nominated Charles Manly for
gubernatorial candidate, they reported resolutions denounc
ing the President and defending General Taylor from his
attacks, but, leaving the ordinary delegates to the National
Convention to be chosen by districts, named Ex-Governor
Morehead and Hon. John Kerr of Caswell as delegates-at-
large for tbe State, without naming either Clay or Taylor as
favorites. The choice of Governor Morehead to lead the
delegation, witb his well-known admiration for Henry Clay,
together with absence of choice of General Taylor was evi
dence that North Carolina would make a stand for the Ken
tucky statesman. Governor Morehead was not a member
of the Raleigh Convention. Mr. Kerr was a Taylor man.
In March came the close of the war by the ratification of
the Treaty, and General Taylor became still more the popu
lar hero; while during the same month, at Harrisburg, the
Democratic Convention of Pennsylvania gave their favorite
son, James Buchanan, first place for tbe Presidency.

282 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Early in June, 1848, Governor Morehead began prepara
tions for his trip to Philadelphia. His business affairs had
prospered and wonderfully developed in tbe three years and
a half since be left the Executive Mansion in Raleigh. His
family also had increased by one more son, Eugene Lindsay
Morehead, born on the previous September 16tb at "Bland
wood," so that he now had four daughters and three sons —
and one son-in-law, William R. Walker, a planter on the
Yadkin river, to whom his eldest daughter was married on
May 31st, just before his departure to take train at Raleigh
for Washington and Philadelphia.
Governor Morehead was fifty-two years old and in
the maturity of his powers. He found scenes of the greatest
enthusiasm in the Quaker City on tbe days before tbe con
vention assembled. The scene on the evening of tbe 6th of
June is thus described in the Baltimore Patriot: "The scene
yesterday evening in Chestnut Street was animating beyond
anything we have ever bad here in Philadelphia since the
glorious days of 1776, when, from Independence Hab, went
forth that great charter of American liberty — the Declara
tion of Independence. . . . The friends of General
Taylor met in Independence Square last night. The large
square was crowded to excess — not less than twenty thou
sand people being present. The enthusiasm exceeded even
that shown in 1840."
Instead of meeting in Independence Hall, which was far
too small for such a Convention, they gathered in the
spacious salon, where had once been exhibited the celebrated
Chinese Museum, at Ninth and Sansom streets, northeast
corner, which still bore that name. Here the Convention
was called to order in the morning of the 7th of June, at
eleven o'clock — and a temporary organization formed. The
committee on permanent organization was chosen and at the
afternoon session, at 4 o'clock, the chairman announced as
President of the Convention, Hon. John M. Morehead, of
North Carolina, and amid vociferous applause, it was unani
mously confirmed. Messrs. King of Georgia and Fuller of
New York escorted him to the chair, whereupon Governor
Morehead addressed the Convention.

Chinese Museum
Northeast corner of Ninth and Sansom Sts., Philadelphia, exterior and interior
in which Governor Morehead presided over the Whig Convention
in June, 1848 .

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 283
"The following is the address delivered by Gov. More-
head, on taking the chair as President of tbe late Whig Con
vention, at Philadelphia:'
"Gentlemen of tbe Convention: — I do not possess lan
guage adequate to express to you my grateful feelings, and
to return to you my profound acknowledgments for the
distinguished honor conferred upon me by selecting me to
preside over the deliberations of this Convention. If,
Gentlemen, I possessed qualifications, either by experience
or otherwise, for tbe distinguished position — as I am con
scious I do not — the obligations that you have imposed
upon me would be far greater than they would deserve, and
therefore do I consider my indebtedness to you, at tbis time,
still larger.
"The purpose for which you have assembled here from
every part of tbe land, uniting in common counsel and de
liberation, is that of bringing relief to our common country,
and devising and executing such schemes as are necessary to
her prosperity and happiness. Order, wisdom and decorum
should characterize our deliberations, and so sure as they do,
success will attend them. [Applause.]
"We sbould yield, fellow-citizens, on this occasion, all
personal preferences. Let us bring forward, for tbe good of
our common country, our united counsels and our united wis
dom. Let us rear our standard with the full determination
to carry it on to victory. [Applause.] All we have to do is
to select a standard bearer who will secure the hearty co
operation of all sections of our country in the common cause
of our country's welfare. Let us have inscribed upon our
banner 'the prosperity of our country.' [Applause.]
"It bas been asserted that 'to the victors belong tbe
spoils.' Let us determine that we will be victors and when
victorious, if spoils we must have, let them be the redemp
tion of our country from her present embarrassed condition,
and replenishing ber exhausted treasury, and restoring her
to that flourishing and happy condition from which she bad
fallen. Let us endeavor to spread over our land industry,
1 Greensboro Patriot, 17th June, 1848.

284 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
peace and plenty, which shall give to every laborer adequate
employment and remunerating wages — which shall cause
every sea to be whitened with the sails of our commerce —
which shall make the produce of our teeming fields to spread
plenty over our own land, enable our people to extend to
others that bounty which a Providence bas bestowed upon
us. [Great applause.]
"Fellow-citizens — If our deliberations are conducted
with that order and love of law which characterize the con
stituents who sent us bere, we shall have little cause to fear
for our essential triumph. [Applause.] And if our spoils
be such as I have described, spoils which will bring pros
perity to every door, and cause tbe land to teem with the
blessings of a wise legislation and well-directed industry; if,
gentlemen, the results of your deliberations shall be to re
store to our country peace, harmony and prosperity: to
restore to tbe constitution its violated rights and powers, and
to restore the administration of the laws of our country to
its pristine purity, if such should be tbe effects of your har
monious deliberations, and your patriotic counsels, I shall
deem it the proudest legacy that I can bequeath to my
posterity, that I had the honor to preside over that council
of sages whose deliberations produced these happy results."
[Great applause.]
It was the afternoon session of tbe 8th before they were
ready to nominate, and the old Chinese Museum ball re
sounded to the praises of General Taylor of Louisiana,
Henry Clay of Kentucky, John M. Clayton of Delaware,
General Winfield Scott, McLean and Webster. The first
ballot was significant: Taylor, 111; Clay, 97; Scott, 43;
Webster, 22; Clayton, 4; and McLean, 2. On the second
ballot, the Clayton and McLean votes and eleven Qay votes
increased all the others, Webster's 22 standing solid, so that
it stood: Taylor, 118; Clay, 86; Scott, 49; and Webster, 22.
With no choice. President Morehead announced tbe session
adjourned until Friday morning. The third ballot showed
good work done for tbe hero of Buena Vista during the
night and slight gains for General Scott, but loss to the rest;
for General Taylor received 133 and Clay 74 — ^whicb was the

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 285
signal for tbe Clay forces to scatter to tbe two military com
manders, raising General Taylor's vote to 171 — thirty more
than was necessary to a choice, whereupon President More-
head announced "in a clear and distinct voice" General
Taylor as tbe duly elected Whig candidate for President of
the United States. The tremendous applause was taken up
in the streets, and "By means of that astonishing agent — ^the
Magnetic Telegraph" — said the Raleigh Register in its issue
next morning — "we are in possession of the leading acts of
tbe National Whig Convention , . . giving us informa
tion that John M. Morehead — our own Morehead — ^bad been
chosen to preside over the Convention! This is indeed a
compliment deserved. . . . North Carolina . . .
bas been happily denominated the Thermopylae of Whig
principles — tbe most reliable Whig state in the Union ; and
it is so. . , . The very moment that our paper was being
put to press on Friday morning, a dispatch was received at
the Telegraph Office, announcing the glorious intelligence
that Gen. Zachary Taylor! The Hero of Buena Vista,
had received the nomination for the presidency on the fourth
balloting." After nomination for the Vice-Presidency, President
Morehead directed preparation of ballots, and as Abbot
Lawrence of Massachusetts and Millard Fillmore of New
York were far ahead of the rest on first ballot, a second
one soon selected tbe New York man by within two of tbe
same number of votes as that for President, and tbe objects
of the Convention were achieved.
After the motion was made that tbe National Whig Con
vention of 1848 sbould adjourn. President Morehead said:
"Gentlemen of the Convention — Before severing the tie
which has here united us, permit me to return my profound
thanks for your kindness and forbearance. Your partiality
placed me in tbis chair, to tbe duties of which I am unused
and unaccustomed — and that same spirit of kindness bas
sustained me in their performance. If I have committed
mistakes or errors, or if in the discharge of my duties here,
I have caused pain to any individual, I have only to say
it was unintentional, and it would cause me serious regret.

286 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Let us, at all events, carry witb us no unkind feelings, and I
shall feel happy in the impression that no one has any un
kind feeling towards me.
"I, too, have been placed bere in a peculiar situation ; and
as various gentlemen, of different delegations, have given
expression to their feelings, I trust I may be allowed also
to say a few words before we part. I, too, have been de
feated in the first wish of my heart ; I have not succeeded in
the nomination of my favorite candidate — I stand among
the vanquished party — but I fall into the hands of my victor
friends, like a conquered damsel into the hands of her lover,
and submit kindly to my defeat.^ [Loud applause.] I shall
enter upon the campaign in the true Whig spirit, determined
to succeed, and if, before the election any Whig can be
found who will outstrip me in zeal, I hope to take such a
Whig by the hand, on the fourth of next March, at the in
auguration of Gen. Zachary Taylor.
"It has on a former occasion been my bad fortune not to
have my first choice approved. In 1840, the Whigs of North
Carolina unfurled the free standard of Henry Clay in that
state, and sent his name to the Harrisburg Convention; but
the Whigs of that Convention, the representatives of the
entire Union, sent back to us that standard inscribed witb
another name, that of Wm. Henry Harrison — wholly un
expected by us. But I only looked to see if it was still the
True Whig Banner. I did not ask myself what name was on
it. I never thought of inquiring what side of Mason and
Dixon's line the nominee was from. It was the Whig
Banner, and as such it was placed in my hands. For five
months this hand bore that banner through North Carolina,
until in the succeeding August, North Carolina, a Slave State,
fired the first guns of that volley which shook Democracy
from one end of the Nation to the other. Its re-echoes
resounded from State to State throughout the entire Union,
until the great triumph was achieved.
1 Governor Morehead was the only one of the North Carolina delegation
who voted for Clay on every ballot Four others voted for Clay, but one turned
to Scott on the third ballot and one to Taylor on the fourth one. Six were for
Taylor from the first The President of the Convention, therefore, did not
vote for Taylor, in convention, but accepted him, and worked for him. One
of the Taylor men was Calvin H. Wiley. This situation was not calculated to
make President Morehead a very probable Cabinet possibility.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 287
"I have mentioned this, gentlemen, for the benefit of
Ohio, and I will state one incident from which the Whigs
of that State may hope and profit. North Carolina, though
¦she lost the nomination of ber first choice, Henry Clay, soon
raised on every hill top the banner of Harrison. In one loca
tion when a tall pole had been erected with tbe name of Har
rison nailed to tbe mast, a solitary stranger was seen riding
past it; attracted by its inscription be stopped, elevated bis
¦eye and seeing the Whig principles inscribed thereon, doffed
his beaver and saluted them with three solitary cheers ! Nor
-do I despair before fall that in Ohio will also be seen solitary
Whigs cheering the banner of Zachary Taylor.
"I have supported in tbis body tbe nomination of Henry
Clay — that most illustrious son of our country — bis sun is
about to set — and I trust his latest hours may be gilded and
brightened by our success, which, like tbe bow of promise,
will betoken tbe spread of peace and prosperity around our
land. I have voted for Henry Clay because no man is more
largely identified with tbe glory of our country than he is.
No administration could add a particle to bis undying fame ;
no honors could add to bis treasure heap ! But I yield him
to tbis Convention ; yield him cheerfully, and for the future,
no man can go more heartily than I will for the Hero of
Buena Vista.
"It bas been suggested from different States that fears
¦existed of the result of this nomination. We should never
fear the consequences when our cause is good. And our
cause is not that of Zachary Taylor, but of the Whigs of the
Union. Let us when dangers are thickening around us
take our cue from his own conduct at Buena Vista, when he
said: 'We have got the enemy just where we want him;
now is tbe time to give them a bttle more grape, Capt.
Bragg!' As our leader never surrenders, is there any one of
bis followers who intends to surrender? [an emphatic re
sponse of 'no'] then if we all pull together we cannot be
vanquished. "Before dissolving this body abow me to wish prosperity
and happiness to you all, and that you may arrive safely to
your homes and friends again. I bid you a long and affec-

288 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
tionate farewell, and declare this Convention adjourned
sine die."^
That night a ratification meeting was held on Indepen
dence Square, which was illuminated like day witb Drum-
mond lights, transparencies, variegated lamps and tbe like,
while, it is said, 50,000 people seethed and yebed for the
Whig candidates. Four platforms, on different sides of the
square were required, the main one being next to tbe Hall.
The Whig Inquirer editor called the main stand to order at
7 P. M. and, after brief remarks, introduced President John
Motley Morehead, whose inspiring account of the nomina
tion was loudly acclaimed, and at mention of the names of
Taylor and Fillmore "the shouts which went up were like
those which, Byron says, herald in 'a young earthquake's
birth' " — to quote from the Baltimore Patriot. At the same
moment speeches and applause at tbe other three stands
were rivalling those at the main one where they were listen
ing to President Morehead.
Immediately on the next morning President Morehead
dispatched to General Taylor at Baton Rouge, Louisiana, the
following letter of notification, dated at "Philadelphia, June
10, 1848:"
"Gen. Zachary Taylor :
"Dear Sir : At a Convention of the Whigs of tbe United
States, held in this city on the 7th instant, and continued
from day to day until the 9th, you were nominated as a can
didate for the Presidency of the United States, at tbe en
suing Presidential election.
"By a resolution of said Convention, it was made the
duty of their President to communicate to you the result of
their debberations, and request your acceptance of the
nomination. "In obedience to said resolve, I, as the organ therein
designated, have the honor to make you the foregoing com
munication and to ask your acceptance of tbe nomination.
"Permit me, dear Sir, to indulge the hope that be who
never shrinks from any responsibility nor fails to discharge
^ Greensboro Patriot, 21st June, 1848.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 289
any duty assigned him by bis Government, will not now re
fuse tbis enthusiastic call of bis countrymen.
"I am, dear Sir, witb sentiments of very high regard,
your most obedient servant, "J. M. Morehead,
"President of tbe Whig National Convention."
To Mr. Fillmore, on tbe same day, be sent the following
somewhat similar communication:
"Dear Sir : At a Convention of tbe Whigs of the United
States assembled in this city on the 7tb instant, and con
tinued by adjournment until tbe 9th, Gen. Zachary Taylor
of Louisiana, was nominated as a candidate for the Presi
dency, and you were nominated for tbe Vice-Presidency of
the United States, at tbe next ensuing Presidential election.
"By a resolution of said Convention it was made my duty
to communicate to you tbe result of their deliberations, and
to request your acceptance of the nomination.
"I have tbe honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient
servant, "J. M. Morehead,
"President of tbe Whig National Convention.
"Hon. M. Fillmore."^
As Mr. Fillmore was only at the distance of Albany,
New York, he soon received his letter, paid its postage as
usual, and wrote tbe following reply, dated seven days later,
June 17tb:
"Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge tbe receipt of
your letter of the 10th instant, by which I am notified that
at the late Whig Convention held at Philadelphia, Gen.
Zachary Taylor was nominated for President and myself
for Vice-President, and requesting my acceptance of the
nomination. "Tbe honor of being thus presented by the distinguished
representatives of the Whig party of the Union for the
second office in the gift of the people — an honor as unex
pected as it was unsolicited — could not fail to awaken in a
1 Greensboro Patriot, 5th Aug., 1848.

290 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
grateful heart emotions which, while they cannot be sup
pressed, find not appropriate language for utterance.
"Fully persuaded that the cause in which we are enlisted
is the cause of our country ; that our chief object is to secure
its peace, preserve its honor, and advance its prosperity ; and
feeling, moreover, a confident assurance that, in Gen. Taylor
(whose name is presented for the first office) I shall always
find a firm, consistent Whig, a safe guide, and an honest
man, I cannot hesitate to assume any position which my
friends may assign me.
"Distrusting, as I well may, my ability to discharge sat
isfactorily the duties of that high office, but feeling that, in
case of my election, I may with safety repose on the friendly
aid of my fellow Whigs, and that efforts guided by honest in
tentions will always be charitably judged, I accept the nom
ination so generously tendered; and I do this the more
cheerfully, as I am willing for such a cause and with such a
man, to take my chances of success or defeat as the electors,
the final arbitrators of our fate, shall, in their wisdom, judge
best for the interests of our common country.
"Please accept the assurances of my high regard and
esteem, and permit me to subscribe myself your friend and
fellow citizen, "Mblard Fillmore.
"Hon. J. M. Morehead."!
The delay in receiving a reply from General Taylor as to
his reception of Governor Morehead's notification of his
nomination led the latter to publish on July 18, 1848, tbe fol
lowing explanation, in tbe Greensboro Patriot [20th July is
sue] : "Editors of The Greensboro Patriot: On the 10th of
June, as President of the Whig National Convention, I ad
dressed from Philadelphia to Gen. Zachary Taylor and Hon.
Millard Fillmore letters, apprising them of the nominations
by that Convention, and requesting their acceptance of the
nominations.  Having received no reply from either of tbe
gentlemen, the last of June I addressed them again, and en
closed copies of my letters of 10th June. On the 3rd July I
"^ Greensboro Patriot, 5th Aug., 1848.

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 291
received a communication from Mr. Fillmore, dated at
Albany 17th June, which has been forwarded to the Na
tional Intelligencer for publication.  From General Taylor
I have received no communication, and I see by a New Or
leans paper that as late as 5tb July be had received no
communication from me. On yesterday I addressed him
again, directly, and also through two friends; so that it is
hoped some one of my communications will reach him. His
reply shall be published as soon as received.  Yours 
J. M. Morehead."!
General Taylor finally received his notification, however,
and after over a month, on July 15tb [1848] be penned tbe
following reply from his home in Baton Rouge.
"Sir : I have had the honor to receive your communica
tion of June lOtb, announcing that the Whig Convention
which assembled at Philadelphia on tbe 7tb of that month,
and of which you were the presiding officer, have nominated
me for the office of President of the United States.
"Looking to the composition of tbe Convention, and its
numerous and patriotic constituency, I feel deeply grateful
for the honor it has bestowed upon me, and for the dis
tinguished confidence implied in my nomination by it to the
highest office in the gift of the American people.
"I cordially accept that nomination, but witb sincere dis
trust of my fitness to fulfil the duties of an office which
demands for its exercise the most exalted ability and pa
triotism, and which bas been rendered illustrious by the
greatest names in our history. But should the selection of
the Whig Convention be confirmed by the people, I shall
endeavor so to discharge the new duties thus devolving upon
me as to meet the just expectations of my fellow citizens and
preserve undiminished the prosperity and reputation of our
common country.
"I, have the honor to remain, with tbe highest respect,
your most obedient servant,
"Hon. J. M. Morehead, "^- Taylor.
"Greensboro, Guilford Co., N. C."^
1 Dashes inserted by the present writer indicate his paragraphing.
¦' Greensboro Patriot, 5th Aug., 1848.

292 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
This letter reached Governor Morehead in time to appear
first in the Greensboro Patriot on August 5th and in other
papers simultaneously. No explanation accompanied the
publication, but it was gradually rumored that the peculiar
delay was due to the postal custom of that day, namely, that
the person to whom an epistle was of most concern and value
should pay the postage, be he sender or receiver; and that
these letters were of most concern and value to the candi
dates, who would naturaUy expect to pay the postage. Mr.
Fillmore did so it seems ; but the blunt soldier of the Mexican
War, receiving a flood of correspondence which presumed
his great interest in his proposed candidacy, before he was
nominated, refused to accept the presumption and ordered all
un-prepaid mail sent to the Dead Letter Office ! Apparently
he had not rescinded this order when Governor Morehead's
notification of June lOtb arrived in Louisiana; and it jour
neyed on its way to the place where all dead letters go.
Whether General Taylor finally came to the conclusion that
this letter was of most concern to him and paid the postage,
whether some one of the letters reached him without post
age, or whether Governor Morehead decided that this notifi
cation letter was becoming of more concern to him than to
General Taylor, has never yet been discovered, so far as is
known. But whether General Taylor knew it or not, the whole
United States knew it as fast as telegraph and courier could
scatter it, with the usual enthusiasm for a military hero can
didate. President Morehead took boat to Norfolk, ar
riving on the 13tb, and while at the City Hotel, a deputation
of citizens waited on him and asked him to address the rati
fication meeting that evening, which he did amid "thunders
of applause," to quote the Norfolk Herald. By Tuesday,
the 20th of June, President Morehead was in Raleigh, where
he addressed the newly organized "Rough and Ready Club"
amid the usual enthusiasm. Governor Morehead's slogan:
"The Prosperity of Our Country" began to have great
vogue, and victory in State and Nation was destined to fol
low him. The August election for Governor, while success
ful for the Whig Candidate, Charles Manly, only gave him

NATIONAL WHIG LEADER 293
874 majority, because tbe Democratic candidate, David
Settle Reid, of Governor Morehead's old home county, Rock
ingham, advocated a revision of tbe constitution to remove
freehold qualification to vote for State senators. Tbis was
naturally attractive to all non-freeholders, and tbe slogan
"equal suffrage" was a most effective one. It is said tbis
slogan was suggested by Stephen A. Douglas, to one of bis
relatives in that region. When it is observed that tbis 874
majority for Whig Governor Manly rose to ten times that,
of 8581, majority for Taylor over Cass, one can easily see
bow powerful tbe "Equal Suffrage" slogan was and also
how thoroughly Whig was "Tbe Old North State," the Whig
Thermopolae! And also bow tbe President of tbe Whig
National Convention, John Motley Morehead, was the most
powerful Whig in North Carolina and one of tbe most
powerful in tbe United States.

XIII
His Campaign TO
Unite East and West North Carolina
BY
Railroad 1849
At the time of the Whig National Convention in June,
1848, the lately increasing interest in the western part of the
state, in the approach of railroads from Richmond to Dan
ville on the northern border and a South Carolina line to
Charlotte near the southern border, witb the magnificent
possibility of another cross-state line to connect them,
thereby completing a continental line from Maine to Georgia
— culminated in a convention at Salisbury in Rowan county,
presided over by David F. Caldwell. It was determined,
that as soon as the roads reached the two places mentioned,
the people should go to the Legislature for a charter. Mr.
Caldwell was the leading Guilford representative in the
House of Commons.
This movement was of course bound to alarm the east
and her two railroads, for they knew the west was de
termined not to be land-locked much longer. The Raleigh
and Gaston road, now the property of the State, it will be re
called, had long been used to base a projected extension
southward, through Fayetteville, but in vain. Now, as Gov
ernor Graham saw this western movement, beaded by Guil
ford county, and undoubtedly supported by Ex-Governor
Morehead, he made the proposition in his message of No
vember 21, 1848, that the best first step in a solution of
Raleigh and Gaston troubles as well as general transporta-
294

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 295
tion improvement would be to extend tbe Raleigh & Gaston
Railroad westward presumably through Hillsboro, Greens
boro and Salisbury and thence down southward to Charlotte ;
thus he would make the Maine to Georgia line pass from
Richmond through Raleigh and bis own home town, instead
of from Richmond to Danville and Greensboro. "Through a
part of North Carolina alone," said be, "a link is wanting, to
complete the grand chain of communication, from one ex
tremity of our country to the other, and to furnish the whole
nation those facilities of intercourse which the inhabitants
north and south of us enjoy in their several sections." He
argued that branch lines could be built to Fayetteville and
Goldsboro, "and eventually it might reabze that scheme of a
central railroad consecrated by the patriotic labors of Cald
well, in an extension from Goldsboro to Beaufort." He
thought it the first improvement which should engage their
energies, and recommended patronage of the state to half or
at least two-fifths. It would be about 160 miles and would
cost about $10,000 a mile. Besides this he recommended the
other projects that Governor Morehead had advocated, and
which were now looked upon as Whig projects. The As
sembly, on the 30th, requested him to submit a railroad plan,
which he did on December 4, 1848.
The main feature of his plan was the organization of a
joint stock company — "The North Carolina Railroad Com
pany" — of $2,000,000 capital, half to be taken by the State,
and providing for absorption of Raleigh & Gaston Stockhold
ers. In his later developed plan he seems to have put the
road through the counties south of those of his own and Ex-
Governor Morehead's, but taking in Sabsbury — the place
where the June Danville-Charlotte Convention was held, but
he treated it as covering strips both 50 and 100 miles wide..
The west, or that part of it in favor of the Charlotte-Dan
ville link, was by no means convinced of Governor Graham's
presentation, and were still quite determined to have their
link charter. The result was that neither charter was se
cured, but after Governor Manly's inauguration, and witb
his approval. Senator William S. Ashe of New Hanover
[Wilmington] and his friends, among whom was Edward

296 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Stanly of Beaufort county, conceived of tbe idea of divid
ing this western plum, instead of giviing it all to tbe Raleigh
and Gaston, by giving half to the Wilmington & Weldon by
the very simple means of extending it east of Raleigh to the
latter road at Waynesboro [Goldsboro] — a step in the di
rection of the old Caldweb project to Beaufort harbor, as
Ex-Governor Graham bad suggested as a possibility. A
feature of this plan was that it should be financed, one-third
by the people and two-thirds by the State, up to $3,000,000 ;
that the Raleigh-Gaston people should put that road in con
dition to the extent of $500,000, for which tbe state would
return half their stock and release their bonds; that the
Gaston- Weldon connection of a dozen miles should be built
on a half and half basis ; and that the Neuse and Tar rivers
should be improved for the small steamboats recently put
on. Mr. Stanly led the fight for this in the House and
warned his eastern brethren that if they did not support it,
he would vote for the Danville link. The result was that
the House passed it on January 19, 1849, with a clear ma
jority of 6 votes, and sent it to the Senate for concurrence.^
In this latter body it was destined to have no such clear
sailing. It came up on the afternoon of January 25, 1849,
for third reading. Senator Drake called for yeas and nays.
"The moment was one of intense interest," says the Raleigh
Register, "The audience generally were ignorant of the views
of the Speaker [Calvin Graves] , and when he had announced
that the Yeas were 22, Nays, 22, the stillness was death
like; until the magical words, 'The Chair decides in the
affirmative,' relieved suspense. Tbe applause which suc
ceeded was deafening, and it was some minutes before order
could be restored." The bill became a law on Friday, January
26, 1849. The men who voted for it besides Speaker Graves,
were Senators Ashe [the author]. Bell, Daniel, Davidson,
Gilmer, Hargrove, Hawkins, Joyner, Lane, Lilbngton, Miller,

1 Hon, D. M. Barringer, in his sketch of state railroads, attributes the suc
cess of this vote to another dramatic event of the session attending the passage
of a bill to create an Insane Asylum, which had been so earnestly urged by
both Ex-Governors — Morehead and Graham. The event was the appearance of
Miss Dorothy Dix before the Assembly and her powerful plea for the insane,
incidentally to which she drew such a picture of the roads of North CaroUna
that she broke down the lines of the law-makers in both directions!

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 297
Murchison, Patterson, Rowland, Sbepard, Smaw, Thomas of
Davidson, Thomas of Haywood, Thompson of Wake, Wash
ington, Woodfin and Worth. Speaker Graves was Speaker
pro tempore in place of Speaker Andrew Joyner, a Whig,
who bad fallen ill ; and it had been a great compliment to his
character that, as a conservative Democrat, the Whigs bad
elevated him to this position. Doubtless tbe leading Whigs
knew bis private views on the subject and knew bow be
would vote upon tbis most important of their measures, be
side which all others sank into insignificance. Of course
the author of tbe bill was a Democrat from the Wilmington
district, and tbis great measure was secured otherwise by
giving Fayetteville a plank road to it. Speaker Graves, a
Democrat also, came from a county, Caswell, near the pro
posed Danville-Charlotte link, which both favored the link
and opposed state aid, and bis famous casting vote was
followed by his resignation as Speaker pro tempore and re
instatement of Speaker Joyner, who bad recovered; while
tbe people of Caswell permanently retired him from public
life. Tbe Whig and progressive elements of the state, how
ever, from that day forward made a hero of him and more
than one project of a statue to him has been proposed.
And still — a North Carolina Central Railroad bad been
proposed and even incorporated long before tbis, and came
to nothing! It is true Wilmington bad never favored it be
fore and it had never secured so good financial conditions;
but it is also true that never before was there so imminent a
threat of a Charlotte-Danville trunk-line link for a trans
national line that threatened to isolate the east by cutting off
ber back-country commerce ! Nature and events were favor
ing the land-locked west, like the "stars in their courses;"
and let it not be forgotten tbis project had been a western one
of Caldwell and Morehead, since the "Carleton" papers of
1827 ; and it was only the grinding of the mills of the gods
that forced the Wilmington representative to finally accept
it as a desperate measure of self-preservation, in an effort to
stay the march of a transnational line down tbe Piedmont
into Georgia and the southwest.
February was not far advanced when Governor Manly

298 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
called his Council to reorganize the Improvement Board;
and the Salisbury Convention, headed by David F. Caldwell
reconvened to help forward the newly proposed North
Carolina Railroad, as though, for the time at least, they had
given up the Danville link, or that part of it not now
covered by the projected road; for, if the new road went to
Greensboro, the link would then be complete except for
crossing two counties — Guilford and Rockingham — a link so
short and so necessary to complete the transnational line,
that, sooner or later, it would be impossible to prevent it.
Following the Salisbury meeting, Guilford county called a
Greensboro meeting for February court; and the Raleigh
Whig editor called for similar meetings in the whole state;
adding that The Salisbury Watchman said that they were
trying to form a list of a hundred men to take the whole
stock in Rowan and surrounding counties ! The Greensboro
meeting on 20th February provided for ten delegates to an
other Salisbury convention on June 14th, Senator Gilmer
leading in it. In March, Raleigh had a meeting.
This agitation, it should be noted, and unfavorable com
parison with other states in railway matters should be taken
for what it was : Advocacy. For, in 1848, only New York,
Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Georgia, Virginia, Connecti
cut, Michigan and New Hampshire had a greater mileage,
and the last three of these but slightly more ; so that she was
practically surpassed in her 255 miles of railroad by but five
states in any material degree. It will be observed that
Georgia and Virginia, with 602 and 406 miles respectively,
led the South and ranked next to Pennsylvania, and were on
both sides of North Carolina at Charlotte and Danville offer
ing tremendous railway connection to western North
Carolina; and that the section of tbe new North Carolina
Railroad between Charlotte and Salisbury or Greensboro
would itself furnish a large section of that longed for bnk!
Indeed, in the North Carolina Rabroad the west was receiv
ing more than three-fifths of the Cbarlotte-Danvihe link!
And they could well trust Father Time for the rest! No
wonder they accepted tbe new project with alacrity. The
remaining 43 miles of air line between Greensboro and Dan-

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 299
ville was bound to come later; no one could stop it. Why
should they, indeed ? Had not Wilmington been trying to do
the same thing all along, in the east? Hadn't Raleigh and
Fayetteville been trying to do the same thing in the center ?
Certainly they had ; and were even now doing so in connect
ing Charlotte and Raleigh !
A state convention was agitated during tbe spring and
there seemed to be a new hope in the people. The new in
corporating act named fifteen commissioners to put it into
effect; and among them was Ex-Governor Morehead, who
was also named as the head of the Greensboro sub-com
mittee to open books for stock subscriptions. The act was
well drawn and anticipated practically every feature neces
sary to successful organization. At Hibsboro, Orange
county, Ex-Governor Graham led a meeting in urgence of
the line's survey through that town and county on March
15th. By April a South Carolinian offered a thousand dollars
for the contract of the whole road from Goldsboro to Char
lotte. The press began comparing the gains of Boston,
which had railroads, witb New York, which had none : Bos
ton increased the value of her real estate from $60,000,000
(in round numbers) in 1840 to $97,000,000 in 1847; while,
for the same period and estate. New York scarcely increased
at all— $187,100,000 to $187,300,000 (in round numbers) !
In personal estate, Boston increased from $34,000,000 to
over $64,000,000 ; while New York actually decreased about
$8,000,000. Early in April, the Internal Improvement Board, on
which Governor Manly had put Hon. Calvin Graves, met;
and also the new Commissioners he appointed to create the
new Insane Asylum, of which commission Ex-Governor
Morehead was head and Mr. Graves next in order. While
they were in Raleigh on the 19th of April a railroad meeting
was held and addressed by Governor Morehead and others,
and delegates chosen to the Salisbury Convention to be held
June 14, 1849. Governor Morehead pointed to Massachu
setts, Rhode Island, Georgia and Tennessee as good illustra
tions of state development. He said at one period when he
almost despaired of ever securing such a charter as was now

300 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
before them, he had favored the Danville-Charlotte link as an
outlet for his part of the state ; but witb tbe Central Railroad
he was heartily satisfied, provided it could be built; that
Orange, Guilford, Davidson, Rowan and Randolph would
do their full share. Indeed he bebeved these counties would
grade their part of the road, so that the problem was the
grading in Wake County and Johnston ; "what would Wake
and Johnston do? Would they grade their part? If so, be
believed the work was assured." It was plain that Governor
Morehead had sounded the Keynote of the coming railway
campaign in this April address in the Raleigh Court House
on the 19th. Before the meeting was over be emphasized
the need of the Gaston- Weldon link, chiefly for its access to
Norfolk which was at this time seeking annexation to North
Carolina, because she was so neglected by Virginia. Indeed,
the North Carolina Central Railroad seemed to be as hopeful
as the Washington Monument, of which twenty feet was
now completed. On May 19th a meeting was held at the
tri-county corners below what is now High Point and men
pledged themselves to grade from a quarter to a mile of road
to the amount of 15 miles. Other meetings were held along
the proposed line.
These were busy days for "The Old War Horse:" one
day at Edgeworth Seminary, another in a railroad meeting,
still another at the University Commencement, where be
was both Trustee and President of tbe Alumni Association,
and granting degrees to everybody but himself.^ Then came
the Salisbury Convention, witb over 225 delegates from the
State and Norfolk and Portsmouth, with twenty odd coun
ties represented. The meeting was held in the Lutheran
Church and Governor Morehead was chosen President
unanimously and made the keynote address. He was also
one of the Committee of 30 to organize the program. Gov
ernors Morehead and Graham believed in an appeal to the
people, while Governor Swain suggested getting a hundred
men to subscribe the million themselves. President More-
head, President Mordecai of tbe Raleigh & Gaston road and
1 Maria Edgeworth, after whom the seminary was named, died the 21st
of May, ten days after the school's commencement She was 83 years old.

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 301
Dr. W. R. Holt were made the Executive Committee to or
ganize subscription. It was plainly evident that the North
Carolina Central Railroad was at last to be built ! Further
more President Morehead was authorized to appoint a dele
gation of three to the Memphis Convention in July to pro
mote a trans-continental railroad.^ Governor Swain was
made chairman of this delegation.
It was interesting to see how men began again to recur
to tbe ideas of Murphy and Caldwell, whose apt pupil was
unanimously chosen the head of this Convention and who
had personified those broad ideas in bis own life ever since
the famous Murphy Reports and the "Carlton" letters of
President Caldwell! Men began to recur to them in the
press as if they bad suddenly became current. Murphy and
Caldwell were now incarnate in John Motley Morehead.
Tbe whole state began to respond to his leadership. The
east and the west were about to unite in him — for the first
time in reality. It was difficult for the Fourth of July or
even politics to get the usual hearing, as the summer of 1849
proceeded. Petersburgh and Norfolk were as much awake
to it as North Carolina herself, for they were bound to
profit by it. Governor Swain placed himself at the disposal
of Governor Morehead and went, at bis request, over the
Georgia railroads, making a careful study of them and re
porting in excellent letters of June 22nd and later.^ He
showed that one road, beginning at a wilderness site in 1837,
bad made of that wilderness "the flourishing town of At
lanta," and said he, "as the road advanced, the tribe of
croakers retired." He thought stockholders of North Caro
lina roads who had suffered would yet be looked upon as
heroic pioneers! Thus the campaign proceeded — even in
spite of a cholera epidemic, as well as political campaign;
and by August even the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad
subscribed $15,000 to the new road. In Davidson county
about $30,000 was subscribed and Rowan exceeded that
slightly. Raleigh was proposing to take $25,000 as a cor-

^ The Memphis Convention was postponed to October 16th, on account of
cholera in July.
'Raleigh Register of July 25, 1849.

302 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
poration. Another Convention, at Greensboro, this time, for
October 18th, was announced, but it was postponed until
November 29th, as Governor Morehead announced on Oc
tober 5th.^ This was scarcely issued before Salisbury had a
meeting and agreed to form a company of 20 men to take
$100,000 and asked for the corporation of Salisbury to vote
stock. And yet, in the midst of all this. Governor Morehead
was in New York on the 21st of October, and other places,
inspecting asylums for the insane to guide his board in cre
ating a North Carolina institution. Meanwhile President
Stephen A. Douglas was presiding over the great Trans
continental Railroad Convention at Memphis on the 15th and
providing a later meeting in Philadelphia.
But Governor Morehead was back in Greensboro early
in November ; and at a railroad meeting in their Court House
to increase the $60,000 subscription of Guilford County.
The Swain proposition of a 100 shares was changed to as
sociations taking one of a hundred shares of whatever bal
ance there was. Immediately Associations were formed to
take twelve and a half shares, so that Guilford county was
now responsible for $150,000, not counting late news from
Springfield of some $16,000 subscribed.
This local convention was preparatory to the general
Greensboro Railroad Convention of November 29th.
In November, 1849, about twenty-five counties elected
delegates to this Railroad Convention at Greensboro. They
met in the Presbyterian Church. Governor Morehead
headed the Guilford delegation and, after temporary organi
zation, he rose to nominate a President. He said here was
"the opportunity to elect one that would be an honor to the
state; and proceeded to pass a high eulogium upon Calvin
Graves of Caswell, who had given the casting vote by which
this charter had been passed ; and concluded by moving that
he be unanimously appointed President of the North Caro
lina Railroad Convention." His advice was followed and
President Graves made an address in which be said England
^ A railroad of North Carolina not much mentioned was the Wilmington &
Manchester Railroad from Wilmington into South Carolina, 66 miles in the
state, had 129 miles of the 162 miles road under contract at this time; so that
Wilmington had no objection to "links" for herself.

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 303
had expended two hundred mibion pounds sterling in rail
roads, which often cost over $60,000 a mile merely for right
of way; and states of tbis country were making strides in
tbe same direction. Governor Morehead rnade a "speech of
great power" and moved for a committee on subscription.
This was done and be beaded it. He was also a Vice-Presi
dent of tbe Convention, with five others, among whom was
Hon. Richard M. Saunders. The Convention was a vigor
ous one, and the most forceful figure in it was the Greens
boro ex-Governor. Reporting on subscriptions be showed
the absolute subscriptions to stock were $190,800; and fol
lowed "with a speech full of deep impassioned feeling and
great power — listened to with breathless attention and the
most intense interest. The gabant and determined spirit of
this distinguished gentleman touched every heart in that as
sembly, and awoke a feeling of enthusiasm and anxiety,
deep, startling and fervent as we have ever witnessed."^
General Saunders, chairman of the Resolution Committee,
aided in preserving the program for the whole road or none ;
and John A. Gilmer of Greensboro presented a form of addi
tional subscriptions to complete tbe million dollars individual
subscription by signers agreeing to take a hundredth part
of the unraised balance. Governor Morehead headed a list
of fifty-one, and by afternoon $630,000 was regularly sub
scribed, leaving only $380,000 to be raised. It was then pro
posed to have conventions in each county through which the
road would run, and a committee be appointed to prepare
and issue a public address. These latter were Messrs. Saun
ders, McRae, Griswold, McLeod, Swain, Graham, Trol-
linger, J. M. Morehead, Thomas, Lord, Fox and Barringer.
Governor M — ¦. — tried hard to get tbe convention to double
subscriptions and close it up, but did not succeed. Tbe
Convention was a great unifying influence, for seldom bad
men of such opposite views come to act together so fully.
The 51 territorially were as foHows: Wilmington, 5;
Craven, 1 ; Wayne, 2 ; Johnston, 1 ; Raleigh, 6 ; Franklin,
1 ; Orange, 4 ; Alamance, 1 ; Guilford, 12 ; Rockingham, 1 ;
1 Editor Greensboro Patriot, 1st Dec., 1849.

304 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Davidson, 4; Rowan, 11; Burke, 1; and Buncombe, 1.
Guilford and Rowan leading far ahead of all in unique ri
valry. Someone in fun suggested that, when they were at a
tie Guilford get ahead and a humorous, witty play was had
back and forth until the Quaker firm of Simpson & Gibson
put Guilford ahead, and, as they said, in compliment to
President Graves. This was tbe secret of tbe leadership of
Guilford and Rowan.'
The Greensboro Convention of November 29, 1849, ap
pointed committees to hold meetings and the chairmen,
Graves, John T. Gilmer and Governor Morehead were
designated to take the western territory. On January 17,
1850, Governor Morehead wrote a public letter of report to
Chairman R. M. Saunders of the Executive Committee of
the North Carolina Railroad, in which he said: "We left
here on the 3rd inst. and attended meetings at Union Insti
tute in Randolph, Lexington, Salisbury, Concord, Rocky
River, Charlotte, Mount Mourne, Statesvibe, Mocksville,
Clemmonsville and Salem — reaching tbis place [Greens
boro], last night. Our efforts were mainly directed to pro
curing 'the Hundred' individuals or companies who would
become responsible for the balance of the stock not covered
or taken by independent subscriptions. Tbe number of in
dividuals or companies who added their names to the bst has
been encouragingly augmented : — Randolph added one ;
Lexington five ; Salisbury four ; Concord four ; Rocky River
two; Charlotte and Mecklenburg nothing; Mount Mourne
one ; Statesvibe none, but two or three promised ; Mocksville
and Davie two; Clemmonsville one; Salem two; — making
twenty-two added to the fifty-one subscribed at the Conven
tion. I think we may safely calculate on four or five more
promised shortly.
"What additions have been made to 'the Hundred' east
of this, I am not appraised, save as tbe four additional
names in Raleigh.
"I now feel assured tbe Railroad will be built, if every
good citizen does his duty and proper exertions are made.
The best spirit prevailed wherever we went. . . .
^ Greensboro Patriot, Dec. 15, 1849, first page, column four.

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 305
"This is tbe great work of tbe day for North Carolina ;
and I am pleased to find Whig and Democrat contending
side by side which shab do most for its success. . . .
"It is desirable that the Company sbould be organized
at as early a day as possible, that the reconnaissance of tbe
route, preparatory to survey, sbould be made before the
leaves put forth in tbe spring."^
On December 10, 1849, tbe Committee made its appeal
and on tbe 15th Governor Morehead and Mr. Graves ad
dressed a great meeting at Raleigh, where between $30,000
and $40,000 were added to the Wake county subscriptions.
This beaded a series of thirteen meetings in various parts of
the state to last until January 14, 1850.
To one of these meetings, that at Goldsboro on January
3, 1850, which Governor Morehead was unable to attend, he
wrote saying, that "while you are addressing the people of
Wayne, let it cheer you to know that I am making the hills
of Randolph resound in behalf of the Railroad. It is the
result of the age for North Carolina. It is truly the great
redeeming improvement which is to make us one people —
one state — one great community. It is a State improvement
— East and West are equally interested in it — and let no
croaker against this great State work, ever hereafter talk of
patriotism, State pride, etc. How small such opposition
will look, when the great valleys of Western North Carolina
shall pour along tbis road its exhaustless productions — and
when the Eastern citizen will leave his rich farm in the East
in the morning, and take dinner or tea with his wife and
children in the West, in their beautiful summer residence,
purchased on some mountain side, or in some thriving vil
lage, where all the children have the best schools at their
command.  This is no fancy picture — it will be realized in
less than ten years if this road is built — and no people in
the State are more interested than the enterprising and
wealthy citizens of Wayne. Let them do but one-half as
much as their interest, their patriotism and their State pride,
ought to inspire them to do, and the Road is safe.  Guil
ford — poor Guilford bas already done more than she is able
1 Greensboro Patriot, 10th Jan., 1850.

306 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
to do ; yet let Wayne and other counties do something worthy
of the great cause — worthy of themselves and worthy of the
glorious Old North — and Guilford, poor as she is, will still
do more — much more. The Road must be built. Let that be
the watchword of every Wayne man, and the Road is safe.
Success, triumphant success, attend your meeting and exer
tions. Yours in all the bonds that can unite patriots in a
glorious State enterprise  J. M. Morehead."^ In a letter
from Mr. Graves at Charlotte he says : "Governor Morehead
is making what be calls tbe second Declaration of Indepen
dence with great power."
The rising tide of practical enthusiasm from Goldsboro
to Charlotte — the line of the North Carolina Central Road —
began to threaten even beyond it to Newbern, where at a
meeting on January 23rd, they resolved "that to realize the
great enterprise of a Central Railroad binding the commer
cial ports of the East with the Western farms, once projected
by a Stanly, a Gaston and a Caldwell, the North Carolina
Railroad should be extended to the town of New Berne;"
and, after a speech by Gen. Saunders, they subscribed
$70,000 toward the extension eastward to that place.
Thus by February 28, 1850, the railroad Commissioners
named in the act, were able to announce that a recent meet
ing of subscribers held at Hillsboro showed that the required
$1,000,000 had been subscribed, but was not all done in a
uniform manner prescribed by the act. The Commissioners
therefore announced and ordered the opening of books again
on March 8th to 23rd, in the indicated places and in Peters
burg, Va., at which time $5 per share was to be paid in.
They also announced that on March 30, 1850, the Com
missioners would meet in Greensboro at which time these
moneys were to be deposited, so that a meeting of Stock
holders can be called at Sabsbury for organization and
"commencement of operations on the road.'' At the Greens
boro meeting, however, it was discovered that the Peters
burg Railroad charter had a clause that prevented them
making their $80,000 subscription good; and that this and
* North Carolina Standard, Jan. 23, 1850.

EAST AND WEST CAROLINA 307
some unfinished subscriptions in Guilford and Davidson left
tbe fund $60,000 short, although five per cent of the rest
was all paid in. By May 1st, however, all but between
$12,000 and $20,000 was in sight, according to Governor
Morehead's statement to tbe Greensboro Patriot and it was
thought the Commissioners could be called by tbe 16tb.
Thereupon the Asheville Messenger announced that a man
in Raleigh had increased his subscription from $2500 to
$10,000 : "Wonder what 'John' will say now ?" It was tbe
5th of June before the Commissioners met in the Chapel
of the University, where Chairman Morehead announced the
completion of the $1,000,000 subscription. Thereupon a
meeting of the Stockholders was called at Salisbury on July
11, 1850. This University meeting was to allow Governor
Morehead and others of the Commissioners to perform their
duties as Trustees also.
Two days before the Salisbury meeting another Whig
President of tbe United States died on tbe night of July 9th.
This was such a blow to Governor Morehead as it could be
only to a man who bad served as President of the convention
that nominated him; but the blow fell as be was victorious
in the chief part of a great statesmanlike program for North
Carolina development for which he had stood for nearly a
quarter of a century — since tbe days of his old University
President's "Carlton" papers. So fub was he of this great
enterprise that be kept it in the public thought abreast, if
not ahead of the wide-spread organization of Southern re
sistance, especially Democratic resistance to Abolition agi
tations of the north.' A large part of the "Carlton" rail
road vertebrae of the state, from the mountains to tbe main,
was now to be a reality. The wilderness cries of a Murphy
and a Caldwell were at last heard and answered; and the
man whom they taught and inspired, John Motley Morehead,
was everywhere recognized as their executive and leader
of the Old North State's hosts !

^ Governor Morehead was chairman of a Union meeting at Greensboro on
October 23, 1850, and among the resolutions was the following: "That we will
stand by the Union so long as it is worth preserving, and the Constitution is
faithfully administered; and we will maintain, protect and defend the rights
guaranteed to us by that Constitution."

XIV
President and Builder
OF
The North Carolina Central Railroad
1850
On July 11, 1850, stockholders and proxies in the North
Carolina Central Railroad met at Salisbury and Mr. Duncan
Cameron was called to the chair, on motion of General
Saunders. Beside the towns of Newbern and Wilmington,
there were represented the counties of Wayne, Johnston,
Wake, Orange, Alamance, Randolph, Guilford, Rowan, Cas
well, Rockingham, Surry, Davidson, Davie, Cabarrus, Meck
lenburg, Iredell, Forsyth, Burke and Buncombe. Rowan
and Guilford each had two directors and there were eight
others. Governor Morehead, Governor Graham and General
Saunders being among the number. Governor Morehead
was at once elected President of the company, with a salary
of $2500 — a considerable sum in those days, however in
significant it may appear as the reward of a railway ex
ecutive now.^ They then set to work, with Mr. Walter
Gwynne as chief engineer. In the summer and fall elections,
however, while tbe Whig leaders were pressing the Central
Railway to a conclusion, with the aid of some Democrats
like General Saunders, the Democratic leaders, like Editor
Holden of the Raleigh Standard, were not wildly enthusi
astic, to say the least; while David Settle Reid, witb the
slogan of equal suffrage, overturned the Whig majority and
was chosen Governor by about 2700 majority. When the
legislature met in November, all of that wrath of the op
ponents of Calvin Graves and the North Carolina Railroad
came to a bead on November 26th, when a Wayne county
1 Charles L. Hinton, in a letter of 22nd Aug., 1850, to Governor Graham,
says that in the last day or so Governor Morehead had such a fall from his
horse that several physicians were called in; but that it proved not to be very
serious. 308

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 309
representative in the Commons presented a bill to repeal the
North Carolina Central Railroad bib ! Tbis was to be ex
pected when only twenty-one counties bad interest enough
to produce stockholders. It is true tbe bill was against tbe
law of obligation of contracts and so was a species of repudi
ation, but it did not lack advocates, as likewise tbe other
side did not. It was General Saunders, probably, more than
anyone else who headed off his party's efforts to destroy
the work of the past years. Secession was advocated with
even greater earnestness ; and these were going on while tbe
Railroad Directors were in session in Raleigh.
Meanwhile, in the Legislature, Senator Woodfin of Bun
combe county, as well as tbe Newbern and Beaufort people,
were taking measures to persuade the State to extend tbe
Central Railroad east and west according to the old Cald
well idea, Senator Woodfin offering a resolution to that
effect. But tbe Directors had scarcely adjourned, when,
during December an Industrial Convention was held in the
Supreme Court rooms of the capitol, designed to stimulate
industries all over the state to get ready to produce traffic
on President Morehead's newly organized railroad. On mo
tion of Col. Henry B. Elliott, the Convention unanimously
chose Governor Morehead President. It was determined to
hold state exhibitions of products in the form of "State
Fairs," as was done in other states, under the title "North
Carolina Industrial Association." These exhibitions were
to be held at Raleigh in October of each year, and were to
include agricultural, manufacturing, mining and mechanical
products under conditions of generous rivalry. With the
permanent organization. Governor Morehead was chosen
President of that also, and Governor Swain and others were
among the Vice-Presidents. Their first act was to ask the
Assembly for geological, mineralogical and agricultural sur
veys. It is no wonder these gentlemen were indignantly
impatient with persistent secession agitation in some quarters
of tbe state and still more outside of it. Indeed they were
so busy with tbis splendid plan of development of tbe com
monwealth that they hardly allowed sufficiently for tbe dis
organizing national influences abroad. So it was a great

310 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
comfort to them when news came at this time of Georgia's
thunderous protest against secession by a vote of 237 to 19 !
Stephen A. Douglas happened to be visiting in Governor
Morehead's old home county at Wentworth on December
27, 1850, at the same time, and his voice was raised for
Union against secession in a great Union meeting there. But
this was lost sight of in the running fight made in many
ways to still defeat the North Carolina Railroad; but the
threat of men like CaldweH of Guilford that if the Central
charter was touched the Danville-Charlotte link would go on
the map instanter softened the ardor of the Anti-Central
leaders. In the midst of all this activity, Governor — or, as it is
now proper to call him as head of the Central Railroad —
President Morehead was quietly writing announcements of
the next session of Edgeworth Seminary on the first Mon
day in February, 1851, and presenting a bst of references
from Union Theological Seminary, New York, Rev. Wm. C.
Plummer of Baltimore, President Carnahan and Professor
Alexander of Princeton and Professor Henry of the Smith
sonian Institution, showing that he expected students from
all over the Union.
This, however, was by the way. The surveys were
being pushed by President Morehead and his engineers ; and
he saw to it that the great success of Georgia was known to
all North Carolina: "It appears," said tbe Raleigh Register,
"that before the close of tbe year 1852, that state will have
in operation upwards of nine hundred miles of road." Those
completed were already paying 8 to 16 per cent on the in
vestment; and after paying $14,000,000 nearly, the state was
twice as rich as before. The state in ten years had increased
in population fifty per cent, while North Carolina had
gained but about twelve per cent! The Georgia Central
from Savannah to Macon was the great road.'

^ The growth of railroads in Georgia was remarkable : With 40 miles in
1838; 88 miles in 1840; 148 miles in 1844; 213 miles in 1847; the ratio of ex
penses to receipts decreased from 54 per cent in 1838 to 34 per cent in 1849;
and net profits rose from $16,386 in 1838 to $386,232 in 1849; and total re
ceipts rose from $35,753 in 1838 to $582,015 in 1849. — Senator John A. Gilmer
of Guilford in a speech in the North Carolina Senate, against the attack on the
North Carolina Central Railroad.

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 311
Then came tbe Directors' meeting of May 12, 1851, at
Raleigh, that showed the road had been located through
Goldsboro, Raleigh, Hillsboro, Graham, Greensboro, James
town, Lexington, Salisbury, Concord and Charlotte ; and the
whole was ordered under contract by July 9tb. At tbis
meeting Chief Engineer Gwynne made an elaborate report,
describing each of the four divisions: 1. Goldsboro to 6^
miles west of Raleigh ; 2. Thence to Guilford county line ;
3. Thence to Lexington; and 4. Thence to Charlotte. He
wrote with the vision of a statesman as well as engineer, and
saw this road's extension over the mountains, for which
surveys were already authorized; and to Beaufort, toward
which a charter was already granted as far as Newbern. He
suggested 10 locomotives, 6 passenger cars, 4 baggage and
mail cars, and 80 "burthen cars" as a beginning; and various
other features of construction.^
While these constructive proceedings were occurring, the
State, by early summer, was tense with Union sentiments
on the one hand, and, on tbe other, secession agitation led by
a candidate for Congress, Hon. A. W. Venable, and some
Abolitionist propaganda in the west, especially in Guilford
county, where an Ohio man named McBride was so exciting
the people that they formed a Vigilance Committee and per
suaded him to seek other territory, where they were not so
devoted to the Union and had less detestation of both Dis-
unionist and Abolitionist alike !
On June 25, 1851, while President Morehead was in
Raleigh, a meeting of friends of the Central Road was held
and resolutions passed suggesting that a ceremony of "break
ing ground" be held at Greensboro, on the 11th of July, next
day after the Directors' meeting. President Morehead ad
dressed them, telling them that the whole of Wayne county
sections, except one and a bridge had been contracted for ;
indeed that the entire line east of Raleigh was substantially
under contract. He believed all woidd be so before July
Uth, and hoped they would all be present at the "breaking
• President Morehead advertised bids for contracting in May 25, 1851 — the
work to begin not later than January 1, 1852, and to be completed by January
i, 1854. Payment was to be made, one-half cash and one-half stock in the
road. The road was 223 miles long.

312 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
ground" ceremonies. Greensboro immediately took it up
with enthusiasm and provided a committee to prepare a great
barbecue and other entertainment to "all friends of North
Carolina!" The ceremony of "breaking ground" for tbe North Caro
lina Central Railroad occurred at Greensboro on Friday,
July 11, 1851, at the time of the meeting of Stock-holders.
"On coming down the street from the place of meeting,"
says the editor of the Greensboro Patriot, in the issue of
July 12th, "a crowd of people appeared, ready for the cele
bration, such as we may safely say was never seen before in
our town, for numbers. It was one universal jam all out of
doors. The young gentlemen who acted as marshals had
enough work of it to persuade this vast and unwieldy crowd
into marching shape ; but they at length succeeded to a degree
which at first appeared impossible. Tbe procession was
formed on West street — the clergy in front ; then the stock
holders ; then the orders of Odd Fellows and Free Masons,
who turned out in great numbers and in full regalia ; closing
with the citizens generally. This immense line moved down
South street to a point on the Railroad survey nearly oppo
site the Caldwell Institute building, where a space of a
hundred feet each way was enclosed by a line and reserved
for the ceremony of the day. The north side of this space
was occupied by the ladies, whose smiles are always ready
for the encouragement of every good word and work. The
other three sides were soon occupied by the male portion
of the assemblage, from ten to twenty deep all around.
. . . Having the misfortune to be among the outsiders,
our situation was of course unfavorable for hearing, and
seeing was impossible. But we did hear nearly every word
of Gov. Morehead's clear sonorous voice as he introduced
the Hon. Calvin Graves to the vast assemblage. He did
this in terms eloquent and singularly appropriate to the oc
casion. After alluding to tbe necessity so long felt by our
people for an outlet to the commercial world — to tbe incep
tion of a great scheme the commencement of which we had
met today 'to celebrate — to the vicissitudes of the charter be
fore the two houses of the General Assembly, and the fact

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 313
that it at last bung upon tbe decision of tbe Speaker of tbe
Senate, and that its fate was decided in tbe affirmative by
the unfaltering 'Aye' of that Speaker — ^Calvin Graves — ^be
said no other citizen of North Carolina could so appropri
ately perform the ceremony of removing the first earth in
tbe commencement of this work, on which tbe hopes of tbe
State so vitally depend, as tbe man who pronounced that
decisive 'Aye.' " Then followed Speaker Graves' address, at
the close of which, he dug up a few spadefuls of earth de
positing them in a box made for tbe purpose; upon which
Governor Morehead said it was to remain in tbe box for a
hundred years and then opened for their inspection, a pleas
antry hugely enjoyed. Over seventy of that hundred years
have passed and one wonders where tbe box is now, as the
vast traffic of tbe Southern Railway noisily rumbles over
the spot from which Calvin Graves removed those first
spadefuls. Tbe event closed witb a barbecue already pre
pared and tbe great railway system of North Carolina was
started on its course down tbe decades.
As bas been said, President Morehead and the Central
Railroad bad taken so vital a hold on tbe people of North
Carolina that the call of Ex-Governor Graham to be Secre
tary of the Navy seemed to cause scarcely a ripple on the
surface of public news. But in October, 1851, Gubford
county took the lead in nominating for President and Vice-
President, both President Fillmore and his Secretary of tbe
Navy, Ex-Governor Graham, to whose wisdom and that of
his agent. Commodore Perry, the great modern nation of
Japan owes so much. These men stood for the Union,
against both Secessionists and Abolitionists equally; while
the vocal warfare of the latter two raged as though civil war
had already begun in 1851. To these Whigs a destruction
of tbe Union by either seemed impossible. So the great
Central Railroad construction proceeded under President
Morehead's direction; and the development spirit abroad
resulted in tbe Seaboard and Roanoke line, early in Decem
ber, again opening up traffic between Weldon and Ports
mouth and Norfolk ; while news from the Census that North
Carolina had 2523 manufacturing establishments aided in

314 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
intensifying the hopeful outlook. President Morehead's
home town was a great source of inspiration at this time in
educational lines also, through the work for it by Calvin H.
Wiley of that place. By March, 1852, operations were
nearly ready to begin on the Gaston-Weldon link between
the Raleigh, the Petersburg, tbe Wilmington and the Nor
folk lines. Development was in the atmosphere everywhere
in the State, while the building of the Central Railroad pro
ceeded. So it continued, even in June, 1852, when the Whig
National Convention put up Scott and Graham as their can
didates, and had scarcely done so when the telegraph an
nounced the death of the great Whig leader, Henry Clay, the
idol of President Morehead for so many years.
It was time North Carolina was awake on transportation
lines. The American Railway Times of Boston, during the
Winter of 1852-53 made an analysis of contemporary rail
way conditions, showing that Pennsylvania was then first
with 59 roads while North Carolina was almost last with 3 ;
New York was first in number of miles in operation, namely
2129 miles, while North Carolina had but 249; Illinois was
first in amount in course of construction, 1698 miles, while
North Carolina had but 223; New York was first in cost,
$82,000,000, to North Carolina's $4,106,000. The New York
Erie railroad was then the longest in the world, 460 miles
and with the worst record.
On June 4, 1853, Governor Reid, in accordance with the
act of the previous Assembly incorporating both "The At
lantic and North Carolina Railroad Company" and "The
North Carolina and Western Railroad Company" requested
President Morehead to have surveys made from Goldsboro
to Beaufort and from Salisbury to the Tennessee line, and
the President at once ordered it. In making a public an
nouncement of it to the press through the Patriot of June
18th, he says, among other things : that the commerce of the
world was to be had at Beaufort, on the ocean highway within
thirty minutes, a great place to coal; that the road would
be soon connected with other lines due west to Memphis,
and then it was only a question of time until still other lines
would go west from there to San Francisco, for the Oriental

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 315
trade. He said nature had done so much that all that were
needed were "men, men worthy of tbe age in which they
live." To the press be said : "Onward ! and you take the
lead." A few days previously visitors at Beaufort harbor from
Newbern told their home papers of development at Shep-
pard's Point : Tbe Newbern News said the new city was to
be located there and the three original owners of it decided
on the name "Carolina City;" but now there were more in
the company, among whom were Governor Morehead,
Smith & Colby of New York, Mr. Underwood of Fayette
ville and others. They were surveying the plat and bad ar
ranged to build a big hotel and several wharves. No build
ing was to be more than one story high and of brick or
stone — apparently in view of the possible great storms of
this coast. The central street to the main wharf was to be
30 feet wide and have the railroad track in the center. The
wharf was ultimately to be built out to White Rock, a for
mation at which the largest vessels could tie up. The writer
had no doubt that it was to become another Charleston, Bal
timore or Boston. The proprietors, however, soon changed
the name to Morehead City in honor of Governor Morehead
who made the achievement possible.'
Of Governor Morehead's relation to it, he had tbe fol
lowing, in part, to say in a public letter in tbe Greensboro
Patriot of August 6, 1853: "For years past, my attention
has been directed to the immeasurable value, to North Caro-
bna, of the great Harbor of Beaufort; and my surprise was,
that so little regard was paid to its importance by those who
knew it better than I did, and resided in its immediate vicin
ity.  Some eighteen months since [about February 1,
1852] I sent a friend to examine the Harbor, who commenced
negotiations for an interest in the lands at Sheppard's Point,
which eventuated in a purchase by me of an interest, in Oc
tober last — long before the Railroad Bill was introduced into
the Legislature, under which the survey is about to be made,
and when no one knew that such a survey would be ordered
^ Greensboro Patriot, June 18, 1853.

316 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
— and, if ordered, that I would be connected therewith. I
suppose no one . . . would expect me to abandon that
interest, because I may be placed in a delicate position rela
tive thereto, by the subsequent action of the Legislature."^
In addition to this, he took occasion to publish bis reply to a
fellow owner at Sheppard's Point, who just a month before,
assumed they would act on personal advantage in the matter :
"The first matter to be looked to," Governor Morehead wrote
in part, "is, not our mutual advantage, but the great interest
of the State; and if any point in that Harbor shah prove
upon examination, to have better water and be more acces
sible than Sheppard's Point, in which I have some interest, I
shall disregard Sheppard's Point, and go for tbe other."^
On July 14, 1853, the regular meeting of stockholders of
the North Carolina Railroad Company occurred at Salisbury,
with Gov. Wm. A. Graham as chairman.^ President More-
head's report showed that contractors were obligated to finish
by January 1, 1854, but that unavoidable delays of one com
pany caused him to extend its time to April. There were
present, either by proxy or in person, 564 stockholders rep
resenting 8148 shares. To one familiar with political his
tory and conditions of North Carolina, it is not difficult to
see how easily political interests crept into these meetings.
Governor Morehead and his old time rival. Judge R. M.
Saunders, were the favorites of the two elements, and their
relative standing in this meeting was represented by the vote
for them for a vacant directorship: Morehead, 3958, and
Saunders, 3812, with 62 scattering, resulting in reelection of
Morehead, both as director, and almost unanimously as
President, an office for which he received the munificent sum
of $2500. The four divisions of the line, on July 1, 1853,
had a force of 1158 men, 358 boys, 511 cars, 732 horses and
mules, 29 oxen, 16 track-layers, besides wagons and wheel
barrows. This was the first meeting at which the eight new
directors representing the State's shareholding were present,
with the four chosen by the private stockholders. Tbe eight
were appointed by Governor Reid, Governor Morehead being
^ Greensboro Patriot, Aug. 6, 1853.
' Track-laying began on this road at Goldsboro on June 23, 1853.

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 317
one of tbe stockholders' four, voting 80 shares, probably
his own. They provided for immediate survey of the eastern
and western extensions. The Carolina Watchman, of July
21st, expressed the "gratification felt by a large portion of
tbe stockholders" at the reelection of President Morehead.
"He bas filled tbe office from the time of its creation, and
has been over tbe operations on tbe road from tbe begin
ning." "Tbe place which Governor Morehead bas occupied,
and continues to fill, is a difficult one; and we presume there
is no one in the State who could bold tbe balances on such an
even poise, as to give entire satisfaction to every man con
cerned." Tbe editor thought tbe source of difficulty was
some stock-holders becoming contractors and not making
enough money out of it. Its political character was illus
trated in September when the Democratic organ, the
Standard, of Raleigh, intimated Governor M  was too
anxious to have the railway shops at Greensboro, and twitted
him on a desire to have a Danville, Virginia, connection —
not wanting tbe west to have even one to Raleigh and Wil
mington's two! The Patriot, like other Whig papers, of
course defended him: "Where is the man in the state of
North Carolina who could have done so much to set on foot
and carry forward tbis gigantic enterprise as Gov. Morehead
has done? He is being tried in a field where some of the
stoutest men in the Union have been broken down. He
stands just at that point of internal improvement history in
North Carolina, where other men in other states have stood,
who did the drudgery and endured the odium, while their
successors reaped the glory of success." The Patriot added :
"We have heard Gov. M  , some time since, casually ex
press the opinion that such connection would be advantage
ous to the Central Road by bringing on to it more trade
than it would carry off from it." But there was under
stood among all that there had been a tacit agreement witb
tbe east not to do it ; but tbe editor warned the east that sug
gestions of hypocrisy might defeat their own aims. The
project referred to was an extension north from Greensboro
to the Richmond and Danville Railroad which was being
completed towards Danvibe at this time, but witb a slowness

318 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
that led the Danville editors to recommend to that road the
Morehead system of letting contracts only for comparatively
short distances and to a larger number of contractors. The
Patriot editor endorses this attitude and adds: "there has
been more bard work done, in a shorter time, and with less
money, on the North Carolina Central Road than on any
other road ever built."^
Asheville asked Governor Morehead to attend ber rail
road convention on August 25tb, and his reply on the 15th
was typical of his spirit and method at this period : "I am
into the cause," he wrote, "soul and body, and if the state
be true to herself, old as I am, I yet hope to live to see her,
by her improvements, among the first states of this glorious
Union." "The time for growling legislation is past — the
spirit of the age is onward ! onward ! !" He pointed the way
from Beaufort to San Francisco and the trade of China and
South America. The survey was then complete to a dozen
miles west of Morganton. An engineer at Asheville said
there were five great roads over the mountains in the eastern
part of the United States now in operation. He said the
Raleigh and Gaston was extended to Weldon and both this
road and the Wilmington- Weldon road were earning 7% on
their investment, clear profit. Tbe former nearly had a
branch complete from Ridgway to Clarksville on the Roa
noke ; and a road from Fayetteville to tbe coal mine is begun.
The North Carolina Railroad, begun January 1, 1852, "is
now more than two-thirds graded," and they were laying
track between Goldsboro and Raleigh, and preparing to
lay track between Charlotte and Salisbury. The forces
would meet near Greensboro in the autumn of 1855, "thus
presenting the only case in the United States in which the
contractors (and native contractors and native laborers)
have executed $600,000 worth of work before they asked
for or received one doHar; and the only case in which a
railroad 223 miles long bas been put into full and successful
- operation, in four and one-half years from tbe time when

^ The Greensboro Patriot, 1st Oct, 1853. The best single brief account of
the North Carolina Railroad is Chief Engineer Gwynne's last report in the
Raleigh Register of March 12, 1856.

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 319
the first shovelful of earth was removed by the band of
man from its native resting place. North Carolinians may
justly pride themselves in tbis achievement. The contractors
will, in the fall of 1855, present you, not a flag of triumph,
but a noble monument to their own energy and skill — a
well constructed railroad complete in all its parts and adapted
to the growing demands of an enterprising public."^
During the winter of 1852-3, it became evident that the
success of the North Carolina Railroad and its President
and tbe consequent prestige of both, should not accrue to the
Whigs, who bad failed in both the state and national cam
paigns. Besides President Morehead had made a few
speeches for Scott and Graham — in vain, to be sure ; but it
was held against him, even though Director Saunders had
made Democratic speeches. They therefore began to con
sider means of displacing all Whig directors, and within a
year and a half, or by June, 1854, tbe last two Whigs on
the state's part of the directory, were replaced by Demo
crats.^ They pointed, however, to the fact that tbe stock
holders elected all Whigs on their part — ^which could not
be denied. The State bad eight and the stockholders four;
but even so, at tbe Salisbury meeting in July, 1853, President
Morehead was re-elected almost unanimously. Chief En
gineer Gwynne's salary was increased from $3000 to $5000
and be was given the surveys of the eastern and western ex-
1 The Greensboro Patriot, Oct 15, 1853. Civil Engineer Theodore S. Gar-
¦nett at the Asheville convention. It is well to note that Virginia had over a
thotisand miles of railroad in use at this time in seventeen railroads, from one
4 miles long to the Baltimore and Ohio with 242. Its longer roads were, besides
the B. & O., the Virginia Central with 106 miles, the Richmond and Danville
with 90 miles, the Seaboard and Roanoke with 80 miles, the Richmond, Fred
ericksburg & Potomac with 76 miles, the Orange & Alexandria with 75, the Vir-
^nia & Tennessee with 73, the Southside with 63, the Petersburg with 59, etc. —
Alexandria Gasette.
The Gaston-Weldon line was completed in April, 1853.
' It is amusing to see the Democratic leader. Editor Holden of the Raleigh
Standard, in May and June, industrially praising Calvin Graves' "commanding
fame" for his vote that secured the North Carolina charter — the man whose
name even to this day, is mentioned as "never getting a public office again" for
it! Editor Holden, also, on May 27, 1854, gravely gave a list of six Demo
crats who "made the railroad:" Graves, Ashe,_ Dobbins, Gen. Saunders, and
Govemors Reid and Bragg. To such extremities do political advantage lure
political leaders! What these particular men did, under the circumstances of
the moment, no one can nor should desire to deny; but the Democrats were
afraid of the Whig leader and set out to destro'y his prestige, as a party ma
neuver. Editor Holden did not recall to his readers that in 1848 43 Whigs and
17 Democrats favored it, while 14 Whigs and 38 Democrats were against it in
the House, and in the Senate 17 Whigs and 6 Democrats were for the bill and
5 Whigs and 17 Democrats against it; 60 Whigs and 23 Democrats for, and
19 Whigs and 55 Democrats against!

320 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
tensions. The rumblings of opposition were much like those
connected with the famous ice-house of 1842 ; and about as
baseless. They thought be would want the railway shops at
Greensboro — certainly about as near central to the line as
could be, if it were true ; and they thought he still wanted the
Danville link, and the editor of the Patriot (Greensboro)
plainly asserted that President Morehead had said not long
since that it would be a good thing and bring more trade
than it would take away.
The year 1854 saw the completion of the Wilmington &
Manchester Railroad and the Western Railroad from Fay
etteville contracted for ; and as many in the North Carolina
counties below Danville had stock in the Richmond & Dan
ville road, they were again agitating for the Danville bnk,
which was perfectly natural, in view of tbe fact that the
North Carolina Central Railroad was finished from Char
lotte to Concord by September of that year, the first pas
senger car passing over it on September 6th. It was at the
Directors' meeting on the 30th of that month, at Greensboro,
that it was decided to use the English term "station" instead
of the French one "depot," which was commonly used in
some states.
Meanwhile the Atlantic road from Goldsboro to Beaufort
Harbor had obtained all subscriptions necessary by its meet
ing at Newbern on June 21st, and secured its charter; and
by December 16, 1854, Chief Engineer Gwynne reported
the route from Goldsboro to Sheppard's Point, Morehead
City, as 95.84 miles, which was by nearly four miles the
shortest route.^ On January 1, 1855, President Morehead
announced the "Central" as open for business from Golds
boro to "Durham's" [Durham] ; and by the 20th, tbe As
sembly had provided for charters the state's part in both
the eastern and western extensions. Tbe first freight tariff
had been published in October. On February 24, 1855,
President Morehead announced that $1,000,000 more stock
authorized by the Assembly would be raised ; and by April
1st, trains would be running as far as Hillsboro. As a fact,
1 Craven County, of which Newbern is the county seat, took the $150,000
necessary to get the charter.

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 321
the trains were running to Mebane by June 30tb, about 32
miles east of Greensboro, while they had reached Lexington
at tbe same time about 35 miles west of Greensboro, showing
that the line would undoubtedly meet near tbe latter place
soon. Witb the completion of the North Carolina Central Rail
road practically a fact, and because of Governor Morehead's
interest in tbe eastern extension, as well as because of tbe
opposition politically, he resigned on July 12tb, both as a di
rector and as President, and bis old time leader of the '20s,
Charles F. Fisher of Salisbury, was chosen his successor.
This was followed on August 16, 1855, by the stockholders
of the Atlantic road deciding on Sheppard's Point as tbe
ocean terminal, that is, Morehead City, and contracts for
building tbe road were assigned, 26 miles to Governor More-
head and 16 miles to a Mr. Wood.
It was on tbe following December 14, 1855, that tbe
"Pello," the first railway engine, entered Greensboro, and the
16tb of that month set for a Jubilee and celebration of tbe
event, with Governor Morehead as tbe chief speaker. By
this time the meaning of this great work, with actual con
struction begun, both of an ocean port and railway from the
sea to Tennessee, was beginning to blumine the minds of
everybody. A line of fine steamers was put on Pamlico
Sound from Beaufort and Morehead City to Washington
on tbe Neuse river, one boat named the "Astoria" and the
other the "Governor. Morehead," and were in operation in
August, 1855, when Morehead City was decided upon as
the ocean terminal of the Atlantic road.
The approach of the meeting of the two ends of tbe
Central road near Greensboro caused a western correspon
dent of the Patriot to voice a general feeling among Whigs,
that if the Whig ticket next time, were "Fillmore and More-
bead," instead of "Scott and Graham," it might not fail.
"Individually," be wrote, in tbe Greensboro Patriot of De
cember 21, 1855, "I would rather hail John Morehead as
President of the Senate than anyone now on the face of tbe
globe." The editor seconds the nomination with: "There
is no purer politician in the Union, and, none, we venture to

322 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
say, who would more thoroughly command the respect of
the people North and South and whose influence would be
felt so sensibly for good."
The enthusiasm was at its highest on the 29th of the next
month, January, 1856 : "On Thursday last," said the Patriot
of February 1st, "about 3 o'clock P. M. tbe last bar of iron
was laid on the North Carolina Railroad. Tbe meeting of
the two ends took place some 4J miles west of tbis place.
After their work was completed, the hands of the two com
panies got into the cars and rode down to Greensboro, amid
the happy greetings and rejoicings of our citizens. And
after a half hour of hilarity they returned to Jamestown to
enjoy some of the inner man comforts." The next day mail
and passenger trains made their first trip and the following
schedule was announced: "On and after Thursday, the 31st
day of January, 1856," etc., to tbe effect that trains, mail
and passenger, would leave Goldsboro at 2.10 A. M. and ar
rive at Charlotte at 6.04 P. M. ; and leave Charlotte at 5
P. M., reaching Goldsboro at 8.48 A. M., the absence of any
reference to sleeping accommodations being a part of the
conceptions of the period.
By the following May [1856] news of the progress of the
Atlantic road began to appear. The Newbern News of May
2nd, said that a force of 600 men and 130 horses were at
work on Governor Morehead's section of the Atlantic road,
which was in immediate charge of Mr. G. P. Evans, and that
track-laying would begin at the "Point" in Morehead City
in a month or so. It also said that Edward Stanly and Mr.
C. B. Wood were likewise contractors. Seven days later
it was announced in the Patriot that the Richmond & Dan
ville road's completion to Danvibe was to be celebrated with
a barbecue on June 19th next. The July meeting of the
North Carolina Central stockholders, on motion of Ex-Gov
ernor Swain, disapproved of the running of Sunday trains
on their line — and presumably the smoke of "Pello" and its
fellow engines, did not thereafter contaminate the Sabbath
atmosphere of North Carolina. The atmosphere of the
Piedmont and mountains was stimulating the survey of the
Western North Carolina Railroad, as the western extension

Railroad Map of North Carolina in 1856
Prepared by the author
(After Bartholomew, Edin.)

BUILDS NORTH CAROLINA RAILROAD 323
from Salisbury was called, and over 77 miles through Mor
ganton was completed by the autumn of that year, when the
"Land of tbe Sky," which it was to make accessible, was in
its glory. The dreams of Archibald DeBow Murphy and President
Joseph Caldwell were in process of realization. Rails were
slowly creeping from Cape Lookout's harbor to the passes
of the Great Smoky Mountains on the Tennessee line. Not
horses, as tbe "Carlton" papers proposed, but steam loco
motive engines were already flying witb passengers, mail and
freight over a considerable portion of the line; while the
foundations of a great ocean port were being laid in Beau
fort Harbor. Not only so but these nearly realized dreams
— realized by their old pupil and executive — were being ex
tended by John Motley Morehead to include a transconti
nental line to Memphis or the Ohio and the Pacific coast,
with connection witb the Oriental nations at the one end
of tbe line, and steamship lines at the other to connect witb
New York, tbe West Indies and South American ports and
those of Europe at Liverpool. Such were the vision and
first steps of achievement of John Motley Morehead in tbe
autumn of 1856.

XV
Building
The Eastern Extension and an Ocean Port
Morehead City
AND
Whig Leadership Again
1856
In the early '50s, the Democrats had been calling them
selves the Democratic Republicans or Republican Democrats,
thus showing a desire to capture the name "Republican" and
all that it then signified. With it they won not only the State
ticket, but pushed out the Whig National candidates, Scott
and Graham, by the narrow margin of 603 votes in North
Carolina. Neither Scott nor Graham had the power to hold
the "Old North State" in the Whig column, while, in many
northern states, the Abolitionist vote was also cutting down
the Whig majorities. In the mid-winter of 1853-^, the
Guilford county Whigs, in the presence of this sad experi
ence witb the Orange county leader, determined to put the
pobtical harness back on "The Old Whig War Horse,"
President Morehead of the North Carolina Railroad, who
was accustomed to victory in all he undertook and especially
Whig victories. On January 2, 1854, at their Whig meeting
in Greensboro they both passed broad Whig resolutions,
among them being one for a Bank of the United States, and
selected President Morehead to head their delegation to the
State Convention and assumed tbe name "Republican
Whigs." The Whig State Convention that followed on
February 21st, nominated General Alfred Dockery of Rich
mond county, as candidate for Governor on a "Republican
Whig" ticket. General Dockery failed at the August elec
tions by 2095, however ; and, as if this were not bad enough,
324

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 325
President Morehead's railroad bad its first collision on the
following October 17th, about ten miles east of Raleigh, due
to a negro flag-man sleeping at bis post.
Tbe years 1855-6 saw a breaking up of the old parties.
For some four years, in certain parts of the United States,
where foreign, and especially Roman Catholic immigration,
was so great, a secret political society, whose members met
inquiry by saying: "I know Nothing," grew under various
names until in 1855 it carried four New England States,
New York, Kentucky and California. This drew from the
Whig party quite largely, under tbe name "American Party."
The Abolitionists also drew largely from tbe Whigs and at
Philadelphia, in 1856, nominated John C. Fremont. The
Whigs of North Carolina turned to the "American Party"
and had their State Convention on October 19, 1855, at
Raleigh, at which they emphasized the Constitution and
Union, and provided for a general gubernatorial nomination
Convention on April lOtb at Greensboro. To tbis move-
met Governor Morehead gave bis hearty allegiance and at
the April meeting at Guilford Battle-Ground, he presided.
For Governor there was nominated John A. Gilmer of
Greensboro; and they nailed to tbe mast-bead tbe names
of "Fillmore and Donelson," the "American" party national
candidates. In this atmosphere those who adhered to the
old party called themselves, proudly, "Old Line Whigs," and
there was a considerable sentiment, in North Carolina, to
hold their old organization together, and Governor More-
head, at least, and bis followers were inclined to persuade
them to support their own old President, Millard Fillmore,
whose able contrast to their apostate Whig President,
Tyler, awakened in them a great affection.
On September 19, 1856, the Whigs of Guilford County
met at Greensboro, witb Governor Morehead as Chair
man, and as be was already a State delegate-at-large to the
Whig National Convention at Baltimore, he was authorized
to appoint ten delegates to that meeting, which was set for
September 17tb. Tbis "Old Line Whig Convention" met in
the ball of tbe Maryland Institute on that day, and twenty-
two states were represented: 1. Of the distinctive northern

326 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
states were Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York,
Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Delaware and Min
nesota ; the border states were Maryland, Kentucky and Mis
souri; while the Southern states were Virginia (including
what is now West Virginia), North Carolina, Tennessee,
Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Arkansas, and
Louisiana, with District of Columbia. The enthusiasm was
very great, and the Virginia and North Carolina delegates
found it necessary to call for more room. David Paul
Brown, the brilliant lawyer from Philadelphia, was chairman
of the organizing committee and they made Hon. Edward J.
Bates of Missouri President of the Convention, and Gover
nor Morehead, Governor Graham and others were on the
platform with him. There were many speeches and the
resolutions, among other things, stood for the Constitution
and Union and deprecated the two main parties, one of
which avowedly represented only sixteen northern States
and the others tbe South chiefly. They approved the can
didates, Fillmore and Donelson, but ignored the doctrines of
the "American" party. In one of the speeches, namely, that
by Mr. Banks of North Carolina, the speaker said : "I have
consulted my political father, him for whom I cast my first
vote in 1840 — Governor Morehead." [Applause.] Among
calls for various speakers were repeated demands for Gov
ernor Morehead, and probably bis most notable speech in
his whole life was this at the "Old Line Whig" Convention
at Baltimore, in the Hall of Maryland Institute on the even
ing of Wednesday, September 17, 1856. It made his name
ring throughout the land, for it was prophetic of the greatest
tragedy in the life of himself and his country.
"Mr. President," said he, as be rose to respond to re
peated calls, "I cannot but respond to the cab which has been
made upon me on tbis occasion. It would be strange if I
did not feel any interest in the meeting of tbe Whig party
bere. The very stars may fly from their orbits, meteors may
fly through space and fade away to mere nothingness, but
so long as I live I will be found revolving around the great
center of Whig principles. Eight years ago, Mr. President, I
had the honor to fill the seat you now occupy."

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 327
"The President : Did you use tbis gavel ?
"Mr. Morehead : I do not know as it was that very one.
But the one I did use brought Millard Fillmore into the
Presidency once, and I challenge you to do the same thing
again. [Laughter and applause.] The great Whig Captain,
Henry Clay, was then up before us for the Presidency. My
State was unanimous for him ; we held out so long as there
was any hope, until State after State gave way and still the
Chairman of ber delegation voted 'Clay' to the last. [Ap
plause.] It was the last time we could hope to bring our
gallant chieftain, forward, the last opportunity of showing
that republics are not ungrateful ; and I never gave him up
until absolute necessity compelled me to do it. But that
meeting gave us another Whig chieftain, under whose banner
tbe Whigs fought as did our soldiers at Buena Vista.
"In that Convention I looked to Massachusetts to stand
by North Carolina, as we stood by her in 1776. One month
after British soldiers shed American blood upon American
soil on the 19tb of April, 1775, the people of the Old North
State proclaimed to the world that they were a free and
independent people and would no longer submit to British
domination, and pledged our lives, our fortunes, and our
sacred honors to protect tbe liberties we claimed as our right.
I looked to Massachusetts to stand by us for the second in
command, a distinguished son of hers now no more. But
the choice of that convention was against me, and they
selected that man whose name is now proposed to us. I bad
seen him but once before that time, and but once or twice
since, and then but for a few minutes. When we went into
that campaign, the spirits of our friends were very much
subdued, when we found that our glorious old captain had
been set aside, and it took us some time to gather up our
soldiers. But, in a few weeks, we went into the campaign
and no Whigs fought more gallantly under the banner of
Taylor and Fillmore than tbe soldiers of North Carolina,
and we triumphed in the Old North State.
"But Providence in its dispensation soon removed our
head from us, and Millard Fillmore occupied his place.
Every eye was upon him, and when I witnessed the position

328 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
he assumed then, saw him take the stand of an American
statesman entertaining broad views of government, working
for the whole Union, setting aside bis old cherished early
prejudices, and take the Constitution for bis guide and sole
support, in defiance of the prejudices of either section, I saw
in him the right man to rule over tbis great and glorious
people. I no longer hesitated in believing that Millard Fill
more was the man the Whigs of the United States should
support. He gave us one of the most glorious administra
tions this government has ever been blessed with. He re
tired from the Presidential chair with tbe plaudits of ab good
men who were honest in the expression of their convictions.
And bow did he leave our once distracted country? In
peace, in prosperity and happiness, tending in every respect
toward that great destiny, which, I hope, we will yet reach.
He left this country to visit foreign climes, and what do we
see? In the space of four short years, a country once
abounding in everything pleasant, happy and peaceful, with
prospects brilliant as the rising sun, has, under Democratic
rule, become involved in discord, brother's bands dipped in
brother's blood, women and children fleeing from the ruins
of their once happy homes, in one section of the country,
rebellion stalking abroad at noon-day, and tbe great gov
ernment of the United States unable to quell an insignificant
insurrection or to give protection to the humblest portion of
the nation. Civil discord and dismay are spreading over the
whole country. Patriots, true patriots, are looking around
them to find where they shall flee for protection.
"To whom can they look but to him who, in 1850,
Clay and Webster, and all good and true men, rallied around.
In vain they look for Clay and Webster; they are gone
to 'that bourne from which no traveller returns.' But there
is Millard Fillmore! [Cheers.] Tbis distracted country
casts ber eyes across the waters and invites him once
more to return to ber shores, and witb outstretched arms
she welcomes him back. And where is tbe man who has
more moral courage to march up to the discbarge of bis duty
than bas Millard Fillmore? I will stand up in bis support.

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 329
and if I must fall, I will fab witb my winding sheet tbe
glorious constellation of 31 States."
"Mr. President, you wbl pardon me for saying, that I
regretted to hear from your lips of wisdom on yesterday a
reference to tbe fragments of tbe Whig party. Tbe Whig
party in fragments! Tbe Whig party is dead!
"The President: No longer so. [Applause.]
"Mr. Morehead : No, sir ; no longer is the Whig party
dead. Here are around me evidences that the Whigs are
alive, and so long as the goddess of liberty bas residence
upon this terraqueous globe, Whigs will live. They lived be
fore the revolution ; they brought us to be the great people
we now are. Tbe glorious Whig portrait of George Wash
ington, whose genius presides on all occasions where Whigs
meet together in behalf of their glorious country, who led
tbe glorious stars and stripes in victory through many a
bloody field of battle — that glorious old Whig and bis prin
ciples can never die. It is true the Whig party were defeated
four years ago ; and it was a melancholy defeat for tbe coun
try; she has regretted it ever since in sackcloth and ashes!
Our people were deluded, and we stood aside and gave them
an opportunity for a sober second thought, and they have
bad a dozen sober second thoughts since. They have be
gun to repent of their evil delusion, and will it their interest
and duty to fall into our ranks and aid us in restoring this
country to its former condition of peace and prosperity.
"What is tbe present condition of the country, and what
has been its condition whenever tbe Democrats have been in
power? Spoils, spoils have been their cry. If they would
be content with tbe spoils, we would let them have the spoils,
though the overflowing treasury of the last four years has
been enough to corrupt any people but Americans, and it
bas corrupted a portion of them. But down South they are
proclaiming, as they proclaim everywhere else, that there is
no hope for tbe country but in Democracy; that Fillmore
has no strength ; that none but the Democrats can save the
South from tbe Black Republicans of the North. They have
lashed tbe political ocean into a tempest and have madly
leaped into it; and now they come to us and cry, 'help me

330 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Cassius, or I sink. [Cheers.] Let the ambitious Caesar go
down; it were better that he should be lost and Rome be
saved, than that Rome sbould sink and the tyrant bve.
"I have been amused at the course the Democracy have
been pursuing. I remember that in 1840, it was said that
our gallant old chieftain from Ohio had been placed in the
hands of a committee and permitted to say nothing but what
had first passed through their lips. I should like to know
who is the spokesman of the candidate of the Democratic
party now? What bas become of Jimmy Buchanan? The
last account I had of him, he had gone into the Cincinnati
platform [laughter] and bid good-bye to the friends of
James Buchanan. It will be with him as with their last
President, who was so green as to suppose that tbe Demo
cratic party meant what they said by their platform. When
they began to tear up the planks, be nailed them down again
with his veto nails, but they tore them up again and scattered
them to the winds. And so it will be with James Buchanan.
If he can stick to the platform, it will be only on some lonely
plank, like the people of Lost Island in the Gulf of Mexico —
on the plank of the Ostend manifesto, going down the Gulf
to see how Cuba is. [Laughter and applause.] Who is his
spokesman now ? How shall we address a question to him ?
Where is he? Who is he? What is he? So far as he is
concerned, he is out of the question.
"There is another candidate in the field, Mr. Freemont.
Who entitles him to the confidence of the people of this
great nation? But the Democrats are the last men who
should find fault with him; their course has brought him
into the field. They set the eminent example in 1852 and he
is now following in their footsteps. They then brought forth
a candidate preeminently distinguished for his equestrian
performances in Mexico, and the Black Republicans have
brought forth a man perhaps a little more distinguished in
the same way. He is a fast man, can, perhaps, ride farther
than any other man in a day, but if placed at tbe helm of
government would drive it to destruction at a gallop. Now,
I am not willing to entrust him with that command. Give
me our old helmsman ; a man who took command of tbe ship

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 331
of State once before when she was tossed to and fro, and
brought her safely into port, with the aid of such men as
Webster and Clay and others. He is the man for me; to
him I would trust our ship of state.
"What shall we do when we leave this Assembly ? Here
tofore we have had a sad lot of our own ; but now we have
not. Heretofore tbe Democrats have said we were for tbe
spoils, when they were after tbe same thing themselves. But
now we are not for office, we have strictly no Whig candi
date in the field, we form an outside body, we have de
termined to support a tried man, whom we believe will give
more peace and prosperity to tbis country than any other
man. We have re-elected him because we believe he is en
titled to our confidence. Why should we not take him up?
Because, it is said, be is tbe candidate of another party!
Why, sir, if the Democratic party had nominated such a man
as George Washington, would you not support him? Had
they taken up Millard Fillmore, should you not then sup
port him? And if the American party will stand by us, we
will elect Millard Fillmore. [Cheers.] And if they will not,
I give them notice now that we Whigs intend to elect him
anyhow. [Cheers.] If they do not like our rjian, let
them get a better one if they can. [Laughter.] We want a
Whig President, and we will have a Whig President. One
thing is certain, if be be President at all, he will be an Ameri
can President, and that is what we want.
"Now about geographical discrimination. I want but
one geographical limit — let us be bounded by the Lakes on
the North, the Gulf of Mexico and the Rio Grande at the
South, tbe Atlantic on tbe East and the Pacific on the West,
and within that let us all be a glorious brotherhood of
Americans. [Cheers.] Talk about the North and the
South! Where is tbe North? Is there any North in this
glorious republic? Which is the Northern part of your
Constitution and which the Southern? What part in tbis
great republic was the land of Washington, Adams, Frank
lin and id omne genus? Shall I not bequeath to my children,
as my father bequeathed to me, that land cemented by tbe
blood of Warren ? Shall I not look upon tbe battle fields of

332 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Lexington, Bunker Hill and Boston as my country? I teb
you I will, or die in the attempt to look upon them a such.
[Cheers.] Shall not the land of Sumner and Marion be my
land? Aye, sir, as long as time shall last it shall be so.
If Wilson and Sumner do not like me to have a foothold in
a State with them, then let them leave the sacred land of
Massachusetts, for I will not give it up. If Greeley and
Beecher seek to elbow me from the State of New York, they
will find hard elbowing, and they will have to go out them
selves. I never will consent that one foot of the soil of this
glorious Union shall ever be considered anything else but
'My own, my native land !' [Applause.] He who expects
me to fight for the North against the South, or for the East
against the West, will find it witb me as they will find it
with our glorious leader ; they will be mistaken in their man ;
I am for the whole country. Go to Maine, and where is
Massachusetts? At the South. Go to Massachusetts and
where is the gallant state of Maryland ? At the South. Go
to Maryland, and where is North Carobna? Aye, North! —
thank God, North Carolina! [Applause.] We have a
North under the blazing sun of the South : and yet they say
they will have this North.
"Dissolve this Union! Let the fiery hotspurs of the
South design it when they may; let the plotting traitors of
the North design it when they will ; let the pulpits of the liv
ing God send forth their Sharpe's rifles, and their powder
and bullets; but the people of the Union wib not let them
disturb it. [Applause.] Witb your Constitution in one
hand and your Bible in the other, and with patriotism in
your hearts, you will prove victorious against ab tbe traitors
that ever trod the earth. [Cheers and applause.]
"Dissolve this Union! Sir, it never can be dissolved
until the blood of the heroes of '76 has been so polluted and
diluted that the last drop of it bas left us. While there is
a spark of the blood of '76 in American veins, so long wbl
this Union stand! [Applause.] Dissolve this Union!
Never, never, never ! Why, sir, you may invite all the for
eign foes into our land ; you may robe our cities in flames ;
make our homes smoking ruins, and send our wives and

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 333
children screaming through the streets, but when our coun
try appears as if in the last gasp of expiring agony, a mighty
voice like the sound of a trumpet will speak forth, proclaim
ing liberty and union as the watch-word, and that will save
the Union! [Applause.]
"Mr. President, I was gratified to hear you say yesterday
that you came a thousand miles and would have come three
thousand, if necessary, to meet your brethren and friends in
this convention. I was delighted, too, yesterday, to hear tbe
eloquent voice of my friend from Massachusetts, who eight
years ago stood side by side witb me ; it showed me that the
North is not so far from some of us as some people imagine,
but that there is a bond of brotherhood which connects tbis
Union together and will never permit it to be rent asunder.
And permit me here, Mr. President, to advert also to a re
mark made by yourself last night in private conversation,
when you said that this country was knit and rivetted to
gether by the great Mississippi, binding degree of latitude
with degree of latitude, that will never allow this great
Union to be severed. [Applause.]
"And let me say to the Whigs assembled here, let us go
home and tell our friends, that we have stood by and seen
the tricks and fanaticism of those who have brought this
crisis upon the country, and we have said not a word, but
given them full swing in their mad course, letting them cut
their own throats as much as they pleased. [Laughter and
applause.] Perhaps it may purify the country to let them
go on in such a career of madness and folly. The towering
form of Gen. Scott sent into Kansas would have quieted
that distracted people and secured peace. [Applause.] But,
sir, no political capital would have been made out of it. And
another thing: Who is the prime minister of tbis admin
istration ?
"Tbe man who, perhaps more than any other, has at
tempted to worry that great chieftain. He was Secretary
of War when Gen. Scott was sent to Mexico without orders
necessary to fulfill his mission, which occasioned the saying
about the hasty plate of soup. New York bas some bad
men mixed up with her good men, like other States.

334 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
[Laughter.] Gen. Scott waited month after month, impa
tient to take Vera Cruz, and at length he had to strip the
ships of their guns, and in spite of the administration worry
ing at his heels, he went and took the city by storm — he
took it, to use his own emphatic language, with a fire in front
and in the rear. [Laughter and applause.] The conquest
he achieved in Mexico was one that was never excelled in
the records of this country's warfare.
"And then what was his reward at the bands of the ad
ministration? He was put on trial before Buchanan and
Marcy and sent to a court martial. If ever my blood boiled,
it was eight years ago, when I met the old chieftain at Wash
ington on his way to that court martial. I asked him where
he was going. He said: 'To the town of Fredericksburg,
Md.' 'For what?' I asked. 'To attend a court martial,'
said he. 'What is the charge against you ?' I inquired. 'God
only knows — you must ask the administration, not me. I
never have been disgraced in the field, but their design is
to disgrace me before the country.' Fellow citizens, can
any of you tell what Gen. Scott was arraigned for? I
think not.
"But to return to North Carolina. I shall return home,
and if I can only hear the assurance that the glorious State
of New York will do its duty, I am sure I have only to tell
my fellow citizens in North Carolina so, and victory will
perch on our banner, and unless you are very speedy of foot
and strong of arm, we will outstrip you. [Applause.]
"I heard a remark, while on my way here, from a Demo
crat, that the Whig party was only as a brake upon the great
Democratic train that was sweeping over the land. That
was intended as a cut, but it was like an unfaithful blunder
buss — it bit the man behind harder than the object in front.
[Laughter.] The Democratic train is rushing on to destruc
tion with an open draw-bridge ahead, and, with inevitable
ruin in prospect, is shouting out to the Whigs, 'Break up, or
we are gone.' [Laughter.] Sir, thank God, we are on
board, and we will let them go on and plunge heels over
head into tbe abyss. [Applause.] Certain it is, that either

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 335
they or the country have got to be destroyed, and we are
for saving the latter. [Applause.]'"
Here was the same old ring of The Laird of Muirhead
"Afore the King in order stude
The stout laird of Muirhead,
Wi that same twa-hand muckle sword
That Bartram fell'd stark dead.
"He sware he wadna lose his right
To fight in ilka field ;
Nor budge him from hs liege's sight.
Till his last gasp should yield.""
This speech was read all over the United States and
touched the hearts of every lover of the Constitution and
the Union. It made such an impression that one boy at
least, in a northern home, heard its author discussed over a
dozen years afterwards, when "the train had rushed on to
destruction into the open draw -bridge ahead;" and "a
mighty voice" did, "like the sound of a trumpet" "speak
forth, proclaiming liberty and union as the watch-word,"
and did "save the Union !"
One other address must be noticed, namely, one he de
livered about a month later, October 24th, in his native
county, Pittsylvania, Virginia, just across from Rockingham
county. North Carolina, tbe home of his childhood and
youth. This address was on the occasion of a visit to a
mass-meeting at the court house :
"Governor Morehead, of North Carolina, having been
introduced by tbe President, arose and said (after loud and
long continued applause witb which he was welcomed
bad subsided) that tbe times, being sadly out of joint, he
came over to the Old Dominion, to find out, if he could,
the causes which bad brought the country to its present
deplorable condition, which he portrayed in a masterly man
ner. He then reviewed, briefly but graphically, the whole
field of politics, from 1824 to the present time [October,
1856] — said he was one of the few, if not the only man, who
» The Weekly Raleigh Register, 1st Oct, 1856.
' See Scott's ballad, ante.

336 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
had voted three times as an elector for Gen. Jackson —
showed the inconsistency of those Jackson men who now
cooperate with the Democracy — how Virginia had, on
former occasions, disappointed the country by repudiating
her own worthiest sons, when put in nomination for the
Presidency, and by voting for northern men with southern
principles, who had betrayed the best interests of tbe nation
— said a northern man, not with Southern but with na
tional principles, was now a candidate for ber support, and
it remained to be seen whether the old Mother of States
would be again overreached and deceived by the wily arts
of Democracy. He animadverted with much severity on
Polk's Administration, alluding to the treatment which those
great chieftains, Taylor and Scott, received at his hands.
He had recently learned, he said, for tbe first time, during
a tour through some of the northern states, the name of
the present Chief Magistrate, who is known at the South as
The Fainting Gen. Pierce! His name is pronounced Purse,
by his northern friends and neighbors, and a most appropri
ate name it is for the head of such an administration. Per
haps some General Purse, if not one at the bead of the gov
ernment, could give an account of the thirty millions of dol
lars which have so mysteriously disappeared from the vaults
of the Treasury.
"He said the Whigs had remained passive for several
years — had nothing to do with the elevation of the powers
that be. If they were dead, as had been stated, their ghosts
would frighten every Democrat in the country; before the
Ides of November Whigs would be glad of the aid of the
American Party; but having nominated Mr. Fillmore, they
intend to elect him, with or without its assistance.
"The Ex-Governor painted a truthful but glowing pic
ture of disunion, a contingency flippantly spoken of by
demagogues — a consummation to which be would never
submit; would never consent to a state of things which
would render it necessary for him to get a passport to cross
the line that separates the Old North State from the Old
Dominion ; to go to a foreign land when he wishes to worship
at the shrine of the Father of bis Country; but that when-

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 337
ever bis inclination prompted, be would make his home on
the banks of tbe Hudson or amid magnolia groves of the far
South ; it was all his country ; his father bad fought for it ;
he would never give it up. Tbe Democracy, after getting
the country into its present disturbed and unhappy condi
tion, prescribe the same remedy that a farmer would for a
horse witb a broken leg, namely, to Knock it in the head.
If tbe Union were dissolved, it would not be into two con
federacies, but into thirty-one states. The same causes
which make nation quarrel witb nation, section with section,
man witb man, men witb their wives, would operate to keep
the whole country in continual war : there would be no place
where peace and contentment could be found. To remove
from one state to another would be to jump out of the
frying pan into the fire.
"Comparing the three parties of the country to three ships,
be brought up, first, the old hulk of Democracy, loaded
down to the water's edge with public plunder, buccaneers
over-burdened with spoils, her prow set for Cuba, witb
colors flying, inscribed on one side — 'Buchanan! Democ
racy! Cuba! No Improvement by tbe General Govern
ment.' On the other — 'Might makes Right! Pacific Rail
road !' Tbe old rickety craft gives a lurch in the first gale
and goes down with a bubble to be beard of no more. Then
comes tbe piratical Black Republicans, with their black flag
and motley crew. Next comes the old Ship of State, with
Fillmore for her commander, with the stars and stripes flut
tering to the breeze ; 'The Union ! The Constitution !' glit
tering in letters of gold on her trembling pennant, the eagle
perched upon tbe top of the main-mast, overlooking the gal
lant crew — storms might comes from tbe North, from the
South, waves might roll and breakers roar,
"The strained mast might quiver as a reed
The rent canvas, fluttering, strew the gale.
But still would she on!'"
Nevertheless the effect of tbe new Republican-Abolitionist
party in 1856 was to draw heavily from the Democratic
1 Greensboro Patriot, Oct 24, 1856.

338 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
ranks in tbe North — one northern boy's two grandfathers
and father changed from Democrats to Republicans that
year — and this so consolidated the South that, in North
Carolina alone, the pendulum in the gubernatorial election
swung to the unprecedented Democratic majority of over
12,000; while in the national election Buchanan was vic
torious, and the Whigs were dead.
Meanwhile, by 1857, North Carolina was taking on a
new prosperity under the stimulus of her new rabroad.
National Treasury statistics showed her, with a population
of 921,852, having a property valuation of $239,603,372.
This gave her greater wealth than California, Connecticut,
Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, New Hampshire, New
Jersey and some few others. And not the least of these
sources of stimulation were the prospects of a new great
port terminal of the trans-state lines, as illustrated in the
following letter:
Governor Morehead's enthusiastic development of his
plans for Morehead City is well illustrated in a letter of his
of February 9, 1857, from "New-Berne," as his letter spehs
it : It is written to the editors of The Patriot and Flag, and
says :
"On Monday last the barque Damon, Captain Bartlett, of
Bangor, Maine, entered the port of Beaufort with a cargo
of rails for the Atlantic Railroad of 476 tons. She passed
the bar and entered tbe port at dead low water.
"On Friday, the 'T & J' barque, Captain J. D. Coffin, of
Halifax, Nova Scotia, entered the same port in low tide
with 580 tons rails and drawing over 15 feet of water. They
are lying in New Port Channel, near each other, in front
of the terminus of the railroad where the Wharf is to be
built, and about 3000 feet from the shore, and in water
some 20 or 30 feet deep. They might have brought in much
larger cargoes if the vessels had been larger.
"I wish all North Carolina could have seen both these
magnificent barques entering the port under a cloud of
canvass, all sabs set (as I saw the T & J) and see them
round to and cast anchor within a few feet of the shore,
where they now ride so quietly on the bosom of this safe

A RAILWAY AND A PORT • 339
land-locked harbor, that every outline is mirrored from its
placid surface.
"These are splendid ships, web arranged and web com
manded by their quiet and gentlemanly Captains, whose
bearing would grace tbe drawing-room, and is the reverse
of that rough address and exterior which is so often attached
to an Old Salt.
"The cabins are handsomely fitted up, and Mrs. Bartlett
and an interesting daughter grace Captain Bartlett's, and
have partaken with him in the rough weather which both
experienced on their voyage from New Port, Wales, from
which place they sailed about the 15tb of December last.
"Twelve months more will show the wisdom of driving
the Atlantic Road forward to completion, and the world
will find out that North Carolina has one of tbe best and
safest ports on tbe Atlantic Coast.
"Yours respectfully "J. M. Morehead.'"
By August 21, 1857, Governor Morehead, as President
of Tbe Sheppard's Point Land Company, was able to an
nounce that on November 11th, following, the first lots in
the new city would be sold at public auction, and the
Atlantic and North Carobna Railroad would be ready for
business on New Year's Day following. Here is the vision
President Morehead had of this new city's future place in
the world : "The interior communications by water and land
must make this a great commercial city. The vast produc
tions of the fertile valleys of the Roanoke, Tar and Neuse
Rivers and the commerce of those great inland seas — the
Albemarle, Carrituck, Croatan and Pamlico Sounds on the
north, whilst Bogue Sound will bear on its bosom, the agri
cultural products, lumber, naval stores and fine ship timber
of the regions lying South. Tbe North Carolina Railroad,
among the best in tbe Union, 223 miles long, is completed
to Charlotte, where it connects through the South Carolina
and Georgia Railroads with Atlanta and the southwest ; and
by its western extension, now in rapid progress, it is contem-
' The Weekly Raleigh Register, 18th Feb., 1857.

340 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
plated to reach the trade of Memphis and the Mississippi
Valley by the net-work of all the railways that connect at
Atlanta, Chattanooga, or with the Eastern Tennessee Rail
road. Tbe ports of Beaufort, Chattanooga, Memphis and
San Diego in the Pacific are about the same parallel of lati
tude ; and if that parallel be extended across the Pacific, it
will reach Shanghai, the nearest great port on the Eastern
continent; therefore, if the Pacific Railroad be constructed
(and that should be done forthwith), why may not this new
city become the Atlantic mart for tbe commerce of tbe East
Indies? Two short railroads will connect tbe two great
coal fields of the state, lying on the south of the North
Carolina Railroad, with that road ; and it is confidently ex
pected that a vast coal trade will be carried on through the
new city; if so, may not Beaufort become a great coaling
port, not only for purposes of commerce, but to furnish
the supplies to steamers passing so near the entrance going
north and south; and may not the new city become the
'entre depot' between the North and the South, to which
our able and distinguished countryman, Lieut. Maury, refers
in his unrivalled statesmanlike paper on the commerce of the
Amazon, South America, and the Gulf of Mexico? The
City of Morehead is situated on a beautiful neck of land or
dry plain, almost entirely surrounded with salt water; its
climate salubrious; its sea breezes and sea bathing delight
ful ; its drinking water good ; and its fine chalybeate spring,
strongly impregnated witb sulphur, will make it a pleasant
watering place. ... It will be the first instance of an
entire new city on the Atlantic Coast being brought into
market at once ; and capitalists may never have again such an
opportunity for good investments, for a great city must and
will be built at this place.  ^J. M. Morehead, President of
Sheppard's Point Land Company.'"
The November sales were successful, in that over 60 lots
were sold in Morehead City for some $13,000, while at the
plat called "Carolina City" lots were sold for a total of
$17,000. A regular boat was running between Morehead
^ Greensboro Patriot, 6th Nov., 1857.

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A RAILWAY AND A PORT 341
City and Beaufort on an hour schedule. An editorial letter
to the Greensboro Patriot of 17tb September, 1858, says:
"Ever since our school-boy days we had heard of Beaufort
harbor, having learned from our geography that there was
such a place away down on the sea-coast, many hundred
miles distant, where the people lived on fish, and used
oyster-shells as cups, witb which to drink water out of old
pine stumps; but we had never bad an opportunity to visit
that section of the country, and see for ourselves, whether
or not the men of that region — as had been reported and
believed in tbe interior by many — were scaly, bad broad
tails and thorny fins growing from their backs, the result of
living on fish and diving after crabs. Well, we went, we
saw, and we have returned. We saw not only the mighty
ocean, the deepest inlet and finest harbor on tbe Atlantic
coast, south of Norfolk; but we found the waters covered
over with vessels of various sizes and descriptions, freighted
with produce of every section of tbe state, transporting it
from our shores to distant parts of tbe world, and bringing
in return whatever was most pleasant and desirable. We
found there, also, an active, good looking, thriving and in-
tebigent population, men of character and stability, who
were putting forth all their energies to avail themselves of
the many advantages and the great market facilities with
which nature has so bountifully blessed them. Beaufort is
situated immediately on the Sound, right opposite the inlet,
and bas a population of some twelve or fifteen hundred,
contains three very neat churches, three hotels, all said to
be good houses. . . ."
He then describes the inlet approach: "The inlet at
Beaufort Harbor is, we understand, about three-quarters
of a mile wide, extending from the Point on the Shackel
ford banks on the east to the point at Fort Macon on the
West. Ships drawing from eighteen to twenty feet can
cross tbe bar witb safety. Ships crossing the bar, enter the
harbor near the Shackelford banks, then bear up in a
westwardly direction toward Fort Macon. From tbe bar
at the inlet, across the Sound to Beaufort, is about three
miles, this being about the widest part of the harbor. The

342 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
channel is in the form of a half-moon, one horn running
eastwardly along the Shackelford banks, called Core Sound,
and the other westwardly by Morehead and Carolina cities,
which are situated on Bogue Sound. The deepest water
is along Newport river, which runs in nearly a north
direction, between Morehead City and Beaufort, touching
the railroad wharf in the former place. The main channel
is about one mile wide, so that the inside of the channel
would be some two miles from Beaufort, though vessels
drawing from nine to ten feet water can approach the Beau
fort wharves at full tide. Running up the channel about
three miles from the bar, we come to the railroad wharf at
jMorehead City, where vessels drawing eighteen feet can ap
proach with ease, and unload and take in lading with the
greatest safety."
He then shows that one turns from the channel to the
left into Bogue Sound, three miles farther, to Carolina
City, where vessels drawing only twelve feet could land;
but this narrative is concerned only with his description of
Morehead City, the real port. "Sheppard's Point, or More-
head City, is situated very much like the City of New York.
On the south is Bogue Sound, on the east right at the point
is Newport River, through which runs the main channel,
and out to which the railroad wharf extends. On the north
is Calico Creek, extending westwardly . . . nearly
three miles, and running almost parallel with Bogue Sound.
This channel, from the railroad wharf for nearly a mile
along the Point, is now, at full tide, from six to nine feet
deep, and if properly dredged, could, for that distance up,
admit vessels drawing from ten to twelve feet of water,
while the dirt taken from the channel would be amply
sufficient to raise the ground between the channel and the
mainland, above high tide, affording a long extent of
wharves. The railroad wharf, taken in connection with the
warehouse at Morehead City, when completed, will be a
magnificent affair. The wharf having to extend for a con
siderable distance from the Point to reach the channel, it
was for a long time predicted that it would be impossible
for one to be constructed sufficiently firm and durable to

A RAILWAY AND A PORT 343
resist the action of the tides and the violence of storms.
Ab doubt on this score, however, has been removed, and
it is universally conceded that the work not only can, but
that in a few months it will be completed."
He tebs how the Chief Engineer and Governor Morehead
explained everything to him and how they proposed having
wharves on both sides of the peninsula — Sheppard's Point.
"Let only one-third the amount be expended at Morehead
City as bas been on the bay at Baltimore, and every obstruc
tion will be removed and vessels of tbe largest size can
load and unload at the wharves witb the greatest ease, while
they are most securely protected from storms. The rail
road warehouse, when completed, will be a magnificent work.
It stands just at the end of tbe wharf, surrounded by water
twenty feet deep, supported by ninety-three large iron piles
which have been driven into the ground by an immense
force. . . . Tbe extent of tbe warehouse is 165 by 90
feet, with tbe railroad track passing through its entire
length on both sides — the track branching on the wharf —
so that freight can be taken immediately from the cars and
placed aboard the vessels."
Then a pleasing incident occurred : Governor Morehead
had told him all of the tropical nature of this coast so near
the Gulf Stream, and spoke of fig trees large as apple trees,
and proposed they sail up Calico Creek [naturally] to a
Mrs. Piggott's and enjoy some figs and melons. The editor
and the Chief Engineer were disinclined, until Governor
Morehead added that she had some pretty daughters, where
upon they accepted witb alacrity — although the editor lays
all blame on the engineer. They feasted on three varieties
of figs, the White, the Red and the Blue Fig, mentioning
them in this order, as though conscious of their patriotic
colors, and avowing tbe Blue to be tbe "best flavored.''
Five or six bushels to a tree was a not unusual crop. Then
came tbe two daughters — "Hebes," the editor calls them,
while the engineer and he both seem to have forgotten both
figs and melons in their presence, and Governor Morehead
again illustrated his power as a diplomat. The staid editor
advises Guilford young men, that if they want to help found

344 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
a great port they would find no such difficulty as Romulus
did — "a scarcity of ladies," for —
"I've been to the West, I've been to the East,
And I've been to North Caroline;
But the prettiest girl I ever saw
Was tripping along through the Pino.'"
And yet this was a year of one of the greatest panics and
failures in national history. Fifteen great railways of the
land with a total of over $180,000,000 liabilities failed to
meet their debts; but those of North Carolina, under the
inspiration and wisdom of Governor Morehead's years of
leadership, were not among them; although stock was de
preciated and President Fisher was charged with incompe
tency. Newbern celebrated the opening of the Atlantic
road on April 29th, with free excursion trains from all over
the state bringing over 10,000 people, and witb ceremonies
lasting three days. Thus, by May, 1858, Governor More-
head's new road was in operation and all the lots sold in
Morehead City.
^ Chorus of an old ballad.

XVI
He Enters The Assembly
TO
Defend and Extend the Railway
West and North
A Great Vision of Transportation
1858
Witb the Morehead City and railroad projects accom
plished facts in the spring of 1858, there was a demand that
Governor Morehead enter the Assembly to defend and
extend railroad development.' He had spent a good deal of
time in Greensboro, and in September previously he had
organized tbe Greene Monument Association proposing that
either tbe national or state governments, if the former would
not, erect a monument to General Greene at Guilford
Battle-Ground, and he was made President of this body.
A pretty picture of him at "Blandwood," that adjoined
Edgeworth Seminary, which be was enlarging at this time, is
given by an old pupil — a picture of Governor Morehead
accidentally meeting two young pupils of tbis girls' semi
nary, who had wandered into the unusually beautiful
grounds of "Blandwood," in Reminiscences of School Life,
by An Edgeworth Pupil : "At first a little startled at the
sight of two crouching children. Governor Morehead halted,
but something in our wistful eyes and home-hungry faces
told the tale. Extending both hands he drew us to him;
kindly he patted our heads, then sitting down with us, he
talked pleasantly to us of our homes, and cheerfully gave

1 At a meeting of stock-holders of the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad
at Newbern on the 24th of June, 1858, Governor Morehead w-as present and
plainly indicated that the road's capital stock must be increased from $1,600,000
to the necessary amount, while Governor Bragg asserted that the roads man
agement was sound and the construction properly done.
345

346 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
us free access not only to these intermediate grounds, which
for the first time we had oh that occasion dared enjoy, but
he also invited us to 'Blandwood,' his own beautiful home.
He then passed on, and we returned to the Seminary a happy
couple. . . . His name on history's page has its reward ;
over these Southern lands 'tis a household word. And re
membering his wisdom and justice in our country's weal,
what fitter talisman need we ask. But bis private life, who
shall tell us of that? Who? Let the countless throngs
so often gathered at Blandwood's pleasant halls teU us.
Let the gay and fashionable pleasure seeker tell us. Let
noble lords and handsome ladies tell us. And the statesman,
let him speak of his compeer, this scion of the 'Old
Dominion' gentility. But are these all? No, no. Let the
prattbng child, the weary invalid, the aged matron, the
gray-haired sire, the orphan and widow, the poor and
homeless. Yea, these and hundreds of school girls, all may
tell us of one whose sympathies and charities flowed in every
channel of want.'"
As antiphonal to this, from the eastern end of the state
is another reminiscence, this time from a boy instead of a
girl! Governor Morehead was once visiting the father of a
seventeen-year-old boy, in 1858, near La Grange, N. C,
and considerably over a half century later that boy wrote
his impressions. "I heard him [Gov. M  ] say, as they
were sipping their toddies in the parlor, that a man ought
to be a half-hour taking a drink. He said to take it all
at one swallow was too great a shock to the system; but
sipped slowly, it diffused itself in the system gradually and
was more beneficial. I adopted his plan and followed it all
through my life. If Morehead had put on clerical robes,
no Pope or priest ever had a more benevolent face or a more
magnetic presence."^ This father was a director of the
Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad.
As has been said, his Guilford county friends and others
^ Clippings in possession of Mrs. W. R. Walker, Spray, N. C.
' C. S. VVooten, Mt Olive, N. C, in a letter to Judge W. P. Bynum, 2nd
Sept, 1921, in response to an invitation to attend the presentation of a por
trait of Governor Morehead to the Court at Greensboro, N. C.

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 347
interested in further railroad development persuaded him
that it was his duty to take up tbe cause in the House of
Commons. The specific aims will appear as the campaign
and sessions proceed; for he was successful at the August
election, receiving 1581 votes, the highest of any except
for McRae for Governor and Gorrell for the Senate. Then
it began to appear what was tbe real discontent of the people,
even while, in September, tbe Western North Carolina Rail
road was completed as far as Statesvble. This note was
sounded in the Greensboro Patriot about the time for the
meeting of the Assembly : it was charged that the Democrats
put in controlling Directors from tbe Wilmington and Wel
don Railroad, and subordinated the North Carolina Railroad
to the Wilmington interests — and that was what was the
matter of it! So it was tbe same old fight of east and
west ; and the west again brought out their old club to battle
with, namely, the Danville link! And Governor Morehead
was chosen to again weild this Excabbur ! This promised a
tense condition in tbe legislative halls at Raleigh and was
bound to make such a battle as those halls had not seen since
Calvin Graves voted "Aye" and created the Central railroad !
All the more was it a gigantic battle because the odds were
so great: the House had a Democratic majority of thirty-
eight and tbe Senate a majority of twelve! And the Guil
ford David was a Whig against this Democratic Goliath!
And Governor Ellis' majority was 16,247.
And still there was a reason for this Democratic land
slide, locally, for the state was becoming alarmed at a bonded
indebtedness of $6,879,505, of which was $533,500 balance
on the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad, a $400,000
loan to that line, and a loan of like amount to the Western
North Carolina Railroad — or a total of $1,333,500 for rail
road extensions east and west, alone. In addition to this
a total of 640,000 in bonds must soon be issued to the
Western — or last mentioned road — to increase it to
$1,973,500, or nearly one-third of the entire state debt.
The state's stock was of course a sinking fund in all this,
but tbe people were concerned about it.
The program of the Guilford leaders was, first, to reorgan-

348 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
ize the North Carolina Railroad Directory plans so as to give
the stock-holders control, which meant, practically, western
control ; and, secondly, if this failed, to get a charter for the
Danville link. They held that the mismanagement of the
Central road was not so much due to President Fisher as the
Democratic eastern directory's policy of subordinating the
road to Wilmington interests. This of course also meant
that it was against Morehead City and Beaufort interests,
as well as the Atlantic railroad! As a part of the battle it
was proposed to have stock-holders of both the Atlantic
road and the Western road have a majority on the North
Carolina Central directory instead of the Wilmington road!
To prepare the way for these, the Danville connection club
was put upon the table at an early date.
The Assembly gathered at Raleigh capitol on November
15, 1858, and the Ex-Governor from Greensboro took his
seat as a representative in the Commons. He was at once
put on the Internal Improvement Committee and on the
Joint Standing Committee on Finance. The press of the
east began to teem with arguments against the "link," or
"Danville Connection," as it was more commonly called.
They said that even when the Richmond and Danville
Railroad was first proposed, it was, like the Petersburg and
Norfolk roads, designed to tap the Roanoke valley and west
ern North Carolina which was growing so rapidly. That
Richmond, as the largest tobacco market in the Union — ^with
possession of the regular order of the French govern
ment, and with the largest flouring mibs in the world com
manding the South American market, would make compe
tition from any port in North Carolina of no avail: all
western commerce of the state would become a Richmond
tributary ; and it would debilitate every railroad in the state.
They showed the well-grounded great fear of an oncom
ing Piedmont trans-national line from Maine to New
Orleans ; and looked upon the advocates of the Greensboro
and Danville Railroad as the greatest menace the state had
had in modern times ! They were looked upon as wreckers
by the eastern press; even the Whig leader. The Raleigh
Register, joined the cry. They recalled to Governor More-

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 349
head his speech at Petersburg, Virginia, on Nov. 8, 1849,
when they claimed he said that, if the Central road was built,
with a re-constructed Raleigh & Gaston road, neither he nor
. his people would ever ask for a Danville road ; and charged
him, as Virginia born, witb being ready to sacrifice bis
adopted state, and break up her whole system of improve
ments. Tbis was the kind of press attacks upon him by
mid-December, 1858, and upon his following in Person,
Rockingham, Caswell and Guilford counties, among whom
were Democrats like Speaker Settle, his old Latin teacher,
who was considered another Calvin Graves ! Evidently the
move to put eastern and western extension Directors, in
stead of Wilmington ones, on the Central Railroad board,
with its accompanying club, tbe Danville link, was breaking
up political families. Certainly it was striking terror into
the eastern political leaders, like a life and death struggle.
The Morehead minority report of 1858 shows that even
without the Danville connection that trade is coming from
Virginia, not to it; and even with the Danville connection
produce would change cars twice to reach Richmond, 192
miles, while it can reach Newbern port, 187 miles. More-
bead Qty, 222 mbes, or Wilmington, 211 miles, with no
change — reaching the Atlantic in far less time than to reach
Richmond, which is an interior port 160 to 170 miles from
tbe Atlantic, but slightly superior as a port to Newbern, not
equal to Wilmington, and greatly inferior to Morehead City.
This report shows that the Greensboro-Danville road makes
tbe transnational line 96 miles shorter than the Knoxville
or Wilmington routes.'
The Danville connection bill was set for Tuesday, the
28th of December, mid-holiday season. The attack was
centered upon the leader. Governor Morehead, whose speech
was long continued. It came up again for second reading
on January 10, 1859, and indeed it seemed to be before the
House in some form much of the time. The bill was known
as "House Bill, 92, to charter the Greensboro and Danville
Railroad Company:" and it was in committee of the whole
1 Greensboro Patriot of Dec 24, 1858.

350 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
almost every day. On Wednesday, January 12, 1859, it was
again continued. Speaker Settle's remarks for it being fol
lowed by Mr. Green of Franklin county in reply; "after
which," says the Raleigh Register editor, who was, in this
matter at least, inimical to the "link," "Mr. Dortch took the
floor and gave Governor Morehead a complete dressing."
Mr. Norwood took the floor on Thursday and was followed
by Mr. Bridgers. These attacks were continued on Friday
and on Saturday, whereupon Governor Morehead rose,
and even the editor who thought the "Old War Horse"
had received "a complete dressing" was compelled to say,
in his report of it, that "it was an admirable one of its kind !"
Some interesting inside history of the appearance of a
Rockingham Coal Fields railroad bill, after the Greensboro
and Danville bill was rejected is given by the Fayetteville
Observer. It seems that Rockingham county. Governor
Morehead's old home and seat of his great Leaksville plant,
wanted the link as much as he did; but, as it was safely
Democratic, the eastern leaders thought they could hold it,
until they saw how much in earnest that county really was.
To save the county to Governor Ellis, the Wilmington mem
ber of the House introduced this bill and got it passed;
whereupon the Wilmington Senator so amended it that he
thought Governor Morehead and his friends would reject it
— which they did not choose to do! For an act passed two
years before, to charter a road from High Point, via Salem
and Germanton to Virginia would enable a Danville con
nection to be made, and what was more the Salem road went
directly by Governor Morehead's steam mills there, and both
roads helped his lands and plants at Leaksville and his great
possessions at Holtsburg on the Yadkin River! The
Observer charged Wilmington with mistakes all the way
along: the Weldon road which takes 8000 bales of cotton
out of Edgecombe alone to a Virginia port ; tbe Manchester
road which carries produce off to Charleston; and finally
the Charlotte & Rutherford would be a South Carolina
feeder still more — ^two roads for Virginia and two for
South Carolina!'
1 Greensboro Patriot, 14th Oct, 1859.

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 351
Several reports of the great debate on the "Danville Con
nection," as it was called, in January, 1859, exist, but this
from the Fayetteville Observer, is brief, friendly and pic
turesque: "He [Governor Morehead] bad been assailed by
Bridgers of Edgecombe, Dortch of Wayne, and other lead
ing Democrats, opponents of the Danville Connection. Mr.
Bridgers bad imputed an 'avaricious spirit' to the Governor.
In reply he said that he had invested eighty-seven thousand
dollars in railroads for the improvement of North Carolina.
He desired to know how much tbe gentleman from Edge
combe had thus invested? 'Do you desire an answer now?'
said Mr. Bridgers. "Certainly !' And Mr. Bridgers repbed
that he owned one share (nominal value, $100) in the Wil
mington and Weldon road (which runs through his own
county). Would that we had more 'avaricious' spirits as
Governor Morehead, and fewer such patriots as Mr. Bridg
ers. If we only had Governor Morehead in this town, we
could guarantee the speedy completion of the Coalfields
Railroad, with or without State aid. . . . Having thus
effectually disposed of Mr. Bridgers, it was Mr. Dortch's
turn next. Tbis gentleman bad delivered himself of some
'startling developments' in regard to extravagance on the
North Carolina Railroad whilst under the Presidency of
Governor Morehead. This of course derived great weight
from the fact Mr. Dortch had long been one of the State's
Directors in the road, and was therefore presumed to have
availed himself of bis opportunities to secure full and
reliable information on all the financial operations of the
Governor. He was one of those sentinels placed by Demo
cratic Governors to see that tbe state had justice done to her.
He arraigned Governor Morehead before the House as
guilty of extravagant expenditures of the State's money.
And what reply could the culprit make to a charge from such
a high and well informed authority? He [Gov. M  ]
quietly produced a Report from an Examining Committee,
certifying that tbe North Carolina Railroad was the cheapest
built railroad in tbe country. And to this Report was
signed the name of this same Mr. Dortch! And so on
through tbe catalogue of Gov. Morehead's accusers. He

352 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
brushed them off like mosquitoes — those lean fellows who
keep up a prodigious buzzing without having the power to
sting! . . . Long live the old patriot and statesman,
to labor for his State and to confound his enemies, whether
political or personal !"
Another report says of it: "The debate of which I
have spoken might be said to have been closed by a three
hour speech from Governor Morehead, though Mr. Nor
wood followed him for about an hour. Morehead occupied
part of two days in its delivery. His personal character
had been assailed, the spirit of his youth was roused, and
never before, nor will there again tbis season, be heard in
this capitol such a speech. It towered far above anything
we have ever heard there. Always impressive and speaking
with ability, his full powers were then brought out. We
have never heard such withering sarcasm, more forcible
arguments, or more finished and entrancing eloquence. A
member opposed to him in politics, and on this question,
remarked to us that, he always thought Mr. Morehead was
the first man in North Carolina, and now he knew it ! . . .
All have heard Gov. Morehead, in one or another of the
many great efforts of bis life, but this was tbe crown upon
all.'" To this account, let tbe memories of a young man of
that time be added: "I knew Governor Morehead," wrote
J. S. T. Baird of Asheville, on April 29, 1912, "and had the
honor to serve with him in the House of Commons (as we
then called it) at the session of 1858-9. I was then quite a
young man, and for courtesies and kindnesses shown me by
him during the session, I learned to bold him in very high
esteem. Though differing in our political views, be was
nevertheless kind to give me much valuable advice and as
sistance in my legislative duties. While there were quite
a number of able men of the Whig party in the House at
that session, such as W. N. H. Smith, David Outlaw, John
Kerr, Atlas J. Dargan, O. H. Dockery, Tod R. Caldweb,
and others. Governor Morehead stood preeminent above
^ Clipping in possesson of Mrs. W. R. Walker, Spray, N. C.

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 353
them all and was their recognized leader. Col. Bridgers
was among the ablest of tbe Democratic members and shared
the leadership with such men as Ransom, Dortch, Flemming
and others. There was much attempted railroad legislation
at that session. Governor Morehead, who, during his ad
ministration as Governor many years before bad shown
himself a staunch friend and promoter of railroad building
in the state, was friendly to about all schemes that were
presented at that session, while Colonel Bridgers was not
so much so. The people of tbis section [western] of the
state were deeply concerned and were making strenuous
efforts for tbe extension of railroads through our mountain
country, but there was much opposition by members from
the east and other sections of the state. I am not positive,
but my recollection is that it was while tbe extension of tbe
Western North Carolina Railroad was under discussion
that Colonel Bridgers made his attack on the railroad record
of Governor Morehead.' After the lapse of fifty-four years,.
it is impossible for me to recall many of the incidents of the
debate, but this much I do remember : that Colonel Bridgers"
attack on Governor Morehead was futile and did the Gov
ernor no harm, for he vindicated himself in the most thor
ough manner. ... I cannot close this without again
expressing the many pleasing recollections that I have of
Governor Morehead, as well as the great admiration I bad
for him. Truly he was a great and good man, and his
venerable form and benign features are ever before my
mental vision, while tbe memory of his many kind and
courteous acts is forever enshrined within my heart. He
deserves to stand high on the roll of those whose names and
whose character have shed lustre upon the pages of North
Carolina's history."^
His great speech in this most notable debate, however,
was unable to overcome the eastern vote, and the second
reading, on Saturday, January 15, 1859, was lost by a vote
of 65 nays and 37 yeas, but one of which yeas was east of
"^As has been seen it was the Greensboro & Danville line, or "connection"
with the latter place, instead.
^ Letter to R D. W. Connor. N. C. Historical Commission, Misc. Papers,
Ser. 1, VoL IV, p. 108.

354 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Raleigh, namely of Beaufort county. Guilford's three
votes were the highest from any one county, Davidson,
Wilkes and Mecklenburg following with two, while Rowan,
Cumberland, Harnett, Caswell, Rutherford, Robeson and
Beaufort were divided.
This was not the end of the battle, however, for three
days later, on January 18, 1859, the Internal Improvement
Committee, of which Governor Morehead was a member,
reported out a substitute for the Greensboro and Danville
bib, recommending its passage. On consideration of the
Chatham Railroad bill on January 21st, Mr. Caldweb of
Guilford county offered an amendment giving the road power
to build also between Greensboro and Danville, which was
promptly defeated by 74 to 25, but the bill was passed.
Instantly Mr. Simpson's substitute bill. No. 92, was called
up for third reading, but the "link" people didn't want it
then, and got an adjournment. It was called up again next
day, whereupon the enemies of it began to offer amendments
designed to kill it: connection with any Virginia road to
work forfeiture, even if by stage or other means ; it should
not carry passengers, except free negroes entering the
State ( !) ; and freight or passengers could not be carried
from the Central road to the Virginia road. It was then
passed third reading and the name changed to the "Rock
ingham Coal Fields Company." Tbis passed second read
ing in the Senate on February 14, 1859, where one Senator
saw in it a purpose to get a railroad from Greensboro to
Danville without connections at Danville, in expectation of
applying to a future legislature for tbe right to connect, and
sought an amendment making such application work for
feiture of charter, but this was rejected. Senator Ashe
secured an amendment keeping the new line twenty miles
from the Central road, and it passed second reading and
also third reading 23 to 17. Then its title was changed to
the "Dan River Railroad Company" and the House was
asked to concur, which it promptly did. It opened the Dan
River coal fields to the Danville and Richmond road.
Governor Morehead did other useful things in the ses
sion of 1858-9 as a member of the Commons, but this battle

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 355
so overshadowed all others that they were eclipsed in public
attention. This coal-fields road was in no sense a "link"
although it went down to the region of Governor Morehead's
properties at Leaksville, and really gave him an outlet for
his Rockingham county plants. The echoes of this battle
continued for months afterwards, because it was of great
concern to the whole Atlantic seaboard states as the com
pletion of a trans-national line from Maine to New Orleans.
It will be well to note one or two most interesting comments,
choosing one from Richmond and one from Fayetteville:
In June, 1859, "A Virginian" wrote to the Richmond Whig
the following letter on Governor Morehead and enclosed
one from the Fayetteville Observer on the same subject,
requesting its publication, and which follows his owti : He
says the latter letter is about Governor Morehead "who bas
done more to develop tbe resources of bis native [ ?] Com
monwealth, and to aid the deserving poor people around him,
than has been effected by all tbe other public men of North
Carolina together.
"Gifted by nature witb wonderful mental and physical
powers, and with unsurpassed industry, enterprise and pub
lic spirit, he has, through a long life, devoted all his ener
gies to tbe improvement of the various interests of his state.
Nor has he been wanting in efforts to unite Virginia and
North Carolina by tbe strong ties of reciprocal interest and
mutual benefit.
"His liberal subscription to the Richmond and Danville
Railroad and his Herculean efforts in the Legislature of his
State to procure a charter for a connecting link between
that improvement and the North Carolina Central road,
whilst they subjected him to the grossest injustice and to tbe
most malignant opposition, on the part of those who are op
posed to the connection, have won for him a name and fame
which his opponents may envy, but to which they can never
attain. ... he stands before bis admiring countrymen
as a patriot of enlarged views, whose comprehensive grasp
takes in; not only all of his beloved Commonwealth, but looks
also to the good of his sister States. As the great advocate
and patron of internal improvements, he may be justly

356 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
regarded as the De Witt Clinton of the South. It may truly
be said, that such a man as John M. Morehead is not only
an ornament to his State, but a benefactor to bis species.
"But to the extract referred to:"
The Fayetteville writer tells of a visit to Leaksville
and Governor Morehead's plant there: "Being attracted
by the magnitude and number of buildings, I stopped a few
hours to look around. Here was a large stone building, the
cotton factory, constructed in the most substantial manner,
and of the most durable materials. It is situated at the
mouth of a magnificent canal, leading from Smith's river,
and operated by the largest and finest metal wheel that I
have ever seen. Near by are the oil mills, flour mills, and
saw mill — all operated by the water of the same canal,
which appears to have a fall of at least 25 feet, and at a
slight expense could be made to propel millions of dollars
worth of machinery.'
"After surveying this immense water power and canal,
capable of being made to control the entire current of
Smith's river, I looked upon the bills that jut in towards
the manufacturing establishments, to see tbe neat and sub
stantial dwellings — some brick and others frame — where the
hundreds of laborers and their families live, who earn hon
est and respectable support from tbe capital here invested.
The store-house and factory appear to have been built some
years, and all the establishments and plans show that in
telligent enterprise and capital have accomplished much
here for the benefit of the country, when such improvements
were in their infancy in North Carolina. Seeing such re
sults from the sagacity and enterprise of an individual when
there was no prospect of railroads in that portion of North
Carolina, I was naturally led to reflect, what this portion of
the State might become, with its rich lands, abounding in
iron and coal, and its immense water power, with the ad
vantages of a railroad? But tbis would not suit your Wil
mington neighbors ; and hence the people of that portion of
1 Governor Morehead, at this time, had steam mills at Salem (now Winston-
Salem), thousands of acres in Rockingham with this great plant at Leaksville,
and considerable possessions at Holtsburg on the Yadkin river. — Greensboro-
Patriot of 14th Oct, 1859.

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 357
North Carolina must be denied tbe benefits and blessings
resulting from such improvement. In reflecting upon what
I have witnessed and learned, I am satisfied that no man in
the State of North Carolina bas been more identified with
her material interests than J. M. Morehead. He has been,
and probably is now, identified with the farming, manufac
turing, mechanical, mercantile and educational pursuits of
the people of tbe state. He knows their wants and interests,
perhaps, better than any other man. He has done more to
give impulse and success to the internal improvement system
than any man in the State. Tbe North Carolina Railroad
would never have been constructed had he not taken hold
of it and brought his potent influence to raise the means
and put tbe work forward almost to completion. Within
six months or less he would have bad the road completed.
But here low party malignity bad to do its dirty work.
It forced him to resign that position which be had filled witb
such signal ability, that it might reap tbe rewards due to
another. It was an act of black ingratitude, and some of its
perpetrators are now reaping its bitter fruits.
"He did more to build the Atlantic and North Carolina
Railroad than any man in the State. Altho' be was not the
President, he subscribed tbe money and did the work, and
today, I am told, owns more stock in the road than all other
stockholders collectively. Yet he has never even been
tendered a Director's place in tbe company. Tbis is base
ingratitude and places the company in no enviable light,
altho' I do not suppose that Governor Morehead wants any
position on the road.
"During tbe sitting of tbe last Legislature, there was
developed a bitter partizan spirit against him. He had mind
and capacity enough in bis objects of legislation to compre
hend the whole state of North Carolina. He was for giving
the additional aid necessary to complete the Albemarle and
Chesapeake Canal; he was for going forward with the
Western Extension [of the N. C. R. R.] ; he advocated the
Danville connection; and be was for the Fayetteville Coal
Fields Road as well as other useful improvements to the
State. His more comprehensive and statesman-like policy

358 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
did not suit all the local and petty interests represented in the
Legislature, and an attempt was made to hunt him down
by those pigmy politicians and factionists.
"Men who would not dare to meet him in discussion in the
legislative halls or elsewhere by misrepresentation and slan
der, by whiskey and ground-peas in the lobbies, hotels and
groceries, endeavored to do their dirty work of robbing an
honest man of his good name and just fame. The decree
had gone forth that Morehead delendus est.
"His public and private life were ransacked to find some
fault or blemish with which to damn him. Truly 'monies
parturiunt et ridiculus mus nascitur.' The result is too well
known. How like chaff before the wind he scattered the
imputations of his adversaries, and how triumphantly he
vindicated himself, and put to the blush every accuser, is
too familiar to your readers.
"His speech, both in eloquence and its vindication of
truths would have immortalized almost any statesman; but
to J. M. Alorehead, who had proved the victor in an hundred
hard-fought battles, it was only one among the many tri
umphs of his life, when his opponents dared to meet him
face to face. . . .
"North Carolina has but few such men as J. M. More-
head. A statesman of manly bearing and frank views on all
questions — tried in the severe ordeals of public and private
life, be is known to possess the integrity of a Cato; a man
of brains and of great practical intellect, identified with
almost every honorable and liberal pursuit in the country,
and having devoted the best of his life and services to the
improvement, both public and private, of the State. These
are qualities which justly endear him to his febowmen, and
well may they be proud of him.
"It was these high attributes of character, illustrated
through his whole life that caused the people to elect him
twice triumphantly to the Gubernatorial chair by such ma
jorities as no other man has ever received, with parties so
equally divided and the strongest opposition that could be
arrayed against him. He has never asked the people for
office, which they did not confer; indeed, he never sought

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 359
office, but has often served in public positions at the sacrifice
of his individual interests. And when partizan feeling shall
have subsided and the revilers and private traducers of his
just fame and great name shall have moulded into dust,
and been forgotten, posterity will cherish the name and
memory of J. M. Morehead, and rank him witb North Caro
lina's most gifted statesmen and greatest benefactors.'"
Such was the result of the great fight for the last link in
a trans-national Piedmont railway. And what was it?
The result was that, if the Richmond and Danville road ex
tended its line to the Dan River Railroad whos6 terminus
would be at Leaksville, then the "link" still necessary to the
trans-national line would be reduced to but twenty-eight
miles — the distance between Leaksville and Greensboro!
So great a part of tbe "link" had Governor Morehead se
cured in tbe past ten years ! And then he went back to
Morehead City to continue his efforts to build up a great
port terminal of the North Carolina Railroad "system" as
it would now be called. For was not tbe Raleigh & Gaston
road now a part of the "system?" And was not Wilmington
and tbe Roanoke valley trying to make the Wilmington
& Weldon a part of it likewise? Now, his activities at
Morehead City were like a great symbolical picture, showing
a giant building a mighty port terminal metropolis of the
commonwealth, witb Wilmington, a rival, beholding it and
observing, near at tbe giant's band, a bludgeon marked
"Twenty-eight miles of trans-national link, Greensboro to
Leaksville. For the Dog-In-The-Manger, who can neither
eat hay, nor allow those to eat it who can !" For such Wil
mington was considered by all who had favored the sea-to-
Tennessee vertebral railroad, from President Caldwell to
Governor Morehead. Would Wilmington and the Roanoke
heed the warning? Could the Cape Fear metropolis sur
render her primacy to a program avowedly designed to dis
place her — even though it was also designed to be a veritable
unification of tbe commonwealth — its greatest need since the
Piedmont became populous? It was not in human, nor
1 From a clipping from the Richmond Whig in possession of Mrs. W. R.
Walker, Spray, N. C.

360 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
metropolitan nature, to do it ; and so the picture of the giant
creating a new port terminal and metropolis, while his
Greensboro-Leaksvibe bludgeon lay close at hand as a warn
ing to Wilmington, still stands, late in 1859 ; while a storm
is brewing beside which, a hurricane off Hatteras would be
a mere zephyr, and which would bring disaster to both !
And yet as soon as that Assembly of 1858-9 adjourned in
February, Governor Morehead boarded the train eastward
for Morehead City to continue building a great unifying port
for the state.
A letter from Morehead City, dated March 10, 1859, and
signed "Beaufort," gives a vivid picture of progress there:
"The wharf, as you know, is built upon iron screw-piles — a
novelty in this country as well as Europe, and is just
finished. And the warehouse built thereon, and the whole
structure for enclosing the wharf are raised and wib be
under cover by the last of next week. The arrangements
here for loading and unloading vessels and cars are superior
to anything I have ever witnessed, either North or South.
The warehouses, being some fifty-five feet narrower than the
wharf, and placed nearer one side of the same, the railroad
track forks before reaching the warehouse, and a track runs
on each side of the same and between it and the vessels
lying at the side of the wharf ; so that if the cars are ready,
the goods are taken directly from the vessel, and put directly
on board the cars without any delay or cost. If cars are
not ready, the goods which are valuable and need locking up,
are carried across the tracks, and put in the warehouse until
the cars arrive. Those more bulky are left outside the
tracks on the wharf, though not exposed to the weather, as
the whole is under cover, and enclosed by large sliding doors
remaining entirely around the wharf.
"Here the steamer drawing twenty feet of water, and
the locomotive weighing twenty or thirty tons, with its whole
train, may be along side each other; and this, too, on each
side of the wharf at the same time, while in front other
vessels may be loading or discharging cargoes.
"For admirable arrangement, I have never seen any
thing to compare to it. And it reflects great credit on the

RAILWAYS WEST AND NORTH 361
engineers, who planned it and superintended its construc
tion ; on the railroad authorities whose wisdom and liberality
have done so much to facilitate commerce, and to tbe con
tractors for tbe admirable execution of the work.
"Three vessels are lying at the wharf, loading and dis
charging cargoes, to wit :
"Schr. John Clark, Capt Sub, from New York, with
merchandise. Cargo discharged and loading with Naval
Stores and wheat for New York.
"Schr. E. J. Tabbot, Capt. Pegram, from Boston, loaded
with lime ; return cargo Naval Stores.
"Schr. George D., Capt. Dill, from Charleston, loaded
with salt, and to load with Naval Stores for Baltimore. Tbis
vessel ran, as I am informed, from Charleston to Morehead
City in about 30 hours.
"The above vessels are lying at the wharf loading and
discharging cargoes.
"A barque of some eight hundred tons is expected bere
tomorrow from Baltimore, chartered to take five thousand
barrels rosin direct to Liverpool, a porton of the cargo being
now on the wharf.
"Schr. Oliver H. Lea is expected here in a day or two,
with merchandise from New York for western merchants.
"A freight train arrived this evening with fourteen
loaded cars, and to load back with merchandise, salt and lime.
Salt at 90 cents per sack and lime at 85 cents per barrel, from
vessels. "I see a number of good bouses going up and the popu
lation rapidly increasing; indeed there are few places more
changed than tbis since I saw it some twelve months ago.
"I found your townsman. Gov. Morehead, here, the
founder of this city, the builder of the wharf and warehouse
at the eastern end of the railroad. He was giving directions
and instructions to his workmen, some thirty in number, in
his usual quiet way. He is evidently gratified with this con
summation of bis wishes — the connection of the mountains
and tbe ocean railway.
"I shall be deceived if a bribiant future does not await
tbis place.

362 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"I saw other vessels lying in the harbor at a distance;
but learned no particulars as to them. If I remain here a
few days I may write you again.'"
Here was a man of vision — a man who had some time
before said to a well-known opponent : "You are a younger
man than I am, and have not yet learned that in politics, as in
everything else, it is best always to keep cool and take things
easy."^ '^ Greensboro Patriot, March 25, 1859.
' Social Reminiscences of John M. Morehead by Mrs. Mary Bayard Clarke.
It was about this time that Governor Morehead had his portrait painted in
1859 by William Garl Broune- Several copies were made by the artist for
various children^ and the Governor's Mansion at Raleigh. The one here used
as frontispiece is in possession of Major John Motley Morehead III, at his
home, "Blandwood," in Rye, N. Y. It represents the Governor with the charter
of the North Carolina Central Railroad in his right hand.
A note at this point may convenientiy draw attention to the fact that the
pseudonym "Carlton" has been discovered in several places, too late for cor
rection, as "Carleton."

XVII
Defender of the Union
IN
The State Senate
AND
Whig National Convention
1859
In tbe middle of October, 1859, like a thunder-bolt out
of a clear sky, came news of an uprising at Harpers Ferry,
at the junction of the Shenandoah and Potomac rivers, on
the Baltbnore and Ohio Railroad, led by one John Brown,
a Kansas fanatic, maddened by the long bloody struggle
in that state between abolition and slave factions, who
sought to start a violent revolution to free the southern
slaves. Tbe old Whig and "American" or "Opposition"
element in North Carolina bad become bitter against both
"Black Republicans" and Democrats alike ; while the Demo
crats were enraged that this "Opposition" was unable to
see that there was now no longer any middle ground between
"Black Republicans" and the Democrats, for any opposition
to stand on. The "Opposition," as they began to call
themselves, as opposed to both "Black Republicans" and
Democrats had a strong voice in Senator John A. Gilmer
of Guilford county, at Washington, and the more bitter the
acts of the "Black Republicans" and Democrats became, the
more incensed the Whig "Opposition" became against both !
Tbis October revolutionary episode kindled the flame still
higher. Even the Raleigh Register, probably leading jour
nal of the "Opposition" element, bad an editorial on No
vember 30, 1859, that was very significant, remarking that
there was not a powder-mill south of Delaware; not a
factory for arms or foundry for cannon south of this
363

364 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
same Harpers Ferry, and yet Virginia and Kentucky had
saltpetre mines. With this were warnings to have volun
teers in each county and at least three arsenals should be
established; and that a Northerner on a Southern street
should be an object of suspicion. Commercial indepen
dence from the north was advocated early in December.
The execution of John Brown was followed by renewed
hatred of such books as that by Hinton Helper; and news
began to arrive of Union meetings in various northern
centers. Brown, however, had broken as many ties of
union between north and south in a day nearly as had
grown by slow accretions since 1776. Like a flame in a
wheat field, the commercial boycott of the north spread
over the south. The secession of southern medical
students in the great medical schools of Philadelphia
nearly disrupted those bodies in December. Senator Gil
mer and others, at Washington, were trying to head off the
mad frenzy, by a Union party, as the new year 1860 ar
rived. While these events were proceeding there was an arrest
in Greensboro of Rev. Daniel Worth, a Wesleyan Metho
dist, and Democratic Abolitionist, who was charged with
spreading Helper's Impending Crisis and inciting to insur
rection, and the trial was with difficulty kept from becoming
a mob. Late in January, 1860, came the news that after thirty-
nine ballots in the national House of Representatives, a
"Black Republican" had been chosen speaker, against Rep
resentative Smith of North Carolina, "in one of the
fiercest struggles ever witnessed on the floor of" that body.
The animus of the fight arose from bitterness of opposition
to John Sherman of Ohio, who bad spoken favorably of
Helper's Impending Crisis. North Carolina was especially
bitter against this book in tbe slave-holding parts of the
commonwealth, because it was a North Carolina product.
Hinton Rowan Helper was a native of Mocksville, in what
is now Davie, but was then Rowan county, in 1829, so that he
was a young man of but twenty-six years when it was
issued in 1857. The Republican party used it as a cam-

DEFENDER OF THE UNION 36S
paign document and during the first four years nearly
150,000 were in circulation. It was dedicated to the non-
slaveholding citizens of the South, of whom there were a
great many in this general region, beside tbe Quakers, who
of course did not have them.' The Moreheads did have
them, however; yet they were among that large number
in the South who would have been glad if it could be re
moved without revolution and danger of uprisings of an
ignorant uncontrolled race.
On January 24, 1860, a Whig Opposition meeting was
held in Greensboro, at which Governor Morehead was
present; and resolutions were passed condemning the "rule
or ruin" Democrats, who could have organized the lower
House at Washington, witb a conservative Southern Whig,
who loved the Union, but preferred to see a "Black Repub
lican" to such a man! They applauded Senator John A.
Gilmer, who joined with such men as Crittenden, Harris,
Conrad, Clemmens of Tennessee, Etheridge and similar
patriotic Union leaders, in connection witb a late Philadel
phia meeting of tbe Executive Committee. They also
favored the Opposition Convention at Raleigh for Washing
ton's Birthday, next. At this latter gathering. Governor
Morehead was not present, but this body selected the
defeated Vice-President William A. Graham, as their first
choice for tbe Whig Presidential nomination and praised
their Congressmen Smith, Gilmer, Vance and Leach for
their conservative course in the late struggles at Washing
ton. ^ Helper's book, when republished, had added to it — what was not in the
original edition — a. "Compend" of recommendations: (Just who was responsible
for them is not known.)
"1st. Thorough organization and independent political action on the part
of non-slaveholding whites of the South.
"2nd. Ineligibility of slaveholders — never another vote to the trafficker in
human flesh.
"3rd. No co-operation with slaveholders in politics — no fellowship with them
in religion — no afKliation with them in society.
"4th. No patronage to slaveholding merchants — no guestship in slave-
waiting hotels — no fees to slaveholding lawyers — no employment of slaveholding
physicians — no audience to slaveholding parsons.
"5th. No recognition of pro-slavery men except as ruffians, outlaws and
criminals." It was this addition to the reprint, unknown to many supporters of the
book, which, in itself, contained no such sentiments, that added fuel to the
flame created by the John Brown fire-brand. Mrs. Stowe's book — Uncle Tom s
Cabin — which had been circulating since 1852 — had no such influence upon the
South, of course, as this book by a North Carolinian, especially after the 'Com
pend" appeared m it

366 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
A considerable source of irritation, especially in North
Carolina, was added to this in May, 1860, by a disagreement
between the railroads of that state and the Postmaster Gen
eral on rates for mail carrying, in which all the roads
refused to carry the mail, except the Wilmington & Weldon,
the Atlantic and the Western. Thereupon the Post Office
Department banned those parts of tbe state, refusing to
forward their mail. Wagon mail carrying had to be resorted
to from the nearest roads that did carry.
During this month, on May 16, 1860, the "Opposition"
held its national meeting at Baltimore, as the "National
Constitutional Union Convention," in the old church building
at the corner of Fayette and North Streets. It was called
to order by Hon. John J. Crittenden of Kentucky, as chair
man of the Executive Committee. Ex-Governor Hunt of
New York was made President of the Convention ; and the
delegation from North Carolina was headed by Governor
John Motley Morehead as delegate-at-large. General
Coombs of Kentucky, in an amusing skit, expressed the
attitude of the Convention by offering platforms for Re
publicans, Democrats and this "Opposition" to them both:
"First, then," said he, "for the harmonious Democracy, I
propose the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798-99
— one in favor of excluding slavery from the territories,
and the other in favor of forcng it into them — [laughter]
to be adopted unanimously without debate, under the previ
ous question, and no questions asked afterwards.
[Laughter.] For the 'irrepressible conflictionist,' about to
assemble at Chicago, I suggest the 'Blue Laws' of Connecti
cut ; first in reference to the right of a man to kiss his wife
on Sunday — [laughter] and second, in reference to the
burning of witches ; provided that wives shall have the privi
lege to be kissed, and witches to be burned. [Laughter.]
The third is the Constitution as it is, and tbe Union under it,
now and forever. [Immense applause.]" Governor More-
head's first activity in the Convention was to oppose the unit
rule and to insist on free discussion. There were ten candi
dates in the field on the first ballot, in which, under Governor
Morehead's leadership. North Carolina cast her full 10

DEFENDER OF THE UNION 367
votes for Graham; but as John Beb of Tennessee bad far
the most votes of any of the ten candidates, and Graham
was fourth in number [Bell, Houston of Texas, Everett and
Graham], while on the second ballott Bell absorbed many of
the other votes, only Houston and Graham showing any in
crease at all, Arkansas led in transferring ber vote to Bell,
and was followed by Mississippi, Massachusetts, North
Carolina, Virginia and tbe rest to make it unanimous. In
the presentation of Vice-Presidential candidates Governor
Morehead, following Missouri, Tennessee and New York,
announced North Carolina as for Edward Everett. The
Bell and Everett ticket was the choice of the Convention and
they were announced as "The only National Candidates for
President and Vice-President in the United States."
With the echoes of the Baltimore Convention scarcely
silent, the contrasting scenes of a May Day celebration on
May 5, 1860, were being enacted in Greensboro by the
students of Edgeworth Seminary. Miss Mary Corinna
Morehead, the Governor's daughter, was to be crowned
Queen at the throne erected in the grove of the school
grounds. It was at 5.30 P. M., escorted by fourteen Maids
of Honor, ten Floras, witb flowers to scatter in her path, a
Scepter and Crown Bearer, the Queen, with Lady Hope and
the Archbishop on either side, approached with her two
First Maids of Honor, ten Pages and the Guilford Grays.
The beautiful ceremony of coronation was followed by the
poetical speech of the Queen and her presentation of a flag
to the Guilford Grays ;
"In the name of my subjects, the fair donors of Edge-
worth, I present this banner to the Guilford Grays. Fain
would we have it a banner of peace, and have inscribed upon
its graceful folds 'Peace on earth and good will to men;'
for our womanly nature shrinks from the horrors of war
and bloodshed. But we have placed upon it 'the oak'— fit
emblem of tbe firm, heroic spirits over which it is to boat.
Strength, energy and decision mark the character of the
sons of Guilford, whose noble sires have taught their sons
to know but one fear — the fear of doing wrong.
"Proudly in days past have the banners of our country

368 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
waved over yon Battle-field, where our fathers fought for
freedom from a tyrant's power. Their motto, 'Union is
strength,' and we their daughters would have this our banner
unfurled only in the same noble cause, and quivering through
our soft Southern breezes, echo the same glorious theme,
Union ! Union ! !"
These Grays were organized but a few months before
when Southern and Northern fanatics were threatening the
Union. Ensign Gorrell in his speech recalled tbe Brown
raid and retaliatory acts of the South that called them into
being and the present hope that it had all subsided.'
The growing crisis in both State and national affairs
made the districts and counties pick out their strong men
for the next Assembly. In the 36th Senatorial district of
North Carolina — that of Governor Morehead, he himself,
was put up for the State Senate and in August elected easily
as a "Unionist." Again, however, the Democrats had a
majority of 12 in the Senate and 10 in the House, the
"Unionists" numbering 19 in the former and 55 in the latter.
Governor Morehead, as a Unionist, like the rest of his
party, saw no reason why any man, with the requisite num
ber of votes, should not be inaugurated President, without
any danger to any institution protected by the Constitution,
be he even the "Black Republican" candidate, Abraham Lin
coln. They had no fears for the Constitution even under
him ; so that they held that the onus would rest on whomso
ever first took steps of revolution or secession, as Democrats
were so commonly threatening, in case the "Black Repub
lican" candidate should be elected. This was the national
meaning of Governor Morehead's election to the State Sen
ate ; but, there was also a state meaning to it ; for he and his
followers, who had secured all but twenty-eight miles of
the trans-national Piedmont line — ^the Greensboro-Leaks-
ville link, bad no notion of considering the outcome of the
railway battles of the last Assembly as final.
The breaking up of political families now extended to the
Democracy as well as the Whigs. The autumn visit of
1 Greensboro Patriot, May 18, 1860.

DEFENDER OF THE UNION 369
Stephen A. Douglas to Raleigh brought it out in North
Carolina vividly. The Raleigh Standard, Senator Cling
man and Governor Ellis espoused the cause of the "Little
Giant," while Weldon N. Edwards, "tbe political executor
of Nathaniel Macon" was so against Douglas that he said
he would prefer the election of Lincoln ! Then there was
the Breckenridge elector of tbe Raleigh district, Mr.
Venable, who joined his own wing of the party in declaring
for a dissolution of the Union, if the "Black Republican"
from Illinois were elected. The news of this brought a
significant comment from the Bell and Everett leading North
Carolina organ, tbe Raleigh Register, when it said that if
a* choice between the two, Douglas and Lincoln, were com
pulsory, it would unhesitatingly be for "The Little Giant."
The "Opposition" or "Unionist" candidate for Governor
reduced his opponent's majority to about half of that of
Governor Bragg; which shows the Unionist strength in
North Carolina at this critical period; for a gubernatorial
majority of but 6093 in a vote of 112,702 for the whole state
— 59,396 Democrat and 53,303 Unionist — is a remarkable
Unionist showing. And Guilford county led all the rest in a
majority of 2137 to 457, among others with largest ma
jorities being Iredell, Wilkes, Stanly, Randolph and Beau
fort counties. By the accompanying map it will be seen
that, in a general way, the Unionist counties were a great
block central and westward from and including Raleigh,
with another block generally from Newbern northeastwardly.
Many counties on both sides, however, were close. In a gen
eral way, also, the Democrats had the great eastern central
block on both sides of tbe Wilmington & Weldon Railroad
and tbe Roanoke valley — ^the regions of great plantations
and large slave-holdings.
Between this date and tbe November national election,
the fear of the "Black Republican" success increased, and
a consequent increase of disunion expression and actual
preparation by the organization of "Minute Men." "Al
ready the effects of disunion threats are manifesting them
selves," says the Raleigh Register of November 14, 1860.
"Negroes have gone down 30 per cent, and soon other prop-

370 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
erty will begin to depreciate. And for what? — a miserable
abstraction. Should an attempt be made to execute these
threats, men now wealthy will be reduced to poverty."
The national election confirmed their worst fears, although
the Raleigh Standard, the Breckenridge leader in a Breck
enridge State, was for accepting the result lawfully. The
Douglas ticket had but little support in North Carolina and
there was but little change in totals from those of the
August gubernatorial vote ; a few counties changed, by slight
vote, to Bell, but Raleigh's county changed to Breckenridge,
while the counties, in many cases were so close, that the
totals for the state were not greatly different from the
August gubernatorial results. Therefore, although North
Carolina went for Breckenridge and Lane, her leading
Democratic editor being for lawful acceptance of the result,
it can readily be seen that this was a Unionist state — ^at this
moment. The Raleigh Register charged South Carolina
with a purpose to secede in order that, Georgia following,
the reduced Southern representation in Congress would
leave the "Black Republicans" in control and forced to do
something that would drive tbe rest of the South along with
those two States ! For the whole North above New Jersey,
Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri went overwhelmingly
for Lincoln, carrying the country almost two to one.
This was the situation on November 19, 1860, when the
Assembly met in the capitol at Raleigh and Ex-Governor,
now Senator Morehead, took his seat in the north Senate
Chamber. The whole South was in a state of convulsion,
financially, politically, industrially, educationally — a crisis
even before secession was actually begun. Senator John
Motley Morehead was trying to keep bis head and thereby
aid the state in doing the same thing. He presented two
bills in an ordinary way as though nothing had happened.
He was put on the Committees on Internal Improvement,
Education, and Privileges and Elections ; and yet Governor
Ellis' message was essentially a secessionist one, and the
Clerk of the House of Commons had even modified the oath
of office of members in that direction. Governor Ellis
recommended both a State Convention and a Southern Con-

Map of North Carolina, I860
Prepared by the author
Showing Unionist vote for Governor: I. Counties with greatest Union majority, marked * (Highest® );
2. Union, returns not complete, marked -|-; 3. Turned to Breckenridge in November, marked —

DEFENDER OF THE UNION 371
ference— on the basis of "in tbe Union if possible, out of it
if necessary." Union meetings were held in various parts
of the State, but it was December 7th, before a noticeable
ebullition occurred in the Senate, when Senator Turner of
Orange, made a striking speech in which he said: "The
people of North Carolina are not ready for disunion; nor
are they ready to be chained to tbe car of South Carolina and
be dragged out of the Union into discord and civil war.
Senators will find that tbe Union men of North Carolina
will take a firm, fixed, immovable stand for tbe Union of the
States, and the Constitutional rights of each of tbe States,
and no power can drive them from it, short of the bayonet
and sword."
It was on Thursday, December 13, 1860, that Governor
Morehead first made himself felt in a speech on Senator
Turner's amendment to a resolution regarding a conference
with South Carolina. "Mr. Morehead addressed the Senate
at some length in an able and eloquent manner," says the
Register reporter. "He said that he opposed this confer
ence witb South Carolina, because she did not want to confer
with any State; that if she wishes to go out of the Union,
let her go ; but when she wishes a conference with us, and
she respectfully asks a conference, then we will confer with
her. He thought that North Carolina's being so alarmed
about a dissolution of tbe Union would destroy all the moral
effect of the secession of the State of South Carolina.
He took a strong ground against the right of a state to secede
from the Union, though he acknowledged an inherent right
of revolution in all men and all governments ; but if a state
did secede, there was no provision in the Constitution for
forcing her into the Union, because such an event was not
contemplated by tbe f ramers of that instrument. He thought
tbe Union could yet be saved. There was already a return
ing sense of justice in the Northern States." This address
was answered by Senator Brown, who, in return, was replied
to by the Guilford county Senator. The resolutions were
abandoned tbe next day.
Events came swift and fast as the new year, 1861,
opened. The United States ports at Charleston and even

372 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
below Wilmington were among the first objects of attack.
By January 14, 1861, the Senate passed resolutions asking
the President to withdraw troops from South Atlantic states
before a collision, in order that efforts might be made to
restore peace by conference ; and these were about to appoint
commissioners to go to the President, when adjournment
occurred. In the midst of such a situation the City of
Morehead incorporation bill was passed by the Senate;
and on the 15th, as a member of the Committee on Federal
Affairs, Senator Morehead recommended amendment to
the national constitution on fugitive slaves ; and on the 17th
he made an extended eloquent appeal for the Union, in con
nection with discussion of a call for a State Conventicn;
and the bill passed both houses that day.
On January 24th, submissions from Virginia and Alabama
having been referred to the Committee on Federal Relations,
that body recommended appoinment of Commissioners to
meet similas ones from other states at Washington on Feb
ruary 4, 1861, and also similar ones to a like Southern meet
ing at Montgomery, Alabama, on the same date. Senator
Morehead was one of only nine who voted against it.
While they were discussing it, the House resolutions on the
same line, but more complete, were received and discussed.
In these resolutions, Commissioners were named, those to
Washington being Hons. John M. Morehead, Daniel M.
Barringer, Chief Justice Thomas Ruffin, Ex-Governor David
S. Reid and George Davis, Esq. Those to Alabama were
Ex-Governor Swain, M. W. Ransom and J. L. Bridgers.
These resolutions were concurred in, the meeting being set
for February 4, 1861, at Washington, witb Senator More-
head as Chairman of the Washington Commissioners.
And then, on January 31, 1861, came the ghost of the
Greensboro and Danville road asking to be brought to life !
Senator Barringer moved it as a substitute for another bill,
while Senator Bledsoe tried to make it — ^no doubt in a
humorous sense — from "Tbe Shops [at Greensboro] to
Leaksville." Senator Thomas, once opposed, now favored
the Danville bnk. Senator Dobson favored it because it
asked no money from the State. Then Senator Bledsoe said

DEFENDER OF THE UNION 373
Senator Morehead bad himself abandoned it, and referred
to the matter of 1849 ; whereupon Governor Morehead said
he had never deserted the Danville connection. He then
paid his respects to Senator Bledsoe and the county of Wake,
whom tbe Senator said was opposed to it. "Take out of the
county of Wake tbe money which the State of North Caro
lina had thrown into it, and it would soon be tbe most mag
nificently insolvent county to be found anywhere, either in
or out of tbe State." Whereupon he advocated the Danville
connection witb great ability, and the bill passed second
reading 23 to 17. On Friday, February 1, 1861, Senator
Barringer from committee introduced a bill for a Greensboro
and Dan River Railroad, and it passed first reading. This
was the last day Senator Morehead was present, as the As
sembly had given him the Peace mission to tbe national
capital. While he was gone, however, a more or less continuous
fight was on, by means of the Milton & Yancyville Junction
Railroad bill, to get and defeat a Danville connection, on the
principle that it would be as "sweet" by any "name." On
February 15, 1861, however, the Senate received from the
House a bill to incorporate The Greensboro and Leaksville
Railroad; and it passed third reading on the 16th, and
granted a charter.
Also while he was away the Governor Swain commission
to the Alabama Convention at Montgomery, Alabama, re
turned and reported on February 11, 1861, that on their
arrival the Convention had adjourned, so they communicated
with tbe Southern Congress and found that a decided mi
nority only were in favor of reconstruction; that a "Pro
visional Government of the Confederate States of America"
was adopted on the 8tb and that General Jefferson Davis of
Mississippi was elected President on the 9tb, and that North
Carolina was invited to join them. The Assembly adjourned
on the 25th of February, 1861, awaiting a report from Sena
tor Morehead and his fellow Peace Commissioners from
the national capital, who were having no such brief session
as those to Alabama.

XVIII
The Peace Conference
Governor Morehead's Last Efforts
TO
Preserve the Union
4th February, 1861
Just why was North Carolina attempting to make peace
by sending Commissioners both to Washington and Mont
gomery, and why was Governor Morehead at the head of
the one and Governor Swain of the other? Both were
western men and both strong Union men and not excelled
in influence by any other men in the state. They best repre
sented the commonwealth. The census of 1860 shows how
that commonwealth was composed. Guilford county. Gov
ernor Morehead's home, next to the county containing
Raleigh, had the greatest white population in the state,
15,738, the county below her coming next with 14,968 and
the next nearest being in tbe 13,000s in that part of the state.
She had about one-fifth that number of slaves, namely,
3625, and but 693 free negroes. In total population — ^both
white and negro, 20,056 — Raleigh's county again stood first,
while Granville county, next north, in the Roanoke valley,
with over one-half colored, came second — 23,396, making
Guilford third in total population. Halifax county, also on
the Roanoke, with over two-thirds colored and far the great
est number of free negroes — 2450 — in all counties of the
state, was fourth in total population. Granville, with 11,085
slaves, was the greatest slave county in North Carolina,
although those other lower Roanoke counties, Edgecombe,
Halifax, Warren and Raleigh's and Wilmington counties
came next in the 10,000s. No county in the state but had
slaves, Watauga having the fewest, 104. The total was
374

THE PEACE CONFERENCE 375
331,081 slaves, while tbe total free negroes was so great as
30,097. Tbis latter added to the 631,489 white population
made the free population 661,586 — almost exactly twice the
slave population. On the other band, tbe negro population
— both slave and free — ^were over half of the white or about
one-third the total population. Seven counties had above
1000 free colored people: about half of the Pasquotank
county negroes were free, the greatest proportion where
there was a large colored population. Watauga bad 82 free
out of her 104 negroes ; and but one county, Haywood, had
no free negroes, and but one other witb so small a number
as 2 — Madison county — all mountain counties. As Wake,
the capital's county, was generally looked upon as some
what neutral, an almost North Carolina District-of-Colum-
bia, in a sense. Governor Morehead, from the largest white
inhabited county in the state and from the dominant white
district of the commonwealth very properly beaded tbe
Peace Commission designed to conciliate the north; while
Governor Swain, also of the west, but of most excellent
diplomatic qualities and consequently highly regarded by
the east, was sent on the even more hopeless mission to
Montgomery. Tbis latter was in response to the Alabama Convention's
invitation to all states below Mason-Dixon line to confer
on best measures on February 4, 1861. They were neither
delegates to the Confederate Provisional Congress nor to the
Alabama Legislature. Tbe Convention bad adjourned sine
die, and no other delegates seemed to have thought it neces
sary to come ; so on the third day, they concluded to submit
the North CaroHna sentiments to the Congress, which there
upon invited them to do so, but also invited North Carolina
to join tbe new Confederate government, giving them a copy
of the Constitution when it was adopted on the 8tb instant.
They remained until after President Davis was chosen
on the 9th and made their report on the lltb — a mission
all in vain.
Meanwhile, likewise, on Monday, February 4, 1861, at
Virginia's invitation, delegates from eleven states — five
south of the Mason-Dixon bne (Delaware, Maryland, Vir-

37(> JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
ginia, Kentucky and North Carolina) and six north of that
line (New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Penn
sylvania, Ohio and Indiana) met at Wibard's Hall in Wash
ington. Virginia's aims were based upon an adjustment,
along the lines of the Crittenden Resolution, by amendment
to the national constitution, limiting slave territory, but pro
tecting slave property in transit. To such Whigs as Gover
nor Morehead it boded no good that Ex-President Tyler
headed the Virginia delegation. Curiously enough there
were two Ex-Governors Morehead in the Conference,
cousins, too, one from Kentucky, Charles S., and the other
from North Carolina; and the former called the conference
to order. On the second day Governor J. M. Morehead
was put on the Credentials Committee, and witnessed the
man he had many times called a Whig traitor, elevated to
the presiding officer's chair, Ex-President John Tyler. By
this time Vermont, Connecticut and New York were present
and Massachusetts announced as on the way, as was Ten
nessee. Iowa also joined, and New York had one delegate
with more on the way, and IHinois was coming. On the
7th the Conference called on President Buchanan and also
appointed a committee to formulate measures.
Among the delegates were such men as Salmon P. Chase,
George S. Boutwell, Thomas Ewing, David Dudley Field,
Reverdy Johnson, Wm. M. Meredith, Thomas Ruffin, David
Wilmot, and others. Death marred the first days in the
passing of temporary Chairman Wright of Ohio. Other
delegates were equally well-known to their generation, but,
in some cases, not so well to succeeding ones. Delegates
had varied powers — some were bound by Legislatures, some
merely executive appointees. The Virginia invitations had
the nature of an ultimatum to the free states and the ma
jority report tended to even anticipate it; but the minority
report favored the Crittenden Kentucky plan of a Constitu
tional Convention for amendment on these questions — let
the Convention settle it. This was proposed in the face of
the fact that seven states had seceded and organized a new
government. On Monday, the 18th of February, 1861, the
beginning of the third week, Mr. Boutwell of Massachusetts,

THE PEACE CONFERENCE 377
while holding the general position that Governor Morehead
of North Carolina held as to constitution and union, plainly
announced the northern doctrine that, if a state attempted to
secede, tbe whole force of the United States would be
used to prevent it, and "we shall march our armies to the
Gulf of Mexico, or you will march yours to the Great Lakes.
There can be no peaceful separation." This was the turn
ing point in the Conference and it was in tbis connection
on the following day that Governor Morehead of North
Carolina first spoke and as a peace-maker between those
who did and those who did not want debate limited.
"I regret extremely," said Governor Morehead (N. C),
"to hear talk of sides in this Conference. I came here to act
for the Union — ^the whole Union. I recognize no sides —
no party. If any come bere for a different purpose I do not
wish to act with them; they are wrong. I hope from my
heart that we can all yet live together in peace ; but if we are
to do so we must act, and act speedily.'" Chief Justice
Ruffin expressed simbar sentiments with great feeling:
"I was born before tbe present Constitution was adopted.
May God grant that I do not outlive it. I cannot address
you on tbis subject without manifesting a feeling which fibs
my heart." He wanted the popular voice at once, for
unless it helped North Carolina she would "be drawn into
that mad career of open defiance, which is now opening so
widely against tbe government."
While a detailed account of this most interesting Con
ference is not possible here, some illustrative expressions
will show its unique place in the events of Governor More-
head's life. "I regard tbe present course of New England
as very unfair," said Mr. Rives of Virginia. "She is her
self responsible for the existence of slavery — she is our
fiercest opponent; and yet New Jersey and Pennsylvania,
who have not this responsibility, have always stood by the
South, and I believe they always will." "The gentleman
from Massachusetts may congratulate himself that there
are no negroes [slaves] in that commonwealth." "Say,
^Proceedings, p. 113.

378 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
and let it be said in the Constitution, that you will not in
terfere witb slavery in the District, or in the States, or in
the Territories. Permit the free transit of our slaves from
one State to another, and in the language of the patriarch,
'let there be peace between you and me'."
The effort of Governor Wickliffe of Kentucky to with
draw the resolution which precipitated this storm, was pre
vented by Governor Morehead (N. C.) and made regular
order for the next day. Then David Dudley Field addressed
them, holding that the Fathers would not put slavery guar
antees more definitely into the Constitution than they now
were, nor would he. "Not to save the Union?" asked Gov
ernor Morehead (N. C). "No, Sir! No!" was the reply.
"Then you wbl let the Union slide?" again interjected the
North Carolina leader. "No, never!" said the New York
jurist. "I would let slavery slide and save the Union.
Greater things than this have been done. This year has
seen slavery abolished in all the Russias." He then stated
the position of such Southern States as were not yet out of
the Union : "If you will support our amendments, we wib
try to induce the seceded States to return to the Union.
We rather think we can induce them to return; but if we
cannot, then we wib go witb them." He closed eloquently
with Longfellow's "O Ship of State !"
On the 23rd, after Mr. Logan of Illinois had said, in
discussion of an Iowa proposal, "We should act as if the
fate of a great nation depended on our action," Governor
Morehead (N. C.) thought it time for him to speak: "I thank
God I hear a voice such as I have just heard from that sec
tion of the country! I have been a member of a recent
Legislature of North Carolina, in which there was a majority
of secessionists. I have been jeered at in that body for the
opinions I have expressed, for I told those gentlemen re
peatedly that if we could once get the ear of tbe North, the
North would do us justice. They pointed me to the raid of
John Brown — to the meeting in Boston, where the gallows
of John Brown was carried with solemn ceremonies into
the Cradle of Liberty. They pointed me to the man who
presided over that meeting, since elevated to the high and

THE PEACE CONFERENCE 379
honorable position of Governor of Massachusetts. Not
withstanding all this, I have replied that the masses of the
northern people would deal fairly by us. I have told these
secessionists to their teeth that Lincoln was properly elected
under the Constitution, and be ought to be inaugurated.
Their reply was 'Kansas, and the John Brown raid !'
"Now, I ask this Conference to look for oiie moment
at the effect of tbe amendment which is proposed. It with
draws all constitutional protection from us north of
36° 30'. Adopt it, and what has Massachusetts to do but
to import ber foreigners into the country south, and take
possession of it. New York will back her, and we shall be
swept from tbe face of tbe earth.
"If the gentleman from New York means to say that
the nation can put its foot on the neck of the States and
crush them into submission, let him go into Virginia and
join another John Brown raid. Virginia will treat him as
she did John Brown. No! the gentleman has not studied
the motto of the Union. There is the E pluribus as well as
the unum. If the new President proposes to come down to
the South and conquer us, he will find that the whole temple
shall fall. We can be crushed, perhaps, but conquered,
never!" Eight states were out of the Union by this time. Presi
dent Tyler was hopeful of bringing them back. Governor
Morehead again spoke on the beginning of tbe fourth week,
the 25th, on the property status of slaves internationally.
Indeed he spoke briefly several times in moulding the pro
posed constitutional amendment, as he also did on the 26tb.
On the latter day, he spoke on a proposed mode of freeing
fugitive slaves : "We know," said he, "from past experience
what the abolitionists of the free states would do under such
a provision as this in the Constitution. [He was qualify
ing it by keeping the freed negroes in the state where
owned.] There will be an underground railroad line along
every principal route of travel. There will be depots all
along these lines. Canoes will be furnished to ferry negroes
over the Potomac and Ohio. John Brown & Co. will stand
ready to kill the master the very moment he crosses the

380 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
line in pursuit of his slave. What officer at the North wib
dare to arrest the slave when John Brown pikes are stacked
up in every little village ? If arrested, there will be organi
zations formed to rescue him, and you may as well let the
'nigger' go free at once. You are opening up the greatest
scheme of emancipation ever devised." His amendment
was agreed to, 17 to 3. On the same day he opposed an
amendment of Mr. Fields which practically acknowledged
a right of secession under certain conditions, even though
Mr. Field no doubt considered them impossible conditions.
"I should regret extremely," said Governor Morehead, "to
have this amendment adopted, and to have the Constitution
made practically to assert a right of secession. I have
denied that right always in my State, in public and in
private. I am aware that on this point I differ from the
general sentiment of the South, and I hold there is no right
of secession, and on the part of the General Government no
right of coercion. I claim that a State bas no right to
secede, because that right is not found in the Constitution,
and the theory of the Constitution is against it." The
amendment was rejected 11 to 10. With the majority re
port so nearly finished, Ex-Governor Reid of North Carobna
expressed his purpose not to agree to them, whereupon Chief
Justice Ruffin and Governor Morehead (N. C.) disagreed
with him: "I came here," said the latter, "to try to save
the Union. I have labored hard to that end. I hope and
believe the report of the majority, if adopted, will save the
Union. I wish to carry these propositions before the people.
I believe that the people of North Carolina and of tbe Union
will adopt them. Give us an opportunity to appeal to the
generosity of the people of the whole Union. Certainly no
Southern man can object to submitting these propositions to
the popular vote."
When the vote on sections was taken, seriatim. Chief Jus
tice Ruffin and Governor Morehead dissented from their
State's vote against Section 1. Tbe vote stood 11 States
against 8 for, with Indiana declining to vote at all — ^and
nearly every State having one or more dissenters. The
vote was accompanied by considerable excitement, because

THE PEACE CONFERENCE 381
it looked as if the whole program was to fall ; but a motion
to reconsider was secured ; and on tbe 27tb it was passed by
9 to 8, with North Carolina among the latter, and New York
divided because of tbe absence of Mr. Field. Thereupon
the whole seven sections were successively adopted witb
even better majorities. In two other cases Chief Justice
Ruffin and Governor Morehead (N. C.) dissented from their
State's vote; and on but sections 3 and 4 did North Caro
lina's vote go to tbe affirmative. Twenty-one States were
present at tbis last voting — all states north of and including
North Carolina, Tennessee and Missouri, including Kan
sas and Iowa, and up to Michigan and Wisconsin.
Against Chief Justice Ruffin of Graham and Governor
Morehead of Greensboro in North Carolina's delegation
were George Davis of Wilmington, Governor Reid of Rock
ingham county, and D. M. Barringer of Raleigh.
On the same day. President Tyler presented tbe proposed
amendment as "Article XIII" to Congress, and tbe Senate
rejected it promptly by a vote of 28 to 7. It was too late.
The oath of office of President Lincoln gave him no alterna
tive but to preserve the Constitution of the United States at
all costs, and the action of South Carolina and similar States
left but one course to pursue. Political power, by the elec
tion, had passed from the South to tbe North for the first
time, practically. A large element — a growing element in
tbe North had been and still were ignoring the Consti
tution and its recognition of slave property; and the ex
treme part of that element was even saying that that instru
ment was "a covenant with bell." These elements elected
President Lincoln, who was bound by oath to preserve that
Constitution. Great elements of the South stood where
Lincoln stood, but tbe extreme element saw him repre
senting tbe extreme element in the North and also
ignored the Constitution. Every move that bad touched
slave property was a violation of the Constitution as much
as secession was — a point that is liable to be overlooked. Be
fore an avowed, wide-spread purpose in the North to break
slavery, and witb no care to do it by constitutional methods,
it was natural that an equally extreme purpose should arise

382 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
and spread widely in the South to ignore the Constitution
also. With two great elements. North and South, fanatical
in their purpose to overturn the Constitution, it could not
but result in civil war to preserve that Constitution, by those
who would follow President Lincoln. By the grim humor
of events, the Abolitionist element, who declared the Con
stitution "a covenant with hell" and sought to break it, now
were following President Lincoln in preserving that "cove
nant with hell !" No wonder the Secessionists could not do
otherwise than identify the President with them and act
accordingly. It is true that when the Abolitionists found
just what Mr. Lincoln's purpose was, namely, to preserve
the Constitution, without regard to slavery, and did so for
nearly three bloody years, they were inflamed against him
for it, but followed him because he was marching against
slave-holders. Had tbe slave-holders obeyed the Constitution
he would have found his greatest protection in that same
"Black Republican" President, but because be sought to
break it by secession, he forced tbe President to be his
enemy, so long as the Constitution was threatened. It will
be seen, therefore, that Governor Morehead even yet had
the same attitude, as Mr. Lincoln, except that, Lincoln, like
Washington and Jackson believed that the Constitution, like
any government that is a real one, had the power of self-
preservation and coercion.
This, however, leaves untouched the question of the con
flict of moral and political movements, and the power of
new wine to break old bottles. This was a realm into which
Governor Morehead did not enter apparently. His was the
realm of practical statesmanship; not that of the political
or moral philosopher. He was a man of great vision, but
it was not in this field — so there is no occasion for this narra
tive to enter it.
The great Whig leader arrived home at Greensboro on
March 2nd, just two days before President Lincoln's in
auguration. "The Peace Congress having finished their labors," said
the Greensboro Patriot of Thursday, March 7, 1861, "and
having adjourned. Governor Morehead reached home by the

THE PEACE CONFERENCE 383
Express train on last Saturday evening. He found waiting
at the Station an anxious crowd, desiring to know what bad
been done, and what was tbe prospect for peace. In order
to impart tbis information in the most satisfactory manner
to all, Gov. Morehead repaired at once to the Court House,
which was in a short time nearly filled. Having been travel
ling all day, tbe Governor declined making a speech, but
taking a seat on tbe bench where all could see and bear, he
proceeded in a conversational way to detail briefly what bad
taken place in the Peace Conference. It was composed, be
said, of some of tbe most distingusbed men of tbe nation.
Many of them quite old and feeble; and who had retired
from public life. A committee of one from each state was
appointed at the beginning of their session to prepare busi
ness. Hon. Thomas Ruffin was on tbis committee from
North Carobna. In this committee, the Governor said,
there was much able debating. The Governor spoke in the
highest terms of Mr. Ruffin [Chief Justice] ; that he exerted
a great, if not a greater influence than any other member
of the Conference ; that he did not see how they could have
got along without Judge Ruffin. That the Conference was
composed of a great many distinguished lawyers, to all of
¦whom Mr. Ruffin was known by reputation, having served
so long as Chief Justice of our Supreme Court. The Gov
ernor said, that when they first met, New York nor Massa
chusetts were represented, and that everything went on quite
harmoniously until the delegates from those States took their
seats; that as soon as tbe members from New York and
Massachusetts came, they commenced throwing fire-brands
among them. New York bad nine delegates, five of whom
seemed determined to oppose all compromise, but that the
other four were disposed to bring about an adjustment.
That the four Union delegates dared the other five to submit
tbe matter to tbe people of New York, and they would be
voted down by 100,000 majority. When tbe final voting
came on, tbe vote of New York was not cast either way, as
one of the no-compromise delegates, for some cause or other,
was not present, which made a tie, and so tbe vote of the
State was not cast.

384 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"Rhode Island, said the Governor, stood by the South
from the beginning. So did New Jersey. The delegates
from Ohio, headed by Thomas Ewing, were very conserva
tive and did all they could to bring about an adjustment.
That the vote of North Carolina was cast against the propo
sitions as passed, but that Mr. Rufiin and himself voted for
them. The Governor thinks that the South should be satis
fied witb the plan as adopted, and that it is everything we
had any reason to hope for. He did not think that the
present Congress, as the time was so short, and as so much
bad feeling bad been gotten up, would be able to
carry the plan through. The Governor seemed quite san
guine that time would bring all things right, but that if
nothing could be done, that the border states, together with
the border free states, would form a new Constitution for
themselves, and take possession of the United States. That
they would never go out of the Union, but would stay in
the Union, hold to the capitol and Mount Vernon, and let
the New England states slough off. He said a great deal
more, but ... we wib add no more."
The Commissioners made their report and were dis
charged. On March 5, 1861, the next day after President
Lincoln's inauguration. Governor Morehead wrote Chief
Justice Ruffin as follows : "I was at Raleigh yesterday and
found our friends Badger and Moore [B. F.], Ryan and
others well pleased with our resolutions. They said the
secessionists were trying to make dissatisfaction with the
1st Section — professing not to be able to understand it —
and particularly they seemed not to understand — according
to the course of the common law.'  They all put the proper
construction on it — but to put that quibble to rest  we
came to the conclusion that it would be as well for someone
to write you a letter on the subject, and get your reply and
publish it.  1 drop you this line, that you may have the
subject under consideration, and the reply ready and if no
application is made for an explanation I would respectfully
suggest that you prepare such an article for publication with
or without your name as you prefer. Our resolutions give
general satisfaction, but I understand our colleagues repre-

THE PEACE CONFERENCE 385
sent them as a rickety affair, and Brother Davis, I am in
formed, made a strong speech against them at Wilmington
which was rapturously received by not unwilling ears.  1
am exceedingly anxious to see the inaugural. I fear its
effect very much. Chase is in tbe Cabinet, it is said, if so
there is danger. Nothing certain in Raleigh when I left
last evening, but it was said that Seward, Bates, Blair,
Wells, Chase, Cameron and Montgomery [Blair] are tbe
Cabinet. If so, the South refused seats in it I expect;
and it was said the inaugural would demand the return
of all property seized, the collection of duties, etc., etc.
If so, I fear all hope is gone  but let us keep cool and
all may come right yet. P. S. — I go to Charlotte
by tbe 2 o'clock train today, where I may get mobbed,
but I shall risk it; and if I am, you must come up
and share the Honors with me. Charlotte is a young
Charleston.'" > The Papers of Thomas Ruffin, Vol. 3, p. 137. Long dashes indicate
paragraphs.

XIX In
The Confederate Provisional Congress
Richmond
July, 1861 — February, 1862
While Governor Morehead was still in Washington on
the last day of February, 1861, North Carolina voted on
whether to call a Convention. His own county, Guilford,
had gone 2771 to 113 against it; and the three delegates
elected were all Union men, one being the Governor's
brother. No other county approached it except Randolph,
the next south of it, with 2466 to 45. Not counting Davie,
the returns of which were not in, thirty-five counties were
against a Convention and forty-eight for it, with a somewhat
similar territory to that of the recent election, but with some
changes. The matter was not settled by counties, however,
but by votes, and while 48 counties voted 46,409 for a Con
vention, 35 counties were able to get what they wanted,
namely, no convention by 46,603 votes, some of which were
from all counties. The smallest number of votes against,
in any one county, was 17 in Edgecombe; while the smallest
for it, in any one county, was 34 in Yadkin. This meant
that, by the small margin of but 194, with Davie not counted,
the State of North Carolina saw no cause to consider
a danger to the Union — at that time, February 28, 1861.
Those counties, however, that were overwhelmingly for
action were Buncombe, Cleveland, Duplin, Edgecombe,
Franklin, Gaston, Halifax, Mecklenburg, Nash, New
Hanover, Wayne, Warren, Rutherford, Person, Onslow,
Lincoln, Jones, Jackson, Hyde, Granville, and a few others
— chiefly the Charlotte region intimately associated with
South Carolina, as also the Wilmington region, with some
of the Roanoke valley.
During this month of March, 1861, the Guilford Grays
386

PROVISIONAL CONFEDERATE CONGRESS 387
celebrated their first anniversary and that of the eighty-fifth
of the Battle of Guilford Court House, and they were joined
by the Orange Guards, the Danville Grays, and tbe Rowan
Rifle Guards, which was a notable affair and a significant
one, for these were from "No Convention" counties. Still
no one knew what a day would bring forth, and tbe seces
sionist elements were even then having a convention at
Goldsboro, while in almost every county either Unionists
or Disunionists were holding meetings. The Union dele
gates elected, in case a convention was called, were so much
in the majority, that the Warrenton News thought that, if
the vote bad been plainly on "Secession" or "No Secession,"
it would have been still more overwhelmingly for the latter.
And while the Confederation was grownig, a songster in tbe
Fayetteville Observer was carrolbng "Dixie" with —
"I'm glad I'm not in de land ob cotton ;
Old times dar, am all forgotten;
Let us stay ! Let us stay in North Caroline ;
In Carolina I was born,
The land of Backer, Pine and Com ;
Let us stay ! Let us stay in North Caroline —
We'll cling to North Callina— Hooray ! Hooray!
Old Rip's the land on which we'll stand.
To live and die like freemen :
Away! Away! we'll live and die like freemen.
Away I Away ! we'll live and die like freemen.
"That glorious spunk is still alive.
That bore us out in seventy-five ;
Let us stay ! Let us stay in North Caroline ;
The Cotton boasters still may shout.
Their mammy's do not know they are out.
Let us stay ! Let us stay in North Caroline —
We'll cling to North Callina— Hooray ! Hooray!
Old Rip's the land, &c.
"Our gallant sons will fight and bleed.
We'll beard 'Old Abe,' we won't secede;
Let us stay ! Let us stay in North Caroline.
The coward flies when danger's near.
But call the roll you'll find us 'here.'
Let us stay I Let us stay in North Caroline—
We'll cling to North Callina— Hooray ! Hooray!
Old Rip's the land, &c.

388 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"We'll force Old Abram to do right.
By standing firm, but not by flight.
Let us stay! Let us stay in North Caroline.
But when the die is cast — our fate.
Our destiny is with our State.
We will stay ! We will stay in North Caroline —
We'll cling to North Callina^-Hooray ! Hooray!
Old Rip's the land on which we'll stand.
To live and die like freemen !
Hooray! Hooray! Hooray for Rip Van Winkle!
Hooray! Hooray! Hooray for Rip Van Winkle!"
But the Goldsboro Convention meant business and began
to organize a "Southern Rights Party" with a view to
another vote on a Convention. This was met by efforts
to organize a "Union Party," starting in Raleigh under the
chairmanship of B. F. Moore, Esq. A South Carolina paper
said at this time: "Terrapin like, Virginia, Kentucky and
Alissouri are beginning to poke out their heads and legs pre
paratory to crawling, under the fire laid upon their backs
by the Lincoln Administration. But North Carolina and
Tennessee, under a stream of molten lava pouring upon
them, would not even shake their tails." It thought they
would better remain a barrier between North and South,
whereupon the Patriot editor reminded them that their great
boasting was due to the fact that the states that wouldn't
"shake their tails" were protecting them! On April 18,
1861, however, the Greensboro Patriot said: "It is with
deep regret and most painful anticipation of the future,
that we announce to our readers that the war has com
menced; that the first gun bas been fired and that Fort
Sumter, instead of being evacuated, as should have been
done, has been violently seized upon, and that the flag of the
Confederate States, now floats above its walls. . . .
Events of the most startling character, so crowd upon each
other, that the mind becomes bewildered and confused, no
time being afforded for reflection. But yesterday, all was
quiet, peace and happiness; today, terror, excitement and
confusion rules the hour. The Stars and Stripes, the Flag
which we have been taught to reverence, and which we all
so much love, which has commanded the respect of the

PROVISIONAL CONFEDERATE CONGRESS 389
civilized world, and beneath whose ample folds, we have, for
three-quarters of a century, found safety and protection, bas
been dishonored, and that, too, by the hands of those, who
of ab others, should have been tbe first to defend it." He
then shows that tbe fact that seven states had seceded, and
even formed a government, without molestation of the
United States bad led them to believe that Uncle Sam would
let his erring Cotton States children go, and tbe Southern
boundary of the nation would be tbe south lines of North
Carolina and Tennessee. He plainly expressed tbe doctrines
of James Madison that, while not allowing the right of
secession, except as revolution, that tbe constitution gave no
power of coercion. In the same issue, however, be prints
President Lincoln's call for 75,000 men "to suppress said
combinations, and cause tbe laws to be duly executed,"
which, as it is observed, said nothing about secession, but
only enforcement of laws. Tbe Patriot, however, seems
unable to conceive of either side actually invading the other,
as he bad been unable to conceive of the fall of Sumter;
and be announced bis determination to at once begin issuing
a campaign paper to be called "The Stars and Stripes!" As
this paper was looked upon as one of the first two or three
leading Unionist papers of tbe State and as generally ex
pressing the views of Governor Morehead, though not his
organ, it may be viewed as the expression of himself and bis
constituency. In tbe same issue also he printed Secretary
of War Cameron's telegraphic call upon Governor Ellis
at Raleigh for two regiments, and the latter's very natural
reply that be regarded "the levy of troops made by the Ad
ministration, for the purpose of subjugating tbe States of
tbe South, as in violation of the Constitution, and as a
gross usurpation of power." "You can get no troops from
North Carolina," he underscored, as James Madison bad
given him interpretation to do. Even then the Editor of The
Patriot called upon the people to be calm, for "like the
mistletoe on tbe oak," "in a short time the mistletoe will be
blown away," but "a million and a half of strong Union
men" "in tbe north, who love the Union," "will do us
justice." "Wait." Like Madison, too, he said: "Woe to

390 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the ambition that would meditate the destruction of either"
[Constitution or Union]. On April 25tb, however, he was
ready to say: "We would rnerely suggest the idea, that
instead of calling a Convention would it not be as well, for
the Legislature, just simply to declare the State of North
Carolina in a state of revolution; and then provide all the
necessary measures for carrying on the war, vigorously co
operating with our Southern brethren in resisting every at
tempt of the tyrant Lincoln to subdue the South." He went
still further, and outlined reconstruction after victory,
namely, that one condition of the treaty should be that
"North Carolina is a free and independent sovereign State"
and then determine whether she wishes to reconstruct the
Union or join the Confederacy.
On April 17tb Virginia, in secret action, seceded, and
on the same day. Governor Ellis of North Carolina, drew
his call for a special meeting of the Assembly for May 1,
1861 ; but Virginia did not announce her action until April
24th and Ellis' proclamation was published in the Patriot
of April 25th. He also called upon the militia and among
those that responded were the Guilford Grays and Minute
Men under Captain W. S. Hill. The arsenal at Fayette
ville was captured by a thousand volunteers. "On Tuesday"
[23d April] said the Patriot, "our streets were filled with
an excited crowd. They were addressed by Mr. J. W.
Thomas of Davidson, Governor Morehead, Hon. R. C. Pur-
year, Hon. J. A. Gilmer, Ralph Gorrell, Esq., Samuel P.
Hill, J. R. McLean, R. P. Dick, Thomas Settle and perhaps
others. The speeches of these gentlemen all breathed the
true spirit of resistance to tyrants, and that the time had
come for North Carolina to make common cause witb her
brethren of the South in driving back the Abolition horde.
North Carolina may rest assured that the people of Guilford
are ab right." The Guilford Grays, under Capt. John Sloan,
were at Fort Macon on duty. Two other companies were
organizing; and the Patriot announced its abandonment
of its campaign paper — The Stars and Stripes. A company
of Home Guards, also, under Capt. Jos. A. Houston, was
organized and the ladies were forming organizations to pro-

PROVISIONAL CONFEDERATE CONGRESS 391
vide supplies and hospital appurtenances. And while such
preparations were making, Edgeworth Seminary announce
ments were appearing as usual, telling of twenty years of
successful work and a growth to a faculty of seven gentle
men and four ladies. It is a curious fact that when tbe
Guilford Grays started for Goldsboro on tbe first call, both
Senator Gilmer and Judge Dick — Whig and Democrat — and
Richard Sterling, as well, said to them substantially: "Go!
Defend your State ! Carry witb you tbe Stars and Stripes,
and fight under that banner! Repel any armed force that
puts foot on North Carolina soil — ^whether it come from
South Carolina, Virginia or Yankeedom !" And they went
with three days' rations, expecting soon to return.'
The special session of the Assembly gathered at Raleigh
on May 1, 1861, as called, and at once ordered another vote
on Convention for May 17tb, and as there was no doubt
as to need for it, it was to meet on the 20tb. The Gov
ernor was directed to immediately prepare 20,000 volunteers
for a year, and 10,000 State troops for the war, with a
$5,000,000 defense fund. In all this Ex-Governor More-
head was as active a leader on committees, military and
others, as he had been on internal improvement, railways,
education or anything else. The Assembly was completely
unified for defense and, as tbe choice of fighting Abolitionists
or Slaveholders, one or the other, was forced upon them
they were already a unit as to which must be done. On the
8th, Governor Morehead secured passage of a bill for cre
ation of a Military Board of three to advise with the
Executive. Great dispatch was the order of tbe day and
the session adjourned on May 13, 1861, to June 25th.
The Convention met at Raleigh on the 20tb of May
and on the 21st the members signed tbe Ordinance of Se
cession and two days later ratified the "Constitution of tbe
Confederate States of America." Governor Morehead being
a member of the State Senate was not a member of the Con
vention. On tbe 27th of May, 1861, President Davis Pro
claimed North Carolina a part of tbe Confederacy. Chief

1 A. M. Scales in Greensboro Daily News, 20th Sept, 1908.

392 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Justice Ruffin was probably tbe ablest leader of this Con
vention and before it adjourned on the 28tb be aided in elect
ing among the eight district delegates to the Confederate
Congress, his companion in Peace Conference activities at
Washington, State Senator John Motley Morehead, who
at once resigned his state post, and prepared to go to the
Confederate capital.
The "Provisional Congress of Tbe Confederate States
of America," as it was called technically, held its first session
at its temporary capital, Montgomery, Alabama, from Feb
ruary 4 to March 16, 1861. The second session, due to
the Fort Sumter developments, was called to meet there
also on April 29tb and did not adjourn until May 21, 1861 ;
so that it was in recess, on the 27th, that President Davis
proclaimed North Carolina's entry into the Confederacy,
and Governor Morehead was elected to this body. Mean
while, during June, the preparations for a clash of arms
about the national capital, led to the third session of the
Confederate Congress being called to meet at Richmond
on July 20, 1861, and the Virginia capital becoming the
Confederate capital.
Therefore, when, on July 20th, the delegates assembled
in the state capital, just the day before the battle of Bull
Run, the first business was the presentation of the Virginia
and North Carolina delegates, the latter of whom were an
nounced by Mr. Toombs of Georgia and among them being
Governor John Motley Morehead of Greensboro. The
message of President Davis, to which Congressman More-
head listened, drew emphatic attention to President Lincoln's
position that the states bad no other power "than that re
served to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of
them having ever been a State outside of the Union.'"' This
was on Saturday. The following day President Davis wit
nessed the defeat of the national forces at Bull Run and
announced the results to the Congress at Richmond. Chief
Justice Ruffin did not arrive until the 25th and it was the
26th before any record of Governor Morehead is had,
^ This of course excepted Texas, which was a "State," or, more properly, a
"nation" wholly independent of all other bodies.

' W4

Coni-'ederate Capitol, Richmond
From a five-dollar bill of 1864

provisional confederate CONGRESS 393
namely, a nay vote in opposition to secret sessions, in which
the majority of his delegates joined him, but without success.
On August 2nd a similar phenomena occurred in connection
witb features of a general embargo act, but witb success
attending his nay. Likewise on August 7tb, on a vote to
adjourn on the 19th to meet in November, be voted nay, in a
minority of his own state, but in vain ; but on another vote
on adjournment on August 8th, be and Mr. Ruffin voted
nay, in minority of their own state, but were successful in
preventing adjournment.'
The Congress bad been organized by tbe aggressive
leaders of tbe secession before tbe Virginia and North Caro
lina members bad appeared, so that up to this date there is no
evidence of their membership of committees. On this very
day, August 8, 1861, Governor Morehead wrote Chief
Justice RuflSn from Richmond: ' "I have bad two short
conversations witb the President on tbe subject of seeing
our troops (for it seems difficult to get a good sitting witb
the President so as to have a consultation with him). If I
understood him correctly, be is now willing to receive
volunteers for any period of time, provided we will arm and
equip them — as he says they find great difficulty to do it
as fast as they tender their services. . . .
"Since tbe great fight and victory at Manassas I think the
Government bas come to the conclusion, that it is not indis
pensable to victory, that the troops sbould be regulars — on
the contrary it may sometimes turn out that it is better they
are not and tbis perhaps happened at Manassas. For the
opinion prevails witb many, and even tbe enemy seemed so
to have concluded from the dispatches in the earlier part of
the day, that we, once or twice, bad fairly lost the battle,
according to the usual rules of regular fighting — but our
green volunteer troops were not up to their regular rules and
when regulars might have concluded that they were fairly
whipped and therefore ought to yield the day — the volun
teers knew nothing about it — and only concluded when hard
pressed and driven back that it was only marching and
1 Thomas Ruffin of Goldsboro is here referred to, a distant relation of the
Chief Justice it is said.

394 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
counter marching — and constituted nothing more than the
regular emergencies of a battle field, and as they had gone
in for whipping the enemy — it had to be done. And it was
gloriously done, by every man making himself a hero and
fighting with a valor never surpassed anywhere. Every
hero fought as if the Salvation of tbe Republic depended
upon the vigor of his own right arm, and he determined to
know nothing but victory or death." After describing the
confusion on the battlefield, "without waiting to charge or
fire by platoons, companies or regiments," "each one pitched
into his man hand to hand" and the enemy concluded they
were fighting "Devils not men" hence tbe "unprecedented
panic." "Regulars could do no more." "The war spirit
possesses the whole land, and Congress [Confederate, of
course], in secret session all the time it transacts business,
will respond to the public sentiment — this is perhaps as much
as I ought to say at this time." He says regiments are
flocking in the direction of Alexandria and Arlington, inti
mating an attack on Washington with artillery that will
"satisfy all Black Republicans that they have no business
south of Mason and Dixon's line, in other words — Yankee-
ism will not flourish in the land of 'Dixie'." "I regret ex
ceedingly you are not with us in this Congress."
Much time during August was given to financial ques
tions and on August 10th, Governor Morehead was made
the North Carolina representative on tbe Committee "To
Secure The Financial And Commercial Independence of
The Confederate States." On the surface of affairs he
apparently took but little initiative either in preparing bills
or in any recorded discussons, although he supported
President Davis in bis railroad proposition to which attention
may presently be turned. He was absent during tbe last
days of the session, which closed on August Slst.
President Davis recalled them on September 3rd, how
ever, because of an oversight by which an appointment bill
had not reached him for signature. There were few in
attendance and they did what was necessary and adjourned
the same day. Governor Morehead was not present. They
adjourned to November 18, 1861.

PROVISIONAL CONFEDERATE CONGRESS 395
The November session brought a recommendation from
President Davis of personal interest to Governor Morehead,
although he was not there on the 19th to hear it — did not
arrive, indeed, untb the 20th, so far as the record indicates.
This was President Davis' calling attention to tbe fact that
the Confederacy had but two through transportation lines
north and south, one along the seaboard and one in western
Virginia to New Orleans ; but that a third was needed and
"might be secured by completing a link of about forty miles
between Danville, in Virginia, and Greensborough in North
Carolina. The construction of this comparatively short line
would give us a through route from north to south in tbe
interior of tbe Confederate States, and give us access to a
population and to military resources from which we are
now in great measure debarred. We should increase greatly
the safety and capacity of our means for transporting men
and military supplies. If the construction of this road
should, in tbe judgment of Congress, as it is in mine, be in
dispensable for tbe most successful prosecution of the war,
the action of the government will not be restrained by tbe
constitutional objection which would attach to a work for
commercial purposes, and attention is invited to the practi
cability of securing its early completion by giving the needful
aid to tbe company organized for its construction."
Tbis message was read on Tuesday, and on the following
Saturday, the 23rd, Governor Morehead, who was still in
Greensboro, and was to leave for Richmond the next day,
wrote Judge Ruffin that he had received an offer from a
well-known South Carolina legislator that if he or any
other reliable man would take hold of tbe Danville link that
the Sea Island planters would furnish the slaves to do the
grading in quick time and glad to do it because of tbe safety
of the slaves and would make a very low figure. The
Governor writes, however, of these facts, namely: Three
Charters cover tbe Danville project — the Coal Fields line
from tbe Virginia line to some six or eight miles below
Leaksville, the Brodnax charter from Leaksville to Ger
manton, and tbe Greensboro-Leaksvibe charter. "Tbis is
not right," says Governor Morehead's letter. "It sbould be

396 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
one corporation throughout or at least there should be but
one change and that should be at Danville or Leaksville —
it will be the same if the Danville road is extended to Leaks
ville (ignoring the intermediate charter) or the Greensboro
and Leaksville road is extended to Danville. Now had we
not better have our charter so modified as to effect this
object. The Convention of both States are in session and
can give the necessary charter."
He then argues the question of route. Referring to the
large stream of travel between north and south, he thought
"that day is gone — I confidently believe never to return."
So he now considers it solely from a military view, suggest
ing the Leaksvilile route because of the coal and iron on Deep
and Dan rivers. He confidently assumes the permanence
of "Our Southern Republic." He also considers that a
road from Leaksville and Greensboro to Lynchburg, Va., is
a military necessity. Judge Ruffin replies witb sugges
tions, which he takes up in a letter of December 4, 1861,
from Richmond.' President Lincoln's suggestion of a mili
tary railroad through Cumberland Gap be thinks has western
North Carobna in view. Again he suggests a line through
Leaksville, but thinks it ought to run as direct from Greens
boro to Danville as military necessity will allow. An arm
may go to the coal and iron fields, which might be a part
of the Virginia-Tennessee line. Judge Ruffin made an ef
fort, but it was finally put up to the Confederate Congress
which passed it on February 8, 1862, leaving it optioiial
with the President whether to connect with the North Caro
lina Central or not. It was now desired that tbe North
Carolina Convention pass a bill, which it did do by the
10th. The optional feature is the only outward evidence
of the old "connection" fight which was carried up by both
sides to the Confederate Congress, but, as the result indi-
^ In this letter he answers Judge Ruffin's desire that he come on to Raleigh
and aid by saying: "I should be willing to lend my aid to make the connection
between the N. C and Danville roads, but I do not think my presence in
Raleigh would lend any aid to effect the object My efforts to «Sect that object
have been so often thwarted by the Eastern Roads and the N. C. Road itself,
that my presence would arouse the old hostility notwithstanding the pressing
urgency of the measure; which I think is greatly increased by reading the
message of Lincoln — recommending a Military Road for Kentucky through
Cumberland Gap. He evidently has his eye on Western N. C." — Ruffin Papers,
Hamilton, Vol. Ill, p. 200.

PROVISIONAL CONFEDERATE CONGRESS 397
cates, tbe "link" was bound to come and did come thus as a
military measure. President Davis had again urged it on
December 17th, and a considerable fight bad been made
over it on January 30, 1862, and was continued again on
February 6tb, and on tlie 7tb was passed 9 to 3 (states),
only Alabama, Florida and Georgia voting against it, and
North Carolina being divided. It therefore took the vote
of the Southern Confederacy to decide Governor Morehead's
great question of the Greensboro-Danville link, on which
North Carolina was so bitterly divided, and President Davis
was authorized to build it as a military measure. It was
not done, however, without a systematic protest, beaded by
Mr. Toombs of Georgia, on Constitutional grounds; but on
February 10, 1862, President Davis announced that he had
signed the bill and that closed tbe matter so far as the Con
federate Congress was concerned. So was it to be as far as
North Carolina was concerned, for she passed a like bbl
on the same day !
Governor Morehead wrote, on tbe day President Davis
signed the bill to Judge Ruffin whose letter he had just
received containing "tbe joyous intelligence of the passage
of the Railroad Charter." "On the same day," writes
the Governor in reply, "we passed the bill for the same
purpose appropriating $1,000,000 to be expended in such a
way as the President may direct, which is now a law,
so the Greensboro and Danville connection is now a fixed
fact and I congratulate you on it; for when finished it will
take you across to go to Dan and see how the crop is
growing, and if needs be — go home the same way. Don't
you think I may congratulate myself, too ?
"Motion to re-consider was disposed of today, and the
law was approved by tbe President, and the thing is safe.
I will see the President in a day or two and get bis views
as to the manner in which the Confederate State may be
connected with the enterprise.

"Our city is in gloom — the defeat at Roanoke Island
is a calamity ; the Albemarle and Roanoke are exposed, and I

398 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
should not be surprised any day to hear tbe enemy have
Weldon. "They have the Tennessee River open to Florence
[Muscle Shoals] — can take possession of the Railroads lead
ing to Memphis, and can pour by steamers any amount of
men into Florence, nearly the heart of Alabama, take pos
session of all roads to Mobile and New Orleans, and cut off
Memphis ; reach the Mississippi below there and go toward
New Orleans, leaving the defenses above at Columbus, etc.,
useless. I do not like the indications — and our nation was
as one — and, too, the field — we are in danger. Stirring
times may be expected before tbe Inauguration."
A week later tbe Provisional Confederate Congress
ceased to exist, on the 17tb, when it adjourned ; and on the
18th the new regular government witb Senate and House
was inaugurated at Richmond — and Governor Morehead
was in neither body. His influence had secured the Con
federacy the third and best trunk line, the last link in what
would hav.e been a great Piedmont line from Maine to the
mouth of the Mississippi ; and it was to prove the last piece
of railroad to aid President Davis and tbe Confederate
executive in escaping from tbe fall of Richmond.

XX
The Closing Years
OF
"The Father of Modern North Carolina"
1862-1866
When Governor, or Congressman, Morehead reached
Greensboro from Richmond late in February, 1862, he had
finished bis public career, although be was no doubt not yet
aware of it, and was in his sixty-sixth year. His eldest
daughter, as has been noted, was married ; his second daugh
ter was the wife of Waightstbl W. Avery; bis third was
Mrs. Col. Peter G. Evans of the 63rd North Carolina, whose
husband's death was to occur within almost a year ; his first
son. Col. John Lindsay Morehead was on the staff of the
War-Governor Vance ; bis fourth daughter, since 1858, had
been Mrs. Julius A. Gray, whose husband was a Greensboro
banker, later to be a railroad president like bis father-in-
law; Governor Morehead's second son. Col. James Turner
Morehead was Adjutant with Col. Evans' 63rd Cavalry,
destined to be desperately wounded at tbe same time his
brother-in-law, bead of his regiment, was killed; while
the Governor's youngest son and child, Eugene Lindsay
Morehead, was then nearly ready to enter tbe University —
destined to serve as a Lieutenant, later in tbe war, in de
fending tbe ocean front of the state at Wilmington and Fort
Fisher.'

^ It should be noted that most of Governor Morehead's sons and also sons-
in-law devoted themselves to development of the lines in which he had been
interested. For example (not to mention more, and referring the reader to
The Morehead Family of North Carolina and Virginia by Major John
Motley Morehead of New York), his son. Major James Turner Morehead, was
a leader in the political reconstruction of the state in the early '70s; de
veloped manufacturing so much at Spray, as to raise it from a 300 village to
above 6000; was the first non-professional leader in geological survey of the
399

400 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
The Governor's great project, Morehead City, and his
railroad up to Newbern, were in the hands of the enemy,
who, in the west, were carrying out the program he pre
dicted. By April, 1862, the Confederate Congress were
restive at the probable loss of western Virginia-Tennessee
rail outlet to the South and the threatening moves against
the coast line, and asked President Davis what was the
status of the Danville "link," or, as it was now called, the
Piedmont Railroad, the titie given it in its North Carolina
Convention charter. They became still more anxious in
September, when the great McCleban failure in Virginia
began to encourage plans to invade Pennsylvania and her
coal and iron fields. By November 10, 1862, the Secretary
of War was able to announce to the Governor of North
Carolina that the Greensboro-Danvibe link was in progress
with 800 hands, and the suggested impressment measures
of both whites and negroes and mules and wagons in both
states. Labor and iron rails were the great difficulty, but
Governor Vance impressed the former and as Charlotte had
two railroads that had not yet reached their terminii, the
one to Statesvble was stripped of its rails so that it was not
completed until May, 1864.' This work was urged on by the
Federal raids from Newbern on the Wilmington & Weldon
line on 16th December, 1862, and in July, 1863 ; although the
road was re-secured and repaired. It was all the more
needed in the first half of 1863 in the supplies for the great
campaign into Pennsylvania that was broken at Gettysburg;
and was still more needed in the gradual retreat to and
beyond Richmond that was to close the conflict.
It was about five days after the defeat at Gettysburg
and the fall of Vicksburg, both on July 4, 1863, that Gover-

state, especially in mineralogy; was a leader in creating the Midland Railroad,
purchasing the old Western and attempting the Cape Fear and Yadkin Valley
Railroad, suffering with others the losses caused by the panic; won world-wide
recognition as a practical scientist by his laboratory discovering commercial
carbide and showing the power of the electric arc in smelting rrfractory ores.
At his plant acetylene gas was discovered by his son; and it produced most
of the chromium of the world, witli the result that New York became his
headquarters for the rest of his life. Hickory timber was marketed through
his spoke and handle factory, and he had a boat line from Madison and Leaks
ville to Danville to handle his products.
'The July 7, 1864, report of the Raleigh & Gaston Railroad says that it
had lost half its ordinary receipts since the Danville link was completed.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 401
nor Morehead, sixty-seven years old on that same day,
wrote bis friend Judge Ruffin: "I have just returned from
tbe discbarge of a melancholy but pious duty, the depositing
of the body of my venerable, beloved mother beside the body
of my honored father in the spot selected thirty-one years
ago by herself as her final resting place. When last I saw
ber some two weeks since, at Major Hobson's in Davie
[county] she charged me to see that she was buried by
father's side. She expired on Monday morning as calmly
as an infant sleeps, in her 92nd year. The lamp of life be
came extinguished for the want of material to support it."
Just what bad happened in eastern North Carolina by
this time ? In the summer of August, 1861, General Butler's
naval forces took tbe forts at Hatteras Inlet; and early in
1862 General Burnside's naval force, witb his aid, captured
Roanoke Island. This opened up the way to attack New
bern, then the second largest town in the state, and it fell
on March 14, 1862; while they occupied Morehead City,
Beaufort, Carolina and Newport, using Newbern as a base.
On April 25tb, the Federal gun-boats shelled Fort Macon,
guarding the Morehead City inlet, into surrender. By this
time North Carolina had put about 41,000 equipped men
into the Confederate_ army, and on a new call, twenty-
eight more regiments were formed. Then came the head
ship of General Lee and bis driving back of McClellan's
armies, and the state gave 15,000 more men. This was late
in June, 1862. In those awful battles, as Dr. D. H. Hill
says : "every fifth Confederate flag floated over North Caro
lina bayonets; and every fifth man who dropped a gun in
death was grieved for in a North Carolina home. Nearly
every fourth wounded man who was borne off in a litter
or who limped to the wretched hospitals in the rear wore a
North Carolina uniform." Fort Fisher, below Wilmington,
at tbis time, was aiding the very successful blockade run
ning at tbis port. Meanwhile General Lee had sent forces
to threaten Washington again to counteract attacks on Rich
mond, and late in August, 1862, the second battle of
Manassas let Lee's forces into Maryland, and the great
aggressive campaign into Pennsylvania was begun that, as

402 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
has been said, ended on July 4, 1863.' Tbe Federals and
Confederates in eastern North Carolina during this time
had contested for the line of the Wilmington & Weldon
road, without much change. ' But early in 1864 fierce fight
ing was renewed under new leaders, especially about Ply
mouth near tbe mouth of tbe Roanoke to get control of the
Roanoke river, on which was being built an iron-clad, the
Albemarle, and Plymouth was captured, the Federals giving
up Washington, at the bead of Pamlico. General Grant's
new leadership in Virginia, however, called off tbe Confed
erate forces in east North Carolina to "bottle up Butler"
between the James and Appomattox. In Grant's great con
centration upon Richmond and the campaign of Sherman
to the sea. General Butler was to prepare the way in Decem
ber, 1864, by reducing Fort Fisher, as it was proposed to
bring Sherman up from the South through eastern North
Carolina in the rear of Lee.
Just before tbis demonstration, tbe following illuminating
picture of the sorrows of war was written to the Confederate
commander in eastern North Carolina:
"As I am not posted about the state of affairs about
Wilmington," writes Governor Morehead to General Bragg
on November 22, 1864, from Greensboro, "I hope I may be
excused, if tbis letter shall be deemed inopportune upon its
arrival. "My wounded son. Turner, the Provost Marshal of this
place, is to be married on 6th December. He is only a few
years older than my youngest child, Eugene L. Morehead,
now a private in Capt. Barron's [ ?] Heavy Artillery on Bald
Head Island.
"He bas been absent since March. His mother is very
feeble, but insists she must see him — ^and will go to Wil-

1 During the latter part of 1863 the Confederate currency question was the
most discussed subject in the Southern press. Governor Morehead took part
in it advocating the sharp restriction of the amount in circulation. Spme edi
tors ridiculed it, whereupon the Greensboro Patriot attacked that editor say
ing: "Governor Morehead, as an able and far-seeing statesman, is too well
known by the people to require any words from us." It is known that_ there
were people who wanted him to dispose of his Confederate bonds while it was
possible to realize on them but he refused, saying it would at once affect the
credit of the bonds; and he never did. He took his medicine with the rest in
manly fashion.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 403
mington for that purpose if it becomes necesssary. Tbe loss
of two sons-in-law in tbis war, one son shot through the
bead and an invalid for life, three nephews at home on
crutches, besides some half-dozen, who have fallen in the
service, are stubborn facts well calculated to impress her
mind witb tbe fear, that she may never see her youngest
again. "She requests me to say, that if you think there is any
probability of an attack, shortly, she does not wish ber son
to be absent from bis post; but if such an attack is not
apprehended, we shall be greatly obliged, that a furlough
be granted to him to attend the marriage, if it be for only a
few days — postponing a more extended furlough to a more
convenient season.
"Should you grant him tbis favor, we shall be much
obliged, if you will give tbe proper order that he may arrive
by 3rd Dec. at least, as tbe wedding is some fifty miles
distant. I make no other application except tbis, to any
one. "I would respectfully suggest that confusion is becoming
worse confounded, by the unfortunate mode of doing busi
ness, between tbe railroad lines, by three trans-shipments.
I do not know that I can impress it on your mind more
forcibly than by statement of facts, which I witnessed on
last Sunday morning on my arrival from Goldsboro —
through a night of heavy rains.
"Above, below and around the depot there were hundreds,
if not thousands of sacks of salt, lying on the ground, some
piled up — others lying promiscuously around as they were
tumbled out of tbe cars — tbe ditches filled witb them, and
the rain-water poured up against these piles of salt. There
were various instances of this and all without any cover.
Other property was equally exposed.
"Through freight to and from Danville will be worth
millions to tbe company. "With high regard
"Yr. obt. Svt. "J. M. Morehead.

404 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
"P. S.
"Your letter was duly rec'd and Mrs. M. requests me to
thank you sincerely for your kind invitation to her to visit
Wilmington, but her health forbids the risk of the journey,
which she hopes sometime to make.
"Lest it might be infer'd that Government agents were
negligent, it is proper to say the salt and other property
referred to above did not belong to tbe Conf'dt. Govt.
"J. M. M.'"
Whether his request was granted is not known, but on
January 12th, next, 1865, Commodore Porter reduced Fort
Fisher. Thereupon, in March, the Johnston forces, falling
back before Sherman's army coming up from the South, had
a battle at Southwest Creek. Then they fell back to Ben-
tonville, Johnston county, between Goldsboro and Raleigh,
and on the 19th had a battle, after which Johnston retired
towards Raleigh on the 21st. Meanwhile tbe great closing
battles about Richmond were being fought and on April
10, 1865, General Johnston heard of Lee's surrender and
on the 26th, at the house of a Mr. Bennett, near Durham,
Generals Sherman and Johnston agreed on terms of sur
render. Meanwhile the Richmond and Danvibe road was the
means of escape by the Confederate Government. Greens
boro in 1865 is pictured rather happily — or unhappily, if the
conditions are what one has in mind rather than tbe quality
of the pictures, one of which is by Mrs. (Letitia H.)
William R. Walker, daughter of Governor Morehead : "Gen
eral Beauregard and staff came to Greensboro in March,
spending several days at Blandwood, Governor Morehead's
mansion, speeding on tbe last of our Confederate troops
to join Lee. Suspense was ended on April 9, 1865, when
Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox. Before leaving
Richmond, tbe officials had tbe wounded and sick sent on to
Greensboro, where every available room was filled, and
bad been full all winter with the sick and dying. The
women, to their honor, be it said, ministered to them daily
^ Braxton Bragg Papers. N. C. Hist Comm.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 405
witb loving care and sympathy. The Confederate Navy and
the army stores at Richmond were also sent, by the
Manassas Gap Railroad, to Greensboro, under the care of
Commander Lee, a brother of General Lee. These stores
he kindly distributed to tbe sick and returning soldiers until
tbe surrender of Johnston, when he turned over the lot
to the soldiers and citizens to prevent their capture
by tbe federal troops.
"Commander Lee was a charming genial old man,
whose patient endurance of army rations enlisted the
sympathy of my mother, who begged bis company every
day, for dinner, while he was in the city 'to enjoy lettuce
and onions.' The earth seemed to yield her grateful increase
of turnip greens, lettuce and onions. These, with hot
cornbread, seemed to be all tbe starving and uncomplaining
soldiers wanted.
"President and Mrs. Davis remained over one night in
Greensboro in their car, declining the invitation from my
father, 'lest the Federal troops should burn the bouse that
sheltered him for one night." Memminger and his wife
remained over several days witb us for a rest, bringing
witb them Alexander Stephens of Georgia, so pale and
care-worn, but tbe price was on bis head, and we tearfully
bade him God-speed. Never can I forget tbe farewell scene
when tbe brave and grand Joseph E. Johnston called to say
farewell, witb the tears running down his brave cheeks.
Not a word was spoken, but silent prayers went up for his
preservation. The Salisbury road was filled witb the
retreating troops — wretched, half-clad, starving and very
many shoeless. Eyes wept until the fountain of tears was
exhausted. "But one fine morning, amid tbe sounding of bugles and
trumpets and bands of music, tbe Federals entered Greens
boro fully thirty thousand strong, to occcupy tbe town for
some weeks. Gen. Cox was in command. He, Burnside,
Schofield and Kilpatrick, witb their staffs, sent word to the

1 This sufficiently answers Secretary of the Confederate Treasury Stephen
B. Mallory, who intimates otherwise in his article in McClure s Magasme, Vol.
XVI, p. 107.

406 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
Mayor that they would occupy the largest house in town
that night, and until their quarters were established. In
charge of Major Howlett, they came to Blandwood, which
already sheltered three families and several sick soldiers.
My father met them courteously and received them as guests,
a fact which General Cox appreciated, and after placing bis
tent in the rear of Judge Dick's house, he rode up every
afternoon to consult with Hon. J. A. Gilmer and my father
on the conditions of the country. He was a most courteous
and elegant man, and, in delicate ways, displayed his sym
pathy with us; no triumph of the conqueror in tone of
voice and manner; spoke tenderly of the misfortunes of
war, and in spite of ourselves, won our heart's confidence.
"Very soon a note was received from the General an
nouncing the arrival of Mrs. Cox and the hope was ex
pressed that 'Mrs. Gilmer and Mrs. Walker would do him
the honor to call upon his wife.' Our superior officers
ordered a compliance with his wishes, but what to wear
was the perplexing question. An old silk, dating back five
years in style, came from the recesses of my trunk, the
'skyscraper' was the head gear, shoes and gloves that had
run the blockade and been purchased at enormous figures.
Thus equipped we called upon the lady from Cincinnati!
She received us in Mrs. Dick's parlor, in a yellow morning
wrapper, was simple in manner, dignified, bordering on
stiffness, in contrast with the genial manners of her husband.
As you may imagine, the discourse was on very general
topics — the skies, the climate, etc., of North Carolina — never
an allusion to tbe events of the last four years !
"A grand review of all the troops was to be held on the
next Saturday, and a pavilion was built in tbe center of the
town — the upper story to be occupied by the Federal ladies.
By 9 o'clock a four-horse ambulance witb out-riders was
sent with a note from General Cox again 'begging the honor
of Mrs. Gilmer's and Mrs. Walker's company with Mrs.
Cox to witness the review.'
"Mrs. Gilmer flatly told her husband that she refused
to add one more spectator to the pageant, for it was an ene
my's bullet, which had maimed her only son for life. Vio-

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 407
lent, decisive words and very ugly ones, too, were spoken
by tbe other lady, but a peremptory order was given and
witb bitter tears, accompanied by one of our soldiers, she
went to the pavilion, to be received so graciously by Mrs.
Cox. Sullen, speechless and vindictive, no eulogy was paid
the magnificent pageant, the gorgeous display of thousands
of new uniforms, glittering sabers and bayonets, and all
flushed with victory and marching to the music of splendid
bands. "These troops remained several weeks encamped on the
hills around the town, and at sunset each evening, tbe prac
ticing of the various bands of music would again open tbe
floodgates of tears. But, witb the morning sun, the ava
ricious desire for their 'greenbacks' seized tbe ladies of the
town; pies, chicken and fruit, beaten biscuit, ice-cream
and cake poured into tbe camps. One company sent me a
message that 'the ice-cream was not rich enough — needed
more eggs.' A few drops of tumeric (often used for yellow
pickle) covered the difficulty and gave satisfaction.
"The reorganization of our domestic life in homes and
farms came up for consideration. Wages were paid to
negroes before tbe troops left tbe town, and their behavior
was respectful and creditable. Tbe philanthropic North
sent out agents to purchase lands for homes, churches and
school-houses; thus Warnervibe sprang into existence.
White women came as teachers, and a lonely life they led
witb their only friends. As tbe farms were well advanced
with the growing crops tbe negroes remained and received
wages and gave no trouble. Sorgum was introduced during
tJie war, while coffee, so-called, of parched rye and sweet
potatoes, refreshed tbe inner man.
"It was a sweet and heroic service during tbe war to
wear home-spun cloth, leather shoes and home-knit stock
ings, but when all was over and patriotism no longer de
manded tbis sacrifice of self and comfort, behold we had no
money witb which tbe ward-robe was to be replenished, no
laws to protect person or property. Egyptian darkness
covered tbe land for months until tbe manhood of tbe South

408 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
asserted itself and adjusted the disjointed condition of
affairs. . . ."
"This account of the feelings and actions of tbe people of
Greensboro and the troubles they went through shows that
it is no wonder they shrink from the unexpected, limelight
flash of publicity turned upon them by these innocent Cupids,
which, singularly enough, were drawn by Kenyon Cox, a son
of General Cox, who occupied Greensboro witb Federal
troops.'" "But it was on March 19, 1865," wrote Mrs. (Rev.) J.
Henry Smith of Greensboro, some years ago, "the date of
the battle of Bentonville, N. C, that the war in its stern and
startling reality came to our very doors. It was one of the
fiercest of the war and the last great battle of the Con
federacy, in which Johnston defeated Sherman's forces and
sent them retreating through the streets of Goldsboro, while
he attempted to join Lee in Virginia.
"On that memorable night, without warning or prepa
ration, the wounded were brought to Greensboro in such
numbers as to fib tbe churches, court house and every
available space in the town." Then she describes the
women's work with the sick and dying and how, like a
thunder-bolt out of a clear sky, came tbe news of Lee's sur
render. "The Confederate soldiers," said she, "were ab
transferred to Edgeworth Seminary, and our occupation
was gone," although they were allowed to visit them. She
also pays tribute to General Cox, "a Christian gentleman and
Presbyterian elder."
Still another picturesque account appeared in the
Greensboro Patriot of March 23, 1866: "During these
eventful years, Greensboro was a central railroad thorough
fare of great importance to the Confederacy. Huge trains
of cars swept through almost hourly, bearing their great
loads from the Southern States and mountain regions to the
great consumer and fighter — the Army of Northern Vir-

^ The magazine and article referred to was McClure*s, in which Ex-Secre
tary of the Confederate Navy, Stephen B. Mallory, had an artcle on "Last Days
of the Confederate Government." The last paragraph, above, is from an article
in the New York Tribune, by Carrie Elizabeth Herrell, of High Point, N. C,
defending Greensboro and giving Mrs. Walker's article in proof.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 409
ginia." Then he describes tbe great final military move
ment. "Our gabant young Governor [Vance] remained at
tbe capital until Sherman's advance was entering the limits
of tbe city, when, mounting bis horse, be slowly rode west
ward, and, arriving at Greensboro, made it tbe temporary
capital of tbe State." Beauregard came up to meet the
forces of Stoneman. "As April, 1865, dawned upon the
world, Greensboro was no longer tbe beautiful, quiet, de
lightful place of yore." He then describes the confusion
and bow Stoneman was diverted from Greensboro by a
telegraph operator's fictitious answer to his inquiries by tele
graph ; but bow soldier mobs, in the disorganization, fought
over the supplies, and a mob of old women from the sur
rounding country tried it, but in vain. Then be tells bow
Lee's soldiers began to drift in and how finally "The Confed
erate Government" arrived in "a leaky old car" that stood on
tbe switch, and how President Davis declined several invita
tions to make his home in some residence ; bow there was to
be seen on tbe streets "D. H. Hill, tbe veteran general, with
his strange face — and Stuart and S. D. Lee and Cheatham
and Walthall, and Stephenson and Loring and Butler of the
Cavalry, and Iverson, who captured Stoneman in Georgia,
and Lomax of tbe Virginia Cavalry, and Beauregard look
ing like a fox and the old 'Doctor of Strategy' Joe Johnston
and Admiral Semmes. A host of heroes!" He then de
scribes meeting Secretary of War John C. Breckenridge,
whom he thought, as a specimen of manhood, "bad not bis
superior living." He tells of the money train and bow it be
came stolen but partly recovered and used to buy forage for
Johnston's men. How President Davis and General Breck
enridge on horseback and tbe rest in ambulances left toward
Salisbury, as tbe railroad bad been torn up by Stoneman.'
Gen. Johnston signed the articles of surrender to Sherman in
Mr. Ralph Gorreb's yard in Greensboro under the ancient
oaks. Tbe Federal commander. General Hartsuff and his
1 In Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Vol. I, p. 381, it says Govs.
Graham and Swain, as Commissioners of Gov. Vance, went to meet Sherman
before Raleigh was reached in order to get good treatment for the capital; but
that President Davis, then at Greensboro, ordered their arrest, but they were
prisoners within the enemy lines before Davis' order reached Hampton. They
got back, and Johnston evaded arresting them, and Davis left for the west

410 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
staff, were the first to enter Greensboro to parole the Confed
erates. This interesting sketch, in closing, says : "We fought
a brave fight — we were conquered — ^we submit.'"
By December, 1865, the people had elected Jonathan
Worth of Guilford county Governor against Editor W. W.
Holden of the Raleigh Standard, who bad been provisional
governor. In his efforts at reorganization in the spring
following, he writes Governor Morehead a confidential let
ter on April 25, 1866: "The appointment of Directors on
our [Rail] Roads is my most important duty and is most
embarrassing to me because of want of information. . . .
I am sure there were some very good Old Union Democrats
and Whigs who did not vote for me. I think it would be
wrong and impolitic to seem to proscribe them. The ultra
war men, in view of their own and the State's interests,
had better remain in the background for the present. I may
be justified in appointing a very few of them, in such coun
ties as Warren and Franklin."
He mentions four men for two roads and adds : "What
say you to these?" But for the Atlantic & North Carolina
from Morehead City he says: "You ought to be one.
Would you prefer the appointment from tbe state or the
stockholders? I would like to have a full conference with
you. I shall take no action until June." On May 2nd, he
writes another correspondent regarding this line's presi
dency and shows that the office bangs between Newbern
and Morehead City interests  . "Morehead City and Gov
ernor Morehead will insist that we will sacrifice the interests
of the State to party and Newbern, if we reappoint  ."
For Governor Morehead and the other friends of tbis road
were at this time urging consolidation of it with tbe North
Carolina Central Railroad. Tbis latter railroad, at this time,
about June 1st, had built in its own shops at Greensboro
a handsome engine and named it "Tbe Governor Morehead"
— "as handsome as any we ever saw," said the editor of The
1 "During the war I was with Sherman," said a man named James Burson,
in an interview in a Texas paper some years since, "and I was a guard in front
of Governor Morehead's house — yes, sir, and I walked up and down in front
of that house for three weeks guarding and protecting them." — From a clipping
in possession of Mrs. W. K. Walker of Spray, N. C.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 411
Patriot. A letter from Josiah Turner, Jr., to Governor
Worth on June 20, 1866, said Governor Morehead would
certainly be a stock-holder director. On June 19th, Gov
ernor Worth says Governor Morehead and party, on a
special train, will examine tbe North Carolina Central to
Goldsboro on the 26th, and go to Newbern and Beaufort
on the 27th, to be at tbe annual meeting of tbe Atiantic road
at tbe latter place on tbe 28tb.
And now comes, about two weeks after this Beaufort
meeting, what is probably John Motley Morehead's last
public effort. A bill had been introduced in tbe Senate of
North Carolina to consolidate the Atlantic, tbe Central and
the Western railroads, which were essentially one, as it was.
On July 17, 1866, Governor Morehead wrote an appeal
to the stockholders of tbe "Central" to support this move
ment: Among other things, he said: "Here let us pause
and take a survey of what has been done in seven years
toward this great work. From Beaufort harbor to Golds
boro the Atlantic and North Carolina Railroad Company
have built ninety-six miles. From Goldsboro to Charlotte
you (tbe North Carolina Railroad) have built two hundred
and twenty-three miles. From Salisbury to within four
miles of Morganton the Western North Carolina Railroad
bas built seventy-six miles . . . making in all three
hundred and ninety-five miles, from which deduct forty-
three miles from Salisbury to Charlotte, and we have actu
ally built this great line three hundred and fifty-two miles
in one continuous line. Think of it ! Seven years ! In the
lifetime of a State or nation seven years is but as a moment
in its existence. In tbe great day of a nation's improve
ments seven years would not be tbe sun-rise of that day.
We have done this great work in tbe twilight of our great
day of internal improvement — a day which dawned so heau-
tifully upon us, but which became enveloped in that gloom
which shrouds the nation in mourning. But let us not
despair. The day which dawned so beautifully upon us
will yet reach its meridian splendor. Then let us be up
and doing . . . and then the hopes, the dreams of
the great and good Caldweb and Gaston will be realized

412 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
. . . You have the honor of being tbe pioneers in this
great work executed in sections. Do yourselves now the
honor to consolidate the whole and complete the original
design. You, the most powerful and most independent of
the three corporations, can, witb much grace, propose to
your sister corporations consolidations upon terms of jus
tice and equity manifesting selfishness in naught but your
name. Yield not that. The new consolidated corporation
should be still 'The North Carolina Railroad Company.'
This will be a corporation worthy of you, of your State,
and of the great destinies that await it." "What this destiny
was," writes R. D. W. Connor in 1912, "no man had fore
seen so clearly as he. The traveller of 1912 along the line
of the North Carolina Railroad sees the fulfillment of
Morehead's dreams of 1850." Then, the same writer de
scribes the wealth of development of modern North Caro
lina and adds: "The foundation on which all this pros
perity and progress rests is the work done by John M.
Morehead or inspired by him." '
Within but little over a month from the day Governor
Morehead penned that letter on consolidation of the east
and west rail lines, namely, on August 27, 1866, this great
hearted constructor of a commonwealth was dead — but, as
has been seen, dead only in body. Taken witb liver trouble,
in which that organ rapidly ceased to function, he was re
moved to Rockbridge Alum Springs, Virginia, in tbe moun
tains northwest of Lexington.^ Here distinguished men
visited him, amongst them Mr. William Southerlin of Dan
ville; and they found his mind clear and vigorously occu
pied with his great plans to such a degree that they were
astonished. "My God," said Mr. Southerlin, "is it pos-

^ Address on presentation of a bust of Governor Morehead — one of four in
as many niches in the rotunda of the capitol at Raleigh, on December 4, 1912.
The bust was presented by two grandsons of the Governor, John Motley More-
head and J. Lindsay Patterson.
''In a letter to Chief Justice Thomas Ruffin on Aug. 16, 1866, he says:
"I am alive and that is all — as yellow as a pumpkin — ^jaundiced from top to
toe, and feel as if I cared for nothing on earth." He was concerned about
the arbitration of his claims to the Atlantic line, which Mr. Gray, in a let
ter of October 27, 1867, says the Governor said was about $80,000, a large
portion of his estate. By August 22, 1866, his last thoughts were for his
wife and news of this arbitration in Chief Justice Ruffin's and Governor Gra
ham's hands, which was finally settled favorably to Governor Morehead's
estate. — Letters in the Ruffin Papers, Vol. IV.

Railroad Map of North Carolina in 1865
Prepared by the author
(After Hamilton, 1914)

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 413
sible be can be in a dying condition ! He has laid out fifty
years work for us in this conversation alone.'" And this
was in the midst of that awful wreck of tbe whole South
by civil war, which was yet to be even more awful in that
dark reconstruction period that reminds one, who knows,
of some of tbe present day horrors of parts of Europe;
but tbis great spirit's vision saw through that, and far be
yond, tbis great modern state of North Carolina, refusing
to have his soul's eye blinded by the wreckage about him.
He was like those valiant Chicagoans, who began clearing
foundations still burning; and letting their contracts, by
which, like a Phoenix from tbe flames, rose tbe great modern
city whose motto is : "I Will." In this sense, he was, as a
distinguished North Carolina statesman recently said to the
writer, "The Father of Modern North Carolina ;" for, after
tbe period passed, which may well be called the "dark ages"
of the state, the commonwealth picked up tbe lines where
Governor Morehead has dropped them in 1861, and has
ever since been working at their development, tbe vast
road development of tbe present Governor Morrison being
but one part of it.
But in those closing days at Alum Springs, he discussed
religion witb bis minister friends, and wrote his wife tbe
comforting message that "he trusted in the Saviour, in whom
she trusted." Then came a day when he was removed from
the room that had a view of the mountains : "Ab, Doctor,"
said he, "I have looked for tbe last time on that beautiful
mountain." Tbe end came on August 27, 1866, and people
recalled bis farewell address to the North Carolina Railroad
stockholders in Greensboro, at tbe close of bis Presidency
on July 12, 1855 : "Living, I have spent five years of the
best portion of my bfe in tbe service of the North Carolina
Railroad — dying, my sincerest prayers will be offered up
for its prosperity and its success — dead, I wish to be buried
along side of it in the bosom of my own beloved Carolina !"
His body was laid to rest in tbe church yard of the First
Presbyterian Church, within sound of the rumblings of tbe

' Mrs. Mary Bayard Clarke's Social Reminiscences in In Memoriam, a
booklet on Governor Morehead.

414 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
great traffic of the vast railway systems of today.' A monu
ment stands over bis grave; and it has been proposed that
at tbis great junction of modern systems of transportation,
when the original North Carolina Railroad was completed
and the last spike driven, that a beautiful new columned
Union Station shall arise dominated at its front by a dis
tinguishing statue of President John Motiey Morehead, the
whole to be a permanent celebration of bis great work. And
yet a greater monument already exists in tbe development of
modern North Carobna itself, to tbe inquirer concerning
which one may say, with another : "Circumspice!"
A town-meeting, on the 29th and 30th, mourned their
greatest citizen. The Guilford Bar Association said great
and tender things about him, and listened to Thomas Settle,
Jr., recall the chief features of his career and how he had
so often heard it said that "John M. Morehead was the great
est man the State of North Carolina bad ever produced."
He also recalled how, in the presence of current disaster
of civil war. Governor Morehead had said to him: "I was
always a great Providence man; I leave all these things to
Providence, well assured that He will bring good out of it
yet" — in which respect he voiced perfectly the sentiments of
his father before him. And the home county of bis youth,
Rockingham, on October 30tb, at Wentworth, and its Bar
Association on February 26, 1867, listened to a great
address by Hon. John Kerr, who recalled how young More-
head's industry in Dr. Caldwell's school was so great it
impaired in his health at times and caused his father to keep
him at home; and traced his career witb great ability.
Referring to the great conflict in the Senate in 1858-9, Mr.
Kerr said: "Just before he rose to answer bis assailants,
seeing that be was deeply excited, I stepped across the
aisle and whispered thus in bis ear, 'Governor, do your best.
You are the most abused man in North Carolina.' With an
eye flashing light through water at me, he promptly re-
^ The funeral took place at his residence, **Blandwood," on August 31, 1866,
at ten o'clock. On November 23, 1866, bis sons, John L. Morehead and J.
Turner Morehead and his son-in-law, Julius A. Gray, advertised Edgeworth
Seminary for rent; and it is interesting to note that on December 24, 1868,
John Motley Morehead Caldwell, as principal, announced the re-opening of the
seminary.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 415
sponded, 'How shall I deal witb them, my friend— shall I
treat them gently, or shall I make myself tbe Wellington of
tbe occasion, and vanquish them completely?' 'Play Well
ington' said I. 'I will,' be replied, witb energetic action.
. . . And he did play Wellington, if ever man did, on
battle field or in parliament. Never was there a more
brilliant victory won, than he achieved that day." Mr. Kerr
told of how be worked bard to aid in feeding and clothing
the soldiers and how he remembered aged fathers and
mothers left behind, and wives and kitie ones; how his
steward at Leaksville was directed to take care of large
numbers. His kindliness to bis slaves was such that some
of them said, after be died, that, could he have lived, they
would prefer being bis slaves to being free, took tbe name
Morehead and they and their children have been proud
of it to tbis day. His losses were great, because he took
Confederate money and bonds, staking, as he said, all be had
on the cause. He was, said Mr. Kerr, a great son, brother,
husband and father. A sister said she had never seen him
give way to bis temper ; and bis love for bis brother Abra
ham, tbe poet, was like that of Jonathan for David. As a
lawyer Mr. Kerr said be was entitled to be ranked as
"great;" he bad genius and talent both in high degree, but
it was as an advocate that he shone with particular splendor.
"His presence was imposing — his voice was exceedingly
pleasant in its tones — ^bis argumentation was logical — his
wit sparkling — ^his illustrations striking — and his flow of
soul under tbe excitement of bis causes, captivating to all
hearts. He assailed witb great force bis adversaries' posi
tions — and defended his own with consummate skill. He
was always self-possessed — ^always courteous. He had the
best control of bis temper of any man I ever knew. It was
in vain to attempt to get the advantage of him by exciting his
anger." He was scholarly in bis knowledge from practical
surveying to metaphysics and theories of Hooker, Reid and
Dugald Stewart, and belles-lettres were no less at his com
mand. An exquisite "Tribute" to him appeared in the Greens
boro Patriot of February 15, 1867, from the pen of Lawyer

416 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
William Lafayette Scott, to whom Governor Morehead had
been a hero since childhood, when his favorite pet was
named "Morehead." His boyish picture of his hero is
given: "He was about two-score-and-two years old; the
weight of years had not stooped his shoulders ; his hair was
only slightly 'besprent with rays and gleams of silver light,'
his face was smooth shaven ; a mild luster usually lit his blue
eyes, but in moments of animation, they sparkled like the
brightest stars ; his forehead was not high, but massive ; his
nose slightly Roman; his chin prominent; his lips com
pressed ; not infrequently, when in deep thought, he indulged
in a whispering whistle ; and bis dress was elegant, but never
ostentatious. Such was he as I first saw him, nor can
that image ever pass from my memory. . . . Never
have I seen, in the walks of life, nor has my imagination
conceived, a man so all-gifted as he was." He tells of
"halcyonian evenings" in the latter half of 1865 and the early
half of '66 when Governor Morehead would come do\vn
town and sit with neighbors and friends in reminiscence or
discussion, narrative, history — "a living book," the joy of
young and old.
His old University Dialectic Society paid its tender
tribute on September 21, 1866; and the stockholders of the
North Carolina Railroad, on July 12, 1867, registered their
testimony as to his "deliverance of the state from commer
cial and agricultural bondage" through their "great central
trunk railway." The Piedmont Railroad, the present link
between Greensboro and Danville, and the heart of tbe great
Southern Railway System, expressed their gratitude to him
on September 13, 1866, and gave to the station nearest
Greensboro the name of "Morehead." Even his ancient
enemy, the Raleigh Standard, sounded his praises in gener
ous accents.
Then the dark ages of reconstruction, which, bis eyes
were fortunately prevented from seeing by his passing at
the "three-score-and-ten" mile post, gradually faded and a
new generation, bis own sons and nephews among them,
picked up the lines as they fell from his hands in 1861 ; and
began to again develop that program "of fifty years," at

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 417
which Maj. Southerlin, a Danville connection director, bad
exclaimed. It is now half a dozen years more than that half
century, since he died ; and "modern North Carolina" is tbe
only term that adequately distinguishes tbe "Tar-Heel" state
of tbe last quarter of a century from all periods preceding.
"The traveller along tbe line of tbe North Carolina Railroad"
[now tbe Southern Railway]" writes Mr. R. D. W. Connor
in 1912, "sees tbe fulfibment of Morehead's dreams of 1850.
He finds himself in one of tbe most productive regions of
tbe new world. He traverses it from one end to tbe other
at a speed of forty miles an hour, surrounded by every com
fort and convenience of modern travel. He passes through
a region bound together by a thousand miles of steel rails,
by telegraph and telephone lines, and by nearly two thousand
miles of improved country roads. He finds a population en
gaged not only in agriculture, but in manufacturing, in com
merce, in transportation, and in a hundred other enterprises.
Instead of a few old-fashioned hand-looms turning out an
nually less than $400,000 worth of 'homemade' articles, be
bears tbe bum of three hundred and sixty modern factories,
operating two millions of spindles and looms by steam, water,
electricity, employing more than fifty millions of capital, and
sending their products to tbe uttermost ends of the earth.
His train passes through farm lands that, since Morehead
began bis work, have increased six times in value, that pro
duce annually ten times as much cotton and seventy-five
times as much tobacco. From bis car window instead of
tbe four hundred and sixty-six log huts that passed for
school-houses in 1850, witb their handful of pupils, be be
holds a thousand modern school-houses, alive with the
energy and activity of one hundred thousand school children.
His train carries him from Goldsboro, through Raleigh,
Durham, Burlington, Greensboro, High Point, Lexington,
Salisbury, Concord, Charlotte— villages that have grown
into cities, old fields and cross-roads have become thriving
centers of industry and culture. Better than all else, be
finds himself among a people, no longer characterized by
their lethargy, isolation and ignorance, but bristling with
energy, alert to every opportunity, fired witb tbe spirit of

418 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the modern world, and with their faces steadfastly set
toward the future."
"Tbe foundation on which all this prosperity and pro
gress rests," — Mr. Connor continues, "is tbe work done
by John M. Morehead or inspired by him. No well-
informed man can be found today in North Carolina who
will dispute his primacy among tbe railroad builders of the
State. The North Carolina Railroad, the Atlantic and
North Carolina Railroad, the Western North Carolina Rail
road, the connecting link between the North Carolina and
the Richmond and Danville railroads from Greensboro to
Danville, all bear witness of his supremacy in this field. In
one of the finest passages of his message to tbe General As
sembly in 1842 he urged the building of good couty roads ;
today [1912] there are five thousand miles of improved
rural highways in North Carolina. He recommended the
building of a Central Highway from Morehead City through
Raleigh to the Tennessee line ; today we have just witnessed
the completion of a great State Highway piercing the very
heart of the State almost along the very route he sug
gested seventy years ago. He suggested plans for extensive
improvements of our rivers and harbors ; today a 'thirty- foot
channel to the sea' has become the slogan of our chief ports
and the National Government is spending annually hundreds
of thousands of dollars in tbe improvement of the Cape
Fear, the Neuse, the Pamlico and other rivers of eastern
North Carolina. He urged tbe construction by tbe National
Government of an inland waterway for our coastwise ves
sels through Pamlico Sound to Beaufort harbor; seventy
years have passed since then; this enterprise has become
national in its scope, tbe Federal Government bas assumed
charge of it, and the whole nation is anticipating the com
pletion in the near future of an inland waterway from
Maine through Pamlico Sound and Beaufort harbor to
Florida. First of all our statesmen Morehead realized the
possibility of establishing at Beaufort [Morehead City] a
great world port; arid although tbis dream bas not been
realized, there is not lacking today men noted throughout
the business world for their practical wisdom, inspired by no

John Motley Morehead
A Bust by Ruckstuhl in 1912, in one of four niches in the
Capitol Rotunda, Raleigh

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 419
other purpose than commercial success, who have not hesi
tated to stake large fortunes on the ultimate realization of
tbis dream also. A twentieth century statesman sent before
his time into the world of the nineteenth century, as a
distinguished scholar bas declared, 'would have been more
at home in North Carolina today than would any other of
our ante-bellum governors. He has been dead forty years
[at tbe time tbis was written] , and they have been years of
constant changing and unceasing development. But sO' wide
were his sympathies, so vital were his aims, so far-sighted
were his public policies, and so clearly did he foresee the
larger North Carolina of schools, railroads and cotton mills,
that he would be as truly a contemporary in the twentieth
century as he was a leader in the nineteenth'.'"
But this was a decade ago, when those railroads in which
the state stock was valued at $7,000,000; today it is valued
above $15,000,000; while tbe whole mileage of the common
wealth is nearly 5000 miles. They have built up her greatest
cities in the Piedmont section, instead of any great ocean
port, and these treat New York as their port. "Western
North Carolina," said Mr. B. Frank Mebane, tbe great
manufacturer at Spray and Leaksvble, "is a suburb of New
York, which is littie more than a night's ride and we all
have offices there." Winston-Salem, tbe largest city of tbe
State, over 48,000, a great tobacco center ; Charlotte, until
1920 the largest city, with above 46,000, a manufacturing
center, are both Piedmont cities, after which follows Wil
mington, now third (once first), witb over 33,000, still the
port of North Carolina. Asheville, with over 28,000, the
metropolis of tiie "Land of the Sky," identified witb Pied
mont life, comes fourth. Raleigh, witb over 24,000, because

iThe extract U from a sketch by Dr. C. Alphonso Smith in Ashe's Bw-
as learned as Gaston, not ^ brilliant ^^.f^ffSier, not a* p Graham, yet
7"^^^ T. SSHsrre-sLu°J1y1nrp|£^^^reSshHned in the heart
S North Carolina than that of Governor Morehead.

420 JOHN MOTLEY MOREHEAD
the capital, while no city is large enough to be the metropo
lis, takes on many of tbe features of the leading city, and
it essentially belongs to the Piedmont. Durham, west of
Raleigh, with nearly 22,000 is the great American Tobacco
Company center, in tbe same region; while Greensboro, the
"Gate City," witb nearly 20,000 within her borders and
surrounded by factory towns galore, typical of Governor
Morehead's theories, is in the very heart of the Piedmont;
and High Point, the great furniture center, with over 14,000,
is in the same county, and comes next. Other cities above
10,000 are Salisbury, Gastonia, also in the Piedmont; and
Newbern, Rocky Mount and Wilson in tbe east. Many of
these and others, however, are not representative of actual
population that includes country factory towns identified
with them, which is a striking feature of tbe state and ever
increasing. Tbis remarkable factory development is due largely to
the great growth of hydro-electric power by two North
Carolina corporations, the Southern and the Carolina, the
former radiating from the Catawba falls and tbe latter in
the east. She stands fifth in amount of electrical energy
developed east of the Mississippi.' And this power is in a
state, which, in a decade, "bas climbed," as tbe late Governor
Bickett said before the North Carolina Society of Philadel
phia, in 1920, "from the twenty-second to tbe fourth state in
value of agricultural products." Only Texas, Iowa and
Illinois surpass her. She is first in amount of cotton to
the acre and value of tobacco crop. She is second only to
Massachusetts in cotton manufacture and second only to
Michigan in furniture factories. She is sixth in amount
paid into the national treasury, and the richest, per capita,
of any state from the Potomac to tbe Rio Grande. More
automobiles are owned in North Carolina than any Southern
state except Texas — illustrations that serve to indicate what
this "modern" state is, and what a distinguished North
Carolina statesman of today meant when be said that "Gov
ernor Morehead may be called The Father of Modern North
' Charlotte is the largest distributing center of hydro-electric power in tho
world.

"FATHER OF MODERN NORTH CAROLINA" 421
Carolina ;" while another, Ex-Secretary of the Navy Daniels,
bas predicted that a great port, the dream of Governor More-
head, will yet be realized in the region of Cape Lookout, the
entrance to Beaufort harbor and Morehead City. And even
so it will take generations to realize all the dreams of Gov
ernor John Motley Morehead for the development of North
Carolina.

INDEX

Index

AboHdon Movement, 181 ; (see
Anti-Slavery Movements) ;
and Quakers, 188; 194; 311;
313; 324; 325; (see Old Line
Whig Convention, Balti
more) ; (see Republican
party, "Black Republican,"
"Republican Abolitionist) ;
"Democratic Abolitionist,"
364.
Adams, John Quincy, election
of, and Quakers of North
Carolina, 82; 101; 102.
Alamance Battle, 13; 38.
Alamance, novel by Calvin H.
Wiley, 281.
Albemarle, 1 ; 54.
"American Party," 363.
Anti-Slavery Movements (other
than Quaker and other man
umission), 85-6; (see Abo
lition Movement).
Appomattox, 404.
Ashe, Senator Wm. S., 295.
Asylums, for Deaf, Dumb,
Blind and other Defectives,
253; 268.
Atlanta, beginnings of, 301.
Atlantic & North Carolina R.
R., 314; 320; progress of,
322; opening celebrated, 344;
345; 357; 366; 410; 411; 418.
Avery, Mr. and Mrs. Waight-
still W., 399.
Badger, Secretary of Navy,
219.
Baltimore, Lord, colonies of, 3.
Banking (see Finance).
Bank of North America, 179.
Bank of Pennsylvania, 181.
Bank of the United States, 43 ;
and politics, 85; 122; 127;
history of, 179-180; 220; an
English plan to accomplish
same ends, 223.
Banks, of Newbern and Cape
Fear (Wilmington), 43; 44.

Bar of North Carolina, ability
of in 1822, 79; 145; 180.
Barringer, D. M., 372.
Bartram, death of, 4.
Bath county, 54.
Beaufort, port, 106; 136; 138-
9 ; and railroad to Tennessee
line, 145-6; 168; (see Port) ;
183; 187; 213; 249-50; 314;
315-16; (see Sheppard's
Point; also Morehead City) ;
an editorial letter on, 341-2-
3-4; 421.
"Bell and Everett," 367.
Blackledge, Thomas W., 73-4;
and his four natural di
visions of the state, 74.
"Black Republicans," 337 ; (see
Republican); 363; 364; 368;
-370; 381-2.
"Blandwood," residence of Mr.
Morehead, in Greensboro,
80; 221; and war, 404; et
seq.
Borough representation, 153,
et seq.; 159.
Boutwell, Geo. S., 376.
Boycott, Southern commercial,
364.
Branch, Gov. John, in Consti
tutional convention, 152.
Breckenridge and Lane, 370.
Breckenridge vote, 370.
Bridgers, Col. I. L., of Edge
combe, 351; 353; 372.
Broune, Wm. Garl, portrait
painter, 362.
Brown, John, raid of, 363 ; 364.
Bryan, of Carteret, on negro
voting, 154.
Buchanan, James, 280; 281;
•j^o
Bull Run, 392; 394.

Caldwell, Rev. Dr. David, and
his school, 12-13; students,
13; 14; death and burial of.

425

426

INDEX

14; described by John Mot
ley Morehead I, 14-15-16-
17-18; 19-20; 23; More-
head's remarks on in Con
vention, 162.
Caldwell, David F., 294; 298.
Caldwell Institute, 178; 236.
Caldwell, Dr. Joseph, 21-22;
theories of, 22-23 ; influence
of, on discipline, 24; again
President, 27; 28; and his
"Carlton Papers," 92-3-4;
96; 97; Railroad "address"
by, 97; 98; 100; on the
Roanoke Valley, 105; 132;
death of, 148; monument to,
279" 323 ¦ 411.
Caldwell School (David), 12-
13-14-15-16-17-18; compared
with the University, 19-20.
Cameron, Duncan, 22.
Canals, 83.
Cap^ Fear river valley, 183.
Capital, location of, in North
Carolina, 108; political chess
game with in 1831, 108-9;
110; 111.
Capitol and Bank, national, 31.
Capitol, at Raleigh, destruction
of, and event's political influ
ence, 108; 109; new one de
scribed, 122-123; (see State
Capitol) ; 213.
"Carlton Papers,'' or "Num
bers," by Dr. Joseph Cald
well, 92-3-4; 96; 97; 98; 100.
Carolina City, 342.
Catholic, Roman, and the Con
stitution of North Carolina,
159, et seq.
"Central Railroad of North
Carolina" (see North Caro
lina Railroad).
Chapman, President Robert H.,
24-S; 26; 27.
Charles I, 3.
"Charlotte, a young Charles
ton," 385.
Chavis, John, negro teacher,
29; a voter, 165.
Chinese Museum, at Philadel
phia, 284.
Cities of North Carolina,
population of, in 1821, 64.
Claiborne, Captain Wm., Sec
retary of State, Va., 2; 3.
Clarendon county, 54.
Classics, early teeaching of,
15-16.

Clay, Henry, and the Bank of
United States, 220; 227; and
North Carolina, 269; 280;
281; 284; 286; 287; 314.
"Clinton" letters, 132-4-5-6.
Cloberry, an owner of Kent
Island, 3.
Commerce, increase of, 172.
Commission, to Peace Confer
ence, 372; to Confederate
Convention, 372 ; (see Peace
Conference, and Swain, Gov.
D. L.).
Compensatory lands, Va., 3-4.
Confederate officers, 409.
Confederate Provisional Con
gress, 392, et seq.; 398.
Connor, R. D. W., on Gover
nor Morehead, 412; 417-18-
19.
Constitutional revision, in
North Carolina, 27; 42; 57-
8; 66; Governor Swain
quoted, 67-8 ; Morehead's
speech on, 68-9-70-1-2-3-4;
an extra legal convention,
76; in court structure,
86 to 89; and Virginia, 106;
and census of 1830, 106-7;
108; 110; 111; 118; 119; 121;
122; 128; 129; 130; 140;
Convention of 1835, for, 144;
Gov. Swain on, 145 ; 146 ;
Convention bill passed in
House, 147 ; final passage,
148; characteristics of, 148;
vote on, 150-1 ; Convention
for, 151, et seq.; leaders in,
151; plans of, 151-2; com
mittees of, 152; methods of,
152; Convention and borough
members, 153; and the
Convention Act, 156; and
Fisher, Morehead and Gas
ton, 158; and Non-Protes
tant, 159-60; and the Ex
ecutive, 162-3; motive of,
163 ; amendment provision,
164-5 ; free negroes again,
165-6 ; results of, 166-7 ; and
Murphey, Caldwell, Fisher,
Morehead, et al., as designers
and Gaston and others as
constructors, 168; ratification
and promulgation, 169.
"Constitution and Union,"
325.
Continental Congress, and
North Carolina, 57.

INDEX

427

Convention, Constitutional (see
Constitution, revision of),
42.
Convention, Greensboro, In
ternal Improvement or Trans
portation, 185; Raleigh, do.,
185-187.
Convention, constitutional, un
official, 119; limited, 121; ad
dress of, 121-2; Transpor
tation, or Internal Improve
ment, 122-123; members of,
123; 124; address of, 125;
Transportation Convention
of November, 1833, at Ra
leigh, 127; report of, to As
sembly, 129; (see Constitu
tion, revision of).
Convention, "Old Line Whig,"
at Baltimore, 325-35.
Convention, Whig National,
1848, 281; (see Philadelphia
Whig National Convention).
Cornwallis, Lord, at Guilford
Court House, 13; campaign
of, 38-39.
Cotton (see manufactures).
Cotton Manufacture (see man
ufactures).
Counties, early, of North Caro
lina, 54-5.
Counties, equal organization of
(see West vs. East).
Counties vs. Districts, 155.
County representation, equality
of, 57.
"Court of Conference'' (see
Supreme Court).
Courts, Equity, 86-7-8-9-90-
1.
Courts, of northern part of the
state 79.
Cox, (General, 405-6.
Crawford, Presidential candi
date, 80.
Crittenden or Kentucky Plan,
376.

Daniel, Judge, 34.
Daniels, Secretary of Navy, on
Morehead City, 421.
Dan river (and Banister), 1-
2; 8; poem on "Hills qf
Dan," 9.
Dan River Railroad Company,
354: (see Danville link).
Danville "link" or "connec
tion," inception of, 294-5;

296; 298; 300; 317-18; 320
347; 348; 349; 350; 354
355; 3S9-«0; 368; 372-3
395-6; 397; 398; 400, 404.
Davie, General, 22.
Davis, George, 372.
Davis, Gen. Jefferson, 279-280;
as President of the Confed
erate States, 373; 392; and
the Danville link, 395-7-8;
400; 405-6; 409.
Deaf and Dumb School, Ra
leigh, 279.
Democrats, 174 (see Political
Parties) ; organ of, 182;
185; 280; 281; 308; and the
North Carolina Central Rail
road, 319; 324; of the north,
338; 363; 365; 368; 369;
381—2
"Dialectic" and "Philanthropic"
Societies, 27.
Disunionists (see Secession).
Dix, Miss Dorothy, and North
Carolina politics, and care
for the insane, 296.
Dockery, Gen. Alfred, 227 ; 324.
Dorr's Rebellion, 255-6.
Dortch, Mr., of Wayne, 351.
Douglas, Stephen A., 302; for
Union, 310; visits North
Carolina, 369.
Dudley, Edward P., 101; 145;
171 ; 173 ; 174 ; inauguration
of as Governor, 175 ; char
acter of, 176; 182; 183; 185;
187; 213; 217; 221.
Durham, 320; 404.
Dustin, Hannah, 6.
E^st vs. West (see West vs.
East), 58.
Edgeworth, Maria, 178; 300.
Edgeworth School (see Edge-
worth Seminary).
Edgeworth Seminary, 178-9 ;
first announcement of open
ing by Mr. Morehead, 196-7 ;
description of, 197; 208;
277; 310; reminiscences of,
345-6; 367; and the Guilford
Grays, 367-8; 391.
Education, 42; problems of,
and school system, 66; 84;
86; 95; 128; 178; 187; (see
Edgeworth Seminary) ; 196 ;
222; literacy, 235, foot-note;
246; 275-6; 277; 280-81; 314.

428

INDEX

Edwards, Weldon N., 369.
Electoral College, of North
Carolina, 101.
Ellis, Governor, 369.
Emancipation, Pennsylvania
and (3hio plans, 86.
English and Welsh Quakers,
in Guilford county, 38; 39.
Evans, Col. and Mrs. Peter G.,
399.
Evelin, George, 3.
Evins, Rev. Henry, negro
preacher, 29.
Executive, the, in Constitu
tional Convention, 162-3^ ;
218; 267.
"Experimental Railroad," in
Raleigh, 111-12; 120; 131;
177.
Fauquier county, Va., 2.
"Father of Modem North
Carolina," "The," 399; 413;
417-18-19-20.
Fayetteville, and railroads, 183.
Federalism, in University of
North Carolina, 24; 25.
Federal Reserve System, 180.
Federal-National ratio, 59.
"Fillmore & Donelson," 325;
326.
Fillmore & Graham, nomina
tions of in Guilford Co.,
313.
Fillmore, Millard, 285; 289-90;
(see Fillmore & Graham).
"Fillmore & Morehead," 321.
Finance, in North Carolina, 43;
44; system, 84-5; 122; 128;
175-6; panic of 1837, 179-
180; 181; 185; 212; 219; 223;
231-2-3-4; 246; 254-5; 256-
7-8; 344.
Fisher, Charles, 64-5; 66; 68;
quoted on finance, 84; influ
ence of report of on wool,
103; and Constitutional Con
vention, 151 ; as President of
N. C. C. R. R., 321 ; 344.
Flodden Field, 5.
Franklin, Governor, 65.
Freehold vote for State Sen
ate, 293.
Free negroes, 58; 64; 81; 87;
91; 107; and the vote, 154,
et seq.; 165-6; (see Quakers
and Slave Trade) ; 209.
Fremont, John C, 325.
Free Trade, 259-60.

Gales, Editor, 182.
Gaston, Hon. William, 22; 28;
32; 33; sketch of, 94-5; 110;
124; 127-8; and Constitu
tional Convention, 153 et
seq.; 156-7; 159; as a Catho
lic, 160, et seq.; and _ free
negroes, 165-6 ; mentioned
as successor to Chief Justice
John Marshall, 167; 174; as
Chief Justice, l43, foot-note;
411.
Gaston-Weldon "link" (see
Weldon-Gaston "link").
Georgia, and railroads, 310.
German settlements, 38; 56.
Gilmer, John A., 208; 325; 363;
364; 365.
Goldsboro, and railroad track-
laying, 316.
Gorrell, Ralph, 208.
"Government House," execu
tive mansion, after the Capi
tol fire, 108; 123; 175.
"Governor Morehead," steam
boat, 211.
Governorship, of North Caro
lina, 65.
"Gradual emancipation" (see
Anti-Slavery movements).
Graham, William A., 77; 145;
146; 174; 176; 180-1; and
Governor Morehead, 273-4;
276; 279-80; 294-5; and Ja
pan, 313; Whig State Presi
dential nominee, 36S ; 409.
Graves, Calvin, 37; 2S&-7 ; 302-
3; 312-13; 319.
Gray, President and Mrs. Julius
A., 399.
"Great Mail Route," 183.
Greene, General, campaign of,
38-9.
Greene Monument Association,
345.
Greensboro, 39; 40; schools in,
178; a poem on, by Miss
Hoye, 235; as county seat,
236; High School, 275;
Female College, 275; closing
war scenes at, 404, et seq.
"Greensboro-Leaksville bludg
eon," 359-60.
Greensboro Patriot, 39; editor's
large plans, 178; 182.
Greensboro Railroad Conven
tion, 1849, 302.
Greensville and Roanoke Rail
road, 169.

INDEX

429

Guilford Court House, 37.
Guilford County, 37-8; Gover
nor Tryon on, 38; and the
Constitutional Convention,
149-50; and Whigs, 182; and
Morehead for Governor, 183 ;
189; "Thunder" of, 238.
Guilford Court House Battle,
13; 38-9.
Guilford Guards, 208; Grays,
367; 387.
Gulf Stream (see "Lost At
lantis").
Gwynne, Walter, engineer, 308 ;
311; 318; 319.
Hamilton, Alexander, 180.
Hamilton, of Bothwellhaugh,
"Hard Cider and Log Cabin"
campaign, 208.
Harding, President, 180.
Harpers Ferry (see Brown,
John).
Harrison, Gen. W. H., 168;
death of, 220.
Harrison & Tyler campaign,
209.
Hatteras, Cape (See "Lost At
lantis"), poem on, 52.
Haywood, Wm. H., Jr., 146.
Hawks, of Newbern, 68.
Helper, Hinton Rowan, 364.
Henry, Louis D., 223 ; 228 ; 233 ;
234.
"Henry, O." (see O. Henry).
Henry VIII, 5.
Hill, Gen. D. H., 409.
"Hills of Dan," poem, by Abra
ham Forrest Morehead, 9.
History, of North Carolina,
proposed, 91.
Holmes, Governor, 65.
Hooper, Wm., tutor, 28.
House of Commons (Repre
sentatives), 64.
Hoye, Mary Ann, teacher, 178;
208.
Impending Crisis, Helper's,
364-S.
Indiana (see Quakers and In
diana).
Indians, in U. S., 106.
Industrial Convention, 309 ;
(State Fair, etc.).
Insurrections, slave. 111.
Internal Improvements, 42-3 ;
44-5-6-7-8; 75; 83; (see

"Carlton Papers") ; 98-9-100;
Greensboro Convention, 185;
252 ; (see Railroads) ; 299.
Iredell, James I, 60.
Iredell, General James II, 86;
94; 98-9-100.
"Jacksonism," North Carolina
against, 80; 110; and "Anti-
Jacksonism," 127 ; 142-3 ;
179; 180; 196.
Jackson, General Andrew, 24;
80; 81; 100; 101; 112; 179;
180.
James IV, 5.
Johnston, Gen., in North Caro
lina, 404, et seq.
Joyner, Speaker Andrew, 297.
Judicial districts, or circuits,
32; 34.
Judiciary, reorganization of,
32.

Kecoughtan (Hampton), Va., 2.
Kent Island, Va. (later Md.), 3.
Kerr, Hon. John, 281.
King George county, Va., 2.
"Know Nothing," or "Ameri
can" party, 325.
"Laird of Muirhead," ballad by
Scott, 4-5.
"Land of Eden," in North
Carolina, described by Wm.
Byrd of Westover, 8-9.
Lane, Lunsford, 221.
Lauchope House, S ; 6.
Lawyers, notable, of North
Carolina, 30.
Leaksville, 37; 103; 355; 356.
L'Ouverture, Toussaint, and
Hayti, 40.
Lee, Commander, 405.
Legal Reports, of North Caro
lina, 30.
Lincoln, President, 195-6; as
candidate, 368; 381-2; on
secession, 392.
Lindsay, Ann Eliza, 41 ; (see
Morehead, Mrs. John Mot
ley I).
Lindsay family, origin and
members of, 40-41.
Literary and School Fund (see
Education).
"Loco Focos," 181.
"Locomotive," 93; 105.

430

INDEX

"Lost Atlantis," 50; cause of
problems to North Carolina,
51-2.

Macon, Nathaniel, 151, et seq.;
159; 166.
"Magnetic Telegraph," in North
Carolina, 279; 280.
Mangum, Priestly H., tutor, 29.
Mangum, Senator, 276.
Manufactures, cotton, in North
Carolina, 102-3; 184-5; 313.
Manumission (see Quakers and
Slavery).
Marshall, Chief Justice John,
74.
Martin, Governor Alexander,
39; 218.
Martinsville (see Guilford
Court House), 37.
Mason, John Y., 25 ; 276 ; 279.
Mebane, B. Frank, on New
York and North Carolina,
419.
Mebane, James, 97.
Memphis Railroad Conven
tion, 301-2.
Mexican War, 277; 279; 281.
Minority protection, 155; 158.
Minstrelsy of the Scottish Bor
der, by Scott, ballad from on
John Muirhead of Lauchope
and Bullis, 4-5.
"Minute Men," 369.
Mitchell, Professor Elisha, 28.
Mordecai, President of Raleigh
& Gaston R. R., 300.
Morehead, Abraham Forrest,
10.
Morehead, Ann Eliza I (see
Morehead, Mrs. John Motley
1).
Morehead, Ann Eliza II, 177;
220.
Morehead, Charles I (also
Muirhead), 2; 4; 6.
Morehead, Charles II, 6.
Morehead City, 321 (see Shep
pard's Point ; also Beaufort) ;
322; 323; 324; 338; 339-40;
progress of, 340-41 ; an edi
torial letter on, 341-2-3-4;
345 ; 349 ; 359 ; description of,
360-1-2; 400; 410; 418; Sec'y
Daniels on, 421.
Morehead, Corinna, 80.
Morehead, David (see Muir
head, David).

Morehead, Emma Victoria,
177; 220.
Morehead, Eugene Lindsay,
282; 399; 402.
Morehead family of Va., 4.
Morehead, Gov. James Turner,
209.
Morehead, James Turner I, 10;
19; 29; 37; 104; 174; 187.
Morehead, James Turner II,
209; 221; Major, career of,
399-400.
Morehead, John I, 2; 4.
Morehead, John II, 2; birth
and marriage of, 6; charac
teristics, 7-8; his and his
wife's ideas on education of
their children, 10; cause of
failure of, 103.
Morehead, Mrs. John II (Mot
ley Obedience), 6; remark
able experiences of, in the
Revolution, 7; home of, 8;
14; death of, 401.
Morehead, John Lindsay, 178;
220; Col., 399.
Morehead, John Motiey I, 2;
birth of, 4; 8; 9; brothers
and sisters of, 10; education,
plans for, 10; under Dr.
David Caldwell, 12-13-14;
Caldwell described by, in let
ter by, 14-15 ; his Greek and
Latin, 15-16-17-18-19; enter
ing the University, 19-20;
under Dr. Joseph Caldwell,
21-2; influence on, 23; fel
low-students of, 24; in the
Dialectic Society, 25; course
of, in student difficulties, 26;
graduation, 28; tutor, 29; to
study law under Senator
Murphey, 29; 31; setties in
practice at Wentworth, 35;
and future wife, 37; 41; law
books and book plate of, 41
and 49 ; motto of, 49 ; disciple
of Murphey, 49; becomes a
Representative in Assembly,
50 ; charactertistics of, 50-1 ;
marriage of, 63 ; lieutenant
to Charles Fisher, in As
sembly, 65; on committees,
65-6; first speech of, 68-9-
70-1-2-3-4; devoted to pro
fession of personal affairs,
76; an incident in practice
of, 77; anecdotes of, as law
yer, 78-9; fellow lawyers of.

INDEX

431

79; "Blandwood," home of,
80 ; two children of, 80 ; elec
tion to Assembly, second
time, 80; favors General
Jackson, 81 ; prestige of, po
litically, 82; and railroad be
ginnings, 83; on educational
committees, 86 ; presents
Quaker proposal for emanci
pation, 86; other proposals,
86; on his profession, 86; on
Equity Courts, 86-7 ; speech
by, on Equity Courts, 87-8-
9-90-1 ; emancipation bill
presented, lost, 91 ; and his
tory, 91-2 ; re-election, 92 ; re
ceives M.A. degree, 92; no
longer a lieutenant in As
sembly, 94; on Educational
Committee, etc., 95-6; known
as defender of schools, re
ligious bodies, widows and
orphans, defectives and in
sane, slaves, free negroes,
the West, state history, ju
dicial justice and exact legal
procedure, and the "Carl
ton" railroad, sea to Tennes
see, 96; an elector for Gen
eral Andrew Jackson, 100;
101 ; 102 ; legal opinion of on
a duel, 102; operations of at
Leaksville, 103; occasion of
retirement from public life
in 1828, 103-4 ; trustee of the
University, 104; a Jackson
elector again, 112; issues a
circular on candidacy for
Senate, 113-118; 119; and
finance, 122; and the unof
ficial railroad convention,
124; and the N. C. R. R. and
Beaufort harbor, 126; varied
interests of, 127-8; and the
"Clinton" letters, 132-4-5-6;
definite railway leadership,
speech of, 136-7-8-9-40;
methods of, 143; against
Jackson convention, 149 ;
candidate for Constitutional
Convention, 149; address of
his committee, 149-50; mem
ber of convention, 150, et
seq.; and free negroes, 154;
and the East in convention,
156; and Gaston, compared,
158; chairman of Com
mittee of the Whole, 159;
and Non-Protestant test.

160-1 ; and Christian profes
sion, 161 ; and the 4th of
July, 164 ; and Gaston, 167-8 ;
as a designer of the Consti
tution, 168; a Whig leader,
170; 172; as a Whig elector,
173; family of, 177-8; educa
tion of, 178; and Edgeworth
Seminary, 178-9; as candi
date for Governor, 183; cot
ton mill of, 184; at the
Greensboro transportation
convention, 185 ; not at
Raleigh convention of 1838,
186; and attacks because of
Quakers and brother, 188;
nomination for Governor by
home county, et al., 189-90;
formal notification by State
Convention, and reply, 191-
2-3-4-5; and slavery, 195-6;
and the national bank, 196;
and state issues, 196; and
Edgeworth Seminary open
ing, 197-8; Democratic op
ponent, 199; canvas by, 201-
2-3-4-5-6-7-8-9 ; and free
negroes, 209 ; election as Gov
ernor and rejoicings, 209-10;
steamboat said to be named
for him, 211; and Harrison's
election, 212; at "Govern
ment House," 212-13 ; in
auguration and address of,
213-14-15-16-17; character
of leadership of, national,
217-18; and Governor Mc
Nutt of Mississippi, 218-19;
mentioned for National
President, 219; and other
notable Moreheads, 219-20;
and family at "Government
House," 220-21 ; in office, 221 ;
and Swamp Land reclama
tion, 221; as President of U.
of N. C. trustees, 222 ; stimu
lus of, to various state pro
jects, 222; renomination of
on Clay ticket, 223; called
"John Moonshine Morehead"
by Democratic editor, 223 ;
again called to canvass, 224;
address of acceptance, 225-
27; his itinerary, 227-8; ac
count of debate, 228-9-30-1-
2-3^; reception at home,
236-7; characteristics of his
campaign, 237-8; re-inaugur
ation, 238-9 ; characteristics

432

INDEX

of his administration, 239;
state policies of in famous
message of, 239-63; Ala
bama Times on, 264; London
Sun on, 264 ; other papers on,
264-5 ; installation, 266 ; men
tioned for Vice-President,
267; host of Henry Clay,
268-9; abstract of message
of, 270-71; and his Whig
Assembly's results, 271 ; his
departure from Raleigh, 271-
2 ; comments on, 273 ; and
Graham, 273-4; his home re
ception, 274 ; a County Judge,
274; suggested for Congress,
275 ; various activities of,
275 ; and the Bank of North
Carolina, 276; Hon. Edward
Stanly on, 276; and his phil
anthropic projects, 277; and
the University, 277-8; pro
posed for National Senate,
278 ; and the Common School
or Literary Board, and Deaf
and Dumb School, 279;
recommends Calvin H. Wiley
as head of School system,
281; and the Whig National
Convention, 281 ; chosen
President of convention, 282;
address of, 283-4; closing
address of, 285-6-7-8; vote
of, 286 ; notification of candi
dates, by, 288-292; prestige
of, 293 ; at a railroad meet
ing, 299; and the Danville
link, 300; varying activities
of, 300 ; at the Salisbury rail
road convention, 300-1 ; as
Murphey and Caldwell incar
nate, 301 ; in New York, 302;
and Greensboro Railroad
Convention, 302-3-4 ; and
railroad canvass, 304-5 ; letter
of, 305-6; 307; success of,
307; becomes President of
the N. C. Central R. R.,
308; President of the In
dustrial Association, 309 ;
asking for geological, min
eralogical and agricultural
surveys, 309 ; and break
ing ground for N. C. R. R.
at Greensboro, 311-12-13;
surveys the Atlantic & North
Carolina R. R. and the North
Carolina & Western R. R.,
314; his visions of trade, 314;

and Sheppard's Point at
Beaufort, 315-16; re-election
of as Pres. of R. R., 316; and
political directors, 316; po
litical and other comments
on, 317 ; accovmt of railway
progress, 318-19; and poli
tics, 319; re-election, 319;
resienation as President of
N. C. C. R. R., 321 ; contrac
tor for A. & N. C. R. R., 321 ;
steamer named in honor of,
321 ; mentioned for Vice-
president, with Fillmore, 321 ;
progress of, on A. & N. C.
R. R. contract, 322; and the
dreams of Murphey and
Caldwell, 323; and Whig
leadership again, 324-5 ; at
the Baltimore "Old Line
Whig" Convention, 326 ; great
speech of, 326-7-8-9-30-31-
32-33-34-35; address in Vir
ginia, 335-6-7 ; letter of, on
Morehead City, 338-39; as
President of Sheppard's
Point Land Company, 339-
40; adroit diplomacy of, 343-
4 ; succeeds while others
fail; 344; incidents with chil
dren, 345-6 ; elected to lower
house to promote railroad
development, 347-8 ; attacks
on, 349-50; and the "great
debate," 351-53 ; comments
and estimates on, 355-62;
portraits of, 362 ; defends the
Union, 363 ; at National Con
stitutional Union Conven
tion, Baltimore, 366, et seq.;
leader in, 366-7; elected
State Senator as a "Union
ist," 368; in the Senate, 370;
address of, 371 ; a commis
sioner to ihe Peace Confer
ence at Washington, 372;
374 ; why chosen, 374-5 ; ad
dress of, 377 ; and David
Dudley Field in, 378; ad
dresses of, 378-9-80 ; vote of,
in Conference, 380-1 ; limita
tion of, 382; return of, and
address by, 382-3-4; letter
of to Chief Justice Ruffin,
384-5 ; and Confederate Pro
visional Congress, 386, et
seq.; elected to Confeder
ate Provisional Congress,
392; goes to Richmond, 392,

INDEX

433

et seq.; letter of, 393-4; on
Financial and Commercial
Committee, 394; and the
Danville link and President
Davis, 395-6-7; letter of,
397-8; at age of 66, closes
his public career, 399 ; family
of, 399; death of mother of,
401 ; letters of to Gen. Bragg,
402-4; and the currency, 402 ;
at Blandwood in war's clos
ing scenes, 404, et seq.; offer
to President Davis, 405 ;
striking scenes in home of,
described by daughter, Mrs.
W. R. Walker, 401-8; con
sulted by Governor Worth,
410; engine named for him,
410; and his railway inter
ests, 411; efforts to consoli
date state's railroads, 411-
12 ; his hopes, 411 ; illness of,
412; plans of, 413; vision of,
413 ; after influence of, 413 ;
religious belief of, 413;
wishes as to burial, 413-14;
a railway memorial proposed,
414; tributes to, 414, et seq.;
funeral of, 414; great de
fense by recalled, 414-15 ;
station on Danville link
named for him, 416; and
"Modern North Carolina,"
417-18-19 ; characterization
by Col. G. S. Bradshaw in
1921, 419; called "The
Father of Modern North
Carolina," 420-21 ; and North
Carolina's future, 421.
Morehead, Mrs. John Motiey
I, as a young lady, 41 ; mar
riage, 63; as Mrs. Governor-
elect Morehead, 211.
Morehead, Joseph, 2.
Morehead, Letitia Harper, 80.
Morehead, Letitia Harper,
daughter of John Motley
Morehead I, 177; 220.
Morehead, Major Joseph Mot
ley (and Mrs. Morehead)
poem by, 39; statue of, 39.
Morehead, Mary Corrina, 177;
208; 220; 367.
Morehead, Mary Louise, 177.
Morehead, Samuel, 10; 104.
Morris, Robert, 179-180.
Motley, Capt. Joseph, 6-7.
Motley, Obedience (see More-
head, Mrs. John II).

Moseley, Wm. D., tutor, 28; 29.
Mt. Mitchell, poem on, by Al
fred S. Waugh, 52.
Mt. Tina, Hayti, 51.
Muirhead, Charles (see More-
head, Charles).
Muirhead clan, origin of, in
Clydesdale. 5.
Muirhead, David I, 6.
Muirhead, David III (also
Morehead), 2; 3; 4.
Muirhead, James II.
Muirhead, James III, last of
the line to own Lauchope
House, 6.
Muirhead, John I, of Lau
chope and Bullis, 4-5.
Muirhead, John II, 6.
Muirhead, Dr. Richard, Sec
retary of State of Scotland,
Muirhead, Sir William, of Lau
chope I, 5.
Muirhead, Sir Wilham, of Lau
chope II, 5.
Murphey, Archibald De Bow,
23; his statesmanlike plans,
27; sketch of, 30-31; called
"Father of Public Improve
ment," 30; Governor Gra
ham, on, 31 ; a teacher of
the law, students of, 31 ; 32 ;
chosen Judge, 33-4; reporter
for Supreme Court, 34; fa
mous reports of, 41-2 ; Niles
Register on, 43; on finance,
43-44; most famous report
of, 44-5-6-7-8; Jared Sparks
on, 443; characteristics of,
50; description of, 77-8;
failure of, 82; and state his
tory, 91-2; 323.
Nash, Judge Frederick, 33.
National Constitutional Union
Convention, Baltimore, 366,
et seq.
National currency system (see
Finance).
Negro, colonization of, 27-8;
40; 41-2; 81; valuation in
1860.
New Berne, and railroads, 306.
Newspapers (see Press).
Non-Protestant Christians and
the Constitution of North
Carolina, 160.
Norfolk, wishes to join North
Carolina, 300.

434

INDEX

North Carolina, structural con
ditions of, 44-5-6-7-8; prob
lems of, 50, et seq.; first set
tlements in, 54; eastern falls
and rapids of, 55-6; Pied
mont, 55 ; Yadkin-Catawba
triangle of, 56 ; mountains of
and plains of, 56; settlers, in,
56; population of, 56-7; and
Continental Congress, 57 ;
and political theory, 60-61 ;
cities of, 64; history of, pro
posed, 91; (See "Carlton
Papers"); 98-9; manufac
tures in, 102; 103; balance of
trade in, 103 ; influence on by
Virginia, 106; various ideas
in, 107; Assembly analysis,
131 ; press of described, 141-
2; political power in, 144;
emigration from, 155 ; long
Assembly of, 176; 194; and
literacy, 235 ; and Presidents,
269; 286; growth of, by 1856,
338; and railroad debt, 347;
and powder mills, 363; and
the mails, 366; in the Nat.
Const. Union Convention,
366, et seq.; statistics of
1860, 374; vote on State Con
vention in 1861, 386; a song
of in 1861, 387-8; and the
"Stars and Stripes," 388-9-
90-91; in transition, 389-
90-91 ; prepares for war,
391-2; part of the Confed
eracy, 391 ; closing war
scenes, 400, et seq.; as "mod
ern," 417-19; Western N. C.
and New York, 419; cities
of, 419-20; rank of, 419-20;
and hydro-electric power,
420.
North Carolina Railroad, 97;
98; Governor James Iredell
on, 98-9-100; 108; 110; 111;
112; 119; 120; 125; (see
Railroads); 126; 132-4-5-6;
138-9-40; 144-5; 146; 169;
177; 183; 184; 185; 186-7;
213; 277; and the Danville
idea, 294; 295; 296; 300-4-
5-6-7; organization of, 308;
309; 310; 311; breaking
ground at Greensboro, 311-
12-13; progress of, 316; 318;
and native labor, 318; open
to Durham, 320; first freight
tariff, 320; progress of, 320-

21; last rail laid, 322; 359;
consolidation urged, 410;
411-12; 418.
North Carolina & Western R.
R., surveyed, 314; 322; 347;
348; 357; 366; 411; 418.
"North and South," 181; 195;
381—2
"Northern Neck," Va., 2; 4.
Northumberland county, Va.,
2; 4.
Nullification, 107-8.
"Numbers of Carlton" (see
"Carlton Papers").
"O. Henry," 179.
"Old Line Whigs," 325.
Old North State Forever, The,
authorship of, 210-11.
Olmsted, Professor Denison,
28; 75.
"Opposition" party, 363; con
vention of, 365-6, et seq.;
369.
Paxton, Judge John, 33.
Peace Conference, proposed,
372; in session, 374, et seq.;
sectional aims in, 376; dele
gates to, 376; sentiments of
Mr. Rives of Va., 377-8;
Amendment to Constitution
proposed to Congress, 381 ;
remarks on, 382-3.
"Pello," first locomotive at
Greensboro, 321.
Pennsylvania railroad pro
posed, 83.
Penitentiary, 253-4.
Petersburg and Roanoke rail
road, 112; (see Railroads);
120; 126; 171.
Philadelphia Whig National
Convention of 1848, 281-2-3-
4-5-6-7.
"Philanthropic" and "Dialectic"
Societies, 27.
"Piedmont," definition, 1 ; 2 ;
plateau, 55; railway, 348;
355; 398.
Pitcher, Molly, 6.
Pittsylvania county, Va., 2.
Political science, as discovered
and formulated in America,
59 ; "independence and union"
discussed, 60; and the Con
vention of 1835, 157; in
North Carolina, 163.

INDEX

435

Political parties, feeling in,
102 ; Whigs and Jacksonians,
144; 170; 173; 174; (see
Whigs) ; (see Democrats) ;
175; 180; 239; 241; 281; 281-
8; 295-6; breaking up, 325;
and railroads, in N. C., 347;
349; 363; 364; 365; 368;
381-2.
Polk, Gen., of Rowan, 170.
Polk, President, 25; 29; 276;
279-80.
Population, of North Carolina,
56-7; 58; of cities in 1821,
64; 68; negro, 88-9; 106-7;
212.
Port, for North Carolina, 45;
50; 53-4; (see Beaufort);
(see Wilmington) ; 185.
Portsmouth and Norfolk lines,
177; (see Railroads).
Presbyterians, in Guilford
county, 38.
Presidential Candidates, Whig,
1848, 284.
Presidential nominations, mode
of, 81.
Press, of North Carolina, 141-
2.
Prince William county, Va., 2.
Principle or Power, in Con
stitutional Convention, 156.
Property representation, 155-6.
Public school system (see Edu
cation).
Quakers and Indiana, 81.
Quakers, in politics, 32 ; 35 ; 36 ;
37; 46; 47; 48; 49; 50; 51;
56; 67; (See Quaker, Revo
lution, etc.); 92; 105; 118;
126; and slavery, 164; 257;
351.
Quakers, and slavery, 40; 42-
3; 80-1; 87; 187; 188.
Quarry railroad (see Experi
mental Railroad).
Queen Mary Stuart, 5.
"Rachel," a remarkable negro
slave, 7.
Railroads, beginning of, 82-3;
Piedmont trans-state line
proposed, 92; and the "Carl
ton Papers" of President
Joseph Caldwell, 92-3-4; 96;
97; various projects, 97; "ad
dress" on, 97; "Experi
mental" at Fayetteville pro

posed, 97; a remedy, 103;
105-106; 108-9; (see Experi
mental Railroad); 119; 121;
vs. water routes, 124; 126-
7; 128; 129; 130; 131-132;
and Guilford county, 132;
"Clinton" letters on, 132-4-
5-6; Guilford meeting, 137-
8; Wilmington and Raleigh
line, 144-5; 168; other lines,
169; promotion of, 170; Wil
mington & Raleigh or Wel
don road, 171 ; stocks of
171-2; 172; 173; 176-177
181-2; 183; westward, 184
first railways completed, 199-
200-201; 213; 243-4; 244
245; of 1846, 277; 280; 294
295; 296; 298; 299; Gaston-
Weldon link, 300, 301; 302
303; 304; 305; 306; 307; 308-^
10; (see N. C. R. R.) ; 314
statistics of, 314; progress of,
316; political directors, 316-
17; 318; 3J9; statistics, 319
322; failures of, 344; sue
cess of, in N. C, 344; 347
348; 350; 408; (see Danville
Link) ; 411.
Raleigh, 64; and Railroads,
145; (see Railroads) ; 186.
Raleigh and Gaston Railroad,
169; 170; 171; 172; 177;
trains on, 183-4; 186; 187;
first train of, in Raleigh, 200-
201; 213; 242-3; 244; 278;
294; 314.
Ransom, M. W., 372.
"Regulators," 13; 38.
Reid, David Settle, 37; 308;
372.
Republican party, 337; (see Re
publican-Abolitionist) ; (see
"Black Republican").
"Republican," principles, 186 ;
name used by both parties,
324.
Repudiation, 254-5.
Revolution, The (see Conti
nental Congress).
Richmond & Danville R. R.,
completion of, 322; (see
Danville link).
"Rip Van Winkle," epithet,
107.
Roanoke, Danville & Junction
R. R., 172.
Roanoke Valley, 1; 2; and
Norfolk trade, 43; and Dan

436

INDEX

population, 57; and federal
leaders, 60 ; 98-9 ; as railroad
objection, 105; canal at
rapids of, 106; 110-11; 124;
169; 183.
Rockingham county, name and
character, 36.
Ruffin, Thomas, 31 ; 33 ; 372 ;
391-2.
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 13.
Salisbury Convention (rail
road), 300.
San Domingo and free negroes,
165.
Saunders, Romulus M., 186;
199; canvas by, 201-2-3^-5-
6-7-8-9; 303; 309.
Sauro Indians, 8.
Schools, common, 187 (see
Education).
Scotch and Scotch-Irish, in
Guilford county, 37.
Scott & Graham, nomination
of, 314.
Sea-to-Tennessee railroad, 93.
Seawell, Judge Henry, 33 ; 34.
Secession, 309; 310; 311; 313;
(see "Old Line Whig" Con
vention, Baltimore) ; 364;
368; 369; 370; 387; 389-90.
Senate and Commons ratio,
157.
Settie, Thomas, 10-11; 36.
Settlers, in North Carolina, 56.
Sheppard's Point, 133; 315;
(see Morehead City) ; Shep
pard's Point Land Company,
339.
Sherman, John, 364.
Slavery, in Guilford county, 39.
Slaves, trade in North Caro
lina, 91 ; status of discussed
in convention of 1835, 157;
and early Abolitionism, 168;
population in 1840, 212.
Smith, Mrs. (Rev.) J. Henry,
paper by, 408.
Song, a North Carolina, of
1861, 387-8.
South Carolina, 370.
Southern Railway, the, 313;
(see N. C. R. R).
"Southern Rights Party,"
Goldsboro, N. C, in 1861;
388.
Spaight, Richard Dobbs, Jr.,
101; 155.
Spray, N. C, 9; 103.

Standard, Raleigh, 182.
Stanly, Hon. Edward, 276.
Stanly, John, Speaker, 85.
"Stars and Stripes," carried in
1861, in N. C, 391.
State Bank, 43 (see Finance).
State 'Capitol of 1794; 63-4;
(see Capitol).
State Convention of N. C, of
1860-61, 371; 391.
State Fair (see Industrial Con
vention).
State Senators, and freehold
vote, 293.
State's natural four divisions,
74.
Statistics, on North Carolina,
46-7-8; population in 1860,
374-5.
"Station" and "depot," 320.
Statue of Washington, 66; 74-
Stokes, Gen. Mountfort, 101.
Strange, Judge, 175.
Sub-Treasury system, 181 ; re
peal of, 220; 276.
Supreme Court, and Superior
Court, 32; 33.
Swaim, Lyndon, editor, sketch
by, 77-8.
Swain, David L., Assembly
leader, 85; 124; 128; in Con
stitutional Convention, 153,
ct seq.; 182; 183; 187; 300;
301; 372; 373; 374-5; 409.
Swamp land reclamation, 85;
128; 221.
Swarthmore (Pa.) quarry rail
road, earliest, 83.
Swiss settlements, 56.

Tariff, 258-9-60.
Taylor, Chief Justice John
Louis, 32.
Taylor, General, victories of,
279; as Presidential candi
date, 279; 281; 284; nomina
tion of, 285; 281-8; notifica
tion of, 288-9; 290-1-2-3.
Tennessee, 57 ; 67-8.
Texas, 175; 276.
Thompson, of Kecoughtan, 3.
Toomer, Judge John D., 33.
Trade Centers, 45.
Transportation, 45 (see Rail
roads) ; rail vs. water, 124;
187.
Tryon, Governor, 13.

INDEX

437

Turner, Keren-happuch (Nor
man), monument to, 6.
Turnpikes, 247.
Tyler, John, candidate, 171;
defection of, 220; 376.
Union sentiment, 364; 365;
369; in counties, 369; 387.
University of North Carolina,
14; early courses in, 19; and
Caldwell's School compared,
19-20; described, 20-21; edu
cational theories in, 22; de
scribed in 1812, 23; under
President Chapman, 24-5 ;
customs of, 25-26; outbreak
of students in, 26 ; "societies"
in, 27; faculty of 1817, 28;
prominent trustees of, 104;
252.
United States Bank (see Bank
of United States).
United States Bank of Penn
sylvania, 219.
Van Buren, President, 181.
Vance, Gov., 400.
Venable, Hon. A. W., and
secession, 311 ; 369.
Virginia, influence of, ¦ 106.
Walker, Wm. R., 282; Mrs.,
striking paper of, 401-8.
War's closing scenes, in North
Carolina, 404, et seq.
Washington (Madison, Mon
roe & Marshall) birthplace
of, 2; 4.
Washington Monument, 173 ;
300.
Water front of North Carolina
(see "Lost Atlantis").
Waynesboro (see Goldsboro).
Webster, Daniel, 279.
Weldon, a railroad terminal
105-6; link to Gaston, 244,
314.
West vs. East, 58; 59; 60; 61;
67-8; 75; 81; 82; 88; 89; 96;
106; 109-110; 118; 119; 130;
140-41; 145; 149; 150; 155;
156; 157; 158; 162; and
Pennsylvania, 163 ; 165 ; 168 ;

173; 174; 175; 177; 183; 186;
187; 196; 217-18; 294, et
seq.; 345-362.
Western Railroad (Fayette
ville), 320.
Whigs of 1834, and 1776, 144
145; 148; 168; 170; 171; 173
174; (see PoUtical Parties),
leaders, 175; 180; convention
of, 180-181; 182; 185; 186;
187; 188; 189-90; 191-2-3-
4-5 ; Morehead's leadership
of, 199; song of, 207-8; State
success of, 209-10 ; song, 210-
11; National success of, 212;
misfortunes, 220; resignation
in Tyler's Cabinet, 220; 223
Convention of (State), 223.
address of Gov. Morehead,
225-7 ; and North Carolina,
239; 269; 273; 278; 279; 280 ;
and Philadelphia Convention
281-2-^-4-5-6-7-8-9-90-1-2
294, et seq.; 307; 308; 314
319; 321; 324; 325; 326-35
335-7; 345-9; 363; 365.
White, Judge Hugh L., 148-9
170; 171; 173; 199.
Wiley, Calvin H., 281 ; 314
Willing, Thomas, head of bank
of the nation, 179; 180.
Wilmington (see Wilmington
& Raleigh R. R.) ; and other
ports compared, 185; 359.
Wilmington and Manchester R.
R., 302; 320.
Wilmington and Raleigh rail
road (see Railroads), 171
172; 173; 176; 181-2; 200
201; 213; 243; 296; 297; 301
314; 347; 359; 366; 369; 400.
Wilson, James, of Philadel
phia, 59-60; 74; as chief
father of the National Con
stitution, 163; and finance,
179.
Worth, Rev. Daniel, 364.
Worth, Governor Jonathan,
410.
Yancey, Bartiett, 31.
Yarborough Hotel, Raleigh,
279.
Yorktown, 39.

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